THE PHILOSOPHIE, commonlie called, THE MORALS WRITTEN BY the learned Philosopher PLUTARCH of Chaeronea.

Translated out of Greeke into English, and conferred with the Latine translations and the French, by PHILEMON HOLLAND of Coventrie, Doctor in Physicke.

Whereunto are annexed the Summaries necessary to be read before every Treatise.

AT LONDON Printed by Arnold Hatfield.

1603

TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, IAMES, BY THE Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.

IN this generall joy of affectionate and loyall subjects, testified by their frequent confluence from all parts, longing for nothing so much as the full fruition of that beautiful starre, which lately upon the shutting in of the evening with us after our long Summers day, immediatly by his radiant beames mainteined still a twi­light from the North, and within some few houres appeared bright shining above our Horizon, suffering nei­ther the dark night and confused Chaos of Anarchie to overspred and subvert, nor the turbulent tempests and bloudy broiles of facti­ous sidings to trouble and pervert our State: I also, for my part could not stay behinde, but in testimony of semblable love and alle­geance shew my selfe; and withall, most humbly present unto your Highnesse, This Philosophie of PLUTARCH: which being first naturally bred in Greece; then, transplanted in Italie, France and other regions of the continent; after sundry Nativities, if I may so speake, reserved (not without some divine providence) unto these daies, is now in this our Iland newly come to light; ready both to congratulate your Majesties first entrie upon the inheritance of these Kingdomes, and desirous also to enjoy the benefit of that happy Horoscope and fortunate Ascendent, under which it was borne; even the favourable aspect of your gracious countenance: by vertue whereof, it may not onely be marked to long life, feeble otherwise of it selfe, but also yeeld pleasure with profit to the English nation.

Vouchsafe therefore, my deere Lord and dread Soveraine, to [Page] accept that now at my hands, whole & entire, which in part Traja­nus the best Romaine Emperour that ever was, received sometime from the first Authour and Stock-father himselfe: Protect the same in English habit, whom in French attire Amiot dedicated to the late most Christian King: and deigne unto her no lesse favour and grace, than her yoonger sister, to wit, the History or Parallele Lives, hath already obtained: which being transported out of France into England by that woorthy Knight Sir Thomas North our countryman, was patronized by our late Soveraigne Lady of famous memory Elizabet. And the rather, for that con­sidering the prerogative of birth-right, and the same accompanied with more variety and depth of knowledge, I may be bold to pro­nounce as much in her commendation, as the Poet wrote of Iupiter in comparison of his brother Neptune:

[...]
Homer. Iliad. v.
[...]

These regards, albeit they were sufficient motives in themselves to induce me, for to attempt none other patronage than the Name of my Liege Lord so gracious; nor so submit my labours to the censure of any person, before a King so judicious: yet was I more animated to enterprise the same, by the former experience that I had of a Princes benignity in that behalfe: what time as I consecrated my English Translation of the Romane Historie written by Titus Livius, unto the immortall memory of the said Noble and renow­med Queene. Now, seeing that with her Realmes and Domini­ons, the best parts and gifts that were in her, be likewise haeredita­rily descended upon your roiall person, and the same multiplied in greater measure, proportionable to the dignity of sex, the addition of scepters and diademes, and the weighty charge of so puissant and populous an Empire; it were in me a grosse absurdity, if not meere impiety, to make any doubt of that excellent vertue of all others, whereby Princes come neerest unto the Nature of God, whose Majesty heere upon earth they represent. To say nothing, how the world hath taken knowledge already, as well by your vertuous life and politicke regiment hitherto, as also by the prudent and religious designements delivered in those sage and learned Compositions of [Page] your Highnesse penning, That your blessed intention is to holde on the same course still, not onely [...] a point that the Indian Poten­tate Plutarch. De fortun. vel Virtut. Alexandri. Orat. 1. Porus required of Alexander the Great: but also [...] the singular note that our present Author set upon all the actions of the said mighty Monarch; [...]

Since then both these attributes concurre in your Noble person, just cause have we, in all devout thankefulnesse to acknowledge the goodnesse of the Almighty, who from heaven above hath sent us so wise a Prince, under whose reigne we (if ever any Nation under the Sunne) may assuredly expect that felicity and happinesse, which the divine Philosopher Plato so much recommendeth: and in due Dialog. 5. Derep. reverence unto your Majesty, with one heart and voice, both sing and say:

Hîc ames dici Pater at (que) Princeps:
Horat. 1. Carm. od. 2.
Serus in coelum redeas, tuo (que)
Laetus intersis populo, Britannûm
Prime Monarcha.
Your Majesties most humble and obedient subject, Philémon Holland.

A CATALOGUE CONTEINING the Titles of every Treatise in order, thorow the whole worke: with a direction to the page, where any one of them beginneth.

1 OF the Nouriture and Education of Children.
1
2 How a yoong man ought to heare Poets: and how he may take profit by reading Poëms.
17
3 Of Hearing.
51
4 Of Morall vertue.
64
5 Of Vertue and Vice.
78
6 That Vertue may be taught and learned.
80
7 How a man may discerne a flatterer from a friend.
83
8 How to Bridle Anger.
117
9 Of Curiositie.
133
10 Of the Tranquillitie and contentment of Mind.
144
11 Of unseemly and naughty Bashfulnesse.
162
12 Of Brotherly Love.
173
13 Of Intemperate speech or Garrulitie.
191
14 Of Avarice or Covetousnesse.
208
15 Of the naturall love or kindnesse of Parents to their children.
216
16 Of the Pluralitie of Friends.
223
17 Of Fortune.
229
18 Of Envie and Hatred.
233
19 How a man may receive profit by his enemies.
236
20 How a man may perceive his owne proceeding and going forward in Ver­tue.
245
21 Of Superstition.
258
22 Of Exile or Banishment.
269
23 That we ought not to take up money upon Usurie.
282
24 That a Philosopher ought to converse especially with princes and great Ru­lers, and with them to discourse.
288
25 How a man may praise himselfe, without incurring envie or blame.
300
26 What passions and maladies be wrose, those of the soule or those of the body.
312
27 Precepts of Wedlocke.
315
28 The banquet of the seven Sages.
325
29 Instructions for them that manage affaires of State.
346
[Page] 30 Whether an aged man ought to manage publike affaires.
382
31 The Apophthegmes or Notable Sayings, of Kings, Princes, and great Captaines.
401
32 Laconicke Apophthegmes, or the notable sayings of Lacedaemonians.
445
33 The Apophthegmes, that is to say, the notable sayings and answers of La­cedaemonian Dames.
479
34 The vertuous deeds of Women.
482
35 A Consolatorie oration, sent nnto APOLLONIUS, upon the death of his sonne.
509
36 A Consolatorie letter or discourse, sent unto his owne Wife as touching the death of her and his daughter.
533
37 How it commeth, that the divine Justice differreth otherwhiles the punish­ment of wicked persons.
538
38 That Brute beasts have discourse of reason, in maner of a Dialogue na­med Gryllus.
561
39 Whether it be lawfull to eate flesh or no, the former oration or treatise.
571
Of eating flesh the second Declamation.
576
40 That a man cannot live pleasantly according to the doctrine of EPICU­RUS.
580
41 Whether this common Mot be well said, LIVE HIDDEN, or, So LIVE, as no man may know thou livest.
605
42 Rules and precepts of health, in maner of a Dialogue.
609
43 Of the Romans fortune.
627
44 The Symposiacks, or table Questions, The first booke.
641
Of Symposiacks, the second booke.
661
Of Symposiacks, the third booke.
680
Of Symposiacks, the fourth booke.
698
Of Symposiacks, the fift booke.
713
Of Symposiacks, the sixt booke.
729
Of Symposiacks, the seventh booke.
742
Of Symposiacks, the eight booke.
764
Of Symposiacks, the ninth booke.
785
45 The opinions of Philosophers.
802
Of Philosophers opinions the first booke.
804
Of Philosophers opinions the second booke.
817
Of Philosophers opinions the third booke.
826
Of Philosophers opinions the fourth booke.
833
Of Philosophers opinions the fift booke.
841
46 Romane Questions.
850
47 Demaunds or questions as touching Greeke affaires.
888
48 The Parallels or, a briefe Collation, of Romane narrations, with the sembla­ble reported of the Greeks.
906
49 The Lives of the ten Oratours.
918
50 Narrations of Love.
944
51 Whether creatures be more wise, they of the land, or those of the water.
949
[Page] 52 Whether the Athenians were more renowmed for Martiall Armes, or good Letters.
981
53 Whether of the twaine is more profitable, Fire or Water.
989
54 Of the Primitive or first Cold.
992
55 Naturall Questions.
1002
56 Platonique Questions.
1016
57 A commentary of the Creation of the soule, which PLATO desoribeth in his booke Timaeus.
1030
58 Of fatall Necessitie.
1048
59 A Compendious Review or Discourse, That the Stoicks deliver more strange opinions, than doe the Poëts.
1055
60 The Contradictions of Stoicke Philosophers.
1057
61 Of Common Conceptions against the Stoicks.
1081
62 Against COLOTES the Epicurean.
1109
63 Of Love.
1130
64 Of the Face appearing within the Roundle of the Moone.
1159
65 Why the prophetesse PYTHIA, giveth no answer now from the Oracle, in verse or Meeter.
1185
66 Of the Daemon or familiar spirit of SOCRATES.
1202
67 Of the Malice of HERODOTUS.
1227
68 Of Musicke.
1248
69 Of the Fortune or vertue of king ALEXANDER, the first Oration.
1263
Of the Fortune or vertue of K. ALEXANDER, the second Oration.
1272
70 Of Is is and OSIRIS.
1286
71 Of the Oracles that have Ceased to give answere.
1320
72 What signifieth this word, EI, engraven over the Dore of APOLLOES Temple in the City of DELPHI.
1351

OF THE NOVRITVRE AND EDVCATION OF 10 CHILDREN.

The Summarie.

THe very title of this Treatise discovereth sufficiently the intention of the authour; and whosoever he was that reduced these Morals and mixt works of his into one entire vo­lume, was well advised, and had great reason to range this present Discourse in the first and formost place: For unlesse our minds be framed unto vertue from our infancie, im­possible it is that we should performe any woorthy act so long as we live. Now, albeit 20 Plutarch (as a meere Pagane) hath both in this booke and also in others ensuing, where he treateth of vertues and vices, left out the chiefe and principall thing to wit, The Law of God and his Trueth, (wherein he was altogether ignorant) yet neverthelesse, these excellent precepts by him deliuered like raies which proceed from the light of nature remaining still in the spirit and soule of man, aswell to leaue sinners inexcusable, as to shew how happie they be, who are guided by the heauenly light of holy Scripture; are able to commence action against those, who make profession in word how they embrace the true and souereigne Good, but in deed and effect do annihilate, as much as lieth in them, the power and efficacie thereof.

Moreover, in this Treatise he proveth first of all, That the generation of infants ought in no wise to be defamed with the blot either of adulterie or drunkennesse: Then, he entreth into a discourse of 30 their education: and after he hath shewed, that Nature, Reason & Vsage ought to concurre in their in­struction, he teacheth how & by whom they should be nurtured, brought up and taught, where he repro­veth sharply the slouth, ignorance and avarice of some fathers. And the better to declare the extellen­eie of these benefits, namely, goodinstruction, knowledge and vertue, which the studie of philosophie doth promise and teach, he compareth the same with all the greatest goods of the world: and so conse­quently setteth downe what vices especially they are to shun and avoid, who would be capable of sincere and true literature.

But before he proceedeth further, he describeth and limiteth how farforth children well borne and of good parentage should be urged and forced by compulsion; disciphering briefly the praises of morall philosophie: and concluding withall, That the man is blessed, who is both helpfull to his neighbour as 40 it becommeth, and also good unto himselfe. All these points aboverehearsed, when he hath enriched and embelished with similitudes, examples, apophihegmes, and such like ornaments, he pro­poundeth diuers rules pertinent to the Institution of yoong children: which done, he passeth from tender child-hood to youthfull age, shewing what gouernment there ought to be of yoong men: farre from whom, he banisheth and chaseth flatterers especially: and for a finall conclusion dis­courseth of the kinde behauior of fathers and the good example that they are to giue unto their children. 50

THE EDVCATION OF CHILDREN.

FOrasmuch as we are to consider what may be sayd as touching the education of children free borne and descended from gentle blood, how and by what discipline they may become honest and vertuous, we shall perhaps treat hereof the better, if we begin at their very ge­neration and nativitie. First and formost therefore, I would advise those who desire to be the fathers of such children, as may live ano­ther 10 day in honour and reputation among men, not to match them­selves and meddle with light women, common courtisans I meane, or private concubines. For a reproch this is that followeth a man all the dayes of his life, and a shamefull staine which by no meanes can be fetched out, if haply he be not come of a good father or good mother: neither is there any one thing that presenteth it selfe more readily unto his adversaries, and sooner is in their mouth when they are disposed to checke, taunt and revile, than to twit him with such parentage. In which regard, wisely sayd the Poët Euripides:

When as the ground is not well laid at first, for our natiuity; 20
With parents fault, men will upbraid both us, and our posterity.

A goodly treasure then have they who are well and honestly borne, when in the confidence and assurance thereof, they may be bold to beare their heads aloft, and speake their minds frankly wheresoever they come: and verily they of all others are to make the greatest account of this blessing, who wish to have faire issue of their bodies lawfully begotten. Certes, a thing it is that ordinarily daunteth and casteth downe the heart of a man, when he is privie to the basenesse of his birth, and knoweth some defect, blemish and imperfection by his parents. Most truly there­fore, and to the purpose right fitly spake the same Poët:

The privitie to fathers vice or mothers fault reprochable, 30
Will him debase who otherwise is hautie, stout and commendable.

Whereas contrariwise, they that are knowen to be the children of noble and worthy parents, beare themselves highly, and are full of stomacke and generositie. In which conceit and loftie spirit it is reported, that Diaphantus the sonne of Themistocles, was woont to say, and that in the hearing of many, That whatsoeuer pleased him, the same also the people of Athens thought well of: for, that which I would have done, quoth he my mother likewise sayth Yea unto it: what my mothers minde stands to, Themistocles my father will not gainsay it: and looke what likes The­mistocles, the Athenians all are well contented therewith. Where by the way, the magnanimitie, 40 and brave mind of the Lacedaemoninas is highly to be praised, who condemned their king Archi­damus in a great fine of money, for that he could finde in his heart to espouse a wife of little sta­ture, alledging therewith a good reason: Because, say they, his meaning is to get, not a breed of Kings, but Kinglins, or divers Kings, to reigne over us.

Well, upon this first advertisement concerning children, there dependeth another, which they who wrote before us of the like argument, forgat not to set downe; and what is that? name­ly, That they who for procreation of children will come neere unto women, ought to meddle with them, either upon empty stomacks, and before they have drunke any wine at all, or at least­wise, after they have taken their wine in measure, and soberly: for such will proove commonly wine-bibbers and drunkards, who were engendred when their fathers were drunken: according 50 to that which Diogenes sayd upon a time unto a youth whom he saw beside himselfe, and farre overseene with drinke; My ladde, quoth he, thy father gat thee when he was drunke. And thus much may suffice for the generation of children.

As touching their nourture and education, whereof now I am to discourse: That which we are woont generally to say of all Arts and Sciences, the same we may be bolde to pronounce of [Page 3] vertue, to wit, that to the accomplishment thereof, and to make a man perfectly vertuous, three things ought to concurre, Nature, Reason and Vsage. By reason, I understand doctrine and pre­cepts: by usage, exercise and practise. The first beginnings we have from nature: progresse and proceeding come by teaching and instruction: exercise and practise is performed by dili­gence: And all three together bring foorth the height of perfection. If any one of these faile, it cannot otherwise be, but that vertue also should have her defect and be maimed: For nature without learning is blind: Doctrine wanting the gift of nature is defectuous; and exercise void of the other twaine, imperfect. And verily, it fareth in this case much like as in Husbandrie and tillage of the earth. For first and formest requisite it is, that the ground be good: Secondly, that the Husbandman be skilfull; and in the third place that the seed be cleane and well chosen. 10 Semblaby, Nature resembleth the soile: the Master who teacheth, representeth the labouring Husbandman; and last of all, the rules, precepts, admonitions and examples are compared to the seede. All these good meanes (I dare with confidence avouch) met together, and inspired their power into the mindes of these woorthy personages, who throughout the world are so renowmed, Pythagor as I meane, Socrates, Plato, and all the rest who have attained to a memora­ble name and immortall glorie. Blessed then is that man and entirely beloved of the gods, whose hap it is by their favor and grace to be furnished with all three. Now if any one be of this opinion, that those who are not endued with the gift of naturall wit, and yet have the helpes of true instruction and diligent exercise to the attaining of vertue, cannot by this meanes recover and repaire the foresaid defect: Know he, that he is much deceived, and to say more truely, 20 quite out of the way: for as idlenesse and negligence doth marre and corrupt the goodnesse of nature: so, the industrie and diligence of good erudition supplieth the defect, and correcteth the default thereof. Idle and slothfull persons (we see) are not able to compasse the things that be easie: whereas contrariwise by studie and travell, the greatest difficulties are atchieved. More­over, of what efficacie, and execution, diligence and labour is, a man may easily know by sundrie effects that are daily observed. For we do evidently perceive that drops of water fal­ling upon the hard rocke, doe eate the same hollow: yron and brasse we see to weare and con­sume onely by continuall handling: The fellies in chariot wheeles which by labour are bended and curbed, will not returne and be reduced againe, do what you can to their former streight­nesse: Like as it is impossible by any device to set streight the crooked staves that Stage-players 30 goe withall. And evident it is, that whatsoever against nature, is by force and labour chaunged and redressed, becometh much better and more sure, than those things that continue in their ownekinde. But, are these the things onely wherein appeareth the power of studie and dili­gence? No verily. For there are an infinite number of other experiments, which proove the same most cleerely. Is there a peece of ground naturally good? Let it lie neglected, it becom­meth wilde and barrain: Yea, and the more rich and fertill that it is of it selfe, the more waste and fruitlesse it prooveth for want of tillage and husbandry. Contrariwise, you shall see another plot hard, rough, and more stonie than it should be: which by good ordering and the carefull hand of the husbandman, soone bringeth foorth faire and goodly fruit. Againe, what trees are there which will not twine, grow crooked and proove fruitlesse, if good heed be not taken unto 40 them? Whereas, if due regard be had, and that carefulnes employed about them which becom­meth, they beare fruit, and yeeld the same ripe in due season. Is there any body so sound and able, but by neglect, riot, delicacie, and an evill habit or custome it will grow dull, feeble and unlostie, yea and fall into a misliking and consumption? On the other side, what complexion is there so faint and weake, which is not brought to great strength and perfection in the end, by continual travell and ordinary exercises? Are there any horses in the world, which if they be well handled and broken while they are colts, will not proove gentle in the end and suffer themselves easily to be mounted and manned? Contrariwise, let them remaine untamed in their youth: strong­headed, stiffenecked and unruly will they be alwaies after, and never fit for service. And why should we marvell at these and such like matters, considering that many of the most savage 50 and cruell beasts that be, are made gentle and familiar, yea and brought to hand by labour and paines taken about them? Well said therefore that Thessalian whosoever he was, who being demaunded, which Thessalians of all others were most dull and softest of spirit, Answered thus, Even they that have given over warfare. But what need we to stand longet upon this point? For certaine it is, that out manners and conditions are qualities imprinted in us by tract and [Page 4] continuance of time: and whosoever saith that Gracè [...] , [...] Morall vertues are gotten by custome, in my conceit speaketh not amisse but to very great purpose. And therefore with one example and no more produced by Lycurgus as touching this matter, I will knit up and conclude my dis­course thereof. Lycurgus, him I meane who established the lawes of the Lacedaemonians, tooke two whelpes of one licter, and comming both from the same sire and damme: Those he caused to be nourished and brought up diversly, and unlike one to the other; that as the one prooved a greedie and ravenous curre and full of shrewd turnes: so the other was given to hunting and minded nothing but to quest and follow the game. Now upon a certaine day afterwards, when the Lacedaemonians were met together in a frequent assembly, he spake unto them in this man­ner, My Masters, citizens of Lacedaemon, Of what importance to engender vertue in the hart 10 of man, custome, nourture, discipline and education is, I will presently shew unto you by an evident demonstration: and with that he brought foorth in the sight of them all, those two whelpes, and set directly before them a great platter of sops in broth, and therewith let loose also a live hare: but behold, one of them followed immediately after the hare, but the other ranne straight to slap in the platter aforesaid. The Lacedaemonians wist not what to make of this, nor to what purpose he shewed unto them these two dogs before said, untill he brake out into this speech, These two dogs (quoth he) had one damme and [...] same sire, but being bred and brought up diversly, See how the one is become a greedy gut, and the other a kinde hound. And thus much may serve as touching custome and diversitie of education.

It were meete now in the next place to treat of the feeding and nourishing of infants newly 20 borne. I hold it therefore convenient, that mothers reare their babes, and suckle them with their owne breasts: For feede them they will with greater affection, with more care and diligence, as loving them inwardly, and (as the proverbe saith) from their tender nailes, whereas milch nour­ces and fostermothers carie not so kinde a hart unto their nourcelings, but rather a fained and counterfet affection, as being mercenarie and loving them indeed for hire onely and reward. Furthermore, even nature her selfe is sufficient to proove, that mothers ought to suckle and nourish those whom they have borne and brought into the world: For to this end hath she given to every living creature that bringeth foorth yoong, the foode of milke: and in great wisedome the divine providence hath furnished a woman with two teats for this purpose, that if happily she should be delivered of two twinnes at once, she might have likewise two fountaines 30 of milke to yeeld nourishment for them both. Moreover, by this meanes more kinde and lo­ving they will be unto their children: and verily not without great reason: For this fellowship in feeding together is a bond that knitteth, or rather a wrest that straineth and stretcheth bene­volence to the utmost. The experience whereof we may see even in the very brute and wilde beasts, which hardly are parted from their companie, with whom they have beene nourished, but still they lowe and mowe after them. Mothers therefore (as I have said) ought especially to endevour and do their best for to be nources of their owne children, if it be possible. But in case they cannot, by reason either of some bodily infirmitie and indisposition that way (for so it may fall out) or that they have a desire and do make hast to be with childe againe, and to have more children: then a carefull eie and good regard would be had, not to entertaine those for nources 40 and governesses that come next to hand, but to make choise of the very best and most honest that they can come by, and namely for faire conditions and good behavior, to choose Greekish women before any other. For like as the members and limmes of little infants, so soone as ever they be borne, are of nccessitie to be formed and fashioned, that afterwards they may grow straight and not crooked: even so, at the very first their harts and manners ought to be framed and set in order: For this first age of childhood is moist and soft, apt to receive any impression: whiles the heart is tender every lesson may be soone instilled into it, and quickly will take hold, whereas hard things are not so easie to be wrought and made soft. And as signets or seales will quickly set a print upon soft wax; so the tender hearts of yoong children take readily the impres­sion of whatsoever is taught them. In which regard, Plato that heavenly and divine Philoso­pher, 50 seemeth unto me to have given a wise admonition for nources, when he warned them not to tell foolish tales, nor to use vaine speeches inconsiderately in the hearing of yoong infants, for feare least at the first their minds might apprehend folly and conceive corrupt opinions. Semblably the Poët Phocylides seemeth to deliver sage counsaile in this behalfe when he saith:

[Page 5]
A child of yoong and tender age
Ought to be taught things good and sage.

Neither is this precept in any wise to be forgotten or passed by, That other children also who are either to attend upon them, whiles they be nourced and brought up, or to beare them companie and be fedde together with them, be chosen such as above all things are well manne­red and of good conditions: Then, that they speake the Greeke toong naturally, and pronounce the same most plainely and distinctly, for feare, least if they sort with such feeres as either in language are barbarous, or in behaviour leawd and ungratious; they catch infection from them, and be stained with their vices. For such old sawes and proverbes as these, are not so rise with­out good reason, If thou converse and cohebite with a lame creaple, thou wilt soone learne to limpe 10 and halt thy selfe.

Now when children be growen to that age, wherin they are to be committed unto the charge of Tutors, Schoolemasters and governors: then, parents ought to have an especial care of their state, namely, under whom they set them to be trained up: least for want of good providence and foresight, they betray them into the hands of some vile slaves, base barbarians, vaine and light-headed persons. For most absurd and ridiculous is the practise of many men in this point: who if they have any servants more vertuous or better disposed than others, some of them they appoint to husbandry and tillage of their ground; others they make Masters of their ships. They employ them (I say) either in merchandise to be their factours, or as stewards of their house to receive and pay all; or else to be banquers, and so they trust them with the exchaun­ging 20 and turning of their monies. But if they meete with one slave among the rest that useth to be cupshotten, given to gluttony & belly cheere, or otherwise is untoward for any good service, him they set over their children to bring them up: Whereas indeed a governour over youth should be wel given, & of a right good nature himselfe, such an one as Phoenix was, who had the breeding and education of Achilles. The principal point therfore and most important of all that hitherto hath bene alledged is this, That choise men be sought out for to be teachers & masters of our children; who live in good name and without challenge, whose cariage and behaviour is blameles; & who for their knowledge & experience of the world are the best that may be found. For surely the source & roote of all goodnes and honesty, is the good education and training up of our children in their tender age. And like as good husbandmen and gardeners are woont to 30 pitch props & stakes close unto their yong plants, to stay them up and keepe them streight: even so, discreete and wise teachers plant good precepts and holesome instructions round about their yoong schollers, to the end that thereby, their manners may bud foorth commendably, and be framed to the rule of vertue. But contrariwise, you shall have some fathers now adaies, that de­serve no better than to be spit at in their very faces; who either upon ignorance, or for want of experience, before any triall made of those masters, who are to have the conduct and charge of their children, commit them hand over head to the tuition of lewd persons, and such as beare shew and make profession of that which they are not. Neither were this absurditie altogether so grosse and ridiculous, if so be they faulted herein of meere simplicitie & default of foreknow­ledge. But here is the heights of their folly and errour, that themselves knowing otherwhiles 40 the insufficiencie, yea and the naughtines of some such Masters, better than they doe who ad­vertise them thereof; yet for all that, they commit their children unto them, partly being over­come by the slatterie of claw-backes, and partly willing to gratifie some friends upon their kinde and earnest entreatie. Wherein they do much like for all the world to him, who lying verie sicke in bodie, for to content and satisfie a friend, leaveth an expert and learned physition who was able to cure him, and entertaineth another blind leech, who for want of skill and experi­ence quickly killeth him: or else unto one who being at sea; forgoeth an excellent pilot whom he knoweth to be very skilfull, and for the love of a friend maketh choise of another that is most insufficient. O Iupiter and all the gods in Heaven! Is it possible that a man bearing the name of a father, should make more account of a friends request, than of the good education of his 50 owne children? Which considered, had not that ancient Philosopher Crates ( [...] you) just occasion to say oftentimes, that if possibly he might, he would willingly mount to the highest place of the citie, and there crie out aloud in this manner: What meane you my Masters, and whether runne you headlong, carking and caring all that ever you can, to gather goods and rake riches together as you do: whiles in the mean time you make little or no reckoning at all of your [Page 6] children, unto whom you are to leave all your wealth? To which exclamation of his, I may adde thus much moreover, and say, That such fathers are like unto him that hath great regard of his shoe, but taketh no heed unto his foor. And verily, a man shall see many of these fathers, who upon a covetous minde, and a cold affection toward their owne children, are growen to this passe, that for to spare their purse, and ease themselves of charge, chuse men of no woorth to teach them: which is as much as to seeke a good market where they may buy ignorance chea­pest. Certes Aristippus said verie well to this purpose, when upon a time he pretily mocked such a father who had neither wit nor understanding, and jibed pleasantly with him in this ma­ner: For when he demaunded of him how much he would take for the training up and teaching of his sonne? He answered, An hundred crownes: A hundred crownes! quoth the father: by 10 Hercules I sweare, you aske too much out of the way; For with a hundred crownes I could buy a good slave. True quoth Aristippus againe, Lay out this hundred crownes so, you may have twaine, your sonne for one, and him whom you buy for the other. And is not this a follie of all foliies, that nourses should use their yoong infants to take meate and feed themselves with the right hand, yea and rebuke them if haply they put foorth their left: and not to forecast and give order that they may learne civility, and heare sage & holesom instructions? But what befalleth afterward to these good fathers, when they have first noursed their children badly, & then taught them as lewdly? Mary I will tell you. When these children of theirs are growne to mans estate, and will not abide to heare of living orderly, and as it becommeth honest men: but contrariwise fall headlong into outragious courses, and give themselves wholy to sensuality and servile plea­sures: 20 Then such fathers all repent for their negligence past, in taking no better order for their education: but all too late considering no good ensueth thereupon: but contrariwise, the lewd prancks which they commit daily, augment their griefe of heart and cause them to languish in sorrow. For some of them they see to keepe companie with flatterers, parasites, and smell feasts, the lewdest, basest, and most cursed wretches of all other, who serve for nothing but to corrupt, spoile, and marre youth: Others, to captivate and spend themselves upon harlots, queanes and common strumpets, proud and sumptuous in expence; the entertainment of whom is infinitly costly. Many of them consume all in delicate fare, and feeding a daintie and fine tooth: Many of them fall to dice, and with mumming and masking hazard all they have. And divers of them againe entangle themselves in other vices more hardy and adventurous, courting faire dames, 30 and making love to other mens wives: for which purpose they walke disguised in the night, like the frantike priests of Bacchus, to commit adulteries, buying sometimes one onely nights plea­sure with the price of their life: Whereas if such as these had conversed before with any Philo­sopher, they would never have taken such waies as this, and give themselves to like vanities: but rather they would have turned over a new leafe and learned a lesson of Diogenes, who in words not very civill and seemely, howbeit to the point not untruly, gave this counsell and said, Goe thy waies to the Stewes (I advise thee) and enter into some brothell house, where thou maist know how the pleasure that costeth little or nothing, differeth not from that which is bought full deerely.

To knit up therefore all in one summe I will conclude, and this my conclusion ought 40 of right to bee esteemed for an oracle, rather than a simple counsell and admonition; That the beginning, mids, and ende of all these matters, lieth onely in vertuous nourture and ho­nest education, which I avouch are the very meanes that be operative and powerfull for the at­taining both of vertue and true happinesse. As for all other things which we count good in this world, are in comparison heereof, mortall, transitorie, small, and not woorth the seeking after with such care and studie. Nobilitie, I confesse to be a goodly thing, but it is the gift of our ancestors. Riches who doubteth that they be gay and pretious matters? Howbeit, lying in the power of fortune onely, who taketh the same many times from those that possesse them, and giveth them away to such as never looke for them. Moreover, much wealth is the very marke whereat they shoot who are common cut purses, privie & domesticall theeves, Sycophants and 50 promoters, and that which is most, the wickedest persons in the world oftentimes meete there­with. Glorie and honor be things venerable, howbe it uncertaine and mutable. Beautie is love­ly and verie much desired, but it continueth a small while. Health is woorth much, and yet you see how soone it changeth. Strength of body who wisheth not? but quickly it is decaied and gone, either by sickenes or yeeres: in so much, as whosoever vaunteth and beareth himselfe in [Page 7] his able bodie, is greatly deceived, and commeth farre short of his reckoning: For what is mans force, compared with that of other beasts, I meane Elephants, Buls and Lions? It is learning and knowledge onely, which in us is divine, heavenly and immortall. For in mans nature two parts there are to be considered of all other most principall, to wit, understanding and speech. And of these, understanding is as it were the maister that commandeth: Speech, the servant that obeyeth. Now the foresaid understanding is not exposed to the injurie of fortune: no slanders raised by Sycophants can take it away: Sicknesse hath no power to corrupt and destroy it; nei­ther doth it decay or perish by olde age: For it is the onely thing that being in yeeres, waxeth yoong and fresh. Length of time which doth diminish and impaire all things else, addeth still more knowledge to our understanding, the elder that we are. So violence of warre which in 10 manner of a streame casteth downe and carieth all away with it, is not able to make havocke and spoyle of knowledge and learning: that onely is not in danger thereof. And in my conceit, Stilpo the Megarian Philosopher gave a most woorthy and memorable answere unto K. Deme­trius, who having forced, sacked and rased the citie of Megara to the very foundation, demaun­ded of him what losses he sustained in that generall sacking? None at all (quoth he) For warre can make no spoile of vertue. To which answere of his, accordeth and soundeth well the Apophthegme of Socrates, who (as I take it) being asked of Gorgias, what opinion he had of the great King and Monarch of the Persians in those daies, whether he deemed him Happie or no? I wot not (quoth he) how he is furnished with vertue and learning. as if he judged, that true felicitie consisted in these two things, and not in the transitorie gifts of fortune. 20

But as my counsell and advice unto parents is, to hold nothing in the world more deere and pretious, then to traine up their children in good letters and vertuous manners: so I say againe, that they ought to have an eie unto that literature and institution which is sound, pure and un­corrupt: furthermore, to sequester and withdraw their children as farre as possibly they can, from the vanitie and foolish desire to be seene and heard in the frequent and publike assemblies of the people. For commonly we finde, that to please a multitude, is to displease the wiser sort. And that I speake truth herein Euripides giveth good testimonie in these verses:

No filed toong I have nor eloquence,
To speake in place of frequent audience:
Among my feeres and those in number few, 30
I love to give advise and make no shew:
For, those whose speech doth please a multitude,
With learned men are foolish thought and rude.

For mine owne part, I observe those men who endevour to speake to the appetite and plea­sure of the base and vulgar sort, that ordinarily they become loose and dissolute persons, aban­doned to all sensualitie. And verily not without great apparance of reason: For if to gratifie and content others, they have no regard of honesty: more likelyhood there is a great deale, that for to do a pleasure to themselves, and feede their owne humour and appetite, they will forget all honor and devoir; yea and sooner give the reines to their owne delights, than follow the streight rules of temperance and sobrietie. 40

But now, what good thing is there moreover, that we are to teach our children? and whereto should we advise them for to give their minds? A goodly matter no doubt it is to do nothing rashly, nor to speake a word unadvisedly: But (as the old Proverbe saith) whatsoever is faire and goodly, the same also is hard and difficult. As for these orations which be made extempore and without premeditation, they goe away with great facilitie, and are verie rash and full of vanitie: And such commonly as so speake, know not well either where to begin or when to­make an end. Also, over and above other absurdities and faults which they commit, who are accustomed in this wise to parle at aventure, and to let their toong runne at randome, know not how to keepe any meane or measure of speech, but fall into a marvellous superfluitie and ex­cesse of wordes: Whereas on the contrarie side, when a man thinketh before hand what hee 50 should say, he will never overshoot him so farre as to passe beyond the bonds of temperate and proportionable language. Pericles, as we have beene given to understand, being oftentimes called upon & importuned by the people, and that expresly by name, for to deliver his opinion as touching a matter in question, would not so much as rise from his place, but excused him­selfe and said, I am provided to speake. Semblably Demosthenes, one who greatly affected [Page 8] the said Pericles, and followed his steps in policy and managing of State affaires, being called by the Athenians to sit in counsell with them, & requested to give his advise in certain points, refu­sed and made the same answer, saying, I have not yet thought upon it, neither am I prepared. But peradventure some man will say, this is an headles tale and a devised report received by tradition from hand to hand, and not grounded upon any certaine testimonie. Listen then, what he saith himselfe in that oration which he made against Midias, wherein he setteth evidently before our eies, the profit that commeth by premeditation: For in one place thereof, these be his words: ‘My Masters of Athens, I confesse plainely, and cannot denie or dissemble, that I have ta­ken as much paines in composing of this oration as possibly I could: For an idle wretch I had beene if having suffred, and suffring still such indignities as these, I would not consider and 10 studie before hand, what I had to say in reason concerning these matters.’ Neither alledge I this, as one who condemned altogether the promptitude and readinesse of the toong, and the gift of utterance extempore, but the ordinary custome and exercise therof in everie smal matter, and of no great importance. For otherwhiles it is tolerable; provided alwaies that we use it so, as we would take a purging medicine. And to speake more plainely, my meaning is, that I would not have yoong men before they bee growen to mans age, for to speake ought without good advise and consideration. But after they bee well grounded and have gathered sufficient roote which may yeelde pithie speech, then if occasion be offered, and that they bee called unto it, I thinke it convenient, they should bee allowed to speake freely. For even as they who have beene fettered a long time and worne yrons on their 20 feere, when they are loosed from their cannot goe well at the first, because they have continued such a while with clogs at their heeles, but ever and anone are ready to trip and stum­ble: so it fareth with those that of long time have beene toong tied (as it were) and restrained of their libertie of speech: For if haply there be presented some matter, whereto they are to speake on a sudden, they will retaine still the same manner and forme of stile, and speake no other­wise than they did before with premeditation. Mary, to suffer yoong boies to make subitanie and inconsiderate orations, is the next way to bring them to yaine babling, and causeth them to utter many words altogether impertinent to the matter. It is reported that upon a time a vaine and foolish painter came to Apelles, and shewed him a picture, saying withall, This Image I drew thus and thus soone. I wot well (quoth Apelles) at the first sight, although thou saidst 30 never a word that it was quickly painted and in haste. And I marvell rather that thou hast not painted many more such in the same time. But to returne againe to my former discourse which I began withall, as touching speech, like as I would give counsell to beware of glorious and brave words, and to avoide that maner of haughtie voice which beseemeth tragedies, and is meete for Theaters: So I advise and admonish againe to flie as much that kinde of language which is too small and over-lowly: For that the one which is so loude and aloft, exceedeth civi­litie: and the other that is as much beneath, bewrayeth overmuch fearfulnesse. Moreover, as the bodie ought not onely to be sound and in health, but also in good plight and well liking: so our speech should be not onely cleere from sicknesse as it were and malady, but also strong and able: For that a thing that is sound and safe only, we do but barely praise: whereas that which is hardy 40 and adventurous, we admire and woonder at. That which I have said, as touching the toong and speech, the same opinion I have of the heart and the disposition thereof. For I would not have a youth to be overbold and audacious: neither do I like of him, if he be too timorous and feare­full: For as the one turneth in the end to presumption and impudencie; so the other into ser­vile cowardise. But here lieth all the maistrie and cunning, as well in this as in all things else, namely, to cut even in the mids, and to hold the golden meane. And since I am entred thus far into the discourse as touching the literature and erudition of youth, before I proceed any far­ther, I will deliver mine opinion thereof generally in these termes: Namely, That to be able to speake of one thing and no more, is first and formest in my conceit no small signe of ignorance. Then, I suppose that the exercise and practise thereof, soone bringeth sacietie. And againe, I 50 hold it impossible to continue evermore in the same: For so to be ever in one song, breedeth tediousnes, and soone a man is weary of it: wheras varietie is alwaies delectable both in this, and also in all other objects as well of the eie as the eare. And therefore it behooveth, that a childe well descended and free borne, be not suffred to want either the fight or the hearing of all those arts and liberall sciences, which are linked as it were and comprehended within one circle, and [Page 9] thereupon called Encyclia. i. Circular. These would I have him to runne through every one superficially, for a taste onely of them all: for as much as to attaine unto the perfection thereof were impossible. Yet so, as his chiefe and principall studie be employed in Philosophie: which opinion of mine I may very well confirme by a proper similitude. For all one it is, as if a man would say, a commendable thing it were to saile along the coasts, and see many a citie: but ex­pedient and profitable to make abode and dwell in the best: and much like to that pleasant and pretie conceited speech of Bion the Philosopher, who said, That even as the lovers and wooers of Lady Penelope, when they could not enjoy the Mistresse herselfe, went in hand with her way­ting maidens, and companied with them: so, as are not able to attaine unto Philosophie, spend and consume themselves in the studie of other Arts, which in comparison of it are nothing 10 woorth. And therefere we ought to make this account, that Philosophie is the principall head (as it were) of all other learning and knowledge whatsoever. True it is, that for the maintenance and preservation of the body, men have devised two Arts, to wit, Physicke and bodily exercise: of which twaine, the one procureth health; the other addeth thereto a good habitude and strong constitution: but for the infirmities and maladies of the soule, there is no other physicke but onely Philosophie: For by the meanes of it and together with it, we may know what is good, what is badde, what is honest and dishonest, what is just, and generally what to choise and what to refuse, how we ought to beare our selves towards the gods, and towards our parents, what our demeanour should bee with our elders, what regard we are to have of lawes, what our cariage must be to strangers, to superiours: how we are to converse with our friends, In 20 what sort we ought to demeane our selves towards our children and wives, and finally, what behaviour it beseemeth us to snew unto our servants and familie: For as much as our duetie is to worship and adore the gods, to honour our parents, to reverence our ancients, to obey the lawes, to give place unto our superiors and betters, to love our friends, to use our wives chastely and with moderation: to be and affectionate to our children, and not to be ouragious with our servants, nor to tyrannize over them. But the principall and chiefe of all is this, not to shew our selves over joious and merrie in prosperitie, nor yet exceeding heavie and sad in ad­versitie: not in pleasures and delight dissolute, nor in anger furious, and transported or rather transformed into brutish beasts by choler. And these I esteeme to be the foveraigne fruits that are to be gathered and gotten by Philosophie. For to carrie a generous and noble heart in pro­speritie, 30 is the part of a brave minded man: to live without envie and malice, is the signe of a good and tractible nature: to overcom pleasures by the guidance of reason, is the act of wise and sage men: and to bridle and restraine choler, is a mastry that every one cannot skill of: But the height of perfection in my judgement those onely attaine unto, who are able to joine and intermingle the politicke government of weale publike with the profession and studie of Philosophie: For by this meanes (I suppose) they may enjoy two of the best things in the world, to wit, the profit of the common weale by managing State affaires: and their owne good, living so as they doc in tranquilitie and repose of mind, by the meanes of Philosophie. For whereas there be amongst men three sorts of life, namely, Active, Contemplative, and Volup­tuous: this last named, being dissolute, loose, and thrall to pleasure, is bruitish, beastly, base and 40 vile: The contemplative wanting the active is unprofitable: and the active, not participating with the speculation of Philosophie, committeth many absurde conormities, and wanteth orna­ments to grace and beautifie it. In which regard, men must endevour and aslay as much as lieth in them both to deale in government of the State, and also to give their mindes to the studie of Philosophie, so farre foorth as they have time, and publike affaires will permit. Thus governed in times past noble Pericles: thus ruled Archytas the Tarentine: thus Dion the Syracusian, and Epaminondas of Thebes swaied the State where they lived; and both of them aswell the one as the other conversed familiarly with Plato. As touching the Institution of children in good literature, needlesse (I suppose) it is to write any more. This onely will I adde unto the rest that hath beene said, which I suppose to be expedient or rather necessarie: namely, that they make 50 no small account of the workes and bookes of the ancient Sages and Philosophers, but diligent­lie collect and gather them together: so as they do it after the maner of good husbandmen: For as they doe make provision of such tooles as pertaine to Agriculture and husbandrie, not onely to keepe them in their possession, but also to use them accordingly: so this reckoning ought to be made, that the instruments and furniture of knowledge and learning, bee good bookes, if [Page 10] they be read and perused: For from thence as from a fountaine they may be sure to maintaine the same.

And here we are not to forget the diligence that is to be imployed in the bodily exercise of children: but to remember that they bee sent into the schooles of those masters who make profession of such feats, there to be trained and exercised sufficiently, aswell for the streight and decent grouth, as for the abilitie and strength of their bodies: For the fast knitting and strong complexion of the bodie in children, is a good foundation to make them another day decent and personable old men. And like as in time of a calme & faire season, they that are at sea, ought to make provision of necessarie meanes to withstand foule weather and a tempest: even so, verie meete it is, that tender age be furnishd with temperance, sobrietie and continencie, and even 10 betimes reserve and lay up such voyage provision, for the better sustenance of old age. Howbeit in such order ought this labour and travell of children to be dispensed, that their bodies be not exhaust and dried up, and so by that meanes they themselves be overwearied, and made either unmeet or unwilling to follow their booke afresh and take their learning: For as Plato said very well, Sleepe and lassitude be enemies to learning. But why do I stand hereupon so much, being in comparison so small a matter?

Proceed I will therefore and make haste to that which is of greatest importance, and passeth all the rest that hath beene said before: For this I say, that youth ought to be trained to militarie feats, namely, in launcing darts and javelins, in drawing a bow and shooting arrowes, in chasing also and hunting wilde beasts. Forasmuch as all the goods of those who are vanquished in 20 fight, be exposed as a prey and bootie to the conquerours: neither are they fit for warfarre and to beare armes, whose bodies having beene daintily brought up in the shade and within house, are corpulent, and of a soft and delicate constitution.

The leane and dry, the raw bone soldiour fierce,
Who train'd hath beene in armes and warlike toile,
In field wholerankes of enemies will pierce,
And in the lists all his concurrents foile.

But what may some men say unto me? Sir, you have made promise to give us examples and precepts, concerning the education of all children free borne and of honest parentage: and now, me thinkes you neglect the education of commoners and poore mens children, and deli­ver 30 no instructions but such as are for gentlemen, and be sutable to the rich and wealthie onely. To which objection, it is no hard matter to make answere. For mine owne part, my desire espe­cially is, that this instruction of mine might serve all: but in case there be some, who for want of meanes cannot make that use and profit which I could wish, let them lay the waight upon for­tune, and not blame him who hath given them his advise and counsell in these points. And yet for poore men thus much will I say, Let them endevour and straine themselves to the utmost of their power, to bring up their children in the best manner: and if they cannot reach unto that, yet must they aime thereat, and come as neere as their abilitie will give them leave.

I have beene willing to insert these points by the way, into this present argument, and to charge my discourse over and above therewith, that I might prosecute other precepts remay­ning 40 behinde, which concerne the education of yoong men. Thus much therefore I say moreo­ver, that children must be trained and brought to their duety in all lenity, by faire words, gentle exhortations, and milde remonstrance, and in no wise (pardie) by stripes and blowes: For this course of swinging and beating seemeth meete for bondslaves, rather than persons of free con­dition. And to say a truth, by this meanes they become dull and senselesse, nay they have all studie and labour afterwards in hatred and horrour: partly for the smart and paine which they abide by such correction, and in part by the contumely and reproch that they sustaine thereby. Praise and dispraise be farre better and more profitable to children free borne, than all the whips, rods and boxes in the world: the one for to drive them forward to well doing, the other to draw them backe from doing ill: but both the one and the other are to be used in alternative 50 course. One while they would be commended; another while blamed and rebuked: and name­lie, if at any time they be too jocund and insolent, they ought to be snibbed a little and taken downe, yea and put to some light shame: but soone after, raised up againe by giving them their due praises. And herein we must imitate good nourses, who when they have set their infants a crying, give them the breast for to still them againe. Howbeit, a measure would be kept, and [Page 11] great heed taken that they be not too highly commended, for feare least they grow proude and presume overmuch of themselves: For when they be praised exceedingly they waxe carelesse, dissolute and enervate; neither will they be willing afterwards to take more paines. Moreover, I have knowen certaine fathers, who through excessive love of their children have hated them afterwards. But what is my meaning by this speech? Surely I will declare my minde and make my words plaine anon by an evident example and demonstration. Some fathers (I say) there be, who upon a hot and hastie desire to have their children come soone forward, and to be the formost in every thing, put them to immoderate travell and excessive paines: in such sort, that they either sincke under the waight of the burden, and so fall into greevous maladies, or else finding themselves thus surcharged and overladen, they are not willing to learne that which is 10 taught them. And it fareth with them as it doth with yoong herbes and plants in a garden, which so long as they be watered moderately, are nourished and thrive very well. but if they be overmuch drenched with water, they take harme thereby and are drowned: Even so we must al­low unto children a breathing time betweene their continuall labours: considering and making this account, That all the life of man is divided into labor & rest: and for this cause Nature hath so this account, That all the life of man is divided into labor & rest: and for this cause Nature hath so ordained, that as there is a time to be awake, so we finde a time also to sleepe. One while there is warre, and another while peace: It is not alwaies winter and foule weather, but sommer like­wise and a faire season. There be appointed not onely worke daies to toyle in, but also feastivall holidaies to solace and disport our selves. In sunne, rest and appose, is (as it were) the sance un­to our travaile. And this we may observe as well in senselesse and livelesse things, as in living 20 and sensible creature. For we unbend our bowes, and let slacke the strings of Lutes, Harpes, and such musicall instruments, to the end that we may bend and stretch the same againe. And in one word, as the bodie is preserved and maintained by repletion and evacuation successively; so the minde likewise by repose and travell in their turnes.

Furthermore, there be other fathers also woorthy of rebuke and blame, who after they have once betaken their children to Masters, Tutors and Governors, never deigne afterwards them­selves, either to see or heare them, whereby they might know how they learne: wherein they do faile verie much in their dutie. For they ought in proper person to make triall how they profit, they should ever and anon (after some few daies passed betweene) see into their progresse and proceeding, and not to repose their hope and rest altogether upon the discretion and dispositi­on 30 of a mercenarie master. And verily this carefull regard of the fathers, will worke also grea­ter diligence in the master. themselves, seeing that by this meanes they are called estsoones, as it were to account and examine how much they plie their schollers, and how they profit under their hands. To this purpose may be well applied a prety woord spoken sometimes by a wise estugry of a stable, Nothing (quoth he) feedeth the steede so fat as doth the masters eie.

But above all things, the memorie of children ought daily to be exercised: for that it is as a man would say, the Treasury & Storehouse of all learning. Which was the cause that the ancient Poëts have feigned, That Lady Mnemosyne, that is to say Memorie, was the mother of the Mu­ses: Whereby they would seeme under an aenigmaticall and darke speech to give us to under­stand, that nothing availeth so much either to breed, or to feed and nourish learning, as Memo­rie. 40 And therefore great diligence would be used in the exercise thereof everie way: whether the children be by nature good of remembrance and retentive: or otherwise of a fickle memo­rie and given to oblivion. For the gift of nature in the one, by exercise we shall confirme and augment; and the imperfection or default in the other, by diligence supplie and correct: in such sort, that as they, shall become better than others; so these, shall proove better then them­selves. For verie wisely to this purpose said the Poët Hesiodus:

If little still to little thou do ad a heape at length and mickle will be had.

Over and besides, I would not have fathers to be ignorant of another point also, as touching this memorative part & faculty of the mind: namely, that it serveth much not onely to get lear­ning 50 and literature, but also is a meanes that carieth not the least stroke in wordly affaires: For the remembrance of matters past, furnisheth men with examples sufficient to guide and direct them in their consultatious of future things.

Furthermore, this care would be had of yoong children, that they be kept from filthie and unseemely speeches: For words (as Democritus saith) are the shadowes of deeds. Trained also [Page 12] they must be to be courteous, affable, & faire spoken, aswell in intertainment of talke with every one, as in saluting and greeting whomsoever they meete: for there is nothing in the world so odious as to be coy and surly of speech; to make it strange and to disdaine for to speake with men. Againe, yoong students shall make themselves more lovely and amiable to those with whom they converse, in case they be not so opinative and stiffe that they will not relent nor give place one jot in disputations, if they have once taken a partie against others. For a commenda­ble and goodly matter it is for a man to know, not only how to overcome, but also to suffer him­selfe otherwhiles to be overcome: especially in such things wherein the victorie bringeth hurt and dammage: For verily such a conquest may well and truely be called according to the com­mon Proverbe, A Cadmian victorie, that is to say, which turneth to the detriment and losse of 10 the winner. In confirmation whereof I may well alleage the testimony of the wise Poët Euripi­des, who in one of his tragedies hath these verses:

When one of twaine, that argue and dispute, growes into heat of words and will not rest:
I hold him much the wiser who is mute and staies his toong, that he do not contest.

Now come I to other points wherein youth is to be instructed, and those of no lesse impor­tance, nay rather I may be bolde to say, of greater consequence than all those whereof I have discoursed hitherto: And what be they? Namely, that yoong men be not riotous, and given to superfluity of expence: That they holde their tongue: That they master their anger: and final­ly, 20 That they keepe their hands pure & cleane. But let us consider these precepts particularlie, what ech of them in severall doeth import: and more easily may they be understood, if we illu­strate the same by lively examples. To begin then first with the last: There have beenc knowen great personages, who being once permitted to put forth their hands for to take bribes and mo­ney unjustly, lost all the honor which they had woon therest of their life time: As for example, Vide Plu­tarch. In vita Lysandri. Gylippus the Lacedaemonian, who having once opened those bagges or coffers of money by turning their bottomes upwards, and taken foorth what pleased him, was shamefully banished out of Sparta, and lived obscurely in exile. As touching the gift of bridling choler, and not to be angrie at all, it is a singular vertue, and perfect wise men they are indeed who can so do: Such as Socrates was, who being greatly abused by an insolent, audacious and gracelesse youth, that 30 spared him not, but had spurned & kicked him with his heeles, seeing those about him to be very angrie and out of patience, stamping and faring as though they would run after the partie, to be avenged of such an indignitie; How now my masters (quoth he) what if an asse had flung out, and given me a rap with his heeles, would you have had me to haue yerked out and kicked him againe? Howbeit, this ungracious impe went not clere away with impunity: for being rated for his insolence & leud demeanor, and reproched by everie man with the termes of Winsing asse, Kicking colt, and such like nick-names, he fell into such a fit of melancholie, that he strangled himselfe in a halter. Also when Aristophanes the Poet exhibited the Comedie called Cloudes, wherein he let flie and discharged upon Socrates all maner of slanders and contumelies that he could devise, insomuch as one of them who were present at the very time when he railed thus 40 licentiously, demanded of him, and said, Art thou not netled, ô Socrates, to heare and see thy selfe thus blasoned and noted in publike place? Not a whit (quoth hee againe) for well I wot, that I am in a Theatre, where I make sport, and am laughed at, no otherwise than at some great feast: and glad I am that I can make the audience so merie. The like for all the world, is repor­ted of Archytas, the Tarentine, and Plato: the one being returned home from the warre, where­in he was L. Generall, found his land forlet, neglected and untilled; whereupon he sent for his Bailife of husbandrie, who had the charge thereof: and when he was come before him, Were I not exceeding angrie (quoth he) I would make thee feele my fingers, and give thee thy desert. And Plato being upon a time displeased with a seruant of his, who had a licouroustooth, and had done some ungracious pranke, called unto him Spensippus his sisters sonne, and said, Goe 50 your waies, take me this knave aside, and swinge him well: for I my selfe am verie angrie. But some man perhaps will say unto me, These be hard matters to do and imitate. True it is, I wote well; howbeit, endevour we must and strive with our selves what we can, according to the exam­ple of these worthie men, to cut off somewhat of our impatience, and to curbe our excessive an­ger: for we may not looke to be eqvall and comparable in any respect to them, either in expe­rience [Page 13] and skill or in vertue. Howbeit, let us neverthelesse, like the Priests and Torch-bearers (if I may so say) of the gods, ordeined to give light, and shew unto men the reliques of their wise­dome and learning, no lesse than if they were verie gods, assay to follow them, and tread in their steps, endevouring as much as lieth in us, to be furnished with their examples for our better in­struction. As for the rule and government of the tongue (for of it, according to my promise, I am to discourse) if there be any man, who thinketh it to be no great mastrie, but a small and fri­volous matter, he is verie wide and farre out of the right way. For a point it is of great wisdome, to know in time and place to keepe silence, and farre better by many degrees than any speech whatsoever. And for this cause (I suppose) it was, that our ancestours in times past instituted those precise ceremonies of sacred mysteries, to the end that being used to holde our peace by 10 that meanes, we might transferre that feare which we learned in the service of the gods, to the fi­delitie and secrecie which we are to observe in mens affaires; and verily never was there man that repented for holding his tongue, but many a one hath often beshrewed himselfe for spea­king. Againe, that word which a man hath held in at one time, he may easilie utter at another well enough; but a word once passed out of the mouth, he cannot possibly recall it againe. I re­member that I have heard of an infinite number of men, who by occasion of an intemperate tongue of their own, have fallen headlong into exceeding great calamities, among whom I will select one or two by way of example, to illustrate the theame that I have in hand, & overpasse the rest. Ptolomaeus King of Aegypt, him I meane who was surnamed Philadelphus, espoused his owne sister Arsinoë, and maried her: at what time one Sotades came unto him and sayd, You 20 put your aglet, sir, thorow the oilet that is not made for it: For this one word, he was cast into prison, where he remained a long time in miserie, and rotted in the end, suffering condigne pu­nishment due for his lauish tongue and foolish words: and for that he thought to make other men laugh, himselfe wept for it a long time after. The like, and in a maner the same, both did and suffered another, named Theocritus the Sophister, save that the punishment which he abid was much more grievous. For when King Alexander the Great had by his letters missive given commandement that the Greekes should provide Robes of purple against his returne, because upon his comming home he minded to celebrate a solemne sacrifice unto the Gods, in token of thanksgiving for that he had atchieved a victorie over the Barbarians: by reason of which commaundement the States and cities of Greece were enjoyned to contribute money 30 by the poll, Then this Theocritus, I have ever to this day (quoth he) doubted what Homer meant by this word Purple death: but now I know full well that this is the Purple death which he spea­keth of. By which words he incurred the high displeasure of King Alexander, and made him his heavie friend ever after. The same Theocritus another time procured to himselfe the deadly harted of Antigonus King of the Macedonians, by reproching him in way of mockerie with his deformity and defect, for that he had but one eie. For the King having advaunced Eutropion his Master Cooke to aplace of high calling and commaund, thought him a meete man to be sent unto Theocritus, as well to give account unto him, as also to take account of him reciprocally. Eutropion gave him to understand so much from the King, and about this businesse, repaired often unto him. In the end, I know well (quoth Theocritus) thou wilt never have done untill 40 thou have made a dish of meate of me, and serve me up raw to the table before this Cyclops to be eaten: twitting the King with his one eie, and Eutropion with his cookerie. But Eutropion came upon him againe presently and said: Thou shalt be then without a head first, For I will make thee pay for thy prating and foolish toong, and with that he went immediately to the King, and reported what he had said, who made no more adoe but sent his writ and caused his head to be smitten off.

Over and besides all these precepts before rehearsed, children ought to be inured from their very infancie in one thing which is most holy and beseeming religious education, and that is, to speake the truth: For surely, lying is a base and servile vice, detestable and hatefull among all men, and not pardonable so much as to meane slaves, such as haue little or no good in them. 50 Now as touching all that which I have delivered and advised hitherto which concerneth the honest behaviour, modestie and temperance of yoong children, I have delivered the same franckly, resolutely, and making no doubt thereof. Mary, for one point which now I am to touch and handle, I am not so well resolved, but much distracted in my mind, hanging to and fro as it were in aequall balance, and know not which way to incline, whether to the one side or [Page] to another: Insomuch as I am in great perplexitie and feare: neither wote I whether I were better to go forward and utter it, or to turne backe and hold my peace. And yet I will take heart, and boldly declare what it is. The question to be debated is this, Whether we ought to permit those that love young boies, to converse with them and haunt their companie, or contrariwise, keepe them away and debar them that they neither come neere nor have any speech with them? For when I behold & consider the austere nature & severitie of some fathers, who for feare that their sonnes should be abused, wil in no wise abide that those who love them should in any sort keepe cōpanie, or talke with them, but thinke it intolerable, I am affraid either to bring up such an order or to approove & mainteine the same. But when on the other side I propound before mine eies the examples of Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aeschines, Cebes, and all the suit and sort of 10 those woorthy men in times past, who allowed the maner of loving yoong boies, and by that meanes brought such youthes to learne good sciences, to skill of government & State matters, and to frame their maners to the rule and square of vertue, I am turned quite and altogither of another minde, yea and inclined wholly to imitate and follow those great personages, who have the testimonie of the Poet Euripides on their side, saying in one place after this maner,

All loves do not the flesh grossly respect:
One love there is which doth the soule affect,
With justice bewtified and aequitie,
With innocence likewise and chastitie.

Neither ought we to overpasse one faying of Plato, which he delivereth betweene mirth and 20 good earnest in this wise, Good reason it is, quoth he, that they who have done woorthy service and atchieved great prowesse and victory in a battaile, be priviledged to kill whom it pleaseth them among their captives. And for those who desire nothing but the bewty and fresh floure of the bodie, mine opinion is they should be put backe & kept away: but such in one word as love of the bewrie of the minde are to be chosen & admitted unto them. Also I hold, that such kind love is to be avoided and forbidden, which they practise in Thebes and Elis, as also that which in Candy they call Ravishment: but that which is used in Athens and Lacedaemon, we ought to receive and allow, even in young and faire boies. Howbeit concerning this matter every man may for me opine what he thinketh good, and do as he seeth cause and can finde in his heart.

Moreover, having sufficiently treated of the good nourture and modest behaviour of chil­dren, 30 I purpose to proceed unto the age of yoong men: but first I will speake my mind [...] once for all as touching one point. For many a time I have complained of those who have brought up divers ill customes & this above the rest, namely to provide for their children whiles they be very yoong and little, masters, teachers and governors: but after they are growen once to some yeeres, they give them head and suffer them to be caried away with the violent heat of youth: whereas contrariwise it were meet and needfull, to have a more carefull eie un­to them, and to hold a streighter hand over them at that time, than during their infancie and childhood. For who knoweth not, that the faults of yoong children are but small, light and easie to be amended, as for example, some shrewdnesse and little disobedience to their tutors and go­vernors, or haply some negligence and default in not giving eare to their teachers, and not 40 doing as their Maisters appoint them: But contrariwise the offences that yonkers commit, are many times outragious and heinous, as gourmandise and surfeting, robbing of their fathers, dice plaie in masks and mummeries, excesse in feasting, banqueting, quaffing and carousing, [...] love of yoong maidens, adulteries committed upon maried wives, & thereby the over­throw of houses and confusion of families. In regard of which enormities, it behooved pa­rents to represse and bridle their wilde and untamed affections with great care and vigilance: For this floure of age having no forecast of thrift, but set altogither upon spending, and given to delights and pleasures, winseth and flingeth out like a skittish and frampold horse, in such sort that it had need of a sharpe bit and short curb: And therefore they that endeuor not by all good meanes forcibly to hold in and restraine this age, but give yoong men libertie and suffer 50 them to do after their own mind, plunge them ere they be aware into a licentious course of life and all maner of wickednesse. Wherefore good and wise fathers ought in this age especially to be vigilant and watchfull over their sonnes, they ought I say to keepe them downe, and inute them to wisedome and vertue, by teaching, by threatning, by intreatie and praiers, by advise and remonstrances, by perswasion and counsell, by faire promises, by setting before their eies the [Page 15] examples of some who being abandoned to their pleasures and all sensualitie, have fallen head­long into great calamities and wofull miseries: and contrariwise, of others who by mastering their lusts and conquering their delights, have wonne honor and glorious renowne. For surely these be the two Elements and foundations of vertue, Hope of reward, and Feare of punish­ment: For, as hope inciteth and setteth them forward to enterprise the best and most commen­dable acts, so feare plucketh them backe, that they dare not enter upon lewd and wicked pranks. In summe, Fathers ought with great care to divert their children from frequenting ill compa­nie, for otherwise they shall be sure to catch infection and carie away the contagion of their leandnes. This is that Pythagoras expresly forbiddeth in his Aenigmaticall precepts under co­vert and dark words, which because they are of no small efficacie to the attaining of vertue, I will 10 briefly set downe by the way, and open their meaning. Taste not (quoth he) of the black tailed fi­shes, Melanuri, which is as much to say, as, Keepe not company with infamons persons, & such as for their naughtie life are noted (as it were) with a blacke coale. Passe not over a balance, That is, we ought to make the greatest account of equitie and justice, and in no case to transgresse the same. Sit not upon the Choenix co­teined 2. sex­tars, or after some a sextar & halfe, which was dimen [...] . Vide Cat. Rhe­diq. lib. 16. cap. 17. [...] . measure Choenix, That is to say, we are to flie sloth and idlenes, that we may forecast to make provision of things necessarie to this life. Give not every man thy right hand, which is all one with this, Make no contracts and bargaines indifferently with all persons. Weare not a ring streight upon thy finger. i. Live in freedome and at libertie; neither intangle and clog thy life with troubles as with gives. Dig not nor rake into the fire with a sword: where­by he giveth us a caveat, not to provoke farther a man that is angrie, for that is not meete and 20 expedient; but rather to give place unto those that are in heat of choller. Ear not thy heart, that is to say, offend not thine owne soule, nor hurt and consume it with pensive cares. Abstaine from beanes. i. Intermeddle not in the affaires of State and government: for that in olde time men were woont to passe their voices by beanes, & so proceeded to the election of Magistrates. Put not viands in a chamber-pot: whereby he signifieth, that we should not commit good and civill words to a wicked minde; because speech is the nutriment of the understanding, which be­commeth polluted by the leudnesse of men. Returne not backe from the limits and confines when thou commest unto them, that is to say, If wee perceive death approching, and that wee are come to the uttermost bounds of our life, we ought to beare our death patiently, and not be discouraged thereat. 30

But now is it time to retume againe to my matter which I proposed before in the beginning, namely, as I have alreadie said, we are to withdraw our children from the societie and companie of leud persons, and flatterers especiallie: for that which many a time and often I have said to divers and sundrie fathers, I will now repeat once againe, namely, That there is not a more mis­chievous and pestilent kinde of men, or who doe greater hurt to youth, and sooner overthrow them, then these flatterers, who are the undoing both of fathers and sonnes, causing the olde age of the one, and the youth of the other, wretched and miserable, presenting with their leud and wicked counsels an inevitable bait, to wit, Pleasure, wherewith they are sure to be caught. Fa­thers exhort their sonnes that be wealthie, to sobrietie; and these incite them to drunkenesse. Fathers give them counsell to live chaste and continent; these provoke them to lust and loose­nesse 40 of life. Fathers bid them to save, spare, and be thriftie; these will them to spend, scatter, and be wasters. Fathers advise their children to labour and travell; these flatterers give them counsell to play or sit still and doe nothing; What? all our life, say they, is no more but a mo­ment and minute of time, to speake of: we must live therefore, and enjoy our owne, whiles wee have it: we must not live beside our selves, and languish. What need you regard and care for the menaces of a father, an olde doting foole carying death in his face, and having one foot in the grave, we shall see him one of these dayes turne up his heeles, and then will we soone have him forth, and cary him aloft bravely to his grave. You shall have one of these come, and bring unto a youth some common harlot out of the stinking stewes, having bome him in hand be­fore, that she is some brave dame and citizens wife, for to furnish whom, he must robbe his fa­ther, 50 there is no remedie. Thus fathers, goodmen, in one houre are bereaved and spoiled of that which they had saved many a yeere for the maintenance of their olde age. To be short, a wretched and cursed generation they be; hypocrites, pretending friendship, but they can not skill of plaine dealing and franke speech. Rich men they claw, sooth up and flatter: the poore they contemne and despise. It seemeth they have learned the Art of singing to the Harpe, for [Page 16] to seduce yoong men: for when their yoong masters, who mainteine and feed them, begin to laugh, then they set up by and by a loud laughter, then they yawne & shew all their teeth; coun­terfeit cranks, fained and supposed men; bastard members of mankinde and this life; who com­pose themselves, and live to the will and pleasure of rich men: and notwithstanding their for­tune is to be free borne, and of franke condition, yet they chuse voluntarily to be slaves: who thinke they have great injurie done unto them, if they may not live in all fulnesse and superflui­tie, to be kept delicately, and doe nothing that good is. And therefore all futhers that have any care of their childrens good education and wel doing, ought of necessitie to chase and drive a­way from them these gracelesse imps and shamelesse beasts: they shall doe well also to keepe from them such schoole-fellowes as be unhappie and given to doe shrowd turnes: for such as 10 they, are enough to corrupt and marre the best natures in the world.

All these rules and lessons which hitherto I have delivered, do concerne honestie, vertue and profit: but those that now remaine behinde, pertaine rather to humanity, and are more agreea­ble to mans nature. For in no case would I have fathers to be verie hard, sharpe and rigorous to their children: but I could rather wish and desire that they winke at some faults of a yoong man, yea and pardon the same when they espie them, remembring that they themselves were sometimes yoong. For like as Physitians mingling and tempering otherwhiles some sweetejuice or liquid with bitter drugs and medicines, have devised that pleasure and delight should be the meanes and way to do their patients good: Even so, fathers ought to delay their eager reprehensions and cutting rebukes with kindnesse and clemencie: one while letting the 20 bridle loose, and giving head a little to the youthfull desires of their children: another while againe reigning them short and holding them in, as hard: but above all, with patience gently to beare with their faults. But if so be fathers cannot otherwise doe, but be soone angrie; then they must assoone have done and be quickly pacified. For I had rather that a father should be hastie with his children, so he be appeased anon: then show to anger, and as hard to be pleased againe. For when a father is so hard harted, that he will not be reconciled, but carieth still in minde the offence that is done, it is a great signe that he hateth his children. And I hold it good that fathers somtime take not knowlege of their childrens faults, and in this case make some use of hard hearing and dimme sight, which old age ordinarily bringeth with it, as if by reason of these infirmities, they neither saw somewhat when they see well ynough, nor heard that which 30 they heare plainely. We beare with the faults of friends; what strange matter is it then to tole­rate the imperfections of our owne children? Many a time when our servants have overdrunke themselves, & surfeited therwith, we search not too narrowly into them, nor rebuke them sharp­ly: therefore keepe thy sonne one while short, be franke another while, and give him money to spend freely. Thou hast beene highly offended, and angrie with him once, pardon him ano­ther time for it. Hath he practised secretly with any one of thy houshold servants, and beguiled thee? Dissemble the matter and bridle thine yre. Hath he beene at one of thy farmes, met with a good yoke of oxen & made money therof? Commeth he in the morning to do his dutie and bid thee good morrow, belching sowre and smelling strongly of wine, which the day before he drunke at the taverne with companions like himselfe? seeme to know nothing. Senteth he of 40 sweete perfumes and costly pomanders? Hold thy peace and say nothing. These are the means to tame and breake a wilde and coltish youth. True it is, that such as naturally be subject to wan­tonnesse or carnall lust, and will not be reclaimed from it, not give eare to those that rebuke them, ought to have wives of their owne and to be yoked in marriage: for surely this is the best and surest meanes to bridle those affections, and to keepe them in order. And when fathers are resolved upon this point, what wives are they to seeke for them? Surely those, that are neither in blood much more noble, nor in state farre wealthier than they: For an old said saw it is and a wise, Take a wife according to thy selfe. As for those that wed women farre higher in degree, or much wealthier than themselves, I cannot say they be husbands unto their wives, but rather slaves unto their wives goods. 50

I have yet a few short lessons to annexe unto those above rehearsed, which when I have set downe, I will conclude, and knit up these precepts of mine. Above all things fathers are to take heed, that they neither commit any grosse fault, nor omit any one part of their owne dutie: to the end they may be as lively examples to their owne children; who looking into their life as into a cleere mirrour, may by the precedents by them given, forbeare to do or speake any thing [Page 17] that is unseemely and dishonest: For such fathers who reproove their children for those parts which they play themselves, see not how under the name of their children they condemne their owne selves. But surely, all those generally who are ill livers, have not the heart to rebuke so much as their owne servants; much lesse dare they finde fault with their children. And that which is woorst of all, in living ill themselves, they teach and counsell their servants and chil­dren to do the same: For looke where old folke be shamelesse, there must yoong people of ne­cessitie be most graceles and impudent Endevour therfore we ought for the resormation of our children, to do our selves all that our dutie requireth: and heerein to imitate that noble Ladie Eurydice, who being a Slavonian borne, and most barbarous, yet for the instruction of her owne children, she tooke paines to learne good letters when she was well stept in yeeres. And how 10 kinde a mother she was to her children, this Epigram which she her selfe made and dedicated to the Muses, doth sufficiently testifie and declare:

This Cupid here of honest love a true Memoriall is,
Which whilom Dame Eurydice of Hierapolis
To Muses nine did dedicate: where by in soule and mind
Conceiv'd she was in later daies and brought foorth fruit in kind.
For when her children were well growen: good ancient Lady shee,
And carefull mother tooke the paines to learne the A. B. C.
And in good letters did so far proceed that in the end
She taught them those sage lessons which they might comprehend. 20

But now to conclude this Treatise, To be able to observe and keepe all these precepts and rules together which I have before set downe, is a thing haply that I may wish for, rather than give advise and exhort unto. Howbeit, to affect and follow the greater part of them, although it require a rare felicitie and singular diligence; yet it is a thing that man by nature is capable of, and may attaine unto. 30

HOW A YOONG MAN OVGHT TO HEARE POETS, AND HOW HE MAY TAKE PROFIT BY READING POEMES.

The Summarie. 40

FOrasmuch as yoong students are ordinarily allured as with a baite by reading of poets, in such sort, as willingly they employ their time therein, considering that Poësie hath I wot not what Sympathie with the first heats of this age: therefore by good right this present discourse is placed next unto the former. And albeit it to speake pro­perly, it pertaineth unto those onely who read ancient Poëts, as well Greeke as Latin, to take heede and beware how they take an impression of dangerous opinions, in regard either of reli­gion or manners: yet a man may comprehend likewise under it all other profane authors, out of which a minde that is not corrupt may gather profit, so they be handled wisely and used with discretion. To which effect Plutarch delivereth in this treatise good precepts. And after he hath shewed generally, 50 that in Poesie there is delight and danger withall: he refuteth briefly those who flatly condemne it: Then, as he proceedeth to advertise that this ground and foundation is to be laide, namely, that poëts are liers; he describeth what their fictions be, how they ought to be considered, and what the scope and marke is whereat Poë sie doth aime and shoot: After wards he adviseth, to weigh & ponder well the in­tention of Poëts, unto which they addresse & accommodate their verses: to beware of their repugnan­its [Page 18] and contradictions: and to the ende that we be not so soone damnified by any dangerous points which they deliver one after another, to oppose against them the opinions and counsels of other persons of better marke. Which done, he addeth moreover and saith, That the sentences intermingled here and there in Poëts, do reply sufficiently against the evill doctrine that they may seeme to teach elsewhere: also, in taking heed to the diverse significations of words to be rid and freed from great encumbrances and difficulties: discoursing moreover how a man may make use of their descriptions of vices and ver­tues: also, of the words and deeds of those personages whom they bring in: searching unto the reasons and causes of such speeches and discourses: thereout to draw in the end a deeper sense and higher mea­ning, reaching even to Morall philosophie, and the gentle framing of the minde unto the love of ver­tue. And for that there be some hard and difficult places, which like unto forked waies, may leave 10 the mindes of the Readers doubtfull and in suspense: he sheweth that it is an easie matter to apply the same well, and that withall, a man may reforme those sentences ill placed, and accommodate them to many things. And in conclusion, framing this discourse to his principall intention, hetreateth how the praises and dispraises which Poëts attribute unto persons, are to be considered: and that we ought to confirme all that which we finde good in such authors by testimonies taken out of Philosophie, the onely scope whereunto yoong men must tend in reading of Poëts.

READING AND HEARING of Poemes and Poets. 20

THat which the Poet Philoxenus said of flesh, that the sweetest is that which is least flesh: of fish likewise that the most favorie is that which is least fish, let us, O Marcus Sedatus, leave to be decided and judged by those, who as Cato said, had their palats more quicke and sensible than their hearts. But, that yoong men take more pleasure in those Philosophicall discourses, which favour least of Philoso­phie, and seeme rather spoken in mirth than in earnest, and are more willing to give care thereto, and suffer themselves more easily to be led and directed thereby, is a thing to us notorious and evi­dent. 30 For we see, that in reading not onely Aesops fables and the fictions of Poets, but also the booke of Heraclides entituled Abaris, and that of Ariston, named Lycas; wherein the opini­ons of Philosophers as touching the soule, are mingled with tales and feigned narrations devi­sed for pleasure, they be ravished as one would say with great contentment and delight. And therefore such youthes ought not onely to keepe their bodies sober and temperate in the plea­sures of meate and drinke, but also much more to accustome their minds to a moderate delight in those things which they heare and read, using the same temperately as a pleasant and delecta­ble sauce to give a better and more favorie taste to that which is healthfull, holsome and profita­ble therein. For neither those gates that be shut in a city do guard the same and secure it for be­ing forced and won, if there be but one standing open to receive and let in the enimies: nor the 40 temperance and continencie in the pleasures of other senses preserve a yoong man for being corrupted and perverted, if for want of forecast and heed taking he give himselfe to the plea­sure onely of the care. But for that the hearing approcheth neerer to the proper seat of reason and understanding (which is the braine) so much the more hurt it doth unto him that receiveth delectation thereby, if it be neglected, and not better heed taken thereto. Now forasmuch hap­ly, as it is neither possible nor profitable, to restraine from the reading and hearing of Poemes, such yoong men as are of the age either of my soone Soclarus, or of your Cleander, let us I praie you, have a carefull eie unto them, as standing more in need of a guide now to direct them in their readings, then they did in times past to stay and dade them when they learned to go. This is the reason, that me thought in dutie I was bound to send unto you in writing, that which not 50 long since I discoursed of by mouth, as touching the writings of Poets: to the end that you may reade it your selfe, and if you find that the reasons therein delivered be of no lesse vertue & effi­cacie than the stones called Amethysts, which some take before and hang about their necks, to keepe them from drunkennesse as they sit at bankets, drinking wine merily; you may impart and communicate the same to your sonne Cleander, to preoccupate and prevent his nature, [Page 19] which being not dull and heavie in any thing, but every way quicke, lively and pregnant, is more apt and easie to be led by such allurements.

In Polypes head there is to be had,
One thing that good is, and another as bad,

for that the flesh thereof is pleasant and favorie enough in taste to him that feedeth there­upon: but (as they say) it causeth troublesome dreames in the sleepe, and imprinteth in the fan­tasie strange and monstrous visions. Semblablie, there is in Poesie much delectation and plea­sure, enough to entertaine and feed the understanding and spirit of a yoong man: yet neverthe­lesse, hee shall meet with that there which will trouble and cary away his minde into errours, if his hearing be not well guided and conducted by sage direction. For verie well and fitly it may 10 be said not onely of the land of Aegypt, but also of Poetrie;

Mixed drugs plentie, as well good as bad,
Med'cines and poisons are there to be had,

which it bringeth foorth and yeeldeth to as many as converse therein. Likewise:

Therein sweet loue and wantonnesse, with dalliance, you shall finde;
And sugred words, which do beguile the best and wisest minde.

For that which is so deceitfull and dangerous therein, toucheth not at all those that be wit­lesse sots, fooles, and grosse of conceit. Like as Simonides answered upon a time to one, who de­manded 20 of him, Why he did not beguile and circumvent the Thessalians aswell as all other Greeks; Because, quoth he, they are too sottish for me to deale withall, and so rude, that I can not skill of deceiving them. Gorgias also the Leontine was woont to say of a Tragedie, That it was a kinde of deceit, whereby he that deceived became more just than he who deceived not; and he that was deceived, wiser than another who was not deceived. What is then to be done? Shall we constraine our youth to goe aboord into the Brigantine or Barke of Epicurus, to saile a­way and flie from Poetrie, by plastring and stopping their eares with hard and strong waxe, as Vlisses sometimes served those of Ithaca? or rather by environing and defending their judge­ment with some discourse of true reason, as with a defensative band about it, to keepe and guard them, that they be not caried away with the allurements of pleasure, unto that which might hurt 30 them: Shall we reforme and preserve them?

For sure, Lycurgus, though he was
The valiant sonne of stout Dryas,

shewed himselfe not wise nor well in his wits, when he went throughout his whole realme and caused all the vines to be cut downe and destroied, because he saw many of his subjects troubled in their braines and drunken with wine: whereas he should rather have brought the nymphes (which are the spring waters) neerer, and keepe in order that foolish, furious and outragious god Bacchus as Plato saith, with another goddesse that was wise and sober. For the mingling of water with wine, delaieth and taketh away the hurtfull force thereof: but killeth not withall the holsome vertue that it hath: Even so we ought not to cut off, nor abolish Poetrie, 40 which is a part and member of the Muses and good literature: But when as the straunge fables and Theatricall fictions therein, by reason of the exceeding pleasure and singular delight that they yeeld in reading them, do spred and swell unmeasurably, readie to enter forcibly into out conceit so farre as to imprint therein some corrupt opinions: then let us beware, put foorth our hands before us, keepe them backe and staie their course. But where there is a Grace and Muse met togither, that is to say, delight conjoigned with some knowledge and learning: where I say, the attractive pleasure and sweetenesse of speech, is not without some fruit nor void of utilitie, there let us bring in withall the reason of Philosophie, and make a good medly of pleasure and profit together. For as the herbe Mandragoras growing neere unto a vine, doth by infusion transmit her medicinable vertue into the wine that commeth of it, and procureth in them that 50 drinke afterwards thereof, a more milde desire and inclination to sleepe soundly: Even so, a Poëme receiving reasons and arguments out of Philosophie, and intermingling the same with fables and fictions, maketh the learning and knowledge therein conteined to be right amiable unto yoong men, and soone to be conceived. Which being so, they that would be learned and Philosophers indeed, ought not to reject and condemne the works of Poetrie, but rather search [Page 20] for Philosophie in the writings of Poëts: or rather therein to practise Philosophie, by using to seeke profit in pleasure, and to love the same: otherwise, if they can finde no goodnesse therein, to be displeased and discontented, and to fall out therewith. And truely this is the very begin­ning of knowledge and learning: for according to the Poët Sophocles,

Lay well thy ground, what ever thou intend:
For a good beginning, makes an happie end.

First and formost therefore, the yoong man whom we would induct and traine to the rea­ding of Poësie, ought to have nothing in his heart so well imprinted, nor so readie at hand, as this common saying,

Poets all to say a sooth 10
Are Liers stout, and speake untruth.

And verily as Poets sometimes lie wilfully, so otherwhiles they do it against their wils: wil­fully and of purpose, for that being desirous to tickle and please the eares, a thing which most Readers desire and seeke after, they thinke that simple and plaine veritie is more austere for that purpose then leasing: For truth recounting a thing as it was done, keepeth to it still, and albeit the issue and the end thereof haply be unpleasant, yet neverthelesse she goeth not aside but re­porteth it outright: whereas a tale or lie devised for delight, quickly diverteth out of the way, and soone turneth from a thing which greeveth, unto that which is more delightsome. For there is no song in time and metre, no trope or figuratiue speech, no lostie stile, no metaphor so fitly borowed, no harmonie, no composition of words, how smoothly soever they run, that 20 carieth the like grace, and is either so attractive or retentive, as a fabulous narration well cou­ched, artificially enterlaced, and aptly delivered. But as a picture drawen to the like, the colour is more effectuall to moove & affect our sense, then the simple purtraying and first draught, by reason of a certaine resemblance it hath to the personage of man or woman, which deceiveth our judgement: Even so, in Poëmes, a lie intermingled with some probabilitie and like lihood of a truth doth excite and stirre more, yea and please better by farre, than all the arte and studie that a man is able to employ either in composing excellent verses, or enditing any polished prose, without enterlarding fables and sictions Poëticall. Whereupon it came to passe, that Socrates who all his life time made great profession to be a desender and mainteiner of the truth, being minded upon a time to take in hand Poetrie, by occasion of certeine dreames and visions 30 appeering unto him in his sleepe: in the enterprise whereof finding himselfe to have no apt­nesse nor grace at all in devising lies, did into verse certaine fables of Aesope, supposing verilie there could be no Poësie where there were no lies. Many sacrifices we know to have beene cele­brated without piping and dauncing. But never was there knowen any Poetrie, but it was grounded upon some vaine fables & loud leasing. The verses of Empedocles and Parmemdes, the booke of Nicander entituled Thersara, where he treateth of the biting and stinging of venemous serpents, and of their remedies, The morall sentences of Theognis are writings which borrow of Poetrie their lostinesse of stile and measure of syllables, to beare them up mounted on high to avoid the base foote pace (as it were) of prose. When as we read therefore in Poeticall com­positions, any strange and absurd thing, as touching the Gods, demy-gods, or vertue, spoken by 40 some worthy personage of great renowne, he that beleeveth such a speech and receiveth it as an undoubted truth, wandereth in error and is corrupted in opinion: but he that ever and anon re­membreth and setteth before his cies the charmes and illusions that Poetrie ordinarily useth in the invention of lying fables, and estsoones blesse himselfe and say thus thereto,

O queint device, ô slie and crafiiegin more changeable than spotted Ounces skin:
Why jestest thou and yet thy browes doest knit? deceiving me, yet seem'st to teach me wit.

He I say, shall never take harme, nor admit into his understanding any evill impression, but re­prechend and reproove himselfe when he feareth Neptune, and standeth in dread, least he shake 50 cleaue and open the earth, and so discover hell: he will rebuke also himselfe when he is offended and angrie with for Apollo the principal [...] . man of all the Greekes, of whom Thetu complaineth thus in the Poet Aesohylus, as touching Achilles her sonne.

Himselfe did sing and say al good of me: himselfe also at wedding present was:
[Page 21] Yet for all this, himselfe and none but be, hath slaine and done to death my sonne alas.

He will like wise represse the treares of Achilles now departed, and of Agamemnon being in hell, who in their desire to revive and for the love of this life, stretch foorth their impotent and seeble hands. And if it chaunce at any time that he be troubled with passions, and surprised with their enchantments and sorcerie, he will not sticke nor feare to say thus unto himselfe,

Make hast and speed, without delay,
Recover soone the light of day;
Beare well in minde what thou seest heere:
And all report to thy bed feere. 10

Homer spake this in mirth and pleasantly, fitting indeed the discourse, wherein he describeth hell as being in regard of the fiction a tale fit for the eares of women and none els: These be the fables that Poets do feigne voluntarily. But more in number there are which they neither de­visenor counterfeit, but as they are perswaded and do beleeve themselves, so they would beare us in hand and infect us with the same untruthes, as namely when Homer writeth thus of Iupiter,

Two lots then of long sleeping death, he did in balance put,
One for Achilles hardy knight, and one for Hector stout:
But when he pis'd it just mids, behold, str Hectors death
Weigh'd downward unto bell beneath: Then Phoebus slopt his breath.

To this fiction Aeschylus the Poët hath aptly fitted one entire Tragedie, which he intituled 20 Psychostasia, that is to say, the weighing of Soules or ghosts in balance. Wherein he deviseth to stand at these skales of Iupiter, Thetu of the one side, and Aurora of the other, praying each of them for their sonnes as they fight. But there is not a man who seeth not cleerely, that this it but a made tale and meere fable devised by Homer, either to content and delight the Reader, or to bring him into some great admiration and astonishment. Likewise in this place:

T'is Iupiter that mooveth warre:
He is the cause that men do jarre.

As also this of another Poët:

When God above some house will overthrow,
He makes debate, twixt mort all men below. 30

These and such like speeches are delivered by Poëts, according to the very conceit and be­liese which they have, whereby the errour and ignorance which themselves are in as touching the nature of the gods they derive and communicate unto us. Semblably, the strange wonders and marvels of Hell; The descriptions by them made which they depaint unto us by fearefull and terrible termes, representing unto us the fantasticall apprehensions and imaginations of burning and flaming rivers, of hideous places and horrible torments: there are not many men but wot well ynough that therein be tales and lies good store: no otherwise than in meates and viands, you shall finde mixed otherwhiles hurtfull poyson, or medicinable drugs. For neither Homer nor Pindarus, nor Sophocles, have written thus of Hell, beleeving certainely that there were any such things there: 40

From whence the dormant rivers dead of blacke and shady night,
Cast up huge mists and clouds full darke, that overwhelme the light:

Likewise,

The Ocean coast they sailed still along,
Fast by the clifs of Leucas rocke among.

As also,

Here boyling waves of gulfe so deepe do swell,
Where lies the way and downfall into hell. 50

And as many of them as bewailed and lamented for death as a most piteous and woful thing, or feared want of sepulture as a miserable and wretched case, uttered their plaints and griefes in these and such like words:

Forsake me not unburied so,
Nor unbewailed when you go.

[Page 22] Semblably,

And then the soule from body flew, and as to hell she went,
She did her death, her losseof strength and youthfull yeeres lament.

Likewise,

Doe not me kill before my time, for why? to see this light
Is sweet: sorce me not under earth, where nothing is but night. 10

These are the voices I say of passionate persons, captivate before to error and false opinions. And therefore they touch us more neerely, and trouble us so much the rather, when they finde us likewise possessed of such passions and feeblenes of spirit, from whence they proceed. In which regard we ought to be prepared betimes, and provided alwaies before hand to encounter and withstand such illusions, having this sentence readily evermore resounding in our cares as it were from a trunke or pipe, That Poetrie is fabulous, and maketh smal reckoning of Truth. As for the truth indeed of these things, it is exceeding hard to be conceived & comprehended even by those who travell in no other businesse, but to search out the knowledge and understanding of the thing, as they themselves do confesse. And for this purpose these verses of Empedocles would be alwaies readie at hand, who saith that the depth of such things as these 20

No eie of man is able to perceive:
No care to heare, nor spirit to conceive.

Like as these also of Xenophanes.

Never was man nor ever will be,
Able to sound the veritie
Of those things which of God I write,
Or of the world I do endite.

And I assure you, The very words of Socrates in Plato imply no lesse, who protesteth and bindeth it with an oath, that he cannot attaine to the knowledge of these matters. And this will be a good motive to induce yoong men to give lesse credit unto Poëts, as touching their 30 certaine knowledge in these points, wherein they perceive the Philosophers themselves so doubtfull and perplexed, yea and therewith so much troubled.

Also the better shall we stay the mind of a yoong man & cause him to be more warie, if at his first entrance into the reading of Poëts, we describe Poetrie unto him: giving him to understand that it is an art of Imitation, & a science correspondent every way to the seat of painting: and not onely must he be acquainted with the hearing of that vulgar speech so common in every mans mouth, that Poësie is a speaking picture, and picture a dumbe Poësie: but also we ought to teach him, that when we behold a Lizard or an Ape wel painted, or the face of Thersites lively drawen, we take pleasure therein & praise the same wonderfully; not for any beautie in the one or in the other, but because they are so naturally counterfeited. For that which is soule of it selfe & ilfavo­red 40 in the owne nature, cannot be made faire & seemly: but the skil of resembling a thing wel, be the same faire or be it foule, is alwaies commended: wheras contrariwise, he that takes in hand to purtray an ilfavoured bodie, and makes thereof a faire & beautifull image, shall exhibite a sight neither seemely nor decent. Some painters you shall have to delight in painting of strange, foolish and absurd actions: as for example Timomachus represented in a table the picture of Medea, killing her owne children: Theon painted Orestes murthering his owne mother: Parrha­sius described with his pensill, the counterfeit race and madnesse of Vlisses, and Charepha­nes purtrayed the wanton dalliance, and dealing of men and women together unseemely. With which arguments and such like, a yoong man is to be made acquainted, that he may learne thereby how the thing it selfe is not praise woorthie, where of he seeth the expresse resemblance, 50 but the art and cunning of the workeman who could so artificially draw the same to the life. Semblably, for asmuch as Poësie representeth many times by way of imitation, filthie actions, leaud affections, and vicious manners: it is the part of a yoong man to know thus much, That the thing which is admired therein and found to be singular, he ought not either to receive as true, or proove as good, but to praise it so far foorth onely as it is befitting the person, or appro­priate [Page 23] to the subject matter. For like as when we heare the grunting of a swine, the creaking of a cart wheele, the whistling noise of the winde, or the roaring of the sea, we take no pleasure therein, but are troubled and discontented: but contrariwise, if a merie fellow or jester can pre­tily counterfeit the same, as one Parmeno could grunt like a swine, and Theodorus creake like the said wheeles, we are delighted therewith. Also, as we shun a diseased person, and a Lazar full of filthy ulcers, as an unpleasant and hideous spectacle to beholde: but when we looke upon Phila­ctetes purtraied by Aristophon; and queene Iocasta by Stlanian: namely, how they be described to pine away, and ready to yeeld up the ghost, we receive no small contentment thereby: even so a yoong man when hee shall reade what the ridiculous jester Thersites, or the amorous and wanton spoiler of maiden, Sisyphus, or the beastly bawd Betrochus, is brought in by Poets to say 10 or doe; let him be advertised and instructed to praise the art and sufficiencie of the Poet, who knew how to paint the same so lively and naturally: but withall to blame, reject, and detest the acts and conditions which are thus represented. For there is a great difference betweene resem­bling a thing well, and a thing that is simply good: for when I say Well, I meane aptly, decently and properly: and so acts filthie and dishonest, are fit and beseeming for lewd and unhonest persons. For the shoes of that lame creple Demonides, which he prayed to God might serve his feet that had stollen them from him, were in themselves misshapen and ilfavoured; howbeit, proper and fit for him: As for this speech,

If lawes of right and equitie
In any case may broken be, 20
What man alive would not begin
To do all wrong, a crowne to win?

And this:

Put on the face, I thee advise,
Of him that is just and right wise:
But see no deeds thou do for let,
Whereby thou must some profit get.

Also:

Vnlesse I may may talent gaine
As clere as gift, I am in paine. 30

Likewise:

How shall I live or take repose,
In case this talent I do lose?
Nay sleepe I will and feare no bell,
Nor torments there, but thinke all well:
What wrong I do, what plots I set,
My silver talent for to get.

Wicked words they be all, and most false; howbeit, beseeming such as Eteocles and Ixion were, and becomming well an olde Vsurer. If therefore wee would aduertise yoong men, that Poets write thus, not as if they praised and allowed such speeches, but as they know full well that 40 they be lewd and naughtie, so they do attribute them unto as wicked and godlesse persons, they should never take harme by any evill impressions from Poets: but contrariwise, the prejudicate opinion insinuated first, of such & such a man, will presently breed a suspition both of word and deed to be bad, as spoken and done by a bad and vicious person. Such an example is that of Pa­ris in Homer, who flying out of the battell, went presently to bed unto faire Helena. For seeing that the Poet reporteth of no man els, but only of this unchast adulterous Paris, that he lay with his wife in the day time: it is an evident proofe that he reputed and judged such incontinencie to be reprochfull, and therefore made report thereof to his blame and shame both. In these ca­ses also it would be well considered whether the Poët himselfe do not give some plaine demon­strations emplying thus much, that he misliketh such speeches, and is offended therewith, as 50 Menander did in the Prologue of that Comedie, which he entituled Thais.

O ladie Muse now belpe me to endite
Of this so bolde and unshame faced queane,
Yet beautifull: who also hath a sprite
Perswasive, and with words can carie cleane
[Page 24] The wrongs that she unto her lovers all
Doth offer; whom she shutteth out of dores,
And yet for gifts she still of them doth call,
And picks their purse, which is the cast of whores,
She none doth love, and yet she semblance makes
That die she will, poore heart, for all their sakes.

And verily in this kinde, Homer among all other Poëts doth excell, and useth such advertise­ments with best discretion: for it is ordinarie with him both to premise some reprehension and blame of evill speeches, and also to recommend the good. And for an instance heereof, in this wise he giveth commendation of a good speech, 10

And then anon, this speech right commendable
He spake, which was both sweet and profitable.

Againe,

Approching then, he stood unto him nere,
And stated him soone with words that gentle were.

Semblably on the other side, reprooving bad and lewd speeches, he in a maner doth protest that he himselfe misliketh of them, and therewith denounceth likewise, and doth intimate unto the readers thus much in effect, That they should make no use thereof, nor take regard, other­wise than of wicked things and dangerous examples: as namely when he purposed to describe the rude and grosse termes that Agamemon gave unto the Priest of Apollo, when he abused him 20 unreverently, he premised this before;

This nothing pleased Atreus sonne, K. Agamemnon hight;
But him he badly did intreat, and use with all despight.

By this word Badly, he meaneth rudely, proudly, disdainfully, without regard of dutie or de­cencie. As for Achilles he attributeth unto him these rash and outragious speeches,

Thou drunken sot and dogs-face that thou art
Thou courage hast, no more then fearfull Hart.

But he inferred withall his owne judgement as touching those words in this maner,

Achilles then sir Peleus sonne, still boiling in his blood
Gave Agamemnon words againe unseemely and not good. 30

For it is not like that any thing could be well and decently spoken proceeding from such anger and bitter choler, he observeth the same not in words onely but also in deeds. For thus he saith,

No sooner had he spoke the word, but presently he ment
To worthy Hector much disgrace, whose body up he hent,
He stript and spoiled it full soone, and then hard by the bed
Of sir Patrochus he it laid, and groveling there it spred.

He useth also fitly to the purpose pretie reprehensions after things be done, delivering his own sentence, as it were by way of a voice given, touching that which was either done or said a little before: As for example, after the narration of the adultery betweene Mars and Venus, he repor­teth that the gods spake in this sort: 40

Lewd Acts do never better speed; Lo how the slow and lame
Can overtake him him who for strength and swiftnes hath the name!

And in another place, upon the audatious presumption and proud vaunting of Hector, thus he saith,

These words he spake in braverie and swelling pride of heart,
But Lady Iuno was displeas'd, and tooke them in ill part.

Likewise as touching the arrow that Pandarus shot,

No sooner Pallas said the word, but foolish minded man,
He was perswaded, and therewith streight waies to shoote began.

And these be the sententious speeches, & opinions of Poets, by them expresly uttered, which 50 any man may soone find & easily discerme, if he will but take heed & give regard unto them. But yet over & besides these testimonies, they furnish us also with other instructions by their owne deeds. For thus it is reported of Euripides, that when upō a time some reviled Ixion & reproched him by the termes of Godlesse, Wicked & Accursed: he answered, True indeed quoth he, and therefore I would not suffer him to be brought frō the Stage, before I had set him fast upon the [Page 25] wheele, & broken both his armes & legs. True it is that this kinde of Doctrine in Homer is after a sort mute & not delivered in plaine & expresse termes: but if a man will cōsider more neerely, even those fables & fictions in him, which are most blamed & found fault withall, there may be found therein a profitable instruction & covert speculation: And yet some there be who wrest & writhe forcibly the said fables another way by their Allegories, (for so they call in these daies those speeches wherein one thing is spoken & another ment, whereas in times past they were termed Hypponaeae, for the hidden meaning couched under them) whereby they would make us beleeve that the fiction as touching the adulterie of Mars & Venus signifieth thus much, That when the Planet of Mars, is in conjunction with that of Venus in some Horoscopes and Nati­vities, such persons then borne shall bee enclined to adulteries: but if the Sun do then arise, 10 passe, and overtake them, then such adulteries are in danger to be discovered and the parties to be taken in the very act. Now as touching Iuno how she embellisheth and adorneth herselfe be­fore Iupiter, as also the fiction and sorcerie about the needle worke girdle and Tissue which she borowed of Venus, they would have it to signifie a certaine purging and cleering of the aire, as it approcheth neere to the fire: as if the Poet himselfe gave not the interpretation and exposi­tion of such doubts: For in the tale of the adulterie of Venus, he meaneth nothing els, but to teach them that gave eare thereto, how wanton musicke, lascivious songs, and speeches groun­ded upon evill arguments and conteining naughtie matters, corrupt our maners, induce us to a luxurious, loose and effeminate life, and cause men to be subject unto pleasures, delights, sen­sualitie and lust, and given over to the love of women: as also 20

To chaunge eft soones their beds of costly price,
Their rich array, hote baines, and ech device.

And therefore the same Homer bringeth in Vlysses, commanding the Musician who sung to the Harpe, in this wise

Digresse good sir from such lewd songs, and ballads vaine as these,
Sing rather of the Trojan horse: you shall us therein please.

Giving us thereby a good instruction, that Minstrels, Musitians and Poets should receive the matter and argument of their compositions from wise men, sober, sage and vertuous. And as touching that fable of Iuno, he sheweth how the love, favor, and acquaintance which women win of men by charmes, sorceries and enchantments with fraud and deceit, is a thing not onely tran­sitorie 30 and of small continuance, unsure, and whereof a man hath soone enough and is quickly weary, but also that which many times turneth to hatred, anger and enmitie, so soone as the pre­sent pleasure is once past: For thus threatneth Iupiter and saith,

Thou shalt then know that wanton love and daliance in bed,
Whereby thou earst hast me deceived, shall serve thee in small sted.

For the shew and representation of wicked deeds, if there be propounded withall the shame and losse which befalleth unto them that have committed the same, doth no hurt at all, but rather much good unto the hearers. As for Philosophers verily, they use examples taken out of histo­ries, to admonish and instruct the readers, even by such things as be at hand, and either are or have beene really so: but Poets do in deed the same, and in effect, howbeit they devise and in­vent 40 matter of their owne heads, they feigne fables I say, fitting their purpose. Certes like as Melanthius said, betweene bord and good earnest, that the citie of Athens stood upright on foote and was preserved by meanes of the division, discorde and trouble which was among or a­tours and Politicians; for that all the citizens leaned not altogither to a side, nor bare levelly upon one and the same wall, and so by reason of the variance which reigned among the States men, there was evermore some one counterpoise or other, weighing even against that which endamaged the common-weale: even so the contradictions that are found in the writings of Poets, which draw the assent and beleefe of the readers reciprocally to and fro, and leave matters ambiguous and doubtfull, are a cause that they be not of so great moment and weight, as to en­damage or endaunger much. When as therefore we meet with such repugnant places among 50 them, which being laid neere togither do implie evident contrarieties, we ought to encline to the safer side and favor the better part, As namely in these verses,

The Gods in many things, my sonne,
Have men decerved and them undone.

But contrariwise, what saith the sonne againe?

[Page 26]
Sir, that's soone said: mens fautt' excuse,
Nothing more ready than Gods t'accuse.

Likewise in one place:

In store of gold thou should'st have joy:
And count all knowledge but a toy.

But elsewhere:

Absurdit is in goods to flow,
And no good thing besides to know.

Moreover when we read:

How then? should I die? For Gods cause die? 10

We must be ready with this

What else? for love of God I judge
We ought no service for to grudge

These and such like diversities of doubtfull sentences, are soone assoiled and dissolved, in case, as I have before said, we direct the judgement of yoong men to adhere unto the better part. But say, we light upon some wicked and ungodly speech, without any answere adjoyned thereto for to refell the same presently: what then is to be done? Surely we must confute it, by opposing contrarie sentences of the same author in other places: niether are we to be angrie or offended with the Poët in this case; but rather thinke they be words either merily spoken, or on­ly to represent the nature of some person, & with him only to be displeased. Moreover, against 20 these fictions in Homer, when he reporteth how the gods fall together by the eares, and throw one another downe: or that they be wounded in some battell by the hands of mortall men: also that they beat variance and debate: you may if you will by and by oppose that which he him­selfe speaketh in another place, and so beat him with his owne rod: saying thus unto him,

You know sir if you list, ywis
To tell us better tales than this.

And verily you both utter better wordes, and thinke of better matters otherwise in these places:

The Gods in heaven do live at ease:
They know no trouble nor disease. 30

Also:

Whereas, the Gods in blisse and joy
Do ever live, without annoy.

Likewise:

The Gods themselves are void of care:
Sadnesse and sorrow, mens lots they are.

For these are the true and safe conceptions which we ought to have as touching the Gods: And for all other fabulous fictions and attributes given unto them, they have beene devised on­ly to give contentment to the readers, or to moove their affections, In like case whereas Euri­pides saith: 40

Gods over men, having power andmasterie,
Abuse and decceive them with wiles and sophistrie

It were not amisse to alledge and inferre that which he writeth better and more truely in ano­ther place:

If Gods do harme, or what doth not beseeme,
No Gods in truth, we are them for to deeme.

Also when Pindarus speaketh verie bitterly and eagerly in one place, tending altogether to revenge:

All meanes and plots we may addresse,
To worke and compasse our foes distresse, 50

We may come upon him againe and answer thus: But you good Sir elsewhere affirme, That

The joy we gaine by fraud and trecherte,
Turnes in the end to woe and miserie.

Moreover, when we heare Sophocles in this song:

Lucre alwaies full pleasant is and sweete,
[Page 27] Although it come by false meanes and unmeere.

Reply we ought and say thus: We have heard you sing in another tune:

Deceitfull lies and false language,
Bring forth no fruit, that will beare age.

Furthermore to encounter these speeches which are delivered as touching riches:

Powr-full is riches to win forts steepe and high,
As well as places most plaine and accessible,
Whereas those pleasures, which redy be and nigh
To hold and enjoy, for poore is impossible.
And why? a toong that smooth and filed is 10
Will cause aman foule and unpersonable,
Of no regard, whose parts be all amis
Faire for to seeme, full wise and commendable.

The Reader may alleage many opposite sentences of Sophocles, and these among the rest:

I see no cause, but men in povertie,
May be advaunc'd to place of dignitie.

Also:

A man is not the woorse for his povertie,
In case he have both wisedome and bone stie.

Likewise: 20

What joy, what grace can some of wordly pelse,
If first by shifts a man to it attaine:
And then with restlesse cares torment himselfe,
And take bad courses the same to maintaine?

And Menander verily in one place hath highly praised and extolled sensuall lust and concu­piscence, whereby he set them forward who are of an hot nature, and of themselves prone to vo­luptuousnes, namely, in these and such like amatorious words:

What creatures soever do live and see
The sunlight joy, that common treasure,
Are all, have beene, and ever shall be 30
Subject and thral to fleshly pleasure.

Howbeit, in another the same Poët hath turned us about, and forcibly drawen us unto hone­stie, repressing and bridling the insolent furie of a loose and luxurious life, saying in this wise:

A filthie life though pleasant for the while,
With shame at last, doth all delights defile.

These sayings are in some fort contrarie to the former, but far better and more profitable every way. And therefore the setting together and consideration of such contradictorie sen­tences, will bring foorth one of these two effects: for either it will draw yoong men to the bet­ter way, or at leastwise derogate the credit of the woorst.

But if peradventure it come to passe that the Poëts themselves do not solve and salve those 40 strange and absurd sayings, which they seeme to set abroad: it were not amisse to oppose against them, the contrarie sentences of other famous authors: and when wee have weighed and compared them in balance, to make proofe thereby which are the better. As for example, if haply Alexis the Poët hath prevailed with some by these verses of his:

If men be wise, above all they will chuse
By all meanes their pleasures to compasse and use.
Whereof there be three most powrfull and rise,
Which wholy possesse and accomplish our life
To eat, to drinke, to follow venerie:
As for therest, I hold accessarie. 50

We must call to minde and remember, that the sage Socrates was of another opinion and spake the contrarie: for he was woont to say, that the wicked lived for to eate and drinke; but the vertuous did both eat and drinke, to live. Semblably, to meete with this verse of the Poët who ever it was that wrote thus:

To make thy part good with aperson lewd
[Page 28] Fight with like lewdnes, and be thou as shrewd.

Bidding us in some sort to accommodate and frame our selves like to the lewd and wicked: we may be readie with that notable Apophthegme of Diogenes, who being asked how a man might be revenged best of his enemie, answered thus, If (quoth he) thou shew thy selfe a good and honest man. The wisedome also of the said Diogenes we must set against the Poët Sopho­cles, who troubled the minds and consciences of many thousands, with distrust and dispaire, by writing these verses as touching the religion and confraternity in the Mysteries of Ceres:

How happie men and thrice happy are they
Whose fortune it is, the secrets to see
Of Mysteries so sacred: and streight way 10
Downe into hell, for to descend with glee:
For they alone in blisse shall live for ay:
The rest in bale, must suffer paine alway.

How now, quoth Diogenes, when he heard such verses read: Saist thou so indeed? And shall Pataecian the notorious theese be in better state after this life when he is once departed, only be­cause he was entred and professed in the orders of this confraternitie, than good Epiminondas? As for Timotheus, when upon a time in the audience of a full Theatre, he chaunted a Poeme which he had compiled in the honor of Diana, wherein he stiled her with the Attributes and Epithets, of Menas, Thyas, Phoebas and Lyssas, which signifie, Furious, Enraged, Possessed, 20 and starke Mad: Cinnesias presently cried presently aloud unto him, I would thou haddest a daughter of thine owne with such qualities. The like elegant answere Bion is reported to have made unto Theognis. For when Theognis came out with these verses,

A man held downe with povertie can nothing do or say:
For why? his tongue wants libertie, and somewhat doth it stay.

Bion hearing them, How commeth it then to passe quoth he, that thou thy selfe being but a beggar keepest such a prating as thou doest, and with thy vaine babling and garrulitie troublest our eares?

Moreover we must not in any wise omit and let passe the occasions which are ministred out 30 of the words and sentences either adjoyning, or intermingled with those speeches, for to re­forme and correct the same: But like as Physicions are of opinion, that notwithstanding the greene Flies Cantharides be of themselves venemous and a deadly poison; yet their wings and feete are helpefull and holsome: yea and of vertue to frustrate and kill the malice of the said flies: even so in the Poemes and writings of Poets, if there be one Nowne or Verbe hanging to a sentence that we feare will do harme, which Nowne or Verbe may in some sort weaken the said hurtfull force, we are to take hold thereof, and to stand upon the signification of such words more at large, as some do in these verses,

This honour due to wretched men we keepe
Our haire to cut, and over them to weepe. 40

As also in these,

We men, Alas most miserable, live
In paine and griefe, this lot the gods do give.

For the Poet doth not simply affirme that the gods have predestinate all men simply to live in woe & sorrow, but this he speaketh of foolish and witlesse folke, who being ordinarily lewd and naught, and therefore miserable and wretched for their wickednes, he is woont to call [...] & [...]

Another way there is besides, to turne the doubtfull and suspected sentences in poeticall writings to the better sense, which otherwise might be construed in the worse part: namely, by interpreting words to the signification wherein they are usually taken: wherein it were better to 50 exercise a yong man, than in the interpretations of obscure termes, which we call Glosses. And verily a point this is favouring of great learning, and full besides of delectation: as for example, To know how the word [...] in Poëts signifieth, is as much to say, as ill death or a bad end; for that the Macedonians use to call death [...] Likewise the Aeolians do terme victorie which is atchieved by long suffering, continuall perseverance and abiding, [...] Also among the [Page 29] Dryopians, those be named [...] who with other are called Daemones. i. Saints or Heavenlie wights. Furthermore, it is not onely expedient, but necessarie also, if we would receiue good, and not harme, by the reading of Poets; to know certeinly, how and in what signification they take the proper names of gods, as also the appellative words of good and evill things. Likewise what they meane by the vocables [...] i. the soule; or [...] i. fatall destinie. Namely, whether these termes be taken by them in one sence, or have many significations? The same is to be said of many other words besides: for example sake, this Nowne [...] somtimes signifieth an aedisice or dwelling house, as when Homer saith,

[...] To the house built with an highroofe.

otherwhiles it betokeneth goods and substance: as in this piece of a verse. 10

[...] My house is eaten. i. My goods are wasted and consumed.

Also this word [...] is taken in one place for life; as namely in these verses;

[...]
[...]
God Neptune with his haire so blacke, enyving him long life,
Despightfully his daies cut short, and ended all the strife.

But in another for goods and riches: to wit,

[...] Meane while do others spend my goods. 20

Semblably the Verbe [...] you shall finde put for to fret, be discontented and ill apaied: as when the Poet writeth thus;

[...]
[...]
Which said, she seemed male-content,
And wounded so, away she went.

And yet it is used sometime, for to joy and vaunt: as namely in the same Poet;

[...]
And do you brag and boast so much in deed,
Poore Irus that you beat in beggers weed. 30

In like sort the Verbe [...] signifieth either to moove or stirre with great violence: as in Euripides. [...]

A whale out of th' Atlanticke sea, we might descrie from land
Most forcibly to swimme, and then to shut himselfe on land.

or to sit downe and take repose: as for example, when Sophocles saith thus,

[...]
[...]
My friends what meane you in this wise so strangely for to sit,
With branches dight about your heads, which suppliants doe be fit?

Moreover, it is verie pretie and commendable, when a man meeteth with words of divers ac­ceptions, 40 to make use thereof accordingly, and to accommodate them to the present occasions and subject matters: like as the Grammarians teach us to doe in vocables that admit sundry sen­ses; as for example,

[...]
You may well praise a little barke or barge,
But see with wares, a mightie hulke you charge.

Here the Verbe [...] signifieth [...] i. to praise: and yet now in this place (to praise) is as much to say, as to refuse and reject: Like as in our common and daily speech wee use to say, [...] i. T'is wel: or when we bid [...] Farewel it: meaning by these terms, that we like not of a thing, or will none of it, nor accept there of. And herevpon it is that some say, Proserpina is 50 called [...] which is as much to say as a goddesse blamed and to be found fault with. This diffe­rence then, and distinction in the significations of words, is principally to be obserued in mat­ters that be more serious and of greater consequence, to wit, in the names of gods. To beginne therefore with them, let us advertise and teach yoong men, that Poets in using the names of gods, sometimes meane thereby their very nature and essence: otherwhiles they attribute [Page 30] the homonymie of the same names, to the powers & vertues which the gods do give, and wher­of they be the authours. And here there presenteth himselfe unto me the Poet Archilochus, when in his praier he saith thus;

[...], &c.
O Vulcan king be gracious unto me,
And heare my praiers, thus kneeling on my knee
Devoutly: Grant, I say, this my request,
As thou are wont, to whom thou lovest best.

It is verie cleere and evident that he doth invocate the god Vulcan himselfe, and calleth him by his proper name. But when hee bewaileth his sisters husband, who perished and was drow­ned 10 in the sea, by which accident he wanted his due sepulture, he saith, that he could have borne this calamitie and misfortune the better,

If that his head and lovely limmes in pure white clothes iclad,
As doth beseeme a faire dead corps,
Vulcan consumed had.

By which word Vulcan, he meaneth fire, and not the god himselfe. Againe, when Euripides in his oth useth these words.

By Iove I sweare and bloodie Mars him by,
Who beare great sway among the stars in sky. 20

Certaine it is, that he speaketh of the verie gods Iupiter and Mars: But when Sophocles saith:

Full blind is Mars, faire Dames (I say) and nothing he doth see,
But like wilde bore he havocke makes and works al miserie.

You must understand that he speaketh of war: Like as in these verses of Homer:

Whose blood along Scamanders streame, so deeply died in red,
That blacke againe it is therewith, now Trenchant Mars hath shed.

It is meant the edge of the sword and other weapons made of brasse and steele: which being so, and considering that there be many other wordes of double and divers significations, we ought to learne and beare in mind, that the very names of [...] and [...], which signifie Iupiter, 30 in one place they attribute to the god himselfe, in another to Fortune, and oftentimes to De­stiny and Fatall necessitie. For when they say

[...].
O Iupiter who from Ida hill
Do'st reigne as King and worke thy will.

Also:

[...].
O Iupiter who dare avow
That he can wiser be than thow?

Plaine it is that they meane nothing else but the god Iupiter himselfe. But when they give 40 the Denomination, [...], to the causes whereupon all things depend, and do say in this wise:

And many a stout and valiant knight who fought in pitched field,
Before due time there lost their lives and vitall breath did yeeld.
[...]. i. This was the wit of mightie Iove
Who wrought all this from heaven above.

Surely we must understand by Iove Fatall destinie: For we must not imagine that the Poët thinketh God to devise and practise any evill against men: but he giveth us to understand by the way as touching the Fatall necessitie of all humaine affaires, that Cities, Armies, and Generall Captaines are predestined to fortunate successe and victorie over their enemies, if 50 they be wise and governe their affections well. But contrariwise, if they be passionate and fall into errors and misdemeanors, growing to quarrels and debates one against another, as these did, of whom the Poët spake, it cannot be avoided but they shall commit many outrages, breed troubles and confusion, and at the last come to an unhappie end:

For by Fatall necessitie,
[Page 31] And Destime inevitable:
Bad counsels of iniquitie
Bring forth fruits thereto answerable.

Now whereas the Poët Hesiodus bringeth in Prometheus, perswading his brother Epimetheus

To take no gifts in any wise
Which Iupiter from heaven hath sent:
But them alwaies for to despise
And send them backe as discontent.

He useth the name of Iupiter for the puissance of Fortune: for by the gifts of that god, mea­neth 10 the goods of Fortune, to wit, Riches, Mariages, States and Dignities, and generally all outward blessings: the possession where of is unprofitable unto those that know not how to use them well. Esteeming therefore no better of Epimetheus than of a lewd & foolish fellow, he sup­poseth that he ought to take heed, & beware of prosperitie whereby he was like to receive hurt and losse: yea and to come unto a mischiefe in the end. Semblably, when the same Poët saith:

Reproch no man while that you live
With povertie which gods do give.

He understandeth hereby the gift of the gods, a thing meere casuall and comming by For­tune: implying thus much, that those men are not be blamed and accused, who by some mis­fortune are become poore: but rather, that povertie proceeding by occasion of sloth, idle­nes, 20 ease, delicate wantonnesse, wastfull and foolish expences, is shame-woorthie and reproch­able. For Poëts and others being not acquainted with the word Fortune, which as yet was not in use, and knowing full well, that the power of this variable and inconstant cause, raunging disorderly as it did without any certaine purpose and determinate ende, was mightie, and could not possibly be avoided by any humaine wit, reason and policie, they expressed the same by the names of the gods: much like as we in our daily speech and ordinary language, are woont com­monly to give unto divers actions and affaires, to the conditions, natures and maners of sundry persons, to speeches and orations; yea and (beleeve me) to men themselves, the termes of Hea­venly and Divine. Well, a very good and expedient meane this is whereby we are to reforme and correct many sentences and verses, which seeme at the first sight to carrie with them any absurditie and incongruity, as touching Iupiter: as namely these,

Two tunnes within the entrie stand 30
Of Iove his house with lots both full:
One hath successe and winning hand,
The other losses sorrow full.

Also:

As judge aloft sat Iupiter without regard of oth
Or covenant: and shewed signes of mischiefe to them both.

Likewise:

And then began the mischiefes all of Greekes and Trojans both,
For Iupiter his pleasure wrought, and with ech side was wroth. 40

All this we must interpret either of Fatall destinie or of Fortune, potent causes both, which neither are comprehensible within our understanding, nor yet evitable within the compasse of our power. But where we read of anything attributed unto Iupiter, which is conformable to reason, hath semblance of truth, and is beseeming his person, there we are to thinke that the said name signifieth the god himselfe: as for example,

Sir Hector then advaunc'd himselfe, and all the ranks beside
Of Greeks did brave, expecting who his chalenge would abide.
Onely the sonne of Telamon, Ajax that woorthy knight,
He did avoid: for Iupiter unto him had a spight.

Also: 50

Such great affaires of mortall men
Are manag'd ay by Iupiter:
But smaller matters now and then
To pety-gods he doth refer.

Furthermore, we ought to have a diligent eie to other words, which may be turned and trans­ferred [Page 32] to many things, and are taken in divers senses by Poets. Of which sort is the name of [...].2 i. Vertue. For by reason that vertue not only causeth men to be wise, prudent, just, & ho­nest both in word and deed: but also purchaseth ordinarily unto them, honour, glorie, authori­tie and reputation in the world: therfore they give the name of Vertue unto renowme, power, and might: like as the Olive fruit, they call by the name [...], i. Olive tree, and the Beech-mast they terme also [...] aswell as the Beech tree. Our yong man then, as he readeth in a Poet,

The gods before vertue have set
Labour, travell, and painfull swet.

Or thus,

The Greeks by vertue then downe bare 10
Their squadron thicke and battell square.

Likewise,

If die we must, most glorious is death,
For vertue, when we spend our vitall breath,

presently ought to conceive thus much, That all is spoken of the best, most excellent, and divi­nest habitude in us, which we understand to be the verie rectitude and rule of reason and judge­ment, the heighth and perfection of our reasonable humaine nature, yea, and the disposition of the soule, accordant with it selfe. But when he readeth againe these other verses there,

Vertue in men Iove causeth for to grow
And fade: by him it doth both ebbe and flow. 20

As also,

Where worldly wealth and riches are,
Vertue and fame follow not farre.

let him not by set him downe, and by occasion of these words have the rich in woonder­full great admiration, as if they could anon buy vertue for money, and with their wealth have it at command: let him not thinke, I say, that it lieth in the power of Fortune, either to augment or to diminish vertue: but rather deeme thus, and make this construction, that the Poet under the name Vertue, signifieth Worship, Authoritie, Power, Prosperitie, or some such matter. For so the word [...] is sometimes taken by them in the native and proper signification, for a naughtie and wicked disposition of the minde, as when Hesiodus writeth thus, 30

Of wickednesse a man may evermore
Have foison great and plenteous store.

But otherwile it is used for some other evill calamitie or infortunitie, as by Homer,

Men quickly age and waxen olde,
[...], with hunger and cold, &c.

And much were he deceived, who should perswade himselfe that Poets take beatitude and bles­sednesse, which in Greeke is called [...], so precisely as Philosophers doe; who understand thereby, an absolute habitude, and entire possession of all good things, or rather an accompli­shed perfection of this life, holding on a prosperous course according to nature: for many times Poets abuse this word, calling a man blessed and happie, who is rich in world goods; and 40 giving the terme of felicitie and happinesse unto great power, fame and renowme. As for Ho­mer, he useth verily these termes aright and properly in this verse,

Although much wealth I do holde and enjoy,
Yet in my heart I take no blessed joy.

So doth Menander when he writeth thus,

Of goods I have and money great store,
And all men call me rich therefore:
But yet how rich soever I seeme,
Happie and blest none doth me deeme.

Euripides maketh great disorder and confusion, when he writeth in this sort; 50

I would not have that blessed life
Wherein I finde much paine and griefe.

Also in another place.

Why do'st thou honor tyranny,
Happie injustice and vtllany?

[Page 33] unlesse a man, as I said before, take these termes as spoken metaphorically or by the figure [...]. i. the abusion of them, otherwise than in their proper sense. And thus much may serve as touching this point.

Now for this that remaineth behind, yoong men would be put in remembrance and admo­nished not once but oftentimes, that Poesie, having for her proper subject an argument to be expressed by imitation; howsoever she useth the ornaments & beautifull furniture of sigurative speeches, in setting out and describing those matters and actions which are presented unto her, yet neverthelesse she doth not forgo the resemblance and likelihood of truth. For that imi­tation indeed delighteth the Reader so long onely as it carieth some shew of probabilitie. And therefore that imitation which seemeth not altogether to square and depart from the rule of ve­ritie, 10 doth expresse the signes of vertues and vices both at once, entermingled one with another in actions. Such is the Poeme and composition written by Homer, which resteth not in the strange opinions and paradoxes of the Stoicks, who holde, That neither any evill at all can sort with vertue, ne yet one jot of goodnesse with vice: but he hath bidden farewell to such precise positions; namely, That a foolish and lewd person, in all his actions, when and wheresoever, doth offend and sinne: and semblably, the wise and vertuous man, at all times and in all places, can not chuse but do every thing well. These are the principles which the Stoicks schooles re­found withall. Howbeit, in the affaires of this world, and in our dayly life and conversation, as Euripdes saith,

It cannot be in everie point, 20
That good and bad should be disjoint:
But in all actions we dayly see,
One with another medled will be.

But the Art of Poetrie setting apart the truth in deede, useth most of all varietie and sundry formes of phrases. For, the divers imitations are they, that give to fables that vertue to moove affections & passions in the readers: these are they, that worke strange events in them, even con­trarie to their opinion and expectation: upon which ensueth the greatest woonder, and asto­nishment, wherein lieth the chiefe grace, and from whence proceedeth the most delight and pleasure, whereas, contrariwise, that which is simple and uniforme, is not patheticall nor hath in it any fiction. Heereupon it is that Poets bring not in the same persons alwaies winners, al­waies 30 happy and doing wel: and that which more is, when they feigne that the gods themselves meddle in mens affaires, they describe them not without their passions, nor yet exempt from errors & faults, for feare, lest that part of their Poesie which stirreth up the affection, & holdeth in suspense and admiration the mindes of men, should become idle and dull, for want of some danger and adversarie as it were to excite and quicken it: which being so, let us bring a yoong man to the reading of Poets works, not fore-stalled and possessed before with such an opinion as touching those great and magnificall names of ancient worthies, as if they had beene wise and just men, or vertuous Princes in the highest degree of perfection, and as a man would saie, the very Canon rule, and paterne of all vertue, uprightnes and integritie: Otherwise he should receive great damage thereby, in case I say he were of this minde to approove and have in ad­miration 40 all that they did or said as singular; and to be offended at nothing that he heareth from them: neither would he allow of him, who blameth and findeth fault with them when they either do or say such things as these.

O father Iove, ô Phoebus bright, ô Pallas maiden pure:
That you would all bring this about, and make us twaine secure,
That not one Trojane might escape, nor Greeke remaine aliue
But we two knights: That we (I say) and none but we belive
May win the honor of this warre, and onely reape the joy
Of victory, to race the wals and stately towres of Troy. 50

Also

I heard the voice most piteous of Pryams daughter bright,
Cassandra faire a virgin chaste: whom me for to despight,
My wife dame Clytemnestra slew, by cruell treacherie,
Because of us she jelous was for sinne of lecherie.

[Page 34] Likewise

With concubine of Father mine she counseld me to lie,
The old mans curse that I might have: perswaded, so did I.

And in another place,

O Iupiter whom men do father call, thou art a God most mischievous of all.

Let not a yoong man in any wise be accustomed to praise such speeches: neither let him seeke any colourable pretenses to cloke and excuse wicked and infamous acts: he must not be studi­ous and cunning in such inventions, to shew therein his subtilitie and promptnesse of wit. But rather he is to thinke thus, that Poesie is the verie imitation of maners, conditions and lives, 10 yea and of men, such as are not altogither perfect, pure and irreprehensible, but in whom pas­sions, false opinions and ignorance beare some sway, yet so, as many times by the dexteritie and goodnesse of nature they be reformed and disposed to better waies. When a yoong man then is thus prepared, and his understanding so framed, that when things are well done and said, his heart is mooved and affected therewith as by some heavenly instinct: and contrariwise not well pleased with lewd deeds or words, but highly offended thereat, certes, such instruction of his judgement will be a meanes that he shal both heare and read any Poemes without hurt and dan­ger. But he that admireth al, & applieth himselfe so, that he embraceth every thing, he I say, that commeth with a judgement devoted and enthralled to those magnificent and heroicke names, like unto those disciples who counterfeited to be crump shouldred and buncht backe like their 20 master Plato, or woulds needs stut, stammer and maffle as Aristotle did: surely such a one will take no great heed, but soone apprehend and interteine many evill things. Moreover this yoong beginner of ours ought not to be affected after a timorous and superstitious manner, as they are who being in a temple feare and dread every thing, and are readie to worship and adore whatsoever they see or heare: but boldly and confidently to pronounce and say as occasi­on serveth, This is ill done, or not decently spoken: no lesse than to give his acclamation and consent to that which is well and seemely either said or done. As for example, Achilles seeing the soldiors how they fell sicke daily in the campe, and not well appaid that the war was thus drawen out in length, especially to the hinderance of his owne honor, being a martiall man, of great prowesse and renowne in the field, assembled a counsell of war and called the 30 Greeks together, But, (as he was a man otherwise well seene in the skill of Physick) perceiving by the ninth day past, (which commonly is criticall, and doth determine of maladies one way or other by course of nature) that it was no ordinary disease, nor proceeding from usuall causes, stood up to make a speech, not framing himselfe to please and gratifie the common people, but to give counsell unto the king himselfe in this maner.

I thinke we must all is done, ô Agamemnon Leege,
Returne againe without effect to Greece, and leave our seege.

This was well and wisely said: these were modest and temperate words becomming his person: But when the prophet or soothsaier said, that he feared much the wrath and indignation of the mightiest man and soveraigne commander of al the Greeks, he answered then never a wise or so­ber 40 word; for sworne a great oth, that no man should be so hardy as to lay hand on the said prophet so long as he remained alive, he added moreover and said full unseemely,

No, if thou should'st both meane and name
King Agamemnon, I vow the same.

Shewing plainly by these words, what little account he made of his prince, and how he contem­ned souereigne authoritie: nay he overpassed himselfe more yet, and proceeded farther in heat of choler, to lay hand upon his sword, yea and to draw it foorth with a full purpose to kill the king: which was done of him neither well for his owne honour, nor wisely for the good of the State. But repenting himselfe immediately

Into the skabbard then anon, he puts his doughty sword: 50
Minerva gave him that advise, and he obeid her word.

Herein againe he did well and honestly: for having not the power to extinguish and quench his choler quite, yet he delaied it well and repressed it, yea and brought it under the obeysance of reason, before it brake out into any excessive outrage, which had beene remedilesse. Sem­blably Agamemnon himselfe, for that which he did and said in the assembly of Counsell, he was [Page 35] woorthy to be skorned and laughed at. But in the matter concerning the Damosell Chryseis, he shewed more gravitie and princely Majestie, than in like case Achilles did: for he, when the faire Briseis was taken from him and led away:

Sat weeping in great agonie
Retir'd apart from companie.

But Agamemnon himselfe in person conducting her as farre as to the ship, delivering up and sending away to her owne father, the woman whom a little before he said that he loved more deerely than his owne espoused wife, did nothing unfitting himselfe or like a passionate lover. Againe, Phoenix being cursed by his father and betaken to all the hellish flends for lying with his concubine, breaketh out into these words, 10

I minded once with sword of mine my fathers blood to she ad:
But that some god my rage represt, and put this in my head:
How men would cry much shame on me, and namely Gracians all
With one voice me a parricide or Father killer call.

Which verses in Homer, Aristarchus was afraid to let stand, and therefore dashed them out. But verily, they serve in that place fitly for the purpose, namely, when Phoenix instructeth Achil­les, what a violent passion anger is, and how there is no outrage but men will dare and do in the heat of choler, when they will not be guided with reason, or directed by the counsell of those that would appease them. For he bringeth in Meleager also, who was angrie with his citizens, how be it afterwards pacified: In which example, as he wisely blameth and reprooveth such pas­sious: 20 so he praiseth and commendeth as a good and expedient thing, not to be led and carried away therewith, but to resist and conquer them, and to take up betime and repent. True it is, that hitherto in these places alreadie cited, there is a manifest difference to be observed: but where there is some obscurity as touching the true sense and meaning of a sentence, we must teach a yoong man to stay himsselfe there and pause upon the point, that he may be able to di­stinguish in this manner: If Nausicaa upon the first sight of Vlisses, a meere stranger, falling into the same passion of love with him, as Calypso did, and seeking nothing but wanton pleasure, as one living daintily, and being now ripe and readie for marriage, utter foolishly these and such like words, and that before her waiting maids:

O that it were hap, so brave a Knight to wed who hath my hart: 30
O that he would with me vouchsafe for to remaine and not depart.

Her boldnesse and incontinencie is to be reprooved: but if by his speech and talke, she per­ceived that he was a man of wit and wise behaviour, and thereupon wished in her heart to be his wedded wife, and to dwell with him rather than with one of her owne countrie, who could skill of nothing else but to daunce or be a mariner, I cannot blame her, but thinke her praise woorthy. In like case, if when Penelope deviseth and talketh courteously with her woers, who sued unto her for marriage, and thereupon they court her againe and bestow upon her gay clothes, rich jewels and other goodly ornaments fit for a Lady, Vlisses her husband rejoice 40

That she was well content to take
Their gifts, and did to them love make,
As though she would be kinde againe,
And yet her shewes were all but vaine.

If I say he joyed, in that his wife received their courtesies and tokens, and so made againe of them, surely he surpasseth Poliager the notorious bawd, playing his part in the Comedies, of whom there goeth this by-word:

Bawde Poliager happie man hee,
That keepes at home in house a shee:
A heavenly goate whose influence, 50
Brings in riches with affluence.

But if he did it to have them by that meanes under his hand, whiles they upon hope of obtay­ning their suit, little thought of him how he watched them a shrewd turne: then his joy and confident assurance was grounded well & upon good reason. Semblably in the counting that he made of those goods which the Phaeacians had landed when they set him on shore; and having [Page 36] so done, spred saile and departed backe againe: if being thus left solitarie alone and finding him selfe forlorne, he doubted of his estate and what should become of him, and yet his mind was so set upon his goods that he feared,

Least part thereof they tooke away,
Whiles that on shore asleepe he lay,

His avarice were lamentable, nay it were abominable, I assure you: But if as some do thinke and say, being not sure whether he were in the Isle Ithaca or no, he supposed that the safety of his gods and money, was a certaine proofe and demonstration of the Phaeacians loyaltie and sidelitie (for never would they have transported him into a strange land but for lucre, nor when they left him and departed would have forborne his goods) he used herein no foolish argument, 10 and his providence in so doing is commendable. Some there be who finde fault with this verie landing of him upon the shore, in case the Phaeacians did it whiles he was asleepe in deed: and they say that it appeereth by a certaine Chronicle or Historie among the Tuskanes which they keepe by them, that Vlisses was given by nature to be verie drowsie; which was the cause, that to many he was not affable, and men oftentimes might hardly speake with him. Now if this was no sleepe in very truth, but that being both ashamed to send away the Phaeacians who had con­ducted him over sea, without feasting them & giving them presents and rewards for their kind­nesse: and also in feare least if they were seene there still upon the coast, whiles he entertained them so kindly, himselfe might be discovered by his enimies, he used this pretense of feigned sleepe to cover and hide the perplexitie wherein he was, or to shift off this difficultie wherein he 20 stood in this case, they allow and commend him for it. In giving therefore to yoong men such advertisements as these, we shall never suffer them to runne on still to the corruption of their manners, but rather imprint in them presently a fervent zeale and hartie desire to chuse better things, namely, if we proceed directly to praise this and to dispraise that. And this would be done especially in Tragedies, those I meane, where in fine words and affected speeches be often­times framed to cloke dishonest and villanous deeds. For that which Sophocles saith in one place, is not alwaies true:

If that it be a naughtie deed,
Of it good words cannot proceed.

For even himselfe is woont many times to palliat wicked conditions, yea, and naughtie acts 30 with pleasant speeches and familiar apparant reasons, which carie a probabilitie of sufficient ex­cuse. And even so plaieth Euripides his companion, who shewed himselfe upon the same stage: for see you not, how he bringeth in Phoedra to begin with her husband Theseus, First, laying all the blame on him; as if forsooth the wrongs and abuses that he offered unto her, were the cause that she was enamoured upon Hippolytus? The like audacious and bold speech he putteth in He­lenas mouth against queene Hecuba, in that Tragedie which is entituled Troades, objecting un­to her, and saying, That she was rather to be punished, for bearing such a sonne as Alexander Paris, who committed the adulterie with her. A yoong man then, ought not to accustome him. selfe to thinke any such inventions as these to be pretie, gallant and wittie, ne yet laugh at such subtile and fine devices; but to abhorre and detest as much, or rather more, wanton and filthie 40 words, than loose and dishonest deeds.

Moreover, it would be expedient, in all speeches to search the cause whereupon they do pro­ceed; after the example of Cato when he was a litle boy: For, do he would whatsoever his Ma­ster or Tutour bad; but ever and anon hee would be inquisitive and questioning with him the reason of his commandements. And yet we are not to beleeve and obey Poets, as we ought ei­ther Schoole-masters or Law-givers, unlesse the matter by them proposed have reason for the ground: and grounded then it shalbe thought upon reason, if it be good and honest: for if it be wicked, it ought to seeme foolish and vaine. But many of these men there be, who are verie sharpe and curious in searching and demanding what Hesiodus should meane in this verse,

Whiles men are drinking, doe not set 50
The flagon over the wine goblet.

as also what sense may be made of these verses in Homer:

Another chariot who mounted is, when from his owne he is alight,
Must not his speare and iavelin mis,
[Page 37] But trust thereto, and therewith fight.

but other sentences, iwis, of greater importance and danger, they admit soone, and giue credit thereto, without further enquiry & examination: as for example, at these verses they sticke not,

The privitie to fathers vice
Or mothers fault reprochable,
Will him debase, who otherwise,
Is hardie, stout, and commendable.

no more than they doe at this,

Vpon a man, if fortune frowne,
His heart therewith must be cast downe. 10

And yet such sayings as these, come nere unto us, and touch the quicke, troubling our maner and behaviour in this life, imprinting in us perverse judgements, base and unmanly opinious, unlesse we acquaint our selves to contradict ech of them in every point, after this maner. And wherefore ought he to beare an abject minde, who is crossed with adverse fortune? why rather should not he make head againe, and wrestle with her, bearing himselfe so much the more aloft, and never endure to be troden downe and depressed by her? what reason is there, that my heart should be done, for that my father was vicious and foolish, in case I be a wise and honest man my selfe? Is there greater cause that the ignorance and imperfection of my father should keepe me downe and discourage me, that I dare not looke up; than mine owne knowledge and valour make me take heart and put my selfe forth? He that will thus encounter, withstand, and not give 20 way to every speech, turning side, as it were, to every puffe of wind, but rather esteeme that sen­tence of Heraclitus to be well and truely spoken,

A foolish and witlesse man is he,
With every word who stricken will be.

Such a one, I say, shalbe able to put by and repell many sayings of Poets, that are neither true nor profitable. And thus much as touching those observatious which may serve a yoong mans turne, that he may reade and heare Poets safe without any danger.

But forasmuch as it falleth out, that as in Vines many times, the grapes lie hidden among the leaves and branches, and cannot be seene by reason that they are covered and shadowed there­with: so also in poeticall verses, under fables and fictions there be covertly couched many pro­fitable 30 and holsome lessons, which a yong man cannot espie by himselfe, and therefore he mis­seth that commoditie and fruit which is to be reaped out thereof. Howbeit, we must not suffer this, nor let him turne away, and give over: he ought not (I say) to wander aside, but sticke close and fast to those matters especially, which leade unto vertue, and make any thing for the fra­ming or reforming of maners. In which regard, I shall not do amisse, if I treat also of this mat­terbriefly; making, as it were, a first draught onely, and touching summarily the principall points; leaving long discourses, by way of narration, confirmation, and a multitude of exam­ples, to those that write of purpose for more shew and ostentation. First and formost therefore, when a yoong man knoweth throughly the persons of men and women, their natures also and maners both good and bad, let him then regard and consider well the sayings and doings which 40 the Poet doth attribute aptly unto either of them. As for example, Achilles saith unto Aga­memnon these words, although he speaketh them in choler,

For never shall I honour have,
Nor equall recompense to yow,
When populous Troy, that city brave,
The Greeks shall force, as they do vow.

But Thersites reviling the selfe same Agamemnon, useth these termes;

Much brasen vessell thou hast now in many a goodly tent,
Of captive women eke like choise, in beauty excellent,
In thy pavilion: whom we Greeks, as to our Soveraigne, 50
Do give, so soone as any towne by martiall force we gaine.

Againe Achilles in another place hath this humble speech,

If Iupiter will be so good, as to fulfill our joy,
And grant that we one day may win the stately city Troy.

But Thersites commeth out with this proud word,

[Page 38]
Whom either I, or in my stead,
Some Greeke shall bound as captive lead.

Semblably in another place, when in the review of the armie, Agamemnon passing along the bands, rebuked and taunted Diomedes, he answered not againe, nor gave him one crosse word:

For why he feared in mode stie
The checks of his dread Majestie.

But Sthenelus, of whom no man made any reckoning, was so bolde as to reply and say,

Sir Agamemnon Atreus sonne, for beare thus for to lie,
You can, if that you list, with me report a trueth: for why?
Pronounce I dare, andit avow, we better warriours be 10
In these dayes than our fathers were, by many a degree.

The difference which is in these personages, if it be well marked, will teach a yoong man thus much: That to be modest, temperate, void of pride, and humble, is a most civill and excel­lent vertue: and contrariwise it will advertise him to take heed of pride and overweening; to be­ware also of boasting and vaunting much of himselfe, as a detestable vice. And heere in this place, expedient it is and profitable to observe the action of Agamemnon: He passed by Sthene­lus, and would not stay to speake unto him: As for Vlysses, who found himselfe grieved, him he neglected not, but shaped him an answere: For as Homer writeth,

No sooner he perceived him offended for to be,
But presently he spake againe, and thus replied be. 20

For, as it is a base and servile thing, and not beseeming the majestie of a Prince to answere everile one, and by way of Apologie to justifie a thing done or said; so to despise and disdaine all men, is meere pride and extreame follie. As for Diomedes, he did passing well to hold his peace during the time of the battell, when he was rebuked and reviled by the king, but after the fight was en­ded, he spake his minde freely and boldly in this wise;

You are the first of all the Greeks, who in reprochfull wise
Have charged me for my false heart, and fearefull cowar dise.

Good also it is, to see the difference betweene a wise man in deed and a vaine soothsayer, who loved to be seene, and to heare himselfe speake among the multitude. For Calchas without all respect of chusing his time and a sit opportunitie, bashed not in publike place, and before all 30 the people, to challengeking Agamemnon, imputing directly unto him, and to no other, the cause of the pestilence which reigned in the campe. But Nestor, contrariwise, intending to make a motion as touching the reconciliation and pacifying of Achilles, and to speake directlie unto that point, because hee would not seeme to blame and accuse the king in the audience of the people; namely, that he had passed himselfe in choler, and done amisse, adviseth him in this maner, saying:

To supper bid the ancient peeres: this doth your person fit:
And when they are together met, in order as they sit,
Let them opine, Heare their advise, and looke who speaketh best,
His counsell take I reede, and then therein see that you rest. 40

And after supper, he sent forth the Embassadours accordingly. This was the onely way to cor­rect a fault, and amend that was amisse: whereas the other had bene a very injurious accusation, and a contumelious reproofe to his no small disgrace. Furthermore, there would be noted and considered the diversitie that is in sundry nations, and that after this maner: The Trojans give the charge in battell to their enemies with great shouts, out-cries, and exceeding violence: whereas the Greeks

The onset give with all silence,
To leaders having reverence.

For soldiours to dread and feare their captaines and commaunders, at what time as they be rea­die to joyne battaile with the enimie, is a signe both of valour and also of obedience and milita­rie 50 Discipline. Which is the reason that Plato would inure us to be afraid of rebukes, reproofes and silthy acts, more than of any travels and dangers, Cato likewise was woont to say, That he loved those better who blushed and looked red, than the pale faced. As for promises, there is a proper worke also in them, whereby a man may discerne whether they be wise or foolish. For Dolon promiseth in this maner

[Page 39]
The campe of Greeks Ienter will and passe on still outright
Vntill to Agamemnons ship, I come there for to fight.

Contrariwise Diomedes promiseth nothing of himselfe, onely this he saith: That he should feare the lesse, if he were sent with some other to beare him companie. Whereby you may see that Prudence, Discretion and Forecast be civile vertues beseeming the Greeks; but audacious rashnes is naught, and fit for Barbarians. The one therefore we must embrace and imitate, the other reject and cast behinde us. Moreover it were a speculation not unprofitable to marke the affections that befell unto the Trojans and to Hector at what time as he was ready to enter into combat and single fight with Ajax. Aeschylus being upon a time in place to behold the combats at the Isthmian games, it fell out so that one of the champions was hurt and wounded in the very 10 face, whereupon the people that looked on, set up a great crie and shouted aloud: See, quoth he, what use and exercise is! the Beholders crie out, but the man himselfe that is hurt, saith ne­ver a word. In like maner, when Homer the Poet saith, that Ajax was no sooner seene in his bright compleat harnish, and armed at all pieces, but the Greekes rejoiced: whereas

The Trojans all for feare did quake, and tremble every joint
Hector himselfe did feele his heart to beate even at this point.

who would not woonder to see this difference? Thepartie himselfe who was in danger, felt his hart onely to leape, as if he had beene (I assure you) to wrestle for the best game, or to run a race for the prize: but they that saw him, trembled and shaked all their bodie over, for feare of the perill wherein their prince was, and for kind affection that they bare unto him. It is woorth the 20 noting also what ods and difference there is betweene the most resolnte or valiant Captaine, and the greatest coward: For it is said of Ther sites that

Achilles of all that were in the Host
And also Vlysses he hated most.

whereas Ajax as he alwaies loved Achilles, so he giveth an honorable testimonie thereof, when he speaketh unto Hector in this wise,

In single fight with me alone what woorthy knight we haue
In Grecian host, thou maist not see besides Achilles brave:
Achilles he, the Paragon of Prowesse whom we count
Whose Lions hart undaunted yet all other doth surmount. 30

This is a singular commendation of Achilles particularly: but that which followeth afterwards, is aptly spoken to the praise of all in generall:

Wot well that many of us there be in Campe that dare and can
Make head, and maint aine fight with thee in combat man to man.

Marke, how he praiseth not himselfe, to be the man alone or the most valourous of all other, but is content to be raunged with many more as sufficient men to make their part good against him. Thus much may serve as touching the diversitie of persons, unlesse we will adde this moreover, That of Trojans we read there were many taken prisoners alive by their enimies, 40 but of the Greeks not one: as also that divers of them became humble suppliants to their eni­mies and fell downe at their feete; namely Adrastus, the sonnes of Antimachus and Lycaon: yea and Hector himselfe besought Achtlles to vouchsafe him buriall: whereas, there was not one of them that did the like: As if thus much were implied thereby, that it is the maner of Barbari­ans in fight, to make supplication, to submit, to kneele and lie prostrate before the enimie: but of Grecians, either to win the victorie by maine fight, or to die for it.

Moreover, like as in pasturage and feeding, the Bee setleth upon flowres: the goate sear­theth after greene leaves and brouseth yoong buds: the Swine searcheth for roots, and other beasts for the seed & fruit; Even so in reading Poems, one gathereth the flowre of the History: another cleaveth to the elegancie of phrase and furniture of words, as Aristophanes was wont to 50 say of Euripides,

His toong so round doth please my mind,
In stile so smooth, content I finde.

Others there be who affect morall sentences aptly fitted to the reformation of maners. Those therefore with whom now we have to deale, and to whom we direct our speech, we are to admo­nish, [Page 40] that it were a shame and unwoorthy thing, if either he who setteth his minde upon fables should marke well the witty narrations, and singular fine inventions therein: or he that deligh­teth in eloquence should note diligently the pure and elegant phrase, the artificiall rhetorick also, as he readeth: whiles he, that would seeme to affect honor, to studie honestie, and to take Poets in hand not for delight, pleasure and pastime, but for the insight of learning, and for the treasure of knowledge, readeth and heareth carelessely and without fruits, those sentences which are penned and delivered by them to the recommendation of fortitude, temperance and ju­stice: For as concerning valor and vertue you shall finde these verses,

What is befall'n sir Diomede, that we forget to fight? 10
How is it that our harts be done? where is our Martiall might?
Come neere, stand close unto my side, great shame it were for us,
If Hector now should boord our ships and force our navie thus.

For to see a most wise and prudent capitaine who was in daunger to perish, and to be over­throwen together with the whole armie, not to be affraid of death, but to feare reproch and shamefull disgrace, the same no doubt will cause a yoong man to be woonderfully affectionate to vertue and prowesse. 20

For wisedome and justice these verses serve:

Minerva then tooke great delight
To see the man wise and upright.

Such a sentence as this, will give occasion to a yoong scholler thus to reason and discourse: The Poët here hath devised, that the goddesse joyed not in a rich man, in one that was faire, well favoured and personable, or mighty in bodily strength: but in him that was prudent and just withall. And in another place where the same goddesse saith, that she will not neglect nor for­sake Vlisses and leave him destitute:

For toong he hath and [...] at will:
He is both wise and full of skill: 30

The Poët sheweth plainely; That there is nothing in us but vertue onely, that is divine and beloved of the gods: if this be true that Like will to like, and Naturally everie thing delighteth in the Semblable. Now forasmuch as it seemeth to be a great matter and rare perfections, as in truth it is no lesse, to be able to master and bridle anger: certes a greater vertue it is and a gift more singular to prevent and wisely to forecast, that we fall not into choler, nor suffer our selves to be surprised therewith: And therefore the readers of Poëts ought to be advertised in these points, not coldly but in good earnest: as namely, how Achilles, a man by nature nothing meeke, milde and patient, giveth warning unto Priamus to be quiet, and not to provoke him, in these wordes:

Take heed old father I thee reed, 40 how thou my choler moove:
I minded am thy sonne to yeeld:
For why? from Iove above
A messenger hath warn'd me so:
Beware Gray-beard, I say,
Least that my tent will not thee save, but foorthwith I thee slay:
Although in humble wise thou come, with suppliants habit dight,
And so I do transgresse Ioves will 50 and breake the lawes of right.

Who also after he had washed the corps of Hector, and wound it within Funerall clothes, bestowed the same with his owne hands in the chariot, before that Priamus his father should see it, so misused as it was,

For feare least when he saw
[Page 41] his sonne, so us angled and beraid
In griefe of heart, old father he, should not himselfe be staid
But with hot words Achilles moove in him to sheath his sword
Without regard of Iupiter, his hests, his will and word.

For when a man is apt and prone to anger, as being of nature hot, rough and cholericke, to know himselfe so given, and therewith to prevent, decline and avoid all occasions of yre, and by the guidance of reason to hold of, in such sort, that even as it were against his will he shall not 10 fall into any passionato sits, is a [...] of great wisedome and singular providence. After the same manner ought he that is given [...] wine, to be armed against drunkennesse: he also that is by nature amorous, should thus withstand wanton love: Like as Agesilaus, who would not abide to be kissed of a beautifull yoong boy comming toward him: and Cyrus, who durst not so much as set his eie upon faire Panthea. Whereas contrariwise, those that be ill nourtured and badly brought up, seeke all meanes and occasions to kindle and enflame their foolish affections, mi­nistring matter thereto, as fewell unto fire: casting themselves headlong and that wilfully into those vices, whereunto they are most prone and ready to fall by nature. But Vlysses not onely brideled and repressed his ownd choler when he was chafed, but also perceiving by some words of Telemachus his sonne, that he was angrie and hatefully bent against lewd persons, he labou­red 20 to appease and mittigate his moode: he dealt with him before hand, willing and comman­ding him to be quiet, to forbeare and have patience.

My sonne, if that by word or deed
In mine owne house they me abuse,
Bite in thine anger, I thee reed,
See thou induxe, and patience use:
Nay if they draw me by the foot,
And out of doores me drag anone,
Or their sharpe arrowes at me shoot,
See all, say nought, what ever is done. 30

For like as men use not to bridle their horses when they be running in a race, but before they begin their course; even so they that hardly can digest indignities, and upon occasion offered are quickly angrie, ought first to be praeoccupate with reason: and being thus prepared before­hand, to bring them to the combat.

Over and besides, a yoong man must not negligently passe over the bare words as hee rea­deth. And yet I speake not this, as though I would have him play upon them, as Cleanthes did, who making semblance to interpret and expound words, would otherwhiles cavill and make sport. For where as we reade in Homer,

[...] & [...]

He would have us to reade these two last words in one, by way of [...] thus, [...] as 40 if forsooth, the aire which by exhalation is elevated, and doth rise from the earth, should there­fore be called [...] Chrysippus likewise many times comes in with his bald reasons, with­out all grace: and this he doeth not in jest and meriment, but he would seeme to devise reasons subtilly; and so forceth divers words impertinently: as namely, when he wresteth these words, [...] to this sense, as if [...] should signifie one that was eager and quicke in dispu­tation or argument, surpassing others in force of eloquence. It were better for us to leave these nice subtilties of words and syllables unto Grammarians for to be scanned, and to consi­der more neerely other observations, which, as they yeeld greater profit, so they cary with them more probabilitie and likelihood of trueth: and namely to picke some good out of these verses;

Most crosse unto my minde it is, 50
For taught I am proësseiwis.

Also,

Full well he knew, to every wight
To shew himselfe a curteous knight.

For hereby he declareth evidently, that valour and fortitude is gotten by teaching; as also, he [Page 42] is of opinion, That to be milde, affable and kinde to every man, is a gracious vertue, proceeding from science and reason: whereupon he exhorteth us, not to be carelesse of our selves, but to learne good and honest things, by giving eare unto our teachers: for that cowardise, follie, and perverse incivilitie, be the defects of learning, and are meere ignorance indeed. Hereto accor­deth very well, that which the same Poet Homer saith of Iupiter and Neptune:

Beholde one father both they had, and countrey one them bread:
But Iupiter was former borne, and had the wiser head.

He declareth hereby that wisedome is a most divine and princely qualitie; wherein he pla­ceth 10 the sovereigne and highest excellencie of Iupiter, as esteeming all other good parts to ac­companie that sovereigne and heavenly vertue. We are likewise to acquaint a yoong man to heare, and that with no heavie and dull eare, but attentively and with a vigilant minde, these o­ther verses;

Right wise he is, and wot you well,
A lie for no good will he tell.

Also,

Antilochus, reputed aye for wise, you are to blame
My steeds to hurt, mine honour eke thus for to staine with shame.

Likewise, 20

You, a woorthy knight, to speake so foolishly!
I would have said you had, in wait, past all men verily.

These sentences import thus much; That wise men will never speake untrueths: neither will they in battell behave themselves as cowards, and use deceit in fight, ne yet charge unjust impu­tations upon others without reason. Also when the Poet saith, that he through his folly suffered himselfe to be induced & perswaded to breake the truce and league, he sheweth plainly, That he thinketh a wise man will in no wise commit unrighteousnesse. The like may of a yoong man be taught, as touching continencie and chastitie, especially, if he consider well these verses.

K. Proetus wife, Dame Antea, him lov'd and woed soone
For to embrace her secretly, and lie with her anone: 30
But never would he yeeld thereto. Belleryphon was wise,
And in his heart he never let such thoughts for to arise.

As also these,

Dame Clytemnestro first was chaste, and wanton tricks rejected
All while she was by reason led, and wisdomes lore directed.

In these places we see, that the Poet attributeth the cause of continency and pudicitie unto wisedome. Furtherward in those exhortations whereby capitaines use to encourage their soul­diers to fight, when the Poet estsoones inferreth these and such like speeches,

Fy, fy for shame ô Lycians, you are now light of foote,
To runne away thus as you do, 40 iwis it will not boote.

Also:

A conflict sharpe is toward, Sirs, wherefore let every one
Set shame and just revenge in sight, else all, I doubt, is gone.

By which words the Poet seemeth to ascribe fortitude vnto shamefastnesse and modestie: For that, those who are bashfull and ashamed to commit filthinesse, are able likewise not onely to overcome voluptuous pleasures; but also to undergoe all daungerous adventures. By occa­sion 50 whereof Timotheus also in his Poeme entituled Persa was mooved not unaptly to encou­rage the Greekes fight, saying thus:

Have honest shame in reverence and honour her, I you advise.
She helpeth Prowesse, and from hence
[Page 43] the victorie doth oft arise.

AEschylus also reputeth it a point of wisedome, not to be vaine glorious nor desirous to be seene of the multitude, ne yet to be lifted up with the puffes of popular praise, when he descri­beth Amphiaraus in this wise:

He seeketh not to seeme the very best,
But for to be the best in word and deed:
He sowed hath within his woorthy brest,
In furrow deepe, all good and vertuous seed,
Which yeeld both leafe & fruit in season due,
I meane sage counsel join'd with honor true. 10

For the part it is of a wise man and of good conceit, to stand upon his owne botome, that is to say, to rest in himselfe, and to thinke highly of his owne resolutions and courses as the verie best. Thus you see how all good things being reduced unto prudence, there is no kinde of ver­tue but it commeth to a man afterwards, and is acquired by learning and discipline.

Moreover, like as Bees have this propertie by nature to finde and sucke the mildest and best honie, out of the sharpest and most eager flowers; yea and from among the roughest and most prickly thornes: even so children and yoong men if they be well nourtuted and orderly inured in the reading of Poemes, will learne after a sort to draw alwaies some holesome and profitable doctrine or other, even out of those places which moove suspition of lewd and absurd sense. At the first sight, Agamemnon may seeme suspected of avarice and briberie, in that he exempted 20 from warfare, that rich [...] man in regard of the faire mare Aetha he gave unto him as a gift and gratuitie:

That unto Troy that stately towne, he might not with him go
To serve in armes: but stay at home, and rest there far from wo:
Where he might live in solace much, enjoying all his owne:
For Iupiter in measure great had wealth on him bestowen. 30

Howbeit, as Aristotle saith, he did very well in preferring a good mare before a man no better than he was: For I assure you a coward & hartlesse man, flowing in abundance of riches, wallow­ing in pleasures and delight, and thereby made effeminate, is not in prise comparable either to a dog or an asse. Semblaby, it may seeme that Thetis did exceeding badly to incite her sonne to pleasures, and to put him in minde of the fleshly delights of Venus: But even there, the conti­nencie of Achilles is woorthie to be considered: who notwithstanding that he had beene en­amoured of Briseis, and saw that she was returned againe unto him, yea and knew that he had not long to live, but that his end was neere; yet neither made he haste to enjoy his pleasures while he might, nor as many men use to do, bewailed the death of his friend, sitting idlely the while, doing nothing at all and neglecting the duties of his calling: but as in sorrow and griefe 40 of heart he forbare his delights and pleasures, so in action and conduct of his regiment, he she­wed himselfe a martiall and valorous man. In like manner Archilochus is not commended for this, that being to mourne and lament for the losse of his brother in law who married his sister, and was perished in the sea, he would seeme to conquer his sorow with drinking wine & making good cheere: yet neverthelesse he alleageth a cause of his doing so, which carrieth some appa­rence of reason in these words:

For neither can my plaints and teares restore his life and heale:
Ne yet my mirth and pleasant sports will harme him euer a deale.

And if he were of this minde, and had reason to thinke, that in following his delights, meri­ments, pastimes and bankets, he could not empaire the state of his brother departed; how 50 should our present condition be the worse and our affaires go backward, by the studie and prac­tise of Philosophie, by managing the government of publike weale, by frequenting the cōmon hall and courts of pleas, by going downe to the Academie and schooles of learning, or by fol­lowing Agriculture and husbandrie?

And therefore the corrections of some poeticall verses by changing certaine words which [Page 44] practise Cleanthes and Antisthenes were woont to use are not amisse. For one of them upon a time when the Athenians in full Theatre tooke offense and made a great stirre at this verse:

[...]
What filthy thing can be that breedeth shame?
Vnlesse they thinke it so, that use the same?

quieted all the trouble presently by changing it and pronouncing another in this wise,

[...]
A filthie thing, is soule and filthie still:
Thinke it, or thinke it not, That doth not skill.

As for Cleanthes when he read these verses as touching riches: 10

[...]
[...]
Among good frends for to be slow and spend upon your selfe
Your sickly body to preserve; thus use your worldly pelfe.

He altered them in this manner, and wrote thus:

[...]
[...]
That you may it to harlots give, and pampring much your selfe:
A crasit body overthrow, abusing worldly pelfe.

Semblaby Zeno reading these verses of Sophocles, 20

[...]
[...]
Who once in court of Tyrant serve, become
His slaves anone, though free they thither come.

turned the same and wrote this againe,

[...]
His slave ywis he cannot bec,
If he at first came thither free.

But you must not understand that he meaneth here by a free man, one, that is timorous, but fearelesse, magnanimous, & whose heart is not easie to be danted. What should hinder us then, 30 but that we also by such suggestions and corrections as these may reclaime and withdraw yoong men from the woorse to the better. Whereas therefore we shall meete with these verses,

[...]
[...]
The thing that men are for to wish and most desire is this,
That when they shoote at their delights, the arrow may not mis.

Not so, but rather thus,

[...]
That when they aime at their profit
The arrow may be sure to hit. 40

For to reach into those things which a man ought not to desire, yea and to obtaine and have the same is pitifull and lamentable, and in no wise to be wished for. Likewise, when we read in Ho­mer thus,

Thy part of weale and woe thou must ô Agamemnon have,
For Athens did not thee beget, alwaies to winor save.

We verily are thus to say rather,

Thou art to joy, and never for to grieve,
But in a meane estate delight to live.
For Athens did not Agamemnon get
The world at will to have, and finde no let. 50

Againe, when we meet with this verse,

Alas what mischiefe sent to men, is this from gods above,
That they should see what thing is good, and it not use nor love?

[Page 45] Sent from gods above? nay rather, it is a brutish, unreasonable, yea, a wofull and lamentable thing, that a man seeing that which is better, should for all that be caried away and transported to the worse, by reason of intemperance, slouth, and effeminate softnesse of the minde. Also, if we light upon this sentence,

Behaviour t'is and good cariage,
That do perswade, and not language.

Not so iwis, but maners and words together are perswasive: or rather the maners by meanes of speech, like as the horse is ruled by the bit and bridle, and as the Pilot guideth the ship by the rudder or helme. For surely vertue is furnished with no instrument or meanes so gracious with men and so familiar, as speech is. 10

Moreover, where you encounter these verses;

For wanton love, how stands his minde?
To male more or to female kinde?

Answer.

Both hands are right, with him, where beauty is,
Neither of twaine to him can come amis.

Nay rather thus he should have answered:

Where vertue is seated, and continence,
Both hands are like, there is no difference.

And to speake truely and more plainly, in equall balance poised he is indeed, inclining neither 20 the one way nor the other: Whereas contrariwise, he that with pleasure and beautie swaieth to and fro, is altogether left handed, inconstant, and incontinent. Read you at any time this verse?

[...]
Religion true, and right godlinesse
Make wise men too fearefull alwaies, more or lesse.

In no wise admit thereof, but say thus:

[...]
Religion true, and right godlinesse,
Make wise men bolde, and hardy, more or lesse. 30

For in trueth, feare and despaire, by the meanes of religion, ariseth in the hearts of none but of fooles, unthankfull and senselesse persons, who have in suspition and do dread that divine pow­er which is the first cause of all good things, as hurtfull unto them. Thus much concerning correction of sentences.

There is besides an amplification of that which we read, whereby a sentence may be stret­ched farther than the bare wordes import. And thus Chrysippus hath rightly taught us how to transfer and apply that which was spoken of one onely thing, to many of the like kinde, and so to make a profitable use thereof: for after this manner when Hesiodus saith,

An oxe or cow a man shall never loose,
If neighbour his be not malicious.

He meaneth by oxe or cow, his dog likewise and asse, yea, and all things else that may perish. 40 Semblably, whereas Euripides saith thus,

A slave indeed, whom may we justly call?
Even him of death who thinketh not all.

We must understand that he meant and spake, aswell of labour, affliction and sicknesse, as of death. And verily, as physitians finding the vertue and operations of a medicine applyed and fitted to one maladie, by the knowledge thereof can skill how to accommodate the same to all others of the like nature, and use it accordingly; even so, when we meete with a sentence that is common, and whereof the profit may serve to many purposes, we ought not to oversee and neglect the manifold use thereof, and leave it as appropriate to one onely matter: but to handle 50 the same so, that it may be applyed to all of like sort: and herein we must inure and exercise yoong men, to see and know readily this communion, and with a quicke conceit to transferre that which they finde apt and proper in many, and by examples to be practised and made prompt therein, so as they be able to marke at the first hearing the semblable: To the ende that when they come to read in Menander this verse,

[Page 46]
A happie man we may him call,
Who hath much wealth, and wit withall.

They may verie well thinke that in naming wealth, he meant and included Honor, authoritie and eloquence. Also, that the imputation which Vlysses charged upon Achilles, sitting idlely in the Iland Scyros, among the yoong maidens and damosels, in these words,

You sir, whose father was a knight, the best that ever drew
His sword, of all the Greekes in fight and many acaptaine slew:
Sit you here carding like a wench 10 and spinning wooll on rocke,
Thereby the glorious light to quench of your most noble stocke?

may be aptly said unto any loose liver and voluptuous wanton, unto a covetous and wretched miser, unto an idle luske, an untaught or ignorant lozell. As for example, in lieu of this verse in the foresaid imputation,

[...]
What, what, good sir? are you become a spinster now for need,
Whose father was of all the Greekes a knight of doughtiest deed.

A man may read and not unfitly thus, 20

[...], &c.
Can you carrouse so lustily and tosse the pot so round,
Whose father knew to shake a speare and stoutly stand his ground?

Or after this manner,

[...], &c.
Your courage serves to hazard all at casting of three dies
Your fathers heart was tried in war and martiall ieopardies.

Either thus,

[...], &c.
You cunning are to play at quoites the game, 30
Where as your sire, by prowesse wan much same.

Or in this wise,

[...], &c.
Are you become indeed a Tavernour,
Whose father was a woorthy governour?

Or lastly thus,

[...], &c.
In hundred ten, you can full well call for at such a day,
Your father tens and hundreds knew, to range in battellray.

And in one word, so well as you are descended there is no goodnes nor great thing in you wor­thy 40 thy the noble parentage. Moreover, where you happen upon these verses,

What tell you me of Pluto and his chievance,
For such a god as he with all his puissance.
Iworship not: since that the lewdest wreach
In all the world, to wealth may quickly reach.

A man may say as much of glory, of outward beauty, of the rich mantels of a captaine generall, of a Bishops miter, and the sacred coronet of a priest, which we see the wickedest wretches in the world may attaine unto. Againe, whereas the words of another verse import thus much onely:

That children gotren of cowardise,
Be foule and those whom men despise. 50

The same verily do imply also, that Intemperance, Superstition, Envie, and all other vices and maladies of the minde, bring foorth no better ofspring. Now whereas Homer saide excellent well in one place:

Paris a coward thou art for sooth,
For all thy face so faire and smooth.

[Page 47] And in another,

Sir Hector in the prime of age,
With lovely lookes and faire visage.

(For by these termes and epithits, he sheweth covertly that a man deserveth blame and re­proch, who is endued with no better grace and gift than beautie) we may well and fitly apply this reprehension to such like things: namely, to plucke downe their peacocks plumes, who vaunt and glorifie themselves for matters of no moment and value: teaching yoong men thereby, that such praises as these, be no better than contumelies and reproches: As for example, when a man is saluted in this manner: O most excellent for riches, for keeping a bountifull table, for many servitours: right excellent for singulat good teames of draught oxen, caples and mules, 10 for stables of steeds and greathorses: yea or thus moreover to the rest: O surpassing orator and of woonderfull eloquence: for to speake a truth, a man is to aime at excellencie and preferrence before others in good and honest things, that in the chiefe and principall he may be the highest and formost: as also in great matters, the greatest: for the reputation that groweth from smal and base things is dishonorable, illiberall, vile, & of no worth. And verily this example last alleaged, putteth us straightwaies in minde, to consider better the reprehensions and praises which offer themselves especially in the Poemes of Homer: For certes, they give us expresly to understand one notable instruction, to wit, Not highly to esteeme the gifts either of body or of fortune. For first and formest (in those titles which they give one to another in reciprocall greetings) when they meet and shake hands, the maner is not to salute by the name of Beautifull, Rich or Strong, 20 but they use such commendations as these,

Vlysses ô most noble knight, from Iupiter first descended,
Laertes sonne, for wisedome, and much wit, yet most commended.

Also

O Hector sonne of Priamus king,
Equall to Iove in wisedome and cunning.

Likewise,

Achilles ô of Peleus the most redoubted sonne,
Chiefe glory of the worthy Greekes, their light and shining sunne.

And againe, 30

Patroclus ô sonne of Menaetius,
Most lovely in my hart and gracious.

Semblably when they are disposed to revile and taunt, they twit not one another with any de­fects and imperfections of the bodie, but touch them expresly with the vices of the mind, after this maner,

Thou drunken sot, as shamelesse as, the dogs that use to barke
Thou coward base as hartlesse as, the stags that run in parke.

And thus,

Thou wrangling Ajax of Barrotters chiefe
Divising nought but evill and mischiefe. 40

Semblably,

Idomeneus in frappling prompt,
What meen'st thou thus to prate?
This babling little thee becomes, such clattering men do hate.

As also,

O Ajax fie for shame: how farre out of theway
Speake you, so bold and malapart? you brag too much I say.

To conclude, Vlysses revileth not Thersites, with these termes: Thou halting and lame squire, thou bald pate thou coptank, thou that art camell backt, or crump shouldred: but rather re­procheth 50 him with his vaine babling and undiscreet language. But rather on the contrarie side, the mother of Vulcane when she speaketh unto her sonne lovingly and in great kindnesse of hart, beginneth first with his lamenesse in this maner

Come hither my sonne, come to me, come sweet hart
My poore [...] creeple, come crokelegd as thou art.

[Page 48] By this it may appeare plainly that Homer devideth those, who thinke it a shame to be halt, blind, or otherwise impotent. He is of opinion, that nothing is blame worthy which is not dis­honest: nor any thing dishonest and shamefull, which came not by our owne selves, but pro­ceeded from fortune. And therefore these two great and singular commodities, they are sure to finde, who be exercised in reading and hearing of Poets: the one tending to moderation and modestie: in that they learne to reproch no man odiously, bitterly and foolishly with his for­tune: the other unto magnanimitie; for that they be taught themselves to make use of their owne fortune: not to be cast downe and troubled, for any adverse calamitie that may happen; but meekly and patiently to abide the frumpes, scoffes, reprochfull termes that are given them, yea, and the laughters that arise thereupon. And verily evermore this sentence of Philemon 10 ought to be ready at hand and resound in their eares:

Nothing there is more pleasant and musicall
Then him to abide who doth thee mis-call.

Howbeit, if any of these mockers, deserve to be rebuked and taunted againe, vantage would be taken of the vices and imperfections of their minde, and those are to be objected against them; for so Adrastus in a tragedie when Alcmaeon provoked with these words,

Alc.
A sister thou hast (I tell thee true) who in husbands bloud her hands did embrue.
Adr.
But thou thyselfe, (I must tell plaine) thy mother that bare thee, hast cruelly slaine. 20

For like as they who whip and scourge garments, touch not the bodie at all: even so they that upbraid a man with infortunitie, or reproch him for some default or blemish in his parentage, doe like vaine fooles beat those things that are without, but never come neere the quicke, nor touch the soule, ne yet any thing which truly deserveth correction, blame or biting.

Over and beside, as wee shewed and taught before, how to impeach and derogate the credite of those leaud sentences and dangerous speeches, which otherwhiles wee meet with in Poeticall books namely, by opposing against the same, the good and grave sawes of worthy persons, renowmed as well for their learning as politicke government: even so, if we finde any civill, honest, and profitable matter in Poetrie, we ought (as it were) to nourish, confirme and strengthen the same, by demonstrations and testimonies Philosophicall: and evermore to re­member 30 that we ascribe the first invention of such sentences to sage Philosophers: For a just, requisite and commodious thing it is, that their credite should be in that maner fortified and authorized: namely, when the Poems which are pronounced upon the Stage in a Theatre, or sung to the harp, or taught unto children in schooles, do accord with the sententious counsels of Pythagoras, the instructions of Plato, and the precepts of Chilon: when I say the rules of Bias, shall tend to the same end and effect as do those lessons that children are to read and learne. And therefore we are to teach and instruct them thus much, not slightly and by the way, but earnestly and of purpose, that these places of Poets

Faire daughter mine, thou wert not borne
To manage wars and armes to dred: 40
Minde thou love sports, and thinke no scorne
To joine yoong folke in marriage bed.

Likewise;

For Iupiter displeased is with thee,
If that in fight thou unmatched bee.

nothing at all differ from this notable sentence, [...]. i. Know thy selfe: but carie the verie same sense and meaning.

Also these verses

Like fooles, they do not know, iwis,
That halfe than whole much better is. 50

Likewise,

Evill counsels hurt no man so much,
As him that authour is of such.

are all one in effect with the opinions and discourses of Plato in his dialogue Gorgias, and in his books of Common weale; to wit, that more dangerous it is to doe wrong that to suffer injurie; [Page 49] and more damage commeth by giving than by receiving an abuse.

Also to this verse of Aeschylus

Be of good cheere: Excessive paine
Can not endure nor long remaine:
When wofull bale is at the highest,
Then blessed boot (be sure) is nighest.

we must say, that they be the very same with that divulged sentence so often repeated by Epicu­rus, and so highly admired by his followers, namely, That as great paines are not durable, so long griefs are tolerable. And as the former member of this sentence was evidently expressed by Ac­schylus, so the other is a consequent thereof, and implied therein. For if a griefe that is fore and 10 vehement, endureth not; surely that which continueth, can not be violent or intolerable.

Semblably this sentence of Thespis the Poet in verse

Thou seest how Iove all other gods for this doth farre excell,
Because that lies he doth abhorre, and pride of heart expell.
He is not wont to laugh and scorne, to frumpe he doth disdaine:
He onely can not skill of lusts and pleasures which be vaine. 20

is varied by Plato in prose, when he saith that the divine power is seated farre from pleasure and paine. As for these verses of Barchylides,

We holde it true, and ever will maintaine
That glory sound and vertue doth endure.
Great wealth and store we take to be but vaine,
And may befall to vile men and impure.

As also these of Euripides to the like sense;

Sage temperance I holde, we ought to honour most in heart;
For with good men it doth remaine, 30 and never will depart.

As also these,

When honour and worldly wealth you have,
To furnish your selves with vertue, take care,
Without her if riches you get and save,
Though blessed you seeme, unhappy you are.

Containe they not an evident proofe and demonstration of that which the Philosophers teach as touching riches and externall goods; which without vertue profit not those at all who are possessed of them? And verily thus to reduce, and fitly to accommodate the sentences of Poets unto the precepts and principles delivered by Philosophers, will soone dissever Poetrie from fa­bles, 40 and plucke from it the masque wherewith it is disguised; it will give, I say, unto them an es­fectuall power, that being profitably spoken, they may be thought serious and perswasive: yea, and besides, will make an overture and way unto the minde of a yoong ladde, that it may encline the rather to Philosophicall reasons and discourses: namely, when he having got­ten some smatch and taste alreadie thereof, and being not voide altogether of hearing good things, he shall not come altogether without judgement; replenished onely with foolish con­ceits and opinions which he hath evermore heard from his mothers and nurses mouth, yea, and otherwhiles (beleeve me) from his father, tutour and schoole-master: who will not sticke in his hearing to repute for blessed and happie, yea, and with great reverence to give the worship to those who are rich: but as for death, paine and labour, to stand in feare and horror thereof: and 50 contrariwise, to make no reckoning and account of vertue, but to despise the same, and thinke it as good as nothing, without earthly riches and authoritie. Certes, when yoong men shal come thus rawly and untrained, to heare the divisions, reasons & arguments of Philosophers, flat con­trary to such opinions, they will at first be much astonied, troubled & disquieted in their minds: and no more able to admit of the same, and to reduce such doctrine, than they, who having a long time bene pent in, and kept in darke, can abide the glittering raies of the Sun shine: unlesse they were acquainted before by little & little with some false and bastard light, not altogether so [Page 50] lively and cleere, as it: And even so, I say, yoong men must be accustomed beforehand, yea, and from the very first day, to the light of the trueth, entermingled somewhat with fables a­mong, that they may the better endure the full light and sight of the cleere trueth, without any paine and offence at all. For when they have either heard or read before in Poemes these sen­tences:

Lament we ought for infants at their birth,
Entring a world of eares that they shall have:
Whereas the dead we should with joy and mirth
Accompanie, and bring them so to grave.

Also, 10

Of worldly thing we need no more but twaine,
For bread to eat the earth doth yeeld us graine:
And for to quench our thirst, the river cleere
Affords us drinke, the water faire and sheere.

Likewise,

O tyrannie so lov'd, and in request
With barbarous, but hatefull to therest.

Lastly,

The highest pitchos mans felicitie,
To feele the least part of adversitie. 20

Lesse troubled they are & grieved in spirit, when they shall heare in the Philosophers schooles, That we are to make no account of death as a thing touching us: That the Riches of nature are definite & limited: That felicitie and soveraigne happines of man, lieth not in great summes of money, ne yet in the pride of managing State affaires, nor in dignities and great authority, but in a quiet life free from paine and sorrow: in moderating all passions, and in a disposition of the minde kept within the compasse of Nature. To conclude, in regard hereof, as also for other reasons before alleaged, A yoong man had neede to be well guided and directed in reading of Poets, to the end that he may be sent to the studie of Philosophie not forestalled with sinister sur­mises; but rather sufficiently instructed before and prepared, yea and made friendly and fami­liar thereto by the meanes of Poetrie. 30

OF HEARING.

The Summarie. 40

BY good right, this present discourse was ranged next unto the former twaine. For seeing we are not borne into this world learned; but before we can speake our selves sensibly or any thing to reason, we ought to have heard men who are able to deliver their minds with judgement, to the ende, that by thier aide and helpe we may be better framed and fitted to the way of vertue: requisite it is that after the imbibition of good nourture in childhood, and some libertie and license given to travelin the the writings of Poets, accor­ding to the rules above declared. Yoong men that are students should advance forward, and mount up into higher schooles. Now for that in the time when this Author, Plutarch, lived, be sides many good bookes, there were a great number of professours in the liberall sciences, and namely in those rites, into 50 which Barbarisme crept afterwards: he proposeth and setteth downe those precepts now which they are to follow and observe, that goe to heare publike lectures, orations and disputations, thereby to know how to behave themselves there; which traning haply may reach to al that which we shal heare spoken elsewhere; and is materiall to make us more learned and better mannered. In the first place therefore he sheweth that at what time as we grow to yeeres of discretion, we should have a feeling of our igno­rance, to the ende that we may be desirous to learne, and after wards heare willingly. For to encrease our affection, he toucheth those dangers into which they fall, who will needs be teachers, before they be [Page 51] taught themselves: adjoyning hereto those vices and inconveniences, which a yoong man is to take heed of, in hearing, and above all others, to beware of envie: as also on the other side what he ought to studie. Now, for that imposible it is, that teachers should be perfect and fully accomplished in all things, he proceedeth to declare with what minde and spirit we should take knowledge and consider of their im­perfections; giving withall an advertisement how to avoide another extremitie, to wit, an excessive admiration of him that speaketh, namely, to leave the principall substance of doctrine: the which will be so much more accepted, in case it be commended and adorned with eloquence. He commeth af­terwards to treat of those problemes and questions which may be propounded in companies and mee­tings: also of the pleasure that we ought to take when we are told the truth: in such sort, that as we are not to envy them for their excellencie, who speake any thing to raise and set us aloft: so on the contrary 10 side we ought to carie with us thither, a spirit favourable, gracious, well prepared, hating slatterie, loving reprehensions, patient, voide of that rusticall bashfulnes which we see in over blunt and dull natures, neither presumptuous nor yet discouraged, but keeping a good measure and meane betweene vatne curiositie and that supine sloth and idlenes, which is in the most part of those that he hearers. To conclude, he would have him that hath diligently heard a certaine time, and with discretion, to exercise him selfe in devising and inventing some thing of his owne, in such sort that he may put the same foorth, so, as the outward part may discover well what goodnes there lyeth inclosed within.

OF HEARING. 20

THis little treatise (my friend Nicander) which being gathered and compiled by starts, as my leysure would serve As touching the maner of Hearing, I lately put in writing, and send here unto you, To the end that you being delivered now from the subjection of Maisters, who were woont to command you, and having put on your virile robe and growen to mans estate, may knowhow to heare him that giveth you good counsell. For this licentious easement and deli­verie from all government, which some yoong men for desault of 30 good nourture and education do untruely terme Libertie, fetteth over them more rough Lords and harder Masters by farre, than were those teachers, tutors and governours, under whom they were awed in their childhood, to wit, their owne irregular lusts and unordinate appetites, which now be (as it were) dischained & let loose. For, like as a woman (to use the words of Herodot us) no sooner doth of her smocke or inner vesture, but therewithall she casteth off all shamefastnes and modestie; even so, some yoong men there be, who together with the garments of infancie and childhood, lay by all grace, shame and feare: so that being once divested of that habit and apparell which became them so well, and gave them a modest and sober countenance, they are straightwaies full of stubbornesse and disobedience. As for your selfe, who have oftentimes heard, that To follow God, and to obey Reason is all one, you 40 ought to thinke, that the wiser sort and such as have wit indeed, repute not the passage and change from chidhood to mans estate, an absolute deliverance and freedome from commande­ment and subjection, but an exchange onely of the commander: for that their life in steed ei­ther of a mercenarie hireling or some master bought with a peece of money, who was woont to governe it in their nonage and minoritie, taketh then a divine and heavenly guide to conduct it, even Reason: unto which they that yeeld themselves obeisant, are to be reputed onely free and at libertie. For they alone live as they would, who have learned to will that which they should: whereas if our actions and affections both be disordinate and not ruled by reason, the libertie of our free-will is small, slender and feeble, yea and intermingled for the most part with much repentance. Like as therefore among new Burgovises (who lately are enrolled Free-De­nisens 50 to enjoy the Franchises and priviledges of some citie) they that were meere aliens before and strangers new come from far and remote parts, finde themselves grieved at the first with many things that are done, yea and complaine thereof: but such as had beene inhabitants there sometime before they were made citizens, who partly by education were inured, and partly by custome and conversing, familiarly acquainted with the lawes and customes of the place, never thinke much, but can brooke well ynough, and undergo with patience all charges and impositi­ons laid upon them; So it behooveth that a yoong man should along time have beene bred up [Page 52] and (as it were) halfe noursed in Philosophie, accustomed (I say) he ought to have beene from the begining with intermingling all that he learneth or heareth in his tender yeeres, with Phi­losophicall reasons, that being thus made tractable, gentle and familiar before hand, he might now betake himselfe wholy and in good earnest to Philosophie: which alone is able to array and adorne yoong men with those robes and ornaments, of reason which are manlike indeed and everie way perfect. Moreover, I suppose you will be well pleased and content, to give eare unto that which Theophrastus hath written of hearing; which of all the five senses given us by nature, presenteth both the most and also the greatest passions unto the minde. For there is no object of the eye, nothing that we taste or touch that causeth such exstasies, so violent troubles or sudden frights, as those which enter and pearce into the soule, by the meanes of some noises, 10 sounds and voices, incident to our hearing. And albeit this sense lie thus open and exposed to passions, yet is it more fit to admit reason than such affections: for many places there be and parts of the bodie that make way and give entrance unto vices for to passe unto the soule: but the only handle (as I may so say) wherewith vertue may take holde of yong men are their eares: provided alwaies, that they were kept cleane and near at the first from all flatterie, and defended against corrupt and leawd speeches, that they touch them not.

Good reason therefore had Xenocrates, to give order that children should have certaine au­rielets or bolsters devised to hang about their eares for their defence, rather than sencers and sword-plaiers: for that these are in danger onely to have their eares spoiled with knocks or cuts by weapons: but the other, to have their maners corrupted and marred with naughtie speeches. 20 Neither was it any part of Xenocrates his meaning, to deprive them altogether of hearing, and to commend deafenesse: but to admonish and exhort them, so long to forbeare the hearing of evill words, and to take heed, untill other good sayings, enterteined and nourished there, in long continuance of time by Philosophie, had seized the place, and were well setled in that part which is most easie to be mooved and perswaded by speech: where being once lodged, they might as good sentinels and guards preserve and defend the same. Bias verily, that auncient Sage, being commanded by king Amasis, to send ento him the best and woorst piece of a beast killed for sacrifice, plucked foorth the tongue onely, and sent it him; giving him thus much thereby to understand, That speech is the cause both of most good, and also of greatest harme. Many there be also, who ordinarily when they kisse little children, both touch their eares withall, 30 and also bid them do the like: insinuating thus much covertly, by way of mirth and sport, That they are to love those who profit them and doe them good by their eares. For this is certeine and evident, that a yoong man deprived and debarred of hearing, being able to taste and con­ceive reason, will not onely become barren altogether of fruit, and put out not so much as any buds and flowers at all, which may give some hope of vertue: but also contrariwise, will soone turne to vice, and send foorth of his corrupt minde many wilde and savage shoots, like as a ground neglected and untilled, beareth nothing but briers, brambles and hurtfull weeds. For the motions and inclinations unto pleasures, and the sinister conceits and suspitions of paines and travels (which are no strangers to us iwis, entring in directly from without foorth by them­selves, or els let in by evill suggestions, but inbred with us, and the naturall sources of infinite 40 vices and maladies) if a man suffer to run on end with the raines at large, whither by nature they would go, and not cut them off by sage remonstrances, or divert them another way, and thereby reforme the default of nature; surely there were not upon the face of the earth any wilde beast, but would be more tame and gentle than man. Forasmuch as therefore the sence of hearing bringeth unto yoong men so great profit, and no lesse perill with it, I suppose it were well done, if a man would eftsoones both devise with himselfe, and also discourse with others, as touching the order and maner of hearing. Forasmuch as we doe see most men in this point to offend and erre, in that they exercise themselves in speaking before they were used to heare: supposing that good speech requireth akinde of discipline, meditation and practise ere it be learned: as for hearing, though men use it without any art, it makes no matter how, yet they may receive 50 profit thereby as they thinke. And verily, albeit at Tennis play they that practise the feat there­of, learne to take the ball as it commeth, and also to strike and send it from them againe, both at once. Yet in the use of speech it is otherwise: for to receive it well, goeth before the utterance and deliverie thereof: like as conception and retention of the seed, doeth praeceed birth of the infant. It is said, That the egges laid by fowles, called Wind-egges, as they proceed of imper­fect and false conceptions, so they are the rudiments and beginnings of such fruits, as never will quicken and have life; even so, The speeches that yoong men let fall, such I meane, as ne­ver [Page 53] knew how to heare, nor were wont to receive profit by hearing, are nothing els indeed but very winde: and as the Poet saith,

Words vaine, obscure, and foolish every one,
Which under clouds soone vanish and be gone.

Certes if they would powre out any liquor out of one vessell into another, they are wont to encline and turne downe the mouth of the one, so, as the said liquor may passe into the recepto­rie without shedding any part thereof, least in stead of an infusion indeed there be an effusion onely and spilling of the same: and yet thesemen cannot learne to be attentive and give good care unto others, so as nothing do escape them, which is well and profitably delivered. But here is the greatest folly and most ridiculous, that if they meet with one, who can relate the order of 10 a feast or great dinner, discourse from point to point of a solemne shew or pompe, tella tale of some dreame, or make report of a quarrell and brablement betweene him and another, they har­ken with great silence, bid him say on, and will not misse every circumstance: Let another man draw them apart, to teach them some good and profitable lesson, to exhort them to their dutie, to admonish and tell them of a fault, to reproove them wherein they did amisse, or to appease their moode when they be in choler, they can not abide and indure him: for either the will set in hand to argue and refute him by arguments contending and contesting against that which hath beene said, (if they be able so to doe:) or if they finde themselves too weake, they slinke away, and run thither, where they may heare some other vaine and foolish discourses, desirous to fill their eares (like naughtie and rotten vessels) with any thing rather then that, which is good and 20 necessarie. They that would keepe and order horses well, teach them to have a good mouth, to reine light, and to obey the bit: even so, they that bring up children as they ought, make them obsequent and obeisant to reason, by teaching them to heare much and speake little. For Spin­tharus praising Epaminondas upon a time, gave out thus much of him, That he could hardly meet with another man who knew more than hee, and spake lesse. And it is commonly said, that nature herselfe hath given to each us but one tongue and two eares, because we ought to heare more than we speake. Now as Silence and Taciturnitie is everie where and at all times a singular and sure ornament of a yoong man; so especially, if when hee heareth another man to speake he interrupt and trouble him not, nor baie and barke (as it were) at every worde: but although he do not very well like of his speech, yet hath patience and forbeareth, giving 30 him leave to make an end: and when he hath finished his speech, setteth not upon him present­ly, nor beginneth out of hand to confute him, but suffereth him to pause a while, and as Aeschi­nes saith, giveth him some time to breath and bethinke himselfe to see, if haply he thinke it good to adde any more to that which hath beene delivered already, or change somewhat, or els retract and unsay something: Whereas, they that by and by cut a man off, with contradictions, and neither heare, nor are well heard themselves, but are ever replying upon other, whiles they speake, observe no decorum nor grace at all, but shew a very undecent and unseemely behavior. But he that is accustomed to heare patiently, and with a modest and sober countenance, better conceiveth and reteineth the good things uttered, and withall hath more leasure to marke, ob­serve and discerne that which is either unprofitable or false: He sheweth himselfe besides, to be a 40 lover of the trueth, and is not taken for a litigious quareller, a rash wrangler, or abitterbrawler. And therefore, some there be, who not unaptly say, That we ought no lesse, but rather more, to void out of the minds of yoong men that presumption and foolish opinion which they have of their owne selves, than to rid and exclude the winde and aire out of leather bagges or bladders wherewith they are puft and blowen up, if we meane to infuse and put any good thing into them: for otherwise, if they be still full of that swelling winde of arrogancie and overweening of themselves, they will never receive and admit any goodnesse.

Moreover, envie accompanied with a maligne eie and ill will is good in no action whatso­ever where it is present: but as it is an impediment and hinderance to all honest causes; so it is the woorst counsellor and assistant that he can have who would be an auditor, making all those 50 things that be profitable and for his benefit, to seeme odious, unpleasant, harsh to the eare and hardly admitted; for that the nature of envious persons is, to take more pleasure in any thing else than in that which is well spoken. And verily, whosoever repineth and is vexed at the heart, to see others rich, beautifull or in authoritie, is onely envious: for greeved he is at the welfare of others: but he that taketh discontentment in hearing a wise and sententious speech, is offen­ded with the good of his owne selfe: for, like as the light is a benefit to them that see; even so is speech unto the hearers if they will embrace and entertaine the same: As for those kinds of en­vie [Page 54] which arise in regard of other things, there be some naughtie passions and vitious conditi­ons of the minde besides, that breed and ingender them: but that maner of envie which is con­ceived against them that speake excellently well, springeth from a certeine & important desire of vaine glorie, and unjust ambition, which will not suffer him that is so indisposed to give eare and attend unto the words spoken, but troubleth, disquieteth, and distracteth the minde and un­derstanding: both to consider at one instant his owne state and sufficiencie, whether it be infe­rior to the conceit and eloquence of the speaker: and also to regard and looke upon the coun­tenance of other hearers, whether they take contentment and are in admiration of him that maketh the speech: yea and withall, is happly he be praifed, the same minde is woonderfully galled and amazed, angrie and ready to fall out with all that be present, in case they approove 10 his speech with applanse. Herewith it letteth slip also and rejecteth the matter and good say­ings that were delivered already; for that the remembrance thereof is unsaverie and unplea­sant: and still he is disquieted and wotteth not what to do, hearing out the rest with feare and trembling, list haply they should be better than the former, never so desirous that the speakers should hasten to an end and have done, as when they discourse and speake best. Now when the Sermon is ended, and the auditorie dissolved: what doth this envious spirit then? not ruminate, be you sure, nor consider of the reason and matter delivered; but he stirreth the affections and opinions striaghtwaies, and gathereth voice (as it were in a scrutinie) of the audience. If he meet with any that give out good words to the praise of the Preacher, them hee avoideth and fleeth from, as if he were in a furious fit of madnesse: hapneth he upon such as finde fault, and be 20 ready to misconstrue and prevert the words that were spoken, to the woorst sense: these are they whom hee loveth a life, to them he runneth, and with them hee sorteth and keepeth companie: But say that he finde none of that disposition, so as he can not wrest any words to a wrong con­struction, then he falleth to make comparisons, and to set against him, others yoonger than he; who of the same theame have discoursed better, with more plausible utterance and greater sorce of eloquence: he never ceaseth nor giveth over corrupting, misinterpreting, and disgracing the whole speech, untill he have made the same altogether unprofitable and without any edificat at all to his owne selfe. It behooveth therefore, that he who desireth to heare, take truce (for the time) with ambition; to the end that hee may give eare with patience and mildnesse unto him that maketh an oration or sermon, and cary himselfe no otherwise than if he were admitted to 30 some sacred and festival banket, or an invited guest to the first frmits of a solemne sacrifice; prai­sing his eloquence when he hath spoken well and sufficiently to the piint in any matter, accep­ting favourably, and in best part, his good will, to deliver and communicate to others, such things as he knew, and to perswade his hearers with those reasons and motives which had indu­ced and perswade himselfe. Neither must our auditours make this reckoning and conclusion, That whatsoever hath beene singularly well delivered by the speaker, ought to be ascribed to chance and fortune, as if he hada let fall his words at aventuer: but impute the same to his dili­gence, labour and art: yea, and he ought to imitate the same with a kinde of zeale and admira­tion. But whereas he hath faulted and done amisse, it is the part of an hearer to bend his minde, and consider well and circumspectly, what might the cause and occision be of such errour: For 40 like as (accoding to Xenophon) good houshoulders know how to make profit and use, aswell of their enemies as their friends; even so they that be vigilant and attentive hearers, take good, not onely by them that speake well, but by those also that misse and faile of their purpose: for bar­ren, triviall and stale invention; improper, vaine and unsignificant words; forced and follish fi­gures; abrupt, fond, and unseemly breakings foorth with joy to some praise, and such like imper­tinences or defects, which often times besall unto them that speake in publike place; are sooner espied by us that are hearers, than observed by themselves who are the speakers. And therefore we are to transferre the inquisition and correction of any such fault, from them to our selves, by examining whether we also may not fault like wise, before we be aware? For there is nothing in the world more easie, than for a man to blame and reprehend his neighbour: but such a repre­hension 50 verily is vaine and unprofitable, unlesse it have a reference to correct and amend the like errours in himselfe. In which regard every one ought to be ready in this case, according to the advertisement of Plato, to say into himselfe, Am not I also such an one? or doe not I the semblable otherwhiles:? For even as we see our owne eies shining within the ball or apple or our neighbours eie, so we ought by the forme & maner of other mens orations to take the patterne and representation of our owne; to the end that we be not too forward and bolde in despising others, but may more carefully take heed to our selves when wee likewise come to speake. To [Page 55] this purpose also it would dec very well, to make a kinde of conference and comparison in this maner; Namely, to retire our selves apart when we have heard one make an oration, and to take in hand some points which wee thinke had not beene well and sufficiently handled, and then to assay either to supply that which was defective in some, or to correct what was amisse in others; or els to varie the same matter in other wordes, or at leastwise to discourse altogether thereof, with new reasons and arguments; like as Plato himselfe did upon the oration of Lysias. For, I assure you, no hard matter it is, but very easie to contradict the oration and reason by another pronounced, mary to set a better by it, that is a piece of worke right hard and difficult. Much like, as when a certaine Lacedaemonian heard that Phlip king of Macedon had demolished and rased the city Olynthus, Hath he so? quoth he, But is not able to set up such another. 10 Now when as we shall see that intreating of the same subject and argument, there is no great differenece betweene our owne doings and other mens before us, and that we have not farre ex­celled them, we shall be reclaimed much from the contempt of others, and quickly represse and stay our owne presumptuous pride and selfe love, seeing it thus checked by this triall and com­parison. And verily, to admire other mens doings, as it is a thing adverse and opposite to de­spising, so it is a signe of a milder nature, and more enclined to indifferencie and equitie. But even herein also there would be no lesse heed taken (if not more) than in the contempt before­said: for as they which are so presumptious, bolde, and given so much to dispraise and despise others, receive lesse good and smaller profit by hearing; to the simple and harmelesse sort, ad­dicted overmuch to others, and having them in admiration, are more subject to take harme and 20 hurt thereby: verifying this sentence of Heraclîtus,

A foolish sot astonied is anone
A shall he hear's, or seeth done,

As for the praises therefore, of him that speaketh, we ought favorablie and of course without great affectation to passe them out of our mouthes: in giving credite unto their reasons and ar­guments we are to be more warie and circumspect: and as touching the phrase, utterance, and action of those that exercise to make speeches, we must both see and heare the same with a sin­gle hart and a kind affection: As for the utilite and truth of those matters which are delivered, we should examine and weigh the same exactly & with more severitie of judgement. Thus we who be hearens shall avoid the suspitions of evill will and harted, & they againe that are speakers 30 shall do usno harme. For oftentimes it falleth out that upon a speciall faustine and good liking unto those that preach unto us, we take lesse heed to our selves and by our credulitie admit & embrace from their lips many false & erroneous opinions. The Lacedaemonian rulers & Lords of the Counsel of estate, upon a time liking wel of the good advise and opinion of a person who was an ill liver, caused the same to be delivered openly by another of approoved life and good reputation: wherein they did very wisely & as prudent politicians, to accustome the people for to affect the behavior and honest cariage of their counsellors, rather than to respect their words onely. But in Philosophie it is otherwise: For we must lay aside the reputation of the man who hath in publike place spoken his minde: and examine the matter apart by it selfe: For that, like as in warre (we say) there be many false ahrmes: so also in an auditorie there passe as many 40 vanities: The goodly grey beard and hoafie hard of the speaker, his solemne gesture and com­posing of his countenance, his grave eie browes, his glorious words in behalfe of himselfe: but above all, the acclamations, the applause and clapping of hands, the leaping and shouting of the standersby and those that are present in place, are enough otherwhiles to trouble and astonish the spirits of a yoong hearer, who is not well acquainted with such matters, and carie him away perforce as it were with a streame: Over and besides, there is in the very style and speech it lelfe a secret power able to beguile and deceive a yoong novice; namely, if it runne round away, smooth and pleasant, and if withallthere be a certeine affected gravitie, and artifi­ciall port and loftinesse, to set out and grace the matter. And even as they that play upon the pipe, be it corner, recorder of fife, fault many times in musioke, and are not perceived by the 50 hearers; so a brave and elegant tongue, a copious and gallant oration, dazeleth the wits of the hearer, so a she can not judge fourdly of the matter in hand. Melanthus being demaunded upon a time, what he thought of a Tragaedie of Diogenes: Prould not see it (quoth he) for so many words, where with it was choaked up But the Orations & declamations for the most part of these Sophisters, who make shew of their eloquence, not onely have their sentences covered (as it were) with vailses and curtaines of words, but that which more is, they themselves do dulce their voice by the meanes of (I wot not what) devised notes, soft sounds, exquisite and musicall [Page 56] accents in their pronuntiation, so as they ravish the wits of the hearers, and transport them be­side themselves: leading and carying them which way they list: and thus for a certeine little vaine pleasure that they give, receive againe applause and glorie much more vaine: Insomuch, as that befalleth properly unto them which by report Dionysius answered upon a time: who see­med to promise unto a famous minstrell for his oxcellent play in an open Theatre, to reward him with great gifts, gave him in the end just nothing, but said he had recompensed him suffi­ciently already: For looke (quoth he) how much pleasure I have received from thee by thy song and minstrelsy, so much contentment and joy thou hast had from me by hoping for some great reward. And verily such recompense as this have those Sophisters and great Orators at their hearers hands: For admired they are so long as they sit in their chaire, and give delight unto 10 their auditorie: No sooner is their speech ended, but gone is the pleasure of the one, and the glorie of the other. Thus the Auditours spend their time, and the speakers employ their whole life in vaine. For this cause, it behooveth a yoong hearer to sequester and set aside the ranke su­perfluitie of words and to seeke after the fruit it selfe: and heerein not to imitate women, that plait and make garlands of flowres, but to follow the Bees: For those women laying for, and choosing faire flowres and odoriferous herbes, twist, plat and compose them so, as they make thereof a peece of worke (I must needs say) pleasant to the senses; but fruitlesse altogether, and not lasting above one day: whereas the Bees flying oftentimes over & over the medowes full of Violets, Roses and Crowtoes, light at length upon Thyme, an herbe of a most strong sent, and quicke taste and there settle, 20

Intending then great paines to take
The yellow home for to make,

and when they have gathered from them some profitable juice or liquor to serve their turne, they flie away unto their proper worke and businesse. Semblably ought an auditour who is stu­dious of skill and knowledge, and hath his minde and understanding free from passions, to let passe, affected, flourishing and superfluous words, yea, and such matters also as be fit for the Stage and Theatre, reputing them to be food meet for drone Bees (I meane Sophisters) and nothing good for honie: and rather with diligence and attentive heed to sound the very depth and profound intention of the speaker, for or draw that which is good & prositable: remēbring eftsoons, that he is not come thither as to a Theatre, either to see sports & pastimes, or to heare 30 musiscke and Pocticall fables, but into a schoole & auditorie, for to learne how to amend and re­forme his life by the rule of reason. And therefore he must enter into his wone heart and exa­mine himselfe when he is alone, how he was mooved and affected with the Lecture of Sermon that he heard; consider (I say) and reason he ought with himselfe whether he find any turbu­lent passions of his minde thereby dulced and appeased; whether any griefe or heavinesse that trouble him be mitigated and asswaged; whether his courage 2nd confidence of heart be more resolute and better confirmed; and in one word, whether he feele any instinct unto vertue and honestie, to be more kindled and enflamed. When we rise out of the Barbars chaire, we thinke it meete presently to consult with a mirrour or looking glasse; we stroke our head to see whe­ther 40 he hath polled and notted it well; we consider and peruse our beard and every haire whether we have the right cut, & be trimmed as we ought: a shame it were then, to depart from a schole or a lecture, and not immediately to retire apart and view our minde well, whether it have laide away any foolish thought that troubled it: whether it be eased of superfluous and wandring thoughts, that clogged it: and be thereby more lightsome and pleasant. For neither a Baine and Striph, as Ariston saith nor a sermon doth any good, if the one do not scoure the skin, and the other clense the heart.

A yoong man therefore is to take joy and delight if he have made profit by a lecture, or be better edified by hearing a sermon. And yet I write not this, as if this pleasure should be the finall end that he proposeth to himselfe when he goeth to such a lecture or sermon, neither 50 would I have him thinke that he should depart out of the Philosophers schoole, with a merie note singing jocundly, or with a fresh and cheerefull countenance: ne yet to use meanes to be perfumed with sweete odors and ointments, whereas he hath more need of Embracations, Fo­mentations and Cataplasmes: but to take it well and be thankfull, if haply by some sharpe words and cutting speeches, any man hath cleansed and purified his heart full of cloudie mists and pal­pable darkenes, like as men drive Bee-hives and rid away Bees with smoke. For albeit, he that preacheth unto others ought not to be altogether earelesse and negligent in his stile, but that it may carrie with it some pleasure, delectation and grace, aswel as probabilitie and reason: yet a [Page 57] yoong man when he commeth to heare should not stand so much thereupon, but have least re­gard thereto, especially at the first: marrie afterwards (I will not say) but he may well ynough have an eie unto it also. For like as those that drinke, after they have once quenched their thirst, engraven or imprinted upon them: even so, when a yong student or auditor is well replenished and furnished with doctrine, after he hath breathed and paused a while, may be permitted to consider farther of the speech, namely, what elegant and copious phrases it hath. As for him, who at the verie beginning attendeth not nor cleaveth unto the matter and substance, but hun­teth after the language onely, desiring that it should be pure Atticke, fine and smooth: I can liken such a one to him, who being empoisoned will not drinke any Antidore or counterpoison, 10 unlesse the pot or cup wherein it is, be made of the Colian earth in Aitica: or who in the cold of winter will not weare a garment, except it were made of the wooll that came from the Attike sheepes backe; but had rather sit still idle doing nothing and stirring not, with some thin man­tell and overworne gaberdine cast over him, such as be the orations of Lystas his penning. The errours committed in this kinde, have beene the cause why there is found so little wit and un­derstanding, and contrariwise so much tongue and bibble-babble, such vaine chattring about words in yoong men throughout the Schooles: who never observe the life, the deeds, the carri­age and demeanor in State government of a Philosopher, but give all praise and commenda­tion to his fine termes and elegant words, onely setting out his eloquence, action and readie deliverie of his oration, but will not in any wise learne or enquire whether the matter so uttered 20 be profitable or unprofitable, necessarie or vaine and superfluous.

Next to these precepts, how we should heare Philosopher to discourse at large and with a continued speech, there followeth in good consequence a rule and advertisement as touching short questions and problemes. A man that commeth as a bidden guest unto a great supper, ought to be content with that which is set before him upon the table, and neither to call for any viands else, nor to finde fault with those that are present: He also that is invited to a Philosophi­call feast or banket (as I may say) of discourses, in case they be matters and questions certaine and chosen long before for to be handled, ought to do nothing else but heare with patience and silence him that speaketh: for they that distract and hale him away to other theames, interpo­sing interrogations and demaunds, or otherwise moove doubts or make oppositions as he spea­keth, 30 are troublesome and unportunate hearers, such as be unsociable and accord not with an auditorie; who besides that they receive no profit themselves, disturbe doth the speaker and the speech also. But in case the partie that standeth ad oppositum, doe of himselfe will and pray his auditors to aske him questions and to propose what they will, then they ought to propound such demaunds as be either necessarie or profitable. Vlisses verily in Homer was mocked by the wooers of his wife, because

He cald for shieves of bread to eat,
And not for swords or candrons near.

For it was reputed a signe of magnanimity to demaund, aswel as to give things of great price and value. Much more then might a man deride and laugh at the auditor, who will moove un­to 40 a Master or Doctour of the Chaire, trifling, frivolous and fruitlesse questions, as other­whiles some of these yoong men do: who taking pleasure to vaunt themselves, and to shew what great schollers they are in Logicke or the Mathematikes, are woont to pur foorth questions as touching the sections of things indefinite: also, what be litterall motions or Diametricall? Vn­to whom a man may verie well answere as Philotimus the Phisitian did unto one that had a sup­puration in his chist, and by reason of an inward ulcer of his lungs was in a consumption, who comming to him for counsell, desired that he would give him a medicine for a little whit-flow growing about the roote of his naile: but Philotimus perceiving by his colour and shortnes of winde in what case he was; My good friend (quoth he) you have no such weed of a cure for your whit-flow, you may hold your peace well enough at this time for any danger there: Even so, it 50 may be said unto one of these yoong men; There is no time now to thinke or dispute upon such questions, but rather by what meanes you may be freed from presumptuous overweening of your selfe, from pride and arrogance, from wanton love and foolish toies: that you may be setled in a sound state of life, devoide of vanitie. Moreover, this yoong man is to have a good cie and ragard unto the sufficiencie of the speaker, whether it be by naturall inclination, or got­ten by experience and practise, and accordingly to frame and direct his questions in those points wherein he is most excellent: and in no wise to force him who is well read and stu­died [Page 58] in Morall Philosophie, to answer unto Physical or Mathematicall questions: or him that is better seene in Natural Philosophy to draw unto Logick, for to give his judgment of Hypothe­tical propositions & to resolve them: or to move the knots & make solution of false Syllogisms, Elenches sophisticall and such fallacies. For like as one that would goe about to cleave wood with a key, or unlocke a doore with an axe, seemeth not so much to doe hurt unto those instru­ments, as to deprive himselfe of the proper use and commoditie as well of the one as the other; Even so, they that require of a Speaker that which he is not apt unto by nature, or wherein he is not well practised, & will not reape, gather & take that which willingly commeth from him, and wherewith he is able to furnish them, are not only hurt therein, but incurre the name and blame of a pievish, froward and malicious nature. Furthermore this heed would be taken, not to over­lay 10 him with many questions, nor oftentimes to urge him therewith. For this bewraieth one, that in some sort loveth to heare himselfe speake and would be seene: whereas, when another doth propose a question to give attentive eare, and that with mildnes and patience, is a signe of a studious person, and one that knoweth well how to behave himselfe in companie, and can abide that others should learne aswell as he: unlesse perhaps some private and particular occur­rent do urge the contrarie, or some passion do hinder, which had neede to be staied and repres­sed, or else some maladie and imperfection which requireth remedie. For peradventure as He­raclitus saith, it were not good for one to hide and conceale his owne ignorance, but to let it ap­peere and be knowen, and so to cure it. But say, that some fit of choler, some assault of scrupu­lous superstition, or some violent quarell and jarre with one houshold and kinsfolke, or some 20 furious passion proceeding from wanton lust,

Which doth the secret heart strings move,
That earst were never stir'd with love,

trouble our understanding, and put it out of tune, we ought not for the avoiding of a reproofe, to flie for refuge to other matters, and interrupt the discourse begun, but be desirous to heare of such things, even in open places of exercises; and after the exercise or lecture done, to take the Philosophers or Readers aside, and conferre with them, to be further enformed: not as ma­ny doe, who are well enough contented to heare Philosophers speake of others, and have them theresore in great admiration: but if it chance that a Philosopher leave other men, and turne his speech to them apart, to tell them freely and boldly what he thinketh, admonishing and put­ting 30 them in minde of such things as do concerne them, then they are in a chafe, then they say he speakes besides the text and more then needs. For of this opinion are these men, That wee are to heare Philosophers in Schooles for pastime, as plaiers of Tragedies in a Theatre upon the Stage: As for other matters out of the Schoole, they holde them no better men than them­selves: and to say a trueth, good reason have they so to deeme of Sophisters, who are no sooner out of their chaires, or come downe from off the pulpit, and when their books, and pettie intro­ductions are laid out of their hands, but in other serious actions and parts of this life to be dis­coursed of, a man shall finde them as raw as other, and nothing better skilled than the vulgar sort. But to come unto those Philosophers indeed, who worthily are so to be called and estee­med, ignorant are such persons above rehearsed, that their words (be they spoken in earnest or 40 in game) their becks, their nods, their countenance, whether it be composed to smiling or to frowning, but principally their words directed privately to every one a part, be all significant, and cary some fruit commodious to those that with patience will give them leave to speake, and are willing and used to hearken unto them.

As concerning the praises which we are to attribute unto them for their eloquence and well speaking, there would in this dutie some wise caution & meane be used: for that in this case, nei­ther overmuch nor too little is commendable & honest. And verily that scholar, who seemeth not to be moved or touched with any thing that he heareth, is a heavie and unsupportable audi­tour, full of a secret presumptuous opinion of himselfe, conceited inwardly of his owne suffici­encie, of an inbred selfe love and aptnesse to speake much of his owne doings, shewing evident­ly 50 that he thinketh he can speake better than that which hath beene delivered: In regard where­of, he never stirs brow any way decently, he uttereth not a word to testific that he heareth wil­lingly and with contentment: but by a certaine forced silence, affected gravitie, and counter­feit countenance, would purchase and winne unto himselfe the reputation of a staied man, of a profound and deepe clerke: and is as sparie of his praises, as of his purse and money in it, imagi­ning that they bid him losse, who would have him part with any one jot thereof, as if he robbed himselfe of so much as he imparted to another. For many therebe who misconster & interpret [Page 59] in ill sense one sentence of Pythagor as, when he saith, That he had gotten this fruit by the studie of Philosophie, namely, to have nothing in admiration. And these men are of this opinion, that because they are not to admire, praise, and honor others, therefore they must despise and dispraise them, and by the disdaine and contempt of others they thinke themselves to seeme grave and venerable. For reason Philosophicall, although it rejecteth that woonder and admi­ration which proceedeth of doubt or ignorance, for that she knoweth the cause of everie thing, and is able to discourse thereof; yet for all that it condemneth not courtesie, magnanimitie and humanitie. For certes unto such as truely and certainly are good, a right great honor it is to honour those that are worthie of honor: also for a man to adorne another is an excellent ornament proceeding from a superabundance (as it were) of glorie and honor which is in him­selfe, 10 voide of all envie and malice. Whereas those that be niggards in praising of another, seeme to be poore & bare themselves that way, & bewray how hungrie they be after their owne praises. Now on the contrarie side, he who without all judgement & discretion at everie word and syllable (in a maner) is readie to rise up & give acclamation, offendeth asmuch another way, being a man of levitie and inconstancie, oftentimes displeaseth, even them that be the speakers, but alwaies is offensive and troublesome to other assistants about him: causing them to rise up eftsoons & lift up themselves against their wils, drawing them perforce to do as they see him do, and even for verie shame and modestie, to set up some cries and acclamations with him for companie. Now after that he hath reaped no fruit nor edification by the oration that he hath heard, for that he had so troubled and disquieted the auditorie by his unseasonable praises, he 20 returneth from thence with one of these three additions to his stile: namely, either a Mocker, a Flatterer, or a Blockhead, who understood not what was said. A judge I must needs say, when he sitteth upon the seat of Iustice to heare and determine causes, ought to give eare unto both par­ties without hatred or favour, voide of all affection, and respective onely to right and equitie. But in the auditories where learned men are met together, there is neither law nor oath hinde­reth us, but that we may heare him with favour and benevolence, who doth speake and discourse unto us. And even our ancients in old time were woont to place and set Mercurie in their temples neere unto the Graces, giving us thereby to know that above all things, a speech pub­likely delivered, requireth a gracious and friendly audience: for they never thought that the speaker would be such an outcast, or so farre short and unsufficient; but if he were not able either 30 to say somewhat of his owne invention praise worthy, or to report from auncients that which is memorable, or to deliver the subject matter of his speech together with his drift and inten­tion, so as it deserved applause: yet at leastwise, his eloquution and disposition of everie part might be commendable: for according to the old proverb,

With Calthrap-thistles rough and keen, with pricky Rest-harrow,
Close Scions faire and white are seen with soft walflowres to grow.

For if some to shew their wit, have taken upon them the praise of vomiting, others of fever, and someiwis of a pot or caudron, and yet have not failed of favor and approbation: how can it 40 otherwise be, but that the oration compassed by a grave personage, who in some sort is reputed, or at leastwise called a Philosopher, should minister unto benevolent, gracious and courteous Auditours some respit and opportunitie of time for to praise and commend the same? Al those that are in the flowre and prime of their age, saith Plato, one way or other, do affect and moove him that is enamoured on them: insomuch as if they be white of colour, he calleth them the children of the gods: if blacke of hew, he termes them manly and magnanimous: be one hawke-nosed, such he nameth Roiall and of a kingly race: is he camoise or flat nosed, him he will have to be gentle, pleasant and gracious: and to conclude, looketh one pale & yellow, then to cover and mollifie in some sort that ill colour, he useth to call him Hony-face: and every one of these defects, he loveth and embraceth as severall beauties: For in love is no lacke, and of 50 this nature it is to claspe and cleave to every thing that it can reach or meet withall, in maner of Ivy; much more then wil he that is a studious scholar & a diligent hearer, find alwaies one thing or other, for which he may seeme worthily to praise any one that mounteth up into the chaire for to declaime or discourse. For even Plato himselfe, who in the oration of Lysias commended not the invention; and as for the disposition thereof, utterly found fault therewith as disorder­ly and confused: yet he praised his stile and eloquution, & gave this attribute unto it, that every word was perspicuous and lightsome, and withall ran round, as if they all had beene artificiallie [Page 60] wrought with the Turners instrument. A man that were so disposed, may seeme in reason to reproove in Archylocus the argument and subject matter: in Parmenides the composition of his verses: in Phocylides, the meane and homely matter: the loquacity of Euripides, and the in­equalitie or uneven stile of Sophocles: After which sort, you shall have among Oratours and Rhetoricians, one who cannot expresse the naturall disposition of a man, another who hath no power in resembling passions & affections, and another againe who faileth in grace and yet ech one of them commendable enough for some particular and especiall gift, either to moove or to delight. In which regard, the hearers also, may find sufficient matter & pleasure enough to gra­tisie and content if they list, those that speake and make orations to them. For some of them it sufficeth although we do not testifie our good liking of them by lively and open voice, to give 10 them a favourable regard of the eie, to shew them a milde and gentle visage, a cheerefull looke, an amiable disposition of the countenance, without any signe of sadnes and heavinesse. And verily, these things are growen now to be of common and ordinary, that we can affoord them even to those who speake but so so and to no purpose at all; insomuch, as every auditorie can skill thereof: But to sit still modestly in his place without any token of disdaine; to beare the body upright, leaning neither one way nor other; to fixe the eie wistly upon him that speaketh; to shew a forward gesture, as if one gave great attention and marked every word seriously; to set and dispose the countenance plaine, pure and simple, without any signification at all, not onely of contempt or discontentment, but also of all other cares and thoughts whatsoever, be evident tokens of approbation, and tend all thereto. For, as in every thing els, beautie and fauour is 20 composed and framed (as it were) of many numbers meeting and concurring in one, and all to­gether at the same time, and that by a certaine symmetrie, consonance and harmonie: but that which is foule and ill fauoured, is bred immediatly by the least thing in the world, that either is wanting, or added and put to absurdly, otherwise than it should; even so we may notably ob­serve in this action of hearing, not onely the knitting and bending of the browes, or the heavie cheere of the visage, a crooked aspect and wandring cast of the eye, a writhing away or turning about of the bodie, an undecent change of the thighes crosse one over another: but a very nod of the head, or winke of the eye alone, the whispering or rounding one of another in the eare, a bare smile, gapings, and drowsie yawnings, as if a man were ready to drop asleepe: finally, the hanging downe of the head, and whatsoever gestures of that sort, wee are countable for as fault 30 woorthy, and they would be carefully taken heed of. Howbeit, there be some of this opinion, that the speaker indeed ought to looke unto himselfe and his behaviour when hee is aloft; but the hearers beneath need not. They would (I say) have him who is to make a speech in pub­like place, to come well prepared, and with diligent praemeditation of that which he ought to say: but as for the hearers, they have no more to doe but to take their places, without any fore­thinking of the matter, without any care and regard at all of duetie and demeanour after they be set, as if they were come to a very supper, and nothing els, there to take their repast or ease them­selues, whiles others take paine and travell. And yet a guest that goeth to suppe with another, hath something to doe and observe when he sits at the table, if hee would be thought civill and manerly: how much more then, in all reason, is an auditour bound so to do, who is to heare an­other 40 speake. For he is partaker with him of his speech, yea, and by right, a coadjutour of him: he ought not then, to examine rigourously his faults escaped; hee is not to sift narrowly, and weigh in severe ballance ech word of his, and every gesture; whiles hee himselfe (exempt from censure and controlment, and without feare of being espied and searched into) committeth many enormities, unseemly parts, and incongruities in hearing. For like as at Tennis play, he that receiveth the ball, ought in the stirring and motion of his bodie to accommodate him­selfe handsomely and in order to his fellow that smit it; even so betweene the speaker and the hearer, if both of them observe their duetie and decencie, there would be a mutuall and recipro­call porportion. Now in yeelding praises unto the Reader or Speaker, we must not inconside­rately, use all maner of termes and acclamations without discretion: For Epicurus himselfe is 50 not well liked, but odious, when he saith, That upon the reading of any letters missive from his friends unto him, they that were about him did set up excessive outcries and applauses, with troublesome clapping of their hands. And verily those who bring in now adayes into the au­ditorie uncoth and strange noises by way of acclamation; they also who have brought up these termes, O heavenly and divine speech; The voice of God & not of man, uttered by his mouth; and, Who is able to come neere unto him? as though it were not sufficient, simply thus to say; O well said, Wisely spoken, or, Truely delivered; which were the testimonies and signes of [Page 61] praise which Plato, Socrates, and Hyperides used in old time) such men, I say, doe highly offend, and passe the bounds of decencie exceeding much: nay, they doe traduce and abuse the spea­kers themselves, as though they did hunt after, and lay for such excessive and proud commen­dations. Those also be odious and unpleasant, who as if they were in some judiciall Court, de­pose and give formall testimonie as touching the honour of the speakers, and binde the same with an oth: neither be they in lesse fault, who without regard of the qualitie of persons, doe ac­comodate unto them their titles of praise beside all decorum: As for example, when they be ready to crie aloud unto a Philosopher, O quicke and wittie saying! and unto an olde man, O what a brave and jolly speech is this! transferring and applying unto Philosophers those words and termes that ordinarily are used or attributed to plaiers, or such as exercise and shew them­selves 10 in scholasticall declamations: and to a serious and sober oration, giving a praise more be­seeming a light and wanton courtisan: which is as much, as if upon the head of a victorious champion, they should set a garland of lillies or roses, and not of the lawrell or wilde olive tree. Euripides verily, the Poet, when one overheard him as he prompted and endited unto the actors or persons in the Chorus, a certaine song set to musicall harmonie, and therewith laughed hearti­lie whiles he instructed them in singing the same; If thou wert not (quoth hee) some blockish and senselesse dolt, thou wouldest never laugh when I sung a heavy mixt-Lydian tune, or a note to a dumpe or dolefull dittic. Semblably, a grave Philosopher, and a man exercised in mana­ging State affaires, might very well in mine advise, cut off, and represse the delicate insolency of some auditour, over wantonly disposed to mirth and jolity, by saying thus unto him; Thou 20 seemest unto me a brainsick fellow, & untaught: for otherwise whiles I am teaching, preaching, and reprooving vices, discoursing and reading of policie and the administration of Common weale, of the nature of the gods, or the duetie of a Magistrate, thou wouldest neither daunce thus and sing as thou doest. For consider with me in trueth, what a disorder is this, That when a Phi­losopher is in the Schoole at his lecture reading, they within should keepe a crying and how­ling, and make such noises, as they that be without can not tell whether it be some piper, harper, or dauncer that they thus do praise, such a cōfused brute they make within. Moreover, we ought not to heare the reprehensions, rebukes, and corrections of Philosophers, rechlesly without sense of griefe and displeasure, nor yet unmanly: for they that can so well abide to be reprooved or blamed by a Philosopher, and make nothing adoe at it, insomuch as when they be found fault 30 withall, they fall a laughing, or can finde in their hearts to praise those that do reprehend them, much like unto these flattering Parasites, who are content to extoll and commend their good masters that give them their meat and drinke, notwithstanding they be reviled and taunted by them: these fellowes (I say) of all others, be most rash, audacious and bolde, shewing thereby their shamelesse impudencie, which is no good nor true argument of courage and fortitude. As for a pretie scoffe pleasantly delivered, and in mirth, without any wrong meant, or touch of credit, if a man know how to take it well, and be not moved thereby to choler and displeasure, but laugh it out, it doth argue no base minde, nor want of wit and understanding, but is a liberall and gentelman-like qualitie, savouring much of the ingenuous maner of the Lacedaemonians. But to heare a sharpe checke that toucheth the very quicke, and a reprehension to reforme ma­ners, 40 delivered in cutting and tart words, much like unto an egar and biting medicine, and ther­with not to be cast downe, and shrinke together for feare, nor to run all into a sweat, or be ready to [...] and stagger with a dizinesse in the head, for very shame that hath set the heart on fire, but to seeme inflexible and nothing thereat moved, smiling in some sort, and drily scoffing af­ter a dissembling maner, is a notable signe of a most dissolute and illiberall nature, past all grace, and that basheth for nothing, being so long wonted and inured to euill doing; in such sort, as the heart and conscience is hardened and overgrowen with a certaine brawne and thicke skinne, which will not receive the marke or wale of any lash, be it never so smart. And as there be many such, so you shall meet with other youthes of another nature meere contrary unto them; who if they happen but once to be checked and to heare ill, are soone gone, and will not turne againe, 50 but quit the Philosophie schooles for ever. These being endued by nature with the good rudi­ments and beginnings of vertue tending unto felicity another day, to wit, Shamefastnesse and Abashment, loose the benefit thereof, in that by reason of their overmuch delicacy and effaemi­nate minds, they can not abide reproofs, nor with generositie endure correctious, but turne a­way their itching eares, to heare rather the pleasant and smooth tales of some flatterers or so­phisters, which yeeld them no fruit nor profit at all in the end. For as hee, who after incision made, or the fear of dismembring performed by the Chyrurgian, runneth away from him, and [Page 62] will not tary to have his wound bound up or seared, sustaineth all the paine of the cure, but mis­seth the good that might ensue thereof: even so he, who unto that speech of the Philosopher which hath wounded and launced his follie and untowardnesse, will not give leasure to heale the same up, and bring it to a perfect & confirmed skin againe, goeth his waies with the painfull bit and dolorous sting, but wanteth all the helpe and benefit of Philosophie. For not onely the hurt that Telephus received, as Euripides saith,

By skales of rust both ease and remedie found,
Fil'd from the speare, that first didmake the wound.

but also the pricke inflicted upon a towardly yoong man by Philosophie, is healed by the same words that did the hurt. And therefore when hee findeth himselfe checked and blamed, 10 feele he must and suffer some smart, abide (I say) he ought to be bitten, but not to be crushed and confounded therewith, not to be discouraged and dismaide for ever. Thus he is to thinke of himselfe being now inducted in Philosophie, as if he were a novice newly instituted and pro­sessed in some religious orders and sacred mysteries: namely, that after he hath patiently endu­red a while the first expiatorie purifications and troubles, he may hope at the end thereof to see and finde some sweete and goodly fruit of consolation, after this present disquietnesse and ago­nie. Say also, that he were wrongfully and without cause thus snubbed and rebuked by the Phi­losopher, yet he shall do well to have patience and sit out the end. And after the speech fini­shed, he may addresse an Apologie unto him and justifie himselfe, praying him to reserve this libertie of speech and vehemency of reproofe which he now used, for to represse and redresse 20 some other fault, which he shall indeed have committed. Moreover, like as in Grammar, the learning to spel letters and to reade: in Musicke also to play upon the Lute or Harpe; yea and in bodily exercise, the feat of wrestling and other activities, at the beginning be painefull, cumber­some, and exceeding hard, but after that one be well entred and have made some progresse therein, by little and little continuall use and custome (much after the manner of conversing and acquaintance among men) maketh maistrie, engendreth further knowledge, and then everie thing that was stronge and difficult before, prooveth familiar and easie ynough both to say and doe: Even so, it fareth in Philosophie, whereat the first there seemeth no doubt to be some strangenesse, obscuritie, and I wot not what barrennesse, aswell in the termes and words, as in the matters therein contained: Howbeit, for all that a yoong man must not for want of heart 30 be astonied at the first entrance into it, nor yet for faintnesse be discouraged and give over: but make proofe and triall of every thing, persevere and continue in diligence, desirous ever to passe on still and proceed further, and as it were, to draw well before, waiting and attending the time which may make the knowledge thereof familiar by use and custome, the onely meanes which causeth everie thing that is of it selfe good and honest, to be also sweete and pleasant in the ende. And verily this familiaritie will come on apace, bringing with it a great cleernesse and light of learning: it doth ingenerate also an ardent love and affection to vertue, without which love, a man were most wretched or timorous, if he should apply himselfe to follow another course of life, having once given over for want of heart the studie of Philosophie. But perad­venture it may fall out so, that young men not well experienced, may find at the beginning such 40 difficulties in some matters that hardly or unneth at all they shall be able to comprehend them. Howbeit, they are themselves partly the cause that they doe incurre this obscuritie and igno­rance: who being of divers and contrarie natures, yet fall into one and the selfesame inconveni­ence. For some upon a certaine respectuous reverence which they bare unto their Reader and Doctour, or because they would seeme to spare him, are afraid to aske questions, and to be con­firmed and resolved in doubts arising from the doctrine which he delivereth: and so give signes by nodding their heads that they approove all, as if they understood everie thing verie well. Others againe by reason of a certaine importune ambition and vaine emulation of others, for to shew the quicknesse and promptitude of their wit, and their readie capacitie, giving out that they fully understand that which they never conceived, by that meanes attaine to nothing. And 50 thus it commeth to passe, that those bashfull ones, who for modestie and shamefastnes are silent and dare not aske that whereof they are ignorant, after they be departed out of the auditorie, are in heavinesse and doubtfull perplexitie, untill at last they be driven of necessitie with greater shame to trouble those who have once already delivered their doctrine, to runne (I say) unto them backe againe and moove questions anew. And as for these ambitious, bold and presum­ptuous persons they be forced to palliat, cover and disguise their ignorance and blindnes which abideth with them for ever. Therefore casting behinde us and rejecting all such stupiditie and [Page] vanitie; let us take paines and endevour howsoever we do, to learne and throughly to compre­hend, all profitable discourses that shall be taught unto us: and for to effect this, let us be con­tent gently to beare the scoffes and derisions of others, that thinke themselves quicker of con­ceit than our selves: according to the example of Cleanthes and Xenocrates, who being [...] what more grosse and dull of capacitie than others their school-fellowes, ran not therefore away from schoole, nor were any whit discouraged, but the first that scoffed and made sport with them­selves, saying, they were like unto narrow mouthed vessels and brasen tables, for that they hardly conceived any thing that was taught them, but they retained and kept the same safe and surely when they had it once: for not onely as Phocylides saith,

Who seekes in the'nd for goodnes and for praies, 10
Meane while must be deceived many wates.

but also to suffer himselfe to be mocked oftentimes and to endure much reproch, to abide broad jests and skurrile skoffes: expelling ignorance with all his might and maine: yea, and conque­ring the same.

Moreover, we must be carefull to avoide one fault more, which many commit on the con­trarie side; who for that they be somewhat slow of apprehension and idle withall, are verie trou­blesome unto their teachers, and importune them overmuch: when they be apart by them­selves, they will not take any paines nor labour to understand that which they have heard; but they put their masters to new travell, who reade unto them: asking and enquiring of them ever and anon concerning one and the same thing, resembling herein yoong callow birds which are 20 not yet fethered and fledg'd, but alwaies gaping toward the bill of the damme, and so by their good wils would have nothing given them, but that which hath beene chewed and prepared al­ready. Now there be others yet, who desirous beyond all reason to be counted quicke of wit and attentive hearers, wearie their masters even as they are reading unto thē, with much prittle prat­tle, interrupting them everie foot in their lectures, demaunding of them one thing or other that is needlesse and impertinent, calling for proofs and demonstrations of things where no need is:

Thus they much paines for little take,
And of short way long journeies make.

According as Sophocles said, making much worke, not onely for themselves, but also for others: For staying their teacher thus as they doe everie foote with their vaine and superfluous questi­ons, 30 as if they were walking together upon the way, they hinder the course of the lecture, being so often interrupted and broken off. These fellowes then according to the saying of Hierom, in this doing are much like to cowardly & dastardly curre dogs, which, when they be at home with­in house, will bite the hides and skinnes of wilde beasts, and lie tugging at their shagged haire: but they dare not touch them abroad in the field. Furthermore, I would give those others, who are but soft spirited and slow withall, this counsell that retaining the principall points of everie matter, they supplie the rest apart by themselves, exercising their memorie, and as it were lea­ding it by the hand to all that dependeth thereto: to the end that when they have conceived in their spirit the words of others, as it were the elementarie beginning and the verie seede, they might nourish and augment the same: For that the minde and understanding of man is not of 40 the nature of a vessell that requireth to be filled up: but it hath neede onely of some match (if I may so say) to kindle and set it on fire (like as the matter standeth ever in need of the effici­ent cause) which may ingender in it a certaine inventive motion, and an affection to finde out the truth. Well then, like as if a man going to his neighbour for to fetch fire, and finding there good store, and the same burning light in the chimney, should sit him downe by it and warme himselfe continually thereat, and never make care to take some of it home with him, you would take him to be unwise: even so he, that commeth to another for to learne, and thinketh not that he ought to kindle his owne fire within and make light in his owne minde, but taketh pleasure in hearing onely, and there sitteth by his master still, and joyeth onely in this contentment: he may well get himselfe a kind of opinion by the words of another, like a fresh and red colour by 50 sitting by the fire side: but as for the mosse or rust of his minde within, he shall never skoure it out, nor disperse the darkenes by the light of Philosophie.

Now if there be neede yet of one precept more to atchieve the dutie of a good auditour, it is this, That we ought to remember eftsoones that which now I have to say: namely, That we exercise our wit and understanding by our selves, to invent something of our owne, aswell as to comprehend that which we heare of others: to the end that we may acquire within our selves a certaine habitude, not sophisticall nor historicall, that is to say, apparant onely, and able to [Page 64] recite barely that which we have beene taught by others, but a more inwardly imprinted and philosophicall, making this account, that the verie beginning of a good life, is to heare well and as we ought.

OF MORALL VERTVE. 10

The Summarie.

BEfore he entreth into the discourse of vertues and vices, he treateth of Morall ver­tue in generall: propounding in the first place the diversitie of opinions of Philoso­phers as touching this point: the which he discusseth and examineth: Wherein after that he had begun to dispute concerning the composition of the soule, he adjoineth his owne opinion touching that propertie, which Morall vertue hath particularly by it selfe, as also wherein it differeth from contemplative Philosophie. Then having 20 defined the Mediocritie of this vertue, and declared the difference betweene Continence and Tem­per ance, he speaketh of the impression of reason in the soule. And by this meanes addresseth himselfe against the Stoicks, & disputeth cōcerning the affections of the soule: prooving the inequalitie therein, with such a refutation of the contrarie objections, that after he had taught how the reasonlesse part of the soule, ought to be mannaged, he discovereth by divers similitudes and reasons, the absurdities of the said Stoicke Philosophers, who insteed of well governing and ruling the soule of man, have as much as liethin them, extinguished and abolished the same.

OF MORALL VERTVE. 30

MY purpose is to treate of that vertue, which is both called and also reputed Morall, and namely wherein it differeth especially from vertue contemplative: as having for the subject matter thereof, the passions of the minde, and for the forme, Reason: Likewise of what nature and substance it is; as also, how it doth subsist and hath the Being: to wit, whether that part of the soule which is capable of the said vertue be endued and adourned with reason as appropriate and peculiar unto it; or, whether it borrow it from other parts, & so 40 receiving it, be like unto things mingled, and adhering to the bet­ter: or rather, for that being under the government and rule of ano­ther, it be said to participate the power and puissance of that which commendeth it? For, that vertue also may subsist and have an essentiall being, without any subject matter and mixture at all, I suppose it is very evident and apparent. But first and formost, I hold it very expedient, briefly to run through the opinions of other Philosophers, not so much by way of an Historical narration and so an end, as, that when they be once shewed and laid abroad, our opinion may both appeere more plainly, and also be held more surely.

Menedemus then, who was borne in the citie Eretria, abolished all pluralitie and difference of vertues, supposing that there was but one onely vertue, and the same knowen by sundry names: 50 For he said, that it was but one and the same thing, which men called Temperance, Fortitude, and Iustice: like as if one should say, A Reasonable creature and a man, he meaneth the selfe same thing. As for Ariston the Chian, he was of opinion likewise, that in substance there was no more but one vertue, the which he termed by the name of Health: mary, in some divers re­spects, there were many vertues, and those different one from another: as namely for example, if a man should call our eie-sight, when it beholdeth white things Leucothea: when it seeth black Melanthie: and so likewise in other matters. For vertue, (quoth he) which concerneth and [Page 65] considereth what we ought either to do or not to do, beareth the name of Prudence: when it ruleth and ordereth our lust or concupiscence, limiting out a certaine measure, and lawfull pro­portion of time unto pleasures, it is called Temperance: if it intermedle with the commerce, contracts and negotiation betweene man and man, then it is named Iustice: like as (to make it more plaine) a knife is the same still, although it cut, now one thing, and then another: and the fire notwithstanding it worketh upon sundry matters, yet it remameth alwaies of one and the same nature. It seemeth also, that Zeno the Citiean, inclined in some sort to this opinion, who in [...] Prudence, saith, that when it doth distribute to every man his owne, it ought to be called Iustice when it is occupied in objects either to be chosen or avoided, then it is Tempe­rance; and in bearing or suffring, it should be named Fortitude. Now, they that defend and 10 mainteine this opinion of Zeno, affirme, that by Prudence he understandeth Science or Knowledge. But Chrysyppus, who was of this minde, that ech vertue had a peculiar qualitie, and according to it, ought to be defined and set downe, wist not how (ere he was aware) he brought into Philosophie, and as Plato saith, raised a swarme of vertues never knowne before, and where­with the schooles had not beene acquainted. For like as of Valiant he derived Valour, of Iust Iustice, of Clement Clemencie: so also of Gracious, he comes in with Gratiositie, of Good, Goodnes, of Great, Greatnesse, of Honest, Honestie, and all other such like Dexterities, asfa­bilities and courtesies, he termed by the name of vertues, and so pestered Philosophie with new, strange and absurd words, more iwis than was needfull.

Now these Philosophers agree jointly all in this, that they set downe vertue to be a certeine 20 disposition and power of the principall part of the soule, acquired by reason: or rather, that it is reason it selfe: and this they suppose as a truth consessed, certeine, firme and irrefragable. They hold also, that the part of the soule, subject to passions, sensuall, brutish and unreasona­ble, differeth not from reason by any essentiall difference, or by nature: but they imagine, that the very part and substance of the soule which they call understanding, reason, and the principal part, being wholy turned and changed, as well in sodaine passions, as alterations by habitude and disposition, becommeth either vice or vertue, and in it selfe hath no brutishnesse at all: but is named onely unreasonable, according as the motion of the appetite and lust is so powerfull, that it becommeth mistresse, and by that meanes she is driven and caried forcibly to some dis­honest and absurd course, contrary to the judgement of reason: For they would have that very 30 motion or passion it selfe to be reason, howbeit depraved and naught, as taking her force and strength from false and perverse judgement. Howbeit, all these (as it may seeme) were ignorant of this one point; namely, that ech one of us (to speake truly) is double and compound: And as for one of these duplicities, they never throughly saw; that onely which is of the twaine more evident, to wit, the mixture or composition of the soule and body they acknowledge. And yet, that there is besides a certeine duplicitie in the soule it selfe, which consisteth of two divers and different natures: and namely, that the brutish and reasonles part, in maner of another bodie is combined and knit into reason by a certeine naturall linke of necessitie: It seemeth that Pytha­goras himselfe was not ignorant: And this we may undoubtedly gather and conjecture by his great diligence which he emploied in that Musicke and Harmonie which he inferred for the 40 dulcing, taming & appeasing of the soule: as knowing ful wel, that all the parts thereof were not obedient and subject to instruction, learning and discipline, ne yet such as might by reason be altered and trained from vice to vertue: but required some other kinde of perswasive power cooperative with it, for to frame the same and make it gentle and tractable: for otherwise it would be hardly or never conquered by Philosophie, and brought within the compasse of obe­dience; so obstinate and rebellious it is. And Plato verily was of this opinion (which he profes­sed openly, and held as a firme and vndoubted trueth) that the soule of this universall world, is not simple, uniforme, and uncompounded, but mixed (as it were) of a certaine power of 1. The sam Identitie and of Diversity. For after one sort, it is governed and turned about continually in an uniforme maner, by meanes of one and the same order, which is powerfull and praedominant 50 over all: and after another sort againe, it is divided into circles, sphoeres, and motions, wande­ring and contrary in maner to the other: whereupon dependeth the beginning of diversitie in generation of all things in the earth. Semblably (quoth he) the soule of man, being a part and portion of that universall soule of the world, composed likewise of proportions and numbers answerable to the other, is not simple and of one nature or affection, but one part thereof is more spirituall, intelligible and reasonable, which ought of right and according to nature have the soveraigntie and command in man: the other is brutish, sensuall, erronious, and disorderly [Page 66] of it selfe, requiring the direction and guidance of another. Now, this is subdivided againe in­to other two parts; where of the one is alwaies called Corporall or Vegetative; the other Thy­mocides, as one would say, Irascible and Concupiscible; which one while doeth adhere and sticke close to the foresaid grosse and corporall portion: and otherwhiles to the more pure and spirituall part, which is the Discourse of reason; unto which according as it doth frame and ap­ply it selfe, it giveth strength and vigor thereto. Now the difference betweene the one and the other, may be knowen principally by the fight and resistance that often times is betweene un­derstanding and reason on the one side, and the concupiscence and wrathfull part on the other; which sheweth that these other faculties are often disobedient and repugnant to the best part. And verily, Aristotle used these principles and grounds especially above all others at the first, 10 as appeareth by his writings: but afterwards, he attributed the irascible part unto the concupi­scible, confounding them both together in one, as if ire were a concupiscence or desire of re­venge. Howbeit, this he alwaies held to the very end, That the brutish and sensuall part, which is subject unto passions, was wholly and ever distinct from the intellectuall part, which is the same that reason: not that it is fully depriued of reason, as is that corporall and grosse part of the soule, to wit, whereby we have sense onely common with beasts, and whereby we are nouri­shed as plants. But whereas, this being surd and deafe, and altogether uncapable of reason, doth after a sort proceed and spring from the flesh, and alwaies cleave unto the bodie: the other sen­suall part which is so subject unto passions, although it be in it selfe destitute of reason, as a thing proper unto it: yet neverthelesse apt and fit it is to heare and obey the understanding and dis­coursing 20 part of the minde; insomuch as it will turne vnto it, suffer it selfe to be ranged and or­dered according to the rules and precepts thereof; unlesse it be utterly spoiled and corrupted, either by blinde and foolish pleasure, or els by a loose and intemperate course of life. As for them that make a wonder at this, and do not conceive how that part being in some sort brutish and unreasonable, may yet be obedient unto reason, they seeme unto me as if they did not well comprehend the might and power of reason: namely, how great it is, and forcible, or how farre forth it may pearce and passe in command, guidance and direction; not by way of rough, chur­lish, violent, and irregular courses, but by faire and formall meanes, which are able to doe more by gentle inducements and persuasions, than all the necessarie constraints and inforcements in the world. That this is so, it appeareth by the breath, spirits, sinewes, bones, and other parts of 30 the body, which be altogether void of reason: howbeit, so soone as there ariseth any motion of the will, which shaketh (as it were) thereines of reason never so little, all of them keepe their or­der, they agree together, and yeeld obedience. As for example, if the minde and will be dispo­sed to run, the feet are quickly stretched out and ready for a course; the hands likewise settle to their businesse, if there be a motion of the minde either to throw, or take holde of any thing. And verily, the Poet Homer most excellently expresseth the sympathie and conformitie of this brutish part of the soule unto reason, in these verses;

Thus wept the chaste Penelope, and drench't her lovely face
With dreary teares, which from her eyes ran trickling downe apace 40
For tender heart, bewailing sore the losse of husband deere,
Vlysses hight, who was in place set by her side full neere.
And he himselfe in soule, no lesse, didpitie for to see
His best be loved thus to weepe: but wise and craftie he
Kept in his teares: for why? his eyes within the lids were set 50
As stiffe as yron and sturdy horne, one drop would they not shed.

In such obedience to the judgement of reason he had his breath, spirits, his blood and his teares. An evident proofe hereof is to be seene in those, whose flesh doth rise upon the first sight of faire and beautifull persons: for no sooner doth reason or law forbid to come neere and touch them, but presently the same falleth, lieth downe, and is quiet againe without any stirring or [Page 67] panting at all. A thing verie ordinarie and most commonly perceived in those, who be enamo­red upon faire women, not knowing at first who they were. For so soone as they perceive after­wards, that they be their owne sisters or daughters, their lust presently cooleth, by meanes of reason that toucheth it and interposeth it selfe betweene: so that the bodie keepeth all the mem­bers thereof decently in order, and obedient to the judgement of the said reason. Moreover, it falleth out oftentimes, that we eate with a good stomacke and great pleasure certaine meates and viands, before we know what they are: but after we understand and perceive once that wee have taken either that which was uncleane or unlawfull and forbidden: not onely in our judge­ment and understanding we finde trouble and offence thereby; but also our bodily faculties a­greeing to our opinion are dismaied thereat: so that anon, thore ensue vomits, sicke quawmes, 10 and overturnings of the stomake, which disquiet all the whole frame. And were it not, that I greatly feared to be thought of purpose, to gather and insert in my discourse such pleasant and youthfull inducements, I could inferre in this place Psalteries, Lutes, Harpes, Pipes, Flutes, and other like musicall instruments, how they are devised by Art, for to accord and frame with hu­mane passions: for notwithstanding they be altogether without life, yet they cease not to apply themselves unto us, and the judgement of our minds, lamenting, singing, and wantonly dispor­ting together with us, resembling both the turbulent passions, and also the milde affections and dispositions of those that play upon them. And yet verily it is reported also of Zeno himselfe, that he went one day to the Theatre for to heare the Musician Amoebeus, who sung unto the Harpe: saying unto his scholers, Let us goe Sirs and learne what harmonie and musicke the 20 entrailes of beasts, their sinewes and bones: Let us see (I say) what resonance and melodie bare wood may yeeld, being disposed by numbers, proportions and order. But leaving these exam­ples, I would gladly demaund and aske of them, if when they see dogs, horses, and birds, which we nourish and keepe in our houses, brought to that passe by use, seeding and teaching, that they learne to render sensible words, to performe certaine motions, gestures, and divers seates, both pleasant and profitable unto us; and likewise, when they read in Homer, how Achilles en­couraged to battell both horse and man; they doe marvell still and make doubt, whether that part and facultie in us, whereby we are angrie, do lust, joy or grieve, be of that nature that it can well obey reason, and be so affected and disposed thereby that it may give assent thereto: consi­dering especially, that it is not seated or lodged without, nor separated from us, ne yet framed by 30 any thing which is not in us: no nor shapen by forcible meanes and constraint, to wit, by mold, stroke of hammer, or any such thing: but as it is fitted and forged by nature, so it keepeth to her, is conversant with her, and finally perfited and accomplished by custome and continuance. Which is the reason that verie properly Manners be called in Greeke by the name [...], to give us to understand, that they are nothing else (to speake plainely and after a grosse manner) but a certaine qualitie imprinted by long continuance of time, in that part of the soule which of it selfe is unreasonable: and is named [...], for that the said reasonlesse part framed by reason, ta­keth this qualitie or difference (call it whether you will) by the meanes of long time and custom which they terme [...]. For reason is not willing to roote out quite all passions (which were nei­ther possible nor expedient) but onely it doth limit them within certaine bounds, and setteth 40 downe a kinde of order: and thus aftera sort causeth Morall vertues not to be impassibilities, but rather mediocrities and regularities, or moderations of our affections: and this it doth by the meanes of prudence and wisedome, which reduceth the power of this sensuall and patheti­call part, unto a civill and honest habitude. For these three things (they say) are in the soule of man, to wit, a naturall puissance or facultie, a passion or motion, and also an habitude. Now the said facultie or power is the verie beginning, and (as a man would say) the matter of passions, to wit, the power or aptnesse to be angrie, to be ashamed, or to be confident and bold. The passion is the actuall mooving of the said power: namely, anger it selfe, shame, confidence or boldnes. The habitude is a settled and confirmed strength established in the sensuall or unreasonable part by continuall use and custome: which if the passions be ill governed by reason, becom­meth 50 to be a vice: and contrariwise, a vertue; in case the same be well ordered and directed thereby. Moreover, forasmuch as Philosophers do not hold and affirme, that everie vertue is a mediocritie nor call it Morall: to the end therefore, that we may the better declare and shew the difference, we had need to fetch the beginning of this discourse farther off.

Of all things then that be in the world, some have their essence and being of themselves ab­solutely and simply: others respectively and in relation to us. Absolutely have their being the earth, the heaven, the stars, and the sea: Respectively and in regard of us, Good, evill, profita­ble, [Page 68] hurtfull, pleasant, and displeasant. Now it being so, that reason doth contemplate and be­hold, the one sort aswell as the other: the former ranke of those things which are sunply and ab­solutely so, pertaine unto science and speculation, as their proper objects: the second kinde of those things which are understood by reference and regard unto us, pertaine properly unto consultation and action. And as the vertue of the former sort is called Sapience: so the vertue of the other is named Prudence. For a difference there is betweene Prudence and Sapience: in this, that Prudence consisteth in a certaine relation & application of the contemplative facultie of the soule unto Action, and unto the regiment of the sensuall part according to reason: by which occasion, Prudence had need of the assistance of Fortune: whereas Sapience hath no­thing to do with it, no more than it hath need of consultation, for to attaine and reach unto the 10 ende it aymeth at. For that indeed it concerneth such things as be ever one and alwaies of the same sort. And like as the Geometrician never consulteth as touching a triangle, to wit, whe­ther it hath three angles equall to twaine that be right, or no? Because he knoweth assuredly that it hath (for all consultations are concerning things that varie and alter sometime after one sort, and otherwhiles after another, and never medleth with those that be firme, stable, and im­mutable) even so, the understanding and contemplative facultie of the minde, exercising her functions in those first and principall things which be permanent, and have evermore the same nature, not capable of chaunge and mutation, is sequestred and exempt altogether from consultation. But Prudence which descendeth to things full of varietie, error, trouble, and con­fusion, must of necessitie eftsoones intermedle with casualties, and use deliberation in things 20 more doubtfull and uncertaine: yea and after it hath consulted to proceed unto action, calling and drawing unto it the reasonlesse part also to be assistant and present, as drawen into the judge­ment of things to be executed. For need those actions have of a certaine instinct and motion to set them forward, which this Morall habitude doth make in each passion, and the same in­stinct requireth likewise the assistance of reason to limit it that it may be moderate, to the ende that it neither exceed the meane, nor come short and be defective: for that it cannot be chosen but this brutish and passible part hath motions in it; some overvehement, quicke and sudden, others as slow againe, and more slacke than is meet. Which is the reason that our actions can­not be good but after one manner: whereas, they may be evill after divers sorts: like as a man cannot hit the marke but one way: marie he may misse sundrie waies, either by overshooting 30 or comming short. The part and dutie then, of that active facultie of reason according to na­ture, is to cut off and take away all those excessive or defective passions, and to reduce them un­to a mediocritie. For whereas the said instinct or motion, either by infirmitie, effeminate deli­cacie, feare, or slothfulnesse, doth faile and come short of dutie and the end required, there ac­tive reason is present ready to rouse, excite, and stirre up the same. Againe on the other side, when it runneth on end beyond all measure, after a dissolute and disorderly manner, there reason is prest, to abridge that which is too much, and to represse and stay the same: thus ruling and restraining these patheticall motions, it breedeth in man these Morall vertues whereof we speake, imprinting them in that reasonlesse part of the mind: and no other they are than a 40 meane betweene excesse and defect. Neither must we thinke, That all vertues do consist in a mediocritie: for Sapience or Wisedome, which stand in no need at all of the brutish and un­reasonable part, and consist onely in the pure and sincere intelligence and discourse of under­standing, and not subject to all passions, is the verie height and excellencie of reason, perfect and absolute of it selfe: a full and accomplished power (I say) wherein is engendred that most divine, heavenly and happie knowledge. But Morall vertue which savoureth somewhat of the earth, by reason of the necessities of our bodie, and in which regard it standeth in neede of the instrumentall ministerie of the patheticall part, for to worke and performe her operations, be­ing in no wise the corruption or abolition of the sensuall and unreasonable part of the soule, but rather the order, moderation and embelishment thereof, is the extremitie and height of excel­lence, in respect of the facultie and qualitie: but considering the quantitie is rather a medio­critie, 50 taking away the excesse on the one side and the defect on the other.

But now, forasmuch as this terme of Meane or Mediocritie may be understood diverse waies, we are to set downe what kinde of meane this Morall vertue is. First and formost there­fore whereas there is one meane compounded of two simple extremes, as a russet or browne co­lour betweene white and blacke: also that which conteineth and is conteined, must needs be the middest betweene the thing that doth conteine and is conteined, as for example, the number of 8. is just betweene 12. and 4. like as that, which taketh no part at all of either extreame, as [Page 69] namely those things which we call Adiaphora, Indifferent, and do partake neither good nor ill: In none of these significations or senses can this vertue be called a meane or mediocri­tie. For surely it may not be in any wise a composition or mixture of two vices which be both worse: neither doth it comprehend the lesse and defective: or is comprehended of that which is overmuch above decencie, and excessive, ne yet is it altogether void of passions and perturbations, subject to excesse and defect, to more and lesse than is meet. But this morall vertue of ours, as it is in deed, so also it is called a Meane, especially in respect of that medio­critie which is observed in the Harmonie and accord of sounds. For like as in Musicke there is a note or sound called the Meane, for that it is the middes betweene the treble and base, which in Greeke be called Hypate and Nete, and lieth just betwixt the height and loudnesse of the 10 one, and the lownesse or basenesse of the other: Even so, morall vertue being a motion and facultie about the unreasonable part of the soule, tempereth the remission and intention, and in one word taketh away the excesse and defect of the passions, reducing ech of them to a certeine Mediocritie and moderation that falleth not on any side.

Now, to begin with Fortitude, they say it is the meane between Cowardise & rash Audacitie, of which twaine the one is a defect, the other an excesse of the yrefull passion. Liberalitie, be­tweene Nigardise & Prodigalitie: Clemencie & Mildnesse, betweene senselesse Indolence and Crueltie: Iustice, the meane of giving more or lesse than due, in contracts and affaires betweene men: like as Temperance, a mediocritie betweene the blockish stupiditie of the minde mooved with no touch of pleasure, & an unbrideled loosenes whereby it is abandoned to all sensualitie. 20 Wherein especially & most cleerly is given us to understand & see the difference between the brutish & the reasonable part of the soule: & thereby evident it is that wandring passions be one thing, & reason another: for otherwise we should not discerne Continency from Temperance, nor Incontinencie from Intemperance, in pleasure and lusts, if that facultie of the mind where­by we judge, and that whereby we cover and desire were all one and the same: but now, Tempe­rance is, when reason is able to manage, handle and governe the sensuall and passionate part (as if it were a beast brought up by hand and made tame and gentle, so as it will be readie to obey it in all desires and lusts, yea and willing to receiue the bit) whereas Continencie is when reason doth rule and command concupisence as being the stronger, and leadeth it, but not without some paines and trouble thereof, for that it is not willing to shew obedience, but striveth, 30 flingeth out sidelong, & goeth crossed, insomuch as it hath enough to do for to master it with stripes of the cudgell, and with hard bits of the bridle to hold it in and restreine it, whiles it re­sisteth all that ever it may, and putteth reason to much agonie, trouble and travaile: which Plato doth lively represent unto us by a proper similitude, saying, that there be two draught beasts which draw the chariot of our soules, whereof the woorst doth both winse and strive against the other fellow in the same yoke, and also troubleth the cochman or charioter, who hath the con­duct of them; putting him to his shifts that he is faine alwaies to pull in and hold his head hard, otherwhiles glad to let him slacke and give him the head for feare, as Symonides saith,

Least that his purple reines full soone out of his hands should slip anone. 40

Thus you see what the reason is, why they do not vouchsafe Continencie, the name of a pre­fect vertue in it selfe, but thinke it to be lesse than vertue. For there is not in it a certeine me­diocritie arising from the Symphonie and accord of the worst with the better: neither is the excesse of passion cut away, ne yet doth the appetite yeeld it selfe obedient and agreeable to reason: but doth trouble and vexe, and is troubled and vexed reciprocally, being kept downe perforce and by constraint; like as in a seditious state, both parties at discord, intending mis­chiefe and warre one against another, dwell together within the precinct of one wall: insomuch as the soule of a continent person for the fight and variance betweene reason and appetite, may aptly be compared as Sophocles saith unto a city,

Which at one time is full of incense sweete 50
Resounding mirth with loud [...] song,
And yet the same doth yeeld in every streete
All signes of griefe, with plaints and grones among.

And hereupon it is alos, that they hold Inc̄otinencie to be lesse than Vice: mary, Intemperance they will have to be a full & compleat vice indeed: For that in it as the affection is ill, so the rea­son also is corrupt & depraved: and as by the one it is incited & led to the appetite of filthinesse & dishonestie, so by the other through perverse judgement it is induced to give consent unto [Page 70] dishonest lusts, and withall groweth to be senselesse & hath no feeling at all of sinnes and faults which it comitteth: whereas Incontinencie reteineth still a right and sound judgement by meanes of reason: Howbeit through the vehement and violent passion which is stronger than reason, it is caried away against the owne judgement. Moreover, in these respects, it differeth from Intemperance: For that the reason of the incontinent person is overmatched with pas­sion: but of the other, it doth not so much as enter combat therewith. He, albeit he contradict, gainsay, and strives a while, yet in the end yeeldeth unto lusts and followeth them; but the In­temperate man is led thereby, and at the first giveth consent, and approoveth thereof. Againe, the Intemperate person is well content, and taketh joy in having sinned: whereas the other is presently greeved thereat. Againe, he runneth willingly and of his owne accord to commit 10 sinne and vilanie; but the incontinent man, maugre and full against his minde doth abandon honestie. And as there is this distinct difference plainly seene in their deeds and actions, so there is no lesse to be observed in their words and speeches. For the sayings ordinarily of the Intemperate person be these and such like,

What mirth in life, what pleasure, what delight,
Without content in sports of Venus bright?
Were those joies past, and I for them unmeet,
Ring out my knell, bring foorth my winding sheet.

Another saith,

To eat, to drinke, to wench, are principall 20
All pleasures else, I Accessortes call.

As if with all his hart and soule he were wholly given to a voluptuous life, yea and overwhelmed therewith. And no lesse than those, he also who hath these words in his mouth,

Now suffer me to perish by and by
It pleaseth nay it booteth me to dy.

speaketh as one whose appetite and judgement both were out of order and diseased. But the speeches of Incontinent persons be in another key and farre different. For one saith,

My mind is good and thither doth sway,
My nature bad, and puts it away.

Another, 30

Alas, alas, To see, how Gods above have sent to men on earth this miserie
To know their Good, and that which they should love yet wanting grace, to do the contrarie!

And a third,

Now plucks, now hales, of deadly [...] a fire: but surely, hold my reason can no more:
Than anchor flanke stay ship from being split, when grounded 'tis on sands neere to the shore.

He nameth unproperly and without good grace the slanck of an anchor resting lightly upon 40 the loose sand, to signifie the feeble hold that reason hath which is not resolute and firmely sea­ted, but through the weaknesse and delicacie of the soule, rejecteth and forsaketh judgement: And not much unlike heereunto, is this comparison also that another maketh in a contrarie sense;

Much like a ship which fastened is to land
With cordage strong, where of we may be bold,
The windes do blow, and yet she doth withstand
And checke them all, her cables take such hold.

He termeth the judgement of reason, when it resisteth a dishonest act, by the name of Ca­ble and Cordage; which notwithstanding afterwards may be broken by the violence of some 50 passion (as it were) with the continuall gales of ablustring winde. For to say a very trueth, the intemperate person is by his lusts and desires caried with full saile to his pleasures; hee giveth himselfe thereto, and thither directeth his whole course: but the incontinent person tendeth thither also: howbeit (as a man would say) crookedly and not directly, as one desirous and en­devouring to withdraw himselfe, and to repell the passion that draweth and moveth him to it, yet in the end he also slideth and falleth into some foule and dishonest act: Like as Timon by way of biting, scoffe, traduced and reproved Anaxarchus in this wise,

[Page 71]
Here shew's it selfe the dogged force of Anaxarchus fell,
So stubburne and so perminent, when once he tooke apitch:
And yet as wise as he would seeme, awretch (I heard folke tell)
He judged was: for that to vice and pleasures overmich
By nature prone he was: a thing that Sages most do shun,
Which brought him backe out of the way, and made him dote anon,

For neither is a wise Sage properly called continent, but temperate: nor a foole incontinent, but intemperate: because the one taketh pleasure and delight in good and honest things; and the other is not offended nor displeased with foule and dishonest actions. And therefore in­continencie resembleth properly a minde (as I may so say) Sophisticall, which hath some use 10 of reason, but the same so weake, that it is not able to perseuere and continue firme in that which it hath once knowen and judged to be right. Thus you may see the differences betweene Intem­perance and Incontinence: As for Continencie & Temperance, they differ also in certeine re­spects correspondent in some proportion unto those on the contrary side. For remorse, sor­row, displeasure and indignation, doe not as yet abandon and quit continence: whereas in the minde of a temperate person, all lieth plaine and even on every side; nothing there but quiet­nesse and integritie, in such sort, as whosoever seeth the great obeisance and the marvellous tranquillitie whereby the reasonlesse part is united & incorporate together with the reasonable, might well say,

And then anon the winds were downe, 20 a calme ensued straightway:
No waves were seene, some power divine the sea asleepe did lay.

namely, when reason had once extinguished the excessive, furious, and raging motions of the lusts and desires. And yet these affections and passions which of necessity nature hath need of, the same hath reason made so agreeable, so obeisant, so friendly and cooperative, yea, and ready to second all good intentions and purposes ready to be executed; that they neither run before it, nor come dragging behinde; ne yet behave themselves disorderly, no, nor shew the least dis­disobedience: so as ech appetite is ruled by reason, and willingly accompanieth it,

Like as the sucking foale doth go 30
And run with dam, both to and fro.

The which confirmeth the saying of Xenocrates, touching those who earnestly studie Philoso­phie, and practise it: For they onely (quoth he) doe that willingly, which others doe perforce and for dread of the law: who forbeare indeed to satisfie their pleasures, and turne backe, as if they were scared from them for feare of being bitten of some curst mastive or shrewd cat, regar­ding nothing els but danger that may ensue thereupon. Now, that there is in the soule a sense and perceivance of that strength, firmity, and resolution to encounter sinfull lusts and desires, as if it had a power to strive and make head againe, it is very plaine and evident: howbeit, some there be, who holde and maintaine, That Passion is nothing different from Reason: neither (by their saying) is there in the mind a dissension or sedition (as it were) of two divers faculties: but 40 al the trouble that we feele, is no more but an alteration or change of one & the selfe same thing to wit, reason both waies; which we our selves are not able to perceive, for that forsooth it chan­geth suddenly and with such celeritie: never considereth all the while, that the same faculty of the minde is framed by nature to concupiscence and repentance both: to be angrie and to feare: enclined to commit some foule and dishonest fact, by the allurement of pleasure, and contrariwise restrained from the same for feare of paine. As for lust, feare, and all such like passi­ons, they are no other (say they) but perverse opinions and corrupt judgements not arising and engendred in any one part of the soule by it selfe, but spread over that which is the chiefe and principall, to wit, reason and understanding: where of they be the inclinations, assensions, mo­tions, and in one word, certaine operations, which in the turning of an hand be apt to change 50 and passe from one to another: much like unto the sudden braids, starts and runnings to and fro of little children, which how violent soever they be and vehement, yet by reason of their weaknesse are but slippery, unstedfast and unconstant.

But these assertions and oppositions of theirs, are checked and refuted by apparant evidence and common sense: For what man is he that ever felt in himselfe a change of his lust and con­cupiscence into judgement: and contrariwise an alteration of his judgement into lust: neither doth the wanton lover cease to love when he doth reason with himselfe and conclude, That such [Page 72] love is to be repressed, and that he ought to strive and fight against it: neither doth he then give over reasoning and judging, when being overcome through weaknesse, he yeeldeth himselfe prisoner and thrall to lust: but like as when by advertisement of reason he doth resist in some sort a passion arising, yet the same doth still tempt him: so likewise when he is conquered and overcome therewith, by the light of the same reason at that verie instant, he seeth and knoweth that he sinneth and doth amisse: so, that neither by those perturbations is reason lost and aboli­shed; nor yet by reason is he freed and delivered from them: but whiles he is tossed thus to and fro, he remaineth a neuter in the mids, or rather participating in common of them both. As for those who are of opinion, that one while the principall part of our soule is lust and concu­piscence: and then anon that it doth resist & stand against the same: are much like unto them, 10 who imagine & say, that the hunter & the wild beast be not twaine, but one bodie, chaunging it selfe, one while into the forme of an hunter, and another time, taking the shape of a savage beast: For both they in a manifest and apparant matter should seeme to be blind and see nothing: and also these beare witnesse and depose against their owne sense, considering that they finde and seele in themselves really not a mutation or chaunge of one onely thing, but a sensible strife and sight of two things together within them. But heere they come upon us againe and object in this wise. How commeth it to passe then (say they) that the power and facultie in man which doth deliberate and consult is not likewise double (being oftentimes distracted, carried, and drawen to contrarie opinions, as it is, namely, touching that which is profitable and expedient) but is one still and the same? True, we must confesse, that divided it seemeth to be: But this com­parison 20 doth not hold, neither is the event and effect alike: for that part of our soule wherein prudence and reason is seated, fighteth not with it selfe, but using the helpe of one and the same facultie, it handleth divers arguments, or rather being but one power of discoursing it is emploi­ed in sundry subjects and matters different: which is the reason that there is no dolor and griefe at one end of those reasonings and discourses which are without passion; neither are they that consult forced (as it were) to hold one of those contrarie parts against their minde and judge­ment; unlesse peradventure it so fall out, that some affection lie close to one part or other, as if a man should secretly and under hand lay somewhat besides in one of the balances or skales, against reason for to weigh it downe. A thing (I assure you) that many times falleth out: and then it is not reason that is poised against reason; but either ambition, emulation, favour, jea­lousie, 30 feare, or some secret passion, making semblance as if in shew of speeches, two rea­sons were at varience and differed one from another. As may appeere by these verses in Homer:

They thought it shame the combate to reject,
And yet for feare they durst not it accept.

Likewise in another Poët:

To suffer death it dolorous though with renowne it meete:
Death to avoide is cowardise: but yet our life is sweete. 40

And verily in determining of controversies betweene man and man in their contracts and suits of law, these passions comming betweene, are they, that make the longest delaies, & be the grea­test enimies of expedition and dispatch: like as in the counsels of kings and princes, they that speake in favour of one partie and for to win grace, doe not upon any reason of two sentences encline to the one, but they accomodate themselves to their affectiō, even against the regard of utility & profit. And this is the cause that in those States which be called Aristocraties, that is to say, governed by a Senate or Counsel of the greatest men: the Magistrates who sit in judgemēt, will not suffer Oratours & Advocates at the Barre to moove affections in all their Pleas: for in Truth, let not the discourse of reason be impeached and hindered by some passion, it will of it selfe tend directly to that which is good and just. But in case there do arise a passion betweene, 50 to crosse the same, then you shal see pleasure and displeasure to raise a combat and dissension, to encounter that which by consultation would have beene judged and determined. For other­wise, how commeth it to passe that in Philosophicall discourses and disputations, a man shall never see it otherwise, but that without any dolor and griefe, some are turned and drawen often­times by others into their opinions, and subscribe thereto willingly? Nay even Aristotle him­selfe, Democritus also and Chrysippus have beene knowen to retract and recant some points, which before time they held, and that without any trouble of mind, without griefe and remorse, [Page 73] but rather with pleasure and contentment of heart: because in that speculative or contem­plative part of the soule, which is given to knowledge and learning onely, there raigne no passi­ons to make resistance, insomuch as the brutish part being quiet and at repose, loveth not curi­ously to entermedle in these and such like matters: By which meanes it hapneth, that the rea­son hath no sooner a sight of trueth, but willingly it enclineth thereto, and doth reject untruth and falsitie: for that there lieth in it and in no other part else, that power and facultie to beleeve and give assent one way, as also to be perswaded for to alter opinion and goe another way. Whereas contrariwise, the counsels and deliberations of worldly affaires, judgements also, and arbitriments, being for the most part full of passions, make the way somewhat difficult for rea­son to passe, and put her to much trouble. For in these cases, the sensuall and unreasonable part 10 of the soule is ready to stay and stop her course; yea and to fright her from going forward, mee­ting her either with the object of pleasure; or else casting in her way stumbling blocks of feare, of paine, of lusts and desires. And verily the deciding and judgement of this disputation lieth in the sense, which feeleth aswell the one as the other, and is touched with them both: For say that the one doth surmount and hath the victorie, it doth not therefore defeit utterly and destroy the other; but drawen it is thereto perforce, and making resistance the while. As for example, the wanton and amorous person when he checketh and reprooveth himselfe therefore, useth the discourse of reason against the said passion of his; yet so, as having them both, actually sub­sisting together in the soule: much like as if with his hand he repressed and kept downe the one part, enflamed with an hot fit of passion, and yet feeling within himselfe both parts, and those 20 actually in combat one against the other. Contrariwise, in those consultations, disputes, and inquisitions which are not passionate, and wherein these motions of the brutish part have no­thing to do, such I meane as those be especially of the contemplative part of the soule: if they be equall and so continue, there ensueth no determinat judgement and resolution: but a doubt remaineth, as if it were a certaine pause or stay of the understanding, not able to proceed farther, but abiding in suspense betweene two contrarie opinions. Now if it chance to encline unto one of them, it is because the mightier hath overweighed the other & annulled it, yet so, as it is not displeased or discontent, no nor contesteth obstinately afterwards against the received opi­nion. To be short, & to conclude all in one generall word; where it seemeth that one discourse and reason is contrarie unto another; it argueth not by and by a conceit of two divers subjects, 30 but one alone in sundrie apprehensions and imaginations. Howbeit, whensoever the brutish and sensuall part is in a conflict with reason, and the same such that it can neither vanquish, nor be vanquished without some sense of grievance: then incontinently this battell divideth the soule in twaine, so as the warre is evident and sensible. And not onely by this fight a man may know how the source and beginning of these passions differeth from that fountaine of reason: but no lesse also by the consequence that followeth thereupon. For seeing that possible it is for a man to love one childe that is ingenuous and towardly disposed to vertue: as also affect ano­ther as well, who is ill given and dissolute: considering also that one may use anger unjustly against his owne children or parents: and another contrariwise justly in the defence of children or parents against enemies and tyrants. Like as in the one there is perceived a manifest com­bat 40 and resistance of passion against reason; so in the other, there may be seene as evident a yeelding and obeisance thereof, suffering it selfe to be directed thereby, yea and willingly run­ning and offering her assistance and helping hand. To illustrate this by a familiar example, it hapneth otherwhiles, that an honest man espouseth a wife according to the lawes, with this in­tention onely to cherish and keepe her tenderly, yea and to companie with her duly, and accor­ding to the lawes of chastitie and honestie: howbeit afterwards in tract of time, and by long continuance and conversing together, which hath bred in his heart the affection of love, he per­ceiveth by discourse of reason, and findeth in himselfe that he loveth her more deerely and en­tirely, than he purposed at the first. Semblably, yoong scholars having met with gentle and kinde masters, at the beginning, follow and affect them in a kinde of zeale, for the benefit onely 50 that they reape by them. Howbeit afterwards in processe of time, they fall to love them; and so in stead of familiar and daily disciples, they become their lovers, and are so called. The same is usually to be seene in the behaviour and carriage of men toward good magistrates in cities, neighbours also, kinsfolke and allies: For they begin acquaintance one with another, after a ci­vill sort onely, by way of dutie or necessitie and use: but afterwards by little and little ere they be aware, they grow into an affectionate love of them, namely, when reason doth concurre, per­swading [Page 74] & drawing unto it that part of the mind which is the seat of passions and affections. As for that Poet whosoever he was, that first wrate this sentence,

Two sorts there be of bashfulnes, the one we cannot blame,
The other troubleth many an hower, and doth decay the same.

Doth he not plainely shew that he hath found in himselfe by experience oftentimes, that even this affection by meanes of lingring delay, and putting off from time to time, hath put him by the benefit of good opportunities, and hindred the execution of many brave affaires? Vnto these proofes and alle gations precedent, the Stoikes being forced to yeeld, in regard they be so 10 cleere and evident: yet for to make some way of evasion and escape, they call shame, bashful­nesse; pleasure, joy; and feare, warinesse or circumspection. And I assure you, no man could justly finde fault with these disguisements of odious things with honest termes: if so be they would attribute unto these passions the said names when they be raunged under the rule of rea­son, and give them their owne hatefull termes indeed, when they strive with reason and violent­ly make resistance. But when convinced by the teares which they shed, by trembling and qua­king of their joints, yea by chaunge of colour going and comming; in stead of naming Dolour and Feare directly, come in with (I wot not what) pretie devised termes of Morsures, Contra­ctions or Conturbations: also when they would cloke and extenuate the imperfection of other passions, by calling lust a promptitude or forwardnes to a thing: it seemeth, that by a flourish of 20 fine words, they devise shifts, evasions, and justifications, not philosophicall but sophisticall. And yet verily they themselves againe do terme those joies, those promptitudes of the will, and warie circumspections by the name of Eupathies, i. good affections and not of Apathies, that is to say, Impassibilities: wherein they use the words aright and as they ought. For then is it truly called Eupathie, i. a good affection, when reason doth not utterly abolish the passion, but guideth and ordereth the same well in such as be discreet and temperate. But what befalleth unto vicious and dissolute persons? Surely, when they have set downe in their judgement and resolution, to love father and mother as tenderly as one lover may another, yet they are not able to performe so much. Mary say, that they determine to affect a courtisan or a flatterer, presently they can finde in their hearts to love such most deerely. Moreover, if it were so, that passion and judge­ment 30 were both one, it could not otherwise be, so soone as one had determined that he ought to love or hate, but that presently love or hate would follow thereupon, But now it falleth out clean contrarie; for that the passion as it accordeth well with some judgements and obeieth; so it re­pugneth with others, and is obstinate and disobedient: whereupon it is, that themselves enfor­ced thereto by the truth of the thing, do affirme and pronounce that every judgement is not a passion, but that onely, which stirreth up and mooveth a strong and vehement appetite to a thing: confessing thereby, no doubt, that one thing it is in us which judgeth, and another thing that suffereth, that is to say, which receiveth passions: like as that which moveth, and that which is mooved be divers. Certes, even Chrysippus himselfe, defininig in many places what is Pati­ence and what is Continency, doth avouch, That they be habitudes, apt and fit to obey and fol­low 40 the choise of reason: whereby he sheweth evidently that by the force of truth, he was driven to confesse and avow, That there is one thing in us which doth obey and yeeld, and another which being obeied, is yeelded unto, and not obeied, is resisted.

Furthermore, as touching the Stoicks, who hold, That all sinnes and faults be equall, neither wil this place, nor the time now serve to argue against them, whether in other points they swerve from the trueth: howbeit, thus much by the way I dare be bolde to say, That in most things they will be found to repugne reason, even against apparent and manifest evidence. For according to their opinion, euery passion or perturbation is a fault, and whosoever grieve, feare or lust, do sinne: but in those passions great difference, there is seene, according to more or lesse: for who would ever be so grosse, as to say, that Dolons feare was equall to the feare of Ajax? who as Ho­mer 50 writeth,

As he went out of field did turne and looke behinde full oft:
With knee before knee decently, and so retired soft.

or compare the sorrow of King Alexander, who would needs have killed himselfe for the death [Page 75] of Clytus, to that of Plato for the death of Socrates? For dolours and griefs encrease exceedingly when they grow upon occasion of that which hapneth besides all reason; like as any accident, which falleth out beyond our expectation, is more grievous, and breedeth greater anguish than that whereof areason may be rendered, and which a man might suspect to follow. As for ex­ample, if he who ever expected to fee his sonne advanced to honour, and living in great repura­tion among men, should heare say that he were in prison, and put to all maner of torture, as Par­meno was advertised of his sonne Philotas. And who will ever say, that the anger of Nicocreon against Anaxarchus, was to be compared with that of Magas against Philemon, which arose up­on the same occasion, for that they both were spightfully reviled by them in reprochful termes; for Nicocreon caused Anaxarchus to be braid in a morter with yron pestles: whereas Magas 10 commanded the Executioner to lay a sharpe naked sword upon the necke of Philémon, and so to let him go without doing him any more harme. And therefore it is, that Plato named anger the sinewes of the soule, giving us thereby to understand, that they might be stretched by bitter­nesse, and let slake by mildnesse. But the Stoicks, for to avoid and put backe these objections and such like, denie that these stretchings and vehement fits of passions be according to judge­ment, for that it may faile and erre many waies: saying, they be certaine pricks or stings, con­tractions, diffusions or dilatations, which in proportion and according to reason, may be grea­ter or lesse. Certes, what variety there is in judgement, it is plaine and evident. For some there be that deeme povertie not to be ill: others holde, that it is very ill: and there are againe, who account it the worst thing in the world; insomuch as to avoid it, they could be content to throw 20 themselves headlong from high rocks into the sea. Also you shall have those, who reckon death to be evill, in that onely it depriveth us of the fruition of many good things: others there be, who thinke and say as much but it is in regard of the eternall torments & horrible punishments that be under the ground in hell. As for bodily health, some love it no otherwise than a thing a­greeable to nature and profitable withall: others take it to be the soveraigne good in the world, as without which they make no reckoning of riches, of children,

Ne yet of crowne and regall dignitie,
Which men do match even with divinitie.

Nay, they let not in the end to thinke and say, That vertue it serveth in no stead, and avai­leth nought, unlesse it be accompanied with good health: whereby it appeareth, that as touch­ing 30 judgement, some erre more, some lesse. But my meaning is not now to dispute against this evasion of theirs. Thus much onely I purpose to take for mine advantage out of their owne con­fession, in that themselves do grant, That the brutish and sensuall part, according to which, they say that passions be greater and more violent, is different from iudgement: and howsoever they may seeme to contest and cavill about words and names, they grant the substance and the thing it selfe in question, joining with those who mainteine that the reasonlesse part of the soule which enterteineth passions, is altogether different from that whcih is able to discourse, reason and judge. And verily Chrysppus in those books which he entituled, Of Anomologie, after he hed written and taught, that angenis blinde, and many times will not permit a man to see those things which be plaine and apparent, and as often casteth a darke mist over that which he hath 40 already perfectly learned and knowen; proceedeth forward a little further: For (quoth he) the passions which arise, drive out and chase forth all discourse of reason, and such things as were judged and determined otherwise against them, urging it still by force unto contrary actions. Then he useth the testimonie of Menander the Poet, who in one place writeth thus, by way of exclamation:

We worth the time, wretch that I am,
How was my minde destraught
In body mine? where were my wits? some folly (sure) me caught,
What time I fell to this. For why? 50 thereof I made no choise.
Farre better things they were, [...] , which had my former voice.

The same Chrysippus also going on still: It being so (quoth he) that a reasonable creature is by nature borne and given to use reason in all things, and to be governed thereby: yet notwith­standing we reject and cast it behinde us, being over-ruled by another more violent motion that carieth us away. In which words, what doth he else but confesse even that which hapneth [Page 76] upon the dissention betweene affection and reason? For it were a meere ridiculous mockerie in deed, as Plato saith, to affirme that a man were better & worse than himselfe: or that he were able now to master himselfe, & anon ready to be mastered by himselfe, and how were it possible that the same man should be better & worse than himselfe, and at once both master and servant, un­lesse every one were naturally in some sort double, and had in him somewhat better and some­what worse? And verily by that meanes, he that hath the worse part, obedient to the better, hath powre over himselfe, yea, and better than himselfe: whereas he that suffreth the brutish and unreasonable part of his soule to command and go before, so as the better and more no­ble part doth follow, and is serviceable unto it, he no doubt is worse than himselfe: he is (I say) incontinent or rather impotent, and hath no power over himselfe, but disposed contrary to na­ture. 10 For according to the course and ordinance of nature, meet and fit it is that reason being divine and heavenly, should command and rule that which is sensuall and voide of reason: which as it doth arise and spring out of the very bodie, so it resembleth it, as participating the properties and passions thereof, yea and naturally is full of them, as being deepely concorpo­rate and throughly mixed therewith: As it may appeere by all the motions which it hath, ten­ding to no other things but those that be materiall and corporall, as receiving their augmenta­tions and diminutions from thence, (or to say more properly) being stretched out and let slacke more or lesse, according to the mutations of the body. Which is the cause that young per­sons are quicke, prompt, and audacious rash: also, for that they be full of bloud, and the same hot, their lusts and appetites, are likewise firy, violent and furious: whereas contrariwise in old 20 folke because the source of concupiscence seated about the liver is after a sort quenched, yea and become weake and feeble: reason is more vigorous and predominant in them: as much as the sensuall and passionate part, doth languish and decay together with the body. And verily this is that which doth frame and dispose the nature of wilde beasts to divers passions: For it is not long of any opinions good or bad which arise in them, that some of them are strong, ven­terous and fearelesse, yea and ready to withstand any perils presented before them: others againe be so surprised with feare and fright, that they dare not stirre or do any thing: but the force and power which lieth in the bloud, in the spirits and in the whole bodie, is that which causeth this diversitie of passions, by reason that the passible part growing out of the flesh as from a roote, doeth bud soorth and bring with it a qualitie and pronenesse semblable. But 30 in man that there is a sympathie and fellow mooving of the body, together with the motions of the passions, may be prooved by the pale colour, the red flushing of the face, the trembling of the joints, and panting and leaping of the heart in feare and anger: And againe on the con­trary side by the dilations of the arteries, heart and colour, in hope and expectation of some pleasures. But when as the divine spirit and understanding of man doeth moove of it selfe alone without any passion, then the body is at repose and remaineth quiet, not communicating nor participating any whit with the operation of the minde and intendement, no more than it being disposed to studie upon any Mathematicall proposition or other science speculative, it calleth for the helpe and assistance of the unreasonable part: By which it is manifest, that there be two distinct parts in us, different in facultie and power one from another. In summe, Go 40 through the universall world, althings (as they themselves affirme, and evident experience doth convince) are governed and ordred, some by a certeine habitude: others by nature: some by sensuall and unreasonable soule: others by that which hath reason and understanding. Of all which man hath his part at once, yea, and was borne naturally with these differences above said. For, conteined he is by an habitude: nourished by nature: reason & understanding he useth: he hath his portion likewise of that which is unreasonable and inbred; there is together with him the source and primitive cause of passions, as a thing necessarie for him, neither doth it enter into him from without: in which regard it ought not to be extirped utterly, but hath neede onely of ordering and government: whereupon Reason dealeth not after the Thracian maner, nor like king Lycurgus, who commanded all vines without exception to be cut downe, because 50 wine caused drunkennes: it rooteth not out (I say) all affections indifferently one with another, the profitable as well as the hurtfull: but (like unto the good gods [...] and Hemorides, who teach us to order plants that they may fructifie, and to make them gentle which were sa­vage) to cut away that which groweth wilde and ranke, to save all the rest and so to order and manage the same, that it may serve for good use. For neither do they shed and spill their wine upon the floure, who are afraid to be drunke, but delay the same with water: nor those who feare the violence of a passion, do take it quite away, but rather temper and qualifie the same: [Page 77] like as folke use to breake horses and oxen from their flinging out with their heeles, their stiffe­nes & curstnes of the head & stubburnes in receiving the bridle or the yoke, but do not restreine them of other motions in going about their worke and doing their deed. And even so veri­ly, reason maketh good use of these passions, when they be well tamed and brought (as it were) to hand: without over weakning or rooting out cleane, that part of the soule which is made for to second reason, and do it good service: For as Pindarus saith,

The horse doth serve in chariot at the thill,
The oxe at plough doth labour hardin field,
Who list in chase the wild Bore for to kill,
The hardy hound he must provide with skill. 10

And I assure you, the entertainment of these passions and their breed, serve in farre better stead, when they doe assist reason and give an edge (as it were) and vigour unto vertues, than the beasts above named in their kind. Thus moderate ire doth second valour and fortitude: hatred of wicked persons helpeth the execution of Iustice: and indignation is just and due unto those, who without any merit or desert enjoie the felicitie of this life: who also for that their heart is puffed up with foolish arrogancie, and enflamed with disdainfull pride and insolence in regard of their prosperitie, have need to be taken downe and cooled. Neither is a man able by any meanes (would he never so faine) to separate from true friendship, naturall indulgence, and kind affection: nor from humanitie, commiseration and pitie; ne yet from perfect benevo­lence and good will, the fellowiship in joy and sorrow. Now if it be true (as it is indeed) that 20 they do grossely erre, who would abolish all love, because of foolish and wanton love: surely they do amisse, who for covertousnes sake and greedines of money, do blame and condemne quite all other appetites and desires. They do (I say) asmuch as those, who would sorbid run­ning altogether, because a man may stumble and catch a fall as he runneth: or debarre shooting for that we may overshoot and misse the marke: or to condemne hearing of musicke, because a discord or jarre is offensive to the eare. For like as in sounds, musicke maketh an accord and har­monie, not by taking away the loud and base notes: And in our bodies Physicke procureth health, not by destroying heat and cold, but by a certaine temperature and mixture of them both in good proportion: Even so it fareth in the soule of man, wherein reason hath the pre­dominance and victorie: namely, when by the power thereof, the passions, perturbations and 30 motions are reduced into a kind of moderation and mediocritie. For no doubt excessive sor­row and heavines, immeasurable joy and gladnesse in the soule, may be aptly compared to a swelling and inflammation in the body, but neither joy nor sorrow simply in it selfe. And there­fore Homer in this wise sentence of his

Aman of woorth doth never colour change,
Exce ssive feare in him is verie strange,

doth not abolish feare altogether, but the extremitie thereof; to the end, that a man should not thinke that either valour is desperate follie, or confidence audacious temeritie. And therefore in pleasures and delights, we ought likewise to cut off immoderate lust: as also in taking punish­ment, extreme hatred of malefactours. He that can do so, shall be reputed in the one not indo­lent, 40 but temperate, and in the other not bitter and cruell, but just and righteous. Whereas let passions be rid cleane away (if that were possible to be done) our reason will be found in many things more dull and idle: like as the pilot and master of a ship hath little to do, if the winde be laid and no gale at all stirring. And verily (as it should seeme) wise Law-makers, seeing this well enough, have with great policie given occasion in cities and common-wealths of Ambition and Emulation among citizens one with another: and in the field against enemies devised to excite the courage of souldiours, and to whet their ire and manhood by sound of trumpets, fifes, diums, and other instruments. For not onely in Poetrie (as Plato saith verie well) he that is in­spired and (as it were) ravished with the divine instinct of the Muses, wil make a rediculous foole of him, who otherwise is an excellent Poët, and his crafts-master as having learned the exquisite 50 knowledge of the art: but also in battels, the heat of courage set on fire with a certaine divine inspiration is invincible and cannot be withstood. This is that martiall furie, which (as Homer saith) the gods do infuse or inspire rather into warlike men:

Thus having said he did in spire
The Princes heart with might andire.

And againe,

One god or other, surely doth him assist
[Page 78] Else faring thus, he never could persist.

As if to the discourse of reason they had adjoined passion as a pricke to incite, and a chariot to set it forward. Certes, even these verie Stoicks with whom now we argue, and who seeme to re­ject all passions, we may see oftentimes, how they stirre up yoong men with praises, and as often rebuke them with sharpe admonitions and severe reprehensions. Whereof there must needs ensue of the one part pleasure, and of the other part displeasure. For surely checkes and fault­findings, strike a certaine repentance and shame: of which two, the former is comprised under sorrow, and the latter under feare: and these be the meanes that they use principally to chastice and correct withall. Which was the reason that Diogenes upon a time, when he heard Plato so highly praised and extolled. And what great and woorthy matter (quoth he) finde you in that 10 man, who having been a Philosopher so long & taught the precepts thereof, hath not in all this time greeved and wounded the heart of any one person? For surely the Mathematicall sciences a man cannot so properly call the eares or handles of Philosophie (to use the words of Xenocra­tes) as he may affirme that these affections of yoong men, to wit, bashfulnesse, desire, repen­tance, pleasure and paine are their handles, whereof reason and law together taking hold by a discreet apt and holesome touch, bring a yoong man speedily and effectually into the right way. And therefore the Lacedaemonian schoolemaster and governour of children said verie well, when he professed, that he would bring to passe that the child whom he tooke into his tui­tion, should joy in honest things, and grieve in those that were fould and dishonest. Then which there cannot possibly be named a more woorthy or commendable end of the liberall education 20 and bringing up of a yoong youth well descended.

OF VERTVE AND VICE. 30

The Summarie.

IN this little treatise adjoyned aptly unto the former, the Author prooveth, that out­ward and corruptible things be not they that set the soule in repose, but reason well ruled and governed: And after that he hath depainted the miserable estate of wic­ked and sinfull persons, troubled and tormented with their passions both night and day, he prooveth by proper and apt similitudes, that philosophie together with the love of vertue, bringeth true contentment and happinesse indeed unto a man. 40

OF VERTVE AND VICE.

IT seemeth, and commonly it is thought, that they be the garments which do heat a man; and yet of themselves they neither doe heat nor bring any heat with them: for take any of them apart by it selfe, you shall finde it colde; which is the reason that men being verie hote, and in a fit of a fever, love often to change their clothes, for to coole and refresh their bodies. But the trueth is this, Looke 50 what heat a man doth yeeld from himselfe, the clothes or garments that cover the body do keepe in the same, and unite close together and being thus included and held in, suffer it not to evapotate, breathe out, and vanish away. The same errour in the state of this life, hath deceived many man, who imagine that if they may dwell in stately and gorgeous great houses, be attended upon with a number of servants, retaine a sort of slaves, and can gather toge­ther huge summes of golde and silver, then they shall live in joy and pleasure: wheteas in verie [Page 79] sooth, the sweete and joifull life proceedeth not from any thing without. But contrariwise, when a man hath those goodly things about him, it is himselfe that addeth a pleasure and grace unto them, even from his owne nature and civill behaviour, composed by morall vertue within him, which is the very fountaine and lively spring of all good contentment.

For if the fire do alwaies burne out light,
More stately is the house, and faire in sight.

Semblably, riches are more acceptable, glorie hath the better and more shining lustre, yea, and authoritie carieth the greater grace, if the inward joy of the soule be joined therewith: For surely men doe endure povertie, exile and banishment out of their owne countries, yea, and beare the burden of olde age willingly and with more ease, according as their maners be milde, 10 and the minde disposed to meeknesse. And like as sweet odours, and Aromaticall perfumes, give a pleasant smell unto thred-bare and ragged clothes; but contrariwise, the rich robe of An­chyses yeelded from under it stincking matter and corrupt blood; which as the Poet saith,

Ran downe by drops upon his cloke
Of silke so fine, and it did soke.

Even so, with vertue, any sort of life, and all maner of living is pleasant & void of sorow: where­as contrariwise, vice causeth those things which otherwise seemed great, honourable, and mag­nificent, to be odious, lothsome and unwelcome to those that have them, if (I say) it be mingled therewith, according to the testimonie of these vulgar verses:

This man who whiles he walkes abroad in street 20
Or market place, is ever happy thought:
No sooner sets within his owne house feet,
Thrice wretched but he is, and not for nought.
His wife (as master) hath of all the power,
She bids, commands, she chides and fights ech hower.

And yet one may with ease be rid and divorced from such a curst and shrewd wife, if he be a man in deed, and not a bond-slave; but for thine owne vice, no meanes will serve to exempt thee from it. It is not enough to command it to be gone, by sending a little script or bill of divorce­ment, and to thinke thereby to be delivered from troubles, and so to live alone in quiet and re­pose. For it cleaveth close within the ribbes, it sticketh fast in the very bowels, it dwelleth there 30 both night and day,

It burneth thee, yet fire-brand none is seene,
And hastneth age apace before thou weene,

A troublesome companion it is upon the way, by reason of arrogancy and presumption: a cost­ly and sumptuous guest at the table for gluttonie and gourmandise: an unpleasant and comber­some bedfellow in the night, in regard of thoughts, cares and jelousies which breake the sleepe, or trouble the same with fantasies. For whiles men lie asleepe, the bodie is at rest and repose; but the minde all the while is disquieted and affrighted with fearefull dreames and tumultuous visions, by reason of superstitious feare of the gods,

If that I sleepe, when sorrowes me surprise, 40
Then fearefull dreames me kill before I rise.

saith one. And euen so do other vices serve men: to wit, Envie, Feare, Wrath, Wanton love, and Vnbridled lust. For in the day time, vice looking out, and composing it selfe somewhat un­to others abroad, is somewhat ashamed of herselfe, and covereth her passions; she giveth not herselfe wholly to her motions and perturbations, but many times doth strive againe and make resistance: but in sleepe, being without the danger of lawes and the opinion of the world, being farre remooved (as it were) from feare and shame: then it setteth all lusts aworke, then it quicke­neth and raiseth up all leaudnesse, and then it displaieth all lascivious wantonnesse. It tempteth (as Plato saith) a man to have carnall dealing with his owne mother, and to eat of forbidden and unlawfull meats: there is no villanie that it forbeareth; executing (so far forth as it is able) 50 all abomination, and hath the fruition thereof, if it be but by illusions and fantasticall dreames, which end not in any pleasure, nor accomplishment of concupiscence, but are powerfull onely to excite, stirre, and provoke still the fits of secret passions and maladies of a corrupt heart. Wherein lieth then, the pleasure and delight of sinne, if it be so, that in no place nor at any time it be void of pensivenesse, care and griefe? if it never have contentment, but alwaies in molesta­tion and trouble, without repose? As for carnall delights and fleshly pleasures, the good com­plexion and sound constitution of an healthfull bodie, giveth thereby meanes, place, opportu­nity [Page 80] and breeding. But in the soule it is not possible that there should bee engendred anie mirth, joy and contentment, unlesse the first foundation be laied in peace of conscience, and tranquillitie of spirit, void of feare, and enjoying a setled calme in all assurance and confidence, without any shew of tempest toward. For otherwise, suppose that some hope doe smile upon a man; or say, that delight tickle a little; the same anon is troubled, and all the sport is marred by some carefull cogitation breaking forth: like as the object and concurrence of one rocke trou­bleth and overthroweth all, though the water and weather both be never so calme.

Now gather gold and spare not by heapes, rake and scrape together masses of silver, builde faire, gallant and stately walking places, replenish all thy house with slaves, and a whole citie with debtours: unlesse withall thou doe allay the passions of thy minde; un­lesse 10 thou stay and appease thy insatiable lust and desire; unlesse thou free and deliver thy selfe from all feare and carking cares: thou dost as much as streine wine, or make Ipo­cras for one that is sicke of a feaver, give honie to a cholericke person diseased with the ra­ging motion of choler, offer meats and viands to those that be sicke of the stomachicall flux, continuall laske, ulceration of the guts and bloudy flix, who neither take pleasure therein, nor are the better but the woorse rather a great deale for them. See you not how sicke folkes are of­fended, and their stomacks rise at the most fine, costly and deintiest meats that be offred unto them? how they spit them forth againe, and will none, though they be forced upon them? And yet afterwards, when the bodie is reduced againe into good temperature: when pure spirits and good fresh bloud is engendred, and when the naturall heate is restored and become familiar 20 and kind: then they rise up on their feete to their meat, then their stomacks serve to eate full sa­vorly of course bread with cheese or cresses, and therein they take great pleasure and content­ment: The like disposition in the minde doth reason worke. Then and never before shalt thou be pleased and at peace with thy selfe, when thou hast once learned what is good and honest in­deed: In povertie thou shalt live deliciously like a king: or in a private and quiet state sequestred from civill and publike affaires, thou shalt live as well as they who have the conduct of great armies, and governe the common-weale. When thou hast studied Philosophie and profited therein, thou shalt never lead a life in discontentment, but shalt learne how to away with any estate and course of life, and therein find no small joy & harts ease. Thy riches thou wilt rejoice in, because thou shalt have better meanes to do good unto all men: In povertie likewise thou 30 wilt take joy in regard thou shalt have fewer cares to trouble thee: Glorie will turne to thy so­lace, when thou shalt see thy selfe so honoured: and thy low estate and obscure condition will be no lesse comsort, for that thou shalt be safe and secured from envie.

THAT VERTVE MAY BE 40 TAUGHT AND LEARNED.

The Summarie.

PLutarch refuting heere the error of those, who are of opinion, That by good and dili­gent instruction a man cannot become the better; recommendeth sufficiently the stu­die of vertue. And to proove this assertion of his, he sheweth that the apprentissage 50 of that, which is of small consequence in this world, witnesseth enough that a man ought to be trained from day to day to the knowledge of things that are beseeming and worthy his person: Afterwards, he declareth that as much travel should be emploied to make him comprehend such things as be far distant from the capacity and excellencie of his spirit: In which discourse he taxeth covertly those vaine and giddy heads, who (as they say) runne, after their owne shadow, whereas they should stay and rest upon that which is firme and permanent.

THAT VERTUE MAY BE taught and learned.

WE dispute of vertue, and put in question, whether Prudence, Iu­stice, Loialtie and Honestie may be taught or no? And do we ad­mire then the works of Oratours, Sailers and Shipmasters, Archi­tects, Husbandmen and an infinite number of other such which be extant? Whereas of good men we have nothing but their bare and 10 simple names, as if they were Hippo-Centaures, Gyants or Cyclopes: and mervaile we that of vertuous actions which be entier, perfect, and unblameable, none can be found: ne yet any maners so com­posed according to dutie, but that they be tainted with some passi­ons and vicious perturbations? yea and if it happen that nature of her selfe bring foorth some good and honest actions, the same straightwaies are darkened, corrupted and in a maner marred, by certeine strange mixtures of contrarie matters that creepe into them, like as when among good corne there grow up weeds and wilde bushes that choke the same; or when some kinde and gentle fruit is cleane altered by savage nourishment. Men learne to sing, to daunce, to read and write, to till the ground, and to ride horses, they 20 learne likewise to shew themselves, to do on their apparell decently; they are taught to wait at cup and trencher, to give drinke at the table, to season and dresse meate: and none of all this can they skill to performe and do handsomely, if they be not trained thereto: and yet shall that, for which these and such like qualities they learne, to wit, good life and honest conversation, be reckoned a meere casuall thing, comming by chance and fortune, and which can neither be taught nor learned? Oh good sirs, what a thing is this? In saying, That vertue cannot be taught, we denie withall that it is, or hath any being. For if it be true, that the learning of it, is the ge­neration and breeding thereof, certes he that hindereth the one disanulleth the other: and in denying that it may be taught, we graunt that no such thing there is at all: And yet as Plato saith, for the necke of a Lute not made in proportion to the rest of the bodie, there was never 30 knowen one brother go to warre with another, nor a friend to quarrell with his friend, ne yet two neighbour cities to fall out and mainteine deadly feud, to the interchangeable working and suffring of those miseries and calamities which follow open warre. Neither can any man come forth and say, that by occasion of an accent (as for example, whether the word Telchines should be pronounced with the accent over the second syllable of no) there arose sedition and dissen­tion in any city; or debate in a house betweene man and wife, about the warpe and woufe of any webbe: Howbeit never man yet would take in hand to weare a peece of cloth, nor handle a booke, nor play upon the lute or harpe, unlesse he had learned before; for albeit he were not like to susteine any great losse and notall dammage thereby, yet he would feare to be mocked and laughed to scorne for his labor, in which case as Heraclitus saith, it were better for a man to 40 conceale his owne ignorance: and may such an one thinke then, that he could order a house well, rule a wife, and behave himselfe as it becommeth in mariage, beare migistracie, or governe a common weale as he ought, being never bound and brought up to it? Diogenes espying upon a time a boy eating greedily, and unmanerly gave his master or Tutour a good cuffe on the eare: and good reason he had so to do, as imputing the fault rather to him, who had not taught, than to the boy, who had not learned better manners. And is it so indeed? ought they of ne­cessitie, who would be manerly at the table, both in putting hand to a dish of meat, and taking the cup with a good grace, or as Aristophanes saith,

At board not feeding greedily,
Nor laughing much, undecently, 50
Nor crossing feet full wantonly.

to be taught even from their infancie. And is it possible that the same should know to be­have themselves in wedlocke, how to manage the affaires of State, how to converse among men, how to beare office without touch and blame, unlesse they have learned first how to cary them­selves one toward another? Aristippus answered upon a time, when one said unto him, And are you sit every where? I should (quoth he, laughing merily) cast away the fare for feriage, which I pay unto the mariner, if I were every where. And why might not a man say likewise, If children [Page 82] be not the better for their teaching, the salarie is lost which men bestow upon their Masters and Teachers. But wee see that they taking them into their governance presently from their nour­ces, like as they did forme their limmes and joints featly with their hands, do prepare and frame their maners accordingly, & set them in the right way to vertue. And to this purpose answered very wisely a Laconian Schoole-master to one who demanded of him, what good he did to the childe of whom he had the charge? Mary (quoth he) I make him to take joy and pleasure in those things that be honest. And to say a trueth, these teachers and governours instruct chil­dren to holde up their heads straight as they go in the street, and not to beare it forward: also, not to dip into sauce, but with one finger: not to take bread or fish but with twaine: to rubbe or scratch after this or that maner: and thus and thus to trusse and holde up their clothes. What 10 shall we say then to him, who would make us beleeve that the Art of Physicke professeth to scoure the morphew, or heale a whit-flaw: but not to cure a pleurisie, fever, or the phrensie? And what differeth he from them, who holde that there be schooles and rules to teach petties and lit­tle children how to be manerly, and demeane themselves in small matters, but as for great, im­portant and absolute things, it must be nothing els but use and custome, or els meere chance and fortune that doth effect them? For like as he were ridiculous, and worthy to be laughed at, who should say, that no man ought to lay hand upon the oare for to row, but he that hath beene prentise to it; but sit at the sterne and guide the helme he may, who was never taught it: euen so, he, who mainteineth, that in some inferiour arts there is required apprentisage, but for the at­tainining of vertue none at all, deserveth likewise to be mocked. And verily, he should doe con­trary 20 unto the Scythians: For they, as Herodot us writeth, use to put out the eies of theirslaves only, to the end that being blinde, they might turne round about with their milke, & so stirre and shake it. But he forsooth putteth the eie of reason into these base and inferior arts, which are no better than servants waiting upon others; but plucketh it from vertue. Iphtcrates answered con­trariwise, being demanded of Callias the sonne of Chabrias, by way of contempt and derision, in this wise, What are you sit? An Archer? A Targetiere? A man at armes? or a light armeds soul­diour? I am none (quoth he) of all these, but rather one of those who commandeth them all. Well, ridiculous then is he, and very absurd, who would say, There were an art to be taught, of drawing a bowe & shooting, of fighting close at hand being armed at all pieces, of discharging bullets with a sling, or of sitting and riding an horse; but forsooth to leade and conduct an army, 30 there was none at all: as who would say, that feat, were a thing not learned, but comming by chance, I know not how. And yet I must needs say, more sottish and foolish were he, who should hold and affirme that Prudence onely could not be taught, without which no other Arts and Sciences be woorth ought, or availe any whit. That this is true, and that she is alone the guide which leadeth and guideth all other Sciences, Arts and Vertues, giving them every one their due place and honour, and making them profitable to mankinde, a man may know by this, if there were nothing els, That there would be no grace at a feast, though the meat were never so well dressed and served up by skilfull Cooks, though there were proper Escuirs or Shewers to set the dishes upon the boord, Carvers, Tasters, Skinkers, and other Servitours 40 and Waiters enough, unlesse there be some good order observed among the said Ministers, to place and dispose everie thing as it ought. 50

HOW A MAN MAY DI­SCERNE A FLATTERER FROM A FRIEND. 10

The Summarie.

THe traveller hath great occasion and cause to rejoice, if in his iourney he goe with a good companion, who by his pleasant and profitable discourses may make him forget the tedious difficulite of the way: even so in his life, happie is the man, who can finde and meet with those to beare him company, by whom he may both easily passe through the occurrent dangers that are presented unto him, and also advance forward cheere­fully unto vertue. In which regard, our author Plutarch having discoursed as touching the Nouriture, 20 education, and instruction of youth, as also of Vice and Vertue in generall, by good order and in great reason, sheweth in this Treatise, what sort of people we ought carefully to avoid, and with whom to joine and be acquainted. And as he was a man well experienced and practised in the affaires of this world, he affirmeth and prooveth by very sound and firme reasons, That there is nothing whereof we are to be more wary and heedfull, than false friendship, which he calleth Flatterie. Morcover, this be­ing a matter of so great importance, as every wise man may well thinke and perceive, he draweth out this present discourse in length: and for that his purpose is to instruct us in those meanes whereby we may be able to distinguish betweene a flatterer and a true friend, he sheweth in the first place, That the onely principall remedie to stop up the entrie against all flatterers, is to know our selves well: for other­wise, we shall have such array and ornaments hanged upon us, that we shall not easily perceive and di­scerne 30 who we are. And contrariwise, it hapneth often times, that we esteeme to be our perfect friends, so skilfull are they in counter feiting; and withall, when they finde us disposed to enterteine such companie, our owne indiscretion depriveth us of that true insight and view, which our soule ought to have in discerning a false friend from a true. Being willing therefore to aid and helpe us in this point, he describeth a crafty and wily flatterer, he discovereth his cunning casts, and depainteth him in his colours, shewing the very draught & lineaments which may direct us to the knowledge of him, to wit, That he doth conforme and frame himselfe to the humor and nature of those whose companie he haun­teth; how he is unconstant and mutable, changing and turning into many and sundry fashions, without any right and syncere affection, applying himselfe all the while to every things els but vertue willing to be reputed alwaies more leand and vicious, than those whom hee flattereth: without regard of doing 40 them good any way, or seeking their profit, he onely aimeth at this, to please them and follow their veine in all things by custome and use, bringing him that will give eare unto his words, to this passe, That he shall thinke vice to be verue: working covertly and under-hand for to deceive more cleanly, trans­forming vertue into vice, and making it nothing strange and coy to blame himselfe, for to do the more mischiefe afterwards to another: then be flattereth most, when he maketh no semblance or shew at all that he mindeth any such thing, and exalteth up to the skie those that be most vicious, and woorst of all others, so they will give him enterteinment. Likewise, for that flatterers shew themselves other­whiles, very forward and bolde to speake their minds and to finde fault, which it one of the best and su­rest marks of true friendship, he treateth consequently of this libertie and freedome of speech, and how a man may know whether there be any flatrerie therein or no. He declareth therefore, how flaterers use 50 this franke reprehension in vaine and frivolous things, and never in those sinnes and grosse faults which are in deed blame-worthy: so that this maner of reprehension, is a kinde of soothing them up, and lulling men asseepe in their notorious vices: or els they charge them with faults cleane contrarie. Now after he hath shewed how a man should take heed and beware of them, he discourseth of those ser­vices whith may make flatterers, and wherein the same differ from the offices and dueities of friends, and in pursuing and prosecuting this Antithesis, he proveth that a flatterer is prest and ready to do his plea­surein in shame matters, whereas a friends he weth his good will in those that be honest: also that a [Page 84] slatterer is envious, and so is not a friend. And for that our nature is proud and blinde withall, having need of good friends to guide and direct it, he describeth with what maner of eie, and eare we ought to see and heare those that procure our good, albeit, they may seeme to carie with them a kinde of severitie. Meane while he exhorteth friends, so to temper and qualifie their libertie in reprehension, that all im­pudencie and importunate rigor be farre from it. But for asmuch as this is (as it were) the principall thing in amitie he sheweth, That first we must cut away selfe-love in all our reprehensions; and second­ly all injurtous, bitter and biting speeches: then he adjoineth moreover, in what seasons, and upon what occurrences, a man ought to reproove and say his minde frankly: and with what dexteritie he is to proceed: that is to say, that sometunes, yea, and more often, he ought to rebuke his friend apart, or under the person of another: wherein he is to looke unto this, That he eschue all vaine-glorie, and sea­son 10 his reprehensions with some praise among, to make them more acceptable and better taken. Conse­quently, he teacheth us, how we must receive the advertisements, admonitions, and reprehensions of a true friend: and returning to the very point in deed, of amitie and friendship, he sheweth what meane a man should keepe for to avert and turne away the neighbour vice, and to urge our friends forward to their devoir: adding morcouer, That all remonstrance and admonition ought to be tempered with mildnesse and lenitie: wherein he concludeth this whole Treatise, which I assure you is to be well read and marked in these daies of all persons, but those especially, who are advanced above others in worldly wealth or honour able place.

HOW A MAN MAY DISCERNE 20 a flatterer form a friend.

PLato writeth (ô Antiochus Philopappus) that all men do willingly pardon him, who professeth, That he loveth himselfe best: Howbe­it thereby (quoth he) is ingendred in us, this fault and inconveni­ence among may others the greatest: that by this meanes no man can be a just judge of himselfe, but partiall and favourable. For the lover is ordinarily blinded in the thing that he loveth, unlesse he 30 have beene taught, yea and accustomed long before, to affect and esteeme things honest above those that be his owne properly, or in­bred and familiar to him. This is it, that giveth unto a flatterer that large field, under pretence of friendship, where he hath a fort (as it were) commodiously seated, and with the vantage to assaile and endammage us, and that is, Selfe-love: whereby everie man being the first and greatest flatterer of himselfe, he can be verie well content, to admit a stranger to come neere and flatter him, namely, when he thinketh and is well willing withall, to witnesse with him and to confirme that good selfe-conceit and opini­on of his owne. For even he, who is justly reproched to be a lover of Flatterers, loveth himselfe notwithstanding exceeding well: and for that good affection that he hath, is both very willing, 40 yea and fully perswaded also, that all good things are in himselfe: and the desire whereof is not simply, bad, and unlawfull: but the perswasion is it, that is dangerous and slipperie, having need to be restrained with great heed and carefulnesse. Now if Truth be an heavenly thing, and the verie source yeelding all good things (as Plato saith) aswell to the gods as to men: we ought thus to judge, That a flatterer is an enemie to the gods, and principally to Apollo: For oppo­site he is alwaies and contrarie to this precept of his, Know thyselfe: causing a man to be abused and deceived by his owne selfe, yea and to be ignorant of the good and evill things that be in him; in making the good gifts which are in him to be defective & unperfect: but the evill parts incorrigible and such as cannot be reformed. Now if it were so, that flatterie (as the most part of other vices) touched either onely or especially, base, meane, and abject persons, it were perhaps 50 neither so hurtfull, nor so hard to be avoided as it is. But like as wormes breed most of all and soonest in frimme, tender and sweet wood: even so, for the most the part the generous and gen­tle natures, and those mindes that are more ingenuous, honest, amialble, and milde than others, are readiest to receive and nourish the flatterer that hangeth upon him. Moreover, as Simonides was woont to say, that the keeping of an escuirie or stable of horses, followeth not the lampe or oile cruet, but the rich corne fields: that is, it is not for poore men to entertaine great horses, but those rather who are landed men and with their revennewes able to maintaine them: [Page 85] Even so, we see it is ordinarie, that flatterie keepeth not companie nor sorteth with poore folke, or such persons as live obscurely & are of no abilitie: but c̄omonly it is the ruine and decay of great houses, & a maladie incid̄et to mighty States; which oftentimes undoeth & overthroweth whole Monarchies, Realmes, and great Seignories. In which regard it is no small matter, nor a thing that requireth little, or no forecast & providence to search & consider the nature thereof: least being so active and busie as it is, and readie to meddle in everie place (nothing so much) it do no hurt unto friendship, norbring it into obloquie and discredit. For these flatteres re­semble lice for all the world: And why? These vermine we see never haunt those that be dead, but leave and forsake the corps so soone as ever the blood (whereof they were woont to feede) is extinct or deprived of vitall spirit: Semblably, a man shall never see flatterers, so much as ap­proch 10 unto such persons as are in decay, whose state is crackt and credit waxeth coole; but looke where there is the glorie of the world, where there is authoritie and power, thither they flocke, and there they grow: no sooner is there a chaunge of fortune but they sneake and slinke away, and are no more seene. But we ought not to attend so long and stay for this triall, being unpro­fitable, or rather hurtfull and not without some danger: For it goeth verie hard with a man, if at the verie instant and not before, even when he hath most need of friendship, to perceive those to be no friends whom he tooke to be, and namely, when he hath not with him at hand, a good and faithfull friend, to exchange for him that is untrustie, disloyal and counterfeit. For if a man did well, he should be provided before hand of an approoved and tried friend, ere he have neede to employ him, aswell as of current and lawfull money; and not then to make triall of him and 20 finde him faultie, when he is in greatest necessitie and standeth in most need: For we ought not to make proofe with our losse, and finde him to be false to our cost and detriment; but contrari­wise to be skilfull in the meanes of smelling out a flatterer, that we receive no damage by him: For otherwise, that might befall us, which happeneth unto those who for to know the force of deadly poisons, take the assay, and taste first themselves thereof: well may they indeed come to the judgement thereof: but this skill is deerely bought, when they are sure to die for it. And like as we do not commend such; no more can we praise and approove of those, who measure friendship onely by honestie and profit: thinking withall, That such as converse and company with them pleasantly, are straight waies to be attainted as flatterers, no lesse then if they were ta­ken in the very act of flatterie: For surely a friend should not be unpleasant & unsavorie, without 30 any seasoning (as it were) of delightsome qualities: neither is friendship to be accounted vene­rable in this respect, that it is austere or bitter; but even that verie beauty and gravitie that it hath is sweet and desircable, and as the Poet saith,

About her alwaies seated be
Delightsome Love and Graces three.

And not he onely who is in calamitie,

Doth great content and comfort find
To see the face of trustie friend.

according as Euripides saith, but true amitie addeth nolesse grace, pleasure, and joy unto those that be in prosperitie, than it easeth them of sorrow and griefe who are in adversitie. Evenus was 40 woont to say, that of all pleasant sauce, fire was the best and most effectuall: And even so God having mingled friendship with this life of ours, hath made all things joious, sweete, pleasant and acceptable, where a friend is present and enjoieth his part. For otherwise a man can not devise nor expresse, how and in what sort a flatterer could insilnuate himselfe and creepe into fa­vour, under the colour of pleasure, if he saw that friendship in the owne nature never admitted any thing that was pleasant and delectable. But like as false and counterfeit peeces of gold which will not abide the touch, represent onely the lustre and bright glittering of gold: So a flatterer resembling the sweete and pleasant behaviour of a friend, sheweth himselfe alwaies jocund, mery and delightsome, without crossing at any time. And therefore we ought not pre­sently to suspect all them to be flatterers who are given to praise others: For otherwhiles to 50 commend a man, so it be done in time and place convenient, is a propertie no lesses befitting a friend, than to blame and reprehend: Nay contrariwise, there is nothing so adverse and repug­nant to amitie and societie, than testinesse, thwarting, complaining, and evermore fault-finding: whereas, if a man knoweth the good will of his friend to be ever prest and readie to yeeld due praises, and those in full measure to things well done, he will be are more patiently and in better part another time, his free reprehensions and reproofe for that which is done amisse: for that he is verily perswaded of him that as he was willing ynough to praise, so he was as loth to dis­praise, [Page 86] and therefore taketh all in good woorth. A difficult matter then it is, will some one say, to discerne a flatterer from a friend, seeing there is no difference betweene them, either in doing pleasure, or yeelding praise: for otherwise, we see oftentimes, that in many services, courtesies and kindnesses besides, a flatterer is more readie and forward than a friend. True it is indeed we must needs say: a right hard matter it is to know the one from the other; especially if we speake of a right flatterer indeed, who is his owne crafts-master, and can skill how to handle the matter artificially, and with great cunning and dexteritie: if (I say) we make no reckoning of them for flatterers, as the common people doe, who are these ordinarie smell-feasts, and as ready as flies to light in everie dish: these parasites (I say) whose toong (as one said verie well) will be walking so soone as men have washed their hands, and be readie to sit downe to meat, cogging and soo­thing 10 up their good masters at everie word, who have no honestie at all in them, and whose scurrilitie, profane, and irreligious impuritie, a man shall soone finde with one dish of meat and cup of wine. For surely there was no great need to detect and convince the flatterie of Melan­thius the Parasite and Iester of Alexander Pheraus the Tyrant, who being asked upon a time how Alexander his good Lord and master was murthered, Mary with a thrust (quoth he) of a sword, which went in at his side, and ranne as farre as into my belly: neither of such as a man shall never see to faile, but where there is a good house and plentifull table kept, they will be sure to gather round about it, in such sort as there is no fire nor iron grates, or brasse gates, can keepe them backe, but they will be readie to put their foot under the boord: no nor of those women who in times past were called in Cypres, Colacides. i. Flatteresses; but after they were come to 20 Syria, men named them, Climacides, as one would say, Ladderesses, for that they used to lie along, & to make their backs stepping stooles or ladders as it were for Queenes & Great mens wives to get upon when they would mount into their coatches. Whatkinde of flatterer then is it so hard and yet needfull to beward of? Forsooth, even of him who seemeth none such, and professeth nothing lesse than to flatter: whom a man shall never finde about the kitchin where the good meate is dressed, nor take measuring of shadowes to know how the daie goes, and when it is din­ner or supper time: ne yet see drunken and lying along the ground untowardly, and full like a beast: But for the most part sober he is enough; he loveth to bee a curious Polypragmon; he will have an oare in every boat, and thinks he is to intermedle in all matters; he hath a minde to be privie and partie in all deepe secrets; and in one word he carrieth himselfe like a grave 30 Tragedian, and not as a Comicall or Satyricall player, and under that vision and habit he coun­terfeiteth a friend. For according to the saying of Plato, it is the greatest and most extreame injustice for a man to make semblance of being just when he is not: even so we are to thinke, that flatterie of all others to be most dangerous, which is covert and not apert or professed; which is serious (I say) and not practised by way of jest and sport. And verily such glozing and flatterie as this, causeth men oftentimes to mistrust true friendship indeed, and doth derogate much from the credit thereof: for that in many things it jumpeth so even therewith, unlesse a man take verie good heed and looke narrowly into it. True it is, that Gobrias being runne into a darke and secret roome, together with one of the usurping Tyrants of Persia, called Magi, whom he pursued hard, and at handy gripes strugling, grappling, and wrestling close together, 40 cried out unto Darius comming into the place with a naked sword, and doubting to thrust at the Vsurper, for feare he should runne Gobrias thorough also, Thrust hardly and spare not (quoth he) though you dispatch us both at once. But we who in no wise can allow of that common saying, Let a friend perish, so he take an enemie with him: but are desirous to plucke and part a slatterer from a friend, with whom he is coupled and interlaced by meanes of so many resem­blances: we (I say) have great cause to feare and beware, that we doe not cast and reject from us the good with the bad: or least in pardoning and accepting that which is agreeable and fami­liar unto us, we fall upon that which is hurtfull and dangerous. For like as among wilde seeds of another kind, those that being of the same forme, fashion, and bignes with the graines of wheat are intermingled therewith, a man shall hardly trie out from the rest, for that they will not passe 50 thorough the holes of the sieve, ruddle or trie, if they be narrow; and in case they be large and wide, out goeth the good corne to gether with them; even so it is passing hard to separate flatte­rie from friendship, being so intermedled therewith in all accidents, motions, affaires, dealings, employment and conversation as it is. For considering that a flatterer seeth well ynough, that there is nothing in the world so pleasurable as friendship, nor yeeldeth more contentment unto man than it doth: He windeth himselfe into favour by meanes of pleasure, and wholy is im­ploied to procure mirth and delight. Also for that both grace and commoditie, doth alwaies [Page 87] accompany amitie; in which regard the common Proverbe saith, that a friend is more necessa­rie than either fire or water. Therefore a flatterer is readie to put himselfe forward, and offereth his service with all double diligence, striving in all occasions and businesses to be ever prompt and officious. And because the principall thing that linketh and bindeth friendship sure at the beginning, is the conformitie and likenes of manners, studies, endevours and inclinations, and in one word seeing that to be like affected, and to shew pleasure or displeasure in the same things, is the chiefe matter that knitteth amitie and both combineth, and also keepeth men to­gether, by a certaine mutuall correspondencie in naturall affections: the flatterer knowing so much, composeth his nature (as it were) some unformed matter ready to receive all sorts of im­pressions, studying to frame and accommodate himselfe wholy to all those things that he taketh 10 in hand; yea and to resemble those persons just by way of imitation whom he meaneth to set upon and deceive, as being souple, soft, and pliable, to represent them lively in everie point, so as a man may say of him after this manner,

Achilles sonne thinke you he is?
Nay, even Achilles himselfe iwis.

But the craftiest cast of all other, that he hath, is this, That seeing (as he doth) libertie of speech, (both in trueth, and also according to the opinion and speech of the whole world) to be the pro­per voice of friendship (as a man would say) of some living creature; insomuch, as where there is not this freedome of speaking frankely, there is no true friendship nor generositie in deed. In this point also, he will not seeme to come short, nor leave it behinde for want of imitation; but 20 after the fashion of fine and excellent cookes, who use to serve up tart, bitter and sharpe sauces together with sweet & pleasant meats, for to divert & take away the satietie and fulnesse which soone followeth them. These flatterers also use a certaine kind of plaine and free speech; how­beit, neither syncere and naturall is it, nor profitable, but (as we commonly say) from teeth out­ward, or (as it were) beckening and wincking slightly with the eie under the browes, nottouch­ing the quicke, but tickling aloft onely, to no purpose. Well, in these respects above specified, hardly and with much adoe is a flatterer discovered, and taken in the maner; much like unto those beasts, who by nature have this propertie, To change their colour, and in hue to resemble that bodily matter or place whereon they settle, and which they touch. Seeing then it is so, that he is so apt to deceive folke, and lieth hidden under the likenesse of a friend; our part it is, by un­folding 30 the differences that are so hidden, to turne him out of his masking habit, and being de­spoiled of those colours and habilements that he borroweth of others, for want of his owne (as Plato saith) to lay him naked and open to the eie: let us therefore enter into this discourse, and setch it from the very first beginning.

We have already said, that the originall of friendship among men (for the most part) is our conformitie of nature and inclination, embracing the same customes and maners, loving the same exercises, affecting the same studies, and delighting in the same actions and imploiments: concerning which, these verses well and fitly runne;

Olde solke love best with aged folke to talke,
And with their feeres yoong children to disport: 40
Women once met, do let their tongues to walke,
With such likewise, such persons best do sport:
The wretched man his miseries doth lament
With those, whose state like fortunes do torment.

The flatterer then, being well aware that it is a thing naturally inbred in us, to delight in those that are like our selves, to converse with them, and to use and love them above all others, ende­voureth first to and formost to draw and approch, yea, and to lodge neere unto him whom he mea­neth to enveagle and compasse, even as if he went about in some great pasture to make toward one beast, whom he purposeth to tame and bring to hand, by little and little joining close unto him, as it were, to be concorporated in the same studies and exercises, in the same affections, 50 emploiments and course of life: and this he doth so long, untill the party whom he laieth for, have given him some advantage to take holde by, as suffering himselfe gently to be touched, clawed, handled and stroked; during which time, he lettethslip no opportunitie to blame those persons, to reproove those things, and courses of life, which he perceiveth the other to hate: contrariwise, to praise and approove all that which he knoweth him to take delight in: and this he doeth not after an ordinary maner and in a meane, but excessively and beyond all measure, with a kinde of admiration and woonder; confirming this love or hatred of his, to a thing, not [Page 88] as if he had received these impressions from some sudden passion, but upon a staied and setled judgement. Which being so: how, and by what different marks shall he be knowen and con­vinced, that he is not the like or the same in deed, but onely a counterfeit of the like and of the same? First, a man must consider well, whether there be an uniforme equalitie in all his intenti­ons and actions or no? whether he continue and persist still, taking pleasure in the same things, and praising the same at all times? whether he compose and direct his life according to one and the same molde and paterne? like as it becommeth a man who is an ingenuous lover of that friendship and conversation which is ever after one maner, and alwaies like it selfe: for such a one in deed is a true friend. But a flatterer contrariwise is one who hath no one permanent seat in his maners and be haviour, nor hath made choise of any life for his owne content, but onely 10 to please another, as framing and applying his actions wholly to the humor of another, is never simple, uniforme, nor like himselfe, but variable and changing alwaies from one forme to ano­ther, much like as water which is powred out of one vessel into another, even as it runneth forth, taketh the forme and fashion of that vessell which receiveth it. And herein he is cleane contra­rie to the ape; for the ape as it should seeme, thinking to counterfeit man, by turning, hop­ping and dauncing as he doth, is quickly caught: but the flatterer, whiles he doth imitate and counterfeit others, doth entice and draw them, as it were, with a pipe or call, into his net, and so beguileth them. And this he doeth not alwaies after one maner; for with one he daunceth and singeth; with another he wil seeme to wrestle, or otherwise to exercise the bodie in feats of acti­vitie: if he chance to meet with a man that loveth to hunt, and to keepe hounds, him he will fol­low 20 hard at heeles, setting out a throat as loud in a maner as Hippolytus in the Tragedie Phoedra, crying,

So ho, this is my joy and onely good,
With crie to lure, with tooting horne to winde,
By leave of gods to bring into the wood
My hounds, to rouse and chase the dapple Hinde.

And yet hath he nothing to do at all with the wilde beasts of the forrest, but it is the hunter him­selfe whom hee laieth for to take within his net and toile. And say that hee light upon a yoong man that is a student & given to learning, then you shall see him also as deepe poring upon his booke, and alwaies in his Studie; you shall have him let his beard grow downe to his foot, like a 30 grave Philosopher: who but he then, in his side thred-bare students cloake, after the Greeke fa­shion, as if he had no care of himselfe, nor joy of any thing els in the world: not a word then in mouth, but of the Numbers, Orthangles and Triangles of Plato. If peradventure there fall into his hands an idle do-nothing, who is rich withall, and a good fellow, one that loveth to eat and drinke and make good cheere,

That wily Fox Vlysses tho
His ragged garments will off do.

off goes then his bare and overworne studying gowne, his beard he causeth to be cut & shorne as neere as a new mowen field in harvest, when all the corne is gone: no talke then but of fla­gons, bottels, pots, and cooling pans to keepe the wine cold: nothing now but merie con­ceits 40 to moove laughter in everie walking place and gallerie of pleasure: Now hee letteth flie srumpes and scoffes against schollers and such as studie philosophie. Thus by report it fell out upon a time at Syracusa: For when Plato thither arrived, and Denys all on a sodaine was set up­on a furious fit of love to Philosophie, his palace and whole court was full of dust and sand, by reason of the great recourse thither of Students in Geometrie, who did nothing but draw figures therein. But no sooner had Plato incurred his displeasure and was out of favor: no soo­ner had Denys the tyrant bidden Philosophie farewell, & given himselfe againe to belly-cheere, to wine, vanities, wantonnesse, and all loosenesse of life: but all at once, it seemed the whole court was transformed likewise, (as it were by the sorcerie and enchantment of Cyrces) into ha­tred and detestation of good letters; so as they forgat all goodnesse, and betooke themselves to 50 folly and sottishnesse. To this purpose it were not amisse for to alledge as testimonies, the fa­shions and acts of some notorious flatterers, such I meane as have governed Common-welths, and affected popularitie. Among whom the greatest of all other was Alcibiades, who all the while he was at Athens used to scoffe, and had a good grace in merrie conceits & pleasant jests: he kept great horses, and lived in jollitie, most gallantly, with the love and favor of all men: when he sojourned in Sparta, he went alwaies shaven to the bare skin, in an overworne cloke, or else the same very course, and never washed his bodie but in cold water. Afterwards, being [Page 89] in Thrace, he became a soldior, and would carrouse and drinke lustily with the best. He came no sooner to Tisaphernes in Asia, but he gave himselfe to voluptuousnes and pleasure, to riot, wantonnes, and superfluous delights: Thus throughout the whole course of his life, he wan the love of all men, by framing himselfe to their humors and fashions wheresoever he came. Such were not Epaminondas and Agesilaus: For albeit they conversed with many sorts of people, travailed divers cities, and saw sundry fashions and maners of strange nations; yet they never changed their behavior, they were the same men still, reteining evermore a decent port which became them in their apparel, speech, diet, and their whole cariage and demeanor. Plato like­wise was no changeling, but the same man at Syracuasa, that he was in the Academie or College at Athens: and looke what his cariage was before Dion, the same it was and no other in Denys 10 his court.

But that man may very easily finde out the variable changes of a flatterer, as of the fish called the Pourcuttle, who will but straine a little and take the paines to play the dissembler himselfe, making shew as if he likewise were transformed into divers and sundry fashions; namely in mis­liking the course of his former life, and sodainly seeming to embrace those things which he re­jected before, whether it be in diet, action or speech: For then he shall soone see the flatterer also to be inconstant, and not a man of himselfe, taking love or hatred to this or that, joying or greeving at a thing, upon any affection of his owne that leadeth him thereto, for that he recei­veth alwaies as a mirrour the images of the passions, motions and and lives of other men. If you chance to blame one of your friends before him, what will he say by and by? Ah well, You 20 have found him out I see now at last though it were long since: I wis I liked him not long a great while ago: Contrariwise, if your minde alter, so that you happen to fall a praising of him againe: Very well done will he say, and binde it with an oth, I con you thanke for that: I am very glad for the mans sake, and I beleeve no lesse of him. Do you breake with him about the altera­tion of your life, and beare him in hand that you meane to take another course, as for example, to give over State affaires, to betake your selfe to a more private and quiet life. Yea marie (quoth he) and then you do well, it is more than high time so to do: For long since we should have beene disburdened of these troubles so full of envie and perill. Make him beleeve once that you will change your copie, and that you are about to shake off this idle life, and to betake your selfe unto the Common-weale, both to rule and also to speake in publike place: you shall 30 have him to sooth you up, and second your song, with these and such like responds: A brave mind (beleeve me) and beseeming a man of your worth and good parts: For to say a truth, this idle and priyate life, though it be pleasant, and have ease enough, yet it is but base, abject, and dishonorable; when you finde him there once, muffle his nose immediately with this posie,

Good sir me thinks you soone do turne your stile,
You seeme much chang'd from him you were erewhile.

I have no neede of such a friend, that will alter as I doe, and follow me every way (for my sha­dow can do that much better) I had rather have one that with me will follow the truth, & judge according to it and not otherwise. Avant therefore, I will have nought to do with thee. This you see one way to discover a flatterer. 40

A second difference we ought to observe in his imitations and resemblances, for a true friend doth not imitate all that he seeth him whom he loveth to do; neither is he forward in prai­sing everie thing but that onely which is best: For according to Sophocles,

In love he would his fellow be,
But not in hate and enmitie.

And verily one friend is ready and willing to assist another in well doing and in honest life, and never will yeeld to be companion in leaudnesse, or helpe him to commit any wicked and hei­nous fact; unlesse peradventure through the ordinarie conversation, and continuall acquain­tance together, he be tainted with infection of some ill qualitie and vicious condition, even against his will and ere he be well aware: much like as they who by contagion catch rhewma­ticke 50 and bleere eies: or as the familiar friends and schollers (by report) of Plato did imitate him in stouping forward: and those of Aristotle in his stammering and maffling speech; and the [...] of Alexander the Great, in bending of his necke, and rough voice when he spake. For even so some there be who receive impression of their manners and conditions at unawares and against their wils. But contrariwise, it fareth with a flatterer even as with the Chamoelion; For as he can take upon him any colour save onely white; semblably, a flatterer cannot possibly frame himselfe to any thing that good is and of importance: but there is no naughtinesse and [Page 90] badnesse in the world which he will not quickly imitate. And well I may compare such fellowes to ill painters, who when through insufficiencie in their art they be not able to draw to the life, the beantie and favour of a good face, will be sure yet to expresse the rivels, warts, moules, frec­kles, scarres and such like deformities. For even so a flatterer can imitate verie passing well, In­continencie, foolish superstition, hastines and choler, bitternesse towards houshold servants, distrust and diffidence in friends & kinsfolk, yea and treacherie against them: for that by nature he is alwaies inclined to the woorse; and besides, so far he would be thought from blaming vice, that he undertaketh to imitate the same. For those that seeke for amendment of life and refor­mation of manners are ever suspected: such (I say) as shew themselves displeased and offended at the faults and misdemeanors of their friends. And this was it that made Dion odious to Denys 10 the Tyranty, Samius to Philip, and Cleomenes to Ptolomaeus, and in the ende was their ruine and overthrow. The flatterer who desireth to be both pleasant and faithfull at once, or at leastwise so to be reputed, for execessive love and friendship that he pretendeth, will not seeme to be offen­ded with his friend for any lewd parts, but in all things would be thought to carie the same affec­tion, and to be in manner of the same nature and incorporate into him: whereupon it com­meth to passe also, that even in casuall things and the occurrences of this life, which hap­pen without our will and counsell, he will needes have a part, there is no remedie. This if he be disposed to flatter sicke persons, hee will make as though hee were sicke also of the same disease for companie: and if hee have to doe with such as bee dimme sighted or hard of hearing, hee will be thought neither to see nor heare well for fellowship. Thus the flatterers 20 about Denys the Tyrants, when he had an impediment in his eies that he could not see cleerely, faigned that themselves likewise were halfe blinde, and to make it good, hit one upon another at the board, and overthrew the dishe upon the table as they sate at supper. Others there be that proceed farther than so, and because they would appeere more touched with fellow-fee­ling of affections, will enter as farre as to the verie inward secrets that are not to be revealed. For if they can perceive that they whom they do flatter, be not fortunate in their marriage, or that they are growen into distrust, jealousie, and sinister opinion, either of their owne children, or their neer kinsfolke and familiars; they spare not themselves but begin to complaine, & that with griefe of heart and sorrow of their owne wives and children, of theirkinred and friends, laying abroad some criminous matters, which were better (iwis) to be concealed and smothered, 30 than uttered and revealed. And this resemblance and likenesse that they take upon themselves, causeth them to seeme more affectionate and fuller of compassion. The other then, thus flatte­red, thinking that by this means they have received from them a sufficient pawne and assurance of their fidelitie, sticke not to let fall from their mouth some matter of secrecie also; and when they have once committed it unto them, then they are ever after bound to use them, yea and be afraid to mistrust them in any thing. I my selfe knew one who feemed to put away his owne wedded wife, because his friendwhom he flattered had divorced his befofe: and when he had so done, was knowen to go secretly unto her, and messengers there were who passed to and fro be­tweene them under hand: which the divorced wife of the other perceived and found out well ynough. Certes little knew he what a flatterer was, and he had no experience of him who 40 thought these Iambicke verses to expresse the Sea-crab better than him,

Abeast whose body and belly are meet,
The eie doth serve each way to see:
With teeth it creepes, they stand for feet,
Aread now what creature this may be?

For this is the very portraiture and image of a parasite, who keepes about the frying pan (as Eu­polis saith) of his good friends, and waiteth where the cloth is laid. But as touching these things, let us referre them to their proper place for to be discoursed more at large. Howbeit, for the pre­sent let us not leave behinde us one notable devise and cunning cast; that a flatterer hath in his imitations; to wit, that if he do counterfeit some good oualitie that is in him whom he doth flat­ter, 50 yet he giveth him alwaies the upper hand: For among those that be true friends, there is no emulation at al, no jealousie or envy betweene one & another: but whether they be equall in wel doing or come behinde, they take all in good part and never grieve at the matter. But the flatte­rer bearing wel in minde that he in everie place, is to play the second part, yeeldeth alwaies in his imitation the equalitie from himselfe, and doth affect to counterfeit another so, as he will be the inferiour, giving the superioritie unto the other in all things but those which are naught, for therein he chalengeth to himselfe the victorie over his friend. If he be somewhat mal-content [Page 91] and hard to be pleased, then will the flatterer professe himselfe to be starke melancholike: if his friend be somewhat too religious or superstitious, then will he make semblance as though he were rapt and transported altogether with the feare of the gods: If the other be amorous, he wil be in love furious: when the other saith I laughed a good; but I (will he say againe) laughed un­till I was well neere dead. But in good things it is cleane contrarie, for when he speaketh of good footmanship he wil say, I runne swiftly indeed; but you fly away. Againe, I sit a horse and rid reasonable wel; but what is that to this Hippo-Centaure here for good horsemanship? Also, I have a pretie gift in Poetrie (I must needs say) and am not the worst versifier in the world; but

To thunder verses I have no skill,
To Iupiter there leave that I will. 10

in these and such like speeches two things at once he doth: for first he seemeth to approove the enterprise of the other as singular good, because he doth imitate him; and secondly he sheweth that his sufficiencie therein is incomparable and not to be matched, in that he confesseth him­selfe to come short of him. And thus much of the different marks betweene a flatterer and a friend as touching their resemblances.

Now, forasmuch as there is a communitie of delectation and pleasure in them both (as I have said before) for that an honest man taketh no lesse joy and comfort in his friends, than a lewd person in flatterers, let us consider likewise the distinction betweene them in this behalfe. The onely way to distinguish them a sunder in this point, is to marke the drift and end of the delectation both in the one and the other: which a man may see more cleerely by this exam­ple: 20 There is in a sweete ointment an odoriferous smell: so is therealso in an Antidote or me­dicine; but herrein lieth the difference, for that in the ointment abovesaid, theire is a reference to pleasure onely, and to nothing else; but in the Antidote, beside the delectation that the odor yeeldeth, there is a respect also of some medicinable vertue, namely either to purge and clense the bodie, or to heate and chafe it, or else to incamate and make new flesh to come. Againe Painters do grinde and mixe fresh colours and lively tinctures; so the Apothecarie hath drugs and medicines of a beautifull and pleasant colour to the eie, that it would do a man good to look upon them. But wherein is the difference? Is there any man so grosse that conceiveth not rea­dily, that the ods lieth in the use or end, for which both the one and the other be ordained? Sem­blably the mutuall offices and kindnesses that passe from friend to friend, beside the honestie 30 and profite that they have, bring with them also that which is pleasing and delectable, as if some deinty and lively flowers grew thereupon: For sometime friends use plaies and pastimes one with another: they invite one another, they eate and drinke together: yea and otherwhiles (beleeve me) you shall have them make themselves mery and laugh hartily, jesting, gauding, and disporting one with another; all which serve as pleasant sauces to season their other serious and honest affaires of great weight and consequence. And to this purpose serve wel these verses:

With pleasant discourses from one to another
They made themselves mery, being met together.

Also,

And nothing else disjoined our amity, 40
Nor partedour pleasures and mutuall jolity.

But the whole worke of a flatterer, and the onely marke that he shooteth at, is alwaies to de­vise, prepare and confect, as it were, some play or sport, some action and speech, with plea­sure and to do pleasure. And to knit up all briefly in one word, he is of opinion that he ought to do all for to be pleasant: whereas the true friend doing alwaies that which his dutie requireth, many times pleaseth, and as often againe he is displeasant: not that his intention is to displease at any time; howbeit if he see it expedient and better so to do, he will not sticke to be a little harsh and unpleasant. For like as a Physician when neede requireth, putteth in some Saffron or Spiknard into his medicine: yea and otherwhile permitreth his patient a delicate bath, or liberall and deinty diet to his ful contenment: but sometimes for it againe, leaving out all sweet odors, 50 casteth in Castorem,

Or Polium which strong sent doth yeeld
And stinkes most of all herbes in field.

or else he bruseth and stampeth some Ellebore, and forceth his patient to drinke of that potion: not proposing either in the former medicine pleasure, nor in the latter displeasure for the end: but both by the one and the other, training the sicke person under his hand to one & the same effect of his cure, to wit, his good and the health of his body; even so it is with a true friend: [Page 92] one while with praises and gracious words he extolleth and cheereth up his friend, inciting him thereby alwaies to that which is good and honest, as he in Homer,

Deere heart Sir Teucer worthie sonne of Telamon that Knight,
Come Prince and floure of valiant knights,
Shoot thus your arrowes flight.

And another,

How can I ever put out of minde
Heavenly Vlysses a Prince so kinde?

Contrariwise, anotherwhile where there is need of chastisement and correction, he will not 10 spare but use sharpe and biting words: yea, and that free speech which carrieth with it an affecti­on carefull to do good, and such as in deed beseemeth a tutor and governour, much after this manner:

What Menelaus! how ever that from Iupiter you discend:
You play the foole, for folly such
I cannot you commend.

It falleth out so likewise, that sometime he addeth deeds to words. And thus Menedemus shut the doore against the sonne of Asclepiades his friend, and would not deigne once to salute him, because he was a riotous youth, and lived dissolutely and out of all order: by which meanes he 20 was reclaimed from loose life, and became an honest man. Arcesilaus in like maner excluded Battus out of his schoole, and would not suffer him to enter, because in a Comedie that he com­posed, he had made one verse against Cleanthes; but afterwards Battus repenting of that he had done, and making satisfaction unto Cleanthes, was pardoned and received againe into his favor. For a man may offend his friend with intention to doe him good; but he must not proceed so farre in displeasing him, that thereby he breake or undo the knot of friendship: he ought (I say) to use a sharpe rebuke, as a Physician doth some bitter or tart medicine, to save or peserve the life of his patient. And a good friend is to play the part of a Musician, who to bring his instru­ment into tune, and so to keepe it, setteth up these strings, and letteth downe those: and so ought a friend to exchange profit with pleasure, and use one with another, as occasion serveth, obser­ving 30 still this rule often times, to be pleasing unto his friend, but alwaies profitable: whereas the flatterer being used evermore to sing one note, and to play upon the same string, that is to say, To please: and in all his words and deeds, to aime at nothing els but the contentment of him whom he flattereth, can not skill either in act to resist, or in speech to reproove and offend him; but goeth on still in following his humor, according alwaies with him in one tune, and keeping the same note just with him.

Now, as Xenophon writeth of king Agesilaus, that he was well apaied to be commended of them who he knew would also blame him if there were cause; so we are to thinke well of friend­ship when it is pleasant, delightsome and cheereful, if otherwhiles also it can displease and crosse againe; but to have in suspition the conversation and acquaintance of such, as never doe or say 40 any thing but that which is pleasing, continually keeping one course without change, never rubbing where the gall is, nor touching the sore, without reproofe and contradiction. We ought (I say) to have ready alwaies in remembrance the saying of an ancient Laconian, who hearing king Charilaus so highly praised and extolled; And how possibly (quoth he) can he be good, who is neuer sharpe or severe unto the wicked? The gad-flie (as they say) which useth to plague bulles and oxen, setleth about their eares, and so doth the tick deale by dogges: after the same maner, flatterers take holde of ambitious mens eares, and possesse them with praises; and being once set fast there, hardly are they to be removed and chased away. And here most need­full it is, that our judgement be watchfull and observant, and doe discerne whether these praises be attributed to the thing or the person; wee shall perceive that the thing it selfe is praised, if 50 they commend men rather absent than in place: also if they desire and affect that themselves, which they do so like and approve in others: again, if they praise not us alone, but all others, for the semblable qualities: likewise, if they neither say nor do one thing now, and another time the contrary. But the principall thing of all other, is this, If we our selves know in our owne secret conscience, that we neither repent nor be ashamed of that, for which they so commend us; ne yet wish in our hearts, that we had said or done the contrary: for the inward judgement of our mind and soule bearing witnesse against such praises, and not admitting thereof, is void of affections [Page 93] and passions, wherby it neither can be touched nor corrupted and surprised by a flatterer. How­beit, I know not how it commeth about, that the most part of men can not abide nor receive the consolations which be ministred unto them in their adversities, but rather take delight and com­fort in those that weepe, lament and mourne with them: and yet the same men having offended or being delinquent in any duetie, if one come and find fault or touch them to the quicke there­fore, do strike and imprint into their hearts remorse and repentance, they take him for no better than an accuser and enemie: contrariwise, let one highly commend and magnifie that which they have done; him they salute and embrace, him they account their wel-willer and friend in deed. Now, whosoever they be that are ready to praise and extoll with applause and clapping of hands, that which one hath done or said, were it in earnest or in game; such (I say) are dange­rous 10 and hurtfull for the present onely, and in those things which are next hand: but those, who with their praises pierse as faire as to the maners within, and with their flatteries proceed to cor­rupt their inward natures and dispositions, I can liken unto those slaves or housholde servants, who rob their masters, not onely of that corne which is in the heape, & heth in the garners, but also of the very seed; for the inclination and towardnesse of a man, are the seed that bring forth all his actions, and the habitude of conditions and maners, are the very source and head from whom runneth the course of our whole life, which they pervert in giving to vices the names of vertues. Thucydides in his storie writeth: That during civill seditions and warres, men transfer­red the accustomed significations of words unto other things, for to justifie their deeds: for de­sparate rashnesse, without all reason, was reputed valour, and called Love-friend: provident de­lay 20 and remporizing, was taken for decent cowardise: Modestie and temperance, was thought to be a cloke of effeminate unmanlinesse: a prudent and wary circumspection in all things, was held for a generall slouth and idlenesse. According to which precedent, we are to consider and observe in flatterers, how they terme prodigalitie by the name of liberalitie; cowardise is no­thing with them but heedfull warinesse: brainsicknesse they entitle promptitude, quicknesse, and celeritie: base and mechanicall niggardise, they account temperate frugalitie. Is there one full of love and given to be amorous? him they call good fellow, a boun-companion, a man of a kinde and good nature. See they one hastie, wrathfull, and proud withall? him they will have to be hardie, valiant and magnanimous: contrariwise, one of a base minde and abject spirit, they will grace with the attribute of fellow-like, and full of humanity. Much like to that which Plato 30 hath written in one place: That the amorous lover is a flatterer of those whom he loveth. For if they be flat nosed like a shoing borne, such they call lovely and gracious: be they hawk-nosed like a griffin, ôh, that is a kingly sight say they: those that be blacke of colour, are manly: white of complexion, be Gods children. And as for the terme Melichriis, that is, Hony-coloured, it is alwaies (verily) a flattering word, devised by a lover, to mitigate and diminish the odiousnesse of a pale hue, which he seemeth by that sweet name, not to mislike, but to take in the best part. And verily if hee that is foule & ill favoured, be borne in hand that he is faire and beautifull, or one of small & lowe stature made beleeve that he is goodly & tall; he neither continueth long in this his error, neither is the damage that he susteineth thereby greevous & great, nor unrecove­rable: but the praises which induce & inure a man to beleeve, That vice is vertue, insomuch that 40 he is nothing at all discontented in his sinne and greeved therefore, but rather taketh pleasure therein: those also which take away from us all shame and abashment to commitfaults; such were they that brought the Sicilians to ruine, and gave them occasion to beautifie or colour the tyrannie and crueltie of Denys and Phalaris, with the goodly names of Iustice and Hatred of wickednesse: These were the overthrow of Aegypt, in cloking the effeminate wantonnesse, the furious superstition, the yelling noises after a fanaticall maner of king Ptolomaeus, together with the marks that he caried of Lillies and Tabours in his body, with the glorious names of Devotion, Religion, and the service of the gods. And this was it that at the same time went very neere, and had like to have corrupted and spoiled for ever the maners and fashions of the Romanes, which before were so highly reputed, to wit, naming the riotousnes of Antonie, his 50 loosenes, his superfluous delights, his sumptuous shewes & publike feasts, with their profusion and wasting of so much monie, by smooth and gentle termes of courtesies, and meriments full of humanitie, by which disguisements and pretexts, his fault was mollified or diminished in abusing so excessively the grandence of his puissance & fortune. And what was it else that made Ptolomaeus to put on the masque or mussle (as it were) of a piper, and to hang about him pipes and fluits? What was it that caused Nero to mount up the Stage to act Tragedies, with a visour over his face, and buskins on his legs? was it not the praise of such flatterers as these? And are [Page 94] not most of our kings being when they sing small and fine, after a puling maner, saluted Apolloes for their musicke: and if they drinke untill they be drunke, honored with the names of Bacchus the god of wine: and when they seeme a little to wrestle or trie some freats of activitie, stiled by and by with the glorious addition of Hercules, brought (thinke you) to exceeding dishonour & shame by this grosse flatterie, taking such pleasure as they do in these gallant surnames. And therefore we had most need to beware of a flatterer in the praises which he giveth, which him­selfe is not ignorant of, but being carefull and very subtill in avoiding all suspicion, if haply he meet with one of these fine fooles, and delicate minions, well set out in gay apparell: or some rusticall thicke-skin, carying on his backe a good leather pilch; or (as they say) one that fee­deth grosly: such he will not spare but abuse with broad flattery, and make common laughing 10 stocks of them: Like as Struthias, making a very asse of Bias, and riding him up and downe, yea & insulting upon him for his sottishnesse with praises that he would seeme to hang upon him: Thou hast (quoth he) drunk more than king Alexander the great, & with that turning to Cyprius laughed as hard as ever he could till he was ready to sinke againe. But if a flatterer chance to deale with them that be more civill and elegant, and do perceive that they have a speciall eie unto him in this point, namely that they stand well upon their guard in this place, for feare lest they be surprised by him: then he goes not to worke directly in praising of them, but he keepeth aloose, he fetcheth about many compasses a great way off at first, afterwards by little and little he winneth some ground and approcheth neerer and neerer, making no noise untill he can touch and handle them, much after the maner of those that come about wilde beasts, assaying 20 how to bring them to hand and make them tame and gentle. For one while he will report to such a one the praises that some other give out of him: imitating herein the Rhetoricians, who many times in their orations speake in the third person, and after this maner he will begin: I was not long since (quoth he) in the market place, where I had some talke with certeine stran­gers, and other ancient personages of good worth, whom I was glad at the heart to heare, how they recounted all the good in the world of you, and spake wonderfully in your commendation. Otherwhiles he will devise and fetch out of his owne fingers ends some light imputations against him, yet all forged and false, agreeable to his person and condition, making semblance as if he had heard others what they said of him, and very cunningly will he close with him, and beare him in hand that he is come in all haste to know of him, whether ever he said or did so as 30 was reported of him: And if the other do denie it, (as it is no other like but he will) thereupon he takes occasion to enter into the praise and commendation of the man in this wise: I mervaile truly how that you should abuse and speake ill of any of your familiars and friends, who were never woont so much as to miscall or say otherwise than well of your very enimies? or how it possibly could be, that you should be ready to gape after other mens goods, who use to be so li­berall and bountifull of your owne? Other flatterers there be, who like as Painters to set up their colours and to give them more beautifull light and lustre unto them, lay neere unto them others that be more darke and shadowie: so they in blaming, reprooving, reproching, tradu­cing & deriding the contrarie vertues to those vices which are in them whom the meane to flat­ter, covertly and underhand do praise and approove those faults and imperfections that they 40 have, and so in praising and allowing, do feede and cherish the same: As for example, if they be among prodigall ding-thrists and wasters, riotous persons, covetous misers, mischievous wret­ches, and such as have raked & scraped goods together by hooke and crooke, and by all indirect means they care not how: before them they will speake basely of Temperance and Abstinence, calling it rusticitie: and as for those that live justly and with a good conscience, contenting themselves with their estate, and therin reposing suffisance, those they will nickname, heartlesse, and base minded folke, altogether insufficient to do or dare any thing. If it fall out, that they converse and be in companie with such as be idle lusks, and love to sit still at home and do no­thing, forbearing to meddle with ordinarie affaires abroad in the world: they will not bash to finde fault with policie and civill government, calling the managing of State matters and com­mon 50 weale, a thanklesse intermedling in other mens affaires, with much travaile and no pro­fit. And as for the minde and desire to be a magistrate and to sit in place of authoritie, they will not let to say it is vaine glory and ambition, altogether fruitlesse. For to flatter and claw an ora­tour, they will reproove in his presence a Philosopher. Among light huswives that be wanton­ly given, they winne the price, and are very well accepted, if they call honest matrons and chaste dames (who content themselves with their owne husbands, and them love alone) rude and ru­sticall women, untaught, ill bred, unlovely and having no grace with them. But herein is the [Page 95] very height of wickednesse, that these flatterers for advantage will not spare their owne selves: For like as wrestlers debase their owne bodies and stoupe downe low otherwhiles, for to over­throw their fellowes that wrestle with them, and to lay them along on the ground; so in bla­ming and finding many faults with themselves, they winde in, and creepe closely to the praise and admiration of others: I am (quoth one of them) a very coward, and no better than a verie slave at sea; I can away with no labour and travell in the world; I am all in a heat of choler, and raging mad, if I heare that one hath given me any bad termes; mary as for this man (meaning him whom he flattereth) he casteth doubts at no perill and danger, all is one with him, sea or land, he can endure all hardnesse, and he counteth nothing painfull, no hurt there is in him, a singular man he is, and hath not his fellow, he is angry at nothing, he beareth all with patience. 10 But say he meet with one at aventure, which standeth upon his owne bottome, and hath some great opinion of his owne sufficiency for wit and understanding, who hath a desire to be austere, and not to depend upon the conceits of others, but resteth in his owne judgement; and upon a certaine uprightnesse in himselfe, eftsoones hath these verses in his mouth:

Sir Diomede, do not me praise
So much to more or lesse,
Nor out of measure me dispraise,
I love not such excesse.

This flatterer then, who is this owne crafts-master and hath thoroughly learned his trade, goeth not the old way to worke in setting upon him, but he hath another engin and device in store to 20 assaile such a grim sir withall. He will make an errand to him for counsell in his owne affaires, as being the man whom he esteemeth to have more wit and wisdome than himselfe. There be divers others (quoth he) with whom I have better acquaintance and familiaritie than with your selfe: Howbeit, sir I am forced of necessitie to make bold and to importune you a little: For whither else should wee ingram men repaire, that have neede of advice? and to whom are we to have recourse in matters of trust and secresie. And then after he hath heard once what he will say, and it makes no matter what it be; he will take his leave, saying, that he hath received not counsell from a man, but an oracle from some god. Now before he departeth, if haply he per­ceive that he taketh upon him good skill and insight in litterature, he wil present unto him some compositions of his owne penning, praying him withall to peruse them, yea and to correct 30 the same. Mithridates the king, affected and loved the art of Physicke verie well: by reason whereof some of his familiar friends about him, came and offered themselves to be cut and cau­terised by him: which was a meere flatterie in deed and not in word. For it seemed that they gave great testimonie of his soule, in that they put their lives into his hands:

Of subtile spirits, thus you may see,
That many formes and shapes there be.

But this kind of dissimuled praises, requiring greater and more warie circumspection to be ta­ken heed of, if a man would detect and convince, hee ought of purpose when hee is tempted and assailed with such flatterie, to obtrude and propose unto the flatterer absurd counsell, if he seeme to damaund and aske it: advertisements also and properly of the same kinde, yea and cor­rections 40 without all sense and to no purpose, when he shall offer his labours to be read and per­used: In so doing, if he perceive the partie suspected to be a flatterer, doth not gainesay nor con­tradict any thing, but alloweth of all and receiveth the same, yea and more than that, when he shall to everie point crie out and say, Oh well said and sufficiently: O excellent wit: be sure, then he is caught in a trap: they I say it will be found plainely according to the common by­word,

That when he did a watchword crave,
Some other thing he sought to have:
Or as we say (in Proverb old)
Draffe was his errand, but drinke he would. 50

that is to say, he waited for some occasion and opportunitie, by praising to puffe him up with vanitie and overweening of himselfe. Moreover, like as some have defined painting to be a mute Poësie; even so praising is a kind of silent and secret flatterie. Hunters (we see) then soo­nest deceive the poore beasts, when they seeme to do nothing lesse then to hunt, making sem­blance as though they either travelled like wayfaring men, or rended their flocks, or else tilled the ground. Semblably flatterers touch those whom they flatter, neerest and enter to the verie quicke by praising, when they make no shew thereof, but seeme to do nothing lesse than praise. [Page 96] For he that giveth the chaire and seat to another comming in place, or as he is making an ora­tion either in publike place before the people, or in Councell house to the Senate, breaketh off his owne speech, and yeeldeth unto him his roome, giving him leave to speake or to opine, and remaineth silent himselfe: by this his silence sheweth, that he doth repute the other a better man, and of more sufficiencie for wisedome and knowledge than himselfe, much more than if he should pronounce and ring it out aloude to the whole audience. And hereupon it is that this sort of people who make profession of faltterie, take up ordinarily the first and highest seats, aswell at sermons and publike orations whither men flocke to heare, as at the Theaters and she­wen places, not that they thinke themselves worthic of such places, but because they may rise and make roome for better & richer persons as they come, and thereby slatter them, kindly. This 10 we see also, that in solemne assemblies and great meetings or auditories, they are by their good wils the first that put themselves forth, and make offer to begin speech; but it is for nothing else, but that afterward they would seeme to quit the place and give assent to their betters, soone re­tracting their owne opinions, when they heare a mightie man, a rich or noble personage in au­thoritie to contradict and say the contrarie. And here we ought most of all to be circumspect and warie, that we may evict them of this, That all this courting, this giving place, this yeelding of the victorie and reverence made unto others, is not for any more sufficiencie that they ac­knowledge in them, for their knowledge, experience and vertues; ne yet for their worthinesse in regard of elder age, but only for their wealth, riches, credit, and reputation in the world. [...] repor­teth this of K. Alexander, & not of Mega­bysus. Me­gabysus a great Lord belonging to the kings court of Persia, came upon a time to visit Apelles 20 the painter: and sitting by him in his shop to see him worke, began of his owne accord to dis­course I wot not what, of lines, shadowes and other matters belonging to his art: Apelles hea­ring him, could not hold but said unto him; See you not sir these litle prentise boies here that grinde Oker and other colours? So long as you sate still and said never a word, they advised you well and their eie was never off, wondering to see your rich purple robes, your chaines and je­wels of gold, no sooner began you to speake, but they fell to teighing, and now they laugh you to skorne, talking thus as you doe of those things which you never learned. And Solon being demaunded once by Craesus King of Lydia, what men he had seene whom he reputed most hap­pie in this world? named unto him one Tellus, none of the great men of Athens, but a good plaine and meane citizen, Cleobis also and Biton: and these he said were of all others most fortu­nate. 30 But these flatterers will affirme that Kings and Princes, rich men and rulers, are not onely blessed, happie and fortumate; but also excell all others in wisedome, knowledge and vertue. There is not one of them that can endure so much as to heare the Stoicks, who hold, that the sage and wise man (such a one as they depaint unto us) ought all at once to be called, rich, faire, noble, yea and a king: whereas our flatterers will have the rich man onely, whom they are disposed to flatter, to be an Oratour and a Poet; yea and if he will himselfe, a painter, a good piper, passing light of foote and strong of limmes; insomuch, as whosoever wrestleth with him, shall be sure to take the foile and lye along; and whomsoever he runneth with in the race, he shal come behinde him a faire deale, but how? Surely even as Crisson the Himeraean lagged for the nonce behind King Alexander the Great, when he ran with him for the best game: for which 40 the King was highly displeased & wroth at him, when he once perceved it. Carneades was woont to say, that the sons of Kings and great rich men, learned to do nothing well and right, but one­ly to sit and ride an horse. For that their masters are woont to flatter and praise them in all their schooles where they be taught: for if they be at the exercise of wrestling, you shall have him that wrestleth with them, of purpose to take a fall and lie under them: Marie, the horse not kno­wing nor having the reason to discerne a private mans sonne from a prince; nor whether he be poore or rich that sits upon his backe, will be sure to cast him over his head and lay him along whosoever he be, that cannot skill how to hold and rule him. Bion therefore was but a verie lob and foole in saying thus: If I wist that with praising a peece of ground I could make it good, rich and fertile, it should want for no praises; and rather would I commend it than toile and 50 moile in digging, tilling, & doing worke about it. And yet I will not say, that a man is too blame and doth amisse in praising: if so be, that those who are praised be the better and more fruitfull in all good things for it. Howbeit to come againe into the ground before said; a field being praised never so much is not the worse nor lesse fertile therefore: but I assure you they that commend folke falsely, and beyond their desert and due, puffe them full of winde and vanitie, and worke their overthrow in the end. But now having discoursed sufficiently upon this article and point of praises, let us proceed forward to treat of franknes and libertie of speech. [Page 97] And verily meete and reason it had beene, that as Patroclus when he put on the armour of Achilles, and brought forth his horses of service to battell, durst not meddle with his speare Pe­lias, but left it onely untouched; so a flatterer also, although he maske and disguise himselfe withother habits, ornaments and ensignes of a friend, should let this libertie onely of speech alone, and not once go about to touch or counterfeit it, as being indeed

A baston of such poise and weight
So big withall so stiffe and streight,

that of all others it belongeth onely to friendship for to be caried and welded by it. But for as much, as our flatterers now a daies are afraid to be detected in laughing in their cups, in their jests, scoffes, and gamesome mirth; therefore to avoide such discovery, they have learned 10 forsooth to knit and bend the browes, they can skill iwis, to flatter, and yet looke with a frow­ning face and crabbed countenance, they have the cast to temper with their glavering gloses some rough reprehensions, and chiding checks among: let us not overpasse this point untou­ched, but consider and examine the same likewise. For mine owne part I am of this minde: That as in a Comedie of Menander, there comes in a counterfeit Hercules to play his part up­on the stage with a club on his shoulder, that is (you may bee sure) nothing massie, heavie, stiffe and strong, but some device and gawd, hollow and emptie within, made of browne paper or such like stuffe; Even so, that plaine and free speech which a slatterer useth, will bee found light, soft, and without any strength at all to give a blow: much like (to say truly) unto the soft bed pillowes that women lie on, which seeming full and plumpe to resist and beare out against 20 their heads, yeeld and sinke under the same so much the more: For after the same maner, this counterfeit free speech of theirs puffed up full of winde, or else sluffed with some deceitfull light matter, seemeth to rise up, to swell, and beare out hard & stiffe, to the end that being pres­sed downe once (and both sides as it were comming together) it might receive, enlap and enfold him that chaunceth to fall thereupon, and so carie him away with it. Whereas the true and friendly libertie of speech indeed, taketh hold of those that are delinquent and do offend, bring­ing with it a kinde of paine for the time, which notwithstanding is holsome and healthfull: re­sembling heerein the nature of honie, which being applied to a sore or ulcerous place, at the first doth smart and sting; but it doth clense and mundifie withall, and otherwise is profitable, sweete and pleasant. But as touching this plaine dealing and franke speech, I will write a part of 30 purpose in place convenient. As for the flatterer he maketh shew at the first, that he is rough, violent, and inexorable in all dealings with others. For over his servants he carieth a hard hand, and is not pleased with their service, with his familiars, acquaintance and kinsfolke he is sharpe and eager, ready to finde fault with every thing; he maketh no reckoning nor account of any man but himselfe; he despiseth and disdaineth all the world besides; there is not a man living that he will pardon and forgive; he blameth and accuseth every one; and his whole studie is to is win the name & reputation of a man that hateth vice, & in that regard careth not whom he doth provoke, and whose displeasure he incur: as who, for no good in the world would he hired to hold his [...] , nor willingly forbeare to speake plainly the truth; who with his good will would never speake or do any thing to sooth up and please another: Then will he make semblance as 40 though he neither saw nor tooke knowledge of any great and grosse sinnes indeed: but if per­adventure there be some light and small outward faults, he will make foule a doo thereat, he will keepe a woondring and crying out upon them: then shall you have him in good earnest ex­claime and reproove the delinquent with a loud and sounding voice: As for example, if hee chance to espie the implements or any thing else about the house lie out of order; if a man be not well and neately lodged; if his beard be not of the rightcut, or his haire grow out of fa­shion; if a garment sit not handsomly about him, or if a horse or hound be not so carefully tended as they should be. But say that a man set nought by his parents, neglect his owne chil­dren, misuse his wife, disdaine and despise his kinred, spend and consume his goods; none of all these enormities touch and moove him: Heere he is mute and hath not a word to say; he dared 50 not reprove these abuses: much like as if a Master of the wrestling schoole, who suffreth a wrest­ler that is under his hand to be a drunkard and a whooremonger, should chide and rebuke him sharpely about an oile cruse or curry-combe; or as if a Grammarian should finde fault with his scholar and chide him for his writing tables or his pen, letting him goe away cleere with solaecismes, incongruities and barbarismes, as if he heard them not. Also I can liken flatte­rer to him, who will not blame an ill authour, or ridiculous Rhetorician in any thing as tou­ching his oration it selfe; but rather reprooveth him for his utterance, and sharpely taketh him [Page 98] up for that by drinking of cold water he hath hurt his winde-pipe, and so marred his voice; or to one who being bidden to reade over and peruse a poore seely Epigram or other writing that is nothing woorth, taketh on and fareth against the paper wherein it is written, for being thicke, course or rugged; or against the writer, for negligent, slovenly or impure otherwise. Thus the claw-backs and flatterers about king Ptolomaeus, who would seeme to love good letters, and to be desirous of learning, used ordinarily to draw out their disputations and conferences at length, even to midnight, debating about some glosse or signification of a word, about a verse, or touching some historie: but all the while there was not one among so many of them, that would tell him of his crueltie, of his wrongs and oppressions, ne yet of his [...] Some ex­pound it, bea­ting his sub­jects with [...] , and oppressing thé with [...] exactions. [...] , ta­bouring, and other enormious indignities, under the colour of religion; and seeke to reforme 10 him. Certes a foolish fellow were he, who comming to a man diseased with tumors, swellings, impostumes, or hollow ulcers, called Fistulaes, should with a Chirurgians launcet, or Barbers rasor, fall to cut his haires, or pare his nailes; even so it fareth with these flatterers, who applie their libertie of speech to such things, as neither are in paine, nor yet do any hurt. Moreover, some others there bee of them, who being more cunning and craftie then their fellowes, and use this plainnesse of language and reprehension of theirs, for to please and make sport withall. Thus Agis the Argive, seeing how Alexander the great, gave very great rewards and gifts to a certaine pleasant and odde fellow that was a jester, cried out for verie envie and dolour of heart; O great abuse and monstrous absurditie: The King hearing it, turned a­bout unto him in great displeasure and indignation, demaunding of him what he had to say? 20 I confesse (quoth he) indeed, that I am grieved, and I thinke it a great indignitie, when I see all you that are descended from Iupiter and his sonnes, to take pleasure in flatterers and jesters about you, for to make you merrie. For even so Hercules tooke a delight to have in his com­pany certeine ridiculous Cecropes, and Bacchus had ever in his traine the Silenes. In your court likewise, a man may see such to be in credite and highly esteemed. When Tiberius Caesar the Emperor upon a certeine day was come into the Senate house of Rome, one of the Senators who knew how to flatter, arose and stood up, and with a good loud voice; Meete it is (quoth he) ô Caesar that men free borne, should likewise have the libertie of speech, and speake their minds frankly, without dissimuling or concealing any thing which they know to be good and profitable: with this speech of his, he stirred up the attention of the whole house, so as they gaue 30 good eare unto him, and Tyberius himselfe listened what he would say. Now when all was still and in great silence; Hearken (quoth he) ô Caesar, what it is that we all accuse and blame you for, but no man dare be so bolde as to speake it out: You neglect your selfe, and have no regard of your owne person; you consume and spoile your body with continuall cares and travels for our sake, taking no rest nor repose either day or night. Now when he had drawen out a long traine of words to this purpose, Cassius Severus a Rhetorician, stood up, and by report said thus; Such libertie of speech as this, will be the utter undoing of this man. But these flatteries are of the lighter sort, and doe lesse hurt: there be other more dangerous, which worke the mischiefe and corruption of those who are not wise, and take no heed unto them; namely, when flatterers set in hand to reproove them whom they flatter, for the contrary vices to those that be in them. 40 Thus Himerius the flatterer reproched a certaine rich man of Athens, the veriest pinching miser and the most covetous withall, that was in the whole city, with the imputations of prodi­gality, and negligence about his owne profit and gaine; charging him that one day he would smart for it, and both he and his children be hunger-sterved for want wherwith to susteine them­selves, if he looked no better to his thrift: or when they object miserable niggardise and begge­rie, unto those that are knowen to be prodigall spenders, and consume all. After which maner, Titus Petronius reprooved Nero. Againe, if they come to princes and great lords, who deale cruelly and hardly with their subjects and tenants, saying unto them, That they must lay away this overmuch lenity and foolish pitty of theirs, which neither is seemely for their persons, nor yet profitable for their state. And very like to these, is he who maketh semblance to him who is 50 a very senselesse for and foolish foole, that he stands in great feare and doubt of him, lest hee should be circumvented by him, as if he were some cautelous, crafty and cunning person. He also, that doth rebuke another, who is an ordinary slanderer, who taketh pleasure (upon spight and envie) to be ever railing on all men, and backe-biting them, if hee chance any one time to breake out into the praise of some woorthy and excellent personage, saying in this maner unto him; This is a great fault that you have, and a disease that followeth you, thus to praise men of no woorth: What is he (I pray you) whom you thus commend? what good parts be in him? [Page 99] hath he at any time done any doughty deed, or delivered any singular speech that might deserve such praises? But in amatorious and love matters they passe: there you shall have them most of all to come over those whom they flatter and lay on load; to them they will joine close, and set them on a flaming fire. For if they see brethren at some variance, or setting nought by their pa­rents, or els to deale unkindly with their owne wives, and to set no store by them, or to be jealous and suspicious of them; they never admonish, chastice or rebuke them for it, that they may a­mend; but rather they will kindle more coales betweene, and encrease their anger and discon­tentment on both sides: Nay, it is no great matter (will they say,) it is even well enough; you will never see and know who you are; you are the cause of all this your owne selfe; and selfe do, selfe have; you evermore have borne your selves so pliable, submisse and lowly toward them, 10 that you are but rightly served. But say there be some itching heat of love, or smart anger up­on jealousie, in regard of a courtisan or married wife, whom the party is amourous of; then shal you see a flatterer ready at hand to display his cunning openly, and to speake his minde freely unto him, putting fire to fire and feeding his love; you shall have him to lay the law upon this lover, accusing and entring processe against him in these termes: You have broken the lawes of love; you have done and said many things not so kindly as beseemed a true louer, but rather dealt hardly with your love, and enough to lose her heart, and incurre her hatred for euer;

Vnthankefull person that thou art.
For kisses so many of thy sweet hart.

Thus the flattering friends of Antonius, when he burned in love of the Aegyptian queene 20 Cleopatra, would perswade and make him beleeve, that she it was who was enamoured upon him, and by way of opprobrious imputation they would tell him to his face, that he was proud, dis­dainfull, hard hearted, and void of all kinde affection. This noble queene (would they say) for­saking so mighty and wealthy a kingdome, so many pleasant palaces, and stately houses of bles­sed abode, such meanes and opportunities of happinesse, for the love of you pineth away, and consumeth herselfe, trudging after your campe to and fro, for to doe your Honour content and pleasure with the habit and title of your Concubine,

Whiles you in brest do cary an hart
Which will not be wrought by any art.

neglecting her (good lady) and suffering her to perish for sorow and hearts griefe. Whereup­on 30 he being well enough pleased to heare himselfe thus charged with wrong doing to her, and taking more pleasure in these accusations of theirs, than if they had directly praised him, was so blinde that he could not see how they that seemed thus to admonish him of his duetie, perver­ted and corrupted him thereby so much the more. For this counterfeit liberty of plaine dealing and plaine speech, may be very well likened to the wanton pinches and bitings of luxurious wo­men, who tickle and stirre up the lust and pleasure of men by that which might seeme to cause their paine. For like as pure wine, which otherwise of it selfe is a sure remedy against the poi­son of hemlocke, if a man doe mingle it with the juice of the said hemlocke, doth mightily en­force the poison thereof, and make it irremediable, for that by meanes of the heat it conveieth the same more speedily unto the heart; even so these lewd and mischievous flatterers, knowing 40 full wel that franke speech is a singular helpe and remedy against flattery, abuse it to flatter with­all. And therefore it seemeth that Bias answered not so well as he might have done, to one that asked of him, which was the shrewdest and most hurtfull beast of all other: If (quoth he) your question be of wilde and savage, a Tyrant is worse; if of tame and gentle, a Flatterer. For hee might have said more truely; that of Flatterers some be of a tame kinde, such (I meane) as these parasites are who haunts the baines and stouphes; those also that follow good cheere and keepe about the table. As for him, who (like as the Pourcuttle fish stretcheth out his clawes like bran­ches) reacheth as farre as to the secret chambers and cabinets of women, with his busie inter­medling, with his calumniations and malicious demeanors, such a one is savage, fell, intractable and dangerous to be approched. 50

Now one of the meanes to beware of this flatterie, is to know and remember alwaies, that our soule consisteth of two parts, whereof the one is addicted to the truth, loving honestie and reason; the other more brutish, of the owne nature unreasonable, given to untruth and withall passionate. A true friend assisteth evermore the better part, in giving counsell and com­fort, even as an expert and skilfull Physition, who hath an eie that aimeth alwaies at the mainte­nance and encrease of health: but the flatterer doth apply himselfe, and settleth to that part which is voide of reason and full of passions: this he scratcheth, this he tickleth continually, this [Page 100] he stroketh and handleth in such sort, by devising some vicious and dishonest pleasures, that he withdraweth and turneth it away quite from the rule and guidance of reason. Moreover, as there be some kind of viands, which if a man eate, they neither turne unto blood, not ingender spirits, ne yet adde vigor and strength to the nerves and the marrow; but all the good they do, is haply to cause the flesh or genitall parts to rise, to stirre and loose the belly, or to breed some foggie, fantom and halfe rotten flesh, which is neither fast nor sound within; even so, if a man looke neerely and have good regard unto a flatterer, he shall never finde that all the words he useth, minister or procure one jot of good to him that is wise and governed by reason; but feed fooles with the pleasant delights of love; kindle and augment the fire of inconsiderate anger; provoke them unto envie; breed in them an odious and vaine presumption of their owne wit; increase 10 their sorrow and griefe, with moaning them and lamenting with them for companie; set on worke and exasperate their inbred naughtinesse and lewd disposition; their illiberall minde and covetous nature; their diffidence and distrustfulnesse of others; their base and servile timiditie, making them alwaies worse, and apt to conveive ill; more fearefull, jealous and suspicious, by the meanes of some new accusations, false furmises and conjecturall suggestions, which they be ready to put into their heads. For evermore it getteth closely into some vicious passion and affection of the minde, and there lurketh; the same it nourisheth and feedeth fat, but anon it ap­peereth like a botch, rising estsoones upon the corrupt, diseased or inflamed parts of the soule. Art thou angrie with one? punish him (saith he:) Hast thou a minde to a thing? buy it, and make no more adoe: Art thou never so little afraid? let us flie and be gon: Suspectest thou this 20 or that? beleeve it considently (saith he.) But if peradventure, he can hardly be seene and disco­vered about these passions, for that they be so mightie and violent, that oftentimes they chase and expell all use of reason, he will give some vantage to be sooner taken in others that be not so strong and vehement, where we shall find him alwaies the same and like himselfe. For say, a man do suspect that he hath taken a surfeit, either by over liberall feeding or drinking headie wine, and upon that occasion make some doubt to bathe his bodie, or to eate presently againe and lay gorge upon gorge (as they say:) A true friend wil advice him to forbeare & abstaine; he will admonish him to take heed to himselfe and looke to his health: In comes a flatterer, and he will draw him to the baine in all haste; he will bid him to call for some noveltie or other to be set upon the boord, willing him to fall fresh to it againe, and not to punish his body and do him­selfe 30 injurie, by fasting and refusing his meate and drinke: Also if he see him not disposed to take a journey by land or voyage by sea, or to go about any enterprise whatsoever it be, slowly and with an ill will, he will say unto him; either that there is no such great need, or the time is not so convenient, but it may be put off to a farther daie, or it will serve the turne well enough to send others about it. Now if it fall out so, that he having made promise to some familiar friend, either to lend or let him have the use of some money, or to give him it freely, do change his minde and repent of his promise; but yet be some what abashed and ashamed thus to breake his word; the flatterer by and by will put himselfe to the worse and lighter end of the ballance, and make it weigh downe on the purse side, soone excluding and cutting off all shame for the matter: What man! (will he say) Spare your purse and save your silver: you are at a great 40 charge; you keepe a great house, and have many about you which must be maintained and have sufficient; in such sort, that if we be not altogether ignorant of our selves, and wilfully blinde, not seeing that we be covetous, shamelesse, timorous and base minded, we cannot choose but start and finde out a flatterer; neither is it possible that he should escape us. For surely he will evermore defend and maintaine these imperfections, and frankly will he speake his minde in favour there of, if he perceive us to over passe our selves therein. But thus much may suffice as touching these matters.

Let us come now to the uses and services that a flattere is employed in: For in such offices he doth confound, trouble, and darken much the difference betweene him and a true friend; shewing himselfe in apparence, alwaies diligent, ready and prompt in all occurrences, without 50 seeking any colourable pretenses of shifting off, and a refusing to do any thin As for a faith­full friend, his whole carriage and behaviour is simple, like as be the words of truth, as faith Eury­pides, without welts and gards, plaine without plaits, and nothing counterfeit: whereas the con­ditions of a flatterer to say a truth,

By nature are diseased much,
And medicines needfull are for such,

not only with wisdome to be ministred and applied, but also many in number, and those (I assure [Page 101] you) of a more exquisite making and composition than any other. And verily as friends many times when they meet one another in the street, passe by without good-morrow or god speed, or any word at all betweene them; onely by some light some looke, cheerefull smile, or amiable regard of the eie reciprocally given and taken, without any other token els, there is testified the good-will and mutuall affection of the heart within: whereas the flatterer runneth toward his friend to meet him, followeth apace at his heeles, spreadeth foorth both his armes abroad, and that afarre off, to embrace him: and if it chance that he be saluted and spoken to first, because the other had an eie on him before, he will with brave words excuse himselfe, yea, and many times call for witnesses, and bind it with great oathes good store, that he saw him not. Even so likewise in their affaires and negociations abroad in the world, friends omit and overslip many small and 10 light things, not searching narrowly into matters, not offering or expecting againe any exqui­quisit service; nothing curious and busie in ech thing, ne yet putting themselves forward to eve­rie kinde of ministerie: but the flatterer is herein double diligent, he will be continually emploi­ed and never rest, without seeming at any time to be weary, no place, no space nor opportunity will he give the other to do any service; he looketh to be called unto and commanded; and if he be not bidden, he will take it ill and be displeased; nay you shall have him then out of heart and discouraged, complaining of his ill fortune, and protesting before God and man, as if he had some great wrong done unto him. These be evident marks and undoubted arguments to such as have wit and understanding, not of a friendship sound, sober & honest, but rather smelling of wanton and whorish love, which is more ready to embrace and clip, than is decent and seemely. 20 Howbeit, to examine the same more particularly, let us consider what difference there is be­tweene a flatterer ahd a friend, as touching the offers and promises that they make. They who have written of this theame before us, say very well, that a friends promise goeth in this forme,

If that I can, or if it may be done,
Fulfill I will your minde, and that right soone.

but the offer of a flatterer runneth in this maner,

What would you have? say but the word to me,
Without all doubt, effected it shall be.

For such franke promisers and braggers as these, the Poets also use to bring unto the Stage in their Comedies, after this sort; 30

Now of all loves, Nicomachus, this I crave,
Set me against this souldier here so brave,
I will so swinge his coat, you shall it see,
That like a pompion his flesh shall tender be:
His face, his head I shall much softer make,
Than is the spunge that growes in sea or lake.

Moreover, you shall not see a friend offer his helping hand or aide in any action, unlesse he were called before to counsell, and his opinion asked of the enterprise, or that he have approo­ved and set downe the same upon good advisement, to be either honest or profitable: where­as the flatterer, if a man should do him so much credit, as to require his consent and approbati­on, 40 or otherwise request him to deliver his opinion of the thing, he, not onely upon a desire to yeeld unto others and to gratifie them; but also for feare to give any suspition that he would seeme to draw backe and avoid to set his hand to any worke or businesse whatsoever, is rea­die with the formost to applie himselfe to the appetite and inclination of another, yea and withall, pricketh and inciteth him forward to enter upon it. And yet lightly you shall find even of rich men and kings, but few or none who can or will come forth with these words;

Would God some one that needy is and poore,
Yea, woorse than be that begs from doore to doore,
Would come to me (so that he were my friend)
Without all feare, and speake to me his mind. 50

But now adaies it is farre otherwise; for they are much like unto composers of Tragedies, who will be provided of a quire or dance of their friends to sing with them, or desire to have a Thea­tre of purpose to give applause and clap their hands unto them. And verily whereas Merope in a certaine Tragedie giveth these sage and wise advertisements;

Take those for friends, I reed, and holde them so,
Whose speech is sound, and waves not to and fro:
But those that please thy minde in word and deed,
[Page 102] Count lewd, and such locke forth of doore with speed.

Our Potentates and Grand Seigneurs doe cleane contrary; for such as will not follow their hu­mors, and soothe them up at every word, but gain-say their courses, in making remonstrance of that which is more profitable and expedient; such they disdaine and will not vouchsafe them a good looke. But for those wicked wretches, base minded varlets, and coosening impostors, who can curry favor, they not onely set their doores wide open for such, and receive them into their houses, but they admit them also to conferences with their inward affections and the very se­crets of their heart. Among whom you shall have one more plaine perhaps and simple than the rest, who will say, that it is not for him, neither is he woorthy to deliberate and consult of so great affaires; mary he could be content, and would take upon him, to be a poore servitour and 10 minister, to execute whatsoever were concluded and enjoined him to doe: another more craftie and cunning than his fellowes, is willing enough to be used in counsell, where he will heare all doubts and perils that be cast; his eie-browes shall speake if they will, his head and eies shall nod and make signes, but his tongue shall not speake a word: Say that the partie whom he mindeth to flatter, do utter his minde and what he thinketh good to do: then will he crie out aloud and say, By Hercules I sweare, it was at my tongues end to have said as much, had you not prevented me and taken the word out of my mouth, I would have given you the verie same counsell. For like as the Mathematicians do affirme, that the superficial and outward extremities, the limmes also of the Mathematicall bodies, doe of themselves and in their owne nature, neither bend nor stretch, ne yet moove at all: for that they be intellectuall onely or imaginarie, and not corporal, 20 but according as the bodies do bow, reach or stirre, so do they; so you shall ever finde that a flat­terer, will pronounce, opine, thinke and be mooved to anger, according as he seeth another be­fore him. And therefore in this kind, most easie it is to observe the difference between a flatte­rer and a friend. But yet more evident you shall see it in the manner of doing service. For the offices and kindnesses which come from a friend, are ever best, and (as living creatures) have their most proper vertues inwardly, carrying least in shew, and having no outward ostentation of glorious pompe. And as it falleth out many times a Physitian cureth his patient, and saieth little or nothing at all unto him, but doth the deed ere he be aware; even so, a good friend whe­ther he be present or departed from his friend, doth him good still, and taketh care for him when he ful little knoweth of it. Such a one was Arcesilaus the Philosopher, who beside many o­ther 30 other kind parts which he shewed unto his friend Apelles, the painter of Chios, comming one day to visite him when he was sicke, & perceiving how poore he was, went his way for that time: and when he returned againe, brought twentie good drachmes with him: and then sitting close un­to Apelles by his beds side: Here is nothing here (quoth he) I see well, but these foure bare Ele­ments that Empedocles writeth of,

Hot Fire, cold Water, sheere and soft:
Grosse Earth, pure Aire that spreads aloft.

But me thinkes you lie not at your ease; and with that he remooved the pillow or bolster under his head, and so conveighed underneath it privily, the small pieces of coine aforesaid. The old woman his nourse and keeper, when she made the bed, found this money: whereat she marvel­led 40 not a little, and told Apelles thereof, who laughing thereat: This is (quoth he) one of Arce­silaus his theevish casts. And for that it is a Maxime in Philosophie, that children are bome like their parents, one Lacydes a schollar of Arcesilaus aforesaid, being assistant with many others to a friend of his named Cephisocrates, when he came to his triall in a case of treason against the State: in pleading of which cause, the accuser his adversarie called for Cephisocrates his ring, a pregnant evidence that made against him, which he had cleanly slipped from his finger & let it fall to the ground; whereof the said Lacydes being advised, set his foote presently over it, and so kept it out of sight: for that the maine proofe of the matter in question lay upon that ring. Now after sentence passed on Cephisocrates his side, and that he was cleerely acquit of the crime, he went privately to everie one of the judges for to give them thanks: One of them who (as it 50 should seeme) had seene what was done, willed him to thanke Lacydes: and with that told how the case stood, and how it went with him as it did: but all this while Lacydes himselfe had not said a word to any creature. Thus I thinke verily, that the gods themselves doe bestow many benefits and favours upon men secretly, and whereof they be not aware; being of this nature to take joy and pleasure in bountifulnesse and doing good. Contrariwise, the office that a flatterer seemeth to performe, hath nothing in it that is just, nothing true, nothing simple, nothing libe­rall: onely you shall see him sweat at it; you shall have him runne up and downe; keepe a loude [Page 103] crying & a great ado, and set his countenance upon the matter, so as that he maketh right good semblance & shew that he doth especiall service, taketh much care & paines about his busines: & maketh hast to dispatch it: and much like are all his doings to a curious picture, which with strange colours, with broken plaits, wrinkles and angles, affecteth and striveth (as it were) to shew some lively resemblance. Moreover, much ado he maketh, & is troublesome in telling how he went to and fro, wandring here and there about the matter; also what a deale of care he tooke therein; how he incurred the evill wil & displeasure of others; and a thousand hinderances, trou­bles & dangers, as besides he reckoneth up; insomuch as a man that heareth, would say; All that ever he did was not worth so much as the twittle twattle that he maketh. For surely a good turne that is upbraided in that wise, becōmeth burthensome, odious, & not thankfully accepted, but in­tollerable. 10 In all the offices & services of a flatterer, you shall find these upbraidings and shame­full reports, that would make one blush to heare them, and those not onely after the deed done, but at the verie instant when he is about it. But in steed hereof, a true friend, if it fall out so, that he be forced and urged to relate what is done, maketh a plaine report and narration in modest manner; but of himselfe he will neuer say word. After which sort did the Lacedaemonians in times past, when they had sent corne unto the Smyrnaeans, which, in their extreme necessitie they craved at their hands: For at what time as the men of Smyrna magnified, and wonderfully extolled this liberalitie of theirs, they returned this answere againe: This is not so great a mat­ter that it should deserve so highly to be praised or wondered at: for (say they) gathered we have thus much, and made this supply of your necessities, onely by cutting our selves and our labou­ring 20 beasts short of one daies pittance and allowance. Bountie in this wise performed, is not onely gentleman-like and liberall indeed, but also more welcome and acceptable to the recei­vers; in as much as they thinke it was no great damage, nor much out of their way that did it. Furthermore, not onely this odious fashion of doing any service with such paine and trouble, or the readinesse to make offer and promise so quickly, doth principally bewray the nature of a flatterer: but herein also much more he may be discovered: for that a friend is willingly em­ployed in honest causes: but a flatterer in shameful and dishonest: as also in the divers ends that they purpose; for the one seeketh to profit his friend, the other to please onely a friend; as Gor­gtas was woont to say, will never require that his friend should do him a pleasure, but in just things onely: whiles a flatterer serveth his turne in many things that are unjust: For why? 30

To do good deeds friends should be joint,
But not to sinne in any point.

whereas he should endevour to avert and withdraw him from that which is not decent, or seem­ly: Now if it happen that the other will not be perswaded by him, then were it not amisse to say unto him, as Antipater once answered Phocion; You cannot have me to be a friend and flatte­rer too (that is to say) a friend, and no friend. For one friend is to stand to another, and to assist him in doing, and not in misdoing, in consulting, and not in complotting and conspiring, in bearing witnesse with him of the truth, and not in circumventing any one by falshood, yea and to take part with him in suffring calamitie, and not to beare him company in doing injurie: For say that we may chance to be privie unto some shamefull and reprochfull deeds of our friend; 40 yet we ought not to be partie unto them therein, nor willing to aide them in any undecent acti­on. For like as the Lacedaemonians being defaited in battell by king Antipater, and treating with him about the capitulations and articles of peace, made request unto him, That he would impose upon them what conditions he would himselfe, were they never so chargeable and dis­advantageous unto them, but in no wise enjoine them to do any shamefull indignitie; even so a faithfull friend ought to be so disposed, that if his friends occasions do require any matter of expence, danger, or travaile, he shew himselfe at the first call and holding up of his finger, rea­dy to come, and cheerefully to take his part and undergo the same, without any shifting off, or allegation of any excuse whatsover: mary, if there be never so little shame or dishonor that may accrew thereby, he shall then refuse and pray him to hold him excused; he shall request pardon 50 and desire to have leave for to be dismissed and depart in peace. The flatterer is quite contrary: for in painfull, difficult and dangerous affaires, which require his helpe and assistance, he draw­eth backe, and is ready to plucke his necke out of the collar: if (I say) in this case you seeme for triall sake to knocke (as it were upon a pot) to see whether he be right, he will not ring cleere; but you shall see by the dead sound of his pretended and forged excuses, that he is full of cracks and flawes: contrariwise, in dishonest, vile, base and shamefull ministeries, I am for you (will he say) I am yours to command; doe with me what you will, tread me under your foot, abuse me at [Page 104] your pleasure: to be short, he will thinke nothing to be an ignominious indignity unto him. See you not the ape? good he is not to keepe the house and to give warning of thieues, as dogs do; cary upon his backe any burdens he can not, like the horse; neither yet is he fit to draw or to plough the ground, as the oxedoth; and therefore he beareth all kinde of abuse and misusing, all wrongs, all unhappy sports and trickes that can be devised, serving onely as an instrument of mockerie, and a meere laughing stocke. Even so it fareth with a flatterer, being not meet to plead at the barre for a friend, to assist him in counsell, to lay his hand to his purse and supply his wants that way, nor to fight as his champion in maintenance of his quarrell, as one that can a­way with no labour, no paines taking, or serious emploiment; and in one word, fit for nothing, that good is: mary in such affaires as may be done under the arme, that is to say, which be close 10 secret and filthy services, he is the forwardest man in the world, and maketh no excuses. A tru­stie currier he is betweene, in love matters, in finding favour with a bawd and bringing a wench or harlot to your bedde, he excellent, and hath a marvellous gift; to make the shot, and cleere the recknoning of any sumptuous feast or banket hee is ready and perfect; in providing for great dinner or supper, and setting the same foorth accordingly, he is nothing slow, but nimble enough. To give enterteinment unto concubines he is very handsome, obsequious and serviceable; if one bid him to speake audaciously and malapertly against a father in law, a guardian, tutour, or any such, or to put away his true espoused wife, like as he seeth his good master do before him, he is without all shame & mercy: so that even heerein also it is no hard matter to see what kinde of man he is, and how much he differeth from a true friend: For com­maund 20 him to commit what villanie and wickednesse you will, ready he is to execute the same, and so he may gratifie and pleasure you that set him on worke, he careth not to do any injurie to himselfe.

There is moreover another meanes not of the least consequence, whereby a man may know how much a flatterer differeth from a friend indeed, namely, by his disposition and beha­viour towards his other friends: for a true friend findeth contentment in nothing so much as to love many, and likewise to be loved of many; and herein he laboureth especially with his friend to procure himselfe many others to love and honor him: for being of this opinion, that among good friends all things are common, he thinketh that nothing ought to be more com­mon than friends themselves. But the supposed, false and counterfeit friend, being privie to his 30 owne conscience, that he doth great injurie to true amitie and friendship, which he doth cor­rupt in manner of a base piece of money: as he is by nature envious, so he exerciseth that envie of his, upon such as be like himselfe, striving with a kinde of emulation to surpasse them in scur­rile speech, giving of taunts and garrulitie, but before such as he knoweth better than himselfe, he trembleth and is afraid, and in truth dare not come neere nor shew his face to such an one, no more (I assure you) than a footman to go and keepe pace (according to the Proverb) with a Lydian chariot, or rather (as Simonides saith,

Laid to fine gold tried cleane from drosse,
He hath not so much as lead so grosse.

Being compared with true, sound and grave friendship, which (as they say) will endure the ham­mer, 40 he cannot choose but finde himselfe to be but light, falsified and deceitfull: seeing then that he must needs be detected and knowen, for such an one as he is, what doth he thinkey you? Surely he plaieth like an unskilfull painter, who had painted certaine cockes, but verie badly: For like as he gave commandement to his boy for to keepe away naturall and living cockes in deed, farre ynough off from his pictures; so a flatterer will doe what he can to chase away true friends, and not suffer them to approch neere; or if he be not able so to do, than openly and in publike place, he will seeme to currie favour with them, to honor and admire them, as farre bet­ter than himselfe: but secretly, underhand, and behinde their backs, he will not let to raise some privie calumniations, & sowe slanderous reports tending to their discredit: but if he see that by such privie girds and pinches which will fret and gall the sore, he cannot at the first bring his 50 purpose about: yet hee remembreth full well and observeth the saying of Medius. This Medius was the chiefe captaine of the troupe, or the master rather of the quire (if I may so say) of all those flatterers that used the court of king Alexander the great, & came about his per­son; the principall Sophister also that opposed himselfe and banded against all good men, and never rested to stander and backbite them: This rule and lesson he taught his scholars and qui­risters that were under his hand, To cast out standers boldly, and not to spare, terewith to bite others: For (quoth he) although the sore may heale up againe, yet the scarre will remaine [Page 105] and be ever seene. By these cicatrices and scarres of false imputations, or (to speake more pro­perly and truly) by such gangrenes and cankerous ulcers as these, Alexander the king being corroded and eaten, did to death Calisthenes, Parmenion, and Philotas, his fast & faithfull friends: but to such as Agnon, Bagoas, Agesias and Demetrius were, he abandoned and gave himselfe. wholy to be supplanted and overthrowen at their pleasure, whiles he was by them adored, ador­ned, arraied gorgeously with rich robes, and set out like a Barbarian image, statue or idoll. Loe what is the force and power of flatterie to win grace and favor; and namely in those, who would be reputed the mightiest monarches and greatest potentates of the world, it beareth most sway: For such are perswaded, and desirous also, that the best things should be in themselves; and this is it, that giveth both credite and also boldnesse unto a flatterer. True it is I must confesse, that 10 the highest places and forts situate upon the loftiest mounts, are least accessible and most hard to be gained by those who would surprise and force them; but where there is an high spirit and haughtie minde by nature, not guided by the same judgement of reason, but lifted up with the favors of fortune, or nobilitie of birth, it is the easiest matter in the world even for most base and vile persons to conquer such, and the avennes to them lie ready and open, to give the van­tage of easiest entrance. And therefore as in the beginning of this Treatise I gave warning; so now I admonish the Readers againe in this place; That every man would labour and strive with himselfe to roote out that selfe love and overweening that they have of their owne good parts and woorthinesse: For this is it that doth flatter us within, and possesseth our minds before hand, whereby we are exposed and lie more open unto flatterers that are without, sinding us 20 thus prepared already for to worke upon. But if we would obey the god Apollo, and by acknow­ledging how much in all things we ought to esteeme that oracle of his, which commandoth us To know our selves, search into our owne nature, and examine withall our nouriture and edu­cation: when we finde there an infinire number of defects, and many vanities, imperfections and faults, mixed untowardly in our words, deeds, thoughts and passions, we would not so easily suffer these flatterers to tread us under their feete, and make a bridge of us as they do at their pleasure. King Alexander the great was woont to say, that two things there were especially which mooved him to have lesse beleefe in them, who saluted and greeted him by the name of a God: The one was Sleepe, & the other the use of Venus: in both which he found that he was worse than himselfe, that is to say, subject to infirmities and passions more than in any thing els: 30

But if we would looke into our selves and ever and anon consider, how many grosse vices, trou­blesome passions, imperfections and defects we have, surely we shall finde that we stood in great neede, not of a false friend to flatter us in our follies, and to praise and extoll us; but ra­ther of one that would frankely finde fault with our doings, and reproove us in those vices that ech one privately and in particular doth commir. But very few there be among many others, who dare freely and plainely speake unto their friends, but rather sooth them up and seeke to please them in every thing: And even in those, as few as they be, hardly shall you find any that know how to do it well, but for the most part they thinke that they speake freely, when they do nothing but reproove, reproch and raile. Howbeit, this libertie of speech where of I speake, is of the nature of a medicine, which if it be not given in time convenient and as it ought to be, 40 besides, that it doth no good at all, it troubleth the body, worketh greevance, and in stead of a remedie prooveth to be a mischiefe: For even so, he that doth reprehend and find fault unsea­sonably, bringeth foorth the like effect with paine, as flatterer doth with pleasure. For men are apt to receive hurt and damage, not onely by overmuch praise; but also by inordinate blame when it is out of due time: for it is the onely thing that of all others maketh them soonest to turne side unto flatterers, and to be most easily surprised by them; namely, when from those things that stand most opposite and highest against them, they turne aside like water, and run downe those waies that be more low, easie, and hollow. In which regardit behooveth that this libertie in fault finding, be tempered with a cettaine amiable affection, and accompanied with the judgement of reason, which may take away the excessive vehemencie and force of sharpe 50 words, like the over-bright shining of some glittering light, & for feare lest their friends being dazeled as it were and frighted with the flashing beames of their rebukes, seeing themselves so reprooved for ech thing, and blamed every while, may take such a griefe and thought thereup­on, that for sorrow they be ready to flie unto the shadow of some flatterer, and turne toward that which will not trouble them at all. For we must avoid all vice, (ô Philopappus) and seeke to cor­rect the same by the meanes of vertue (& not by another vice contrary unto it) as some do; who for to shun foolish and rusticall bashfulnesse, grow to be overbold and impudent; for to eschew [Page 106] rude incivilitie, fall to be ridiculous jesters and pleasants; and then they thinke to be farthest off from cowardise and effeminate tendernesse, when they come neerest to extreme audacitie and boasting braverie. Others there be, who to proove themselves not to be superstitious, become meere Atheists; and because they would not be though and reputed idiots and fooles, proove artificiall conny-catchers. And surely in redressing the enormities of their maners, they do as much as those, who for want of knowledge and skill to set a peece of wood streight that twineth and lieth crooked one way, do curbe and bend it as much another way. But the most shamefull means to avoid & shun the suspicion of a flatterer, is to make a mans selfe odious & troublesom without profit; and a very rude and rusticall fashion this is, of seeking to win favor, and that with favour of no learning, skill, and civilitie, to become unpleasant, harsh, and sowre to a friend, for 10 to shunne that other extreame, which in friendship seemeth to be base and servile; which is as much, as if a freed slave newly franchised, should in a Comedie thinke that he could not use and enjoy his libertie of speech, unlesse he might be allowed licenciously to accuse another without controlment. Considering then, that it is a foule thing to fall to flatterie, in studying to please, as also for the avoiding of flatterie, by immoderate libertie of speech, to corrupt and marre, as­well the grace of amitie and winning love, as the care of remedying and reforming that which is amisse: and seeing that we ought to avoid both the one and the other: and as in all things else, so free speaking, is to have the perfection from a meane and mediocritie; reason would, and by order it were requisit, that toward the end of this Treatise, we should adde somewhat in maner of a corollarie and complement, as touching that point. 20

Forasmuch as therefore we see that this libertie of language and reprehension hath many vi­ces following it, which doe much hurt: let us assay to take them away one after another, and be­gin first with blinde selfe-love and private regards: where we ought especially to take heed that we be not seene to do any thing for our owne interest, and in respect of our selves; and namely, that we seeme not, for wrong that we have received our selves, or upon any griefe of our owne, to reproch, upbraid, or revile other men: for they will never take it as done for any love or good will that we beare unto them, but rather upon some discontentment and heart-burning that we have, when they see that our speech tendeth unto a matter wherein we are interessed our selves; neither will they repute our words spoken by way of admonition unto them, but rather inter­pret them as a complaint of them. For surely the libertie of speech whereof we treat, as it respe­cteth 30 the welfare of our friend, so it is grave and venerable; whereas complaints savour rather of selfe-love and a base minde. Hereupon it is that we reverence, honour and admire those who for our good deliver their minds frankly unto us: contrariwise, we are so bolde as to accuse, cha­lenge and charge reciprocally, yea, and contemne those that make complaints of us. Thus we reade in Homer, That Agamemnon, who could not beare and endure Achilles, when he seemed to tell him his minde after a moderate maner; but he was well enough content to abide and suffer Ulysses, who touched him neere, and bitterly rebuked him in this wise:

Ah wretch, would God some abject hoast beside us, by your hand
Conducted were; so that in field 40 you did not us command.

As sharpe a checke as this was, yet being delivered by a wise man, proceeding from a carefull minde, and tendering the good of the common weale, he gave place thereto, and kicked not a­gaine: for this Ulysses had no private matter, nor particular quarell against him, but spake frankly for the benefit of all Greece: whereas Achilles seemed to be offended and displeased with him principally, for some private matter betwene them twaine. And even Achilles also himselfe, although he was never knowen for to be a man of a gentle nature and of a milde spirit,

But rather of a stomacke full, and one who would accuse
A guiltlesse person for no cause, 50 and him full soone abuse.

endured Patroclus patiently, and gave him not a word againe, notwithstanding he taunted and tooke him up in this wise:

Thou mercilesse and cruell wretch, sir Peleus valiant knight
Was never (sure) thy father true,
[...] yet dame Thetis bright
[Page 107] Thy mother kinde: but sea so greene, or rocks so steepe and hard
Thee bare, (thy heart of pittie hath so small or no regard.)

For like as Hyperides the Oratour required the Athenians (who complained that his orations were bitter) to consider of him, not onely whether he were sharpe & eager simply, but whether he were so upon no cause, nor taking any fee; even so, the admonition and reprehension of a friend, being syncere and cleansed pure from all priuate affection, ought to be reverenced: it ca­rieth (I say) authoritie with it, and no exceptions can well be taken, nor a man dare lift up an eie against it: in such sort, as if it appeare that he who chideth freely, and blameth his friend, doeth 10 let passe and reject all those faults which hee hath committed against him, and maketh no men­tion therof, but toucheth those errours & misdemeanors only which concerne others, and they spare him not, but pierce & bite to the quicke: the vehemency of such free speech is invincible, and can not be challenged, for the mildnes & good will of the chastiser, doth fortifie the austeri­tie & bitternes of the chastisement. Well therefore it was said in old time; That whensoever we are angry, or at some jarre & variance with our friends, then most of all we ought to have an eie unto their good, and to study how to do somewhat that is either profitable unto them, or hono­rable for them. And no lesse materiall is this also to the maintenance of friendship, if they that thinke themselves to be despised and not well regarded of their friends, do put them in mind, and tell them frankly of others, who are neglected by them, and not accounted of as they should 20 be. Thus dealt Plato with Denys, at what time he was in disgrace, and saw how he made no rec­koning at all of him: For he came unto the Tyrant upon a time, and requested that he might have a day of audience and leave to conferre with him: Denys graunted his request, supposing verily that Plato had a purpose to complaine and expostulat with him in his owne behalfe, and thereupon to discourse with him at large: But Plato reasoned and debated the matter with him in this manner: Sir (quoth he) ô Denys, if you were advertised and knew that some enemie or evill willer of yours were arrived and landed in Sicilie, with a full intention to do you some dis­pleasure, although he had no opportunitie or meanes to execute and effect the same, would you let him faile away againe & depart from Sicily, with impunity, and before he were talked withall? I tro not ô Plato (quoth Denys) but I would looke to him well enough for that: For we ought to 30 hate & punish not the actions onely, but the verie purposes and intentions also of enemies. But how and if (quoth Plato againe) on the contrarie side; some other being expressely and of pur­pose come for meere love and affection that he beareth unto you, and fully minded to doe you some pleasure, or to advice you for your good, you will give him neither time nor opportunitie therfore; is it meet (think you) that he should be thus unthankfully dealt withal, or hardly entrea­ted at your hands? With that Dionysius was somewhat mooved, and demanded who that might be? Aeschines (quoth Plato) is he, a man faire conditioned, and of as honest carriage and behavi­our, as any one that ever came out of Socrates schoole, or daily and familiarly conversed with him; sufficient and able by his eloquence and pithie speech to reforme the maners of those with whom he keepeth companie: This Aeschines (I say) having taken a long voyage over 40 sea and arrived here, intending for to conferre with you philosophically is nothing regarded, nor set by at all. These words touched Denys so to the verie quicke, that presently he not onely tooke Plato in his armes, embracing him most lovingly, and yeelding him great thankes for that kindnesse, & highly admiring his magnanimity; but also from that time forward, entreated Aeschines right courteously, and did him all the honor that he could.

Secondly, this libertie of speech which now is in hand, we ought to cleere and purge cleane from all contumelious and injurious words, from laughter, scoffes, and scurrile taunts, which are the hurtfull and unholesome sauces (as I may say) wherewith many use to season their free language. For like as a Chirurgian, when he maketh incision and cutteth the flesh of his pati­ent, had need to use great dexteritie, to have a nimble hand and an even; yea and every thing 50 neat and fine belonging to this worke and operation of his: as for all dauncing, gesticulations besides of his singers, toyish motions, and superfluous agitation thereof, to shew the agilitie of his hand, he is to forbeare for that time: So this libertie of speech unto a friend, doth admit well a certaine kind of elegancie and civilitie, provided, alwaies that the grace thereof retaine still a decent and comely gravitie, whereas if it chaunce to have audacious braverie, sancie impuritie, and insolencie, to the hurt or hinderance of credit, it is utterly marred and looseth all authoritie. And therefore it was not an unproper and unelegant speech, wherewith a musitian upon a time [Page 108] stopped King Philips mouth that he had not a word to say againe: For when he was about to have disputed and contested against the saide minstrell, as touching good fingering, and the sound of the severall strings of his instrument: Oh sir (quoth he) God forbid that ever you should fall to so low an estate, as to be more cunning in these matters than I. But contrariwise Epicharmus spake not so aptly and to the purpose in this behalfe: For when King Hiero who a little before had put to death some of his familiar acquaintance, invited him not many daies after to supper. Yea marie sir, but the other day when you sacrificed, you bad not your friends to the feast. And as badly answered Antiphon, who upon a time when there was some question before Denys the Tyrant, what was the best kinde of brasse: Marie that (quoth he) whereof the Athenians made the Statutes of Harmodius and Aristogiton. Such speeches as these, are tart, 10 and biting, and no good can come thereof, neither hath that scurrilite and scoffing manner any delight, but a kinde of intemperance it is of the toong, mingled with a certaine maliciousnes of minde, implying a will to do hurt and injurie, and shewing plaine enmitie, which as many as use, worke their owne mischiefe and destruction, dauncing (as the Proverb saith) a daunce unto­wardly about a pits brinke, or jesting with edged tooles. For surely it cost Antiphon his life, who was put to death by the said Denys. And Timagenes lost for ever the favour and friend­ship of Augustus Caesar, not for any franke speech and broad language that ever he used against him: but onely because he had taken up a foolish fashion at everie feast or banket, whereunto the Emperor invited him, and whensoever he walked with him, eftsoones and to no purpose he would come out with these verses in Homer, 20

For naught else but to make some sport
Among the Greekes he did resort.

pretending that the cause of that favour which he had with the Emperor, was the grace and gift that he had in flouting and reviling others: and even the verie comicall Poëts in old time, exhi­bited and represented to the Theaters, many grave, austere and serious remonstrances, and those pertaining to policy & goverment of State: but there be scurrile speeches intermingled among, for to moove laughter, which (as one unsavorie dish of meate among many other good viands) marre all their libertie of speech and the benefit thereof; so as it is vaine and doth no good at all: And even so the Authors and Actors of such broad jests get nothing thereby, but an opi­nion and imputation of a malicious disposition and impure scurrilitie: and to the hearers there 30 accreweth no good nor profit at all. At other times and in other places, I hold well with it, and grant, that to jest with friends and moove laughter is tolerable enough: but surely the libertie of speech then, ought to be serious and modest, shewing a good intention without any purpose to gall or sting. And if it do concerne weightie affaires indeed, let the words be so set and couched, the affection so appeere, the countenance be so composed, and the gesture so ordred, and the voice so tuned, that all concurring together may win credite to the speech, and be effectuall to moove. But as in all things els, fit opportunity overslipt and neglected doth much hurt; so especially it is the occasion that the fruit of free speech is utterly lost, in case it be omitted and forgotten. Moreover this is evident, that we must take heed how we speake broad at a table where friends be met together to drinke wine liberally and to make good cheere: for he that 40 amid pleasant discourses and mery talke mooveth a speech that causeth bending and knitting of browes, or others, maketh men to frowne and be frowning, he doth as much as overcast faire weather with a blacke and darke cloud; opposing himselfe unto that God Some read Lydius. Lyaeus, who by good right hath that name, as Pindarus the Poet saith,

For that the cord he doth untie
Of cares that breed anxietie.

Besides, this neglect of opportunitie bringeth with it great danger; for that our minds and spi­rits, kindled once with wine, are easie enflamed with cholar; yea and oftentimes it falleth out, that a man after he hath taken his drinke well, when he thinketh but to use his freedome of tongue for to give some wholesome advertisement and admonition, ministreth occasion of 50 great enmitie. And to say all in few words, it is not the part of a generous, confident, and reso­lute heart, but rather of a craven kind and unmanly, to forbeare plaine speech when men are sober, and to keepe a barking at the boord, like unto those cowardly cur dogs who never snarle but about a bone under the table. And now of this point, needlesse it is to discourse any longer.

But forasmuch as many men neither will nor dare controll and reforme their friends when they do amisse, so long as they be in prosperitie; as being of opinion that such admonition can not have accesse nor reach into a fortunate state that standeth upright; and yet the same per­sous [Page 109] when men are falling, are ready to lay them along, and being once downe, to make a foot­ball of them, or tread them under feet, or else keepe them so when they be once under the hat­ches, giving their libertie of speech full scope to run over them all at once; as a brooke-water which having beene kept up perforce against the nature and course thereof, is now let go, and the floud-gates drawen up; rejoicing at his change and infortunitie of theirs, in regard as well of their pride and arrogancie, who before disdained and despised them; as also of themselves, who are but in meane and lowestate: it were not impertinent to this place for to discourse a little of this matter, and to answere that verse of Euripides,

When fortune doth upon men smile,
What need have they of friends the while? 10

Namely, that even then when as they seeme to have fortune at commaund, they stand in most necessitie, and ought to have their friends about them, to plucke downe their plumes and bring under their haughtinesse of heart, occasioned by prosperitie: for few there be who with their outward felicitie continue wise and sober in mind, breaking not foorth into insolence; yea & many there are who have need of wit, discretion and reason to be put into them from without, to abate and depresse them being set a gog and puffed up with the favors of fortune: But say, that the Divine power do change and turne about, and overthrow their state, or clip their wings and diminish their greatnesse and authoritie, then these calamities of themselves are scourges sufficient, putting them in minde of their errors, and working repentance: and then in such di­stresse there is no use at all either of friendsto speake unto them frankly, or of pinching and bi­ting 20 speeches, to molest, and trouble them, but to say a truth, in these mutations

It greatly doth content our minds
To see the face of pleasant friends.

who may yeeld consolation, comfort and strength to a distressed heart, like as Xenophon doth write, that in battailes and the greatest extremities of danger, the amiable visage and cheerefull countenance of Clearchus being once seene of the souldiors, encouraged them much more to play the men and fight lustily: whereas he that useth unto a man distressed, such plaine speech as may gall and bite him more, doth as much as one who unto a troubled and inflamed eie ap­plieth some quicke eie-salve or sharpe drug that is proper for to cleere the sight: by which meane he cureth not the infirmitie before said, neither doth he mitigate or alay the paine, but 30 unto sorrow and griefe of minde already addeth anger moreover, and doth exasperate a woun­ded heart. And verily so long as a man is in the latitude of health, he is not so testie, froward, and impatient, but that he will in some sort give eare unto his friend, and thinke him neither rough nor altogether rude and uncivill, in case he tell him of his loosenesse of life, how he is gi­ven too much either unto women or wine; or if he finde fault with his idlenesse and sitting still, or contrariwise his excessive exercise; if he reproove him for haunting so often the baines or hot-houses, and never lying out of them, or blame him for gourmandise and belly cheere, or eating at undue houres. But if he be once sicke, then it is a death unto him and a griefe insup­portable, which doth aggravate his maladie, to have one at his bedside sounding ever in his eares; See what comes of your drunkennesse, your idlenesse, your surfetting and gluttony, 40 your wenching and leacherie, these are the causes of your disease. But what will the sicke man say againe: Away good sir with these unseasonable words of yours: you trouble me much, and do me no good iwis: I am about making my last will and testament; my Physicians are busie preparing and tempering a potion of Scammonie, or a drinke of Castorium for me: and you come preaching unto me with your Philosophicall reasons and admonitions to chastise me: I have no need of them now, nor of such friends as you. Semblably it fareth with those who are fallen to decay & be downe the winde; for capable they be not of sententious sawes; they have no need as the case now stands of free reprehensions: then lenitie and gentle usage, aide and comfort are more meet for them. For even so, kinde nurses when their little babes and infants have caught a fall, run not by and by to rate or chide them, but to take them up, wash and make 50 them cleane where they were berayed, and to still them by all meanes that they can; afterwards, they rebuke and chastise them for looking no better to their feet. It is reported of Demetrius the Phalerian, when being banished out of his countrey, he lived at Thebes in meane estate and very obscurely, that at the first he was not well pleased to see Crates the Philosopher who came to visit him, as looking ever when he would begin with some rough words unto him, according to that libertie of speech which those Cynicke Philosophers then used: but when he heard Cra­tes once speake kindly unto him, and discoursing after a milde maner, of the state of his banish­ment; [Page 110] namely, That there was no miserie fallen unto him by thatmeanes, not any calamitie at all, for which he should vexe and torment himselfe; but rather that he had cause to rejoice, in that hewas sequestred and delivered from the charge and management of such affaires as were ticklish, mutable and dangerous; and withall exhorting him to plucke up his heart, and be of good cheere, yea, and repose all his comfort in his owne selfe and a cleere conscience. Then Demetrius being more lightsome, and taking better courage, turned to his friends and said, Shame take those affaires and businesses; out upon those troublesome and restlesse occupati­ons, which have kept me from the knowledge and acquaintance of such a worthy man: For

If men be in distresse and griefe,
Sweet words of friends do bring reliefe: 10
But foolish sots in all their actions,
Have need eft soones of sharpe corrections.

And verily this is the maner of generous and gentle friends; but other base minded and abject fellowes, who flatter and fawne whiles fortune doth smile; like unto olde ruptures, spasnes and cramps (as Demosthenes saith) do then stirre and shew themselves, when any new accident hap­neth unto the bodie, so they also sticke close to every change and alteration of fortune, as being glad thereof, and taking pleasure and contentment therein. For, say that a man afflicted, were to be put in mind of his fault and misgovernment of himselfe, by reason that he hath taken lewd courses and followed ill counsell, and so fallen into this or that inconvenience, it were suffici­ent to say thus unto him, 20

You never tooke by mine advice this course,
Against the same how oft did I discourse?

In what cases and occurrences then, ought a friend to be earnest and vehement? and when is he to use his libcrtie of speech, and extend it to the full? even then, when occasion is offered, and the time serveth best to represse excessive pleasure, to restraine unbridled choler, to refraine intollerable pride and insolencie, to stay insatiable avarice, or to stand against any foolish habitude and inconsiderate motion. Thus Solon spake freely unto king Craesus, when hee saw how he was cleane corrupted, and growen beyond all measure arrogant upon the opinion that he had of his felicitie in this world, which was vncertaine, advertising him to looke unto the end. Thus Socrates clipped the wings of Alcibiades, and by convincing his vice and errour, caused 30 him to weepe bitterly, and altered quite the disposition of his heart. Such were the remonstran­ces and admonitions of Cyrus to Cyaxares, and of Plato to Dion, even when he was in his greatest ruffe, in the very height of his glory: when (I say) all mens eies were upon him, for his worthie acts and great successe in all affaires, willing him even then to take heed and beware of arrogan­cie and selfe-conceiet, as being the vice that dwelleth in the same house together with solitude, (that is to say) which maketh a man to live apart from the whole world. And to the same effect wrote Speusippus also unto him, when be bad him looke to himselfe, and not take a pride and pre­sume much vpon this; That there was no talke among women and children, but of him; rather that he should have care so to adorne Sicilie with religion and pietie towards the gods, with justice and good lawes in regard of men, that the schoole of the Academie might have honour 40 and credit by him. Contrariwise, Euctaeus and Eulaeus, two minions and favourites of king Per­seus, who followed his veine and pleased his humor in all things, like other courtiours of his, all the while that he flourished, and so long as the world went on his side: but after he had lost the field in a battell against the Romans, fought neere the citie Pydna, and was fled, they let flie at him grosse tearmes and reprochfull speeches, bitterly laying to his charge all the misdemeanors and faults that he had before committed, casting in his dish those persons whom he had evill in­treated or despised; which they ceased not to doe so long, untill the man (partly for sorrow, and partly for anger) was so mooved, that he stabbed them both with his dagger, and slew them in the place. Thus much in generall may suffice, to determine and define as touching the oppor­tunity of free speech to friends: meane while a faithfull and carefull friend must not reject such 50 occasions as many times are presented unto him by them, but to take hold thereof quickly, and make good use of them: for otherwhiles it falleth out, that a demand or question asked, a narra­tion related, a reprehension or commendation of like things in other persons, open the doore and make way for us to enter, and giveth us leave to speake frankly. After this maner it is said, that Demaratus tooke his vantage to utter his minde freely: who comming upon a time from Corinth to Macedonie, when as King Philip was in some termes of dissension with his wife and sonne, was friendly received by Philip and bidden kindly welcome. Now after salutations and [Page 111] other complements passed betweene; the King asked him whether the Greekes were at accord and unitie one with another? Demaratus, as he was a friend verie inward with him, and one that loved him hartily, answered thus; It becommeth you well in deed sir to enquire of the concord and agreement betweene the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, when in the meane while you suffer your owne house to be full of domesticall quarrels and debates. Well did Diogenes like­wise, who being come into the campe of King Philip, when he had an expedition or journey against the Greekes, was taken and brought before the King, who not knowing what hee was, demaunded of him, If hee were not a spie: Yes marie (quoth hee) and come I am to spie out your inconsiderate folly (ô Philip) and want of forecast, who being not urged nor compelled by any man, are come thus farre to hazard in one hower the State of your kingdome 10 and your owne life, and to lay all upon the chance and cast of adie. But some man peradven­ture will say, This was a speech somewhat with the sharpest, and too much biting Moreover, another fit time and occasion there is of admonition, when those whom we minde to reproove, having beene reproched and taunted already by others for some faults which they committed, are become submisse and cast downe to our hands. Which opportunitie a wise and skilfull friend will not omit, but make especial good use of: namely, by seeming in open place to check those that thus have standered them, yea and to repulse and put backe such opprobrious imputa­tions, but privatly he will take his friend apart by himselfe, and put him in minde to live more warily and give no such offence, if for no other thing else; yet because his enemies should not take vantage, and beare themselves insolently against him: For how shall they be able to open 20 their mouthes against you, & what mis-word can they have to say unto you, if you would leave these things and cast them behinde you, for which you heare ill and are growen to some oblo­quie? In this sort if the matter be handeled, all the offence that was taken shall light upon the head of the first slanderer, and the profit shall be attributed unto the other that gave the friendly advertisement, and he shall goe away with all the thankes.

Some there be moreover who after a more cleanly and fine maner in speaking of others, ad­monish their owne familiar friends: for they will accuse strangers in their hearing for those faults which they know them to commit, and by this meanes reclaime them from the same. Thus Ammontus our master perceiving when he gave lecture in the after-noone that some of us his scholars, had taken a larger dinner, and eate more than was meet for students, commanded a 30 servant of his franchised, to take up his owne some and to beate him, and why so? He cannot for sooth make his dinner (quoth he) but he must have some vineger to his meat. And in say­ing so, he cast his eie upon us, in such sort, that as many as were culpable, tooke themselvesto be rebuked, & thought that he meant them. Furthermore, this good regard would be observed, that we never use this fashion of free speech, and reprooving our friend in the presence of many persons, but we must remember that which befell unto Plato: for when upon a time, Socrates in a disputation held at the table, inveighed somwhat too bitterly against against one of his fami­liars before them all: had it not beene better (quoth Plato) to have told him of this privately, but thus to shame him before all this companie? But Socrates taking him presently therewith. And you also might have done better to have saide this to my selfe, when you had found me 40 alone. Pythagor as report gave such hard tearmes by way of reproose to one of his scholars, and acquaintance in the hearing of many, that the yoong man for very griefe of heart was weary of his life and hanged himselfe. But never would Pythagor as after to his dying day, reproove or admonish any man, if another were in place. And to say a truth, as well the detection as the cor­rection of a sinne ought to be secret, and not in publike place, like as the discoverie and cure also of some filthie and foule disease: it must not I say be done in the veiw of the world (as if some shew or pompe were to be exhibited unto the people) with calling witnesses or spectators there­to. For it is not the part of a friend, but a tricke of some Sophister, to seeke for glorie in other mens faults, and affect outward shew and vaine ostentation in the presence of others: much like to these Mount-bank Chirurgians, who for to have the greater practise, make shew of their cun­ning 50 casts, and operations of their art in publike Theatres, with many gesticulations of their handy-worke. Moreover, besides that there should no infamie grow to him that is reprooved (which in deed is not to be allowed in any cure or remedie) there ought also to be some regard had of the nature of vice and sinne, which for the most part of it selft is opinionative, contenti­ous, stubborne and apt to stand to it, and make meanes of defence. For as Euripides saith,

We daily see not onely wanton love
Doth presse the more, when one doth it reprove.

[Page 112] But any vice whatsoever it be and everie imperfection, if a man do reproove it in publike place before many, and spare not at all, putteth on the nature of impudence and turneth to be shame­lesse: like as therefore Plato giveth a precept, that elder folke, if they would imprint shame and grace in their yoong children, ought themselves first to shew shamefast behavior among them; even so, the modest and bashfull libertie of speech which one friend useth, doth strike also a great shame in another. Also to come and approch by little and little unto one that offendeth, and after a doubting maner with a kind of feare to touch him, is the next way to undermine the vice that he is prone and given unto, and the same, whiles he can not choose but be modestly disposed, who is so modestly and gently entreated. And therefore it would be alwaies verie good in those reprehensions to observe what he did, who in like case reprooving a friend, 10

Held head full close unto his eare,
That no man els but he might heare.

But lesse seemly and convenient it is for to discover the fault of the husband before his wife; of a father in the presence of his sonnes; of a lover before his love; or of a schoolmaster in the hea­ring of his scholars: that were enough to put them beside their right wits, for anger and griefe when they shall see themselves checked and discredited before those of whom they desire to be best esteemed. And verily of this mind I am, hat it was not the wine so much that set king Alex­ander in such a chafe & rage against Clitus whē he reproved him, as for that he did it in the pre­sence and hearing of so many. Aristomenes also, the master and tutor of king Ptolomaeus, for that in the sight of an embassador he awaked him out of a sleepe, & willed him to give eare unto the 20 embassage that was delivered, ministred unto his evil-willers and the flatterers about the court great vantage, who thereupon tooke occasion to seeme discontented in the kings behalfe, and thus to say: What if after so many travels that your Majestie doth undergo, and your long wat­ching for out sakes, some sleep do overtake you otherwhiles; our part it were to tell you of it pri­vatly, & not thus rudely to lay hand as it were upō your person in the presence of so many men. Whereupon Ptolomaeus being mooved at these suggestions, sent unto the man a cup of poison, with cōmandement that he should drinke it off. Aristophanes also, casteth this in Cleon his teeth,

For that when strangers were in place
The towne with termes he did disgrace,

and thereby provoke the Athenians & bring their high displeasure upon him. And therfore this 30 regard would be had especially above all others, that when we would use our libertie of speech, we do it not by way of ostentation in a vaine glorie to be popular, and to get applause, but one­ly with an intention to profit and do good, yea and to cure some infirmitie thereby. Over and besides that which Thucydides reporteth of the Corinthians, how they gave out of themselves and not unfitly, that it belonged unto them, and meet men they were to reproove others; the same ought they to have in them that will take upon them to be correctours of other persons. For like as Lysander answered to a certeine Megarian who put himselfe forward in an assemblie of associates and allies to speake frankely for the libertie of Greece: These words of yours (my friend) would beseeme to have beene spoken by some puissant State or citie; even so it may be said to every one that will seeme freely to reprehend another, that he had need himselfe to be in 40 maners wel reformed. And this most truly ought to be inferred upon all those that wil seeme to chastice and correct others, namely, to be wiser and of better government than the rest: for thus Plato protested that he reformed Speusippus by example of his owne life: and Xenocrates likewise casting but his eie upon Polemon, who was come into his schoole like a Ruffian, by his very looke onely reclaimed him from his loose life: whereas on the contrary side, if a light and lewd person, one that is full of bad conditions himselfe, would seeme to finde fault with others and be busie with his tongue, he must be sure alwaies to heare this on both sides of his eares,

Himselfe all full of sores impure
Will others seeme to heale and cure.

Howbeit, forasmuch as oftentimes the case standeth so, that by occasion of some affaires we be 50 driven to chastice those with whom we converse, when we our selves are culpable and no better than they: the most cleanly & least offensive way to do it, is this, To acknowledge in some sort that we be likewise faulty and to include and comprehend our owne persons together with them: after which maner is that reproose in Homer,

Sir Diomede what aileth us? how is it come about?
That we should thus forget to fight,
[Page 113] who earst were thought so stout?

Also in another place:

And now we all unwoorthy are
With Hector onely to compare.

Thus Socrates mildly and gently would seeme to reproove yoong men, making semblance as if himselfe were not void of ignorance, but had need also to be instructed in vertue, and pro­fessing that he had need with them to search for the knowledge of trueth: for such commonly do win love and credit, yea and sooner shall be beleeved, who are thought subject to the same faults, and seeme willing to correct their friends like as they do their owne selves; whereas he who spreadeth and displaieth his owne wings, in clapping other mens, justifying himselfe as if 10 he were pure, sincere, faultlesse, and without all affections and infirmities, unlesse he be much elder than we, or in regard of some notable and aprooved vertue in farre higher place of au­thoritie and in greater reputation than our selves, he shall gaine no profit nor do any good, but be reputed a busie body and troublesome person. And therefore it was not without just cause that good Phoenix in speaking to Achilles alledged his owne misfortunes, and namely how in a fit of choler he had like one day to have killed his owne father, but that sodeinly he bethought himselfe and changed his minde,

Least that among the Greekes I should be nam'd
A parricide and ever after sham'd:

which he did no doubt to this end, because he would not seeme in childing him to arrogate this 20 praise unto himselfe, that he was not subject to anger, nor had ever done amisse by occasion of that infirmitie and passion. Certes such admonitions as these enter and pierce more effectually into the heart, for that they are thought to proceed from a tender compassion; and more wil­ling are we to yeeld unto such as seeme to have suffred the like, than to those that despise and contemne us. But forasmuch as neither the eie when it is inflamed can abide any cleere and shining light, nor a passionate minde endure franke speech, or a plaine and bare reprehension, one of the best and most profitable helps in this case, is to intermingle there with a little praise, as wereade thus in Homer,

Now (sure) me thinks you do not well, thus for to leave the field, 30
Who all are knowen for doughty knights, and best with speare and shield.
A coward if I saw to slee, him would I not reproove:
But such as you, thus for to shrinke, my heart doth greatly moove.

Likewise,

O Pandar, where is now thy bowe, where are thine arrowes flight:
Where is that honour, in which none 40 with thee dare strive in fight?

And verily such oblique reprehensions also as these, are most effectuall and woonderfull in re­claming those that be ready to run on end, and fall to some grosse enormities: as for example,

What is become of wise Oedipus,
In riddles areeding who was so famous.

Also,

And Hercules, who hath endur'd such paine,
Speakes he these words, so foolish and so vaine?

For this kinde of dealing doth not onely asswage and mitigate the roughnesse and comman­ding power that is in a reprehension and rebuke, but also breedeth in the partie in such sort re­prooved, 50 a certeine emulation of himselfe, causing him to be abashed and ashamed for any follies and dishonest pranks, when he remembreth and calleth to minde his other good parts and commendable acts, which by this meanes he setteth before his eies, as examples, and so ta­keth himselfe for a paterne and president of better things: But when we make comparison be­tweene him and others, to wit, his equals in age, his fellow-citizens, or kinsefolks; then his vice, which in the owne nature is stubburne and opinionative enough, becommeth by that meanes more froward and exasperate, and often times he will not sticke in a sume and chase to fling [Page 114] away, and grumble in this wise, Why goe you not then to those that are so much better than I? why can you not let me alone, but thus trouble me as you do? And therefore we must take heed especially, that whiles we purpose to tel one plainly of his faults, we do not praise others, unlesse haply they be his parents: as Agamemnon did unto Diomedes,

A sonne (iwis) sir Tideus left behinde,
Unlike himselfe, and much growen out of kinde.

And ulysses in the Tragedie entituled Scyrij,

You sir, whose father was a knight, the best that ever drew
A sword, of all the Greeks, in field, 10 and many a captaine slew,
Sit you heere carding like a wench,
And spinning wooll on rocke,
Thereby the glorious light to quench of your most noble stocke?

But most unseemely it were and undecent of all other, if when one is admonished by his friend, he should fall to admonish him againe; and being tolde freely of his fault, serve him the like, and quit him with as much: for this is the next way to kindle coales, and to make variance and discord; and in one word verily, such a rejecting & spurning againe as this, may seeme in effect to bewaray, not a reciprocall libertie of rendring one for another, but rather a peevish minde that 20 can abide no maner of reproofe. Better therefore it is, to endure patiently for the time, a friend that telleth us plainly of our faults; and if himselfe afterwards chance to offend and have need of the like reprehension, this after a sort giveth free libertie unto him that was rebuked afore, to use the same libertie of speech againe unto the other: For calling to minde by this occasion, without any remembrance of old grudge and former injurie, that himselfe also was woont not to neglect his friends when they did amisse and forgat themselves, but tooke paines to reproove, redresse, and teach them how to amend, he will the sooner yeeld a fault, and receive that cha­stisement and correction, which he shall perceive to be a retribution of like love and kindnesse, and not a requitall of complaint and anger. Moreover, like as Thucidides saith, That the man is wise and well advised, who incurreth the envie of men for matters of greatest weight and impor­tance; 30 even so we say: That if a friend will adventure the danger and heavy load and ill will for blaming his friends, hee must make choise of such matters as be of great moment and much consequence: for if he will take exceptions at every trifle and little thing indifferent; if he will seeme evermore to be finding fault, and cary himselfe not like a kind and affectionate friend, but a precise, severe and imperious schoole-master, to spie all faults, and correct every point and tit­tle; certes he shall finde afterwards, that his admonitions even for the greatest offences, shall not be regarded, nor any whit effectuall: for that he hath used already to no purpose, his franke reprehension (the soveraigne remedie for grosse and maine faults) in many others that are but slight, and not woorthy reproofe: much like unto a Physician, who hath emploied and spenta a medicine that is strong and bitter, howbeit, necessary and costly, in small infirmities, and of no 40 reckoning to speake of. A friend therefore is to looke unto this; That it be not an ordinary matter with him to be alwaies quarrelsome, and desirous to finde one fault or other. And if per­adventure he meet with such a companion as is apt to search narrowly into all light matters, to cavill and wrangle for every thing, and ready to raise calumniations like a petty Sycophant for toies and trifles, he may take the better advantage and occasion thereby for to reproove him a­gaine, in case he chance to faile in greater and more grosse faults.

Philotimus the Physician answered pretily unto one, who having an impostume growen to suppuration about his liver, shewed unto him a finger that was fore, and troubled with some bli­ster or whitflaw, and desired his counsell for the same: My good friend (quoth he) the disease that you are to looke unto, is not a whitflaw nor about your naile roote; even so, there may be 50 occasion and opportunitie offered unto a friend, to say unto one that ever and anon is finding fault, and reprooving small errors not woorth the noting, to wit, sports and pastimes, feasting and merrie meeting, or such like trifling trickes of youth: Good sir, let us finde the meanes ra­ther, that this man whom you thus blame, may cast off the harlot that he keeps, or give over his dice playing; for otherwise, he is a man of excellent and woonderfull good parts. For he that perceiveth how he is tolerated or winked at, yea and pardoned in small matters, will not be un­willing, that a friend should use his libertie in reprooving his greater vices: whereas he that is [Page 115] evermore urgent upon one, pressing and lying hard unto him; alwaies bitter and unpleasant, prying and looking into everie corner, and taking knowledge of all things: such an one (I say) there is neither childe nor brother will endure; nay, he is intolerable to his verie servants: But like as Euripides saith,

All is not naught that old age brings,
We may in it finde some good things.

No more is the folly of friends so bad but that we may picke some goodnes out of them: we ought therefore to observe diligently, not onely when they do amisse, but also when they doe well: and verily at the first to be willing and most readie to praise: but afterwards we must doe as the Smithes who temper yron: For when they have given it a fire, and made it by that meanes 10 soft, loose and pliable, they drench and dip it in cold water, whereby it becommeth compact and hard, taking thereby the due temperature of stiffe steele; even so, when we perceive that our friends be well heat and relaxed (as it were) by hearing themselves praised by us, then we may come upon them by little and little with a tincture (as I may so say) of reproofe, and telling them of their faults. Then will it be a fit time to speake unto a friend thus: How say you, are these pranks woorthie to be compared with those parts? See you not the fruits that come of vertue? Loe what we your friends require of you: these are the duties and offices which are beseeming your person: for these hath nature made and framed you. As for those lewd causes, fie upon them,

Send such away, confine them farre, 20 unto the mountaine wild,
Or into roaring sea, from land let them be quite exil'd.

For like as an honest minded and discreet Physitian, will choose rather to cure the maladie of his patient by rest and sleepe, or by good nutriture & diet, than by Castorium or Scammonium: even so, a kinde & courteous friend, a good father and gentle schoolemaster, taketh pleasure and joy­eth more to use praises than reproofes, in the reformation of manners. For there is nothing that maketh the man, who boldly findeth fault with his friends to bee so little offensive unto them, or to do more good and cure them better, than to be voide of anger, and to seeme after a milde sort in all love and affectionate good will to addresse himselfe unto them, when they doe 30 amisse. And therefore neither ought he to urge them overmuch, and seeme too eagerly to convince them if they denie the thing, ne yet to debarre them of libertie to make their answere and cleere themselves: but rather to helpe them out, and after a sort to minister unto them some honest and colourable pretenses, to excuse and justifie their facts: and when a man seeth them do amisse by reason of some woorse cause indeed, to lay the fault upon another occasion that is more tolerable: As Hector when he said unto Paris,

Unhappie man, alas, you do not well
To beare in brest a heart so fell.

As if his brothers retire out of battell and refusall to combat with Menclaus, had not beene a meere flight and running away, but verie anger and a curst slomake. Likewise Nestor unto Aga­memnon, 40

But you gave place unto your haughty mind:
And feed those fits which come to you by kind.

For in mine advice a more milde reprehension is this than to have said: This was injuriously done of you, or this was a shamefull and vilanous part of yours; As also to say unto one, You could not tel what you did; you thought not of it; or you were altogether ignorant what would come thereof, is better and more civill, than bluntly to charge him and say: This was a meere wrong, and a wicked act of yours. Also thus, Do not contest and quarrell in this wise with your brother, is lesse offensive than to say: Deale not thus enviously and spitefully against your bro­ther: Likewise it were a more gentle manner of reproofe to say unto a man: Avoid this woman 50 that spoileth and abuseth you; than thus: Give over this woman, spoile and abuse her no more. Thus you see what meanes are to be used in this libertie of speech, when a friend would cure a maladie.

But for to prevent the same, there would be practised a cleane contrarie course: for when it behooveth to avert and turne our friends from cominitting a fault, whereto they are prone and enclined; or to withstand some violent and disordinat passion, which carrieth them a cleane contrarie way; or when we are desirous to incite and stirre them forward unto good things, be­ing [Page 116] of themselves slow and backward: when, I say, we would give an edge unto them, who are otherwise dull, and heat them being could, we ought to transferre the thing or act in hand to some absurd causes, and those that be unseemely and undecent. Thus Ulysses pricked on Achil­les in a certaine Tragedie of Sophocles, when he said thus unto him: It is not for a supper Achilles that you are so angrie, but

For that you have already seene
The wals of Troy, your fearfull teene.

And when upon these words Achilles tooke greater indignation, and chafed more and more, saying, that he would not saile forward but be gone backe againe, he came upon him a second time with this rejoynder: 10

I wote well why you gladly would depart:
Tis not because at checks or taunts you chafe,
But Hector is not far: he kils your hart;
For dread of him to stay it is not safe.

By this meanes when we scar a valiant and hardy man with the opinion of cowardise; an honest, chaste and civill person, with the note of being reputed loose & incontinent; also a liberall and sumptuous Magnifico, with the feare to be accounted a niggard or a mechanicall micher; we do mightily incite them to wel doing, and chase them from bad waies. And like as when a thing is done and past, and where there is no remedie, there should be borne a modest and temperate hand, in such sort that in our libertie of speech we seeme to shew more commiseration, pittie 20 and fellow-griefe of minde for the fault of a friend, than eager reprehension; so contrariwise where it stands upon this point that should not fault, where (I say) our drift is to fight against the motion of his passions, there we ought to be vehement, inexorable and never to give over nor yeeld one jot unto them. And this is the very time when we are to shew that love of ours and good will which is constant, setled, and sure, and to use our true libertie of speech to the full. For to reproove faults already committed, we see it is an ordinary thing among arrant eni­mies. To which purpose said Diogenes very well; That a man who would be an honest man ought to have either very good friends, or most shrewd and bitter enimies: for as they do teach and instruct; so these are ready to finde fault and reproove. Now far better it is for one to ab­staine from evill doing, in beleeving and following the sound counsell of his friends, than to 30 repent afterwards of ill doing, when he seeth himselfe blamed and accused by his enimies. And therefore if it were for nothing els but this, great discretion and circumspection would be used in making remonstrances & speaking freely unto friends: and so much the rather, by how much it is the greater and stronger remedie that friendship can use, and hath more need to be used in time and place convenient, and more wisely to be tempered with a meane and mediocrity. Now forasmuch as I have said sundry times already, that all reprehensions whatsoever are do­lorous unto him that receiveth them; we ought in this case to imitate good Physicians and Chirurgians: for when they have made incision or cut any member, they leave not the place in paine and toment still, but use certeine fomentations and lenitive infusions to mitigate the anguish: No more do they that after a civill maner have chid or rebuked, run away presently so 40 soone as they have bitten and pricked the partie, but by changing their maner of speech, enter­taine their friends thus galled and wounded, with other more mild and pleasant discourses; to aswage their griefe and refresh their hart againe that is cast downe and discomforted: and I may well compare them to these cutters and carvers of images, who after they have rought hewen and scabbled over certeine peeces of stone for to make their statures of, do polish and smooth them faire, yea and give them a lightsome lustre. But if a man be stung and nipped once, or touched to the quicke by some objurgatorie reprehension, and so left rough, uneven, disquieted, swel­ling and pussing for anger, he is ever after hardly quieted or reclaimed, and no consolation will serve the turne to appease and comfort him againe. And therefore they who reproove & admonish their friends, ought to observe this rule above all others; Not 50 to forsake them immediately when they have so done, nor to breake off their conference sodainly, or to con­clude their speech with any word that might greeve and pro­voke them.

OF MEEKENES, OR HOW A MAN SHOVLD RE­FRAINE CHOLER. 10 A TREATISE IN MANER of a Dialogue.
The persons that be the Speakers: SYLLA and FUNDANUS.

The Summarie of the Dialogue. 20

AFter we are taught how to discerne a flatterer from a friend, it seemeth that this Trea­tise, as touching Mildnesse and how we ought to bridle Anger, was set heere in his proper place. For like as we may soone erre grosly in choise of those whom we are wil­ling and well content to have about us, and in that respect are to be circum spect, and to stand upon our guard: so we have no lesse cause to consider how we should converse among our neighbours. Now of all those vices andimperfections which defame mans life, and cause the race & course thereof to be difficult & wondrous painfull to passe, anger is one of those which are to be ranged in the first ranke; in such sort, that it booteth not to be provided of good friends, if this furi­ous 30 humor get the mastery over us: like as contrariwise flatterers & such other pestilent plagues have not so easie entrance into us, nor such ready meanes to be possessed of us, so long as we be accōpanied with a certaine wise and prudent mildnesse. In this discourse then, our authour doing the part of an expers Physician, laboureth to purge our mindes from all choler, and would traine them to modestie and hu­manitie, so farre foorth as Philosophie morall is able to performe. And for to atraine unto so great a benefit, he sheweth in the first place, that we ought to procure our friends for to observe and marke our imperfections, that by long continuance of time we may accustome our selves to holde in our judgement by the bit of reason. After certaine proper similitudes serving for this purpose, and a description of the mconventences and harmes that come by wrath, he prooveth, that it is an easie matter to restraine and represse the same: to which purpose be setteth downe divers meanes, upon which he discourseth after 40 his usuall maner, that is to say, with reasons and inductions, enriched with notable similitudes and ex­amples: afterwards, having spoken of the time and maner of chastising and correcting those who are under our power and governance, he proposeth aswell certaine remedies to cure choler, as preser­vatives to keepe us from relapse into it againe: Which done, he representet hire lively, as in a painted able, to the end that those who suffer themselves to be surprised therewith, may be abashed and ashamed of their unhappy state: and therewith he giveth five not able advertisements for to attaine thereto, which be as it were preservatives: by meanes whereof we should not feele our selves attaint any more with this maladie. 50

OF MEEKENES, OR HOW A man should refraine choler. A TREATISE IN MANNER of a Dialogue.

SYLLA.

IT seemeth unto me (ô Fundanus) that painters doe verie well and 10 wisely, to view and consider their workes often and by times be­tweene, before they thinke them finished and let them go out of their hands: for that by setting them so out of their sight, and then afterwards having recourse thither againe to judge thereof, they make their eies (as it were) new judges, to spie and discerne the least fault that is, which continuall looking thereupon, and the ordinarie view of one and the same thing doth cover and hide from them. But forasmuch as it is not possible that a man should depart from himselfe for a time, and after a certaine space returne againe; not 20 that he should breake, interrupt and discontinue his understanding and sense within (which is the cause that each man is a worse judge of himselfe than of others.) A second meanes and re­medie therefore in this case would be used: namely, to review his friends sundrie times, and eft­soones likewise to yeeld himselfe to be seene and beheld by them; not so much to know thereby whether he aged apace and grow soone old; or whether the constitution of his bodie be better or worse than it was before, as to survey and consider his manners and behaviour, to wit, whether time hath added any good thing, or taken away ought that is bad and naught. For mine owne part, this being now the second yeere since I came first to this citie of Rome, and the fifth month of mine acquaintance with you, I thinke it no great woonder, that considering your towardnes and the dexteritie of your nature, those good parts which were alreadie in you, have gotten so 30 great an addition and be so much increased, as they are: but when I see how that vehement in­clination, and ardent motion of yours to anger, whereunto by nature you were given, is by the guidance of reason become so milde, so gentle and tractable, it commeth into my minde to say thereunto, that which I read in Homer,

O what a woondrous change is here?
Much milder are you than you were.

And verily this gentlenes and meekenes of yours is not turned into a certaine sloth, and gene­rall dissolution of your vigour: but like as a peece of ground well tilled, lieth light and even, and besides more hollow than before, which maketh much for the fertilitie thereof; even so, your nature hath gotten in stead of that violent disposition and sudden propension un­to 40 choler, a certaine equalitie and profunditie, serving greatly to the management of af­faires, whereby also it appeereth plainely that it is not long of the decaying strength of the bodie, by reason of declining age; neither yet of the owne accord, that your hastinesse and cho­lericke passion is thus faded, but rather by meanes of good reasons and instructions well cured. And yet verily (for unto you I will be bold to say the truth) at the first I suspected and could not well beleeve Eros our familiar friend, when he made this report of you unto me; as doubting that he was readie to give this testimonie of you in regard of affection and good will, bearing me in hand of those things which were not indeed in you, but ought to be in good and honest men: and yet (as you know well ynough) he is not such a man, as for favour of any person, and for to please, can be easily perswaded and brought to say otherwise than he thinketh. But now as 50 he is freed and acquit from the crime of bearing false witnesse: so you (since this journey and travell upon the way affoordeth you good leasure) will (I doubt not) at my request, declare and recount unto us the order how you did this cure upon your selfe; and namely what medicines and remedies you used, to make that cholericke nature of yours, so gentle, so tractable, so soft and supple, so obeisant (I say) and subject wholy to the rule of reason?

FUNDANUS.

But why do you not your selfe (ô Sylla) my deerest and most affectionate friend, take heed, [Page 119] that for the amitie and good will which you beare unto me, you be not deceived and see one thing in me for another? As for Eros, who for his owne part hath not alwaies his anger stedfast­ly staied with the cable and anchor of Homers Peisa (that is, obedient and abiding firme in one place) but otherwhiles much mooved and out of quiet, for the hatred that he hath of vice and vicious men it may verie wel be, and like it is that unto him I seeme more milde and gentle than before: like as we see in changing and altering the notes of prick-song, or the Gam-ut in mu­sicke, certaine Netae or notes which are the base in one 8. being compared which other Netae morelow and base, become Hypatae, that is, the Trebles.

SYLLA.

It is neither so nor so (ô Fundanus) but of all loves, do as I desire you, for my sake. 10

FUNDANUS.

Since it is so ( Sylla) among many good advertisements of Musonius which come to my minde, this is one; That whosoever would live safe and in health, ought all their life time to looke to themselves, and be as it were in continuall Physicke. For I am not of this minde, nei­ther doe I thinke it convenient that like as Elleborus, after it hath done the deed within a sicke mans bodie and wrought a cure, is cast up againe together with the maladie; so reason also should be sent out after the passion which it hath cured, but it ought to remaine still in the mind for to keepe and preserve the judgement. For why? reason is not to be compared with medi­cines and purgative drugs, but rather to holesome and nourishing meates, engendring mild­ly in the minds of them unto whom it is made familiar, a good complexion and fast habit to­gether 20 with some perfect health: whereas admonitions and corrections applied or ministred unto passions when they swell and rage, and bee in the height of their heat and inflamma­tion, hardly and with much adoe worke any effect at all, and if they doe, it is with much paine. Neither differ they in operation from those strong odors which well may raise out of a fit those who are fallen and be subject to the Epilepsy or falling sicknes; but they cure not the disease, nor secure the patient for falling againe: True it is that all other passions of the minde, if they be ta­ken in hand at the very point and instant when they are in their highest furie, do yeeld in some sort, and they admit reason comming from without into the minde for to helpe and succour, but anger not onely, as Melanthius saith,

Commits lewd parts, and reason doth displace 30
Out of her seat, and proper resting place.

but also turneth her cleane out of house & home, shutteth and locketh her out of doores for al­together; nay it fareth for all the world like to those who set the house on fire over their owne heads, and turne themselves and it together: it filleth all within full of trouble, smoke, and con­fused noises, in such sort that it hath neither eie to see, nor eare to listen unto those that would, & might assist and give aide: and therefore sooner will a ship abandoned of her master in the mids of the sea, and there hulling dangerously in a storme and tempest receive a pilot from some other ship without; than a man tossed with the waves of furie and anger, admit the reason and remonstrance of a stranger; unlesse his owne reason at home were before hand well prepared: But like as they who looke for no other but to have their citie besieged, gather together and lay 40 up safe their owne store and provision, and all things that might serve their turne, not knowing nor expecting any aide or reliefe abroad during the siege; even so ought we to have our reme­dies ready and provided long before, and the same gathered out of all parts of Philosophie and conveied into the minde for to withstand the rage of choler: as being assured of this, that when neede and necessitie requireth to use them, wee shall not easily admit the same, and suffer them to have entrance into us. For surely at such a time of extremitie, the soule heareth not a word that is said unto it without, for the trouble and confusion within, unlesse her owne rea­son be assistant ready both to receive and understand quickly every commandement and pre­cept, and also to prompt the same accordingly unto her. And say that she doth heare: looke what is said unto her after a milde, calme, and gentle maner, that she despiseth; againe, if any be 50 more instant, and do urge her somewhat roughly, with those she is displeased, and the woorse for their admonitions for wrath being of the owne nature proud, audacious, unruly, and hard­ly suffering it selfe to be handled or stirred by another, much like unto a tyrant attended with a strong guard about his person, ought to have something of the owne which is domesticall, fa­miliar, and (as it were) in bred together with it, for to overthrow and dissolve the same. Nowe the continuall custome of anger and the ordinary or often falling into a chafe, breedeth in the minde an ill habit called wrathfulnesse, which in the end groweth to this passe, that it maketh a [Page 120] man cholericke and hasty, apt to be mooved at every thing; and besides, it engendreth a bitter humor of revenge, and a testinesse implacable, or hardly to be appeased; namely, when the mind is exulcerate once, taking offence at every small occasion, quarreling and complaining for toies and trifles, much like unto a thin or a fine edge that entreth with the least force that the graver putteth it to. But the judgement of reason opposing it selfe streightwaies against such motions and sits of choler, and readie to suppresse & keepe them downe, is not onely a remedit for the present mischiefe, but also for the time to come doeth strengthen and fortifie the mind, causing it to be more firme and strong to resist such passions when they arise. And now to give some instance of my selfe: The same hapned unto me after I had twice or thrice made head a­gainst choler, as befell sometimes to the Thebanes; who having ones repelled and put to flight 10 the Lacedaemonians (warriors thought in those daies invincible) were never in any one battell afterward defeated by them. For from that time forward I tooke heart and courage, as seeing full well, that conquered it might be with the discourse of reason. I perceived moreover, that anger would not onely be quenched with cold water powred and cast upon it, as Aristotle hath repor­ted unto us, but also that it would go out and be extinguished, were it never so light a fire before, by presenting neere unto it some object of feare: nay (I assure you) by a sudden joy comming upon it unlooked for, in many a man, according as Homer saith, choler hath melted, dissolved & evaporated away. And therefore this resolution I made, that anger was a passion not incurable, if men were willing to be cured: for surely the occasions and beginnings thereof are not alwaies great and forcible; but we see that a jest, a scoffe, some sport, some laughter, a winke of the eie, 20 or nod of the head, and such small matters, hath set many in a pelting chafe: even as Lady He­lena saying no more but thus unto her niece or brothers daughter at their first meeting,

Electra virgin, long time since I you saw &c.

drave her in such a fit of choler, that therewith she was provoked to breake off her speech with this answer,

Wise now at last, though all too late, you are I may well say,
Who whilom left your husbands house, and ran with shame away.

Likewise Calisthenes mightily offended Alexander with one word, who when a great bole 30 of wine went round about the table, refused it as it came to his turne, saying: I will not (I trow) drinke so to your health Alexander, that I shall have need thereby of Aesculapius (i. a Physi­cian.) A fire that newly hath caught a flame with hares or conies haire, drie leaves, hurds and light straw, stubble and rakings, it is an easie matter to put out and quench; but if it have once taken to sound fewell and such matter as hath solidity, substance and thicknesse in it, soone it burneth and consumeth as Aeschylus saith:

By climbing up and mounting hie
The stately works of Carpentrie.

Semblably, he that will take heed unto choler at the beginning, when he seeth it once to smoke or flame out by occasion of some merry speech, flouting scoffes, and foolish words of no mo­ment, 40 needs not to strive much about the quenching of it: for many times if he do no more but hold his peace, or make small account or none at all of such matters, it is enough to ex­tingnish and make it go out. For he that ministreth not fewell to fire, putteth it out; and who­soever feedeth not his anger at the first, and bloweth not the coales himselfe, doth coole and re­presse the same. And therefore Hieronimus the Philosopher, although otherwise he have taught us many good lessons and instructions; yet in this point he hath not pleased and satisfied me, when he saith; That a man is not able to perceive in himselfe the breeding of anger, (so quicke and sudden it is) but onely when it is bred, then it may be felt: for surely, there is no vice or passion in us, that giveth such warning, or hath either so evident a generation or so manifest an augment whiles it is stirred and mooved, as anger, according as Homer himselfe right skilfully, 50 and as a man of good experience, giveth us to understand, who bringeth in Achilles sore moo­ved to sorrow and griefe of heart, even with a word, and at the very instant, when he heard the speeches of Agamemnon: for thus reporteth the Poet of him:

Out of the king his sovereignes mouth, the word no sooner past,
But straight a blacke and mistie cloud of [...] him over cast.

[Page 121] But of [...] himselfe, he saith, that it was long ere he was angrie; namely, after he had beene kindled with many hard speeches, that were dealt to and fro, which if any third person stepping betweene, would have staied or turned away, certes their quarrell and debate had not growen to such tearmes of extremity as it did. And therefore Socrates so often as he felt him­selfe somewhat declining and more mooved than he should, against any one of his friends, and avoiding as it were a rocke in the sea, before the tempest came and the billowes arose, would let fall his voice, shew a smiling countenance, and compose his looke and visage to mirth and leni­tie, and thus by bending and drawing another away to that whereunto his affection enclined, and opposing himselfe to a contrary passion, he kept upright on his feet, so that he fell not, nor was overthrowen. For there is (my good friend) a ready neanes in the very beginning, to 10 breake the force of choler, like as there is a way to dissolve a tyrannicall rule and dominion, that is to say, not to obey at the first, not to give eare and be ruled by her commandement, when she shal bid thee to speake & cry out aloud, or to looke with a terrible countenance, or to knocke or beat thy selfe; but to be still and quiet, and not to re-enforce and encrease the passion, as men do exasperate a sicknesse with strugling, striving, tossing and roaring out aloud. For those things which ordinary lovers and amourous yoong men practise, that is to say, to go in a wanton and merry maske, to sing and daunce at the doores of their sweet hearts and mistresses, to bedecke their windowes with coronets & floure-garlands, bring some ease and alleviation (such as it is) of their passions, and the same not altogether undecent and uncivill, according to that which we reade in the Poet: 20

And when I came, aloud I cried not,
And asked who she was, or daughter whose?
But kist my love full sweetly, that I wot:
If this be sinne? but sinne I can not choose.

Also that which we permit those to doe who are in sorrow, namely, to mourne, to lament and weepe for losses or mishaps; certeinly with their sighs which they setch, & teares that they shed, they do send out and discharge a good part of their griefe and anguish. But it is not so with the passion of anger: for surely, the more that they stirre and speake who are surprised there with the more hote it is, and the flame burneth out the rather; and therefore the best way is, for a man to be quiet, to flie and keepe him out of the way, or els to retire himselfe into some haven of surety 30 and repose, when he perceiveth that there is a fit of anger toward, as if he felt an accesse of the falling evill comming. This (I say) we ought to do, for feare lest we fall downe, or rather runne and rush upon some one or other. But who be they that we run upon? Surely our very friends, for the greatest part, & those we wrong most. As for our affection of love, it standeth not to all things indifferently, neither do we hate ne yet feare we every thing alike: But what is it that ire setteth not upon? nothing is there but it doth assaile and lay hands on; we are angry with our e­nemies; we chafe with our friends; with children, with parents are we wrath; nay, the very gods themselves we forbeare not in our cholericke mood; we flie upon dumbe and brute beasts; we spare not so much as our utensile vessels and implements which have neither sense nor life at all, if they stand in our way, we fare like Thamyris the Musician, 40

Who brake his cornet, finely bound
And tipt with golde: his lute he hent,
Well strung and tun'd to pleasant sound,
And it anon to fitters rent.

Thus did Pandarus also, who cursed, and betooke himselfe to all the fiends in hell, if he did not burst his bowe and arrowes with his owne hands, and throw them into the fire when he had so done. As for Xerxes, he stucke not to whip, to lash and scourge the sea, and to the mountaine Athos he sent his minatorie letters in this forme; Thou wretched and wicked Athos, that bearest up thy head aloft into the skie; see thou bring foorth no great craggie stones, I advise thee, for my works, and such as be hard to be cut and wrought: otherwise, if thou doe, I shall cut thee through and 50 tumble thee into the maine sea. Many fearefull and terrible things there be that are done in an­ger, and as many for them againe, as foolish and ridiculous, and therefore of all passions that trouble the minde, it is both hated and despised most. In which regards expedient it were, to consider diligently aswell of the one as the other: for mine owne part, whether I did well or ill, I know not; but surely, when I began my cure of choler in my selfe, I did as in olde time the La­cedaemonians were woont to do by their Ilotes, men of base and servile condition: For as they taught their children what a soule vice drunkennesse was, by their example when they were [Page 122] drunke, so I learned by observing others, what anger was, and what beastly effects it wrought. First and formost therefore, like as that maladie according to Hippocrates, is of all others, woorst and most dangerous, wherein the visage of the sicke person is most disfigured and made unlikest it selfe; so, I seeing those that were possessed of choler, and (as it were) beside themselves there­by, how their face was changed, their colour, their countenance, their gate and their voice quite altered, I imagined thereupon unto my selfe a cerreine forme and image of this maladie, as be­ing mightily displeased in my minde, if haply at any time I shoule be seene of my friends, my wife and the little girles my daughters, so terrible and so farre mooved and transported beside my selfe: not onely fearefull and hideous to beholde, and farre otherwise than I was woont, but also unpleasant to be heard; my voice being rough, rude and churlish: like as it was my hap to 10 see some of my familiar friends in that case, who by reason of anger could not reteine and keepe their ordinary fashions and behavior, their force of visage, nor their grace in speech, ne yet that affability and pleasantnesse in company and talke as they were woont.

This was the reason that Caius Gracchus the Oratour, a man by nature blunt, rude in behavi­our, and withall over-earnest and violent in his maner of pleading, had a little flute or pipe made for the nonce, such as Musicians are woont to guide and rule the voice gently by little and little up and downe, betweene base to treble, according to everie note as they would themselves, teaching their scholars thereby to have a tunable voice. Now when Gracchus pleaded at the barre at any time, he had one of his servants standing with such a pipe behinde him: who obser­ving when his master was a little out of tune, would sound a more mild and pleasant note unto 20 him, whereby he reclaimed and called him backe from that loude exclaiming, and so taking downe that rough and swelling accent of his voice,

Like as the Neat-heards pipes so shrill made of the marrishreeds so light;
The joints whereof with waxe they fill, resound a tune for their delight:
Which while the heard in field they keepe,
Brings them at length to pleasant sleepe.

dulced and allaied the cholericke passion of the orator. Certes my selfe, if I had a pretie page to attend upon me, who were diligent, necessarie and handsome about me, would not be offended 30 but verie well content, that when he saw me angrie he should by and by present a mirror or loo­king glasse unto me, such a one as they use to bring and shew unto some that newly are come out of the baine, although no good or profit at all they have thereby. But certainely for man to see himselfe at such a time, how disquieted he is, how farre out of the way and beside the course of nature, it were no small meanes to checke this passion, and to set him in hatred therewith for ever after. They who are delighted in tales and fables, doe report by way of merrie speech and pastime, that once when Minerva was a piping, there came a Satyre and admonished her, that it was not for her to play upon a flute; but she for the time tooke no heed to that advertisement of his, notwithstanding he spake thus unto her:

This forme of face becomes you not, 40 lay up your pipes, take armes in hand:
But first this would not befor got, your cheekes to lay, that puft now stand.

But afterwards when she had seene her face in a certaine river, what a paire of cheekes she had gotten with her piping, she was displeased with her selfe and flung away her pipes: And yet this art and skill of playing well upon the pipe, yeeldeth some comfort and maketh amends for the deformitie of disfigured visage, with the melodious tune and harmonie that it affoordeth; yea and afterwards, Marsyas the Minstrell (as it is thought) devised first with a certaine hood and muzzle fastened round about the mouth, as well to restraine and keepe downe the violence of the blast enclosed thus by force, as also to correct and hide the deformitie and undecent inequa­litie 50 of the visage;

With glittring gold both cheekes as farre as temples he did binde:
The tender mouth with thongs likewise, fast knit the necke behinde.

But anger contrariwise, as it doth puffe up and stretch out the visage after an unseemely maner, so much more it sendeth out undecent and unpleasant voice,

[Page 123]
And stirs the strings at secret note of heart
Which touched should not be, but by a part.

The sea verily, when being troubled and disquieted with blustring winds, it casteth up mosse, reits, and such like weeds (they say) it is cleansed andpurged thereby: but the dissolute, bitter, scurrile, and foolish speeches, which anger sendeth out of the minde when it is turned upside downe, first pollute and defile the speakers themselves, and fill them full of infamy, for that they be thought to have their hearts full of such ordure and filthinesse at all times; but the same lur­keth there, untill that choler discovereth it: And therefore, they pay most deerely for their speech, the lightest matter of all others (as Plato saith) in that they suffer this heavie and grie­vous punishment, to be held and reputed for malicious enemies, cursed speakers, and ill condi­tioned 10 persons. Which I seeing and observing well enough, it falleth out that I reason with my selfe, & alwaies call to mind, what a good thing it is in a feaver, but much better in a fit of choler to have a tongue faire, even and smooth: For in them that be sicke of an ague, if the tongue be not such as naturally it ought to be, an ill signe it is, but not a cause of any harme or indisposi­tion within. Howbeit, if their tongues who are angry, be once rough, foule, and running disso­lutely at random to absurd speeches, it casteth foorth outragious and contumelious language, the verie mother and work-mistresse of irreconciliable enmitie, and bewraieth an hidden and secret maliciousnes. As for wine, if a man drinke it, of it selfe undelaied with water, it putteth foorth no such wantonnesse, no disordinate and lewd speeches, like to those that proceed of ire. For drunken talke serveth to make mirth, and to procure laughter rather than any thing else: 20 but words of choler are tempered with bitter gall and rankor. Moreover, he that sitteth silent at the table when others drinke merrily, is odious unto the companie and a trouble: whereas in choler there is nothing more decent and beseeming gravitie, than to be quiet and say nothing: according as Sappho doth admonish,

When furious choler once is up, disperst and spred in brest,
To keepe the tongue then apt to barke, and let it lie at rest.

The consideration of these things collected thus together, serveth not onely to take heede alwaies unto them that are subject to yre and therewith possessed, but also besides to know 30 throughly the nature of anger: how it is neither generous or manfull, nor yet hath anie thing in it that savoreth of wisedome and magnanimitie. Howbeit the common people inter­pret the turbulent nature thereof to be active and meet for action: the threats and menaces thereof, hardinesse and confidence, the peevish and froward unrulinesse to be fortitude and strength. Nay some there be who would have the crueltie in it, to be a disposition and dexteri­tie to atchieve great matters; the implacable malice thereof to be constancie and firme resolu­tion: the morositie and difficultie to be pleased; to be the hatred of sinne and vice; howbeit herein they do not well but are much deceived, for surely the very actions, motions, gestures, and countenance of cholerike persons do argue and bewray much basenesse and imbecilitie: which we may perceive not onely in these brain-sicke fits that they fall upon little children, and 40 them pluck,twitch, and misuse; flie upon poore seely women, and thinke that they ought to punish and beat their horses, hounds and mules, like unto Ctesiphon that famous wrestler and professed champion, who stucke not to spurne and kicke his mule; but also in their tyrannicall and bloudly murders, wherein their crueltie and bitternesse which declareth their pusillanimity & base mind; their actions which shew their passions & their doing to others, bewraying a suffe­ring in themselves, may be compared to the stings and bitings of those venemous serpents which be very angric, exceeding dolorous and burne most themselves when they do inflict the greatest inflamation upon the patients, and put them to most paine: For like as swelling is a symptome or accident following upon a great wound or hurt in the flesh: even so it is in the tenderest and softest minds, the more they give place and yeeld unto dolor and passion, the 50 more plentie of choler and anger they utter foorth as proceeding from the greater weaknes. By this you may see the reason why women ordinarily be more waspish, curst and shrewd than men; sicke folke more testie than those that are in health; old people more waiward and fro­ward than those that be in the floure and vigor of their yeeres; and finally such as be in adversi­tie and upon whom fortune frowneth, more prone to anger than those who prosper and have the world smiling upon them. The covetous mizer and pinching peni-father is alwaies most angrie with his steward that laieth foorth his monie; the glutton is ever more displeased with [Page 124] his cooke and cater; the jealous husband quickly falleth out and brawleth with his wife; the vaine-glorious foole is soonest offended with them that speake any thing amisse of him; but the most bitter and intollerable of all others, are ambitious persons in a citie, who lay for high places and dignities, such also as are the heads of a faction in a sedition; which is a trouble and mischiefe (as Pindarus saith) conspicuous and honorable. Loe, how from that part of the mind which is wounded, greeved, suffreth most and especially upon infirmitie and weakenesse, ari­seth anger, which passion resembleth not (as one would have it) the sinewes of the soule, but is like rather to their stretching spreines and spasmatick convulsions, when it streineth and stri­veth overmuch in following revenge.

Well, the examples of evill things yeeld no pleasant sight at all, onely they be necessary and 10 profitable, and for mine owne part supposing the precedents given by those who have caried themselves gently and mildly in their occasions of anger, are most delectable, not onely to be­hold, but also heare: I begin to contemne and despise those that say thus:

To man thou hast done wrong: be sure
At mans hand wrong for to endure.

Likewise

Downe to the ground with him, spare not his coate,
Spurne him and set thy foote upon his throate,

and other such words which serve to provoke wrath and whet choler; by which some go about to remoove anger out of the nurcery, and womens chamber into the hall where men do sit and 20 keepe; but heerein they do not well: For prowesse and fortitude according in all other things with justice, and going fellow-like with her, me thinkes is at strife and debate with her about meekenesse and mildnesse onely, as if she rather became her, and by right apperteined unto her: For otherwhiles it hath beene knowne that the woorst men have gone beyond and sur­mounted the better. But for a man to erect a Trophee and set up a triumphall monument in his owne soule against ire (with which as Heraclnus saith the conflict is hard and dangerous: for what a man would have he buieth with his life) it is an act of rare valour and victorious pu­issance, as having in trueth the judgement of reason, for sinewes, tendons, and muskles to en­counter and resist passions. Which is the cause that I studie, and am desirous alwaies to reade and gather the sayings and doings, not onely of learned clearks and Philosophers; who as our 30 Sages and wise men say, have no gall in them, but also and much rather of Kings, Princes, Ty­rants, and Potentates: As for example, such as that was of Antigonus, who hearing his souldi­ors upon a time revile him behinde his pavilion, thinking that he heard them not, put forth his staffe from under the cloth unto them and said: A whorson knaves, could you not go a little far­ther off, when you meant thus to raile upon us. Likewise when one Arcadian an Argive or A­chaean never gave over reviling of King Philip, and abusing him in most reprochfull tearmes, yea and to give him warning

So far to flie, untill he thither came
Where no man knew nor heard of Philips name.

And afterwards the man was seene (I know not how) in Macedonia; the friends and courtiers 40 of king Philip were in hand with him to have him punished, and that in any wise he should not let him go and escape: Philip contrariwise having him once in his hands, spake gently unto him, used him courteously, sending unto him in his lodging gifts and presents, and so sent him away. And after a certeine time he commanded those courtiours of purpose to enquire what words he gave out of him unto the Greekes: but when everie one made report againe and testi­fied that he was become another man, and ceased not to speake woonderfull things in the praise of him; Lo (quoth Philip) then unto them: Am not I a better Physician than all you, and can I not skill how to cure a foule tongued fellow? Another time at the great solemnitie of the Olympian games, when the Greekes abused him with verie bad language, his familiar friends about him said they deserved to be sharply chastised and punished, for so miscalling and revi­ling 50 him, who had beene so good a benefactor of theirs: what would they doe and say then (quoth he) if I should deale hardly by them and doe them shrewd turnes? Semblably, notable and excellent was the carriage of Pisistratus to Thrasibulus: of king Porsenna to Mutius and of Magas to Philemon, who in a publike and frequent Theatre, had mocked and scoffed at him in this maner,

Magas, there are some letters come unto you from a king
[Page 125] But letter Magas none can reade, nor write for any thing.

Now it chanced afterwards that by a tempest at sea he was cast upon the Port-towno Paraetoni­um, whereof Magas was governor, and so fell into his hands, who did him no other harme, but commaunded one of his guard or officers about him, onely with his naked sword to touch his bare necke, and so gently to goe his waies and do no more to him: marie afterwards, he sent un­to him little bones for cock-all, and a pretie ball to play withall, as if he had beene a child that had no wit nor discretion, and so sent him home againe in peace. King Ptolomaus upon a time gesting and scoffing at a simple and unlearned Gramarian, asked him, who was the father of Peleus: I will answere you sir (quoth he) if you tell me first who was the father of Lagus: This 10 was a drie flout and touched King Ptolomaus very neere, in regard of the meane parentage from whence he was descended: whereat, all about the King were mightily offended, and thought it was too broad a jest and frump intolerable. But Ptolomaeus, if it be not seemely for a King to take and put up a scorne: surely as little decent it is for his person to give a scorne It seemeth that heere 12 somewhat wanung. Alexander the Great was more bitter and cruell (than otherwise his ordinatie manner was to others) towards Callisthenes and Clytus. But King Porus being taken prisoner by him in a bat­tell, besought that he would use him royally, or like a King. And when King Alexander de­maunded moreover what he had more to say, and what he would have else? No more (quoth he) for under this word Royally is comprised all. And therefore I suppose it is, that the Greeks call the King of the gods, by the name of Milichiüs, that is to say, Milde and sweete as honie. 20 And the Athenians named him Mumactes, which is as much as, Readie to helpe and succour: For to punish and torment, pertaineth to divels and the furious fiends of hel: there is no celesti­all, divine, and heavenly thing in it. And like as one said of King Philip, when he had rased & de­stroyed the citie Olynthus: Yea marie, but he is not able to set up such another citie in the place: even so, a man may well say unto Anger; Thou canst overthrow, demolish, marre and pull downe: but to reare and erect againe, to save, to pardon, and to endure; be the properties of meeknesse, clemencie, mildnes, patience, and moderation: they be the parts (I say) of Camillus, Metellus, Aristides and Socrates: whereas to sticke close unto the flesh, to pinch, pricke and bite, are the qualities of pismires, flies and mice. Moreover and besides, when I looke unto Re­venge, and the manner thereof, I finde for the most part, that if men proceede by way of cho­ler, 30 they misse of their purpose: for commonly all the heat & desire of revenge is spent in biting of lips, gnashing and grating of teeth, vaine running to and fro, in railing words with foolish threats and menaces among, that favour of no wit at all: By which meanes it fareth with them afterwards, as with little children in running of a race, who for feeblenesse being not able to hold out, fall downe before they come unto the goale, whereunto they made such ridiculous and foo­lish haste. And therfore in my conceit, it was not an improper answere which a certaine Rho­dian made unto one of the Lictours and officers of a Romane Generall or Lord Proetor, who with wide mouth bauled at him, and made a glorious bragging and boasting. I passe not (quoth he) one whit what thou saist; I care rather for that which he thinketh there, that saith nothing. In like manner Sophocles when he had brought in Eurypylus and Neoptolemus all armed, speaketh 40 bravely in their commendation thus,

They dealt no threates in vaine, no taunts they made, nor boasting words:
But to't they went and on their shields they laid on load with swords.

And verily, some barbarous nations there arewho use to poison their swords, & other weapons of iron; but valour hath no need at all of the venim of choler, for dipped it is in reason & judge­ment; whereas whatsoever is corrupted with ire and furie is brittle, rotten, and easie to be bro­ken into pieces. Which is the reason that the Lacedaemonians doe allay the choler of their souldiors, when they are fighting with the melodious sound of flutes and pipes; whose manner 50 is also before they goe to battell, to sacrifice unto the Muses, to the ende that their reason and right wits may remaine in them still, and that they may have use thereof: yea, and when they have put their enemies to flight, they never pursue after nor follow the chase, but reclaime and hold their furious anger within compasse, which they are able to weld and manage as they list; no lesse than these daggers or courtlaces which are of a meane size and reasonable length. Con­trariwise, anger hath beene the cause that many thousands have come short of the execution of vengeance, and miscarried by the way. As for example, Cyrus and Pelopidas the Thebane among [Page 126] the rest. But Agathocles endured patiently to heare himselfe reproched and reviled, by those whom hee besieged: and when one of them said: You Potter there? Heare you? Where will you have silver to pay your mercenarie souldiers and strangers their wages? Hee laughed againe and made answere; Even out of this citie when I have once forced it. Some there were also that mocked and scorned Antigonus from the verie walles, and twitted him with his defor­mitie and evill favoured face. But he said no more than thus, Why! And I tooke my selfe be­fore to have beene verie faire and well favoured. Now when he had woon the towne he sold in open port-sale those that had so flouted him, protesting withal unto them, that if from that time forward they mocked him any more, he would tell their masters of them and call them to ac­count. 10

Moreover, I doe see that hunters, yea, and oratours also commit many faults in their choler. And Aristotle doth report, that the friends of Satyrus the Oratour, in one cause that he had to plead for them, stopped his eares with waxe, for feare lest that he, when he heard his adversaries to raile upon him in their pleas, should marre all in his anger. And do not (I pray you) we our selves many times misse of punishing our servants by this meanes, when they have done some faults: for when they heare us to threaten, and give out in our anger, that we will doe thus and thus unto them, they be so frighted that they runne away farre enough off from us. Like as nur­ses therefore, are wont to say unto their little children: Crie not, and you shall have this or that; so we shall do very wel, to speake unto our choler in this wise; Make no such haste, soft and faire, keepe not such a crying, make not so loud a noise, be not so eager and urgent upon the point: 20 so shall you see every thing that you would have, sooner done and much better. And thus a fa­ther, when he seeth his childe going about to cut or cleave any thing with a knife or edge toole, taketh the toole or knife out of his hand, and doth it himselfe; even so he that doth take revenge out of the hands of choler, punisheth not himselfe, but him that deserveth it: and thus he doth surely, putting his owne person in no danger, without damage and losse, nay, with great profit and commodity. Now, whereas all passions whatsoever of the minde had need of use and eu­stome, to tame (as it were) and vanquish by exercise, that which in them is unruely, rebellious and disobedient to reason: certes, in no one point besides had we need to be more exercised, (I meane as touching those dealings that we have with our housholde servants) than in anger: for there is no envy & emulation that ariseth in us toward thē, there is no feare that we need to have 30 of them, neither any ambition that troubleth or pricketh us against them; but ordinary and con­tinuall fits of anger we have every day with them, which breed much offence and many errours, causing us to tread awry, to slip and do amisse sundry waies, by reason of that licentious libertie unto which we give our selves, all the whiles that there is none to controll, none to stay, none to forbid and hinder us: and therefore being in so ticklish a place, and none to sustaine and holde us up, soone we catch a fall, and come downe at once. And a hard matter it is (I may say to you) when we are not bound to render an account to any one, in such a passion as this, to keepe our selves upright, and not to offend; unlesse we take order before-hand to restraine and empale (as it were) round about, so great a libertie with meeknesse and clemencie, unlesse (I say) we be well inured and acquainted to beare and endure many shrewd and unhappy words of our wives, 40 much unkinde language of friends and familiars, who many times do chalenge us for being too remisse, over-gentle, yea, and altogether carelesse and negligent in this behalfe. And this in trueth, hath bene the principall cause that I have bene quicke and sharpe unto my servants, for feare lest they might proove the woorse for not being chastised. But at the last, though late it were, I perceived; First, that better it was by long sufferance and indulgence, to make them somewhat woorse, than in seeking to reforme and amend others, to disorder and spoile my selfe with bitternesse and choler: Secondly, when I saw many of them often-times, even because they were not so punished, feare and shame to do evil, and how pardon and forgivenesse was the beginning of their repentance and conversion, rather than rigour and punishment; and that I asture you, they would serve some more willingly with a nod or winke of the eie, and without a 50 word spoken, than others with all their beating and whipping: I was at last perswaded in my minde and resolved, that reason was more woorthy to command and rule as a master, than ire and wrath. For true it is not that the Poet saith:

Where ever is feare,
Shame also is there:

but cleane contrary: Looke who are bashfull and ashamed; in them there is imprinted a cer­taine feare that holdeth them in good order: whereas continuall beating and laying on without [Page 127] mercy, breedeth not repentance in servants for evill doing, but rather a kinde of forecast and providence, how they should not be spied nor taken in their evill doing. Thirdly, calling to re­membrance, and considering evermore with my selfe, that he who taught us to shoot, forbad us not to draw a bowe or to shoot an arrow, but to misse the marke: no more will this be any let or hinderance, but that we may chastise and punish our servants, if we be taught to do it in time and place, with moderation and measure, profitably, and decently as it apperteineth. And verily I do enforce my selfe, and strive to master my choler and subdue it principally, not denying unto them who are to be punished, the libertie and meanes to justifie themselves, but in hearing them to speake what they can for their excuse. For as time and space doeth in the meane time finde the passion occupied another way, and withall bring a certaine delay, which doeth slacke and let 10 downe (as it were) the vehemencie and violence thereof; so judgement of reason, all the while meeteth both with a decent maner and also with a convenient meane and measure of doing pu­nishment accordingly. And besides, this course and maner of proceeding, leaveth him that is punished, no cause, occasion or pretense at all, to resist and strive againe, considering that he is chastised and corrected not in choler and anger, but being first convinced, that he had well de­served his correction: and (which were yet woorse than all the rest) the servant shall not have vantage to speake more justly and to better reason than his master. Well then, like as Phocion after the death of Alexander the great, having a care not to suffer the Athenians to rise over­soone, or make any insurrection before due time, ne yet to give credit rashly unto the newes of his death: My masters of Athens (quoth he) if he be dead to day, he will be dead to morow also, 20 and three daies hence to; even so should a man (in mine opinion) who by the impulsion and instigation of anger, maketh haste to take punishment, thus suggest and secretly say to himselfe: If this servant of mine hath made a fault to day, it will be as true to morrow, and the next day after that he hath done a fault; neither will there be any harme or danger at all come of it, if hee chaunce to be punished with the latest: but beleeve me, if he be punished over-soone, it will be alwaies thought that he had wrong, and did not offend: a thing that I have knowen to happen full often. For which of us all is so curst & cruel, as to punish and scourge a servant, for burning the roast five or ten daies ago? or for that so long before he chanced to overthrow the table? or was somewhat with the slowest in making answer to his Master; or did his errand or other busi­nes not so soone as he should? and yet we see these & such like be the ordinary causes for which 30 (whiles they be fresh and new done) we take on, we stampe and stare, we chafe, we frowne, we are implacable and will heare of no pardon: And no marvaile, for like as any bodies seeme bigger through a mist; even so every thing appeereth greater than it is, through anger. And therefore at these and such like faults, we should winke for the time, and make as though we sawthem not, and yet thinke upon them neverthelesse, and beare them in minde. But after­wards when the storme is well overblowen, we are with out passion, & do not suspect our selves, then we may do well to consider thereof: and then if upon mature deliberation, when our mind is staied and our senses setled, the thing appeere to be naught, we are to hate and abhor it, and in no wise either to for-let and put of, or altogether to omit and forbeare correction, like as they refuse meats who have no stomacke nor appetite to eat. For certeinly it is not a thing so 40 much to be blamed, for to punish one in anger, as not to punish when anger is past and alaied, and so to be retchlesse and desolute: doing as idle mariners, who so long as the sea is calme and the weather faire, loiter within the harbor or haven, but afterwards when a tempest is up, spread sailes and put themselves into danger. For even so we, condemning and neglecting the remissenesse and calmnesse of reason in case of punishment, make haste to execute the same during the heat of choler, which no doubt is a blustring and turbulent winde. As for meat he calleth for it in deed, and taketh it naturally who is a hungrie: but surely he executeth punish­ment best, who neither hungreth nor thirsteth after it: neither hath he need to use choler as a sauce or deintie dish for to get him a stomacke and appetite to correct: but even when he is far­thest off from desire of revenge, then of necessitie he is to make use of reason and wisdome to 50 direct him: for we ought not to do, as Aristotle writeth in his time the maner was in Tuskane; To whip servants with sound of flutes and hautboies; namely to make a sport and pastime of punishing men, and to solace our selves with their punishment for pleasures sake, and then af­terwards when we have done, repent us of it: for as the one is brutish and beastlike; so the other is as womanish and unmanly: but without griefe and pleasure both, at what time as reason and judgement is in force, we ought to let justice take punishment, and leave none occasion at all for choler to get advantage. But peradvenure some one will say, that this is not properly the [Page 128] way to remedie or cure anger; but rather a putting by or precaution that we should not commit any of those faults which ordinarily follow that passion: Unto whom I answere thus; That the swelling of the Spleene is not the cause but a symptome or accident of a fever: howbeit if the said humour be fallen and the paine mitigated, the feaver also will be much eased, according as Hieronymus saith. Also when I consider by what meanes choler is engendred: I see that one fal­leth into it upon this cause, another upon that: but in all of them, it seemeth this generall opi­nion there is, that they thinke themselves to be despised and naught set by. And therefore we ought to meet with such as seeme to defend and mainteine themselves, as being angry for just cause, and to cure them after this maner; namely, by diverting and remooving from them, as far as ever we can, all suspicion of contempt and contumacie in those that have offended them and 10 mooved their anger; in laying the fault upon inconsiderate follie, necessitie, sicknesse, infirmi­tie and miserie, as Sophocles did in these verses,

For those my Lords whose state is in destresse,
Have not their spirits and wits as heretofore:
As fortune frownes, they waxen ever lesse,
Nay gone are quite, though fresh they were before.

And Agamemnon, albeit he laid the taking away of Briseis from Achilles upon Ate (that is to say) some fatall infortunitie, yet

He willing was and prest, him to content,
And unto him rich gifts for to present. 20

For to beseech and intreat, are signes of a man that despiseth not, and when the partie who hath given offence becometh humble and lowly, he remooveth all the opinion that might be concei­ved of contempt. But he that is in a fit of choler must not attend and waite until he see that, but rather helpe himselfe with the answer of Diogenes. These fellowes here said one unto him, do deride thee Diogenes; but I (quoth he againe) do not finde that I am derided; even so ought a man who is angry not to be perswaded that he is contemned of another, but rather that him­selfe hath just cause to contemne him, and to thinke that the fault committed did proced of in­firmitie, error, heady-rashnesse, sloth and idlenesse, a base and illiberall minde, age or youth. And as for our servants and friends we must by all meanes quit them hereof, or pardon them at leastwise: For surely they cannot be thought to contemne us, in regard that they thinke us 30 unable to be revenged, or men of no execution if we went about it: but it is either by reason of our remissenes and mildnesse, or else of our love and affection that we seeme to be smally re­garded by them, whiles our servants presume of our tractable nature, easie to be pacified, and our friends of our exceeding love that cannot be soone shaken off. But now we are provoked to anger, not onely against our wives, or servitors and friends, as being contemned by them; but also many times in our choler we fall upon In-keepers, Mariners and Muliters, when they be drunke, supposing that they despise us. And that which more is, we are offended with dogs when they bay or barke at us; and with asses if they chance to fling out and kicke us. Like unto him who lifted up his hand to strike and beat him that did drive an asse; and when the man cried that he was an Athenian: But thou I am sure art no Athenian (quoth he) to the asse, and laid up­on 40 the poore beast as hard as he could, and gave him many a blow with his cudgell. But that which chiefly causeth us to be angrie, and breedeth a continuall disposition thereto in our minds, causing us so often to breake out into fits of choler, which by little and little was ingen­dred and gathered there before, is the love of our owne selves, and a kinde of froward surlinesse hardly to be pleased, together with a certaine daintinesse and delicacie, which all concurring in one, breed and bring foorth a swarme (as it were) of bees, or rather a waspes neast in us. And therefore there cannot be a better meanes for to carrie our selves mildly and kindly, towards our wives, our servants, familiars and friends, than a contented minde, and a singlenesse or simpli­citie of heart, when a man resteth satisfied with whatsoever is present at hand, and requireth nei­ther things superfluous nor exquisite, 50

But he that never is content
With rost or sod, but cooke is shent:
How ever he be serv;d, I meane
With more, with lesse, or in a meane:
He is not pleas'd nor one good word
Can give of viands set on boord,
Without some snow who drinks no draught,
[Page 129] Nor eateth bread in market bought.
Who tastes no meate, b'it never so good,
Serv'd up in dish of earth or wood:
And thinkes no bed nor pillow soft,
Unlesse with downe like sea aloft
Stird from beneath it strut and swell;
For otherwise he sleepes not well.

who with rods and whips plieth and hastneth the servitors at the table, making them to runne untill they sweat againe, crying and bawling at them to come away apace, as if they were not ca­rying dishes of meat, but plasters and cataplasmes for some inflammation or painfull impo­stume: 10 subjecting himselfe after a slavish manner to a servile kinde of diet and life, full of dis­contentment, quarrels and complaints: little knoweth such an one how by a continuall cough, or many concussions & distemperatures, he hath brought his soule to an ulcerous and rheuma­tike disposition about the seat and place of anger. And therfore we must use the body by fruga­litie to take up and learne to be content with a competent meane (forasmuch as they who desire but a little, can never be disappointed nor frustrat of much) finding no fault, nor keeping any stir at the beginning about meat, but standing satisfied without saying a word, with that which God sendeth whatsoever it be, not fretting, vexing and tormenting our selves at the table about everie thing, and in so doing, serving both our selves and our companie about us of friends, with the most unsavorie messe of meat, that is to wit, choler: 20

A supper woorse than this I do not see
How possibly one can devised bee.

Namely, whiles the servants be beaten, the wife chidden and reviled for the meat burnt, for smoke in the parlor, for want of salt, or for the bread over stale and drie. But Arcesilaus upon a time with other friends of his, feasted certaine strangers and hosts of his abroad, whose guest he had beene; and after the supper was come in, and meat set upon the boord, there wanted bread, by reason that his servants had forgotten and neglected to buy any: for such a fault as this, which of us here would not have cried out that the walles should have burst withall, and beene readie to have throwen the house out of the window? And he laughing at the matter: He had need be a wise man (quoth he) I see well, that would make a feast and set it out as it should be. 30 Socrates also upon a time, when he came from the wrestling schoole, tooke Euthydemus home with him to supper: but Xantippe his wife fel a chiding and scoulding with him at the boord, revi­ling him with most bitter tearmes, so long, until at last in an anger downe went table and all that was upon it: Whereupon Euthydemus arose, and was about to depart; but Socrates: Will you be gone (quoth he?) Why, do you not remember that the other day as we sat at supper in your house, there flew up to the boord a hen and did as much for you? and yet were not we offen­ded nor angrie for the matter. And in verie truth, we must entertaine our friends and guests, with courtesie, mirth, a smiling countenance, and affectionate love: and not to brow-beat them, not yet put the servitors in a fright, and make them quake and tremble with our frowning lookes. Also we ought so to accustome our selves that we may be content to be served with 40 any kinde of vessels whatsoever, and not upon a daintinesse to have a minde to this, rather then to that, but to like all indifferently. And yet there be some so diyers, that although there be ma­nie cups and goblets standing upon the boord, choose onefrom the rest, and cannot drinke for­sooth but out of that one: according as the Stories doe report of Marius, who loved one mazar, and could drinke out of no other. Thus they doe by their oile cruets and currying combs or rubbers, when they are at the baines or stouphes, taking a fancie and affection to some one above the rest but if it chaunce that one of them be crackt, broken, or be lost and miscarie any way; then they are exceeding angrie and fall to beating of their servants. Such men there­fore as finde themselves to be cholerike, should do well to forbeare all rare and exquisite things, to wit, pots, cups, seale rings of excellent workmanship and pretious stones. For that such 50 costly jewels if they be marred or lost, breed more anger and set men out of order, more than those which be ordinarie and easie to be come by. And therefore when Nero the Emperour had caused to be made a certaine pavilion or tabemacle eight square, which was both for the beautie and cost, exceeding faire and sumptuous, and indeed an admirable piece of worke. In this Tabernacle (quoth Seneca) unto him, you have bewraied ô Caesar that you are but a poore man: for if you lose this once, you shall never be able to recover and get the like againe. And so it fell out indeed, for the ship, whetein the same Tabernacle was, chanced to be cast away up­on [Page 130] the sea, and all was drowned. But Nero calling to minde the words of Seneca, tooke the losse more patiently.

Moreover, this contentment of mind, and easinesse to be pleased with any thing in the house, causeth a man also to be more gentle, milde, and better contented with his servants and people about him: now if it worke this effect in us toward our housholde servants, evident it is that we shalbe likewise affected to our friends & those that be under our government. We see also, that slaves new bought, are inquisitive as touching him who hath bought them; not whether he be superstitious and envious; but whether he be cholerike and hasty or no. And to be briefe, nei­ther can husbands endure the pudicity and honesty of their wives; nor wives the love of their husbands; ne yet friends the mutuall conversation one with another, if there doe an angry and 10 cholerike humor goe withall. Thus we see, that neither mariage nor amity be tollerable with choler. Contrariwise, if anger be away, even drunkennesse it selfe is tollerable and we can easi­ly abide it: for the very ferula of god Bacchus is a sufficient punishment of drunkennesse, if so be there be not choler therewith, which may cause Bacchus, that is, Strong wine, in stead of Lyaeus and Chorius, that is to say, The Looser of cares and Leader of daunces (which are his surnames) to be called Omestes and Maenoles, which signifie Cruell and Furious. As for simple madnesse of it selfe alone, the Ellebore growing in Antycira, is sufficient to cure: but if it be mingled with choler, it causeth Tragicall fits, and those so strange, that a man would repute them for meere fables. And therefore we must not give place to anger, neigher in sport and pastime; for in lieu of good will it breedeth enmitie: nor in conference and disputations; for it turneth the love and 20 desire of knowledge into debate and contention: nor in deciding and judging causes; because to authority it addeth violence and insolency: nor in the teaching and instruction of our chil­dren; for it maketh them desperate and haters of learning: nor in prosperity; for it encreaseth the envy and grudge of men: ne yet in adversity, because it taketh away pitty and compassion, when they who are fallen into any misfortune, shew themselves testie, froward and quarellous to those who come to moane and mourne with them. This did Priamus, as we reade in Homer:

Avant (quoth he) you chiding guests, you odious mates be gone:
Have you no sorrowes of your owne, but you come me to moane? 30

On the other side, faire conditions and milde behaviour, yeeldeth succour and helpe in some cases; composeth and ordereth matters aright in others; dulceth and alaieth that which is tart and sowre: and in one word, by reason of that kinde, meeke and gentle quality, it overcommeth anger and all waiward testinesse whatsoever. Thus it is reported of Euclides in a quarrell or vari­ance betweene him and his brother: For when his brother had contested and said unto him; I would I might die, if be not revenged of thee: he inferred againe; Nay, let me die for it, if I perswade thee not otherwise before I have done; by which one word he presently woon his bro­thers heart, so that he changed his mind, and they parted friends. Polemon likewise, at a certaine time, when one who loved precious stones, & was sicke for faire & costly rings & such like curi­ous jewels, did raile at him outragiously; answered not a word againe, but looked very wistly up­on 40 one of the signets that the other had, and well considered the fashion and workemanship thereof: which when the party perceived, taking as it should seeme no small contentment, and being very well pleased that he so porused his jewell; Not so Polemon (quoth he againe) but looke upon it thus, betweene you and the light, and then you will thinke it much more beauti­full. Aristippus fell out upon a time (I know not how) with Aeschines, and was in a great choler and fit of anger: How now Aristippus (quoth one who heard him so high & at such hot words) where is your amity & friendship all this while? Mary, asleepe (quoth he) but I wil waken it anon. With that he stept close to Atschines, and said: Thinke you me so unhappy every way and in­curable, that I deserved not one admonishment at your hands? No marvell (quoth Aeschines againe) if thought you (who for naturall wit in all things els excel me) to see better in this case 50 also than I, what is meet and expedient to be done. For true it is that the Poet saith;

The boare so wilde, whose necke with hristles strong
Is thicke beset, the tender hand and soft
Of woman nice, yea and of infant yong,
By stroking faire, shall bend and turne (full oft)
Much sooner farre, and that with greater case
Than wrestlers strong with all their force and peise.

[Page 131] And we our selves can skill how to tame wilde beasts, we know how to make yoong woolves gentle, yea, and lions whelps other-whiles we cary about with us in our armes: but see, how we againe afterwards in a raging fit of choler, be ready to fling from us and cast out of our sight, our owne children, our friends and familiars, and all our houshold servants, our fellow citizens and neighbours, we let loose our ire like some savage and furious beast, and this rage of ours we disguise and cloke forsooth with a colourable and false name, calling it Hatred of vice. But heerein (I suppose) we doe no otherwise than in the rest of our passions and diseases of the minde; tearming one, Providence and forecast; another Liberalitie; and a third Pietie and re­ligion: and yet for all these pretenses of goodly names, we can not be cured of the vices which they palliate; to wit, Timorousnesse, Prodigalitie and Superstition. 10

And verily, like as our naturall seed (as Zeno said) is a certeine mixture and composition, derived and extracted from all the powers and faculties of the soule; even so, in mine opini­on, a man may say that choler is a miscellane feed (as it were) and a dregge, made of all the passi­ons of the mind: for plucked it is from paine, pleasure and insolent violence: Of envie it hath this qualitie to joy in the harmes of other men: it standeth much upon murder, but woorse it is simply than murder: for the wrathfull person striveth and laboureth not to defend and save himselfe from taking harme; but so he may mischiefe and overthrow another, he careth not to come by a hurt and shrewd turne himselfe. It holdeth likewise of concupiscence and lust, and taketh of it the worse and more unpleasant part, in case it be (as it is indeed) a desire and appetite to greeve, vexe, and harme another. And therefore when we approch and come neere to the 20 houses of luxurious and riotous persons, we heare betimes in the morning a minstrel-wench, sounding and playing the Morrow-watch by breake of day: we see the muddy-grounds and dregs (as one was wont to say) of the wine, to wit, the vomits of those who cast up their stomacks: we behold the peeces and fragments of broken garlands and chaplets: and at the dore we finde the lackies and pages of them who are within, drunken and heavie in the head with tipling strong wine. But the signes that tell where hastie, cholericke, and angry persons dwell, appeere in the faces of their servants, in the marks and wales remaining after their whipping, and in their clogs, yrons, and fetters about their feete. For in the houses of hastie and angrie men, a man shall never heare but one kind of musicke; that is to say, the heavie note of wailing grones and piteous plaints; whiles either the stewards within are whipped and scourged, or the mai­dens 30 racked & put to torture, in such sort that you would pitie to see the dolors & paines of yre which she suffreth in those things that she lusteth after & taketh pleasure in. And yet as many of us as happen to be truly & justly surprised with choler oftentimes, for the harted & detestation that we have of vices, ought to cut off that which is excessive therein and beyond measure, to­gether with our over-light beleefe and credulitie of reports concerning such as converse with us: For this is one of the causes that most of all doth engender and augment choler; when either he whom we tooke for an honest man prooveth dishonest, and is detected for some naughti­nesse, or whom we reputed our friend is fallen into some quarrell and variance with us: as for my selfe, you know my nature and disposition, what small occasions make me both to love men ef­fectually, and also to trust them confidently; and therefore (just as it falleth out with them 40 who go over a false floore where the ground is not fast, but hollow under their feete) where I leane most and put my greatest trust for the love that I beare, there I offend most and soonest catch a fall: there (I say) am I grieved most also, when I see how I was deceived: As for that exceeding inclination and frowardnes of mind, thus to love and affect a man, could I never yet to this day weane my selfe from, so inbred it is and setled in me: mary to stay my selfe from gi­ving credit over-hastily and too much, I may peradventure use that bridle which Plato speaketh of, to wit, wary circumspection: for in recommending the Mathematician Helicon, I praise him (quoth he) for a man, that is as much to say, as a creature by nature mutable and apt to change. And even those who have beene well brought up in a citie, to wit, in Athens, he saith that he is afraid likewise of them, lest being men, and comming from the seed of man, they do not one 50 time or other bewray the weaknesse and infirmitie of humane nature: and Sophocles when he speaketh thus,

Who list to search through all deeds of mankind
More had then good he shall be sure to find.

seemeth to clip our wings, and disable us wonderfully. Howbeit this difficultie and caution in judging of men and pleasing our selves in the choise of friends, will cause us to be more tracta­ble and moderate in our anger: for whatsoever commeth sodainly and unexpected, the same [Page 132] soone transporteth us beside our selves. We ought moreover as Panatius teacheth us in one place to practise the example of Anaxagoras, and like as he said when newes came of his sons death; I know well (quoth he) that I begat him a mortall man; so in every fault of our servants or others that shall whetten our choler, ech one of us may sing this note to himselfe: I knew wel that when I bought this slave, he was not a wise Philosopher: I wist also, that I had gotten formy friend not one altogether void of affections and passions: neither was I ignorant when I tooke a wife, that I wedded a woman. Now if withall a man would evermore when he seeth others do amisse, adde this more unto the dittie as Plato teacheth us, and sing thus: Am not I also such an other? turning the discursion of his judgement from things abroad, to those which are with in himselfe, and among his complaints and reprehensions of other men, come in with a cer­teine 10 caveat of his owne, and feare to be reproved himselfe in the like; he would not haply be so quicke & forward in the hatred and detestation of other mens vices, seeing that himselfe hath so much need of pardon. But on the contrary side, every one of us when he is in the heat of cho­ler and punisheth another, hath these words of severe Aristides and precise Cato ready enough in his mouth: Steale not Sirrha: Make no more lies: Why art thou so idle then? &c. To conclude (that which of all others is most unseemely and absurd) we reproove in anger, others for being angry; and such faults as were committed in choler, those our selves will punish in choler; not verily as the Physicians useto do, who

A bitter medicine into the body poure,
When bitter choler they meane to purge and scoure. 20

But we rather doe encrease the same with our bitternesse, and make more trouble than was be­fore. And therefore when I thinke and discourse with my selfe of these matters, I endevour withall and assay to cut off somewhat from needlesse curiositie. For surely this narrow searching and streight looking into everie thing, for to spie and find out a fault; as for example to sift thy servant and call him into question for all his idle houres; to prie into every action of thy friend; to see where about thy sonne goeth, and how he spendeth all his time; to listen what whispering there is betweene thy wife and another, be the verie meanes to breed much anger, daily braules, and continualljarres, which grow in the end to the height of curstnesse and frowardnes, hard to be pleased with any thing whatsoever. For according as Euripides saith in one place, we ought in some forto do: 30

All great affatres God ay himselfe directeth,
But matters small, to Fortune he committeth.

For mine owne part, I do not thinke it good to commit any busines to Fortune; neither would I have a man of understanding to be retchlesse in his owne occasions: But with some things to put his wife in trust; others to make over unto servants, and in some matters to use his friends. Herein to beare himselfe like a Prince and great commaunder, having under him his Deputies, Governours, Receivers, Auditors, and Procurators; reserving unto himselfe and to the dispo­sition of his owne judgement, the principall affaires, and those of greatest importance. For like as little letters or a small print do more offend and trouble the eies then greater, for that the eies be verie intentive upon them; even so, small matters doe quickly moove choler, which thereup­on 40 soone getteth an ill custome in weightier matters. But above all, I ever reckon that saying of Empedoles to be a divine precept and heavenly oracle, which admonisheth us To fast from sin. I commended also these points and observations, as being right honest, commendable, and be­seeming him, that maketh profession of wisedome and philosophie, which we use to vow unto the gods in our praiers: Namely, To forbeare both wine and women, and so to live sober and chaste a whole yeere together, and in the meane while to serve God with a pure and undefiled heart: Also, to limit and set out a certaine time, wherein we would not make a lie, observing precisely not to speake any vaine and idle word, either in earnest or in bourd. With these and such like observations also, I acquainted and furnished my soule, as being no lesse affected to teligion and godlines, than studious of learning and philosophie: Namely, first enjoined my selfe to passe a certaine few 50 Holy-daies without being angrie, or offended upon any occasion whatsoever; no lesse than I would have vowed to forbeare drunkennesse, and abstaine altogether from wine, as if I sacrificed at the feast Nephalta [wherein no wine was spent] or celebrated the solemnitie Melisponda, [in which Honie onely was used.] Thus having made an entrance; I tried afterwards a moneth or two by little and little what I could do, and ever I gained more and more time, exercising my selfe still to forbeare sinne with all my power and might. Thus I proceeded and went for­ward daily, blessing my selfe with good words and striving to be milde, quiet and voide of ma­lice, [Page 133] pure and cleane from evill speeches awd lewd deeds: but principally from that passion which for a little pleasure, and the same not verie lovely, bringeth with it great troubles and shamefull repentance in the end. Thus with the grace of God, assisting me somewhat (as I take it) in this good resolution and course of mine, experience it selfe approoved and confirmed my first intenr and judgement, whereby I was taught, That this mildnesse, clemency, and debonaire humanitie, is to none of our familiars who live and converse daily with us, so sweete, so pleasant and agreeable, as to our selves who have these vertues and good qualities within us. 10

OF CVRIOSITIE.

The Summarie.

THE former Treatise hath shewed unto us, how many mischiefes and inconveniences 20 Anger causeth, teaching us the meanes how to beware of it. Now Plutarch dealeth with another vice, no lesse dangerous than it, which bendeth to the opposite extremity. For where as ire doth so bereave aman of the use of reason during the accesse and fit thereof, that the cholericke and furious persons aiffer not one from another, but in the space of time. This curiositie which now is in hand, being masked under the name of wisedome and ha­bilitie of spirit is (to say a trueth) a covert and hidden furie, which carrieth the minde of the curious person past himselfe, for to gather and heape from all parts the ordure and filthinesse of another, and af­terwards to bring the same into him selfe, and to make thereof a verie store-house, for to infect his owne selfe first, and then others, according as themalignitie and malice, the follies, backbiting, and slanders of these curious folke do sufficiently declare. To the ende therefore that everie man who lo­veth 30 vertue, should divert from such a maladie, our author sheweth that the principall remedie for to preserve us from it, is to turne this curiositie to our owne selves; namely, to examine our owne persons more diligently than others. Which point he amplifieth by setting downe on the contrary side, the blind­nesse of those who are over-busie and curious. Then commeth he to declare, why a curious person go­eth foorth alwaies out of his owne house for to enter into another mans; to wit, because of his owne fil­thinesse, which by that meanes he cannot smell and perceive; but whiles he will needs go to stirre and rake into the life of others, he snareth and entangleth himselfe, and so perisheth in his owne folly and indiscretion. Afterwards proceeding to prescribe the remedies for the cure of curiositie, when he had deciphered the villanies and indignities thereof, together with the nature of curious persons, and the enormous viees which accompanie them, he requireth at our hands, that we should not be desirous to 40 know things which be vile, base, lewd or unprofitable; that we should hold in our eies, and not cast them at random and aventure within the house of another, that we should not seeke after the bruite and rumours that are spread in meetings and companies; that we otherwhiles should forbeare even such things, whereof the use is lawfull and permitted: also to take heed that we doe not enter nor sound too deepe into our owne affaires; Finally, not to be rash and heady in those things that we do, be they never so small. All these points premised, he adorneth with inductions, similitudes and choise examples, and knitteth up all with one conclusion, which prooveth, that curious solk ought to be ranged among the most mischievous and dan­gerous 50 persons in the world.

OF CVRIOSITIE.

THe best way haply it were altogether to avoid an house and not therein at all to dwell, which is close without fresh aire, darke, stan­ding bleake and colde, or otherwise unhealthfull: Howbeit, if a man by reason that he hath beene long used to such an house, de­light in that seat, and will there abide, he may either by altering the prospects and remooving the lights, or by changing the staires in­to 10 another place, or else by opening the dores of one side, & shut­ting them upon another, make the house more lightsome, better exposed to the wind for to receive fresh aire, & in one word more holsome than before. And verily some have much amended whole cities by the like alterati­ons: as for example, men say that one Chaeron in times past turned my native citie and place of nativitie Chaeronea to lie eastward, which before looked toward the westerne winde Zephyrus, and received the sunne setting from the mount Pernassus. And Empedocles the naturall Philo­sopher, by stopping up the mouth or deepe chinke of a certeine mountaine between two rocks, which breathed out a noisome and pestilent southerne winde upon all the champian countrey and plaine underneath, was thought to have put by the plague, which by occasion of that wind 20 reigned ordinarily before in that countrie. Now forasmuch as there be certeine hurtfull and pestiferous passions, which send up into our soule tempestuous troubles and darknesse, it were to be wished, that they were chased out quite, and throwne downe to the very ground; whereby we might give our selves a free prospect, an open and cleere light, a fresh and pure aire; or if we be not so happie, yet at leastwise endevour, we ought by all meanes possible to change, alter, translate, transpose and turne them so about, as they may be found more fit and commodious to serve our turnes. As for example, and to go no farther for the matter, Curiositie, which I take to be a desire to know the faults and imperfections in other men, is a vice or disease which seemeth not cleere of envie and maliciousnesse: And unto him that is infected therewith may very well be said, 30

Most spightfull and envious man, why doest thou ever finde
With piercing eies thy neighbours faults, and in thine owne art blinde?

avert thine eies a little from things without, and turne thy much medling and curiosity to those that be within. If thou take so great a pleasure and delight to deale in the Knowledge and Histo­rie of evill matters, thou hast worke enough iwis at home, thou shalt finde plentie thereof with­in to occupie thy selfe;

For looke what water run's along an Isthus or Isle we see, 40
Or leaves lie spred about the Oke, which numbred cannot be.

Such a multitude shalt thou finde of sinnes in thy life, of passions in thy soule, and of oversights in thy duties. For like as Xenophon saith, That good stewards of an houshold have one proper roome by it selfe for those utensiles or implements which serve for sacrifice; another for vessell that cometh to the table; in one place he laieth up the instruments & tooles for tillage and hus­bandry, and in another apart from the rest, he bestoweth weapons, armour, and furniture for the wars; even so shalt thou see within thy selfe a number of manifold vices how they are digested: some proceeding from envie, others from jealousie; some from idlenesse, others from nigar­dise: take account of these (I advise thee) survey and peruse them over well: shut all the dores 50 and windowes that yeeld prospect unto thy neighbors: stop up the avennes that give accesse and passage to Curiosity: But set open all other doores that lead into thine owne bed-chamber, and other lodgings for men, into thy wives cabinet & the nourcery, into the roomes where thy servants keepe: There shalt thou meet wherewith to amuse and busie thy selfe: there may curi­ositie and desire to know every thing be emploied in exercises, neither unprofitable nor mali­cious: nay, in such as be commodious, holsome and tending to salvation: namely, whiles every one calleth himselfe to account, saying thus,

[Page 135]
Where have I beene, what good I have done, or what have I misdone?
Where have I slipt, what duty begun is left by me undone?

But now according as fables make report, that Lamia the Witch whiles she is at home is starke blind, & doth nothing but sing, having her eies shut up close within a little boxe; but when she meanes to go abroad, she takes them foorth, and setteth them in their right place, and seeth well enough with them; even so, every one of us when we go foorth, set unto that evill meaning and intention which we have to others, an eie to looke into them, and that is curiosity and over­much medling; but in our owne errors, faults and trespasses we stumble and faile through igno­rance, 10 as having neither eies to see, nor light about them whereby they may be seene. And therefore it is, that a busie fellow and curious medler, doth more good to his enimies than to himself; for their faults he discovereth & bringeth to light, to them he sheweth what they ought to beware of, and what they are to amend: but all this while he overseeth, or rather seeth not the most things that are done at home, so deeply amused he is and busie in spying what is amisse abroad. Howbeit wise Ulysses would not abide to speake and confer with his owne mother, be­fore he had enquired of the Prophet those things for which he went downe into hel; and when hee had once heard them, then he turned to his mother and other women also, asking what was Tyro? what was Chloris? and for what was the occasion and cause that Eperaste came by her death? 20

Who knit her necke within a deadly string,
And so from beame of lofty house did hing.

But we quite contrary, sitting still in supine idlenesse and ignorance, neglecting and never re­garding that which concerneth our selves, goe to search into the genealogie and pedigrees of others; and we can tell readily, that our neighbours grandfather was no better than a base and servile Syrian; that his nourse came out of barbarous Thracia; that such an one is in debt, and oweth three talents, and is behinde hand besides, and in arrerages for non-paiment of interest for the use thereof. Inquisitive also we are in such matters as these: From whence came such a mans wife? what it was that such a one and such a one spake when they were alone together in an odde corner? Socrates was cleane of another quality; he would goe up and downe enquiring 30 and casting about what were the reasons wherewith Pythagoras perswaded men to his opinion. Aristippus likewise, at the solemnitie of the Olympian games, falling into the companie of Is­chomachus, asked of him, what were the perswasions that Socrates used to yong folk, wherby they became so affectionate unto him; and after he had received from him some small seeds (as it were) and a few samples of those reasons & arguments, he was so mooved and passionate there­with, that presently his body fell away, he looked pale, poore and leane, untill he having failed to Athens in this woonderfull thirst and ardent heat, had drunke his fill at the fountaine and well­head it selfe, knowen the man, heard his discourses and learned his Philosophie; the summe and effect whereof was this: That a man should first know his owne maladies, and then the meanes to be cured and delivered of them. But some there be, who of all things can not abide to see 40 their owne life, as being unto them the most unpleasant sight of all others; neither love they to bend and turne their reason as a light to their owne selves: but their minde being full of all sorts of evill, fearing and ready to quake for to beholde what things are within, leapeth foorth (as one would say) out of doores, and goeth wandring to and fro, searching into the deeds and words of other men, and by this meanes feedeth and fatteth (as it were) her owne malicious naughti­nesse. For like as a hen many times having meat enough within house set before her, loveth to go into some corner, and there keepeth a pecking and scraping of the ground,

To finde perhaps one seely barley corne
As she was woont on doung hill heertoforne;

even so these busie Polypragmons, passing by those ordinary speeches and matters which are 50 exposed and open for every man; not regarding (I say) the reports and narrations which are free for ech one to discourse of, and which neither any man hath to doe, to forbid and warne them for to aske and enquire of, nor will be displeased if peradventure hee should be deman­ded and asked the question of them, goe up and downe in the meane time to gather and learne all the secret and hidden evils of every house. Certes, a prety answere it was of an Aegyptian, and pertinent to the purpose, who when one asked him, what it was that he caried covered all over, and so enwrapped within a cloth: Mary (quoth he) covered it is even for this cause, that [Page 136] thou shouldest not know what it is: And thou likewise, that art so busie, why doest thou inter­meddle in that which is concealed? Be sure, that if there were no evill therein, kept close it should not be. And verily, it is not the maner and custome for any body to enter boldly into the house of another man, without knocking at the doore; for which purpose we use Porters in these daies; whereas in olde time there were rings and hammers which served the turne, and by rapping at the gates, gave warning to those within, to the end that no stranger might meet the mistresse at unawares in the hall or mids of the house; or come suddenly upon a virgin or yong damosell her daughter, and find her out of her chamber; or take some of the servants a beating, or the wenches and chambermaids chiding and scoulding aloud: whereas a busie fellow loveth a-life to step secretly into a house, for to see and heare such disorders; and you shall never know 10 him willingly to come and see an honest house and well governed (though one should call and pray him never so faire,) but ready he is to discover and set abroad in the view of the whole world such things; for which we use locks, keies, bolts, barres, portals and gate-houses. Those windes (saith Ariston) are we most troubled and offended with, which drive open our cloaks and garments that cover us, or blow and whiske them over our heads: but busie Polypragmons doth lay abroad and display not the cloaks of their neighbours nor their coats; but discovereth their walles, setteth wide open their doores, and like a winde, pierceth, creepeth and entreth so farre, as to the tender bodied and soft skinned maiden, searching and inquiring in every bacchi­nall, in all dauncings, wakes and night feasts, for some matter to raise slanders of her. And as one Cleon was noted by an olde Comicall Poet upon the State, 20

Whose hands were both in Aetolie,
But heart and minde in Clopidie;

Even so the spirit of a curious and busie person, is at one time in the stately palaces of rich and mighty men, in the little houses of meane and poore folke, in Kings Courts, and in the bed­chambers of new wedded wives; it is inquisitive in all matters, searching aswell the affaires of strangers and travellers, as negotiations of Lords and Rulers, and other-while not without dan­ger of his owne person. For much like as if a man upon a kinde of wanton curiositie, will needs be tasting of Aconite or Libard-baine, to know (forsooth) the quality of it, commeth by a mis­chiefe, & dieth of it before he can know any thing therof; so they that love to be prying into the faults of great persons, many times overthrow themselves before they come to any knowledge, 30 For such as can not be content with the abundant raies and radiant beames of the Sunne which are spread so cleere over all things, but will needs strive and force themselves impudently to looke full upon the circle of his body, and audaciously will presume and venture to pierce his brightnesse, and enter into the very minds of his inward light, commonly dazzle their eies, and become starke blinde. And therefore well and properly answered Philippides the writer of Co­medies upon a time when King Lysimachus spake thus unto him; What wouldest thou have me to impart unto thee of my goods, Philippides? What it pleaseth your Maiesty (quoth he) so it be nothing of your secrets. For to say a truth, the most pleasant and beautifull things simply, which belong to the estate of Kings, do shew without, and are exposed to the view and sight of every man; to wit, their sumptuous feasts, their wealth and riches, their magnificent port and 40 and pompe in publike places, their bountifull favours, and liberall gifts: But is there any thing secret and hidden within. Take heed I advise thee how thou approch and come neere, beware (I say) that thou do not stirre and meddle therein.

The joy and mirth of a Prince in prosperitie can not be concealed; hee cannot laugh when he is disposed to play and be merry but it is seene; neither when he mindeth and doth prepare to shew some gracious favour or to be bountifull unto any is his purpose hidden; but marke what thing he keepeth close and secret, the same is terrible, heavie, stearne, unpleasant, yea ministring no accesse nor cause of laughter: namely the treasure house (as it were) of some ranckor and festered anger; a deepe designe or project of revenge; Jealousie of his wife, some suspicion of his owne sonne; or diffidence and distrust in some of his minions, favorites and friends. Flie 50 from this blacke cloud that gathereth so thicke; for when soever that which is now hidden shall breake foorth, thou shalt see what cracks of thunder and flashes of lightning will ensue there­upon. But what be the meanes to avoid it? mary (even as I said before) to turne and to with­draw thy curiositie another way; and principally to set thy minde upon matters that are more honest and delectable: Advise thy selfe and consider curiously upon the creatures in heaven, in earth, in the aire, & in the sea. Art thou delighted in the contemplation of great or smal things? if thou take pleasure to behold the greater, busie thy selfe about the Sunne; seeke where he go­eth [Page 137] downe, and from whence he riseth? Search into the cause of the mutations in the Moone, why it should so change and alter as it doth, like a man or woman? what the reason is that she looseth so conspicuous a light? and how it commeth to passe that she recovereth it againe?

How is it, when she hath beene out of sight
That fresh she seemes and doth appeere with light?
First yoong and faire whiles that she is but new
Till round and full we see her lovely hew:
No sooner is her beautie at this height
But fade she doth anon, who was so bright,
And by degrees she doth decrease and waine 10
Untill at length she comes to naught againe.

And these truly are the secrets of nature, neither is she offended and displeased with those who can find them out. Distrustest thou thy selfe to atteine unto these great things? then search in­to smaller matters, to wit, what might the reason be that among trees and other plants, some be alwaies fresh and greene, why they flourish at all times, and be clad in their gay clothes, shewing their riches in every season of the yeere; why others againe be one while like unto them in this their pride and glorie; but afterward you shall have them againe like unto an ill husband in his house; namely, laying out all at once, and spending their whole wealth and substance at one time, untill they be poore, naked, and beggerly for it? Also what is the cause that some bring foorth their fruit long-wise, others cornered, and others round or circular? But perad­venture 20 thou hast no great mind to busie thy selfe and meddle in these matters, because there is no hurt nor danger at all in them. Now if there be no remedie, but that Curiositie should ever apply it selfe to search into evill things after the maner of some venemous serpent, which loveth to feed, to live and converse in pestilent woods, let us lead & direct it to the reading of histories, and present unto it abundance and store of all wicked acts, leawd and sinfull deeds. There shall Curiositie finde the ruines of men, the wasting and consuming of their state, the spoile of wives and other women, the deceitfull traines of servants to beguile their masters, the calumniations and slanderous surmises raised by friends, poisoning casts, envie, jealousie, shipwracke and overthrow of houses, calamities and utter undoing of princes and great rulers: Satisfie thy selfe herewith to the full, and take thy pleasure therein as much as thou wilt; never shalt thou trouble 30 or grieve any of thy friends & acquaintance in so doing. But it should seeme that curiosity de­lighteth not in such naughtie things that be very old and long since done; but in those which be fresh, fire new, hot and lately committed, as joying more to beholde new Tragedies. As for Comedies and matters of mirth, she is not greatly desirous to be acquainted with such. And therefore, if a man do make report of a mariage, discourse of a solemne sacrifice, or of a goodly shew or pompe that was set foorth, the curious busie-bodie, (whom we speake of) will take small regard thereto and heare it, but coldly and negligently. He will say that the most part of all this he heard alreadie by others, and bid him who relateth such narrations, to passe them over or be briefe, and cut off many circumstances. Marie if one that sits by him chance to set tale on end, and begin to tell him there was a maiden defloured, or a wife abused in adulterie: if he recant of 40 some processe of law or action commenced, of discord and variance betweene two brethren; you shall see him then not to yawne and gape as though hee had list to sleepe; you shall not perceive him to nod; hee will make no excuse at all that his leisure will not serve to heare out the tale,

But bids say on, and tell us more:
And close he holds his eare therefore.

So that this sentence,

How sooner much are ill newes understood,
And heard by men (alas) than tidings good!

is well and truely verified of these curious Polypragmons. For like as cupping glasses, boxes, 50 and ventoses, draw the woorst matter out of the flesh; even so, the eares of curious and busie folke, are willing to receive and admit the most lewd and haughtiest speeches that are: or ra­ther, to speake more properly, as townes and cities have certaine cursed and unluckie gates, at which they send out malefactors to execution, carrie and throw foorth their dung, ordure, filthi­nes, and cleansings whatsoever, but never commeth in or goeth out that way, any thing that pure is and holy; semblably, the eares of these curious intermedlers be of the same nature: for there entreth and passeth into them nothing that is honest, civill and lovely; but the bruit and [Page 138] rumours of cruell murders have accesse unto them, and there make aboad, bringing there with wicked, abominable, profane and cursed reports: and as one said:

The onely bird that in my house doth ever sing
Both night and day, is dolefull moane, much sorrow and wailing.

So this is the Muse, Syrene, & Mere-maid alone, that Busie folke have; neither is there any thing that they hearken to more willingly: for Curiositie is an itching desire to heare secrets and hid­den matters: and well you wot that no man will lightly conceale any good thing that he hath; considering that manie times we make semblance of good parts that be not in us. And there­fore the busie intermedler who is so desirous to know and heare of evils, is subject to that which the Greekes call [...] a vice, coosen germaine or sister rather to envie and eie-biting. 10 Forasmuch as envie is nothing else, but the griefe for another mans good: and the foresaide [...] the joy for his harme: and verily both these infirmities proceed from an untoward roote, even another untamed vice and savage disposition, to wit, malignitie or malice. And this we know well, that so irkesome and odious it is to everie man for to bewray and reveale, the secrets, evils and vices which he hath, that many men have chosen to die, rather than to discover and open unto Physicians any of their hidden maladies, which they carrie about them. Now suppose that Heraclitus or Erosistratus the physicians; nay AEsculapius himselfe whiles he was a mortall men, should come to an house furnished with drugs, medicines and instruments re­quisite for the cure of diseases, and aske whether any man their had a Fistula in Ano, that is, an hollow and hidden ulcer within his fundament? Or if she be a woman, whether she have a can­kerous 20 sore within her matrice: (albeit in this art such inquisitive curiositie is a speciall meanes, making for the good and the health of the sicke) each one I suppose would be readie to hunt and chase away from the house such a Physician, who unsent for, and before any neede required, came upon his owne accord and motion in a braverie to enquire and learne other folks mala­dies. What shall we say then to these busie medlers, who enquire of another the selfe same infirmities and worse too? Not of any minde at all to cure and heale the same, but onely to de­tect and set them abroad; In which respect they are by good right the most odious persons in the world. For we hardly can abide Publicanes, Customers, and Tol-gatherers, but are mighti­ly offended with them, not when they exact of us, and cause us to pay toll for any commodities or wares that are openly brought in; but when they keepe a firetting and searching for such 30 things as be hidden, and meddle with the wares and carriages of other men: notwithstanding that law granteth and publike authoritie alloweth them so to do; yea and if they doe it not, they sustaine losse and dammage themselves. But contrariwise, these curious fellowes let their owne businesse alone, and passe not which ende go forward, caring not to hinder themselves, whiles they be intentive to the affaires of other men. Seldome go they into the countrie, for that they cannot endure the quietnes and still silence of the wilde and solitarie fields. But if haply after long time they make a cast thither, they cast an eie to their neighbours vines, rather than to their owne; they enquire how many beeves or oxen of his died? or what quantity of wine sowred under his hand? and no sooner are they full of these newes, but into the citie they trudge and make haste againe. As for the good farmer and painefull husbandman indeed, he is not verie 40 willing to give eare unto those newes, which without his hearkning after come from the citie of the owne accord, and are brought unto him, for his saying is:

My ditcher will anon both tell and talke upon what points concluded was the peace,
For now the knave about such newes doth walke,
And busie he, to listen doth not cease.

But in trueth, these busie-bodies, avoiding countrey life and husbandrie, as a vaine trade and foolish occupation, a cold maner of living, which bringeth forth no great and tragicall matter, intrude and thrust themselves into the high courts of Justice, the tribunal seats, the market place and publike pulpits where speeches be made unto the people, great assemblies, and the most 50 frequented quarter of the haven where the ships ride at ankor, what: No newes? saith one of them. How now? Were you not this morning at the market or in the common place? What then: How thinke you, is not the citie mightily changed and transformed within these three houres? Now if it chaunce that some one or other make a overture, and have something to say as touching those points, downe he alights on foot from his horse, he embraceth the man, kisseth him, and there stands attending and giving care unto him. But say that the partie whom he thus encountreth and meeteth upon the way, tell him that he hath no newes to report: what [Page 139] saist thou? (will he infer againe and that in displeasure and discontentment:) Wert not thou in the market place of late? Didst not thou passe by the Princes court? Hadst thou no talke or conference at all with those that came out of Italie? In regard of such therefore as these, I hold well with the Magistrates of the citie Locri, and commend a law of theirs: That if any citizen had beene abroad in the countrey, and upon his returne home demaunded what newes? he should have a fine set on his head. For like as Cookes pray for nothing, but good store of fatlings to kill for the the kitchin, and Fishmongers plentie of fishes; even so curious and busie people wish for a world of troubles and a number of affaires, great newes, alterations and changes of State: to the ende that they might evermore be provided of gaine, to chase and hunt after, yea and to kill. Well and wisely therefore did the Law-giver of the Thurians, when he gave order and for­bad 10 expressely, That no citizen should be taxed, noted by name, or scoffed at upon the Stage in any Comedie, save onely adulterers and these busie persons. For surely adulterie may be com­pared well to a kinde of curiositie, searching into the pleasures of another: seeking (I say) and enquiring into those matters which are kept secret, and concealed from the view of the whole world. And as for curiositie, it seemeth to be a resolution or loosenes, like a palsie or corruption, a detection of secrets and laying them naked: For it is an ordinarie thing with those who be in­quisitive and desirous of many newes, for to be blabs also of their tongues, and to be pratling abroad; which is the reason that Pythagor as injoyned yoong men five yeeres silence, which he called Echemychia, Abstinence from all speech, or holding of their tongue.

Moreover, it can not otherwise be chosen, but that foule and cursed language also should ac­company 20 curiosity; for looke what thing soever busie bodies heare willingly, the same they love to tell and blurt out as quickly; and such things as with desire and care they gather from one, they utter to another with joy: Whereupon it commeth to passe, that over and above o­ther inconveniences which this vice ministreth unto them that are given to it, an impediment it is to their owne appetite. For as they desire to know much, so every man observeth them, is beware of them, and endevoureth to conceale all from them. Neither are they willing to doe any thing in their sight, nor delighted to speak ought in their hearing, but if there be any questi­on in hand to be debated, or businesse to be considered and consulted of, all men are content to put off the conclusion and resolution unto another time; namely, untill the curious and busie person be out of the way. And say, that whiles men are in sad and secret conference, or about 30 some serious businesse, there chance one of these busie bodies to come in place, presently all is husht, and every thing is remooved aside and hidden, no otherwise than folke are woont to set out of the way victuals where a cat doth haunt, or when they see her ready to run by; insomuch as many times those things which other men may both heare and see safely, the same may not be done or said before them onely. Therefore also it followeth by good consequence, that a busie and curious person is commonly so farre out of credit, that no man is willing to trust him for any thing; in such sort, that we commit our letters missive and signe manuell, sooner to our servants and meere strangers, than to our friends and familiars, if we perceive them given to this humor of much medling. But that woorthy knight Bellerophontes was so farre from this, that he would not breake open those letters which he caried, though they were written against him­selfe, 40 but forbare to touch the Kings epistle, no lesse than he abstained from the Queen his wife, even by one and the same vertue of Continence. For surely, curiosity is a kinde of incontinen­cy, aswel as is adultery; and this moreover it hath besides, that joined there is with it, much folly and extreame want of wit: For were it not a part (thinke you) of exceeding blockish senselesse­nesse, yea, and madnesse in the highest degree, to passe by so many women that be common, and every where to be had; and then to make meanes with great cost and expense, to some one kept under locke and key, and besides sumptuous: notwithstanding it fall out many times that such an one is as ill-favored as she is foule? Semblably, and even the same do our curious folke. they omit and cast behinde them many faire and goodly sights to beholde, many excellent le­ctures woorth the hearing, many disputations, discourses, honest exercises and pastimes; but 50 in other mens letters they keepe a puddering, they open and reade them, they stand like eaves­droppers under their neighbours walles, hearkening what is done or said within, they are readie to intrude themselves to listen what whispering there is betweene servants of the house; what secret talke there is among seely women when they be in some odde corner, and, as many times they are by this meanes not free from danger; so alwaies they meet with shame and infamie. And therefore very expedient it were for such curious folke, if they would shift off and put by this vice of theirs, eftsoones to call to mind (as much as they can) what they have either knowen [Page 140] or heard by such inquisition: for if (as Simonides was woont to say) that when hee came (after some time betweene) to open his desks and coffers, he found one which was appointed for gifts and rewards alwaies full, the other ordeined for thanks and the graces void and empty: so, a man after a good time past, set open the store-house of curiosity, and looke into it what is therein, and see it toppe full of many unprofitable, vaine and unpleasant things; peradventure the very outward sight and face thereof will discontent and offend him, appearing in every respect so lovelesse and toyish as it is. Goe to then: if one should set in hand to turne over leafe by leafe the books of ancient writers, and when he hath picked forth and gathered out the woorst, make one volume of all together, to wit, of those headlesse and unperfect verses of Homer, which hap­ly beginne with a short fyllable, and therefore be called [...] or of the solaecismes and incon­gruities 10 which be found in Tragedies: or of the undecent and intemperate speeches which Ar­chilochus framed against women, wherby he defamed and shamed himselfe: were he not (I pray you) woorthy of this Tragicall curse:

A Foule ill take thee, thou lewd wretch, that lovest to collect
The faults of mortall men now dead, the living to infect.

but to let these maledictions alone, certes this treasuring and scoring up by him of other mens errors and misdeeds, is both unseemly, and also unprofitable: much like unto that city which Philip built of purpose, and peopled it with the most wicked, gracelesse, and incorrigible 20 persons that were in his time, calling it Poneropolis when he had so done. And therefore these curious meddlers in collecting and gathering together on all sides the errours, imperfections, defaults, and solaecismes (as I may so say) not of verses or Poëmes, but of other mens lives, make of their memorie a most unpleasant Archive or Register, and uncivile Record, which they ever carie about them. And like as at Rome, some there be who never cast eie toward any fine pie­tures, or goodly statures, no nor so much as make any account to cheapen beautifull boies and faire wenches which there stand to be sold, but rather go up and downe the market where mon­sters in nature are to be bought, seeking and learning out where be any that want legs, whose armes and elbowes turne the contrary way like unto cars; or who haue three eies apeece in their heads, or be headed like unto the Ostrich: taking pleasure (I say) to see if there be borne 30

Amungrell mixt of divers sorts,
False births, unkinde or strange aborts.

But if a man should bring them to see such sights as these ordinarily, the very thing it selfe would soone give them enough, yea and breed a lothing in them of such ugly monsters; even so it fareth with those who busie themselves and meddle in searching narrowly into the imper­fections of other mens lives, the reproches of their stocks and kinred, the faults, errors, and troubles that have hapned in other houses; if they call to mind what like defects they have found and knowen before time, they shall soone finde that their former observations have done them small pleasure, or wrought them as little profit.

But the greatest meanes to divert this vicious passion, is use and custome; namely, if we be­gin 40 a great way off, and long before to exercise and acquaint our selves in a kind of continencie in this behalfe, and so learne to temper and rule our selves; for surely use it was and custome that caused this vice to get such an head, encreasing daily by little and little, and growing from worse to worse: But how and after what maner we should be inured to this purpose, we shall see and understand as we treat of Exercise withall.

First and formost therefore, begin we will at the smallest and most slender things, and which most quickly may be effected. For what matter of difficultie is it for a man in the way as he tra­velleth, not to enuse and busie his head in reading Epitaphes or inscriptions of Sepulchres? or what paine is it for us as we walke along the galleries, to passe over with our eies the writings upon the walles; supposing thus much secretly within our selves, as a maxime or generall rule: 50 That there is no goodnes, no pleasure, nor profit at all in such writings: for there you may reade, That some one doth remember another, and make mention of him by way of hearty commen­dations in good part; or such an one is the best friend that I have, and many other such like mot­toes, are there to be seene and read, full of toies and vanities, which at first seeme not to do any hurt if one reade them, but in trueth, secretly they do much harme, in that they breed in us a cu­stome and desire to seeke after needlesse and impertinent matters. For like as hunters suffer not their hounds to range out of order, not to follow everie sent, but keepe them up and hold them [Page 141] in by their collars, reserving by that meanes their smelling pure and neat, altogether for their proper worke, to the end that they should be more eager and hot to trace the footing of their game, and as the Poët saith,

With sent most quicke of nosethrils after kind,
The tracts of beast so wild, in chase to find;

even so, we ought to cut off these excursions and foolish traines that curious folke make to heare and see everie thing; to keepe them short (I say) and turne them another way to the seeing and hearing onely of that which is good and profitable. Also, as we observe in Eagles and Li­ons, That whiles they go upon the ground they draw their talons and clawes inward, for feare lest they should dull the sharpe edge and weare the points thereof; so considering that curio­sitie 10 hath a certaine quicke conceit and fine edge (as it were) apt to apprehend and know many things, let us take heed that we do not imploy and blunt the same in the woorst and vilest of all others.

Secondly, we are to accustome our selves as we passe by another mans doore, not to looke in, nor to cast our eies to any thing whatsoever that there is: for that the eie is one of the hands that curiositie useth. But let us alwaies have in readinesse and thinke upon the Apothegme of Xenocrates, who was woont to say, That it skilled not, but was all one, whether we set our feet, or eies within the house of another man. For it is neither meet and just, nor an honest and plea­sant sight, according to the old verse,

My friend or stranger, what ever you be, 20
You shall within, all things deformed see.

And what be those for the most part which are seene in houses? dishes, trenchers, and such like utensiles and small vessels lying on the bare ground, or one upon another disorderly: the wen­ches set and doing just nothing: and lightly a man shall not finde ordinarily ought of impor­tance or delight. Now the verie cast of the eie upon such things, doth therewith turne away the minde; the intentive looking thereupon is unseemely, and the using thereof starcke naught. Diogenes verily upon a time seeing Dioxippus, when he entred in his triumphant chariot into the citie for winning the best prise at the Olympian games, how as he rode he could not chuse but set his eie upon a certaine faire damozell, who was in place to behold this pompe and so­lemne entrance of his, but evermore his eie followed her, whether she were before or behinde 30 him: Behold (quoth he) our victorious and triumphant champion, how a yoong wench hath him sure enough by the necke, and doth writhe him which way she list! Semblably, see you not how these curious folke have their neckes bended aside at everie foolish sight, and how they turne about with each vanitie that they heare and see, after once they have gotten an habit or custome, to looke everie way and to carie a rouling eie in their heads? But in mine opinion, it is not meet that our senses should gad and wander abroad, like a wilde and untaught girle, but when reason hath sent it foorth to some businesse; after it hath beene there emploied and done the errand about which it was set, to returne speedily againe unto her mistresse the soule, and make report how she hath sped and what she hath done? and then afterwards to stay at home decently like a modest waiting maiden, giving attendance upon reason, and readie alwaies at her 40 command. But now hapneth that which Sophocles saith,

The head strong jades that will no bit abide,
Hate him perforce who should them reine and guide.

The senses having not met with good instructions (as I said before) nor beene trained to right waies, runne before reason upon their owne accord, and draw with them many times the under­standing, and send it headlong after such things as are not seemely and decent. And therefore false is that which is commonly reported of Democritus the Philosopher: namely, that willingly he dimmed and quenched (as it were) his owne sight, by fixing his eies fast upon a fiery and ar­dent mirror, to take the reverberation of the light from thence, to the end that they should not disturbe the minde, by calling out eftsoones the inward intelligence, but suffer it to keepe house 50 within, and to be emploied in objects intellectuall, as if the windowes that regard to the secret and high way were shut up. Howbeit most true it is, that those who for the most part occupie their understanding have least use of their senses: which is the reason that in olde time they both builded the temples of the Muses, that is to say, houses ordained for students, which they named Musaea, as farre as they could from cities and great townes: and also called the night Euphrone, as one would say, friend to sage advice and counsell; as supposing that quiet rest, re­pose, [Page 142] and stilnes from all disturbance make verie much for contemplation, and invention of those things that we studie and seeke for.

Moreover, no harder matter is it nor of greater difficultie than the rest, when in the open market place or common hall, men are at high words, reproching & reviling one another, not to approch and come neere unto them. Also if there be any great concurse and running of peo­ple together upon some occasion, not to stirre at all but sit still, or if thou art not able to con­taine and rule thy selfe, to rise up and goe thy waies. For surely gaine thou shalt no good at all by intermedling with such busie and troublesome persons; but contrariwise, much fruit maist thou reape by turning away such curiositie, in repressing the same and constraining it by use and custome to obey reason. Having made this good entrance & beginning, to proceed now unto 10 farther and stronger exercise, it were verie good, whensoever there is any play exhibited upon the Stage in a frequent Theater, where there is assembled a great audicnce to heare and see some woorthie matter for to passe by it, and to put backe thy friends who sollicite thee to goe thither with them, for to see either one daunce excellent well, or to act a Comedie; nor so much as to turne backe when thou hearest some great shout and outcrie, either from out of the race or the grand-cirque, where the horse-running is held for the prize. For like as Socrates gave counsell to forbeare those meates which provoke men to eate when they are not hungrie, and those drinkes which incite folke to drinke when they have no thirst; even so, we ought to avoide and beware, how we either see or heare any thing whatsoever, which may either draw or hold us thereto, when there is no need at all thereof. The noble Prince Cyrus would not so much as see 20 faire Ladie Panthea, and when Araspes one of his courtiours and minions made report unto him, that she was a woman of incomparable beautie, and therefore woorthie to be looked on: Nay rather (quoth he) for that cause I ought to forbeare the sight of her; for if by your perswa­sion I should yeeld to goe and see her, it may peradventure fall out so, that she her selfe might tempt and induce me againe to repaire unto her; even then haply when I shall not have such leasure, yea and sit by her and keepe her company, neglecting in the meane time the weghtie affaires of the State. In like manner Alexander the Great, would not come within the sight of King Dartus his wife, notwithstanding that she was reported unto him for to be a most gallant and beautifull Ladie: Her mother an auncient Dame and elderly matrone he did not sticke to visite, but the yoong gentlewoman her daughter (fresh, faire and yoong) he could not be 30 brought so much as once to see. As for us, we can cast a wanton eie secretly into the coatches and horse-litters of wives and women as they ride, we can looke out of our windowes, and hang with our bodies halfe foorth, to take the full view of them as they passe by: and all this while we thinke that we commit no fault, suffering our curious eie and wandring minde to slide and run to everie thing.

Moreover, it is meet and expedient for the exercise of justice, otherwhiles to omit that which well and justly might be done; to the end that by that meanes a man may acquaint himselfe to keepe farre off from doing or taking any thing unjustly. Like as it maketh much for tempe­rance and chastitie, to abstaine otherwhiles from the use of a mans owne wife, that thereby he might be never mooved to lust after the wife of his neighbour; taking this course likewise a­gainst 40 curiosity, strive and endevour sometimes to make semblance as though thou didst nei­ther heare nor see those things that properly concerne thy selfe: And if a man come and bring thee a tale of matters concerning thine owne housholde, let it passe, and put it over, yea, and those words which seeme to have beene spoken as touching thine owne person, cast them be­hinde, and give no eare thereto. For default of this discretion, it was the inquisitive curiosity of King Oedipus, which intangled and enwrapped him in exceeding great calamities and miseries: for when he would needs know who himselfe was, as if he had beene not a Corinthian, but a stranger, and would needs goe therefore to the Oracle for to be resolved, he met with Laius his owne father by the way, whom he slew, and so espoused his owne mother, by whose meanes he came to be King of Thebes: and even then when he seemed to be a most happy man, he could 50 not so stay, but proceeded further to enquire concerning himselfe, notwithstanding his wife did what she possibly could disswade him from it; but the more earnest she was with him that way, the more instant was he with an old man who was privie to all, using all meanes to enforce him for to bewray that secret: at length when the thing it selfe was so pregnant, that it brought him into farther suspicion, and withall when the said old man cried out in this maner,

Alas how am I at the point perforce
[Page 143] To utter that which will cause remorse?

the king surprised still with his humor of curiositie, notwithstanding he was vexed at the verie heart, answered,

And I likewise for my part am as neere
To beare as much, but yet I must it heare.

So bitter-sweet is that itching-smart humor of curiositie, like unto an ulcer or sore, which the more it is rubbed and scratched, the more it bleedeth and bloodieth it selfe. Howbeit he that is delivered from this disease and besides of nature milde and gentle, so long as he is ignorant and knoweth not any evill accident, may thus say,

O blessed Saint, when evils are past and gone 10
How sage and wise art thou, oblivion.

And therefore we must by little and little accustome our selves to this, that when there be anie letters brought unto us, we do not open them presently and in great haste, as many do, who if their hands be not quicke enough to doe the feat, set their teeth to, and gnaw in sunder the threds that sewed them up fast. Also if there be a messenger comming toward us from a place with any tidings, that we run not to meere him, nor so much as once rise and stir for the matter; and if a friend come unto thee saying, I have some newes to tell you of: yea mary (must you say againe) but I had rather that you brought me something indeed that were profitable, fruit­full and commodious. I remember upon a time when I declaimed and read a lecture at Rome, that Oratour Rustius whom afterwards Domitian put to death for envie that he bare to his glory, 20 hapned to be there to heare me: Now in the mids of my lecture there came into the place a Soldiour with letters from the Emperour, which he delivered to Rustius aforesaid, whereupon there was great silence in the schoole, and I my selfe made some pause, whiles he might reade the letter, but he would not reade it then, nor so much as breake it open before I had made an end of my discourse, and dismissed the auditory: for which all the company there present, high­ly praised and admired the gravitie of the man. Now if one do feed and nourish all that he can, (be it but in lawfull and allow able things) this veine and humor of curiositie, so as thereby it be­commeth in the end mighty and violent, it will not be an easie matter to restraine and hold it in when it shall breake out & run on end to such things as be unlawful & forbidden, by reason that it is so used already to intermeddle & be doing. But such men as these, breake open and unseale 30 letters (as I said) intrude themselves into the secret counsels of their friends; they will needs discover and see those sacred mysteries, which it is not lawfull for to see; in place whereunto there is no lawfull accesse they love to be walking; enquire they do into the secret deeds and words of kings and princes; and notwithstanding there be nothing in the world that causeth tyrants, who must of necessitie know all, so odious as this kinde of people, who be called their cares; (promoters I meane, and spies) who heare all and bring all unto their eares. The first that ever had about him these Otaconstes (as a man would say, Princes eares) was Dartus the yoonger; a ptince distrusting himselfe, suspecting also and fearing all men. As for those which were called Prosagogidae, that is to say, Courries, Spies, and Enformers, the Dionysil, tyrants of Sicilie, intermingled such among the Syracusians; wherupon, when the State was altered, those 40 were the first that the Syracusians apprehended and massacred. Also those whom we call Sy­cophants, are of the confraternitie, house and linage of these curious persons, save onely this difference there is, that Sycophants enquire what evill any man hath either disseigned or com­mitted; whereas our Polypragmons hearken after and discover the very calamities and misad­ventures of their neighbours, which happen even against their will and purpose: and when they have so done, set them abroad to the view of the whole world. Furthermore, it is said, that the name Aliterius came up first by occasion of this over-much medling, called Curiosity. For when there was (by all likelihood) a great famine at Athens they that had corne, kept it in and would not bring it abroad to the market, but privily & in the night, ground the same into meale within their houses: Now these fellowes, named Aliterij, would go up and downe closely hear­kening 50 where the querne or mill went, and thereupon tooke the said name. Semblably, as it is reported, the name of Sycophants arose upon the like occasion: for when there was a law made, forbidding that any figges should be carried foorth out of the land, such promoters as bewraied the delinquents, and gave information against those that conveied figges away, were also there­upon called Sycophants. To conclude therefore, it were not unprofitable for these curious Po­lypragmons (of whom we haue discoursed all this while) to know thus much; That they might [Page 144] be ashamed in themselves to be noted for maners and profession to be like unto those who are accounted the most odious and hatefull persons in the world.

OF THE TRANQVILLITY 10 AND CONTENTMENT OF MINDE.

The Summarie.

IN this Treatise a man may see the excellent discourses and most sound arguments of Morall Philosophie; the scope whereof is to make the scholars and students therein re­solute, and to keepe them from wavering and tottering to and fro; notwithstanding 20 that either the skie were ready to fall upon their heads, or the earth to chinke and open under their feet. True it is, that in this place Plutarch sheweth sufficiently what blind­nesse there is in humane wisedome, when the question is to pronounce and speake precisely, Wherein con­sisteth true repose and assured felicitie? For to teach a man whom he calleth vertuous, to search for con­tentment and quiet rest in his owne reason, were as much as to fetch light out of darknes. and life out of death it selfe. And therefore (for this time) needlesse it is to treat long upon this point, considering that we minde not to dispute or declare how infufficient humaine learning and Philosophy is, in comparison of true Divinity & Theology. For the present, this may suffice, that seeing he was no better than a pagan, who hath disputed of this theame, let us receive both this discourse and other such, wherein he endevou­reth to withdraw us from vice, and bring us unto vertue, as written and penned by a man, guided and 30 conducted by a dimme and darke light: in which notwithstanding appeare certaine sparks of the truth, which as they are not able to shew the way sufficiently, so they give them to understand, who be farre remote from the true light, how miserable and wretched they are every way. Prooved he had before, that Flattery, Choler, and Curiositie are vices that overturne the soule up-side downe, and transsport it so farre off that it is not at home, nor mistresse of herselfe: and after he had taught how a man might reclaime and reduce her againe to her owne house, he treateth now of those meanes, whereby she may be kept quiet, peaceable, joious and contented within. For the effecting hereof, at the very entry of this Treatise, he proposeth one expedient meane to attaine thereto, requiring that a man should fortifie and defend his minde with reasons against the evils and dangers to come: then he confuteth the Epicu­reans, who for to set a man in peace, would make him blockish, senselesse and good for nothing: he an­swereth 40 likewise to those who are of opinion that a man may finde a certaine kinde of vacation and im­passibilitie without all trouble and molestation: which done, he sheweth that reason well ruled & orde­red, is the foundation and ground of our tranquillity: and all in one and the same traine, he teacheth how a man may be furnished & assisted with this reason. Having thus sufficiently in generall tearmes dis­coursed of these premisses, he doth particularise and descipher the same point by point, giving fifteene severall counsels, whereby a man may attaine to this contentment and repose of Spirit; the which we have distinguished particularly, and shewed in ech one the substance of them, which I thought not good to insert in this place, because the Summary should not exceed over-much. Furthermore, the said coun­sels be enriched with notable examples, similitudes and sentences; which (no doubt) would have [...] much more forcible and effectuall, if the principall in deed had bene joined therewith, to wit, true pietie 50 and religion: which hath beene cleane omitted by the aut hour, who in deed never knew what was the onely true and perfect tranquillitie of the soule. Howbeit, woonderfull it is, how he should proceed so farre as he doeth, having no other helpe and meanes but his owne selfe: which may so much the bet­ter serve our turnes, considering that we have aides and guides farre more excellent to bring us so farre, as to make entrie, and take assured possession of that soveraigne good and felicity, whereof hee here speaketh.

OF THE TRANQVILLITY AND contentment of minde.

PLUTARCH to PACCIUS sendeth greeting:

OVerlate it was before I received your letter, wherein you requested me to write somwhat as touching the Tranquillity of the Soule, and withall of certaine places in Platoes Dialogue Timaeus, which seeme 10 to require more exact exposition: but so it happened, that at the very same time, your friend and mine Eros, had occasion to saile with speed to Rome, upon the receit of certeine letters from that right worshipfull gentleman Fundanus, by vertue whereof he was to depart suddenly and to repaire unto him with all expedition. By which occasion having not sufficient time and leasure to performe your request in such maner as I purposed, & yetunwilling that the man coming from me, should be seene of you emptie-handed; I have collected certaine notes, chosen out of those commentaries, which for mine owne memorie & private use I had compi­led long before, concerning this argument, to wit, The Tranquillity & contentment of spirit: 20 supposing that you also demaund this present discourse, not for any pleasure that you take to read a treatise penned curiously, and affecting or hunting after fine phrases and exquisite words; but onely in regard of some doctrine that may serve your turne and helpe you to the framing of your life as you ought; knowing withall full well (for the which I doe congratulate and re­joice heartily on your behalfe) that notwithstanding your inward acquaintance, friendship and favor with the best and principall persons of the citie, and that for eloquence you come behind none that plead causes at the bar in open court, but are reputed a singular Oratour, yet for all that, you do not as that Tragicall Merops, suffer your selfe foolishly and beyond the course of nature to be carried away as he was with the vaine-glorie and applause of the multitude, when they do admire and account you happie therefore; but still you keepe in memorie that which 30 oftentime you have heard from us; That it is neither a rich Patritians shooe that cureth the gout in the feet; nor a costly and pretious ring that healeth the whitflaw or felon in the fingers; nor yet a princely diademe that easeth the head-ach. For what use is there at all of goods and ri­ches to deliver the soule from griefe and sorrow, or to lead a life in rest and repose without cares and troubles? What good is there of great honors, promotions, and credit in court? unlesse they that have them know how to use the same well and honestly; and likewise if they be with­out them, can skill how to finde no misse of them, but be alwaies accompanied with content­ment; never coveting that which is not? And what is this else but reason accustomed and exer­cised before hand, quickly to restreine and eftsoones to reprehend the passionate and unreaso­nable part of the soule, which is given oftentimes to breake out of her bounds: and not to suffer 40 her to range and vague at her pleasure, and to be transported by the objects presented unto her? Like as therfore Xenophon giveth us good counsell: Alwaies to remember the gods, and most of all to worship and honor them when we are in prosperitie, to the end that whensoever we stand in neede, we may more boldly invocate and call upon them, with full assurance that they will supply our necessities, being thus before-hand made propitious and gratious unto us; even so, wisemen and such as are of good conceit, ought alwaies to be furnished and well provided of reasons sufficient to serve their turne for to encounter their passions before they arise, to the end that being once laide up in store, they may doe most good when time serveth. For as curst and angrie mastives by nature, which at every noise that they heare keepe an eager baying and barking as if they were affrighted, become quiet and appeased by one onely voice which is fa­miliar 50 unto them, and wherewith they have beene acquainted; so it is no small paine and trou­ble to still and compose the passions of the minde (shittish as they be and growne wilde) unlesse a man have ready at hand proper and familiar reasons to represse the same so soone as ever they begin to stir and grow out of order.

Now as touching those who affirme that if a man would live in tranquillity and rest, he ought not to meddle nor deale in many affaires, either in publike or private: First and formost thus I say, that they would make us pay deere for tranquillitie of minde, when they would have us buy [...] [Page 148] when he was bidden to stand up, but cavilled with him after a mocking and jesting maner, what (quoth he) and if you sold a fish would you bid it rise up? Likewise Socrates discoursed familiar­ly with his fellowes and followers as touching Philosophie, even when he was in prison. Wher­as Phaethon, notwithstanding he was mounted up into heaven, wept for anger and despight that no man would give him the rule and regiment of the charriot-steeds belonging to the sunne his father. And as a shoe is wrested and turned according to the fashion of a crooked or splay-foot, but never doth the foot writhe to the forme of a shoe; even so it is for all the world with the dis­positions of mens minds; they frame their lives and make them like thereto. For it is not use and custome that causeth the best life to be pleasant also unto them that have made choise thereof, as some one haply is of opinion; but wisedome rather and discretion maketh that life 10 which is best to be also sweetest and most pleasant. Since that therefore the source and foun­taine of all tranquillitie and contenment of spirit is in our selves, let us cleanse and purifie the same spring, as cleane as possibly we can, that all outward and casuall occurrences whatsoever, may be made familiar and agreeable unto us, knowing once how to use them well.

If things go crosse, we ought not, iwis,
To fret; for why? such choler will not boot:
But he that know's when ought is done amisse,
To set all straight, shall chieve full well, I wot.

Plato therefore compared our life to a game at Tables; wherein the plaier is to wish for the luckiest cast of the dice, but whatsoever his chance is, he must be sure to play it well, and make 20 the best of it: Now of these two points, the former, to wit, a good throw, is not in our power and choise; but the other resteth in us, namely, whatsoever our lot is, to take in good woorth, and to dispose every thing in that place where it may profit most if it fortuned well: and contra­and contrariwise, if it fell out crosse, where it may doe least harme. This (I say) is our part and duety to performe, if we be as wise as we should be. As for brain-sicke fooles, and such as know not how to carrie themselves in this life (like unto those that have crasie and diseased bodies, who neither can abide burning heat nor chilling colde) as in prosperity they spread and set up their sailes too high, so in adversitie they strike them as low. Troubled they are mightily with both extremities; or to speake more truely, with themselves, as much in the one as the other, and no lesse in that state which yeeldeth those things that we call and repute Goods. Theodorus 30 that infamous Philosopher, who for his profane opinion was surnamed Atheos, that is to say, The Atheist, was woont to say: That he delivered his speeches with the right hand to his audi­tours and scholars, but they tooke the same with their left; even so ignorant and untaught per­sons many times when fortune presenteth herselfe unto them on the right hand, receive her awkly, turning to the left side undecently, and by that meanes commit many untoward & lewd parts. But those that be wise doe farre better: for as Thyme yeeldeth unto Bees the quickest and driest hony; even so they out of the most unfortunate accidents that be, can skill often-times to get somewhat which is agreeable and commodious unto themselves. This is then the first and principall point, wherein a man ought to be trained and exercised, upon this must he study and meditate. And like as that fellow, when he flung a stone at a curst bitch, missed her, and chan­ced 40 to hit his step-mother, saying withall: It makes no matter; for it hath not light amisse; even so we, may turne all our fortune to our owne purpose, and make the best use of it, in case things fall out otherwise than we would or meant. Diogenes his hap was to be banished and driven out of his owne countrey; yet this exile of his prooved not ill to him; for by that meanes and there­upon he beganne to studie and professe Philosophie. Zeno the Cittiaean had but one frigat or flie-boat left him, and hearing newes that both it and all therein was cast away, drowned and pe­rished in the mids of the sea: ô Fortune (quoth he) thou hast done well, to drive us againe to put on our poore and simple scholars habit, and to send us to our gallerie and schoole of Philo­sophie. What should hinder us then, but that we may follow the examples of these men. Art thou deprived and put out of some publike office or magistracie which thou didst exercise? Go 50 and live in the countrey; there follow thine owne businesse, and plie thy private affaires. Hast thou made sute and great meanes to be entertained in the Court, and to winde into speciallfa­vour with some Prince and Potentate, and after all thy travell suffered repulse? Well, thou shalt live privately at home, without danger, without trouble. Againe, Art thou entred into action, and doest thou manage State affaires, wherein thou hast cares enough, and no time to breathe thy selfe?

The holsome waters and hot baines
[Page 149] Do not so much alay our paines:
And if our limmes be dull or sicke,
Refresh the same and make them quicke:
As when a man himselfe doth see
Advanc't to honour and high degree,
His glory, care and paine doth ease,
No travell then will him displease.

as Pindarus saith very well: Art thou in some disgrace, and cast out of favour with reproch, by reason of some slanderous calumniation or envie? Thou hast a gale of fore-wind at the poope, which will soone bring thee directly to the Muses and to the Academie; that is to say, to follow 10 thy booke, and study Philosophie: for this was Platoes helpe, when he was in disfavour with De­nys the tyrant. And therefore one meanes this is (of no small importance) to worke content­ment in a mans mind; namely, to looke backe unto the state of famous and renowmed persons, and to see whether they (haply) have not suffered the like at any time; as for example: Art thou discontented with thy childlesse estate, for that thy wife hath brought thee no children? Doe but marke the Kings of Rome, how there was not one of them that left the crown unto his sonne. Is it povertie that pincheth thee, so as thou art not able to endure it? Tell mee which of all the Boeotians wouldest thou chuse to resemble, sooner than Epaminondas? or what Romane woul­dest thou be like unto, rather than Pabricius? But say thy wife hath plaied false by thee, and made thee weare hornes? Didst thou never reade that Epigram of King Agis at Delphos? 20

[...]
Not [...] is it is cō ­mōly printed, & according to which [...] hath trās­lated it, and made no sense at all in Latin. But in Homer the same ma­ner of phrase is used [...] [...] land and sea.
[...]
Agis, of sea and land a crowned king,
Gave me sometime a sacred offering.

And yet as mightie a Prince as he was, you have heard (I am sure) that Alcibiades lay with his wife Tunaea, and she would not bash to call the sonne that she had by him in adulterie, Alcibia­des, especially amongst her women & waiting-maidens, whispering and speaking as much softly unto them: But what of all that? This crooked crosse was no bar unto K. Agis, but that he proo­ved the greatest and most renowmed personage of all the Greeks in his time. No more was it any hinderance to Stilpo, but that he lived all the daies of his life most merrily, and no Philoso­pher like to him in those daies, notwithstanding he had a daughter that plaied the harlot: and 30 when Metrocles the Cynick reproched him therewith; Is this (quoth he) my fault or hers? To which when Metrocles answered againe: The fault is indeed hers, but the infortunity and mis­hap is yours: What now, (replied Stilpo again) how can that be? Are not (I pray you) all faults rightly named Slips or falles? Yes truely, said the other: And are not falles (quoth Stilpo) mis­chances or misfortunes? Metrocles could not denie it: Why then (inferred Stilpo at last) what are mischances or misfortunes, other than infortunities and mishaps to them whose mischan­ces they are. By this milde kinde of Sorites and Philosophicall reasoning thus from point to point, he shewed that the reprochfull language of this Cynicall Metrocles, was nothing els, but a vaine and foolish baying and barking of a cur-dogge. But on the contrary side, the most part of men are provoked and troubled not onely for the vices of their friends, familiars, and kins­folke, 40 but also of their very enimies. For reprochfull taunts, anger, envie, malice, and spightful jealousies, are the mischiefes and plagues (I must needs say) of such especially that have them; howbeit they molest and vexe those also that are witlesse and without discretion, no otherwise than the hasty and cholericke fits of our neighbors, the peevish and froward dispositions of our familiar acquaintance, and some shrewd demeanors of our servants in that they go about: with which me thinks you also troubling and disquieting your selfe as much as with any thing else, like unto those Physicians of whom Sophocles thus writeth;

Who bitter choler clense and scoure
With Drugs as bitter and as soure.

do unseemely and not iwis for the credite of your person, thus to chafe and fret at their passions 50 and imperfections beyond all reason, and shew your selfe as passionate as they. For surely the affaires and negotiations wherewith you are put in trust, and which be managed by your direc­tion, are not executed ordinarily by the ministerie of such persons whose dealings be plaine, simple and direct, as instruments most meet and fit for such a purpose; but for the most part by crooked, rough, and crabbed pieces. To reforme and amend these enormities, I would not have you thinke that it is either your worke and dutie, or an enterprise otherwise easily performed. But if you making use of these, being such by nature as the Chirurgians do of tooth-drawing [Page 150] pincers, and those instruments wherewith they doe bring the edges of a wound together; will shew you selfe milde, moderate, and tractable in every respect, according as the present occa­sion will give leave; surely you shall not receive so much discontentment and displeasure at the untoward and unhappie dealings of others, as joy in the conscience of your owne good disposition, as making this account, that such ministers of yours do but their kind, like as dogs when they barke: But if you feed and cherish this pusillanimitie and weaknesse of yours, as other follies, you shall be sure to heape up many troubles and follies of other men ere you be aware, which will be ready to fall and run as into some low ground and hollow trench, unto that weake­nesse of yours. For what should I say, that some Philosophers reproove the pittie and commi­seration which we have for them that are in distresse & miserie, acknowledging that it is a good 10 and charitable deed to helpe and succour such as be in calamitie, but not commending that condolence and fellow-feeling with our neighbours, as if we yeelded with them unto Fortune? And more than so, the same Philosophers will not permit and give us leave, in case we be sub­ject to some vice and ill disposed, for to be seene and knowen for to grieve and sorrow there­fore: but rather to correct and amend what is amisse, without any shew at all of sad cheere and heavinesse; which being so, consider then how little reason and small cause we have, nay how absurd it were, that we should suffer our selves to be troubled, vexed and angry, in case all those who commerce and converse with us, deale not so well and kindly as they should? But above all things my good friend Paccius, let us see to this, that our selfe love deceive and seduce us not; let us beware (I say) that we do not so much shew an hatred and detestation of wicked­nesse 20 and sinne in generall; as bewray some private and particular regard of our owne, in that we seeme so to abhorre and dread the naughtinesse of those that have to do with us. For to be exceeding much mooved and beyond all measure affectionate at some time to such and such affaires; to covet (I say) and pursue the same over-hotly, and otherwise than is meete and besee­ming; or contrariwise, to loth, despise, and abhor the same, must needs breed discontentments, suspitions, and offences in those persons by whom we seeme either to have beene prevented & disappointed of some things, or to have runne and fallen too soone upon other: But he that is used to carie himselfe cheerefully and with moderation in his affaires, (fall out as they will) and can frame to their events, he will soone learne to negotiate and converse with any man in all dexteritie and gentle behaviour. Well then, let us set in hand againe to discourse of those mat­ters 30 which we have intermitted for a while: for like as in a feaver all things that we taste seeme at the first bitter and unsavorie; but when we see others take without any shew and signification of dislike the same which we spit out, then we blame no more either meats or drinks, but lay the fault upon our disease; even so, when we perceive that other men have entred upon and gone through the same affaires with great alacritie, and without any paine at all, whereof we com­plained and made much adoe; let us for shame cease to find fault and bee offended so much at the things. And therefore if at any time there shall befall unto us some adverse and crooked ac­cident against our wils, it will be very good for the working of our contentment in minde, not to passe over but to regard such things as at other times have hapned to our minds and as we could wish them; but to conferre them together, and by a good medly of them both to darken 40 and dor the worst with laying the better to. But now, whereas we are wont when our eies be daz­zeled and offended with beholding that which is too bright & glittering, we refresh & comfort our sight againe with looking upon pleasant colours of flowers, and greene grasse; herein con­trariwise wee direct our mindes and cogitations upon heavie and dolorous objects, and vio­lently force our thoughts to be amuzed upon the remembrance of calamities and adverse for­tunes, plucking them perforce as it were from the consideration of better. And heere in this place me thinks I may very fitly applie that sentence to our present purpose, which was said to a busie and curious person,

Ah spitefull minde and most envious hart
Why others faults do'st thou so quickly spie 50
With eagles sight, but in thine owne thou art
Starke blinde or else do'st winke with howlets eie?

Even so good sir, How is it that you regard and advise so wistly your owne miserie and cala­mitie, making it alwaies apparent and fresh in remembrance, but upon your present prosperi­tie you set not minde? And like as ventoses, cupping glasses or boxes draw the must corrupt humors to them out of the flesh; even so you gather against your selfe the worst things you have, being no better than the merchant of Chios, who when he sold to others a great quantity of [Page 151] the best wine, sought up and downe tasting every vessell untill he met with that for his owne dinner, which began to sowre and was little better than starke naught. This man had a servant who ranne away, and being demaunded what his man had done unto him, for which hee should shew him a paire of heeles? Because (quoth hee) when hee had plentie of that which was good, he would needes secke for naught. And most men verily are of the same nature, who passing by good and desireable things, which be (as a man would say) the plea­sant and potable liquors that they have, betake themselves to those that bee harsh, bad, and unsavourie. But Aristippus was of another humour; for like a wise man and one that knew his owne good, hee was alwaies disposed to make the best of everie occurrence, rai­sing and lifting up himselfe to that end of the ballance which mounted aloft, and not to 10 that which went downeward. It fortuned one day that he lost a faire mannor or Lordship of his owne, and when one of his friends above the rest made most semblance to lament with him, and to be angrie with Fortune in his behalfe; Heare you (quoth he) know you not that your selfe have but one little farme in the whole world, and that I have yet three houses more left, with good lands lying to them? Yes marie do I (quoth the other:) Why then (quoth A­ristippus againe) wherefore doe not we rather pittie your case, and condole with you? For it is meere madnesse to grieve and sorrow for those things that are lost and gone, and not to rejoice for that which is saved. And like as little children, if a man chance to take from them but one of their gauds, among many other toies that they play withall, throw away the rest for verie curst­heart, and then fall a puling, weeping and crying out aright; semblably, as much folly and chil­dishnesse 20 it were, if when fortune thwarteth us in one thing, we be so farre out of the way and dis­quieted therewith, that with our plaints and moanes we make all her other favours unprofitable unto us. But wil some one say, What is it that we have? Nay, What is it that we have not? might he rather say: One man is in honour, another hath a faire and goodly house; one hath a wife to his minde, and another a trustie friend.

Antipater of Tarsus the Philosopher, when he drew toward his end and the houre of his death, in recounting and reckoning up all the good and happie daies that ever he saw in his life time, left not out of this roll so much as the Bon-voiage that he had when he sailed from Cilicia to Athens. And yet we must not forget nor omit those blessings and comforts of this life which we enjoy in common with many more, but to make some reckoning & account of them: 30 and namely to joy in this, that we live; that we have our health; that we behold the light of the sunne; that we have neither warre abroad nor civill sedition and dissension at home; but that the land yeeldeth it selfe arable and to be tilled, and the sea navigable to everie one that will, without feare of danger; that it is lawful for us to speake, and keepe silence at our pleasure; that we have libertie to negotiate and deale in affaires, or to rest and be at our repose. And verily the enjoying of these good things present, will breed the greater contentment in our spirit, if wee would but imagine within our selves that were absent; namely, by calling to minde eftsoones, what a misse and desire those persons have of health, who bee sicke and diseased? How they wish for peace, who are afflicted with warres? How acceptable it is either to a stranger or a meane person and unknowen, for to bee advaunced unto honour, or to bee friended in 40 some famous and puissant citie? And contrariwise, what a great griefe it is to forgoe these things when a man once hath them? And surely a thing can not bee great or precious when we have lost it, and the same of no valour and account all the while wee have and enjoy it: for the not being thereof, addeth no price and woorth thereto. Neither ought wee to holde these things right great and excellent, whiles wee stand alwaies in feare and trembling to thinke that we shall be deprived and bereft of them, as if they were some woorthie things: and yet all the time that they be sure and safe in our possession, neglect and little regard them as if they were common and of no importance. But we ought to make use of them whiles they be ours, and that with joy, in this respect especially, that the loosse of them if it shall so fall out, wee may beare more meekly and with greater patience. Howbeit, most men are of this opinion (as 50 Arcesilaus was woont to say) that they ought to follow diligently with their eie and cogitation the Poemes, Pictures, and Statues of others, and come close unto them for to behold and per­use exactly each of them; yea, and consider everie part and point therein from one ende to the other: whiles in the meane time they neglect and let alone their owne lives and manners; not­withstanding there be many unpleasant sights to be spied and observed therein: looking ever­more without, and admiring the advancements, welfare and fortunes of others: much like as adulterers who have an eie after their neighbours wives, but loath and set naught by their owne. [Page 152] And verily this one point also is of great consequence, for the setling of a mans minde in sure repose; namely, to consider principally himselfe, his owne estate and condition; or at least wise (if he do not so) yet to looke backe unto those that be his inferiours and under him; and not as the most sort do, who love alwaies to looke forward and to compare themselves with their bet­ters and superiors. As for example, slaves that are bound in prison and lie in irons, repute them happy who are abroad at libertie; such as be abroad and at libertie, thinke their state blessed who be manumised and made free; being once a franchised, they account themselves to be in verie good case if they were citizens; and being citizens they esteeme rich men most happie; the rich imagine it a gay matter to be Lords and Princes; Lords and Princes have a longing desire to be Kings and Monarchs; Kings and Monarchs aspire still higher and would be Gods; and 10 yet they rest not so, unlesse they may have the power to flash lightnings and shoot thunder­bolts, aswell as Jupiter. Thus whiles they evermore come short of that which is above them and covet still after it, they enjoy no pleasure at all of those things that they have, nor be thankfull therefore.

The treasures great I care not for of Gyges King so rich in gold;
Such avarice I do abhor, nor money will I touch untold.
I never long'd with gods above, in their high works for to compare: 20
Grand seignories I do not love, far from mine eies all such things are.

A Thrasian he was that protested thus. But some other, that were a Chian, a Galatian or a Bithy­nian (I dare warrant you) not contenting himselfe with his part of honor, credit & authoritie in his owne countrie and among his neighbours and fellow-citizens, would be ready to weepe and expostulate the matter with teares, if he might not also weare the habite and ornaments of a pa­tritian or Senatour of Rome. And say it were graunted and allowed him to be a noble Senatour, he would not be quiet untill he were a Romaine Lord Praetor: Be he Lord Praetor, he will aspire to a Consulship; and when he is created Consull, whine he will and crie if he were not nomina­ted and pronounced the former of the twaine, but elected in the second place. And I pray you 30 what is all this? What doeth a man herein but gather pretended excuses of ingratitude to Fortune, in punishing and chastising himselfe after this manner? But the man who is wise and of sound judgement, in case some one or two among so infinite thousands of us mortall men

Whom sunne from heaven so daily doth behold,
Who feed on fruits of earth so manifold,

be either more honoured or richer than himselfe, will not therefore be cast downe straight way, and sit mourning and lamenting for sorrow: but rather in the way as he goeth, and whensoever he commeth abroad, salute & blesse with praise and thanksgiving, that good fortune of his and blessed angell that guideth his life, for that his lot is to live farre better, more at hearts ease, and 40 in greater reputation than many millions of millions of other men. For true it is, that in the solemne games at Olympia, no champion may choose his concurrents with whom he is to wrestle or enter into combat for a prize: but in this life, our state standeth so, and our affaires bee in that manner composed, that everie man hath meanes to match, yea and excell many others, and so to beare himselfe aloft, that he be rather envied than envious; unlesse haply he be such an one, as will presume to deale with Briareus or Hercules for the Mastrie. Well, when thou shalt behold some great Lord or honorable personage borne aloft in a litter upon mens shoul­ders, stand not wondring so much at him, but rather cast thine eies downe a litle lower, & looke upon the poore porters that carrie him. Againe, when thou shalt repute that great Monarch Xerxes a right happy man, for that he made a bridge of ships over the Streights of Hellespont; 50 consider with all, those painfull slaves who under the verie whip and for feare of scourging, dig­ged thorough the mountaine Atlas, and made passage that way for an arme of the sea; as also those miserable wretches, who had their eares cropt and their noses cut off, for that the foresaid bridge by a mightie tempest was injointed and broken; and therewith imagine with thy selfe what those seely soules might thinke, and how happie they would repute thy life and condition in comparison of their owne. Socrates upon a time when one of his familiar friends seemed to complaine and say: What a costly place is this? How deere are things sold in this citie? The [Page 153] wine of Chios will cost a pound; purple is sold for three, and a pinte of honie is held at five dragmes: Tooke him by the hand and led him to the Meale-hall. Loe (quoth he) you may buy here halfe a sextare of good meale for an half-penie. The market (God be thanked) is cheape: from thence he brought him into an Olie-cellar, and where they sold Olives: Here you shall have (quoth he) a measure called Chaenix, for two brasen dodkins (a good market beleeve me.) He tooke him then with him to the Brokers shops that sold clothes, where a man might buy a suite of apparell for ten dragmes. You see (quoth he) that the peni-woorths are reasonable, and things be bought and sold good cheape throughout the citie; even so we, when we shall heare other men say; Our state is but meane, we are exceeding bare, & our condition is passing base: For why? We can not come to be Consuls, we shall never be rulers & governors ofProvinces, 10 nor rise to the highest places of authoritie. We may verie well answere in this wise; Nay ma­rie, but our case is right good; we live gallantly, and lead a blessed and happie life: we beg not; we go not from doore to doore to crave folks almes; we are no porters; we beare no burdens; neither like parasites and smell-feasts, do we get our bread by flatterie. But forasmuch as we are for the most part growen to this folly, that we are accustomed to live rather according to others than our selves, and our nature is so far corrupted with a kinde of jealous affectation and envie, that it joyeth not so much in her owne proper goods, as grieveth at the welfare of another) I would advise you not onely to regard those things that be resplendent, glorious and renow­med in those whom you admire and esteeme so happie; but also to set open and lift up the vaile a little, and to draw (as it were) that glittering courtaine of outward shew, apparance and opini­on 20 that men have of them which covereth all, and so to looke in. Certes, you shall finde that they have within them many matters of trouble, many grievances and discontentments. That noble Pittacus, so famous for his valor and fortitude, and as much renowmed also for wisedome and justice, feasted upon a time certaine of his friends that were strangers: and his wife com­ming in at mids of the dinner, being angry at somewhat els, overthrew the table, and there lay all under foot. Now when his guests and friends were woonderously dismaied and abashed hereat: Pittacus made no more ado at the matter, but turning unto them. There is not one of us all (quoth he) but he hath his crosse, and one thing or other to exercise his patience: and for mine owne part this is the onely thing that checketh my felicitie: for were it not for this shrow my wife, I were the happiest man in the world: So that of me may these verses be well ve­rified: 30

This man who while he is in street or publike place is happie thought,
No sooner sets in house his feet but wo is him: and not for nought.
His wife him rules and that's a spight
She chides, she fights, from morne to night.

Well my masters, you have many occasions (I am sure) that vexe you: as for my selfe I grieve at nothing. Many such secret sores there be that put them to anguish and paine who are rich and in high authoritie, yea and trouble Kings and Princes themselves; howsoever the common 40 people see no such matter; and why, their pompe and outward glorie covereth and hideth all. For when we read thus in Homer,

O happy King, sir Agamemnon hight
The sonne of Atreus that [...] knight
Borne in good howre, and [...] in fortunes lap,
Most puissant, rich, and thr all to no mishap.

This is a rehearsall surely of an outward beatitude onely, in regard of his armes, horses, and men of war about him: for the voices which are breathed out and uttered from his passions, which do [...] that opinion of him, and beare witnesse of the contrarie: as may appeere by this testi­monie of himselfe in Homer, 50

Great Jupiter god Saturnes sonne,
Hath [...] me deepe in wo begon.
Euripides also to the like effect;
Your state, old sir, I happy deeme, and his no lesse I do admire
Who led his life unknowne, unseene, from dinger far from vaine desire,

[Page 154] By these and such like meditations, a man may by litle & litle spend & diminish that quarelsome and complaining discontentment of the minde against Fortune, in debasing and casting downe his owne condition with the wonderfull admiration of his neighbors state. But there is nothing that doth so much hurt unto our tranquillitie of minde as this, when our affection and will to a thing is disproportioned unto our might and power; as if we set up greater sailes then our vessel will beare, building our hopes and desires as castles in the aire without a sound foundation, and promising our selves more than reason is; for afterwards when by proofe we see, that we can­not reach thereto, and finde that the successe is not answerable to our conceit, we grumble by and by against fortune, and we blame our destinie; whereas we should accuse our owne sollie and rashnes. For neither he that would seeme to shoote an arrow out of a plough; or ride upon 10 an Oxe backe to hunt the Hare; can say that he is unluckie; nor hee that goeth about to catch the Hart and Hinde with fishers drag-nets, or with grins, snares and traps, may justly finde fault with his fortune, and give out that some wicked angel doth crosse him, or malignant spirit haunt him, if he faile and misse of his purpose: but surely such are to condemne their owne foolish­nesse and inconsiderate temeritie, in attempting things impossible. And what might be the cause of such errors and grosse oversight? surely our fond and blinde selfe-love. This is it that causeth men to affect ever to be foremost; this mooveth them to strive and contend for the highest place; this maketh them opinonative in every thing, aiming and reaching at all things unsatiably, and never rest contented. For it sufficeth them not to be both rich and learned; elo­quent withall and mightie; good fellowes at the table and pleasant companions; minions and 20 favorites of Kings and Princes; rulers of cities and governors of provinces; unlesse they may be masters also of the swiftest and hotest hounds for running; the principall horses for service and stomacke; quailes and cocks of the best game for fight; If they faile in any of these, they be cast downe, and their hearts are done. Denys the elder of that name, not being contented and sa­tisfied in minde that he was the most mighty and puissant tyrant in his time; but because hee was not a better Poet than Philoxenus; nor able to discourse and dispute so learnedly as Plato; in great choler and indignation, he cast the one into a dungeon within the Stone quarries, where malefactors, felons, and slaves were put to punishment; and confined the other as a caitife, and sent him away into the Isle Aegine. Alexander the great was not of that disposition, who when Brison the famous runner in the race contended with him for the best game in foot-man 30 ship, and for the nonce to please the King, seemed to faint and lag behinde, and so to yeeld the honour of the course unto him; being advertised thereof, was mightily offended and displea­sed with him for it. Very wisely therefore and aptly to this purpose the Poet Homer when he had given this commendation of Achilles,

Like unto him there is not one in field
Of all the Greekes that serve with speare and shield.

He inferred presently upon it,

In feats of armes: but for to speake and plead
Others there be who can him teach and lead.

Megabyzus the Persian, a great lord, went up one day into the shop of Apelles, where he used to 40 paint; and when he was about to speake (I wot not what) as touching painting-craft, Apelles not enduring to heare him talke so foolishly, staied him and stopped his mouth, saying pretily thus unto him: So long sir as you held your tongue, you were taken to be some great man, by reason of your chaines, corquans, and brooches of gold; your purple robes also, which together with your silence commended your person: but now the very prentise boies here, who grinde oker and such like colours, are ready to laugh at you, hearing you talke so foolishly, you know not what. And yet some there be who thinke that the Stoicks do but mocke and jest when they heare them hold this opinion: That the wise man (such as they imagine to themselves) is not onely Prudent, Just and Valiant, but ought also to be called an Oratour, a Captaine and a Poet, a rich and mightie man, yea and a very King, whiles they themselves will needs be invested in 50 these titles, and if they be not, then they are displeased and miscontent by and by; what reason they have so to be let them answere. Sure I am that among the gods themselves, some have power one way, and some another; and thereupon tooke their sundry denominations accor­dingly, & rest contented therewith: as for example, one is, surnamed Eugalius, i. the god of war, another Mantous, i. the president of Prophesies; and a third Cerdous, which is as much to say, as the patron of those that gaine by trafficke. And heereupon it is that Iupiter in Homer for­bidding Venus to meddle in warlike and martiall affaires, as nothing pertinent unto her, sendeth [Page 155] her to weddings and bride-chambers, and bids her attend them. Moreover some qualities and things there be, that we seeme to affect and wish; the which are in nature contrary, and will not concur and sort well together: as for example, the profession of eloquence, and the studie of Arts Mathematicall require rest and quietnesse, neither have the students therein neede to be emploied in any affaires. Contrariwise, policie and managing of the State and weale publicke, the favors of princes and potentates, are not compassed without much adoo; neither can a man be idle at any time, who either is emploied in the service of his countrey, or atten­dant in the Court. Much feeding upon flesh and liberall drinking of wine, maketh (I must needs say) the bodie able and strong, but the minde feeble and weake. Likewise, the continuall and excessive care both in getting and keeping goods, may well augment riches and increase 10 our substance; but surely it is the contempt and despisement of worldly wealth, that is a great helpe and meanes to learning and Philosophy. And therefore wee may well conclude; that every man is not fitfor every thing: but heerein ech one must be ruled by the sage sentence of Pythius Apollo, and first learne, To know himselfe; then marke and observe to what one thing he is most framed and enclined; and thereto both apply and employ his wits, and not to offer violence to nature, and draw her perforce, as it were, against the haire, to this or that course of life, which she liketh not.

The horse serv's best in chariot at the thill,
The oxe at plough, the ground to eare and till:
Ships under saile the dolphins when they spy, 20
Most swiftly then do swim their sides fast by:
Who would in wood the wilde bore chase and slay,
Must bring with him the hardie hound away.

Now if there be one that shall bee angry with himselfe and displeased, that he is not at once both a savage lion of the forrest, bolde and venturous of his owne strength, and withall a daintie fine puppie of Malta, cherished and fostered in the lappe and bosome of some delicate dame and rich widdow; commend me to him for a senselesse foole of all fooles, and to say a sooth, I holde him also as very an asse and doltish fop, who will needs bee such an one as Empedocles, Plato and Democritus; namely, to write of the world, of the nature and true essence of all things therein, and withal, to keepe a rich olde trot and sleepe with her every night, as Euphorion did; or 30 els like unto those who kept company with Alexander the great, in drinking and gaming (as one Medius did) and yet thinke it a great abuse and indignity (forsooth) if he may not be as much admired for his wealth as Ismenias, and esteemed no lesse for his vertue than Epaminondas. We see that the runners in a race be not discontented at all, if they weare not the garlands and co­ronets of wrestlers, but rest pleased with their owne rewards, and therein delight and rejoice, It is an olde said saw, and a common proverbe: Sparta is thy lot and Province, looke well to it, and adorne the same. For it is a saying also of wise Solon;

And yet we will not change our boone
With them, for all their wealth and golde:
Goods passe from man to man full soone, 40
Ours vertue is, a sure free holde.

Strato the naturall Philosopher, when he heard that Menedemus his Concurrent had many more scholars by far than he: What marvel is that (quoth he) if there more that desire to be wa­shed and bathed, than are willing to be anointed & rubbed. Aristotle writing to Antipater: It is not meet (quoth he) that Alexander alone should thinke highly of himselfe, in that he is able to command so many men; but they also have good cause to be aswell conceited of themselves, who have the grace to beleeve of the gods as they ought. For surely, they that thus can make the best use of their owne estate, shall never be vexed, nor at their neighbours wel-fare pine away for very envie. Which of us now doeth require or thinke it fit, that the vine-tree should beare figges, or the olive grapes? and yet we our selves, if we may not have all at once, to wit, the supe­riority 50 and preeminence among rich men, among eloquent orators and learned clearks, both at home and abroad, in the schooles among Philosophers, in the field among warriors; aswell among flattering claw-backs as plaine spoken and tel-troth friends: to conclude, unlesse we may goe before all pinching peny-fathers in frugalitie; yea, and surpasse all spend-thrifts in riot and prodigallity; we are out of our little wits; we accuse our selves daily like sycophants; we are un­thankeful; we repine and grumble as if we lived in penury and want. Over and besides, do we not see that Nature herselfe doeth teach us sufficiently in this point? For like as she hath provided [Page 156] for sundry kinds of bruit and wilde beasts, divers sorts of food: for all feed not upon flesh, all pecke not upon seeds and graines of plants, neither doe all live upon roots which they worke from under the ground; even so she hath bestowed upon mankinde many meanes to get their living, while some live by graffing and feeding of cattell, others by tillage, some be Fowlers, o­thers Fishers: and therefore ought every man to chuse that course of life which sorteth best with his owne nature, and wholly to apply and set his minde thereto; leaving unto others that which pertaineth to them, and not to reprove and convince Hesiodus when he thus speaketh, al­though not to the full and sufficiently to the point:

The Potter to Potter doth beare envie,
One Carpenter to another hath a spightfull eie. 10

For jealous we are not onely of those who exercise the same art, and follow that course of life which we do; but the rich also do envie the learned and eloquent; noble men the rich; advocates and lawiers, captious and litigious sophisters; yea, and (that which more is) gentlemen free­borne, and descended from noble and auncient houses, envie Comedians when they have acted well and with a good grace upon the stage in great Theaters; dauncers also and jesters in the court, whom they see to be in favor and credite with Kings and Princes; and whiles they do admire these, and thinke them happie for their good speed and successe in comparison of their owne doings, they fret and grieve, and out of measure torment themselves. Now, that everie one of us hath within himselfe treasuries laid up of contentment and discontentment, and cer­teine tunnes of good things and evil; not bestowed as Homer said: Unto the doore-sill and en­trie 20 of Jupiters house; but placed in each of our owne mindes, the divers passions whereunto we are subject do sufficiently proove and shew. For such as are foolish and unadvised, doe neg­lect and let go the very good things that presently they have, and never care to enjoy them, so intentive and earnestly bent are their mindes and spirits alwaies to that which is comming, and future expectation: whereas wise men on the contrary side, call to their fresh remembrance those things that are past, so as they seeme to enjoy the same as if they were present, yea and in make that which is no more, to be as beneficiall unto them, as if they were ready and at hand. For surely that which is present, yeelding it selfe to be touched by us but the least moment of time that is, & immediately passing our senses, seemeth unto fooles to be none of ours, nor any more to concerne us. But like as the Roper which is painted in the tēple of Pluto, or description 30 of Hell, suffereth an asse behind him to gnaw & eate a rope as fast as he twisteth it of the Spart­broome; even so the unthankfull and senselesse oblivion of many ready to catch and devoure al good things as they passe by, yea and to dissipate and cause to vanish away every honest and no­table action, all vertuous deeds, duties, delectable recreations and pleasant pastimes, all good fellowship and mutuall societie, and all amiable conversation one with another, will not permit, that the life be one and the same, linked (as it were) and cheined by the coppulation of things passed and present; but deviding yesterday from to day, and this day from the morrow, as if they were sundry parts of our life, bringeth in such a forgetfulnesse, as if things once past had never beene. As for those verily who in their disputations and Philosophicall discourses admit no augmentation of bodies, affirming that every substance continually fadeth and vanisheth, would 40 make us beleeve in word, that each one of us every howre altereth from himselfe, and no man is the same to day, that he was yesterday: but these for fault of memorie not able to reteine and keepe those things that are done and past, no nor to apprehend and eftsoones call them againe to minde, but suffer every thing to passe away and runne as it were through a sieve, doe not in word but in deed and effect, make themselves voide and emptie every day more than other, de­pending onely upon the morrow, as if those things which were done the yeere past, of late, and yesterday, nothing appertained unto them, nor ever were at all. This is therefore one thing that hindreth & troubleth that equanimity & repose of spirit which we seeke for: & yet there is ano­ther that doth it more; and that is this; Like as flies creeping upon the smooth places of glasses or mirrors, cannot hold their feet but must needs fal down, but cōtrariwise they take hold where 50 they meet with any roughnes, & stick fast to rugged flawes, that they can find; even so these men gliding & glansing over al delectable & pleasant occurrences, take hold of any adverse & heavy calamities, those they cleave unto & remember very wel; or rather as (by report) there is about the city Olynthus a certain place, into which if any flies called Beetles enter in once, they can not get forth againe, but after they have kept a turning about, and fetching compasses round to no purpose a long time, they die in the end, wherupon it tooke the name of Cantharolethron; sem­blably, men after they fal to the reckoning up & commemoration of their harmes & calamities [Page 157] past, are not willing to retire backe, not to breath themselves and give over multiplying there­upon still. And yet contrariwise, they ought to do after the maner of Painters, who when they paint a table to lay upon the ground, or by a course of dead and duskish colours such as be fresh, gay and gallant, for to palliat & in some sort to hide the unpleasantnes of the other, they ought (I say) to smother and keepe downe the heavinesse of the heart occasioned by some crosse mishaps, with those that have fallen out of their minde, for to obliterate and wipe them out of their minde quite, and to be freed cleane from them it is not possible: and surely the harmonie of this world is reciprocall and variable, compounded (as it were) of contraries, like as we do see in an harpe or bow; neither is any earthly thing under the cope of heaven, pure, simple, and sincere without mixture. But as Musicke doth consist of base and treble sounds; and Grammar 10 of letters, which be partly vocall, & partly mute, to wit, vowels and consants, and he is not to be counted a Grammarian and Musician, who is offended and displeased with either of those con­trarie elements of the arte, but he that affecteth the one as well as the other, and knoweth how to use and mixe both together with skil for to serve his purpose; even so considering that in the occurrences of mans life there be so many contrarieties, and one weigheth against another in maner of counterpoise; for (according to Eurypides)

It cannot stand with our affaires, that good from bad should parted bee:
A medley then of mixed paires doth well, and serves in each degree. 20

It is not meet that we should let our hearts fall and be discouraged with the one sort whensoever it hapneth, but we ought according to the rules of harmonie in Musicke, to stop the point alwaies of the woorst, with strokes of better, and by overcasting misfortunes (as it were) with a vaile and curtaine of good haps, or by setting one to the other, to make a good composition and a pleasant accord in our life, fitting and sorting our owne turnes. For it is not as Menander said,

Each man so soone as he is borne, one spirit good or angell hath,
Which him assists both even and morne, and guides his steps in every path. 30

but rather according to Empedocles: No sooner are we come into the world, but each one of us hath two angels, called Daemones: two Destinies (I say) are allotted unto us, for to take the charge and government of our life, unto which he attributeth divers and sundry names,

Here Chthonie was a downward looke that hath,
Heliope eke, who turneth to the sunne,
And Deris shee, that loves in blood to hath,
Harmonie smiles ever and anon,
Calisto faire and Aeschre foule among,
Thoosa swift, Dinaea stout and strong,
Nemertes who is lovely white and pure, 40
But Asaphie with fruit black and obscure.

Insomuch, as our Nativitie receiving the seeds of each of all these passions blended and confu­sed together, and by reason thereof the course of our life not being uniforme, but full of disor­dered and unequall dispositions, a man of good and sound judgement ought to wish and desire at Gods hand the better, to expect and looke for the woorse, and to make an use of them both, namely by abridging and cutting off thatwhich is excessive and too much: For not he onely (as Epicurus was woont to say) shall come with most delight and pleasure to see the morrow-sunne, who made least account thereof on the eeven; but riches also, glorie, authoritie and rule doth most rejoice their hearts who least feared the contrarie: for the vehement and ardent desire that a man hath to any of these things, doth imprint likewise an exceeding feare of forgoing and 50 loosing the same, and thereby maketh the delight of enjoying them to be feeble and nothing firme and constant; even as the blase and flame of the fire which is blowen and driven to and fro with the wind. But the man who is so much assisted with reason, that he is able without feare and trembling to say unto Fortune:

[...]
Wel come to me, if good thou bringest ought,
Andif thou faile, I will take little thought.

[Page 158] Or thus:

Well maist thou take from me some joy of mind,
But little griefe, thou shalt me leave behind.

hath this benefit by his confidence and resolution: that as he taketh most joy of his good for­tunes when they are present; so he never feareth the losse of them, as if it were a calamitie insup­portable. And herein we may aswell imitate as admire the disposition and affection of Anaxa­goras, who when he heard the newes of his sons death I know full well (quoth he) when I begot him that die he must: and after his example, whensoever any infortunitie hapneth, to be readie with these & such like speeches: I know that riches were not permanent, but transitorie and for a day: I never thought other, but that they who conferred these dignities upon me both might 10 and could deprive me of them I wist: that I had a good wife and vertnous dame, but withall a woman and no more: I was not ignorant that my friend was a man (that is to say) a living crea­ture by nature mutable, as Plato used to say. And verily, such preparations and dispositions of our affections as these, if peradventure there shall befall unto us any thing against our intent and minde, but not contrarie to our expectation, as they will never admit such passionate words as these (I never thought it would have fallen out so, I was in great hope of other matters, and little looked I for this) so they shall be able to rid us of all sudden pantings and leapings of the hart, of unquiet & disorderly beating of the pulses, and soone stay and settle the furious & trou­blesome motions of impatience. Carneades was woont in time of greatest prosperitie to put men in minde of a change; for that the thing which hapneth contrarie to our hope and expec­tation, 20 is that which altogether and wholy doth breed sorrow and griefe. The kingdome of the Macedonians was not an handfull to the Romaine Empire and dominion; and yet king Per­seus when he had lost Macedonie, did not only himselfe lament his owne fortune most pitiously, but in the eies also of the whole world he was reputed a most unfortunate and miserable man. But behold Paulus Aemelius whose hap it was to vanquish the said Perseus, when he departed out of that Province, and made over into the hands of another his whole armie, with so great com­maund both of land and sea, was crowned with a chaplet of flowers, and so did sacrifice unto the gods with joy and thanks-giving in the judgement of all men, woorthily extolled and reputed as happie. For why? when he received first that high commission and mightie power withall, he knew full well, that he was to give it over and resigne it up when his time was expired; where as 30 Perseus on the contrarie side, lost that which he never made account to lose. Certes even the Poet Homer hath given us verie well to understand, how forcible that is, which hapneth besides hope and unlooked for, when he bringeth in Ulysses upon his returne, weeping for the death of his dog; but when he sate by his owne wife who shed teares plentifully, wept not at all; for that he had long before at his leasure against this comming home of his, prevented and brought in­to subjection (as it were) by the rule of reason, that passion which otherwise hee knew well e­nough would have broken out; whereas, looking for nothing lesse than the death of his dog, he fell suddenly into it, as having had no time before to represse the same. In summe, of all those accidents which light upon us contrarie to our will; some grieve and vexe us by the course and instinct of nature; other, (and those be the greater part) we are woont to be offended and dis­contented 40 with, upon a corrupt opinion and foolish custome that we have taken: and therefore we should do verie well, against such temptations as these, to be ready with that sentence of Me­nander:

No harme nor losse thou dost sustaine:
But that thou list so for to faine.

And how (quoth he) can it concerne thee?

For if no flesh without it wound,
Nor soule within, then all is sound.

As for example, the base parentage and birth of thy father; the adulterie of thy wife; the losse or repulse of any honor, dignitie or preeminence: for what should let, notwithstanding all these 50 crosses, but that thy bodie and minde both may be in right good plight and excellent estate? And against those accidents which seeme naturally to grieve and trouble us, to wit, maladies, paines and travels; death of deere friends and toward children, we may oppose another saying of Euripides the Poët:

Alas, alas and well a-day:
But why alas, and well away?
Nought else to us hath yet beene delt,
[Page 159] But that who daily men have felt.

For no remonstrance nor reason is so effectuall to restraine and stay this passionate and sensu­all part of our mind. when it is readie to slip and be carried headlong away with our affections, as that which call [...] remembrance the common and naturall necessitie; by meanes whereof a man in [...] his bodie, being mixed and compounded, doth expose and offer this handle (as it were) [...] vantage whereby fortune is to take hold when she wrestleth against him; for otherwise, a the greatest and most principall things, he abideth fast and sure. King Demetrius having [...] and woon the citie Megara, demaunded of Stilpo the wise Philosopher, whether he [...] any goods in the sackage and pillage thereof? Sir (quoth he) I saw not so much as one man carrying any thing of mine away; semblably, when fortune hath made what spoile 10 nee can, and taken from us all other things, yet somewhat there remaineth still within our selves,

Which Greeks do what they can or may,
Shall neither drive nor beare away.

In which regard we ought altogether so to depresse, debase and throw downe our humaine na­ture, as if it had nothing firme, stable and permanent, nothing above the reach and power of for­tune: but contrariwise, knowing that it is the least and woorst part of man, and the same fraile, brittle, and subject to death, which maketh us to lie open unto fortune and her assaults; whereas in respect of the better part we are masters over her, and have her at command, when there be­ing seated and founded most surely the best and greatest things that we have, to wit, sound and 20 honest Opinions, Arts and Sciences, good discourses tending to vertue, which be all of a sub­stance incorruptible, and whereof we can not be robbed: we (I say) knowing thus much, ought in the confidence of our selves to cary a minde invincible and secure against whatsoever shall happen, & be able to say that to the face of Fortune, which Socrates addressing his speech indeed covertly to the Judges, seemed to speake against his two accusers, Anytus and Melitus: Well may Anytus and Melitus bring me to my death, but hurt or harme me they shall never be able. And even so Fortune hath power to bring a disease or sicknesse upon a man, his goods she can take away, raise she may a slander of him to tyrant, prince or people, and bring him out of grace and favour; but him that is vertuous, honest, valiant and magnanimous, she can not make wic­ked, dishonest, base-minded, malicious & envious: and in one word, she hath not power to take 30 from him a good habitude, setled upon wisdome and discretion, which wheresoever it is alwaies present, doth more good unto a man for to guide him how to live, than the pilot at sea for to di­rect a ship in her course; for surely the pilot, be he never so skilfull, knoweth not how to still the rough and surging billowes when he would, he can not allay the violence of a tempest, or bluste­ring winde, neither put into a safe harbor and haven, or gaine a commodious bay to anker in at all times and in every coast, would he never so faine, nor resolutely without feare and trembling when he is in a tempest, abide the danger and under-goe all; thus farre foorth onely his art ser­veth, so long as he is in no despaire, but that his skill may take place;

To strike main-saile, and downe the lee
To let ship hull, untill he see 40
The foot of mast no more above
The sea: while he doth not remove,
But with one hand in other fast
Quaketh and panteth all agast.

But the disposition and staied minde of a prudent man, over and besides that it bringeth the body into a quiet and calme estate, by dissipating and dispatching for the most part the occasi­ons and preparatives of diseases, and that by continent life, sober diet, moderate exercises, and travels in measure; if haply there chance some little beginning or indisposition to a passion, up­on which the minde is ready to runne it selfe, as a ship, upon some blinde rocke under the water, it can quickly turne about his nimble and light crosse-saile yard, as Asclepiades was woont to say, 50 and so avoid the danger.

But say there come upon us some great and extraordinary accident, such as neither we loo­ked for, nor be able by all the power we have, either to overcome or endure; the haven is neere at hand, we may swim safely thither out of the body, (as it were) out of a vessell that leaketh and taketh water, and will no longer holde a passenger: as for foolish [...] , it is the feare of death, and not the love of life that causeth them to cling and sticke so close to the body, hanging and [Page 160] clasping thereunto no otherwise than Ulysses to the wilde figge tree, why hee feared with great horror, the gulfe Charybdes roaring under him;

Whereas the winds would not permit to stay,
Nor suffer him to rowe or saile away:

displeased infinitely in the one, and dreading fearefully the other. But he that some measure (be it never so little) knoweth the nature of the soule, and casteth this with himselfe: That by death there is a passage out of this life, either to a better state, or at least-wise not a woorse: certes he is furnished with no meane way-faring provision to bring him to the securit of mind in this life, I meane the fearelesse contempt of death: for he that may (so long as vertue [...] the better part of the soule (which indeed is proper unto man) is predominant) live pleasantly; [...] 10 when the contrary passions, which are enemies to nature, doeprevaile, depart resolutely [...] without feare, saying thus unto himselfe:

God will me suffer to be gone
When that I will my selfe, anon.

What can we imagine to happen unto a man of this resolution, that should encumber, trouble or terrifie him? for whosoever he was that said: I have prevented thee (ô Fortune) I have stop­ped up all thy avenewes, I have intercepted and choked all the waies of accesse and entry; surely he fortified himselfe, not with barres and barricadoes, not with locks and keies, ne yet with mures and walles, but with Philosophicall and sage lessons, with sententious sawes, and with discourses of reason, whereof all men that are willing, be capable. Neither ought a man to discredit the 20 trueth of these and such like things which are committed in writing, and give no beleefe unto them, but rather to admire, and with an affectionate ravishment of spirit embrace and imitate them; yea, and withall to make a triall and experiment of himselfe; first in smaller matters, pro­ceeding afterwards to greater, untill he reach unto the highest, and in no wise to shake off such medirations, nor to shift off and seeke to avoid the exercise of the minde in this kinde, and in so doing, he shall haply finde no such difficultie as he thinketh. For as the effeminate delicacy and nicenesse of our mind, amused alwaies and loving to be occupied in the most easie objects, and retiring eft-soones from the cogitation of those things that fall out crosse, unto such as tend un­to greatest pleasure, causeth it to be soft and tender, and imprinteth a certaine daintinesse not able to abide any exercise; so if the same minde would by custome learne and exercise it selfe in 30 apprehending the imagination of a maladie, of paine, travell, and of banishment, and enforce it selfe by reason to withstand and strive against ech of these accidents, it will be found and seene by experience, that such things which through an erronious opinion were thought painefull, grievous, hard and terrible, are for the most part but vaine in deed, deceitfull and contemptible: like as reason will shew the same if a man would consider them each one in particular. Howbeit the most part mightily feare and have in horror that verse of Menander,

No man alive can safely say,
This case shall never me assay.

as not knowing how materiall it is to the exempting and freeing of a man from all griefe and sorrow, to meditate before-hand, and to be able to looke open-eied full against fortune, and not 40 to make those apprehensions and imaginations in himselfe soft and effeminate, as if hee were fostered and nourished in the shadow, under many foolish hopes which ever yeeld to the con­trarie, and bee not able to resist so much as any one. But to come againe unto Menander, we have to answer unto him in this maner: True it is indeed, there is no man living able to say: This or this shal never happen unto me; howbeit, thus much may a man that is alive say and af­firme: So long as I live I will not do this, to wit, I will not lie; I will never be a cousiner, nor cir­cumvent any man; I will not defraud any one of his owne; neither will I fore-lay and surprise any man by a wile. This lieth in our power to promise and performe, and this is no small mat­ter, but a great meanes to procure tranquillitie and contentment of minde. Whereas contra­riwise, the remorse of conscience when as a man is privie to himselfe, and must needs confesse 50 and say: These and these wicked parts I have committed, festereth in the soule like an ulcer and fore in the flesh, and leaveth behind it repentance in the soule, which fretteth, galleth, gnaweth, and setteth it a bleeding fresh continually. For, whereas all other sorrowes, griefes, and an­guishes, reason doth take away; repentance onely it doth breed and engender, which together with shame biteth and punisheth it selfe; for like as they who quiver and shake in the feavers called Epioli; or contrariwise burne by occasion of other agues, are more afflicted and more at [Page 161] ease than those who suffer the same accidents by exterior causes, to wit, winters cold or summers heat; even so all mischances and casuall calamities, bring with them lighter dolors and paines as comming from without. But when a man is forced thus to confesse,

My seife I may well thanke for this,
None els for it blame woorthy is.

which is an ordinary speech of them who lamentably bewaile their sinnes from the bottome of their hearts, it causeth griefe and sorrow to be so much more heavy, and it is joyned with shame and infamie: whereupon it commeth to passe, that neither house richly and sinely furnished, nor heapes of gold and silver; no parentage or nobilitie of birth, no dignitie of estate and autho­ritie how high soever, no grace in speech; no force and power of eloquence; can yeeld unto a 10 mans life such a calme (as it were) and peaceable tranquillitie; as a soule and conscience cleere from wicked deeds, sinfull cogitations and leaud desseignes, which having the source & foun­taine of life (I meane the inward disposition of the heart) not troubled & polluted, but clere and clensed; from whence all good and laudable actions do flowe and proceed, and the same doe give a lively, cheerefull, and effectuall operation, even by some divine instinct and heavenly in­spiration, together with a bold courage and haughty minde, and withall yeeld the remembrance of a vertuous and well led life, more sweete, pleasant, firme and permanent, than is that hope whereof Pindarus writeth, the nurse and fostresse of old age: for we must not thinke, that (as Carneades was wont to say) the Or Rose­marie banks after they be cut downe and left vord, as some ex­pound. Censers or perfuming pannes wherin sweet incense is burned, reteine and render the pleasant odor along time after they be emptie, and that the vertuous 20 deeds of a wise and honest man, should not alwaies leave behinde them in the soule an amiable, delightful, and fresh remembrance thereof; by meanes whereof, that inward joy being watered, is ever greene, buddeth and flourisheth still, despising the shamefull errour of those who with their plaints, moanes, and wailings, diffame this life of ours; saying: It is a very hell and place of torments, or else a region of confined and exiled soules, into which they were sent away and ba­nished forth of heaven. And heere I cannot choose but highly commend that memorable say­ing of Diogenes, who seeing once a certeine stranger at Lacedaemon dressing and trimming him­selfe very curiously against a feastivall & high day: What meanes all this (quoth he) my good friend? to a good and honest man is not everie day in the yeere a feast and holy day? yes verily, and if we be wise we should thinke all daies double feasts, and most solemne gaudie-daies: for 30 surely this world is a right sacred and holy temple, yea and most divine, beseeming the majestie of God, into which man is inducted and admitted at his nativitie, not to gaze and looke at statues and images cut and made by mans hand, and such as have no motion of their owne, but to behold those works and creatures which that divine spirit and almightie power in woonder­full wisdome and providence hath made and shewed unto us sensible; and yet (as Plato saith) representing and resembling intelligible powers, from whence proceed the beginnings of life and mooving, namely the sunne, the moone, the starres; what should I speake of the rivers which continually send out fresh water still; and the earth which bringeth foorth nourishment for all living creatures, and yeeldeth nutriment likewise to every plant? Now if our life be the imitation of so facred mysteries, and (as it were) a profession & entrance into so holy a religion 40 of all othersmost perfect, we must needs esteeme it to be full of contentment & continuall joy: neither ought we (as the common multitude doth) attend & wait for the feasts of Saturne, Bac­chus, or Minerva, and such other high daies wherein they may solace themselves, make merrie and laugh, buying their mirth and joy for money, giving unto plaiers, jesters, dauncers, & such like their hire and reward for to make them laugh. In which feasts and solemnities, we use to sit with great contentment of minde, arraied decently according to our degree and calling, (for no man useth to mourne and lament, when he is professed in the mysteries of Ceres, and recei­ved into that confraternitie; no man sorroweth when he doth behold the goodly sights of the Pythian games; no man hungreth or fasteth during the Saturnals:) what an indignitie and shame is it then that in those feasts which God himselfe hath instituted, and wherein (as a man 50 would say) he leadeth the daunce, or is personally himselfe to give institution and induction, men should contamminate, pollute and profane as they do, dishonoring their life for the most part, with weeping, wailing, sighing and groning, or at the leastwise in deepe thoughts & pen­sive cares. But the greatest shame of all other is this; that we take pleasure to heare the organs and instruments of musicke sound pleasantly; we delight to heare birdes singing sweetly; we behold with right good will, beasts playing, sporting, dauncing, and skipping featly; and contrariwise wee are offended when they houle, roare, snarle, and gnash their teeth, as also [Page 162] when they shew a fierce, sterne, and hideous looke; and all this while seeing our owne lives heavie, sad, travailed and oppressed with most unpleasant passions, most intricate and inexpli­cable affaires, and overwhelmed with infinite and endlesse cares; yet we will not affoord our selves some rest and breathing time; nay (that which more is) we will not admit the speech and remonstrances of our friends and familiars, whom if we would give eare unto, we might with­out fault-finding receive the present, remember with joy and thanksgiving that which is past, and without distrust, suspition and feare, expect with joyfull and lightsome hope that which is to come. 10

OF VNSEEMELY AND NAVGHTY BASHFVLNESSE. 20

The Summarie.

ALthough it be needlesse to stand curiously upon the concatenation and coherence of these matters handled by Plutarch, how they be knit and linked together, considering that he penned these discourses of his at sundrie times; and both they who have reduced them into one volume; and those also who have translated them out of Greeke into other languages, have not all followed one order: yet I thinke verily that this present Treatise, as concerning Naughtie Bashfulnes, is fitly joined next to the former, as touching the repose and tranquillitie of the spirit. For one of the greatest shaking cracks that our soule can receive in her 30 tranquillitie, is when she secretly and by stealth may be lifted from her seat, for to drive a man to those things which may trouble him immediately, and much more afterwards. Now this evill bashfulnesse hath this vicious and dangerous qualitie, to know how to seduce and draw us by faire semblant, and neverthelesse to trouble & consound after a strange fashion the contentment of our spirits, as appereth plainely in this little booke, which deserveth to be well perused and considered by all sorts of people. Now after he hath shewed what this evill shamefastnes is; he declareth that it is no lesse pernicious and hurtfull then impudencie; adding moreover that wee ought to take good heed, lest in avoiding it, we fall into contrarie extremities, as they do who are envious, shamelesse, obstinate, idle and dissolute. Then he proceedeeh to teach us, that the first and principall preservative against this poison is, to holde it for to be most dangerous and deadly, which he doth verifie and proove by notable examples. Which 40 done, he describeth particularly and from point to point, the incommodities, perils, and misfortunes that come by naughty bashfulnes, applying thereto good and proper remedies, giving withall many sage and wise counsels drawen out of philosophie, tending to this stop and marke; that neither the regard of our friends, kinsfolke and familiars, nor yet the respect of any thing else besides, ought to draw from our thought, our mouth or hands, any thing contrarie to the dutie of an honest man: which both for the present, and also all the rest of our life may leave in our soule, the cicatrice or skar of repentance sorrow and heavinesse. In conclusion, to the end that we should not commit those deeds in haste, which afterwards we may repent at leasure; he sheweth that we ought to have before our eies the hurts and inconveniences caused before by evil 50 bashfulnesse, that the consideration there­of might keepe us from falling into fresh and new faultes.

OF UNSEEMELY AND naughtie bashfulnesse.

AMong those plants which the earth bringeth foorth, some there are which not onely by their owne nature bee wilde and savage, and withall bearing no fruit at all; but (that which woorse is) in their growth doe hurt unto good seeds and fruitfull plants: and yet skilful gardiners and husbandmen, judge them to be arguments 10 and signes, not of bad ground, but rather of a kinde and fat soile; semblaby the passions and affections of the minde, simply and in themselves are not good, howbeit they spring as buds and flowers from a towardly nature, and such as gently can yeeld it selfe to be wrought, framed, and brought into order by reason. In this kinde I may raunge that which the Greekes call [...] which is as much to say, as a foolish and rusti­call shamefastnes; no evill signe in it selfe, howbeit the cause and occasion of evill and naughti­nesse. For they that be given to bash and shame over-much and when they should not, com­mit many times the same faults that they doe, who are shamelesse and impudent: heere onely is the difference, that they, when they trespasse and do amisse, are displeased with themselves, and 20 grieve for the matter; where as these take delight & pleasure therin: for he that is gracelesse and past shame, hath no sense or feeling of griefe when he hath committed any foule or dishonest act; contrariwise, whosoever be apt to bash & be ashamed quickly, are soone moved & troubled anon, even at those things which seeme onely dishonest, although they be not indeed. Now, lest the equivocation of the word might breed any doubt, I meane by Dysopia immoderate bash­fulnesse, whereby one blusheth for shame exceedingly and for every thing, whereupon such an one is called in Greeke Dysopetus, for that his visage and countenance together with his mind changeth, falleth and is cast downe: for like as [...] in Greeke is defined to be a sacred heavinesse, which causeth a downe-looke; even so, that shame and dismaiednesse which maketh us that we dare not looke a man in the face as we should and when we ought, the call [...] 30 And hereupon it was that the great Oratour Demosthenes said of an impudent fellow, that he had in his eies not [...] but [...] i. harlots, playing pretily upon the ambiguity of the word [...] which signifieth both the round apple in the eies, and also a maiden or virgine: but contrari­wise the over-bashfull person (whom wee speake of) sheweth in his countenance a minde too soft, delicate and effeminate, and yet he flattereth himselfe therein, and calleth that fault (where­in the impudent person surpasseth him) Shamefastnesse. Now Cato was woont to say, That he loved to see yoong folke rather to blush than to looke pale; as having good reason to acquaint and teach youth to dread shame and reproch more than blame and reproofe; yea, and suspition or obloquie, rather than perill or danger.

Howbeit, we must abridge & cut off the excesse and over-much, which is in such timidity and 40 feare of reproch; for that often-times it commeth to passe in some, who dreading no lesse to heare ill and be accused, than to be chastised or punished; for false hearts are frighted from do­ing their duty, and in no wise can abide to have an hard word spoken of them. But as we are not to neglect these that are so tender, nor ought to feed them in their feeblenesse of heart; so a­gaine, we must not praise their disposition who are stiffe and inflexible: such as the Poët descri­beth, when he saith:

Who fearelesse is, and basheth not all men fast to beholde;
In whom appeares the dogged force of Anaxarchus bolde: 50

but we ought to compound a good mixture and temperate medley of both extremities, which may take away this excessive obstinacie which is impudence, and that immoderate modestie which is meere childishnesse and imbecilitie. True it is that the cure of these two maladies is difficult; neither can this excesse both in the one and the other be cut off without danger. For like as the skilfull husbandman when he would rid the ground of some wilde bushes and fruit­lesse plants, he laieth at them mainely with his grubbing hooke or mattocke, untill he have fet­ched them up by the roote; or else sets fire unto them and so burneth them; but when he comes [Page 164] to proine or cut a vine, an appletree, or an olive, he carrieth his hand lightly for feare of woun­ding any of the sound wood, in fetching off the superfluous and ranke branches, and so kill the heart thereof; even so the Philosopher, entending to plucke out of the mind of a yoong man, either envie, an unkind and savage plant, which hardly or unneth at all may be made gentle and brought to any good use; or the unseasonable and excessive greedines of gathering good, or dissolute and disordinate lust; he never feareth at all in the cutting thereof, to draw blood, to presse and pierce hard to the bottom, yea and to make a large wound and deepe skarre. But when he setteth to the keene edge of remonstrance and speech, to the tender and delicate part of the soule, for to cut away that which is excessive or overmuch, to wit, wherein is feated this unmeasurable and sheepish bashfulnesse, he hath a great care and regard, lest ere he be aware he 10 cut away therewith, that ingenuous and honest shamefastnesse that is so good and commenda­ble. For we see that even nourses themselves when they thinke to wipe away the filth of their little infants, and to make them cleane; if they rub any thing hard, otherwhiles fetch off the skin withall, make the flesh raw and put them to paine. And therefore we must take heed, that in see­king by all meanes to do out this excessive bashfulnesse utterly in yoong people, we make them not brasen faced, such as care not what is said unto them, and blush thereat no more than a black­dog, and in one word standing stiffe in any thing that they do; but rather we ought to doe, as they, who demolish and pull downe the dwelling houses that be neere unto the temples of the gods; who for feare of touching any thing that is holy or sacred, suffer those ends of the edi­fices and buildings to stand still, which are next and joined close thereto; yea and those they 20 underprop and stay up, that they should not fall downe of themselves; even so (I say) beware and feare we must, whiles we be tempering about this immoderate shamefacednesse for to re­moove it, that we do not draw away with it grace and modesty, gentlenes and debonarity which be adjacents and lie close unto it; under which qualities lieth lurking and sticketh close to, the foresaid naughtie bashfulnesse, flattering him that is possessed therewith, as if he were full of hu­manitie, courtesie, civilitie and common sense; not opinionative, severe, inflexible and untra­ctable: which is the reason, that the Stoicke Philosophers when they dispute of this matter, have distinguished by severall names, this aptnes to blush or over-much bashfulnesse, from modestie and shamefacednesse indeed: for feare lest the aequivocation and ambiguitie of one common word, might give some occasion and vantage to the vicious passion it selfe to do some 30 hurt. As for us, they must give us leave to use the tearmes without calumniation, or rather per­mit us to distinguish according to Homer, when he saith,

Shame is a thing that doth mickle harme, and profiteth as much.

neither without good cause is it, that in the former place he putteth downe the harme and dis­commoditie thereof: for surely it is not profitable but by the meanes of reason, which cutteth off that which is superfluous, and leaveth a meane behinde.

To come then unto the remedies thereof; it behooveth him first and formost, who is given to blushing at every smal matter, to beleeve & be perswaded, that he is possessed with such an hurt­full passion: (now there is nothing hurtfull, which is good and honest) neither ought he to take pleasure and delight when he shall be tickled in the eare with praises and commendations, when 40 he shall heare himselfe called gentle, jolly and courteous, in steed of grave, magnanimous and just; neither let him do as Pegasus the horse in Euripides, who

When mount his back Bellerophontes should,
With trembling stoup'd more than his owne selfe would.

that is to say, give place and yeeld after a base manner to the demaunds and requests of everie man; or object himselfe to their wil and pleasure, for feare (forsooth) lest one should say of him Lo what a hard man is this? See how inexorable he is. It is reported of Bocchorus a king of Egypt, that being rough, fell & austere, the goddesse Isis sent the serpent called Aspis, for to wind and wreath about his head, and so to cast a shadow over him from above, to the ende that hee might be put in minde to judge aright: but this excessive shamefastnesse which alwaies over­spreadeth 50 and covereth them, who are not manly but faint-hearted and effeminate, not suffering them once to dare, to deny, or gainsay any thing, surely, would avert and withdraw judges from doing justice close up their mouthes, that in counsels and consultations should deliver their opinion frankly; yea and cause them both to say and do many things inconsiderately against their minde, which otherwhiles they would not. For looke whosoever is most unreasonable and importunate, he will ever tyrannize and dominier over such an one, forcing by his impu­dencie the bashfulnesse of the other: by which meanes, it commeth to passe that this excessive [Page 165] shame, like unto a low piece of soft ground which is ready to receive all the water that comes, and apt to be overflowed and drowned, having no power to withstand and repulse any encoun­ter, nor say a word to the contrarie whatsoever is proposed, yeeldeth accesse to the lewdest des­seignes, acts and passions that be. An evill guardian and keeper of childhood and yoong age, is this excessive bashfulnesse, as Brutus well said, who was of this minde, that neither he nor she could well and honestly passe the flower of their fresh youth, who had not the heart and face to refuse and denie any thing; even so likewise, a bad governesse it is of the bride-bed and womens chamber, according to that which shee saide in Sophocles to the adulterer, who repented of the fact,

Thy flattering words have me seduced, 10
And so perswaded, I am abused.

In such sort as this bashfulnes, over and besides, that it is vicious and faultie it selfe, spoileth and marreth cleane the intemperate & incontinent person, by making no resistance to his appetites and demaunds, but letting all ly unfortified, unbard, and unlockt, yeelding easie accesse and en­trance to those that will make assault and give the attempt, who may by great gifts and large offers catch and compasse the wickedest natures that be: but surely by perswasions and inducti­ons, and by the meanes withall of this excessive bashfulnesse, they oftentimes conquer and get the mastrie even of such as are of honest and gentle disposition. Here I passe-by the detriments and damages that this bashfulnesse hath beene the cause of, in many matters and that of profit and commoditie: namely, how many men having not the heart to say nay, have put forth and 20 lent their money even to those whose credite they distrust; have beene sureties for such as otherwise they would have beene loth and unwilling to engage themselves for, who can ap­proove and commend this golden sentence (written upon the temple of Apollo) Be surety thou maist, but make account then to pay: howbeit, they have not the power to do themselves good by that warning, when they come to deale in the world. And how many have come unto their end and died by the meanes of this foolish qualitie, it were hard to reckon. For Creon in Euripi­des when he spake thus unto Medea,

For me Madame, it were much better now by flat deniall your minde to discontent,
Than having once thus yeelded unto you 30 sigh afterwards full sore, and ay repent.

gave a very good lesson for others to follow; but himselfe overcome at length through his foo­lish bashfulnesse, graunting one day longer of delay at her request, overthrew his owne state, and his whole house. Some there were also who doubting and suspecting that they were laide for, to be bloodily murdered, or made away by poison, yet upon a foolish modestie not refusing to go into the place of daunger, came to their death and were soone destroied. Thus died Dion; who notwithstanding hee knew well enough that Callippus laide wait for him to take away his life, yet (forsooth) abashed he was to distrust his friend and host, and so to stand upon his guard. Thus was Antipater the sonne of Cassander massacred; who having first invited Demetrius to supper, was bidden the morrow after to his house likewise; and for that he was abashed to mis­trust 40 Demetrius, who the day before had trusted him, refused not to go, but after supper he was murdered for his labour. Moreover, when Polysperchon had undertaken and promised unto Cassander for the summe of one hundred talents to kill Hercules (a base sonne of king Alexan­der by lady Barsine) he sent and requested the said Hercules to sup with with him in his lodging, the yoong gentleman had no liking at all to such a bidding, but mistrusting and fearing his curtesie, alleaged for his excuse that he was not well at ease: whereupon Polysperchon came him­selfe in person unto him, and in this maner began to perswade: Above all things my good childe (quoth he) studie and endevour to imitate the humanitie and sociable nature of your noble father, unlesse haply you have me in jealousie and suspition as if I went about to com­passe your death. The youth was abashed to heare him say so, and went with him; well, supper 50 was no sooner ended, but they made an end of the yoong gentleman also, and strangled him outright: so that it is no ridiculous and foolish advertisement (as some let not to say) but a wise and sage advise of Hesiodus when he saith;

Thy friend and lover to supper do invite,
Thy foe leave out, for he will thee requite.

Be not in any wise bashfull and ashamed to refuse his offer whom thou knowest to hate thee: but never leave out and reject him once who seemeth to put his trust and confidence in thee: [Page 166] for if thou do invite, thou shalt be invited againe; and if thou be bidden to a supper and go, thou canst not choose but bid againe; if thou abandon once thy distrust and diffidence, which is the guard of thy safty, and so marre that good tincture and temperature by a foolish shame that thou hast, when thou darest not refuse.

Seeing then that this infirmitie and maladie of the minde, is the cause of many inconveni­ences, assay we must to chase it away with all the might we have by exercise, beginning at the first like as men do in other exercises, with things that are not very difficult, nor such as a man may boldly have the face to denie: as for example, if at a dinner one chance to drinke unto thee, when thou hast drunke sufficiently already; be not abashed to refuse for to pledge him, neither force thy selfe, but take the cup at his hand and set it downe againe on the boord; againe, there 10 is another perchance that amids his cups chalengeth thee to hazzard or to play at dice; be not ashamed to say him nay, neither feare thou although thou receive a flout and scoffe at his hands for deniall: but rather do as xenophanes did, when one Lasus the sonne of Hermiones called him coward, because he would not play at dice with him: I confesse (quoth he) I am a very dastard in those things that be lewd and naught, and I dare do nothing at all; moreover, say thou fall into the hands of a pratling & talkative busie bodie, who catcheth hold on thee, hangeth upon thee and will not let thee go? be not sheepish and bashfull; but interrupt and cut his tale short, shake him off I say, but go thou forward and make an end of thy businesse whereabout thou wentest: for such refusals, such repulses, shifts and evasions in small matters, for which men cannot great­ly complaine of us, exercising us not to blush and be ashamed when there is no cause, do inure 20 and frame us well before-hand unto other occasions of greater importance. And heere in this place, it were not amisse to call unto remembrance a speech of Demosthenes: for when the A­thenians being sollicited and mooved to send aid unto Harpalus, were so forward in the action, that they had put themselves in armes against king Alexander, all on a sodaine they discovered upon their owne coasts Philoxenus, the lieutenant generall of the kings forces, and chiefe admi­rall of his Armada at sea: now when the people were so astonied upon this unexpected occur­rent, that they had not a word to say for very feare: What wil these men do (quoth Demosthenes) when they shall see the sunne, who are so afraid that they dare not looke against a little lampe; even so I say to thee that art given much to blush and be abashed: What wilt thou be able to do in weightie affaires, namely, when thou shalt be encountred by a king; or if the bodie of some 30 people or state be earnest with thee to obtaine ought at thy hand that is unreasonable? when thou hast not the heart to refuse for to pledge a familiar friend if he chance to drinke unto thee & offer thee a cup of wine? or if thou canst not find meanes to escape and wind thy selfe out of the company of a babling busie bodie, that hath fastened and taken hold of thee, but suffer such a vaine prating fellow as this to walke and leade thee at his pleasure up and downe, having not so much power as to say thus unto him: I will see you againe hereafter at some other time, now I have no leasure to talke with you.

Over and besides, the exercise and use of breaking your selves of this bashfulnesse in praising others for small and light matters, will not be unprofitable unto you; as for example: Say, that when you are at a feast of your friends, the harper or minstrell do either play or sing out of tune; 40 or haply an actour of a Comedie, dearely hired for a good piece of money, by his ill grace in acting, marre the play and disgrace the authour himselfe Menander, and yet neverthelesse, the vulgar sort doe applaud, clap their hands, and highly commend and admire him for his deed: in mine advice it would be no great paine or difficulty for thee to give him the hearing with pa­tience and silence, without praising him after a servile and flattering maner, otherwise than you thinke it meet and reason: for if in such things as these, you be not master of your selfe, how will you be able to hold, when some deare friend of yours shall reade unto you either some foo­lish rime or bad poësie that himselfe hath composed? if he shal shew unto you some oration of his owne foolish and ridiculous penning? you will fall a praising of him, will you? you will keepe a clapping of your hands with other flattering jacks? I would not els. And if you doe so, 50 how can you reprove him when he shall commit some grosse fault in greater matters? how shall you be able to admonish him, if he chance to forget himselfe in the administration of some ma­gistracie or in his carriage in wedlocke, or in politike government? And verily, for mine owne part, I do not greatly allow and like of that answere of Pericles, who being requested by a friend to beare false witnesse in his behalfe, and to binde the same with an oath, whereby he should be forsworne: I am your friend (quoth he) as far as the altar; as if he should have said: Saving my conscience and duety to the gods: for surely he was come too neere already unto him. But he, [Page 167] who hath accustomed himselfe long before, neither to praise against his owne minde, one who hath made an oration, nor to applaud unto him who hath sung, nor to laugh heartily at him who came out with some stale or poore jest which had no grace; hee will (I trow) never suffer his friend and familiar to proceed so farre, as to demand such a request of him, or once be so bolde as to move him (who before had refused in smaller trifles to satisfie his desire) in this maner: Be perjured for me; beare false witnesse for my sake; or pronounce an unjust sentence for the love of me.

After the same maner we ought to be prepared and provided before-hand against those that be instant to borrow mony of us, namely, if we have bene used to deny them in matters that nei­ther be of great moment nor hard to be refused. There was one upon a time, who being of this 10 mind, that there was nothing so honest as to crave and receive, begged of Archelaus the king of Macedonie (as he sate at supper) the cup of golde whereout he drunke himselfe; the king called unto his page that waited at his trencher, and commanded him to give the said cup unto Euripi­des, who sat at the boord; and withall, casting his eie wistly upon the party who craved it: As for you sir (quoth he) worthy you are for your asking to go without; but Euripides deserveth to have, though he do not crave. A woorthy speech, importing thus much, that the judgement of reason ought to be the best master and guide to direct us in our gifts and free liberalitie, and not bash­fulnesse and shame to denie. But wee contrariwise, neglecting and despising many times those that be honest and modest persons, yea, our very familiar friends, who have need of our helpe, and seeme to request the same, are ready to bestow our bounty upon such as incessantly 20 importune us with their impudent craving, not for any affection that we have to pleasure them, but because we can not finde in our heart to say them nay. Thus did king Antigonus the elder to Bias, after he had beene a long time an importunate begger: Give this Bias (quoth he) a ta­lent, for me thinks he will have it perforce: and yet this Antigonus, of all princes and kings that ever were, had the best grace and most dexterity to put by, and shift off such unreasonable beg­gers: for when a beggerly Cynicall Philosopher craved once at his hands a drachme: It is not for a king (quoth he) to give a drachme: Why then (quoth the other againe) give me a talent: Neither is it meet (quoth the king) for a Cynick to receive a talent. Diogenes as he walked o­therwiles along the Ceranicum (that is, a street in Athens, where stood erected the statues of worthy personages) would aske almes of those images; and when some marvelled at him there­fore: 30 I do it (quoth he) to learne how to take a repulse and deniall. Semblably, we ought first to be trained in small matters, and to exercise our selves in denying slight requests unto such as would seeme to demand and have at our hands that which is not fit and requisite, to the end that we may not be to seeke for an answere when we would denie them in matters of greater impor­tance: for as Demosthenes was woont to say: He who hath spent and bestowed that which he had otherwise than he should, will never employ those things which he hath, not as he ought, if per­adventure he should be furnished againe therewith. And looke how often we doe faile, and be wanting in honest things, and yet abound in superfluities, it is a signe that we are in a great fault, and many waies shame groweth to us by that meanes.

Moreover, so it is, that this excessive bashfulnesse is not onely a bad and undiscreet steward 40 to lay out and disperse our money, but also to dispose of our serious affaires and those of great consequence, wherein it will not admit the advice and counsell that reason giveth; for often­times it falleth out, that when we be sicke, we send not for the best and most expert Physicians, in respect of some friend, whom we favour and reverence so, as we are loth to doe otherwise than he would advise us: likewise wee chuse for masters and teachers of our children, not those al­waies who are best and meetest, but such as make sute and meanes unto us for to be enterteined; yea, and many times, when we have a cause to be tried in the law, we choose not alwaies the most sufficient & expert Advocates or Barristers for our counsel to plead for us; but for to gratifie a sonne of some familiar friend or kinsman of our owne, we commit the cause to him for to prac­tise and learne to plead in court to our great cost and losse. To conclude we may see manie of 50 those that make profession of Philosophy, to wit, Epicureans, Stoicks, and others, how they follow this or that sect, not upon their owne judgement and election; but for that they were importuned by some of their kinsfolke or friends thereto, whom they were loth to denie. Come on then, let us long before be exercised against such grosse faults in vulgar, smal & com­mon occasions of this life; as for example, let us breake our selves from using either a barber to trim us, or a [...] Eras­mus seemeth to read [...] i. a Fuller. painter to draw our picture, for to satisfie the appetite of our foolish shame­facednesse; from lodging also in some bad Inne or Hostelrie where there is a better neere at [Page 168] hand, because haply our hoast the goodman of the house hath oftentimes saluted us kindely; but rather make we a custome of it, (although there be but small difference and ods betweene one and another) alwaies to chuse the better: and like as the Pythagoreans observed evermore [...] not to crosse the right legge with the left, neither to take an odde number for an even, though otherwise all things else were equall and indifferent; even so are we to draw this into an ordinarie practise, that when we celebrate any solemne sacrifice, or make a wedding dinner, or some great feast, we invite not him, who is woont with reverence to give us the gentle greeting and good morrow, or who seeing us a great way off useth to runne unto us, rather than him whom we know to be an honest man and a well-willer of ours; for whosoever is thus inured and exercised long before, shall be hardly caught and surprised; nay rather he shall never be once 10 assailed and set upon in weightie matters. And thus much may suffice as touching exercise and custome.

Moreover to come unto other profitable instructions which we have gathered for this pur­pose, the principall in mine advise is this, which sheweth & teacheth us, that all the passions and maladies of the minde be ordinarily accompanied with those inconveniences which we would seeme to avoid by their meanes: as for example, ambition and desire of honor hath common­ly attending upon it dishonor; paine usually followeth the love of pleasures; labour and travell ensueth upon ease and delicacie; repulse, overthrowes, and condemnations are the ends that ensue daily upon those that are given to be litigious, contentious, and desirous to cast, foile, and conquer others; semblably it hapneth unto excessive bashfulnesse, which seeming to flie 20 and shun the smoke of blame, casteth it selfe into the very fire and flame of infamie. For those who be abashed to gaine-say and denie them, who importune them unreasonably, and will take no nay in things unjust, are constreined afterwards to beare both shame and blame at their hands who justly call them to their answer and accuse them woorthily; and whiles they feare some light checke or private rebuke, many times they are faine to incurre and susteine open dis­grace and reproch: for being abashed to denie a friend who craveth to borrow money, as being loth to say they have none, within a while after (with shame enough) they blush, when they shal be convinced to have had none; and having promised to assist and stand to some who have suit in law, by that meanes are forced to contend with others, and afterwards being ashamed there­of, are driven to hide their heads and flie out of the way. Also there be many whom this foo­lish 30 modestie hath caused to enter into some disadvantageous promise as touching the ma­riage either of daughter or sister, and being entangled therewith have beene constreined after­wards upon change of minde to breake their word and faile in their promise; as for him who said in old time, that all the inhabitants of Asia served as slaves unto one man; for that they knew not how to pronounce one onely negative syllable that is, No; he spake not in earnest but by way of bourd, and was disposed to jest: but surely these bashfull persons may if they list without one word spoken, by knitting and bending their browes onely, or nodding downward to the ground, avoid and escape many offices and absurd inconveniences, which often-times they do unwillingly and onely upon importunitie. For as Euripides said very well,

Wise men do know how things to take: 40
And of silence an answere to make.

And haply we have more cause to take that course with such as be senselesse and unreasonable: for to those who be honest, sensible, and of more humanitie, we need not feare to make excuse and satisfie them by word of mouth. And for this purpose it were not amisse to be furnished with many answers and notable apothegmes of great and famous persons in times past; and to have them ready at hand to allege against such importunate & impudent fellows. Such was that saying of Phocion to Antipater: You can not have me to be your friend and a flatterer to; like­wise the answere which he made unto the Athenians, who were earnest with him to contribute and give somewhat toward the charges of solemnizing a great feast, and withall applauded and clapped their hands: It were a shame (quoth he) that I should give any thing over and above 50 unto you, and not to pay that which I owe to him yonder, pointing therewith to Callicles the usurer: for as Thucydides said; It is no shame to confesse and acknowledge povertie; but more shamefull it is indeed not to avoid and eschew it. But he who by reason of a faint, feeble, and delicate heart dare not for foolish shame answere thus unto one that demaundeth to borrow money,

My friend, I have in house or purse
No silver white, for to disburse.

[Page 169] and then suffreth to passe out of his mouth a promise (as it were) an earnest pennie or pawne of assurance,

Is tied by foot with fetters not of brasse
Nor yron wronght; but shame, and cannot passe.

But Perseus when he lent foorth a summe of money to one of his familiar friends and acquain­tance, went into the open market place to passe the contract at the very banke or table of ex­changers and usurers; being mindfull of that rule and precept of the Poet Hesiodus, which tea­cheth us in these words,

How ever thou laugh with brother more or lesse,
With him make no contract without witnesse. 10

now when his friend marveiled hereat and said; How now Perseus, so formally and according to law? Yea (quoth he) because I would receive my money againe of you friendly, & not require it by course and suit of law. For many there be, who at the first upon a kinde of foolish modestie, are abashed to call for assurance & securitie, but afterward be forced to proceed by order of law, & so make their friends their enemies. Againe, Cato sending commendatory letters unto Denis the Tyrant, in the behalfe and favour of one Helicona Cyzicena, as of a kind, modest, and courte­ous person, subscribed in maner of a post-date under his letter thus: That which you read above, take it as written in the commendation of a man, that is to say, of a living creature by nature mutable. Contrariwise Xenocrates, although he were otherwise in his behaviour austere, yet being overcome and yeelding to a kind of foolish modestie of his owne, recommended in his 20 letters unto Polysperchon, a man of no worth or qualitie, as it prooved afterwards by the sequell: Now when as that Macedonian Lord bade the partie welcome, and friendly gave him his hand, and withall used some words of course and complement, demaunding whether he had neede of ought, and bidding him call for what he would; he made no more adoo but craved a whole ta­lent of silver at his hands; which Polysperchon caused presently indeed to be weighed out unto him; but he dispatched his letters withall unto Xenocrates to this effect: That from thence­foorth he should be more circumspect, and consider better whom he recommended unto him: and verily, herein onely was the error of Xenocrates, for that he knew not the man for whom he wrote: but we oftentimes knowing well enough that they be leawd and naughtie persons, yet are verie forward with our commendatorie letters; yea and that which more is, our purse is open 30 unto them; we are ready to put money into their hands to our owne binderance and damage; not with any pleasure that we take, nor upon affection unto them, as they do, who bestow their silver upon courtesanes, pleasants, and slatterers to gratifie them; but as displeased and discon­tented with their impudencie, which overturneth our reason upside downe, and forceth us to do against our owne judgement, in such sort, that if ever there were cause besides, we may by good reason say unto these bold and shamelesse beggers, that thus take vantage of our bash­fulnesse:

I see that I must for your sake,
Leawd courses ever undertake.

namely, in bearing false witnesse; in pronouncing wrong judgement; in giving my voice at any 40 election for an unworthie and unmeet person; or in putting my money into his hands, whom I know unsufficient, and who will never repay it. And therefore of all passions, this leawd and ex­cessive modestie is that, which is accompanied presently with repentance, and hath it not follo­wing afterwards as the rest: for at the verie instant when we give away our money, we grieve; when we beare such witnesse, we blush; when we assist them and set to our helping hand, we in­curre infamie; and if wee furnish them not with that which they require, wee are convinced as though we were not able. And forasmuch as our weaknesse is such, that we cannot denie them simply that which they would have; we undertake and promise many times unto those who do importune & ly upon us uncessantly, even those things that we are not able to cōpasse & make good; as namely, our commendatorie letters for to finde favour in princes courts; to be me­diators 50 for them unto great rulers and governors, and to talke with them about their causes; as being neither willing nor so hardie as thus to say; The king knoweth not us; hee regardeth others more, and you were better go to such and such. After this manner, when Lysander had offended king Agesilaus and incurred his heavy displeasure, and yet was thought woorthie to be chiefe in credit above all those that were about him, in regard of the great opinion and reputa­tion that men had of him for his noble acts, he never bashed to repell and put backe those suters that came unto him, making excuse and bidding them to go unto others, and assay them, who [Page 170] were in greater credit with the king than himselfe. For it is no shame not to be able to effect all things, but for a man to be driven upon a foolish modestie to enterprise such matters, as he is neither able to compasse nor meet to mannage; besides that it is shamefull, I hold it also a right great corrosive to the heart.

But now to goe unto another principle, we ought willingly and with a ready heart to doe pleasure unto those that request at our hands such things as be meet and reasonable; not as for­ced thereto by a rusticall feare of shame, but as yeelding unto reason and equity. Contrariwise, if their demaunds be hurtfull, absurd, and without all reason, we ought evermore to have the say­ing of Zeno in readinesse, who meeting with a yoong man one of his acquaintance, walking close under the towne wall secretly as if he would not be seene; asked of him the cause of his be­ing 10 there, and understanding by him that it was because he would avoide one of his friends, who had beene earnest with him to beare false witnes in his behalfe: What saist thou (quoth Zeno) sot that thou art? Was thy friend so bold and shamelesseto require that of thee which is unreasonable, unjust and hurtfull unto thee? And darest thou not stand against him in that which is just and honest? For whosoever he was that said,

A crooked wedge is fit to cleave a knotted knurry tree,
It well be seemes against leawd folke with lewdnesse arm'd to be.

teacheth us an ill lesson, to learne to be naught our selves, when we would be revenged of naugh­tinesse. 20 But such as repulse those who impudently and with a shamelesse face doe molest and trouble them, not suffering themselves to be overcome with shamefacednesse, but rather shame to graunt unto shamelesse beggers those things that be shameful, are wise men and well advised, doing herein that which is right and just. Now as touching those importunate and shamelesse persons, who otherwise are but obscure, base and of no woorth, it is of no great matter to resist them when they be troublesome unto us. And some there be who make no more ado but shift them off with laughter or a skoffe: like as Theocritus served twaine who would seeme to borrow of him his rubber or currying combe in the verie baine; of which two, the one was a meere stranger unto him, the other he knew well enough for a notorious theefe: I know not you (quoth he) to the one; and to the other, I know what you are well enough; and so he sent them both 30 away with a meere frumpe. Lysimache the priestresse of Minerva in Athens, surnamed Polias, that is, the patronesse of the citie; when certaine Muletters who brought sacrifices unto the temple, called unto her for to powre them out drinke freely: No (quoth she) my good friends, I may not do so, for feare you will make a custome of it.

Antigonus had under him in his retinue a yoong gentleman, whose father in times past had bene a good warriour, and lead a band or company of souldiours, but himselfe was a very cow­ard, and of no service, and when he sued unto him (in regard of his birth) to be advanced unto the place of his father, late deceased: Yoong man (quoth he) my maner is to recompense and honour the prowesse and manhood of my souldiours, and not their good parentage. But if the party who assaileth our modesty, be a noble man, of might and authority (and such kinde of per­sons 40 of all other will most hardly endure a repulse, and be put off with a deniall or excuse, and namely, in the case of giving sentence or award in a matter of judgement, or in a voice at the e­lection of magistrates) preadventure it may be thought neither easie nor necessarie to doe that which Cato sometimes did, being then but of yoong yeeres, unto Catulus; now this Catulus was a man of exceeding great authoritie among the Romans, and for that time bare the Censure­ship, who came unto Cato, (then Lord high treasurer of Rome that yeere) as a mediatour and in­tercessour for one, who had bene condemned before by Cato in a round fine, pressing and im­portuning him so hard with earnest praier and entreaty, that in the end Cato seeing how urgent and unreasonable he was, and not able to endure him any longer, was forced to say thus unto him: You would thinke it a foule disgrace and shame for you Catulus, Censour as you are, since 50 you will not receive an answere and be gone, if my serjeants and officers here should take you by the head and shoulders, and send you away: with that, Catulus being abashed and ashamed, departed in great anger and discontentment. But consider rather and see, whether the answere of Agesilaus and that which Themistocles made, were not more modest, and savoured of greater humanity: for Agesilaus, when his own father willed him to give sentence in a certain cause that was brought before him, against all right, and directly contrary to the lawes: Father (quoth he) your selfe have taught me from my very child-hood to obey the lawes; I will be therfore obedi­ent [Page 171] still to your good precepts, and passe no judgement against law. As for Themistocles, when as Simontdes seemed to request of him some what which was unjust and unlawfull: Neither were you Simonides (quoth he) a good Poet, if you should not keepe time and number in your song, nor I a good Magistrate, if I should judge against the law. And yet (as Plato was woont to say) it is not for want of due proportion betweene the necke and body of the lute, that one citie is at variance with another citie, and friends fall out and be at difference, doing what mischiefe they can one to another, and suffering the like againe; but for this rather, that they offend and faile in that which concerneth law and justice. Howbeit, you shall have some, who themselves observing the precise rules most exactly according to art in Musicke, in Grammaticall ortho­graphie, and in the Poeticall quantitie of syllables and measures of feet, can be in hand with o­thers, 10 and request them to neglect and forget that which they ought to do in the administration of government, in passing of judgements, and in their other actions. And therefore with such as these be, I would have you take this course which I will now tell you: Is there an Advocate or Rhetorician that doth importune you sitting as judge upon the bench? or is there an Oratour that troubleth you with an unreasonable sute as you sit in counsell? grant them both, that which they request, upon condition that the one in the entrie of his plea will commit a soloecisme or incongruity, and the other in the beginning of his narration come out with some barbarisme: but it is all to nothing, that they will never do so, it would be thought such a shame; and in very trueth, we see that some of them are so fine eared, that they can not abide in a speech or sentence that two vowels should come together: againe, Is he one of the nobilitie, or a man of honour 20 and authoritie, that troubleth you with some unhonest sute? will him likewise for your sake to passe thorow the market place hopping and dancing, making mowes, and writhing his mouth; but if he denie so to doe, then have you good occasion and fit opportunity to come upon him with this revie, and demand of him; whether of the twaine be more dishonest? to make incon­gruity in speech, and to make mowes, and set the mouth awry; or to breake the lawes, commit perjurie, and beside all right, equitie and conscience, to award and adjudge more unto the leawd and wicked, than to good and honest persons. Moreover, like as Nicostratus the Argive answe­red unto Archidamus, who sollicited him with a good summe of money (promising him besides in marriage what Lady he would himselfe chuse in all Lacedaemon) to betray and render up by treason the towne Cromnum: I see well (quoth he) ô Archidamus, that you are not descended 30 from the race of Hercules, for that he travelled thorow the world, killing wicked persons whom he had vanquished, but your study is to make them wicked who are good and honest; even so we ought to say unto him, who would bee thought a man of woorth and good marke, and yet commeth to presse and force us to commit those deeds which are not befitting, that he doth that which beseemeth not his nobility or opinion of vertue.

Now if they be meane and base persons to account, who shall thus tempt you, go this way to worke with such: If he be a covetous miser, and one that loveth his money too well; see and trie whether you can induce and perswade him by all importunity to credit you with a talent of sil­ver upon your bare word, without schedule, obligation or specialtie for his security; or if he be an ambitious and vaine-glorious person; trie if you can prevaile with him so much, as to give 40 you the upper hand or higher seat in publike place; or if he be one that desireth to beare rule and office; assay him, whether he will give over his possibilitie that he hath to such a magistracie, especially when he is in the ready way to obtaine it? Certes, we may well thinke it a very strange and absurd thing, that such as they in their vices and passions should stand and continue so stiffe, so resolute and so hard to be removed; and we who professe and would be reputed honest men, lovers of vertue, justice and equity, can not be masters of our selves, but suffer vertue to be subver­ted, and cast it at our heeles. For if they who by their importunity urge our modestie, doe it ei­ther for their owne reputation or their authoritie, it were absurd and beside the purpose, for us to augment the honour, credit and authority of another, and to dishonour, discredit and disgrace our selves; like unto those, who be in an ill name, and incurre the obloquie of the world, who 50 either in publike and solemne games defraude those of the prizes and rewardes who have achieved victory, or who at the election of magistrates, deprive those of their right of suffrages and voices to whom it doth belong, for to gratifie others that deserve it not, thereby to procure to the one sort, the honour of sitting in high places, and to the other the glory of wearing coro­nets, and so by doing pleasure unto others, falsifie their owne faith, defame themselves, and lost the opinion and reputation they had of honestie and good conscience. Now if we see that it is for his owne lucre and gaine, that any one urge us beyond all reason to do a thing; how is it [Page 172] that we doe not presently consider, that it is absurd and without all sense to hazzard and put to comprimise (as it were) our owne reputation and vertue for another man, to the end that the purse of some one (I know not who) should thereby be more weightie and heavie?

But certeinly many there be unto whom such considerations as these are presented, and who are not ignorant that they tread aside and do amisse; much like to them, who being chalenged to drinke off great bolles full of wine, take paines to pledg them with much ado, even so long till their eies be ready to start out of their heads, changing their countenance, and panting for want of winde, and all to pleasure those that put them to it. But surely this feeblenes of minde and faint heart of theirs, resembleth the weake constitution and temperature of the bodie, which cannot away either with scorching heat or chilling cold. For be they praised by those who set 10 upon them thus impudently, they are ready to leape out of their skins for joy; and say they doubt for to be accused, checked, rebuked or suspected, if haply they deny, then they are ready to die for woe and feare. But we ought to be well defended & fortified against the one & the other, that we yeeld neither to them that terrifie us, nor to those that flatter us. Thucydides verily suppo­sing it impossible for one to be great or in high place & not envied, saith, That the mā is wel ad­vised & led by good coūsel who shooteth at the greatest & highest affaires, if he must be subject unto envie. For mine ownepart, thinking as I do, that it is no hard matter to escape envie, but to avoid al complaints & to keepe our selves from being molested by some one or other that converse with us & keepe our company, a thing impossible: I suppose it good counsel for us, & the best thing we can do for our owne safetie, to incurre rather the ill will and displeasure of 20 leaud, importunate, and unreasonable people, than of those who have just cause to blame and accuse us, if against all right and justice we satisfie their minds and be ready to do them service and pleasure: as for the praises and commendations which proceed from such leawd & shame­lesse persons, being as they are in every respect counterfeit and sophisticall, we ought to beware and take heed of; neither must we suffer our selves as swine to be rubbed, scratched, or tickled, and all the whiles stand still and gently, letting them do with us what they will, untill they may with ease lay us all along, when we have once yeelded to be so handled at their pleasure: for surely they that give care to flatterers, differ in no respect from those who set out their legs of purpose to be supplanted and to have their heeles tripped up from under them; save onely in this, that those are woorse foiled and catch the more shamefull fall, I meane aswell such as remit 30 punishment to naughtie persons, because forsooth they love to be called mercifull, milde and gentle; as those on the contrary side, who being perswaded by such as praise them, do submit thē ­selves to enmities and accusations needlesse, but yet perilous; as being borne in hand & made beleeve they were the onely men, & such alone as stood invincible against all flatterie, yea and those whom they sticke not to tearme their very mouthes & voices; and therefore Bion likened them most aptly to vessels that had two eares, for that they might be caried so easily by the eares which way a man would: like as it is reported of one Alexinus a Sophister, who upon a time as he walked with others in the gallerie Peripatos, spake all that naught was of Stilpo the Mega­rean: & when one of the company said unto him, What meane you by this, considering that of late & no longer since than the other day, he gave out of you al the good that may be: I wot wel 40 (quoth he) for hee is a right honest gentleman, and the most courteous person in the worlde. Contrariwise Menedemus when he heard that Alexinus had praised him many a time; But I (quoth he) do never speake well of Alexinus; & therfore a bad man he must needs be, that either praiseth a naughty person, or is dispraised of an honest man: So hard it was to turn or catch him by any such meanes, as making use, and practising that precept which Hercules Atistheneus taught his children, when hee admonished and warned them that they should never con those thanke who praised them: and this was nothing else, but not to suffer a mans selfe to be over­come by foolish modestie, nor to flatter them againe who praised him. For this may suffice in mine opinion which Pindarus answered upon a time to one who said unto him: That in everie place and to all men he never ceased to commend him: Grand mercie (quoth he) and I will do 50 this favor unto you againe that you may be a true man of your word, & be thought to have spo­ken nothing but the truth.

To conclude, that which is good and expedient against all other affections and passions, they ought surely to remember who are easily overcome by this hurtfull modestie, whensoever they giving place soone to the violence of this passion, doe commit a fault and tread awry against their minde: namely to call to remembrance the markes and prints of remorse and re­pentance sticking fast in their minde, and to repent eftsoones and keepe the same a long time. [Page 173] For like as waifaring men, after they have once stumbled upon a stone; or pilots at sea when they have once split their ship upon a rocke and suffred shipwracke, if they call those accidents to remembrance, for ever after doe feare and take heed not onely of the same, but of such like; even so they that set before their eies continually the dishonours and damages which they have received by this hurtfull and excessive modestie, and represent the same to their minde once wounded and bitten with remorse and repentance, will in the like afterwards reclaime them­selves, and not so easily another time be perverted and seduced out of the right way. 10

OF BROTHERLY LOVE OR AMITIE.

The Summarie. 20

A Man should have profited but badly in the schoole of vertue, if endevouring to carry himselfe honestly toward his friends and familiars, yea and his verie enemies, he con­tinue still in evill demeanor with his owne brethren, unto whom he is joined naturally, by the streightest line andlinke that can be devised. But for that ever since the be­ginning of the world, this proverbiall sentence from time to time hath beene currant and found true; that the Unitie of Brethren is a rare thing: Plutarch after he had complained in the verie entrance of this little booke, that such a maladie as this, raigned mightily in his time, goeth about afterwards to apply a remedie thereto. And to this effect he sheweth, that since brotherly amitie is taught and prescribed by nature, those who love not their brethren, be blockish, unnaturall, enemies to 30 their owne selves; yea, and the greatest Atheists that may be found. And albeit the obligation wherein we are bound to our parents, amounteth to so high a summe as we are never able fully to dis­charge; he prooveth notwithstanding, that brotherly love may stand for one verie good paiment to­ward that debt: whereupon he concludeth, that hatred betweene brethren ought to be banished; for that if it once creepe in and get betweene, it will be a verie hard matter to rejoine and reconcile them againe. Afterwards he teacheth a readie and compendious way, how a man ought to manage and use a brother ill disposed. In what manner brethren should carrie themselves one to another, both du­ring the life of their father and also after his decease; discoursing at large upon the dutie of those who are the elder, or higher advanced in other respects; as also what they should doe, who are the yoonger; namely, that as they are not equall to their other brethren in yeeres, so they be their inferiours in 40 place of honor and in wealth; likewise what meanes as well the one as the other are to follow, for to avoid envie and jealousie. Which done, he teacheth brethren who in age come verie neere, their natu­rall dutie and kindnesse that they ought to shew one unto another; to which purpose he produceth pro­per examples of brotherly amttie among the Pagans: In the ende, since he can not possibly effect thus much, that brethren should evermore accordwell together, he setteth downe what course they are to take in their differences and disagreements; and how their friends ought to be common betweene them; and for a final conclusion, he treateth of that honest care and respective regardone of another that they ought to have, and especially of their kinse­folke, 50 which he enricheth with two other notable ex­amples.

OF BROTHERLY LOVE or amitie.

THose ancient statues representing the two brethren Castor and Pollux, the inhabitants of the citie Sparta, were woont in their lan­guage to call [...] And two paralell pieces of timber they are of an equall distance asunder, united and joined together by two other 10 pieces overthwart: now it should seeme, that this was a device fit­ting verie well and agreeable to the brotherly amitie of the said two gods, for to shew that undivisible union which was betweene them; and even so, I also do offer and dedicate unto you, ô Nigrinus and Quintus, this little treatise as touching the amitie of brethren, a gift common unto you both as those who are woorthie of the same: for seeing, that of your owne accord you practise that alreadie, which it teacheth and exhor­teth unto, you shall be thought not so much to be admonished thereby, as by your example to confirme and testifie the same which therein is delivered; and the joy which you shall conceive to see that approoved and commended which your selves do, shall give unto your judgement a 20 farther assurance to continue therein; as if your actions were allowed and praised by vertuous and honest beholders of the same.

Aristarchus verily, the father of Theodectes, scoffing at the great number of those Sophi­sters or counterfeit sages in his daies, said: That in old time hardly could be found seven wise men throughout the world; but in our daies (quoth he) much adoo there is to finde so many fooles or ignorant persons. But I may verie well and truely saie: That I see in this age wherein we live, the amitie of brethren to be as rare, as their hatred was in times past. The examples whereof being so few as they were among our auncients, were thought by men in those daies living, notable arguments to furnish Tragedies and Theaters with, as matters verie strange and in a manner fabulous. But contrariwise, all they that live in this age if haply they meete with 30 two brethren, that be good and kind one to another, woonder and marvell thereat as much as if they saw those Molionides (of whom Homer speaketh) whose bodies seemed to grow together in one: and as incredible and miraculous doe they thinke it, that brethren should use in com­mon the patrimonie, goods, friends and slaves which their fathers left behind unto them, as if one and the same soule alone ruled the feet, hands and eies of two bodies. And yet nature her selfe hath set downe a lively example of that mutuall behaviour and carriage that ought to bee among brethren, and the same not farre off, but even within our owne bodies, wherein she hath framed and devised for the most part those members double, and as a man would say, brethren­like and twinnes, which be necessarie, to wit, two hands, two feet, two eies, two eares, and two nose thrils; shewing thereby, that she hath thus distinguished them all, not onely for their 40 naturall health and safetie, but also for a mutuall and reciprocall helpe, and not for to quar­rell and fight one with another. As for the hands when she parted them into many fingers, and those of unequallength and bignesse, she hath made them of all other organicall parts, the most proper artificious and workemanlike instruments; insomuch as that ancient Philosopher A­naxagoras ascribed the verie cause of mans wisedome and understanding unto the hands. Howbeit, the contrarie unto this should seeme rather to be true; for man was not the wisest of all other living creatures in regard of his hands, but because by nature being eudued with rea­son, given to be wittie and capable of arts and sciences, he was likewise naturally furnished with such instruments as these. Moreover, this is well knowen unto everie man, that nature hath for­med of one and the same seed, as of one principle of life, two, three, and more brethren; not to 50 the end that they should be at debate and variance, but that being apart and asunder, they might the better and more commodiously helpe one another. For those men with three bodies and a hundred armes apiece, which the Poëts describe unto us (if ever there were any such) being joi­ned and growen together in all their parts, were not able to doe any thing at all when they were parted asunder, or as it were, without themselves: which brethren can doe well enough, namely, dwell and keepe within house and go abroad together, meddle in affaires of State, exercise hus­bandrie and tillage one with another, in case they preserve and keepe well that principle of amity [Page 175] and benevolence which nature hath given them. For otherwise they should (I suppose) nothing differ from those feet which are readie to trip or supplant one another, and cause them to catch a fall: or they should resemble those hands and fingers which enfolded and claspe one another untowardly against the course of nature. But rather according as in one and the same bodie, the cold, the hot, the drie, and the moist, participating likewise in one and the same nature and nourishment, if they doe accord and agree well together, engender an excellent temperature and most pleasant harmonie, to wit, the health of the bodie, without which, neither all the wealth of the world, as men say,

Nor power of roiall majestie,
Which equall is to deitie. 10

have any pleasure, grace or profit: but in case these principall elements of our life, covet to have more than their just proportion, and thereupon breake out into a kind of civill sedition, seeking one to surcrease and over-grow another, soone there ensueth a filthie corruption and confusion which overthroweth the state of the bodie and the creature it selfe; semblably, by the concord of brethren, the whole race and house is in good case and flourisheth, the friends and familiars belonging to them (like a melodious quire of muscicians) make a sweet consent and harmo­nie: for neither they doe, nor say not thinke any thing that jarreth or is contrarie one to the other,

Wher as in discord such and taking part,
The worse est soones do speed, whiles better smart. 20

to wit, some ill-tongued varlet and pickthanke carrie-tale within the house, or some flattering claw-backe comming betweene, and entring into the house, or else some envious and malici­ous neighbour in the citie. For like as diseases do ingender in those bodies which neither re­ceive nor stand well affected to their proper & familiar nourishment, many appetites of strange and hurtfull meates; even so, a slanderous calumniation of jealousie being gotten once among those of a blood & kindred, doth draw and bring withal evill words and naughtie speechs, which from without are alwaies readie enough to runne thither where as a breach lieth open, and where there is some fault alreadie. That divine master and soothsaier of Arcadie, of whom Herodotus writeth, when he had lost one of his owne naturall feet, was forced upon necessitie to make himselfe another of wood: but a brother being fallen out and at warre with a brother, and 30 constrained to get some stranger to be his companion, either out of the market place and com­mon hall of the citie as he walketh there, or from the publike place of exercise, where he useth to behold the wrestlers and others; in my conceit doth nothing else but willingly cut-off a part or limme of his owne bodie made of flesh, and engraffed fast unto him, for to set another in the place which is of another kinde and altogether a stranger. For even necessitie it selfe which doth entertaine, approove and seeke for friendship and mutuall acquaintance, teacheth us to honor, chearish and preserve that which is of the same nature and kind; for that without friends societie and fellowship we are not able to live solitarie and alone as most savage beasts, neither will our nature endure it: and therefore in Menander he saith very well and wisely:

By jolly cheere and bankets day by day, 40
Thinke we to finde (ô father) trustie friends,
To whom our selves and life commit we may?
No speciall thing for cost to make amends;
I found he hath, who by that meanes hath met
With shade of friends; for such I count no bet.

For to say a truth, most of our friendships be but shadowes, semblances and images of that first amitie, which nature hath imprinted and engraffed in children toward their parents, in brethren toward their brethren: and he who doth not reverence nor honor it, how can he perswade and make strangers beleeve that he beareth sound and faithfull good will unto strangers. Or what man is he who in his familiar greetings and salutations, or in his letters, will call his friend and 50 companion Brother, and can not find in his heart so much as to go with his brother in the same way? For as it were a point of great folly and madnesse, to adorne the statue of a brother, and in the meane time to beat and maime his bodie; even so, to reverence and honor the name of a brother in others, and withall to shun, hate and disdaine a brother indeed, were the case of one that were out of his wits, and who never conceived in his heart and minde, that Nature is the most sacred and holy thing in the world. And heere in this place, I can not choose but call to minde, how at Rome upon a time I tooke upon me to bee umpier betweene two brethren, of [Page 176] whom the one seemed to make profession of Philosophie; but he was (as after it appeered) not onely untruely entituled by the name of a Brother; but also as falsely called a Philosopher: for when I requested of him that he should carrie himselfe as a Philosopher toward his brother, and such a brother as altogether was unlettered and ignorant: In that you say (ignorant quoth he) I hold well with you, and I avow it a trueth; but as for Brother, I take it for no such great and ve­nerable matter, to have sprung from the same loines, or to have come foorth of one wombe. Well (said I againe) It appeeres that you make no great account to issue out of the same natu­ral members; but all men else besides you, if they doe not thinke and imagine so in their hearts; yet I am sure they doe both sing and say that Nature first, and then Law (which doth preserve and maintaine Nature) have given the chiefe place of reverence and honor next after the gods, 10 unto father and mother; neither can men performe any service more acceptable unto the gods, than to pay willingly, readily and affectionately unto parents who begat and brought them foorth, unto nourses and fosters that reared them up, the interest and usurie for the old thankes, besides the new which are due unto them. And on the other side again, there is not a more cer­taine signe & marke of a verie Atheist; than either to neglect parents, or to be any waies ungra­cious or defective in duty unto them: and therfore wheras we are forbidden in expresse termes by the law, to doe wrong or hurt unto other men: if one doe not behave himselfe to father and mother both in word and deed, so as they may have (I do not say no discontentment and displea­sure but) joy and comfort thereby, men esteeme him to be profane, godlesse and irreligious. Tell me now, what action, what grace, what disposition of children towards their parents, can be 20 more agreeable and yeeld them greater contentment, than to see good will, kinde affection, fast and assured love betweene brethren? the which a man may easily gather by the contrarie in other smaller matters. For seeing that fathers and mothers be displeased otherwhiles with their sonnes, if they misuse or hardly intreat some home-borne slave whom they set much store by: if I say, they be vexed and angrie, when they see them to make no reckoning & care of their woods and grounds wherein they tooke some joy and delight; considering also that the good kind-harted old folke of a gentle and loving affection that they have, be offended if some hound or dog bred up within house, or an horse be not well tended and looked unto; last of all, if they grieve when they perceive their children to mocke, find fault with, or despise the lectures, narra­tions, sports, sights, wrestlers, and others that exercise feats of activitie, which themselves some­time 30 highly esteemed: Is there any likelihood that they in any measure can indure to see their children hate one another? to entertaine braules and quarrels continually? to be ever snarling, railing and reviling one another? and in all enterprises and actions alwaies crossing, thwarting and supplanting one another? I suppose there is no man will so say. Then on the contrarie side, if brethren love together and be ready one to do for another; if they draw in one line and carrie the like affection with them; follow the same studies and take the same courses; and how much nature hath divided and separated them in bodie, so much to joine for it againe in minde; len­ding one another their helping hands in all their negotiations and affaires; following the same exercises; repairing to the same disputations; and frequenting the same plaies, games and pa­stimes, so as they agree and communicate in all things: certainely this great love and amitie 40 among brethren, must needs yeeld sweet joy and happie comfort to their father and mother in their old age: and therefore parents take nothing so much pleasure, when their children proove eloquent orators, wealthy men, or advanced to promotions and high places of digni­ties; as loving and kind one to another; like as a man shall never see a father so desirous of elo­quence, of riches, or of honor, as he is loving to his owne children. It is reported of Queene Apollonis the Cyzicen, mother to King Eumenes, and to three other Princes, to wit, Atalus, Phile­taerus and Athenaeus, that shee reputed and reported her selfe to bee right happy, and rendered thankes unto the immortall gods, not for her riches, nor roiall port and majestie; but that it was her good fortune to see those three yoonger sonnes of hers, serving as Pensioners and Esquiers of the bodie to Eumenes their elder brother, and himselfe living fearlesse and in as securitie in 50 the mids of them, standing about his person with their pollaxes, halbards, and partisanes in their hands, and girded with swords by their sides. On the other side, King Xerxes perceiving, that his sonne Ochus set an ambush and laid traines to murder his brethren, died for verie sor­row and anguish of heart. Terrible and grievous are the warres, said Euripides, betweene bre­thren; but unto their parents above all others most grievous; for that whosoever hateth his owne brother, and may not vouchsafe him a good eie and kinde looke, can not choose but in his heart blame the father that begat him, and the mother that bare him. We read that Pisistratus [Page 177] married his second wife, when his sonnes whom he had by the former were now men growen, saying: That since he saw them proove so good and towardly, he gladly would be the father of many more that might grow up like them; even so, good and loyall children will not onely af­fect and love one another for their parents sakes, but also love their parents so much the more, in regard of their mutuall kindnesse, as making this account, thinking also and saying thus to themselves; That they are obliged and bounden unto them in many respects, but principally for their brethren, as being the most precious heritage, the sweetest and most pleasant possession that they inherit by them. And therefore Homer did verie well, when he brought in Telemachus among other calamities of his, reckoning this for one, that he had no brother at all; and saying thus: 10

For Jupiter my fathers race in me alone,
Now ended hath, and given me brother none.

As for Hesiodus he did not well to wish & give advice to have an only begotten sonne, to be the full heire and universall inheritour of a patrimonie; even that Hesiodus who was the disciple of those Muses, whom men have named [...] as it were [...] for that by reason of their mutual affection and sister-like love they keepe alwaies together. Certes, the amitie of brethren is so respective to parents, that it is both a certaine demonstration that they love father and mother, & also such an example & lesson unto their children to love together, as there is none other like unto it, but contrariwise, they take an ill president to hate their owne brethren from the first ori­ginall of their father: for he that liveth continually & waxeth old in suits of law, in quarrels and 20 dissensions with his owne brethren, and afterward shall seeme to preach unto his children for to live friendly & lovingly together, doth as much as he, who according to the common proverbe:

The sores of others will seeme to heale and cure
And is himselfe of ulcers full impure.

and so by his owne deeds doth weaken the efficacie of his words. If then Eteocles the Thebane, when he had once said unto his brother Polynices, in Euripides,

To starres about sunne-rising would I mount,
And under earth descend as farre againe,
By these attempts, if I might make account
This sovereigne roialtie of gods to gaine. 30

should come afterwards againe unto his sonnes, and admonish them

For to mainteine and honour equall state,
Which knits friends ay in perfect unitie,
And keeps those link't who are confederate,
Preserving cities in league and amitie:
For nothing more procures securitie,
In all the world, than doth equalitie.

who would not mocke him and despise his admonition? And what kinde of man would Atreus have bene reputed, if after he had set such a supper as he did before his brother, he should in this maner have spoken sentences and given instruction to his owne children? 40

When great mishap and crosse calamitie
Upon a man is fallen suddenly,
The onely meed is found by amitie
Of those whom blood hath joined perfectly.

Banish therefore we must, and rid away cleane, all hatred from among brethren, as a thing which is a bad nurce to parents in their olde age, and a woorse fostresse to children in their youth; be­sides, it giveth occasion of slander, calumniation and obloquie among their fellow-citizens and neighbours, for thus do men conceive and deeme of it: That brethren having bene nourished and brought up together so familiarly from their very cradle, it can not be that they should fall out and grow to such termes of enmity and hostility, unlesse they were privie one to another of 50 some wicked plots and most mischievous practises. For great causes they must bee, that are a­ble to undoe great friendship and amitie, by meanes whereof hardly or unneth afterwards they can bee reconciled and surely knit againe. For like as sundry pieces which have beene once artificially joined together by the meanes of glue or soder, if the joint bee loose or open, may bee rejoined or sodered againe; but if an entire body that naturally is united and growen in one, chaunce to bee broken or cut and slit asunder, it will be an hard piece of worke to finde any glew or soder so strong as to reunite the same and make it whole and [Page 178] sound, even so those mutuall amities which either for profit or upon some neede were first knit betweene men, happen to cleave and part in twaine, it is an easie matter to reduce them close together; but brethren if they bee once alienated and estranged, so as that the naturall bond of love can not hold them together, hardly will they peece againe or agree ever after: and say they be made friends and brought to attonement, certeinly such reconciliation maketh in the former rent or breach an ill favoured and filthy skar, as being alwaies full of jealousie, distrust, and suspicion. True it is that all jars and enmities betweene man and man, entring into the heart, together with those passions which be most troublesome and dangerous of all others, to wit, a peevish humor of contention, choler, envie, and remembrance of injuries done and past, do breed griefe, paine, and vexation; but surely that which is fallen betweene brother and 10 brother, who of necessitie are to communicate together in all sacrifices and religious ceremo­nies belonging to their fathers house, who are to be interred another day in one and the same sepulchre, and live in the meane time otherwhiles under one roofe, and dwel in the same house, and enjoy possessions, lands, and tenements confining one upon another, doth continually pre­sent unto the eie that which tormenteth the heart, it putteth them in minde daily and howerly of their follie and madnesse; for by meanes thereof that face and countenance which shoulde bee most sweete, best knowne, and of all other likest, is become most strange hideous, and un­pleasant to the eie; that voice which was woont to be even from the cradle friendly and familiar, is now become most fearefull & terrible to the eare; and whereas they see many other brethren cohabit together in one house, sit at one table to take their repast, occupie the same lands, and 20 use the same servants, without dividing them; what a griefe is it, that they thus fallen out, should part their friends, their hoasts and guests, and in one word, make all things that be common a­mong other brethren, private, and whatsoever should be familiar & acceptable, to become con­trarie & odious? Over and besides, here is another inconvenience and mischiefe, which there is no man so simple, but he must needs conceive and understand: That ordinary friends and table companions may be gotten and stollen (as it were) from others; alliance and acquaintance there may be had new, if the former be lost, even as armour, weapons and tooles may be repaired, if they be worne, or new made, if the first be gon; but to recover a brother that is lost, it is not pos­sible, no more than to make a new hand, if one be cut away, or to set in another eie in the place of that which is plucked out of the head: and therefore well said that Persian ladie, when shee 30 chose rather to save the life of her brethren than of her children: For children (quoth shee) I may have more, but since my father and mother be both dead, brother shall I never have.

But what is to be done, will some man say, in case one be matched with a bad brother? First, this we ought evermore to remember, that in all sorts of amities there is to be found some bad­nesse; and most true is that saying of Sophocles;

Who list to search throughout mankinde,
More bad than good is sure to finde.

No kinted there is, no societie, no fellowship, no amitie and love, that can be found sincere, sound, pure and cleare from all faults. The Lacedaemonian who had married a wife of little sta­ture: We must (quoth he) of evils chuse ever the least; even so in mine advice, a man may ve­ry 40 well and wisely give counsell unto brethren, to beare rather with the most domesticall imper­fections and the infirmities of their owne blood, than to trie those of strangers; for as the one is blamelesse, because it is necessarie, so the other is blame-worthy, for that it is voluntarie: for neither table-friend and fellow gamester, nor play-fere of the same age, ne yet hoast or guest

Is bound with links (of brasse by hand not wrought)
Which shame by kinde hath forg'd, and cost us nought,

but rather that friend, who is of the same blood, who had his nourishment and bringing up with us, begotten of one father, and who lay in the same mothers wombe; unto whom it seemeth that [...] Odysy. 331. Vertue herselfe doth allow connivencie and pardon of some faults, so as a man may say unto a brother when he doth a fault, 50

Witlesse, starke naught, yea wretched though thou be,
Yet can I not forsake and cast off thee.

lest that (ere I be well aware) I might seeme in my hatred towards thee, for to punish sharpely, cruelly, and unnaturally in thy person, some infirmitie or vice of mine owne father or mother instilled into thee by their seed. As for strangers and such as are not of our bloud, we ought not to love first, and afterwards make triall and judgement of them; but first we must trie and then trust and love them afterwards; whereas contrariwise, nature hath not given unto proofe and [Page 179] experience the precedence and prerogative to go before love, neither doth she expect accor­ding to that cōmon proverbe; That a man should eate a Medinonus is a measure conteining 6. modij, which is about 6. pecks with [...] bushell or two of salt with one whom he minded to love and make his friend; but even from our nativitie hath bred in us and with us the very principle and cause of amitie, in which regard we ought not to be bitter unto such, nor to search too neerely into their faults and infirmities.

But what will you say now if contrariwise some there be, who if meere aliens and strangers otherwise, yet if they take a foolish love and liking unto them, either at the taverne or at some game and pastime, or fall acquainted with them at the wrestling or fensing schoole, can be con­tent to winke at their faults, be ready to excuse and justifie them, yea and take delight and plea­sure therein; but if their brethren do amisse, they be exceeding rigorous unto them and inexo­rable; 10 nay, you shall have many such, who can abide to love churlish dogs, & skittish horses, yea and finde in their hearts to feed and make much of fell ounces, shrewd cats, curst unhappie apes, and terrible lions; but they cannot endure the hastie and cholericke humor, the error and ignorance, or some little ambitious humor of a brother. Others againe there be, who unto their concubines and harlots will not sticke to assigne over and passe away goodly houses and faire lands lying thereto; but with their brethren they will wrangle and go to law, nay they will be ready to enter the lists and combat for a plot of ground whereupon a house standeth, about some corner of a messuage or end of a little tenement, and afterwards attributing unto this their hatred of brethren, the colourable name of hating sinne and wickednesse, they go up & downe cursing, detesting and reproching them fortheir vices, whiles in others they are never offended 20 nor discontented therewith, but are willing enough daily to frequent and haunt their company. Thus much in generall tearmes by way of preamble or proaeme of this whole treatise.

It remaineth now that I should enter into the doctrine and instructions thereto belonging: wherein I will not begin as other have done at the partition of their heritage or patrimonie; but at the naughtie emulation, hart burning and jealousie which ariseth betweene them during the life of their parents. Agesilaus king of Lacedaemon was wont alwaies to send as a present unto each one of the auncients of the citie, ever as they were created Senatours, a good oxe, in testi­mony that he honored their vertue: at length the lords called Ephori, who were the censurers & overseers of each mans behavior, cōdemned him for this in a fine to be paid unto the State, sub­scribling and adding a reason withall; for that by these gifts and largesses he went about to steale 30 away their hearts and favors to himselfe alone, which ought indifferently to regard the whole body of the city; even so a man may do well to give this counsell unto a sonne, in such wise to respect & honour his father and mother, that hee seeke not thereby to gaine their whole love, nor seeme to turne away their favour and affection from other children wholy unto himselfe; by which practise many doe prevent, undermine and supplant their brethren, and thus under a colourable and honest pretense in shew, but in deed unjust and unequall, cloke and cover their avarice and covetous desire; for after a cautelous and subtill maner they insinuate themselves and get betweene them and home, and so defraud and cousen them ungentlemanly of their pa­rents love, which is the greatest and fairest portion of their inheritance, who espying their time, and taking the opportunitie and vantage when their brethren be otherwise employed, and least 40 doubt of their practises, then they bestir them most, and shew themselves in best order, obse­quious, double-diligent, sober and modest, and namely in such things as their other brethren do either faile or seeme to be slacke and forgetfull. But brethren ought to do cleane contrarie, for if they perceive their father to be angrie and displeased with one of them, they should inter­pose themselves and undergo some part of the heavie load, they ought to case their brother, and by bearing a part, helpe to make the burden lighter: then (I say) must they by their service and ministerie gratifie their brother so much, as to bring him in some sort in grace and favour againe with their father, and when he hath failed so far foorth in neglecting the opportunity of time, or omitting some other businesse which hardly will afoord excuse, they are to lay the fault and blame upon his very nature and disposition, as being more meete and fitted for other mat­ters. 50 And heereto accordeth well that speech of Agamemnon in Homer,

He faulted not through idlenesse, nor yet for want of wit,
But lookt on me, and did expect my motive unto it.

even so one good brother may excuse another and say; He thought I should have done it, and left this duetie for me to doe: neither are fathers themselves strait laced, but willingly enough [Page 180] to admit such translations and gentle inversions of names as these; they can be content to be­leeve their children, when they terme the supine negligence of their brethren plaine simplici­tie, their stupiditie and blockishnesse, upright dealing and a good conscience; their quarrellous and [...] nature, a minde loth to be troden under-foot and utterly despised. In this maner he that will proceed with an intent only to appease his fathers wrath, shal gaine thus much morco­ver; That not only his fathers choler will therby be much diminished toward his brother, but his love also much more encreased unto himselfe: howbeit, afterwards when he hath thus made all well, and satisfied his father to his good contentment, then must he turne and addresse himselfe to his brother apart, touch him to the quicke, spare him never a whit, but with all libertie of language tell him roundly of his fault, and rebuke him for his trespasse; for surely it is not good 10 to use indulgencie and connivencie to a brother, no more than to insult over him too much, and tread him under foote if hee have done amisse, (for as this bewraieth a joy that one taketh at his fall; so that implieth a guiltinesse with him in the same transgression: but in this rebuke and reproofe, such measure would be kept, that it may testifie a care to do him good, and yet a displeasure for his fault; for commonly he that hath beene a most earnest advocate and affecti­onate intercessor for him to his father and mother, will be his sharpest accuser afterwards when he hath beene alone by himselfe. But put the case, that abrother having not at all offended, be blamed notwithstanding and accused to father and mother, howsoever in other things, it is the part of humanitie and dutifull kindnesse to susteine and beare all anger and froward displeasure of parents; yet in this case, the allegations and desenses of one brother in the justification of an 20 other, when he is innocent, unjustly traduced, and hardly used or wronged by his parents, are not to be blamed, but allowable and grounded upon honestie: neither need a brother feare to heare that reproch in Sophocles:

Thou gracelesse imp so farre growen out of kinde,
As with thy Sire, a counter plea to finde.

when frankly & freely he speaketh in the behalfe of his brother, seeming to be unjustly condem­ned and oppressed. For surely by this manner of processe and pleading, they that are convicted take more joy in being overthrowen, than if they had gained the victorie and better hand.

Now after that a father is deceased, it is well beseeming and fit, that brethren should more affectionaly love than besore, and sticke more close together: for then presently their naturall 30 love unto their father which is common to them all, ought to appeere indifferently in mour­ning together and lamenting for his death: then are they to reject and cast behimde them all suspicions surmized or buzzed into their heads by varlets & servants, all slanderous calumniati­ons and false reports, brought unto them by pick-thankes and carrie-tales on both sides, who would gladly sow some diffension betweene them: then are they to give eare unto that which fables doe report of the reciprocall love of Castor and Pollux; and namely, how it is said, That Pollux killed one with his fist for rounding him in the eare, and whispering a tale against his brother Castor. Afterwards, when they shall come to the parting of their patrimonie and fa­thers goods among them, they ought not (as it were) to give defiance and denounce warre one against another, as many there be who come prepared for that purpose readie to encounter, 40 singing this note,

O Alal Alala, now hearken and come fight,
Who art of warre so fell the daughter right.

But that verie day of all others they ought to regard and observe most, as being the time which to them is the beginning either of mortall warre and enmitie irreconcileable, or else of perfect friendship and amitie perdurable: at which instant they ought among themselves alone, to divide their portions if it be possible; if not, then to do it in the presence of one indifferent and common friend betweene them, who may be a witnes to their whole order and proceeding; and so when after a loving and kinde maner, and as becommeth honest and well disposed persons they have by casting lots gotten ech one that which is his right: by which course (as Plato said) 50 they ought to thinke that there is given and received that which is meet and agreeable for every one, and so to hold themselves therwith contented: this done, I say they are to make account that the ordering, mannaging, and administration onely of the goods and heritage is parted and di­vided; but the enjoying, use and possession of all remaineth yet whole in common between: them. But those that in this partition and distribution of goods, plucke one from another the nourses that gave them [...] ; or such youths as were fostered and brought up together with them of [...] , and with whom alwaies they had lived and loved familiarly; well may they per­vaile [Page 181] so farre forth with eager pursuing their wilfulnesse, as to go away with the gaine of a slave, perhaps of greater price: but in stead thereof, they lose the greatest and most pretions things in all their patrimonie and inheritance, and utterly betray the love of a brother, and the consi­dence that otherwise they might have had in him. Some also we have knowen, who upon a pee­vish wilfulnesse onely, and a quarrellous humour, and without any gaine at all, have in the parti­tion of their fathers goods, carried themselves no better nor with greater modestie and respect, than if it had bene some bootie or pillage gotten in war. Such were Charicles and Antiochus, of the citie Opus, two brethren, who ever as they met with a piece of silver plate, made no more ado but cut it quite thorough the mids, and if there came a garment into their hands, in two pieces it went, slit (as neere as they could aime) just in the middle, and so they went either of them 10 away with his part, dividing (as it were) upon some tragicall curse and execration.

Their house and all the goods therein
By edge of sword so sharpe and keen.

Others there be who make their boast and report with joy unto others, how in the partition of their patrimonic they have by cunning casts, connie-catched their brethren, and over-wrought them so by their cautelous circumvention, fine wit and slie policies, as that they have gone away with the better part by ods: whereas indeed they should rejoice rather and please themselves, if in modestie, courtesie, kindnesse, and yeelding of their owne right they had surpassed and gone beyond their brethren. In which regard Athenodorus deserveth to be remembred in this place; and indeed there is not one here in these parts but remembreth him well enough. This Athe­nodorus 20 had one brother elder than himselfe, named Zenon, who having taken upon him the management of the patrimonie, left unto them both by their father, had imbezeld and made away a good part of it; and in the end, for that by force he had carried away a woman and mar­ried her, was condemned for a rape, and lost all his owne and his brothers goods, which by order of law was forfait and confiscate to the Exchequer of the Emperor: now was Athenodorus abovesaid, a verie beardlesse-boystill, without any haire on his face; and when by equitie and the court of conscience, his portion out of his fathers goods was awarded and restored unto him, he forsooke not his brother, but brought all abroad and parted the one halfe thereof with him againe; and notwithstanding that he knew well enough that his brother had used no faire play, but cunningly defrauded him of much in the division thereof, yet was he never angrie with him 30 nor repented of his kindnesse, but mildly, cheerefully, and patiently endured that unthanksulnes and folly of his brother, so much divulged and talked of throughout all Grecce. As for Solon when he pronounced sentence and determined in this manner as touching the government of the weale-publike; That equalitie never bred sedition; seemed verie confusedly to bring in the proportion Arithmeticall which is popular, in place of that other faire and good proportion called Geometricall. But he that in an house or familie would advise brethren (as Plato did the citizens of his Common-wealth) above all, if possible it were to take away these words, Mine and Thine; Mine and not Mine; or at leastwise (if that may not be) to stand contented with an egall portion, and to maintaine and preserve equalitie; certes, he should lay a notable and sin­gular foundation of amitie, concord and peace, and alwaies build thereupon the famous exam­ples 40 of most noble and renowmed personages, such as Pittachus was, who when the King of Ly­dia demaunded of him whether he had money and goods enough? I may have (quoth he) more by one halfe if I would, by occasion of my brothers death whose heire I am.

But forasmuch as not onely in the possession, augmentation and diminishing of goods, the lesse is evermore set as an adverse and crosse enemie to the more, but also (as Plato said) sim­ply and universally there is alwaies motion and stirring in unequallitie, but rest and repose in e­quallitie; and so all uneven dealing and unequall partition is dangerous for breeding dissension among brethren: and possible it is, that in all respects they should be even and equall; for that either Nature at sirst from their very nativitie, or Fortune afterwards, hath not divided with even hand their severall graces and favours among them, whereupon proceed envie and jealousie, 50 which are pernicious maladies and deadly plagues, aswel to houses and families as also to States and Cities: in these regards (I say) therefore, a great regard and heed would be taken, both to prevent and also to remedie such mischiefs with all speed, when they begin first to ingender. As for him who is indued with better gifts, and hath the vantage over his other brethren, it were not amisse to give him counsell, first to communicate unto them those gifts wherein he see­meth to excell and goe beyond them; namely, in gracing and honouring them aswell as him­selfe by his credit and reputation, in advancing them by the meanes of his great friends, and [Page 182] drawing them unto their acquaintance; and in case he be more eloquent than they, to offer them the use thereof, which although it be emploied (as it were) in common, is yet neverthelesse his owne still: then let him not shew any signe of pride and arrogancie, as though he disdained them, but rather in some measure by abasing, submitting and yeelding a little to them in his be­haviour, to preserve himselfe from envie, unto which his excellent parts do lie open; and in one word, to reduce that inequallitie which fortune hath made, unto some equallitie, as farre forth as possible it is to do, by the moderate carriage of his minde. Lucullus verily would never daine to accept of any dignitie or place of rule, before his brother, notwithstanding he was his elder, but letting his owne time slip, expected the turne and course of his brother. Neither would Pollux take upon him to be a god alone by himselfe, but chose rather with his brother Castor to be a de­mie-god, 10 and for to communicate unto him his owne immortalitie, thought it no disgrace to participate with his mortall condition; and even so may a man say unto one whom hee would admonish: My good friend, it lies in you without diminishing one whit of those good things which you have at this present, to make your brother equall unto your selfe, and to joine him in honour with you, giving him leave to enjoy (as it were) your greatnesse, your glory, your vertue, and your fortune; like as Plato did in times past, who by putting downe in writing, the names of his brethren, and bringing them in as persons speaking in his most noble and excel­lent Treatises, caused them by that meanes to be famous and renowmed in the world. Thus he graced Glaucus and Adamanius in his books of Policie: thus he honoured Antiphon the yoon­gest of them all, in his Dialogue named Parmenides. 20

Moreover, as it is an ordinary thing to observe great difference and oddes in the natures and fortunes of brethren; so it is in maner impossible, that in all things and in every respect any one of them should excell the rest. For true it is, that the foure elements, which they say were crea­ted of one and the same matter, have powers and qualities altogether contrary; but surely it was never yet seene, that of two brethren by one father and mother, the one should be like unto that wise man, whom the Stoicks do faine and imagine, to wit, faire, lovely, bountifull, honourable, rich, eloquent, studious, civill and courteous; and the other, foule, ill-favoured, contemptible, illiberall, needie, notable to speake and deliver his minde, untaught, ignorant, uncivill and unso­ciable. But even in those that are more obscure, base and abject than others, there is after a sort some sparke of grace, of valour, of aptnesse and inclination to one good thing or other: for as 30 the common proverbe goeth;

With Calthrap thistles rough and keene, with Prickyrest-harow,
Close Sions faire and soft, yea, White-walflowers are seene to grow.

These good parts therefore, be they more or lesse in others, if he that seemeth to have them in farre better and in greater measure, do not debase, smother, hide and hinder them, nor deject his brother (as in some solemnitie of games for the prize) from all the principall honours, but ra­ther yeeld reciprocally unto him in some points, and acknowledge openly that in many things he is more excellent, and hath a greater dexteritie than himselfe, withdrawing alwaies closely all occasions and matter of envie, as it were fewell from the fire, shall either quench all debate, or rather not suffer it at all to breed or grow to any head and substance. Now he that alwaies taketh 40 his brother as a colleague, counseller and coadjutor with him, in those causes wherin himselfe is taken to be his superiour: as for example; If he be a professed Rhetorician and Oratour, using his brother to pleade causes; if he be a Politician, asking his advice in government; if a man greatly friended, imploying him in actions and affaires abroad; and in one word, in no matter of consequence and which may win credit and reputation, leaving not his brother out, but ma­king him his fellow and companion in all great and honourable occasions, and so giving out of him, taking his counsell if he be present, and expecting his presence if he be absent; and gene­rally, making it knowen that he is a man not of lesse execution than himselfe, but one rather that loveth not much to put himselfe forth, nor stands so much upon winning reputation in the world, and seeking to be advanced in credit; by this meanes he shall lose nothing of his owne, 50 but gaine much unto his brother. These be the precepts and advertisements that a man may give unto him that is the better and superiour.

To come now to him who is the inferiour, he ought thus to thinke in his minde: That his brother is not one alone that hath no fellow, nor the onely man in the world who is richer, bet­ter learned, or more renowmed and glorious than himselfe, but that often-times he also is infe­riour to a great number, yea, and to many millions of us men,

Who on the earth so large do breed,
[Page 183] Upon her fruits who live and feed.

but if he be such an one as either goeth up and downe, bearing envie unto all the world; or if he bee of so ill a nature, as that among so many men that are fortunate, he alone and none but he troubleth him, who ought of all other to be dearest, and is most neerely joined unto him by the obligation of blood, a man may well say of him; That he is unhappy in the highest degree, and hath not left unto another man living, any meanes to go beyond him in wretchednesse. As Me­tellus therefore thought that the Romans were bound to render thanks unto the gods in heaven, for that Scipio so noble and brave a man was borne in Rome, and not in any other citie; so everie man is to wish and pray unto the gods, that himselfe may surmount all other men in prosperity, if not, yet that he might have a brother at least-wise to attaine unto that power and authoritie so 10 much desired; but some there be so infortunate and unlucky by nature, in respect of any good­nesse in them, that they can rejoice and take a great glorie in this, to have their friends advan­ced unto high places of honor, or to see their hoasts and guests abroad, princes, rulers, rich and mightie men, but the resplendent glorie of their brethren they thinke doth eclypse and darken their owne renowme; they delight and joy to heare the fortunate exploits of their fathers re­counted, or how their great grandsires long ago had the conduct of armies, and were lord praetours and generals in the field, wherein they themselves had never any part, nor received thereby either honor or profit; but if there have fallen unto their brethren any great heritages or possessions, if they have risen unto high estate and atchieved honorable dignities, if they are advanced by rich and noble mariages, then they are cast downe and their hearts be done. And 20 yet it had behooved and right meet it were in the first place, to bee envious to no man at all; but if that may not be, the next way were to turne their envie outward, and eie-bite strangers, and to shew our spite unto aliens who are abroad, after the maner of those who to rid themselves from civill seditions at home, turne the same upon their enimes without, and set them together by the eares, and like as Diomedes in Homer said unto Glaucus,

Of Trojanes and their allies both, who aide them for goodwill
Right many are beside your selfe for me in fight to kill:
And you likewise have Greeks enough with whom in bloodie field 30
You may your prowessetry, and not meete me with speare and shield.

even so it may be said unto them; There be a number besides of concurrents upon whom they may exercise their envie and jealousie, and not with their naturall brethren; for a brother ought not to be like unto one of the balance scales, which doth alwaies contrarie unto his fellow, for as one riseth the other falleth; but as small numbers do multiplie the greater, and serve to make both them bigger, and their selves too; even so an inferior brother by multiplying the state of his brother who is his superior, shall both augment him and also increase and grow himselfe to­gether with him in all good things: marke the fingers of your hand, that which holdeth not the 40 pen in writing, or striketh the string of a lute in playing (for that it is not able so to do, nor dispo­sed and made naturally for those uses) is never a whit the worse for all that, nor serveth lesse otherwise, but they all stir and moove together, yea and in some sort they helpe one another in their actions, as being framed for the nonce, unequal & one bigger & longer than other, that by their opposition and meeting as it were round together, they might comprehend, claspe, and hold any thing most sure, strong, and fast. Thus Craterus being the naturall brother of king An­tigonus who reigned and swaid the scepter: Thus Perilaus also the brother of Cassander who ware the crowne, gave their minds to be brave warriors and to lead armies under their brethren, or else applied themselves to governe their houses at home in their absence; whereas on the con­trary side, the Antiochi and Seleuci, as also certeine Grypi and Cyziceni and such others, having 50 not learned to beare a lower saile then their brethren, and who could not content themselves to sing a lower note, nor to rest in a second place, but aspiring to the ensignes and ornaments of roiall dignitie, to wit, the purple mantle of estate with crowne, diademe and scepter, filled them­selves and one another with many calamities, yea and heaped as many troubles upon all Asia throughout. Now forasmuch as those especially who by nature are ambitious and disposed to thirst after glory, be for the most part envious & jealous toward those who are more honored & renowmed than they; it were very expedient for brethren if they would avoid this inconveni­ence, [Page 184] not to seeke for to atteine either honour or authoritie and credit all by the same meanes, but some by one thing and some by another: for we see by daily experience, it is an ordinarie matter that wilde beasts do fight and warre one with another, namely when they feede in one and the same pasture; and among champions and such as strive for the masterie in feats of acti­vitie, we count those for their adversaries and concurrents onely, who professe and practise the fame kinde of game or exercise; for those that goe to it with fists and buffers, are commonly friends good enough to such sword-fencers as fight at sharpe to the utterance, and well-willers to the champions called Pancratiastae: likewise the runners in a race agree full-well with wrest­lers: these I say, are ready to aide, assist and favor one another, which is the reason, that of the two sonnes of Tyndarus Pollux wan the prize alwaies at buffets, but Castor his brother went 10 away with the victorie in the race. And Homer very well in his Poeme feigned that Teucer was an excellent archer, and became famous thereby, but his brother Ajax was best at close fight and hand-strokes, standing to it heavily armed at all peeces,

And with his shield so bright and wide
His brother Teucer he did hide.

And thus it is with them that governe a State and common weale; those that be men of armes and manage martiall affaires, never lightly do envie them much who deale in civill causes and use to make speeches unto the people; likewise among those that prosesse Rhetoricke and elo­quence, advocates who plead at barre, never fall out with those Sophisters that read lectures of oratorie; among professors of Physicke, they that cure by diet envie not the chirurgions who 20 worke by hand; whereas they who endevour and seeke to win credite and estimation by the same art, or by their facultie and sufficiencie in any one thing, do as much (especially if they be badly minded withall) as those rivals who loving one mistresse, would be better welcome and finde more grace and favour at her hands one than another. True it is I must needes confesse; that they who go divers waies, doe no good one to another; but surely such as choose sundrie courses of life doe not onely avoid the occasions of envie, but also by that meanes the rather have mutuall helpe one by the other: thus Demosthenes and Chares sorted well together; Aes­chines likewise and Eubulus accorded; Hyperides also and Leosthenes were lovers and friends; in every which couple, the former imploied themselves in pleading and speaking before the peo­ple, & were writers and pen-men, whereas the other conducted armies, were warriors and men 30 of action. Brethren therefore who cannot communicate in glorie and credit together without envie, ought to set their desires and ambitious mindes as farre remote one from another, and turne them full as contrarie as they can, if they would finde comfort, and not receive displea­sure by the prosperitie and happy successe one of another: but above all, a principall care and regard they must have of their kindred and alliance, yea and otherwhiles of their verie wives and namely, when they be readie with their perillous speeches many times to blow more coales, and thereby enkindle their ambitious humour. Your brother (quoth one) doth woonders; he carrieth all before him; he beareth the sway; no talke there is but of him; he is admired, and every man maketh court to him: whereas, there is no resort to you; no man commeth toward you; nothing is there in you that men regard or set by. When these suggestions shall be thus 40 whispered, a brother that is wise and well minded, may well say thus againe: I have a brother in deed whose name is up and carrieth a great side; and verily the greater part of his credit and au­thoritie is mine and at my commaundement. For Socrates was woont to say, that hee would choose rather to have Darius his friend, than his An ancient peece of come with his image, worth 2. shillings 4. pence, or a [...] Attick. Daricks. And a brother who is of found and good judgement, will thinke that he hath no lesse benefit, when his brother is placed in great estate of government, blessed with riches, or advanced to credit and reputation by his gift of eloquence, than if himselfe were a ruler, wealthie, learned and eloquent. Thus you may see the best and readiest meanes that are to qualifie and mitigate this unequalitie betweene brethren. Now there be other disagreements besides, that grow quickly betweene, especially if they want good bringing up and are not well taught, and namely, in regard of their age. For commonly 50 the elder, who thinke that by good right they ought to have the command, rule and government of their yoonger brethren in everie thing, and who held it great reason that they should be ho­nored, and have power and authoritie alwaies above them, commonly do use them hardly and are nothing kinde and lightsome unto them: the yoonger againe being stubborne, wilfull and unruly, ready also to shake off the bridle, are woont to make no reckoning of their elder bre­threns prerogative, but set them at naught and despise them; whereby it commeth to passe, that as the yoonger of one side envied, are held downe with envie, and kept under alwaies by their [Page 185] elder brethren, and so shunne their rebukes and skorne their admonitions; so these on the other side desirous to hold their owne and maintaine their preeminence and soveraigntie over them, stand alwaies in dread lest their yoonger brethren should grow too much, as if the rising of them were their fall. But like as the case standeth in a benefit or good turne that is done, men say it is meet that the receiver should esteeme the thing greater than it is, and the giver make the least of it; even so, he that can perswade the elder, that the time whereby he hath the vantage of his other brethren is no great thing; and likewise the yoonger, that he should reckon the same birth-right for no small matter, he shall do a good deed betweene them, in delivering the one from disdaine, contempt and suspicion, and the other from irreverence and negligence. Now forasmuch as it is meet, that the elder should take care and charge, teach and instruct, ad­monish 10 and reproove the yoonger; and as fit likewise the yoonger should honor, imitate and follow the elder: I could wish that the sollicitude and care of the elder, savoured rather of a com­panion and fellow, than of a father; that himselfe also would seeme not so much to command as to perswade, and to be more prompt and ready to joy for his yoonger brothers wel-doing, and to praise him for it, than in any wise take pleasure in reprehending and blaming him if hap­ly he have forgotten his duetie; and in one word, to do the one not onely more willingly, but also with greater humanitie than the other. Moreover, the zeale and emulation in the yoonger ought rather to be of the nature of an imitation, than either of jealousie or contention; for that imitation presupposeth an opinion of admiration, whereas jealousie and contention implieth envie, which is the reason that they affect and love those who endevour to resemble, and be like 20 unto them; but contrariwise, they are offended at those and keepe them downe, who strive to be their equals. Now among many honors, which it beseemeth the yoonger to render unto his elder, obedience is that which deserveth most commendation, and worketh a more assured and heartie affection accompanied with a certaine reverence, which causeth the elder reciprocally and by way of requitall to yeeld the like and to give place unto him. Thus Cato having from his infancie honored and reverenced his elder brother Caepion, by all maner of obeisance and silence before him; in the end gained thus much by it, that when they were both men growen, he had so woon him and filled him (as it were) with so great a respect and reverence of him, that hee would neither say nor doe ought without his privitie and knowledge. For it is reported, that when Caepion had one day signed and sealed with his owne signet a certaine letter testimoniall; 30 Cato his brother comming afterwards would not set to his seale; which when Caepio understood, he called for the foresaid testimoniall and pluckt away his owne seale, before he had once de­maunded for what occasion his brother would not beleeve the deed, but suspected his testimo­nie? It seemeth likewise, that the brethren of Epicurus shewed great respect and reverence unto him, in regard of the love and carefull good will that he bare unto them; which appeered in this, that as to all other things else of his; so to his Philosophie especially, they were so wedded, as if they had beene inspired therewith. For albeit they were seduced and deceived in their opinion, giving out and holding alwaies (as they did) from their infancie, that never was any man so deepe a clearke, nor so great a Philosopher as their brother Epicurus: yet it is wonderfull to con­sider as well him that could so frame and dispose them, as themselves also for being so disposed 40 and affectionate unto him. And verily even among the more moderne Philosophers of later time, Apollonius the Peripateticke, had convinced him of untrueth (whosoever hee was) that said Lordship and glorie could like no fellowship, for he made his brother Sotion more famous and renowmed than himselfe. For mine owne part, to say somewhat of my selfe; albeit that fortune hath done me many favours, in regard whereof I am bound to render unto her much thankes; there is not any one for which I take my selfe so much obliged and beholden unto her, as for the love that my brother Timon hath alwaies shewed and doth yet shew unto me; a thing that no man is able to denie, who hath never so little beene in our companie, and you least of all others may doubt who have conversed so familiarly with us.

Now there be other occasions of trouble which ought to be taken heed of, among those bre­thren 50 which are of like age or somewhat neere in yeeres; small passions (I wote well) they be, but many they are, and those ordinary and continuall; by meanes whereof they bring with them an evill custome of vexing, fretting and angering one another ever and anon for small things, which in the end turne into hatred and enmity irreconcileable: for when they have begun to quarrell one with another at their games and pastimes, about the feeding and fighting of some little creatures that they keepe, to wit, quailes or cocks, and afterwards about the wrestling of their boies and pages at the schoole, or the hunting of their hounds in the chase, or the capa­rison [Page 186] of their horses; they can no more holde and refraine (when as they be men) their conten­tious veine and ambition in matters of more importance: thus the greatest and mightiest men amōg the Greeks in our time, banding at the first one against another in taking parts with their dancers, and then in sliding with their minstrels, afterwards by comparing one with ano­ther who had the better ponds or bathing pooles in the territorie of Edepsus, who had the fairet galleries and walking places, the statelier halles and places of pleasure, evermore changing and exchanging, and fighting (as it were) for the vantage of a place, striving still by way of odious comparison, cutting and diverting another way the conduct pipes of fountaines, are become so much exasperate one against another, that in the meane time they are utterly undone; for the tyrant is come, and hath taken all from them; banished they are out of their owne native 10 countrey; they wander as poore vagabonds thorow the world, and I may be bolde (well neere) to say, they are so farre changed from that they were afore, that they be others quite, this onely excepted, that they be the same still in hatred one to another. Thus it appeareth evident­ly, that brethren ought not a little to resist the jealousie and contentions which breed among them upon smal trifles, even in the very beginning, & that by accustoming themselves to yeeld & give place reciprocally one to another, suffering themselves to be overcome & take the foile, and joying rather to pleasure and content one another, than to win the better hand one of ano­ther: for the victorie which in olde time they called the Cadmian victorie, was nothing els but that victorie betweene brethren about the citie of Thebes, which is of all other the most wicked and mischievous. 20

What shall we say moreover? do not the affaires of this life minister many occasions of dis­agreement and debate even among those brethren which are most kind and loving of all other? yes verily. But even therein also, we must be carefull to let the said affaires to combat alone by themselves, and not to put thereto any passion of contention or anger, as an anker or hooke to catch holde of the parties, and pull them together for to quarrell, and enter into debate; but as it were in a ballance, to looke jointly together, on whether side right and equitie doth encline and bend, and so soone as ever we can, to put matters in question to the arbitrement and judgement of some good and indifferent persons, to purge and make cleere all, before they are growen so farre, as that they have gotten a staine or tincture of cankred malice, which afterwards will never be washed or scoured out: which done, we are to imitate the Pythagoreans, who being neither 30 joined in kinred or consanguinitie, nor yet allied by affinitie, but the scholars in one schoole, and the fellowes of one and the same discipline, if peradventure at any time they were so farre ca­ried away with choler, that they fell to enterchange reprochfull & reviling taunts, yet before the sunne was gone downe they would shake hands, kisse and embrace one another, be reconciled, and become good friends againe. For like as if there be a feaver, occasioned by a botch or ri­sing in the share, there is no danger thereof, but if when the said botch is gone, the feaver still continue, then it seemeth to be a maladie proceeding from some more inward, secret and dee­per cause; even so the variance betweene two brethren, when it ceaseth together with the deci­ding of a businesse, we must thinke dependeth upon the same businesse & upon nothing els, but if the difference remaine still when the controversie is ended, surely then it was but a colourable 40 pretence thereof, and there was within some root of secret malice which caused it. And here in this place it would serve our purpose very well, to heare the maner of proceeding in the decisi­on of a controversie betweene two brethren of a barbarous nation, and the same not for some little parcell of land, nor about poore slaves or silly sheepe, but for no lesse than the kingdome of Persia: for after the death of Darius some of the Persians would have had Ariamenes to suc­ceed and we are the crowne, as being the eldest sonne of the King late deceased; others againe stood earnestly for Xerxes, aswell for that he had to his mother Atossa the daughter of that great Cyrus, as because hee was begotten by Darius when hee was a crowned king. Ariamenes then came downe out of Media, to claime his right; not in armes, as one that minded to make warre, but simply and peaceably, attended onely with his ordinary traine & retinue, minding to enter 50 upon the kingdome by justice & order of law. Xerxes in the meane while, & before his brother came, being present in place, ruled as king, & exercised all those functiōs that apperteined ther­to: his brother was no sooner arrived, but he tooke willingly the diademe or roiall frontlet from his head, & the princely chaplet or coronet which the Persian kings are wont to weare upright, he laid downe, & went toward his brother to meet him upon the way, & with kind greeting em­braced him: he sent also certeine presents unto him, with commandement unto those that car­ried them, to say thus: Xerxes thy brother honoreth thee now with these presents here, but if by [Page 187] the sentence and judgement of the peeres and lords of Persia he shall be declared king, his will and pleasure is, that thou shalt be the second person in the realme, and next unto him. Ariame­nes answered the message in this wise: These presents I receive kindly from my brother, but I am perswaded that the kingdome of Persia by right belongeth unto me; as for my brethren, I will reserve that honour which is meet and due unto them next after my selfe, and Xerxes shalbe the first and chiefe of them all. Now when the great day of judgement was at hand, when this weightie matter should be determined; the Persians by one generall and common consent de­clared Artabanus the brother of Darius late departed, to be the umpire and competent judge for to decide and end this cause. Xerxes was unwilling to stand unto his award, being but one man, as who reposed more trust and confidence in the number of the princes and nobles of the 10 realme; but his mother Atossa reproving him for it: Tell me (quoth she) my sonne, wherefore refusest thou Artabanus to be thy judge, who is your uncle, and besides, the best man of all the Persians? and why doest thou feare so much the issue of his judgement, considering that if thou misse, yet the second place is most honourable, namely, to be called the kings brother of Persia? Then Xerxes perswaded by his mother, yeelded; and after many allegations brought and plea­ded on both sides judicially, Artabanus at length pronounced definitively, that the kingdome of Persia apperteined unto Xerxes: with that Artamenes incontinently leapt from his seat, went and did homage unto his brother, and taking him by the right hand, enthronised and enstalled him king: from which time forward he was alwaies the greatest person next unto his brother; and shewed himselfe so loving and affectionate unto him, that in his quarrell he fought most 20 valiantly in the navall battel before Salaminas, where in his service and for his honour he lost his life. This example may serve for an original patterne of true benevolence and magnanimitie, so pure and uncorrupt, as it cannot in any one point be blamed or steined. As for Antiochus as a man may reprehend in him his ambitious minde, and excessive desire of rule; so he may aswell woonder that considering his vaine-glorious spirit, all brotherly love was not in him utterly ex­tinct; for being himselfe the yoonger, he waged war with Seleucus for the crowne, and kept his mother sure enough for to side with him and take his part: now it hapned that during this warre and when it was at the hotest, Seleucus strucke a battell with the Galatians, lost the field, and was himselfe not to be found, but supposed certeinly to have beene slaine and cut in peeces, toge­ther with his whole armie, which by the Barbarians were put to the sword and massacred; when 30 newes came unto Antiochus of this defeature, hee laide away his purple robes, put on blacke, caused the court gates to be shut, and mourned heavily for his brother, as if he had beene dead: but being afterwards advertised that he was alive safe & sound, and that he went about to gather new forces and make head againe; hee came abroad, sacrificed with thankesgiving unto the gods, & commaunded al those cities & states which were under his dominion to keepe holiday, to sacrifice & weare chapplets of flowers upon their heads in token of publike joy. The Atheni­ans when they had devised an absurd and ridiculous fable as touching the quarrell betweene Neptune and Minerva, intermedled withall another invention, which soundeth to some reason, tending to the correction of the same, and as it were to make amends for that absurditie, for they suppresse alwaies the second of August, upon which day hapned (by their saying) that de­bate 40 aforesaid betweene Neptune and Minerva. What should let and hinder us likewise, if it chance that we enter into any quarrell or debate with our allies and kinsfolke in blood, to con­demne that day to perpetuall oblivion, and to repute and reckon it among the cursed and dismal daies: but in no wise by occasion of one such unhappie day to forget so many other good and joyfull daies wherein we have lived and beene brought up together; for either it is for nothing and in vaine that nature hath endued us with meekenesse, and harmelesse long sufferance, or pa­tience the daughter of modestie and mediocritie, or else surely wee ought to use these vertues and good gifts of her principally to our allies and kinsfolke; and verily to crave and receive pardon of them when we our selves have offended and done amisse, declareth no lesse love and naturall affection than to forgive them if they have trespassed against us. And therefore wee 50 ought not to neglect them if they be angrie and displeased; nor to be straight laced and stiffely stand against them when they come to justifie or excuse themselves; but rather both when our selves have saulted, oftentimes to prevent their anger by excuse, making or asking for givenesse, and also by pardoning them before they come to excuse if we have beene wronged by them. And therefore Euclides that great scholer of Socrates is much renowmed and famous in all schooles of Philosophie, for that when he heard his brother breake out into these beastly and wicked words against him, The soule ill take me if I be not revenged and meet with thee; and [Page 188] a mischiefe come to me also (quoth he againe) if I appease not thine anger, & perswade thee to love me as well as ever thou didst. But king Eumenes not in word but in deed & effect surpassed all others in meekenesse and patience: for Perseus king of the Macedonians being his mortall enimie, had secretly addressed an ambush, and set certeine men of purpose to murder him about Delphos, espying their time when they sawe him going from the sea side to the said towne for to consult with the oracle of Apollo: now when he was gone a little past the ambush, they began to assaile him from behinde, tumbling downe and throwing mightie stones upon his head and necke, wherewith he was so astonished that his sight failed, and he fell withall, in that manner as he was taken for dead: now the rumour heereof ran into all parts, insomuch as certeine of his servitors and friends made speed to the citie Pergamus, reporting the tidings of this occurrent, 10 as if they had beene present and seene all done; whereupon Attalus the eldest brother next un­to himselfe, an honest and kinde hearted man, one also who alwaies had caried himselfe most faithfully and loyally unto Eumenes, was not onely declared king, and crowned with the royall diademe; but that which more is, espoused and maried Queene Stratonice his said brothers wife, and lay with her. But afterwards, when counter-newes came that Eumenes was alive and comming homeward againe, Attalus laid aside his diademe, and taking a partisan or javelin in his hand (as his maner before time was) with other pentioners and squires of the bodie, he went to meet his brother: king Eumenes received him right graciously, tooke him lovingly by the hand, embraced the Queene with all honour, and of a princely and magnanimous spirit put up all; yea and when he had lived a long time after without any complaint, suspition, and jealou­sie 20 at all, in the end at his death made over and assigned both the crowne and the Queene his wife unto his brother the aforesaid Attalus: and what did Attalus now after his brothers de­cease? he would not foster and bring up (as heire apparant) so much as one childe that he had by Stratonice his wife, although she bare unto him many; but he nourished and carefully che­rished the sonne of his brother departed, untill he was come to full age, and then himselfe in his life time with his owne hands set the imperiall diademe and royall crowne upon his head, and proclaimed him king. But Cambyses contrariwise frighted upon a vaine dreame which he had; That his brother was come to usurpe the kingdome of Asia, without expecting any proofe or presumption thereof, put him to death for it; by occasion whereof, the succession in the em­pire went out of the race of Cyrus upon his decease, and was devolved upon the line of Darius 30 who raigned after him; a Prince who knew how to communicate the government of his af­faires, and his regall authoritie, not onely with his brethren, but also with his friends.

Moreover, this one point more is to be remembred & observed diligently in all variances and debates that are risen betweene brethren: namely, then especially, and more than at any time else, to converse and keepe companie with their friends; and on the other side to avoide their enemies and evill-willers, and not to be willing so much as to vouchsafe them any speech or en­tertainment. Following herein the fashion of the Candiots, who being oftentimes fallen out and in civill dissension among themselves, yea and warring hot one with another, no sooner heare newes of forrein enemies comming against them, but they rancke themselves, banding jointly together against them; and this combination is that, which thereupon is called Syncre­tesmos. 40 For some there be, that (like as water runneth alwaies to the lower ground, and to places that chinke or cleave asunder) are readie to side with those brethren or friends that be fallen out, and by their suggestions buzzed into their cares, ruinate and overthrow all acquaintance, kinred and amitie, hating indeed both parties, but seeming to beare rather upon the weaker side, and to settle upon him, who of imbecillitie soone yeeldeth and giveth place. And verily those that be simple and harmlesse friends, such as commonly yong folke are, apply themselves common­ly to him that affecteth a brother, helping & increasing that love what he may; but the most ma­licious enemies are they, who espying when one brother is angrie or fallen out with another, seeme to be angrie and offended together with him for companie; and these do most hurt of all others. Like as the hen therefore in Aesope answered unto the cat, making semblance as though 50 he heard her say she was sicke, and therefore in kindnesse and love asking how she did? I am well enough (quoth she) I thanke you, so that you were farther off; even so, unto such a man as is inquisitive and entreth into talke as touching the debate of brethren to sound and search into some secrets betweene them, one ought to answere thus: Surely there would be no quarrell be­tweene my brother and me, if neither I nor he would give care to carrie-tales and pick-thankes betweene us. But now it commeth to passe (I wot not how) that when our eies be fore and in paine, we turne away our sight from those bodies and colours which make no reverberation or [Page 189] repercussion backe againe upon it, but when we have some complaint and quarrell, or conceive anger or suspicion against our brethren, we take pleasure to heare those that make all woorse, and are apt enough to take any colour and infection, presented to us by them, where it were more needfull and expedient at such a time to avoid their enimies and evill willers, and to keepe our selves out of the way from them; and contrariwise to converse with their allies, familiars and friends; and with them to beare company especally, yea and to enter into their owne hou­ses for to complaine and blame them before their very wives frankly and with libertie of speech. And yet it is a common saying, That brethren when they walke together, should not so much as let a stone to be betwixt them; nay they are discontented and displeased in minde, in case a dog chance to runne overthwart them; and a number of such other things they feare, whereof there 10 is not one able to make any breach or division betweene brethren; but in the meane while, they perceive not how they receive into the mids of them, and suffer to traverse and crosse them, men of a currish and dogged nature, who can do nothing els but barke betweene, and sowe false ru­mours and calumniations betweene one and another, for to provoke them to jarre and fall to­gether by the eares: and therefore to great reason and very well to this purpose said Theophra­stus; That if al things (according to the old proverbe) should be common among friends, then most of all they ought to enterteine friends in common; for private familiarities and acquain­tances apart one from another, are great meanes to disjoine and turne away their hearts; for if they fall to love others, and make choise of other familiar friends, it must needs follow by con­sequence to take pleasure and delight in other companies, to esteeme and affect others, yea and 20 to suffer themselves to be ruled and led by others. For friendships and amities frame the na­tures and dispositions of men; neither is there a more certeine and assured signe of different hu­mors and divers natures, than the choise & election of different friends, in such sort as neither to eate and drinke, not to play, not to passe and spend whole daies together in good fellowship and companie, is so effectuall to hold and maintaine the concord and good will of brethren, as to hate and love the same persons; to joy in the same acquaintance; and contrariwise to abhor and shun the same companie; for when brethren have friends common betweene them, the said friends will never suffer any surmises, calumniations & quarrels to grow betweene; and say that peradventure there do arise some sudden heat of choler or grudging fit of complaint, pre­sently it is cooled, quenched, and suppressed by the mediation of common friends; for readie 30 they will be to take up the quarrell and scatter it so as it shall vanish away to nothing if they be indifferently affectionate to them both, and that their love incline no more to the one side than to the other: for like as tin-soder doth knit and rejoyne a crackt peece of brasse, in tou­ching and taking hold of both sides and edges of the broken peeces, for that it agreeth and for­teth as well to the one as to the other, and suffreth from them both alike; even so ought a friend to be fitted and sutable indifferently unto both brethren, if he would knit surely, and confirme strongly their mutuall benevolence and good will. But such as are unequall, and cannot inter­meddle and go betweene the one as well as the other, make a separation and disjunction, and not a sound joint, like as certeine notes or discords in musicke. And therefore it may well bee doubted and question made whether Hesiodus did well or no when he said, 40

Make not a feere I thee advise
Thy brothers peere in any wise.

For a discreet and sober companion common to both (as I said) before, or rather incorporat (as it were) into them, shall ever be a sure knot to fasten brotherly love. But Hesiodus (as it should seeme) meant and feared this in the ordinary and vulgar sort of men, who are many of them naught, by reason that so customably they be given to jealousie and suspition, yea and to selfe­love which if we consider and observe, it is well; but with this regard alwaies, that although a man yeeld equall good will unto a friend as unto a brother; yet neverthelesse in case of concur­rence, he ought to reserve ever the preeminence and first place for his brother, whether it be in preferring him in any election of Magistrates, or to the mannaging of State affaires; or in bid­ding 50 and inviting him to a solemne feast, or publike assembly to consult and debate of weightie causes; or in recommending him to princes & great lords. For in such cases which in the com­mon opinion of the world are reputed matters of honor and credit, a man ought to render the dignitie, honor, and reward, which is beseeming and due to blood by the course of nature. For in these things the advantage and prerogative will not purchase so much glorie and reputation to a friend, as the repulse and putting-by, bring disgrace, discredit and dishonor unto a brother. [Page 190] Well, as touching this old said saw and sentence of Hestodus, I have treated more at large else­where; but the sententious saying of Menander full wisely set downe in these words:

No man who lov's another, shall you see
Well pleas'd, himselfe neglected for to bee.

putteth us in minde and teacheth us to have good regard and care of our brethren, and not to presume so much upon the obligation of nature, as to despise them. For the horse is a beast by nature loving to a man, and the dog loves his master; but in case you never thinke upon them, nor see unto them (as you ought) they wil forgoe that kind affectiō, estrange themselves & take no knowledge of you. The bodie also is most necrely knit and united to the soule by the grea­test bond of nature that can be; but in case it be neglected and contemned by her, or not cherri­shed 10 so tenderly as it looketh to be, unwilling shall you see it to helpe and assist her, nay full un­towardly will it execute, or rather give over it will altogether everie action. Now to come more neere and to particularise upon this point, honest and good is that care and diligence which is emploied and shewed to thy brethren themselves alone; but better it would be farre, if thy love and kind affections be extended as far as to their wives fathers and daughters husbands, by car­rying a friendly minde and readie will to pleasure them likewise, and to do for them in all their occasions; if they be courteous and affable in saluting their servants, such especially as they love and favour; thankfull and beholding to their Physicians who had them in cure during sick­nesse and were diligent about them; acknowledging themselves bound unto their faithfull and trustie friends, or to such as were willing and forward to take such part as they did in any long 20 voyage and expedition, or to beare them company in warfare. And as for the wedded wife of a brother whom he is to reverence, repute and honor no lesse than a most sacred and holy relique or monument, if at any time he happen to see her, it will be come him to speake all honour and good of her husband before her; or to be offended and complaine (as well as she) of her hus­band, if he set not that store by her as he ought, and when she is angred to appease and still her. Say also that she have done some light fault, and offended her husband, to reconcile him againe unto her and entreat him to be content and to pardon her; and likewise if there be some particu­lar and private cause of difference betweene him and his brother, to acquaint the wife therewith, and by her meanes to complaine thereof, that she may take up the matter by composition and end the quarrell. 30

Lives thy brother a batcheler and hath no children? thou oughtest in good earnest to be angrie with him for it, to sollicite him to marriage, yea with chiding, rating, and by all meanes urge him to leave this single life, and by entring into wedlocke to be linked in lawfull alliance and affinitie: hath he children? then you are to shew your good will and affection more mani­festly, as well toward him as his wife, in honouring him more than ever before, in loving his children as if they were your owne, yea and shewing your selfe more indulgent, kinde and affa­ble unto them; that if it chaunce they do faults and shrewd turnes (as little ones are woont) they runne not away, nor retire into some blind and solitarie corner for feare of father and mother, or by that meanes light into some light, unhappie and ungracious companie, but may have re­course & refuge unto their unkle, where they may be admonished lovingly, and find an interces­sor 40 to make their excuse & get their pardon. Thus Plato reclaimed his brothers son or nephew Spensippus, from his loose life and dissolute riot, without doing any harme or giving him foule words, but by winning him with faire and gentle language (whereas his father and mother did nothing but rate and crie upon him continually, which caused him to runne away and keepe out of their sight) he imprinted in his heart a great reverence of him, and a fervent zeale to imi­tate him, and to set his mind to the studie of Philosophie, notwithstanding many of his friends thought hardly of him and blamed him not a litle, for that he tooke not another course with the untoward youth, namely, to rebuke, checke, and chastice him sharply: but this was evermore his answere unto them: That he reprooved and tooke him downe sufficiently, by shewing unto him by his owne life and carriage, what difference there was betweene vice and vertue, betweene 50 things honest and dishonest. Alenas sometime King of Thessalie, was hardly used and over­awed by his father, for that he was insolent, proude, and violent withall; but contrariwise, his uncle by the fathers side, would give him entertainment, beare him out and make much of him: Now when upon a time the Thessalians sent unto Delphos certaine lots, to know by the oracle of god Apollo who should be their king? The foresaid uncle of Alenas unwitting to his bro­ther, put in one for him: Then Pythia the Prophetesse gave answere from Apollo and pronoun­ced, [Page 191] That Alenas should be king: The father of Alenas denied, and said that he had cast in no lot for him; and it seemed unto every man that there was some errour in writing of those billes or names for the lotterie; whereupon new messengers were dispatched to the Oracle for to cleere this doubt; and then Pythia in confirmation of the former choise, answered:

I meane that youth with reddish heare,
Whom dame Archedice in wombe did beare.

Thus Alenas declared and elected king of Thessalie, by the oracle of Apollo, and by the meanes withall of his fathers brother, both proved himselfe afterward a most noble prince, excelling all his progenitours and predecessours, and also raised the whole nation and his countrey a great name and mighty puissance. 10

Furthermore, it is seemely and convenient by joying and taking a glory in the advancement, prosperity, honours and dignities of brothers children, to augment the same, and to encourage and animate them to vertue, and when they do well, to praise them to the full. Haply it might be thought an odious and unseemely thing for a man to commend much his owne sonne, but surely to praise a brothers sonne is an honourable thing, and since it proceedeth not from the love of a mans selfe, it can not be thought but right, honest, and (in truth) [...] [...] divine [...] an uncle. divine: for surely me thinks the very name it selfe (of Uncle) is sufficient to draw brethren to affect & love deerly one another, and so consequently their nephewes: and thus we ought to propose unto our selves, for to imitate the better sort, & such as haue bene immortalised & deified in times past: for so Her­cules notwithstanding he had 70 sonnes within twaine of his owne, yet he loved Iolaus his bro­thers 20 sonne no lesse than any of them; insomuch as even at this day in most places there is but one altar erected for him and his said nephew together, and men pray jointly unto Hercules and Iolaus. Also when his brother Iphiclus was slain in that famous battell which was fought nere La­cedaemon, he was so exceedingly displeased, and tooke such indignation thereat, that he departed out of Peloponnesus, and left the whole countrey. As for Leucothea, when her sister was dead, she nourished and brought up her childe, and together with her, ranged it among the heavenly saints: whereupon the Romane dames even at this day, when they celebrate the feast of Leuco­thea (whom they name Matuta) carrie in their armes and chearish tenderly their sisters chil­dren, and not their owne. 30

OF INTEMPERATE SPEECH OR GAR­RVLITIE. 40

The Summarie.

THat which is commonly said, All extremities be naught, requireth otherwhiles an exposition, and namely, in that vertue which we call Temperance, one of the kinds or branches whereof, consisteth in the right use of the tongue, which is as much to say, as the skill and knowledge how to speake as it becommeth: now the moderation of speech hath for the two extreames, Silence (a thing more often praise-worthy than reproch­able) and Babble; against which, this Discourse is addressed. Considering then, that silence is an assu­red 50 reward unto wise men, and opposite directly unto much pratling, and comely and seemely speech is in the mids, we call not silence a vice, but say, That a man never findeth harme by holding his peace. But as touching Garrulitie or Intemperate speech, the authour sheweth in the very beginning of his Treatise, that it is a maladie incurable and against nature; for it doth frustrate the talkative person of his greatest desire, to wit, for to have audience and credit given him; also that it maketh a man in­considerate, importune and malapert, ridiculous, mocked and hated, plunging him ordinarily into dan­ger, as many events have prooved by experience. For to discover this matter the better, he saith con­sequently: [Page 192] That the nature of vertuous men and those who have noble bringing up, is directly oppo­site unto that of long-tongued persons; and joining the reasons by which a man ought not to bewray his secret, together with those evils and inconveniences which curiosity & much babble do bring, and con­firming all by fine similitudes and not able examples: afterwards, taking in hand againe his former speech and argument, he compareth a traiter and busie talker together, to the end that all men should so much the rather detest the vice of garrulitie: then he proceedeth immediatly to discover and apply the remedies of this mischiefe, willing us, in the first place and generally to consider the calamities and mi­series that much babbling causeth; as also the good & commodity which proceedeth of silence: which done, he discourseth of those particular remedies, which import thus much in effect: That a man ought to frame and accustome himselfe, either to be silent, or els to speake last; to avoid all hastinesse in ma­king 10 his answere; to say nothing, but that which is either needfull or civill; to shun and for beare those discourses which please us most, and wherein we may be scone overseene and proceed too farre; to finde busie praters occupied apart from them; to provide them the companie of men who are of authoritie and aged; In summe, to consider whether that which a man hath said, be convement, meet and profit­able, and neverthelesse, to thinke alwaies of this: That other-whiles a man may repent of some words spoken, but never of keeping silence.

OF INTEMPERATE speech or Garrulitie. 20

AVery hard and troublesome cure it is that Philosophie hath under­taken, namely, To heale the disease of much prating; for that the medicine and remedie which she useth, be words that must be recei­ved by hearing; and these great talkers will abide to heare no man, for that they have all the words themselves, and talke continually; so that the first mischiefe of those who can not hold their tongue and keepe silence, is this; That they neither can nor will give eare to an­other; insomuch as it is a wilfull kinde of deafenesse in men, who 30 seeme thereby to controll nature, and complaine of her, in that where she hath allowed them two eares, she hath given them but one tongue. If then Euripides said very well unto a foolish auditour of his,

Power I wise words, and counsell what I can
With all my skill, into a sottish man,
Unneth shall I be able him to fill,
If holde and keepe the same he never will.

a man may more truely and justly say unto (or rather of) a prating fellow,

Powre I wise words, and counsell what I can
With all my skill unto a sottish man, 40
Unneth I shall be able him to fill,
In case receive the same he never will.

and in trueth, more properly it may be said: That one powreth good advertisements about such an one and beside him rather, than into him, so long as he either speaketh unto him that listneth not, or giveth no eare unto them that speake: for if a pratling fellow chance to heare some short and little tale, such is the nature of this disease called Garrulitie, that his hearing is but a kinde of taking his winde new, to babble it foorth againe immediatly, much more than it was, or like a whirle-poole which whatsoever it taketh once, the same it sendeth up againe very often with the vantage. Within the city Olympia there was a porch or gallery called Heptaphonos, for that from one voice by sundry reflections and reverberations it rendred seven ecchoes: but if some speech 50 come to the eares of a babbler, and enter never so little in, by and by it resoundeth againe on every side,

And stirres the strings of secret heart within,
Which should he still, and not be moov'd therein.

insomuch, as a man may well say: That the conducts and passages of their hearing reach not to the braine where their soule and minde is seated, but onely to their tongue: by reason whereof, whereas in others, the words that be heard doe rest in their understanding, in pratlers they void [Page 193] away and runne out presently, and afterwards they goe up and downe like emptie vessels, void of sense and full of sound. Well, as incurable as such seeme to be, yet if it may be thought availe­able to leave no experiment untried for to doe such good, we may begin our cure, and say thus unto a busie pratler:

Peace my good sonne, for Taciturnitie
Bring say with it much good commodity.

But among the rest, these be the two chiefe and principall, namely: To heare and to be heard; of which twaine, our importunate talkers can attaine neither the one nor the other, so unhappie they are as to be frustrate of that which they so much desire. As for other passions and maladies of the soule, namely, Avarice, Ambition, Love and Voluptuousnesse, they doe all of them in 10 some sort enjoy their desire; but the thing that troubleth and tormenteth these babbling fel­lowes most, is this: That seeking for audience so much as they do, and nothing more, they can never meet with it, but every man shunneth their company, and flieth away as fast as his legges will carrie him; for whether men be set together in a knot, sadly talking in their round chaires, or walking in companie, let them espie one of these pratlers comming toward them, away they go every one, that a man would say the retreat were sounded, so quickly they retire. And like as when in some assembly if all be husht on a sudden so as there is not a word, wee use to say that Mercurie is come among them; even so when a prating foole entreth into a place where friends are either set at the boord to make merry, or otherwise met together in counsell, everie man streightwaies is silent and holdeth his peace, as being unwilling to minister occasion unto 20 him of talke; but if himselfe begin first to open his lips, up they rise all and are soone gone, as mariners suspecting, & doubting by the whistling northern wind from the top of craggie rocks, and promontories, some rough sea, and fearing to be stomacke-sicke, retire betimes into a bay for harbor: whereby it commeth to passe also, that neither at a supper can he meet with guests willing to eate and drinke with him, nor yet companions to lodge with him, either in journey by land, or voiage by sea, unlesse it be by constreint. For so importunate he is alwaies, that one­while he is ready to hang upon a mans cloake wheresoever he goes, another while he takes hold on the side of his beard, as if he knocked at the doore with his hand to force him to speake; in which case well fare a good paire of legs, for they are woorth much monie at such a time; as Archilochus was wont to say, yea and Aristotle also that wise Philosopher: for when upon a time 30 he was much troubled with one of these busie praters, who haunted and wearied him out of measure with cavilling tales and many foolish and absurd discourses, iterating eftsoones these words; And is not this a woonderful thing Aristotle? No iwis (quoth he againe) but this were a wonder rather, if a man that hath feet of his owne should stand still and abide to heare you thus prate. Unto another also of the same stamp, who after much pritlte prattle and a long discourse, said thus unto him: I doubt I have bin tedious unto you Philosopher with my many words; No in good sooth (quoth Aristotle unto him:) for I gave no eare at all unto you. For if otherwhiles men cannot shake such praters off, but must of necessitie let their tongues walke, this benefit he hath by the soule, that she retireth inwardly all the while lending the outward eares onely for them to beat upon, and dash as it were all about with their jangling bibble babble; for she in the 40 meane time is otherwise occupied, and discourseth to herselfe of divers matters within; by which meanes such fellowes can meet with no hearers that take heed what they say, or beleeve their words. For as it is generally held, that the naturall seed of such as are lecherous and much given to the companie of women is unfruitfull and of no force to engender; even so the talke of these great praters is vaine, barren, and altogether fruitlesse. And yet there is no part or member of our body that nature hath so surely defended (as it were) with a strong rampar, as the tongue: for before it she hath set a pallaisado of sharpe teeth, to the end that if peradventure it will not obey reason, which within holdeth it hard as with a straite bridle, but it will blatter out and not tarrie within, we might bite it until it bleed againe, and so restraine the intemperance therof. For Euripides said not, that houses unbolted; 50

But tongues and mouth's unbrid'led if they bee
Shall find in th'end mishap and miserte.

And those in my conceit who say that housen without dores, and purses without strings, serve their masters in no steed; and yet in the meane time, neither set hatch nor locke unto their mouthes, but suffer them run out and overflow continually, like unto the mouth of the sea Pontus, these I say in mine opinion seeme to make no other account of words than of the basest thing in the world whereby they are never beleeved (say what they will) and yet this is the pro­per [Page 194] end and scope that all speech tendeth to, namely to winne credit with the hearers; and no man will ever beleeve these great talkers, no not when they speake the truth. For like as wheat if be it enclosed within some danke or moist vessell, doth swell and yeeld more in measure, but for use is found to be worse; even so it is with the talke of a pratling person; well may he multiply and augment it with lying, but by that meanes it leeseth all the force of perswasion. Moreover what modest, civil, and honest man is there, who would not verie carefully take heed of drunken­nes? for anger (as some say) may well be ranged with rage & madnesse; and drunkennesse doth lodge and dwell with her, or rather is Irasuror brorn est. madnes it selfe, onely in circumstance of time it may be counted lesse, for that it continueth lesse while, but surely in regard of the cause it is greater, for that it is voluntarie, and we runne wilfully into it, and without any constraint. Now there is no 10 one thing for which drunkennesse is so much blamed and accused as for intemperate speech and talke without end: for as the Poët saith,

Wine makes a man who is both wise and grave
To sing and chant, to laugh full wantonly,
It causeth him to dance, and eke to rave,
And many things to do undecently.

for the greatest and woorst matter that ensueth thereupon is not singing, laughing and daun­cing; there is another inconvenience in comparison whereof all these are nothing, and that is,

To blurt abroad, and those words to reveale, 20
Which better were within for to conceale.

This is (I say) the mischiefe most dangerous of all the rest: and it may be that the Poët covertly would assoile that question which the Philosophers have propounded and disputed upon; namely, what difference there might be, betweene liberall drinking of wine, and starke drunken­nesse? in attributing unto the former mirth and jocundnesse extraordinarie, and to the latter much babling and foolish prattle: for according to the common proverbe, that which is seated in the heart and thought of a sober person, lieth aloft in the mouth and tongue of a drunkard. And therefore wisely answered the Philosopher Bias unto one of these jangling and prating companions: for when he seemed to marke him for sitting still, and saying nothing at a feast, insomuch as he gave him the lob and soole for it: And how is it possible (quoth he) that a foole 30 should hold his peace at the table? There was upon a time a citizen of Athens who feasted the embassadors of the king of Persia, and for that he perceived that these great Lords would take delight in the companie of learned men and Philosophers, upon a brave minde that he carried, invited they were all & met there together: now when all the rest began to discourse in generall, and everie man seemed to put in some vie for himselfe, and to hold and maintaine one theame or other, Zeno who sate among them was onely silent and spake not a word; whereupon the said Embassadors and strangers of Persia began to bee merrie with him and to drinke unto him round, saying in the end: And what shall we report of you Sir Zeno unto the King our master? Marie (quoth he) no more but this, that there is an ancient man at Athens who can sit at the boord and say nothing. Thus you see that silence argueth deepe and profound wisedome; it im­plieth 40 sobrietie, and is a mysticall secret and divine vertue; whereas drunkennesse is talkative, full of words, void of sense and reason; and indeed thereupon multiplieth so many words, and is ever jangling. And in truth the Philosophers themselves when they define drunkennesse say: That it is a kinde of raving and speaking idlely at the table upon drinking too much wine; whereby it is evident, that they doe not simply condemne drinking, so that a man keepe himselfe within the bounds of modestie and silence; but it is excessive and foolish talke, that of drinking wine ma­keth drunkennesse. Thus the drunkard raveth and talketh idlely when he is cup-shotten at the boord; but the pratler and man of many words doth it alwaies and in every place, in the market and common hal, at the theatre, in the publike galleries and walking places, by day and by night. If he be a physician and visit his patient, certes he is more grievous, and doth more hurt in his 50 cure than the maladie it selfe; if he be a passenger with others in a ship, all the companie had rather be sea-sicke than heare him prate; if he set to praise thee, thou wert better to be dispraised by another; and in a word, a man shall have more pleasure and delight to converse and com­mune with lewd persons so they be discrect in their speech, than with others that be busie tal­kers, though otherwise they be good honest men. True it is indeed that old Nestor in a tragedie of Sophocles speaking unto Ajax (who overshot himselfe in some hot and hasty words) for to ap­pease and pacifie him, saith thus after a milde and gracious maner,

[Page 195]
I blame not you sir Ajax for your speech
Naught though it be, your deeds are nothing leech.

But surely we are not so well affected unto a vaine-prating fellow; for his importunate and un­seasonable words, marre all his good works, and make them to lose their grace. Lysias upon a time, at the request of one who had a cause to plead unto at the barre, penned an oration for his purpose and gave it him. The partie after he had read and read it over againe, came unto Lysias heavie and ill-appaied saying; The first time that I perused your oration, me thought it was ex­cellently well written, and I wondred at it; but when I tooke it a second and third time in hand, it seemed very simply endited & caried no forcible and effectuall stile with it: Why (quoth Lysias, and smiled withall) know you not that you are to pronounce it but once before the judges? and 10 yet see & marke withall the perswasive eloquence and sweet grace that is in the writing of Lysias, for I may be bold to say and affirme of him, that

The Muses with their broided violet haire,
Grac'd him with favour much and beauty faire.

And among those singular commendations that are given out of any Poët; most true it is that Homer is he alone of all that ever were, who overcame all satietie of the reader; seeming ever­more new and fresh, flourishing alwaies in the prime of lovely grace, and appeering yoong still and amiable to win favour; howbeit in speaking and prosessing thus much of himselfe,

It greeves me much for to rechearse againe
Atale that once delivered hath beene plaine. 20

He sheweth sufficiently that he avoideth what he can, and feareth that tedious satietie which fol­loweth hard at heeles, & laieth wait (as it were) unto all long traines of speech; in which regard he leadeth the reader & hearer of his Poemes from one discourse & narration to another, and ever­more with novelties doth so refresh and recreate him, that he thinketh he hath never enough; whereas our long-tongued chatterers do after a sort wound and weary the eares of their hearers by their tautologies and vaine repetitions of the same thing as they that soile and flourry wri­ting tables when they be faire scoured and clensed: and therefore let us set this first and formost before their eies, that like as they who force men to drinke wine out of measure and undelaied with water, are the cause that the good blessing which was given us to rejoice our hearts and make us pleasant and merry, driveth some into sadnesse, and others into drunkennesse and vio­lence; 30 even so they that beyond all reason and to no purpose use their speech (which is a thing otherwise counted the most delightsome and amiable meanes of conference and societie that men have together) cause it to bee inhumane and unsociable, displeasing those whom they thought to please, making them to be mocked at their hands, of whom they looked to be well esteemed, and to have their evill will and displeasure, whose love and amitie they made recko­ning of. And even as hee by good right may be esteemed uncourteous and altogether uncivill, who with the girdle and ussue of Venus, wherein are allsorts of kind and amiable allurements, should repell and drive from him as many as desire his companie; so hee that with his speech maketh others heavie and himselfe hatefull, may well be held and reputed for a gracelesse man and of no bringing up in the world. As for other passions and maladies of the minde, some are 40 dangerous, others odious, and some againe ridiculous and exposed to mockerie; but garrulity is subject unto all these inconveniences at once. For such folke as are noted for their lavish tongue, are a meere laughing stocke, and in every common and ordinary report of theirs, they minister occasion of laughter; hated they be for their relation of ill newes, and in danger they are because they cannot conceale and keepe close their owne secrets: heereupon Anacharsis being invited one day & feasted by Solon, was reputed wise, for that being asleepe he was found and seene holding his right hand to his mouth, and his left upon his privities and natural parts: for good reason he had to thinke, that the tongue required and needed the stronger bridle and bit to restreine it: and in very truth it were a hard matter to reckon so many persons undone and overthrowne by their intemperate and loose life, as there have beene cities and mightie 50 States ruinated and subverted utterly, by the revealing and opening of some secrets. It fortuned that whiles Sylla did inleaguer before the citie of Athens, and had not leasure to stay there long and continue the siege, by reason of other affaires and troubles pressed him sore, for of one side king Mithridates invaded and harmed Asia, and on the other side the faction of Marius gathe­red strength; and having gotten head, prevailed much within Rome: certeine old fellowes being met in a barbars shop within the city of Athens, who were blabs of their tongues, clattered it out in their talk together, that a certeine quarter of the citie named Heptacalchon was not sufficiently [Page 196] guarded, and therefore the towne in danger to be surprised by that part; which talke of theirs was over-heard by certeine espies, who advertised Sylla so much; whereupon immediately hee brought all his forces to that side, and about midnight gave an hot assault, made entrie and went within a very little of forcing the citie, and being master of it all, for he filled the whole streete called Ceramicum with slaughter and dead carcasses, insomuch as the chanels ran downe with bloud. Now was hee cruelly bent against the Athenians more for their hard language which they gave him than for any offence or injurie otherwise that they did unto him, for they had flouted and mocked Sylla, together with his wife Metella; and for that purpose they would get upon the walles and say; Sylla is a Sycamoore or Mulberie, bestrewed all over with dusty-meale; besides many other such foolish jibes and taunts; and so for the lightest thing 10 in the world (as Plato saith) to wit, words which are but winde, they brought upon their heads a most heavie and grievous penaltie. The garrulitie and over-much talke of one man, was the on­ly hinderance that the citie of Rome was not set free and delivered from the tyrannie of Nero. For there was but one night betweene the time that Nero should have beene murthered on the morrow, and all things were readie and prepared for the purpose: but he who had undertaken the execution of that feat, as he went toward the Theatre, espied one of those persons who were condemned to die, bound and pinnioned at the prison doore, and readie to be led and brought before Nero; who hearing him to make piteous moane and lamenting his miserable fortune, steps to him and rounding him softly in the eare: Pray to God poore man (quoth he) that this one day may passe over thy head, and that thou die not to day, for to morrow thou shalt con me 20 thankes. The poore prisoner taking hold presently of this aenigmaticall and darke speech, and thinking (as I suppose) that one bird in hand is better than two in bush, and according to the common saying, that

A foole is he who leaving that which readie is and sure,
Doth follow after things that be unreadie and unsure.

made choise of saving his life by the surer way, rather than by the juster meanes; for he disco­vered unto Nero that which the man had whispered secretly unto him: whereupon presently the partie was apprehended and carried away to the place of torture, where by racking, scort­ching 30 and scourging; he was urged miserable wretch, to confesse and speake out that perforce, which of himselfe he had revealed without any constraint at all. Zeno the Philosopher fearing that whē his body was put to dolorous and horrible torments, he should be forced even against his will to bewray and disclose some secret plot; bit-off his tongue with his owne teeth and spit it in the Tyrants face. Notable is the example of Leaena, and the reward which she had for con­teining and ruling her tongue is singular. An harlot she was and verie familiar with Harmodius and Aristogiton; by meanes of which inward acquaintance, privie she was and partie as farre foorth as a woman might be to that conspiracie which they had complotted against the usur­ping tyrants of Athens, and the hopes that they builded upon (Drunke she had out of that faire cup of Love, and thereby vowed never to reveale the secrets of god Cupid.) Now after that these 40 two paramours and lovers of hers had failed of their enterprise and were put to death; she was called into question and put to torture, and therewith commaunded to declare the rest of the complices in that conspiracie, who as yet were unknowen and not brought to light: but so con­stant and resolute she was, that she would not detect so much as one, but endured all paines and extremities whatsoever; whereby she shewed that those two yoong gentlemen had done no­thing unfitting their persons and nobilitie, in making choise to be enamoured of her. In regard of which rare secrecie of hers, the Athenians caused a Lionesse to be made of brasse without a tongue, and the same in memoriall of her to be erected and set up at the verie gate and entrie of their Citadell; giving posteritie to understand by the generosity of that beast, what an undanu­ted and invincible heart she had; and likewise of what taciturnitie and trust in keeping secrets, 50 by making it tonguelesse: and to say a trueth, never any word spoken served to so good stead as many concealed and held in, have profited. For why? A man may one time or other utter that which he once kept in; but being spoken, it cannot possibly be recalled and unsaid, for out it is gone alreadie and spread abroad sundrie waies. And hereupon it is (I suppose) that we have men to teach us for to speake, but we learne of the gods to hold our peace. For in sacrifices, religious mysteries, and ceremonies of divine service we receive by tradition, a custome to keepe silence. And even so, the Poët Homer feigned Ulysses (Whose eloquence otherwise was so sweet) to be of [Page 197] all men most silent and of sewest words; his sonne likewise, his wife and nourse, whom you may heare thus speaking:

As soone shall stocke of sturdy oake it tell,
Or iron so strong, as I will it reveale.

And Ulysses himselfe sitting by Penelope, before he would be knowen unto her who he was,

Griev'd in his mind, and pitted to behold
His wife by teares to shew what heart did feele,
But all the while his eies he stiffe did hold,
Which stird no more than horne or sturdie steele.

so full was his tongue of patience, and his lips of continence. For why? reason had all the parts 10 of his bodie so obeisant and readie at command, that it gave order to the eies not to shed teares; to the tongue not to utter a word; to the heart not to pant or tremble, nor so much as to sob or sigh:

Thus unto reason obeisant was his heart,
Perswaded all to take in better part.

yea his reason had gotten the mastrie of those inward and secret motions which are voide and incapable of reason, as having under her hand the verie blood and vitall spirits in all obeysance: his people also and traine about him were for the most part of that disposition; for what wanted this of constancy & loyalty to their lord in the highest degree, to suffer themselves to be pulled & haled, to be tugged & tossed, yea & dashed against the hard ground under foote by the giant 20 Cyclops, rather than to utter one word against Ulysses, or to bewray that logge of wood which was burnt at the one end, & an instrument made readie for to put out his onely eie that he had? nay they endured rather to be eaten & devoured raw by him, thā to disclose any of Ulysses his secrets. Pittacus therefore did not amisse, who when the King of Egypt had sent unto him abeast for sacrifice, and willed him withall to take out and lay apart the best and woorst piece thereof, pluc­ked out the tongue and sent it unto him, as being the organ of many good things, and no lesse instrument of the woorst that be in the world. And Ladie Ino in Euripides speaking freely of her­selfe, saith that she knew the time,

When that she ought her tongue to hold,
And when to speake she might be hold. 30

For certeinly those who have had noble and princely bringing up in deed, learne first to keepe silence, and afterwards how to speake. And therefore king Antigonus the great, when his sonne upon a time asked him, When they should dislodge and breake up the campe: What sonne (quoth hee) art thou alone afraid, that when the time comes thou shalt not heare the trumpet sound the remove? Loe, how he would not trust him with a word of secrecie, unto whom he was to leave his kingdome in succession! teaching him thereby, that he also another day should in such cases be wary and spare his speech. Olde Metellus likewise, being asked such another se­cret as touching the armie and setting forward of some expedition: If I wist (quoth he) that my shirt which is next my skinne, knew this my inward intent and secret purpose, I would put it off and fling it into the fire. King Eumenes, being advertised that Craterus was comming against 40 him with his forces, kept it to himselfe, and would not acquaint any of his neerest friends there­with, but made semblance and gave it out (though untruly) that it was Neoptolemus who had the leading of that power; for him did his souldiours contemne and make no reckoning of, whereas the glory and renowme of Craterus they had in admiration, and loved his vertue and valour: now when no man els but himselfe knew of Craterus his being in the field, they gave him battell, vanquished him, slew him before they were aware, neither tooke they knowledge of him before they found him dead on the ground. See how by a stratageme of secrecie and si­lence the victorie was archieved, onely by concealing so hardie and terrible an enemie; inso­much, as his very friends about him admired more his wisedome in keeping this secret from them, than complained of his diffidence and distrust of them. And say that a man should com­plaine 50 of thee in such a case, better it were yet to be challenged and blamed for distrusting, all the while thou remainest safe and obtaine a victorie by that meanes, than to be justly accused after an overthrow, for being so open and trusting so easily. Moreover, how darest thou confi­dently and boldly blame and reproove another for not keeping that secret, which thou thy selfe hast revealed? for if it was behoovefull and expedient that it should not be knowen, why hast thou tolde it to another? but in case when thou hast let flie a secret from thy selfe unto a man, thou wouldest have him to holde it in, and not blurt it out, surely it can not be but thou hast ber­ter [Page 198] confidence in another than thy selfe: now if he be like thy selfe, who will pity thee if thou come by a mischiefe? is he better, and so by that meanes saveth thee harmelesse beyond all rea­son and ordinary course? then hast thou met with one more faithfull to thee than thou art thy selfe: but haply thou wilt say: He is my very friend; so hath he another friend (be sure) whom he will do as much for, and disclose the same secret unto, and that friend (no doubt) hath ano­ther. Thus one word will get more still, it will grow and multiplie by a sute and sequence linked & hanging to an intemperate tongue: for like as Unitie, so long as she passeth not her bounds, but continueth and remaineth still in herselfe, is one and no more, in which respect she is called in Greeke, Monas, that is to say, Alone; whereas the number of twaine is the beginning of a diversitie (as it were) and difference, and therefore indefinite; for straight-waies is Unitie passed 10 forth of it selfe by doubling, and so turneth to a plurality; even so a word or speech all the while it abideth enclosed in him who first knew it, is truely and properly called a Secret, but after it is once gotten forth and set a going, so that it is come unto another, it beginneth to take the name of a common brute and rumour: for as the Poet very well saith; Words have wings. A bird, if she be let flie once out of our hands, it is much adoe to catch againe, and even so, when a word hath passed out of a mans mouth, hardly or unneth may we withholde or recover; for it flieth amaine, it flappeth her light wings, fetching many a round compasse, and spreadeth every way from one quarter to another: well may mariners stay a ship with cables and ankers, when the vi­olence of the winde is ready to drive and carrie her an end, or at least-wise they may moderate her swift & flight course; but if a word be issued out of the mouth, as out of her haven, and have 20 gotten sea-roome, there is no bay nor harborough to ride in, there is no casting of anker will serve the turne, away she goes with a mighty noise and hurry, untill in the end she runnes upon some rocke and is split, or els into a great and deepe gulfe, to the present danger of him who set her foorth;

For in small time, and with a little sparke
Of fire, a man may burne the for rest tall
Of Ida mount; ev'n so (who list to marke)
All towne will heare, a word to one let fall.

The Senate of Rome upon a time sat in sadde and serious counsell many daies together, about a matter of great secrecie: now the thing being so much the more suspected and hearkened af­ter, 30 as it was lesse apparent and knowen abroad; a certaine Romane dame, otherwise a good so­ber and wise matron (howbeit a woman) importuned her husband and instantly besought him, of all loves to tell her what this secret matter might be upon which they did sit so close in con­sultation? protesting with many an oath and execrable curse to keepe silence and not to utter it to any creature in the world; you must thinke also, that she had teares at command, lamenting and complaining withall, what an unhappie woman she was, in case her husband would not trust her so much as with a word: the Romane Senatour her husband minding to trie and reproove her folly: Thou hast overcome me (sweet heart, quoth hee) and through thine importunitie, thou shalt heare of a strange and terrible occurrent that troubleth us all. So it is, that we are ad­vertised by our Priests, that there hath bene a larke of late seene flying in the aire, with a golden 40 cop or crest on her head in maner of an helmet, and withall, bearing a javelin: hereupon we do conferre and consult with our Soothsaiers and Diviners, desirous to be certified out of their learning, whether this prodigious token portend good or hurt to the Common-weale? but keepe it to thy selfe (as thou lovest me) and tell it no bodie. When he had thus said, he went forth toward the Common hall and Market place: his wife incontinently had no sooner spied one of her waiting maidens comming into the roome, but she drew her apart, begunne to beat and knocke her owne brest, to rent and teare the haire off her head, and therewith: Ah, woe's me (quoth she) for my poore husband, my sweet native countrey; alas and weladay, what shall we doe, and what will become of us all; as if shee taught her maide and were desirous that shee should say thus unto her againe: Why, what is the matter mistresse? Now when the maiden 50 thereupon asked her, What newes? shee set tale an end and told all, marie shee forgat not the common and ordinarie burden or clause, that all blabs of their tongue use to come in with: But in any case (quoth she) say nothing, but keepe it to thy selfe. Scarse was shee gone out of her mistresse sight, but seeing one of her fellowes whom she found most at leasure and doing little or nothing, to her she imparted all. That wench againe made no more adoo, but to her lover she goes, who haply then was come to visite her, and telleth him as much. By this meanes the tale was bruted abroad, and passed roundly from one to another; insomuch as the rumour thereof [Page 199] was runne into the market place, and there went currant before the first author, and deviset ther­of himselfe was gotten thither. For there meetes with him one of his familiars and friends: How now (quoth he) are you come but now directly from your house to the market place: No (quoth he againe) I am but newly come: Why then belike (saith the other) you have heard no newes? Newes (quoth he) what newes should I heare? and what tidings can you tell me off? Why man (answered he againe) there hath beene of late a Larke seene flying with a golden cop or crest on her head, and carrying beside a javelin; and the Consuls with other Magistrates are readie to call a Senate house for to sit upon this strange occurrent. With that the Senatour be­foresaid, turning aside & smiling, thus said to himselfe: Wel done wife, I con thee thank for thy quicknes & celeritie, thou hast quit thy selfe well indeed, that the word which erewhile I uttered 10 unto thee, is gotten before me into the market place. Well, the first thing that he did was this, To the Magistrates he went straightwaies, signified unto them the occasion of this speech, and freed them from all feare and trouble: but when he was come home to his owne house he fell in hand to chastice his wife: How now Dame (quoth he) how is this come to passe; you have undone me for ever; for it is found and knowen for a trueth, that this secret and matter of coun­sell which I imparted to you, is divulged and published abroad, and that out of my house: and thus your unbridled tongue is the cause that I must abandon and fly my countrey, and foorth­with depart into exile. Now when at the first she would have senied the thing stoutly, and al­ledged for her excuse and defence, saying: Are not there three hundred Senatours besides your selfe, who heard it as well as you? No marvell then if it be knowen abroad. What tell you 20 me of three hundred (quoth he?) Upon your importunate instance, I devised it of mine owne head, in mirth to trie your silence, and whether you could keepe counsell. Certes, this Senator was a wise man and went safely and warily to worke, who to make proofe of his wife, whom hee tooke to be no sounder nor surer than a crackt and rotten vessell, would not poure into it either wine or oile, but water only, to see if it would leake & run out. But Fulvius one of the favorits & minnions of Augustus the Emperor, when he was now well stepped in yeeres, having heard [...] toward his latter daies, lamenting and bewailing the dessolate estate of his house, in that he had no children of his owne bodie begotten; and that of his three nephewes or sisters children two were dead, and Posthumius (who onely remained alive) upon an imputation there upon him confined, and living in banishment, whereupon he was enforced to bring in his wives sonne, 30 and declare him heire apparant to succeed him in the Empire: notwithstanding upon a tender compassion, he was otherwhiles in deliberation with himselfe, and minded to recall his foresaid sisters sonne from exile, and the place whereunto he was confined. Fulvius (I say) being privy to these moanes and desseignes of his, went home and told his wife all that he had heard. Shee could not hold but goes to the Empresse Livia, wife of Augustus, and reported what her hus­band Fulvius had told her. Whereupon Livia taking great indignation, sharply did contest and expostulate with Caesar in these termes: That seeing it is so (quoth she) that you had so long before projected & determined such a thing, as to cal home againe your nephew aforesaid; why sent you not for him at the first, but exposed me to hatred, enmity & war with him, who another day should weare the Diademe and be Emperor after your decease? Well the next morning 40 betimes, when Fulvius came, as his maner was, to salute Caesar and give him good morrow, after he had said unto him [...] that is, God save you Caesar. He resaluted him no otherwise but this, [...] that is, God make you wise Fulvius. Fulvius soone found him and con­ceived presently what hee meant thereby; whereupon hee retired home to his house with­all speede, and called for his wife; unto whom: Caesar (quoth hee) is come to the know­ledge that I have not kept his counsell nor concealed his secrets; and therefore I am re­solved to make my selfe away with mine owne handes. And well woorthie (quoth shee) for justly you have deserved death, who having lived so long with me, knew not the inconti­nence of my tongue all this while, nor would take heed and beware of it; but yet suffer me first to die upon your sword; and with that catching hold therof, killed herselfe before her husband. 50 And therefore Philippides the Comaedian, did verie wisely in his answere to King Lysimachus, who by way of all courtesie making much of him, and minding to do him honour, demaunded of him thus: What wouldest thou have me to impart unto thee of all other treasure and riches that I have? What it shall please your Majestie (quoth he) my gracious Lord, so it be none of your secrets.

Moreover, there is adjoined ordinarily unto Garrulitie, another vice no lesse than it; name­ly, Busie intermedling and Curiositie, for men desire to heare and know much newes, because [Page 200] they may report and blase the same abroad, and especially if they be secrets. Thus goe they up and downe listening, enquiring and searching if they can find and discover some close and hid­den speeches, adding as it were some olde surcharge of odious matters to their toies and foole­ries; which maketh them afterwards to be like unto little boies, who neither can hold yee in their hands, nor yet will let it goe; or to say more truely, they claspe and conteine in their bo­soms secret speeches, resembling serplents, which they are not able to hold and keepe long, but are eaten and gnawen by them. It is said that certaine fishes called the Sea-needles, yea and the vipers doe cleave and burst when they bring foorth their yoong; and even so, secrets when they be let fall out of their mouthes who can not containe them, undo and overthrow those that reveale them. King Seleucus (him I meane who was surnamed Callinicus, that is, the victori­ous 10 Conquerour) in one battell against the Galatians, was defaited hee and his whole power; whereupon he tooke from his head the Diademe or Royall band that he ware, and rode away on the spurre on horsebacke with three or foure in his companie, wandring through desarts and by waies unknowen so long, untill both horse and man were done, and readie to faint for weati­nesse: at length he came unto a countrey kearnes or peasants cottage; and finding (by good for­tune) the good man of the house within, asked for bread and water; which the said peasant or cottier gave unto him; and not that onely, but looke what the field would asoord els besides, he imparted unto him and his company with a willing heart and in great plentie, making them the best cheere that hee could devise: in the end he knew the kings face, whereupon he tooke such joy, in that his hap was to entertaine the king in his necessitie, that he could not conteine him­selfe, 20 nor second the king dissembling his knowledge, who desired nothing more, than to be unknowen: when hee had therefore brought the king onward on his way, and was to take his leave of him: Adieu (quoth he) king Seleucus: with that the king reached foorth his hand, and drew him toward him, as if he would have kissed him, & withall, beckned to one of his followers, and gave him a secret token to take his sword and make the man shorter by the head.

Thus whiles he spake (I wot not what) his head
Off goes, and lies in dust when he was dead.

whereas, if he could have held his tongue a little while longer, and mastered himselfe, when the king afterwards had better fortune and recovered his greatnesse and puissance, he should in my conceit have gotten more thanks at his hands, and beene better rewarded for keeping silence, 30 than for all the courtesie and hospitalitie that he shewed. And yet this fellow had in some sort a colourable excuse for this intemperate tongue of his, to wit, his owne hopes and the good will that he bare unto the king: but the most part of these pratlers vndo themselves without any cause or pretense at all of reason: like as it befell unto Denys the tyrants barbar: for when (upon a time) there were some talking in his shop as touching his tyrannicall government and estate, how assured it was, and as hard to be ruined or overthrowen, as it is to breake the Diamond: the said barbar laughing thereat: I marvell (quoth he) that you should say so of Denys, who is so of­ten under my hands, and at whose throat in a maner every day I holde my rasor: these words were soone carried to the tyrant Denys, who faire crucified this barbar and hanged him for his foolish words. And to say a trueth, all the sort of these barbars be commonly busie fellowes 40 with their tongue; and no marvell, for lightly the greatest praters and idlest persons in a coun­trey, frequent the barbars shop, and sit in his chaire, where they keepe such chat, that it can not be, but by hearing them prate so customably, his tongue also must walke with them. And there­fore king Archelaus answered very pleasantly unto a barbar of his, that was a man of no few words, who when he had cast his linnen cloth about his shoulders, said unto him: Sir, may it please your Highnesse to tell me how I shall cut or shave you: Mary (quoth he) holding thy tongue, and saying not a word. A barbar it was, who first reported in the city of Athens, the newes of that great discomsiture and overthrow which the Athenians received in Sicily; for kee­ping his shop (as he did) in that end of the suburbs called Pyraeum, he had no sooner heard the said unlucky newes of a certaine slave who fled from thence out of the field, when it was lost, but 50 leaving shop and all at sixe and seven, ran directly into the city, and never rested to bring the said tidings, and whiles they were fresh and fire-new,

For feare some els might all the honour win,
And he teo late, or second, should come in.

Now upon the broching of these unwelcome tidings, a man may well thinke (and not without good cause) that there was a great stirre within the city; insomuch, as the people assembled to­gether into the Market place or Common hall, and search was made for the authour of this ru­mour: [Page 201] hereupon the said barbar was haled and brought before the bodie of the people, and ex­amined; who knew not so much as the name of the partie of whom hee heard this newes; But well assured I am (quoth he) that one said so, mary who it was or what his name might be, I can not tell. Thus it was taken for an headlesse tale, and the whole Theatre or Assembly was so mo­ved to anger, that they cried out with one voice; Away with the villaine, have the varlet to the racke, set the knave upon the wheele, he it is onely that hath made all on his owne singers ends, this hath he and none but he devised; for who els hath heard it, or who besides him hath belee­ved it? Well, the wheele was brought, and upon it was the barbar stretched: meane while, and even as the poore wretch was hoised thereupon, beholde there arrived and came to the citie, those who brought certaine newes in deed of the said defeature, even they who made a shift to 10 escape out of that infortunate field: then brake up the assembly, and every man departed and retired home to his owne house, for to bewaile his owne private losse and calamity, leaving the silly barbar lying along bound to the wheele, and racked out to the length, and there remained he untill it was very late in the evening, at what time he was let loose; and no sooner was he at li­berty, but he must needs enquire newes of the executioner, & namely; what they heard abroad of the Generall himselfe Nicias, and in what sort he was slaine? So inexpugnable and incorri­gible a vice is this, gotten by custome of much talke, that a man can not leave it, though he were going to the gallowes, nor keepe in those tidings which no man is willing to heare: for certes, like as they who have drunke bitter potions or unsavory medicines, can not away with the very cups where in they were; even so, they that bring evill and heavie tidings, are ordinarily hated 20 and detested of those unto whom they report the same. And therefore Sophocles the Poet hath verie finely distinguished upon this point in these verses:

MESSENGER.
Is it your heart, or els your eare,
That this offends, which you do heare?
CREON.
And why do'st thou search my disease
To know what griefe doth me displease?
MESSENGER.
His deeds (I see) offend your heart, 30
But my words cause your eares to smart.

Well then, those who tell us any wofull newes be as odious as they who worke our wo; and yet for all that, there is no restreint and brideling of an untemperate tongue that is given to walke and overreach. It fortuned one day at Lacedaemon, that the temple of Iuno called there Chalciaecos was robbed, and within it was found a certeine emptie flagon or stone bottle for wine: great running there was and concourse of the people thither, and men could not tell what to make of that flagon: at last one of them that stood by; My masters (quoth he) if you will give me leave, I shall tell you what my conceit is of that flagon, for my minde gives me (saith he) that these church-robbers who projected to execute so perilous an enterprise, had first drunke the juice of hemlocke before they entred into the action, and afterwards brought wine with them in this 40 bottle, to the end that if they were not surprised nor taken in the maner, they might save their lives by drinking each of them a good draught of meere wine; the nature and vertue whereof (as you know well enough) is to quench as it were and dissolve the vigour and strength of that poison, and so goe their waies safe enough, but if it chance that they were taken in the deed doing, then they might by meanes of that hemlocke which they had drunke die an easie death, and without any great paine and torment, before that they were put to torture by the magistrate. He had no sooner delivered this speech, but the whole companie who heard his words, thought verily that such a contrived devise, and so deepe a reach as this never came from one that suspected such a matter, but rather knew that it was so indeed; whereupon they flocked round about, and hemmed him in, and on everie side each one had a saying unto him: And 50 what art thou (quoth one?) From whence art thou saith another? Here comes one and asketh, who knew him? there sets upon him another, saying: And how commest thou by the light of all this that thou hast delivered? to be short, they handeled the matter so well, that they forced him to bewray himselfe in the end, and to confesse that he was one of them that committed the sacriledge. Were not they also who murdered the Poët Ibycus, discovered and taken after the same manner? It hapned that the said murderers were set at a Theatre to behold the plaies and pastimes which were exhibited; and seeing a flight of Cranes over their heads, they whispered [Page 202] one to another: Loe these be they that will revenge the death of Ibycus. Now had not Ibycus beene a long time before seene, and much search was made after him, because he was out of the way and missed; whereupon they that sate next unto these men over-hearing those words of theirs, and well noting the speech, went directly to the Magistrastes and Iustices to give intelli­gence and information of their words. Then were they attached and examined; and thus being convicted, suffered punishment in the end, not by the meanes of those Cranes that they talked of, but surely by their owne blab-tongues; as if some hellish furie had forced them to disclose that murder which they had committed. For like as in our bodies the members diseased and in paine, draw humours continually unto them, and all the corruption of the parts neere unto them flow thither; even so, the tongue of a babling fellow, being never without an Inflamm­tion 10 and a seaverous pulse, draweth alwaies and gathereth to it one secret and hidden thing or other. In which regard it ought to be well fensed with a rampar, and the bulwarke of reason should evermore be set against it, which like unto a barre may stay and stop that overflowing and inconstant lubricitie which it hath; that we be not more undiscreet and foolish beasts than geese are, who when they be to take a flight into Cilicia over the mountaine Taurus, which is full of eagels, take up everie one in their bill a good big stone, which serveth them in stead of a locke or bridle to restraine their gagling; by which devise they may passe all night long without any noise, and not be heard at all or descried by the said eagles.

Now if one should demaund and aske of me, what person of all others is most mischievous and dangerous? I beleeve very well there is no man would name any other but a traitour. And 20 yet Euthycrates (as saith Demosthenes) for his treason covered his owne house with a rouse made of timber that he had out of Macedonie. Philocrates also lived richly and gallant of that great masse of gold and silver, which he had of King Philip for betraying his countrey, and therewith furnished himselfe with brave harlots, gallant concubines, and daintie fishes. Euphor bius also and Philagrus who betraied Eretria, were endowed by the King, with faire lands and possessions: but a pratler is a trasitor voluntarie and for nothing, he demaundeth no hire at all, neither loo­keth he to be solicited, but offereth himselfe and his service; nor betraieth unto the enemies either horses or walles, but revealeth hidden secrets, and [...] speeches which are to bee concealed, whether it be in ju iciall matters of law or in seditious discords, or in managing of State affaires, it makes no matter, and no man conneth him thankes; nay he will thinke him­selfe 30 beholden to others, if they will vouchsafe to give him audience. And therefore, that which is commonly said to a prodigal person, who foolishly mis-spendeth and vainely wasteth his sub­stance he cares not how, to gratifie every man: Thou art not liberal; this is no courtesie; a vice it is rather that thou art disposed unto, thus to take pleasure in nothing, but giving and giving still. The same rebuke and reprehension serveth verie fitly for a babler: Thou art no friend nor well­willer of mine, thus to come and discover these things unto me; this is thy fault, and a disease which thou art sicke of, that lovest to be clattering and hast no mind but of chatting.

Now would I have the Reader to thinke that I write not all this, so much to accuse and blame the vice and maladie of garrulitie, as to cure and heale the same. For by judgement and exercise we surmount and overcome the vices and passions of the minde; but judgement, that is to say, 40 knowledge, must go before: for no man accustometh himselfe to void, and (as it were) to weed them out of the soule, unlesse he hate and detest them first. Now then, and never before, begin we to take an hatred to vices, when by the light of reason we consider and weigh the shame and losse that commeth unto us by them: as for example, we know and see that these great praters, whiles they desire to win love, gaine hatred; thinking to do a pleasure, they displease; looking to be well esteemed, are mocked and derided; they lay for lucre, and get nothing; they hurt their friends, aide their enemies, and undoe themselves.

So then, let this be the first receit and medicine for to cure this maladie; even the considera­tion and reckoning up of the shamefull infamies and painfull inconveniences that proceed and ensue thereof. The second remedy is, to take a survey of the contrary; that is to say, to heare al­waies, 50 to remember and have ready at hand the praises and commendations of silence, the ma­jestie (I say) the mysticall gravitie and holinesse of taciturnitie, to represent alwaies unto our minde and understanding, how much more admired, how much more loved, and how farre wi­ser they are reputed, who speake roundly at once, and in few words, their minde pithily; who in a short and compendious speech comprehend more good matter and substance a great deale, than these great talkers, whose tongues are unbrideled and run at randon. Those (I say) be they whom Plato so highly esteemeth, comparing them to skilfull and well practised Archers and [Page 203] Darters, who have the feat of shooting arrowes and launcing darts; for they know how and when to speake graciously and bitterly, soundly, pithily and compactly. And verily, wise Ly­curgus framed and exercised his citizens immedialy from their child-hood by keeping them downe at the first with silence to this short and sententious kinde of speech, whereby they spake alwaies compendiously, and knit up much in a little. For like as they of Biskay or Celtiberia do make their steele of yron, by enterring it and letting it lie first within the ground, and then by purging and refining it from the grosse, terrene and earthly substance that it hath; even so the Laconians speech hath no outward barke (as a man would say) or crust upon it, but when all the superfluitie there of is taken away, it is steeled (as it were) and tempered, yea, and hath an edge upon it, fit for to worke withall and to pierce: and verily that apophthegmaticall 10 and powerfull speech of theirs, that grace which they had to answere sententiously and with such gravity, together with a quicke and ready gift to meet at every turne with all objections, they at­tained unto by nothing els but by their much silence. Wherefore, it were very expedient to set ever before the eies of these great praters, those short and witty speedhes, that they may see what grace and gravity both, they have: as for example; The Lacedaemonians unto Philip, greeting: Dionysius in Corinth. Also another time, when Philip had written unto them to this effect: If I enter once into the confines of Laconia, I wil destroy you utterly that you shal never rise againe. They returned this answere againe in writing: Alza; that is, If. Likewise when King Demetrius in great displeasure and indignation, cried out aloud in these words: The Lacedaemonians have sent unto me an embassador alone, and who hath no fellow; meaning that there came but one: the said 20 embassador nothing danted at his words, answered readily: One for one. Certes, they that used to speake short and sententiously, were highly esteemed long ago with our ancients & forefathers, And hereupon it was that the Amphyctiones; that is to say, the Deputies or States for the gene­rall counsell of all Greece, gave order, that there should be written over the doore of the Tem­ple of Apollo Pythius, not the Odysee or Ilias of Homer; ne yet the Canticles or Paeans of Pin­darus; but these briefe sentences: [...] that is, Know thy selfe. [...] that is, Too much of nothing. also [...] that is, Be suretie and make account to pay: so high­ly esteemed they a plaine, simple and round manner of speaking, which comprised in few words much matter, and a sentence massie and sound: and no marvell, for Apollo himselfe loveth bre­vitie, and is in his oracles verie succinct and pithy; wherefore els is he surnamed Loxias? but be­cause 30 he chooseth rather to avoide pluralitie than obscuritie of words. They also who without word uttered at all, signifie the conceptions of their minde by certaine symbolicall devises, and after that maner deliver good lessons unto us; are they not sundrie waies commended and ad­mired exceedingly? Thus Heraclitus in times past, being requested by his neighbours and fel­low-citizens, to make a sententious speech unto them, and deliver his opinion as touching civil unitie and concord, mounted up into the pulpit, and taking a cup of cold water in his hand, be­spiced it (as it were) with some meale, and with a sprig or two of the herbe Penniroyall, shooke all together: which done, he dranke it off, and so came downe and went his way: giving them by this demonstration, thus much to understand; that if men would take up with a little and be content with things at hand, without desiring costly superfluities, it were the next way to keepe 40 and preserve cities in peace and concord.

Scylurus a King of the Scythians left behind him fourscore sonnes; and when the houre of his death drew neere, he called for a bundle of darts or a sheafe of arrowes to be brought unto him, which he put into his childrens hands one after another, and willed each one to breake and burst the same in pieces, bound as it was entire and whole together: which when they had as­saied to do, and putting all their strength unto it, could not, but gave over: himselfe tooke out of the sheafe or knitch the darts aforesaid one by one, and knapt them in twaine single as they were with facilitie: declaring by this devise, that so long as they held together, their union and agreement would be strong and invincible; but their discord and disunion would make them seeble, and be an occasion that they should not long continue. He then, that continually shall 50 have these & such like precedents in his mouth, and ordinarily repeat and remember the same, will peradventure take no great pleasure and delight in idle and superfluous words. For mine owne part, surely I am abashed mightily at the example of that domesticall servant at Rome, when I consider with my selfe what a great matter it is to be well advised before a man speaketh, and constantly to hold and maintaine the resolution of any purpose. Publius Piso the great Orator and Rhetorician, because he would provide that his people and servitours about him should not trouble his head with much prattle, gave order and commaundement unto them, [Page 204] that they should make answere unto his demaunds onely, and no more: now being min­ded one day to entertaine Clodius the chiefe ruler of the city at his house, he bad him to supper, and caused him to be sent for and called at the time accordingly; for a stately and royall feast he had provided, by all likelihood, and as any man would thinke no lesse: now when supper time was come, the rest of the invited guests now present, Clodius onely they staied and looked for; meane while, Piso had sent out oftentimes unto him one of his servitours who was woont ordi­narily to bid his guests for to see whether he were c̄oming, or would come to supper or no? but when it grew late in the evening, so that there was no hope now that hee would be there: Now sirrha (quoth Piso to his man aforesaid) didst thou not invite and bid him? Yes iwis Sir: Why then comes he not: said the master againe? Forsooth (quoth he) because he denied to come: 10 And why toldest thou not me this immediately? Because sir, you never asked me the question. Well this was a Romane seruitor; but an Athenian servant I trow whiles he is digging and del­ving, will tell his master newes, and namely, what be the articles and capitulations, in the treaty and composition of peace. So powerfull and forcible is use and custome in all things, whereof I purpose now to treat; for that there is no bit nor bridle that is able to represse, tame, and keepe in a talkative tongue, but it is custome that must do the deed and conquer this maladie.

First and formost therefore, when in companie there shall be any question propounded by them that are about thee, frame and use thy selfe to hold thy tongue and be silent, untill thou see that everie man else refuseth to speake and make answere: for according to Sophocles.

To counsell and to runne a course in race
Have not both twaine one end, to haste apace. 20

No more verily doeth a voice and an answere shoot at the same marke that running aimeth at: for there, to wir, in a race, he winneth the prize that getreth to be formost; but heere, if another man have delivered a sufficient answere, it will be well enough, by praising and approoving his speech, to gaine the opinion and reputation of a courteous person; if not, then will it not be thought impertinent, neither can envie or hatred come of it, in case a man do gently shew and open that wherein the other was ignorant, and so after a milde and civill maner supply the defect of the former answer: but above all, this regard would be had: That when a question or demand is addressed and directed unto another, we take it not upon our selves; and so anticipate and prevent his answer; and peradventure, neither in this nor in any thing els, is it decent and com­mendable 30 to offer and put forth our selves too forward before we be required; and in this case, when another man is asked a question, our owne intrusion, with the putting by of him is not seemely; for we may be thought (in so doing) both to injurie and discredit the party deman­ded, as if hee were not able to performe that which was put upon him, and also to reproch the demandant, as though hee had little skill and discretion, to aske a thing of him who could not give the same: and that which more is, such malapert boldnesse and heady ha­stinesse in rash answering, importeth (most of all) exceeding arrogancie and presump­tion; for it seemeth, that hee who taketh the answere out of his mouth of whom the questi­on is demanded, would say thus much in effect: What need have wee of him? what can he say unto it? what skill or knowledge hath hee? when I am in place, no man ought to aske any o­ther 40 of these matters, but my selfe only. And yet many times we propose questions unto some, not of any great desire that we have to heare their answeres, but onely because we would finde talke, and minister occasion of discourse, seeking thereby to draw from them some words that may yeeld matter of mirth and pleasant conference: after which sort, Socrates used to provoke Theaetetus and Charmides. To prevent therefore the answere of another, to turne away mens eares, to divert their eies, and draw their cogitations from him to our selves, is as much as if we should run before and make haste to kisse one first, who was minded to be kissed of another, or to enforce him to looke upon us, whose eies were set and fixed upon another; considering, that although the partie unto whom the demand was made, be either not able nor willing to make answer, it were be fitting for a man, after some little pause made, to present himself in all modesty 50 and reverence, & then to frame & accommodate his speech as nere unto that as may be, which he thinketh will content the minde of him that made the demand, and so answere (as it were) in the name of the other: for if they who are demanded a question, make no good & sufficient an­swer, great reason they have to be pardoned and held excused; but he who intrudeth himselfe, & taking the words out of anothers mouth, is ready to speak before he be spoken unto, by good right is odious, although he answer otherwise sufficiently; but if he faile, and make no good an­swere, certes he maketh himselfe, ridiculous, and a very laughing stocke to the whole company.

[Page 205] The second point of exercise and meditation, is in a mans owne particular answeres, where­in he ought especially to be carefull and take heed who is given to over-much talke, to the end that they who would provoke him to speake, and all to make themselves merry and to laugh at him, may well know that he answereth not he knowes not what inconsiderately, but with good advice and seriously to the point: for such there be in the world, who for no need at all, but only for to passe time in mirth, devise certeine questions for the nonce, and in that maner propound them to such persons for no other end, but to provoke them to prattle; and therefore they ought to have a good eie and regard before them, not to leape out and runne all on a sudden hastily to their answere, as if they were well pleased and beholden unto them for to have such an occasion of speech; but with mature deliberation to consider the nature and behaviour of him that put­teth 10 out the question, together with the necessitie thereof, and the profit that may ensue there­by; and if it appeare indeed, that the partie be in good earnest, and desirous to learne and be in­structed, then he must accustome himselfe to represse his tongue and take some pause, allowing a competent space of time betweene the demand and the answere; during which silence, both the demander may have while to bethinke himselfe and adde somewhat thereto, if he list, and al­so the demandé time to thinke of an answere, and not let his tongue runne before his wit, and so huddle up a confused answere before the question be fully propounded: for often-times it fal­leth out, that for very haste they take no heed of those things which were demanded, but answere kim kam, and one thing for another. True it is (I must needs say) that Pythia the priestresse of Apolloes temple, is woont to give answere by oracle at the same instant that the question is de­manded, 20 yea, and often-times before it be asked; for why? the god whom she serveth

Doth understand the dumbe, who can not speake,
And knowes ones minde, before the tongue it breake.

but among men, he that would wisely and to the purpose answere, ought to stay untill he con­ceive the thought, and fully understand the intent of him that proposeth a question, lest that be­fall unto him which is said in the common proverbe:

About an hooke I question made,
And they gave answere of a spade.

and otherwise also, if that incōvenience were not, yet are we to bridle this lavish & hastie tongue of ours, and restraine the inordinate and hungry appetite which we have to be talking; lest it be 30 thought that we had a fluxe (as it were) of humours gathered a long time about the tongue, and growen into an impostume, which wee are very well content should be let out, and have issue made by a question tendered unto us, and so by that meanes be discharged thereof. Socrates was woont in this maner to restraine and represse his thirst, after that he had enchafed his body and set himselfe into an heat, either by wrestling, or running, or such like exercises; he would not permit himselfe to drinke before he had powred out the first bucket of water that he had drawen out of the pit or well, acquainting this his sensuall appetite to attend the fit and convenient time that reason appointed.

Moreover, this would be noted, that there be three kinds of answeres unto interrogations; the first necessarie, the second civill, and the third needlesse and supersluous: as for example: If 40 one should aske whether Socrates be within or no; he that is unwilling or not ready and forward with his tongue, would make answere and say: He is not within, but if he be disposed to laco­nize a little, and speake more briefe, he would leave out the word (within) and say: He is not; or yet more short than so, pronouncing onely the negative Adverbe, and saying no more but No. Thus the Lacedaemonians dealt once by Philip; for when he had dispatched his letters unto thē to this effect; To know whether they would receive him into their city or no: they wrote backe againe, in faire great capitall letters, within a sheet of paper, no more but O Y, that is to say, No: & so sent it unto him: but he that would make answer to the former question of Socrates a little more civilly and courteously, would say thus: He is not within sir, for he is gone to the banke or exchange; & to give yet a somwhat better measure, he might perhaps adde moreover & say; He 50 looketh there for cerreine strangers and friends of his. But a vaine prating fellow, and one that loves many words, especially if his hap hath beene to read the booke of Antimachus the Colo­phonian, wil make answer to the demand afore said in this wise: He is not within sir, gone he is to the Burse or Exchange, for there he expecteth certeine strangers out of Ionia, of whom and in whose behalfe Alcibiades wrote unto him, who now maketh his abode within the citie of Mile­tus, sojourneth with Tissaphernes, one of the lieutenants generall of the great King of Persia; who before time was in league with the Lacedaemonians, stood their friend, and sent them aid; [Page 206] but not for the love of Alcibiades, he is turned from them and is sided with the Athenians: for Alcibtades being desirous to returne into his owne country, hath prevailed so much that hee hath altered Tissaphernes his minde, and drawen him away from our part: and thus shall you have him rehearse in good earnest the whole eight booke (in maner) of Thucydides his story, un­till he have overwhelmed a man with a multitude of narrations, and made him beleeve that in Miletus there is some great sedition; that it is ready to be lost, and Alcibiades to be banished a second time. Herein then ought a man principally to set his foote and stay his overmuch lan­guage, so as the center and circumference of the answer be that, which he who maketh the de­maund desireth and hath need to know. Carneades before he had any great name, disputed one day in the publike schooles and place appointed for exercise: Unto whom the master or 10 president of the place sent before hand, and gave him warning to moderate his voice (for hee spake naturally exceeding big and loud, so as the schooles rung againe therewith:) Give men then (quoth he) a gage and measure for my voice; upon whom the said master replied thus not unproperly: Let him that disputeth with thee be the measure and rule to moderate thy voice by; even so a man may in this case say: The measure that hee ought to keepe who answereth, is the very will and minde of him that proposeth the question. Moreover, like as Socrates forbad those meats which drew men on to eare when they are not hungry; and likewise those drinkes which caused them to drinke who are not a thirst, even so should a man who is given to much prattle, be afraid of those discourses wherein he delighteth most, and which he is woont to use and take greatest pleasure in; and in case hee perceive them to run willingly upon him for to 20 withstand the same, and not give them interteinment. As for example, martiall men and warriours love to discourse and tell of battels; which is the reason that the Poët Homer bringeth in Hector, ra­ther as some [...] . Nestor eftsoones recounting his owne prowesse and feats of armes: and ordinarie it is with thē who in iudiciall trials have had the upper hand of their adversaries, or who beyond the hope and opinion of everie man have obteined grace and favour with kings and princes, to be sub­ject unto this maladie that evermore followeth them, namely to report and recount eftsoones the maner how they came in place; after what sort they were brought in; the order of their plea­ding; how they argued the case; how they convinced their accusers, & overthrew their adversa­ries; last of all, how they were praised and commended: for to say a truth, joy and mirth is much more talkative than that olde Agryppina which the Poets doe feigne and devise in their comae­dies: 30 for it rouseth and stirreth up, it reneweth and refresheth it selfe ever & anon, with many dis­courses and narrations; whereupon ready they are to fall into such speeches upon every light and colourable occasion: for not onely is it true which the common proverbe saith:

Looke where a man doth feele his paine and griefe,
His hand will soone be there to yeeld reliefe.

but also joy and contentment draweth unto it the voice, it leadeth the tongue alwaies about with it, and is evermore willing to be remembred and related. Thus we see that amorous lovers passe the greater part of their time in rehearsing certeine words which may renew the remem­brance of their loves, insomuch that if they cannot meet with one person or other to relate the same unto, they will devise and talke of them with such things as have neither sense nor life: like 40 as we read of one who brake foorth into these words:

O datnty bed, most sweet and pleasant couch, ô blessed lamp, ô happie candle light,
No lesse than God doth Bacchus you avouch nay, God you are the mightiest in her sight.

And verily a busie prater is altogether (as one would say) a white line or strake in regard of all words, to wit, without discretion he speaketh indifferently of all matters; howbeit if he be affec­ted more to some than to others, he ought to take heed thereof, and absteine from them; he is (I say) to withdraw and writhe him els from thence; for that by reason of the contentment which he may therein take, and the pleasure that he receiveth thereby, they may lead him wide & carie 50 him every while very farre out of the way: the same inclination to overshoot themselves in pra­ting, they finde also when they discourse of those matters wherein they suppose themselves to have better experience, and a more excellent habit than others: such an one I say being a selfe lover and ambitious withall,

Most part of all the day in this doth spend,
Himselfe to passe and others to transcend.

As for example in histories if he hath read much, in artificiall stile and couching of his words, [Page 207] he that is a Grammarian; in relation of strange reports and newes, who hath bene a great trauel­ler and wandred through many forren countries: hereof therefore great heed would bee taken; for garrulitie being therein fleshed and baited, willingly runneth to the old and usuall haunt, like as every beast seeketh out the ordinary and accustomed pasture. And in this point was the young prince Cyrus of a woonderfull and excellent nature, who would never chalenge his play­fellowes and consorts in age unto any exercise wherein he knew himselfe to be superior, and to surpasse, but alwaies to such feats wherein he was lesse practised than they; which he did aswell because he would not grieve their hearts in winning the prize from them, as also for that he would profit thereby, and learne to doe that wherein hee was more raw and unready than they. But a talkative fellow contrariwise, if there be a matter proposed whereby he may heare and 10 learne somewhat that he knew not before, rejecteth and refuseth it; he cannot for his life hold his tongue and keepe silence a little while, to gaine thereby some hire and reward, but casting and rolling his thought round about, he never rests untill he light upon some old ragged rapso­dies and overworne discourses, which hee hath patched and tacked together a thousand times. Such a one there was among us, who hapned by chance so have perused two or three bookes of Ephorus; whereby he tooke himselfe to be so great a clearke and so well read, that he wearied everie mans eares who heard him talke; there was no assembly nor feast unto which he came, but he would force the companie to arise and depart with his unmeasurable prating of the bat­tel of Leuctres, and the occurrents that ensued therupon, insomuch as he got himself a by-name, and everie man called him Epaminondas. But this is the least inconvenience of all others that 20 followeth this infirmitie of much babling: and surely one good meanes it is to the cure thereof; To turne the same from other matters to such as these: for thereby shall their tongue be lesse troublesome and offensive, when it passeth the bonds in the tearmes onely of litterature.

Over and besides, for the remedie of this their disease, they shall do well to inure and accu­stome themselves to write somewhat, and to dispute of questions apart. Thus did Antipater the Stoick, who as it may be thought, being not able nor willing to hold out in disputation hand to hand with Carneades, who with a violent streame (as it were) of his forcible wit and eloquence refused the sect of the Stoicks, answered the said Carneades by writing, and filled whole bookes with contradictorie assertions and arguments against him; insomuch as thereupon he was sur­named Calamoboas, which is as much to say, as the lustie Crier with his pen: and so by all likeli­hood 30 this manner of fighting with a shadow and lowd exclaiming in secret, and apart by them­selves, training these stout praters everie day by little and little from the frequencie and multi­tude of people, may make them in the end more sociable and fitter for companie. Thus curst curres after they have spent and discharged their choler and anger upon the cudgels or stones which have beene throwen at them, become thereby more gentle and tractable to men. But above all, it were verie expedient and profitable for them to be alwaies neere unto personages for yeeres elder, and in authoritie greater than themselves, and with those to converse; for the reverent regard and feare that they have in respect of their dignitie and gravitie, may induce and direct them in time and by custome to keepe silence; and evermore among those exercises heretofore by us specified, this advisement would be mingled and interlaced; That when we are 40 about to speake, and that words be readie to runne out of our mouth, we say thus unto our selves by way of reasoning: What manner of speech is this that is so urgent and presseth so hard to be gone? What ailes my tongue, that it is so willing to be walking? What good may come by the utterance thereof? What harme may ensue by concealing it in and holding my peace? For we must not thinke that our words be like an heavy burden over-loading us, and whereof we should thinke our selves well eased when we are discharged of them: for speech remaineth still as well when it is uttered as before: but men ought to speake, either in the behalfe of themselves when they stand in need of some thing, or to benefit others, or else to pleasure and recreat one ano­ther by pleasant devises and discourses, (as it were) with salt to mittigate the painefull travels in actions and worldly affaires, or rather to make the same more savorie whiles we are employed 50 therein. Now if a speech be neither profitable to him that delivereth it, nor necessarie for him that heareth it, ne yet carrie therewith any grace or pleasure; what need is there that it should be uttered? For surely, a man may as soone speake a word in vaine, as do a thing to no purpose. But above and after all other good advertisements in this case, we ought alwaies to have in rea­dinesse and remembrance this wise saying of Simonides: A man (quoth he) may repent many a time for words spoken, but never for a word kept in: this also we must thinke: That exercise is all in all, and a matter of that moment and efficacie, that it is able to master and conquer everie [Page 208] thing: considering that men will take great paines and be carefull; yea they will endure much sorrow for to be rid of an old cough; to chase away the troublesome yex or hicket. Besides, Taciturnitie hath not onely this one faire propertie and good vertue, that (as Hippocrates saith) It never breedeth thirst; but also that it engendreth no paine, no griefe nor displeasure, neither is any man bound to render an account thereof. 10

OF AVARICE OR COVETOUSNES.

The Summarie.

IF there be any excesse in the world that troubleth the repose and tranquillitie of the 20 spirit, causing our life to be wretched & miserable, it is Avarice; against which the Sa­ges and wise men of all ages from time to time have framed sharpe and terrible invee­tives, which in sum and effect doe shew thus much; That this covetousnes and greedie desire of gathering goods is (as it were) the capitall citie and seat-towne of all wicked­nes; the verie sinke of sinne and receptacle of all vices. Now albeit all men with one voice, yea and the most covetous persons of all others do confesse as much; yet the heart of man is so affectionate a friend to the earth, that needfull it is to propose and set downe divers instructions for to avert the same from thence, and to cause it to range & sort with other occupations and affaires, more beseeming it selfe than is the over curious searching after transitorie & corruptible things. This is the reason, that those Phi­losophers who have handled the doctrine as touching manners are emploied herein: and Plutarch 30 among the rest, who teacheth us here in few words, with what considerations we ought to be furnished & fortified, that we do not permit such a pestilent plague as this to seaze upon our souls: and therewith he sheweth the miseries that befall unto avarice; whereof this is the first & principal; That in stead of giving contentment, it maketh her slave most wretched, and putteth him to the greatest paine and tor­ture in the world. And her eupon he interlaceth and inserteth a discription of three sorts of covetous persons. First, of those who covet things rare and dangerous, whereas they should seeke after necessa­ries. Secondly, of such as spend nothing, have much, and yet desire more and more; and these he depain­teth in all their colours. Thirdly, of them that be niggards and base minded pinch-pennies. Which done, be discovereth the second miserie of covetous wretches, to wit; That avarice doth tyrannize over her caitife and slave, not suffring him to use that which she commaunded him to winne and get. The 40 third is this; That it causeth him to gather and heape up riches, for some promoter or catch-poll, or else for a Tyrant, or else for some wicked and gracelesse heire, whose nature and properties hee doeth re­present and describe verie lively. Afterwards having concluded that covetous persons are herein especially miserable; for that the one sort of them use not their goods at all, and other abuse the same: he prescribeth three remedies against this mischievous maladie. The first; That those who greedi­ly gape after riches, have no more in effect than they who stand contented with that which is necessarie for nature. The second; That we are not to count them happy, who be richly furnished with things unprofitable. And the last; That it is vertue, wherein we ought to ground and seeke for 50 contentment; for there it is to be found and not in riches.

OF AVARICE OR Covetousnesse.

HIppomachus, a great master of wrestling & such exercises of the bo­die, hearing some to praise a certeine tall man, high of stature, and having long armes and handes, commending him for a singular champion, and fit to fight at buffets: A proper fellow hee were (quoth he) if the garland or prize of the victory were hung on high, 10 for to be reached with the hand; semblably it may be said unto them who esteeme so highly and repute it a great felicitie to be pos­sessed of much faire lands, to have many great and stately houses, to be furnished with mighty masses and summes of money, in case feli­city were to be bought and solde for coine. And yet a man shall see many in the world, chuse rather to be rich and wretched withall, than to give their silver for to be happy and blessed: but surely it is not silver nor golde that can purchase either repose of spi­rit void of griefe and anguish, or magnanimity, ne yet setled constancie and resolution, confi­dence and suffisance, or contentment with our owne estate. Be a man never so rich, he can not skill thereby to contemne riches, no more than the possession of more than enough worketh 20 this in us; That we want not still, and desire even things that be superfluous. What other evill and maladie then doeth our wealth and riches rid us from, if it delivereth us not from avarice? By drinke men quench their thirst, by meat they slake their hunger. And he that said:

Give Hipponax a [...] to keepe him warme,
For colde extreame I shake, and may take harme.

if there were many clothes hung or cast upon him, would be offended therewith and fling them from him; but this their strong desire and love of money, it is neither silver nor gold that is able to quench: and let a man have never so much, yet he coveteth neverthelesse to have more still. And well it may be verified of riches which one said sometime to an ignorant and deceitfull Physician: 30

Your drugs and salves augment my sore,
They make me sicker than before.

For riches verily, after that men have once met therewith, (wheras before they stood in need of bread, of a competenthouse to put in their heads, of meane comment and any viands that come next hand) fill them now with an impatient desire of golde, silver, ivory, emerauds, horses and hounds, changing and transporting their naturall appetite of things needfull and necessarie, into a disordinate lust to things dangerous, rare, hard to be gotten, and unprofitable when they be had. For never is any man poore in regard of such things as suffice nature; never doeth he take up money upon usurie, for to buy himselfe meat, cheese, bread or olives; but one indebteth himselfe for to build a sumptuous and stately house; another runnes in debt, because he would 40 purchase a grove of olive trees that joineth to his owne land; one is engaged deeply in the usu­rers books, by laying corne-grounds and wheat-fields to his owne demaines, another, because he would be possessed of fruitfull vineyards; some are endebted with buying mules of Galatia, and others, because they would be masters

Of lustie steeds, to win the prize by running in a race,
With ratling noise of emptie coatch, when it is drawen apace,

have cast themselves into the bottomlesse gulfe of obligations, conditions, covenants, interests, statutes, reall gages & pawnes: and afterwards it commeth to passe, that like as they who drinke 50 when they be not drie, & eat without a stomacke, many times cast up by vomit, even that which they did eat & drinke when they were hungry & thirsty; even so, when they will needs have such things as be superfluous and to no use, doe not enjoy the benefit of those things that are need­full and necessarie indeed. Lo what kinde of people these be!

As for those who are at no cost, nor will lay out any thing, and notwithstanding they have much, yet ever covet more; a man may rather marvell and woonder at them, if he would but re­member that which Aristippus was woont to say: He that eateth much (quoth he) and drinketh [Page 210] likewise much, and is never satisfied nor full, goeth to the Physicians, asketh their opinion what his disease and strange indisposition of the body might be, and withall craveth their counsell for the cure and remedie thereof: but if one who hath five faire bedsteds already with the furni­ture thereto belonging, and seeketh to make them ten; and having ten tables with their cup­boords of plate, will needs buy ten more; and for all that he is possessed of faire manours and goodly lands, have his bags and coffers full of money, is never the better satisfied, but still ga­peth after more, breaketh his sleeps, devising and casting as he lieth awake, how to compasse the same, and when he hath all, yet is he not full; such an one (I say) never thinks that he hath need of a Physician to cure his maladie or to discourse unto him, from what cause all this doth pro­deod. And verily a man may looke, that of those who are thirsty ordinarily, and he that hath 10 not drunke, will be delivered of his thrist so soone as he meeteth with drinke; but in case such an one as evermore drinketh and powreth in still, never giving over, yet neverthelesse continu­eth drie and thirstie, we judge him to have no need of repletion, but rather of purging and eva­cuation; him (I say) we appoint for to vomit, as being not troubled and distempered upon any want, but with some extraordinary heat or unkinde acrimonies of humours that be within him; even so it is with those that seeke to get and gather goods: he that is bare and poore in deed, will haply give over seeking so soone as he hath got him an house to dwell in, or found some trea­sure, or met with a good friend to helpe him to a summe of money to make cleere with the usu­rer, and to be crossed out of his booke: but he that hath already more than enough and suffici­ent, and yet craveth more, surely it is neither golde nor silver that will cure him, neither hor­ses, 20 nor sheepe, nor yet beeves will serve his turne; need had he of purgation and evacuation, for povertie is not his disease, but covetousnesse and an unsatiable desire of riches, proceeding from false judgement and a corrupt opinion that he hath, which if a man do not rid away out of his mind, as a winding gulfe or whirle-poole that is crosse and overthwart in their way, they will never cease to hunt after superfluities, and seeme to stand in need thereof (that is to say) to co­vet those things which they know not what to doe with. When a Physitian commeth into the chamber of a patient, whom he findeth lying along in his bed groaning, and resusing all foode, he taketh him by the hand, feeleth his pulse, asketh him certaine questions, and finding that he hath no ague; This is a disease (quoth he) of the minde, and so goeth his way; even so, when we see a worldly minded man altogether set upon his gets and gaines, pining away, and even 30 consumed with the greedie worme of gathering good, weeping, whining and sighing at expen­ses, and when any money is to goe out of his purse, sticking at no paine and trouble, sparing for no indignitie, no unhonest and indirect meanes whatsoever, nor caring which way he goes to worke, whether it bee by booke or crooke, so that hee may gaine and profit thereby; having choise of houses and tenements, lands lying in everie countrey, droves, heards and flockes of cattell, a number of slaves, wardrobes of apparell and clothes of all sorts: what shall we say that this man is sicke of, unlesse it be the poverty of the soule? As for want of money and goods, one friend (as Menander saith) may cure and helpe with his bountifull hand; but that penurie and needinesse of the soule all the men in the world, that either live at this day, or ever were be­fore 40 time, are not able to satisfie and suffice: and therefore of such Solon said verie well,

No limit set, nor certaine bound, men have
Of their desire to goods, but still they crave.

For, those who are wise and of sound judgement are content with that measure and portion which nature hath set downe and assigned for them; such men know an ende, and keepe them­selves within the center and circumference of their need and necessitie onely. But this is a pe­culiar propertie that avarice hath by it selfe. For a covetous desire it is, even repugnant to satie­tie, and hindereth it selfe that it never can have sufficient, whereas all other desires and lusts are aiding and helpfull thereto. For no man (I trow) that is a glutton, forbeareth to eate a good morcel of meat for gourmandise, nor drunkard abstaineth from drinking wine upon an appetite and love that he hath to wine, as these covetous wretches do, who spare their money and wil not 50 touch it, through a desire onely that they have of money. And how can we otherwise thinke, but it were a piteous and lamentable case, yea and a disease next cousin to meere madnesse, if a man should therefore spare the wearing of a garment, because he is readie to chill and quake for cold, or forbeare to touch bread, for that he is almost hunger-starved; and even so not to handle his goods because he loveth them: certes, such a one is in the same plight and piteous perplexitie that Thrasonides was, who in a certaine comedie describeth his owne miseries:

At home it is within my power,
[Page 211] I may enjoy it everte hower:
I wish a thing as if I were
In raging love, yet I forbere:
When I have lockt and seald up all,
Or else put foorth by count and tale,
My coine to brokers for the use,
Or other factours whom I chuse,
I plod and plonder still for more,
I hunt, I seeke to fetch in store,
I chide and branle with servants mine, 10
The husbandman and eke the hine
I bring to count; and then anon
My debters all I call upon:
By Dan Apollo now I sweare,
Was any man that earth did beare,
Whom thou hast ever knowen or seene,
In love more wretched to have beene?

Sophocles being on a time demaunded familiarly by one of his friends, whether he could yet keepe companie with a woman if need were: Godblesse (quoth he) my good friend, talke no more of that I pray you, I am free from those matters long since, and by the benefit of mine 20 olde age, I have escaped the servitude of such violent and furious mistresses. And verily it is a good and gracious gift, that our lusts and appetites should end together with our strength and abilitie, especially in those delights and pleasures, which as Alcaeus saith neither man nor wo­man can well avoide. But this is not to be found in avarice and desire of riches; for shee curst, sharpe and shrewd queane, forceth indeed a man to get and gather, but she forbiddeth him withall to use and enjoy the same; shee stirreth up and provoketh his lust, but shee denieth him all pleasure, I remember that in old time Stratonicus taxed and mocked the Rhodians for their wastfull and superfluous expences in this manner: They build sumptuously (quoth he) as if they were immortall and should never die; but they fare at their boords as though they had but a small while to liue. But these covetous misers gather wealth together like mightie magnificoes, 30 but they spend like beggerly mechanicals; they endure the paine and travell of getting, and taste no pleasure of the enjoying.

Demades the Orator came one day to visite Phocion, and found him at dinner; but seeing but a little meat before him upon the table, and the same nothing fine and daintie, but course and simple: I marvell (quoth he) ô Phociou how you can take up with so short a dinner and so small a pittance, considering the paines you doe endure in mannaging the affaires of State and com­mon-wealth. As for Demades he dealt indeed with government, and was a great man in the city with the people, but it was all for his bellie, and to furnish a plentifull boord, insomuch as, sup­posing that the citie of Athens could not yeeld him revenew and provision sufficient for to maintaine his excessive gourmandise, he laid for cates and victuals out of Macedon, whereupon 40 Antipater when he saw him an old man with a wrinkled and withered face, said pleasantly: That he had nothing left now but his paunch and his tongue, much like unto a sheepe, or some other beast killed for sacrifice when all is eaten besides. But thou most unhappie and wretched miser, who would not make a woonder at thee, condering that thou canst lead so base and beggerly a life, without societie of men or courtesie to thy neighbors, not giving ought to any person, shewing no kindnesse to thy friends, no bountie nor magnificence to the common-wealth, yet still dost afflict thy poore selfe, lie awake all the night long, toile and moile like a drudge and hireling thy selfe, hire other labourers for day-wages, lie in the winde for inheritances, speake men faire in hope to be their heire, and debase thy selfe to all the world, and care not to whom thou cap and knee for gaine, having I say so sufficient meanes otherwise to live at ease (to wit, 50 thy niggardise and pinching parsimonie) whereby thou maist be dispensed for doing just no­thing. It is reported of a certaine Bizantine, who finding an adulterer in bed with his wife, who though she were but foule, yet was ilfavoured enough, said unto him: O miserable caitise what necessitie hath driven thee thus to doe? what needes Sapragoras dowrie? well, goe to: thou takest great paines poore wretch, thou fillest and stirrest the lead, thou kindlest the fire also un­derneath it. Necessarie it is in some sort, that Kings and Princes should seeke for wealth and riches, that these Governours also and Deputies muder them should bee great gatheres, yea and [Page 212] those also who reach at the highest places and aspire to rule and soveraigne dignities in great States and cities; all these (I say) have need perforce to heape up grosse summes of money, to the end that for their ambition, their proud port, pompe, and vaine-glorious humour, they might make sumptuous feasts, give largesses, reteine a guard about their persons, send presents abroad to other States, mainteine and wage whole armies, buie slaves to combat and fight at sharpe to the outtrance: but thou makest thy selfe so much adoo, thou troublest and tormentest both body and minde, living like an oister or a shell-snaile, and for to pinch and spare, art con­tent to undergo and indure all paine and travell, taking no pleasure nor delight in the world af­terwards, no more than the Baine-keepers poore asse which carying billots and fagots of drie brush and sticks to kindle fire and to heat the stouphes, is evermore full of smoake, soot, ashes, 10 and sinders; but hath no benefit at all of the bane, and is never bathed, washed, warmed, rubbed, scoured, and made cleane. Thus much I speake in reproch and disdaine of this miserable asse­like avarice, this base raping and scraping together in maner of ants or pismires.

Now there is another kind of covetousnesse more savage and beast-like, which they prosesse who backbite and slander, raise malicious imputations, forge false wils and testaments, lie in wait for heritages, cogge and cousen, and intermeddle in all matters, will bee seene in everie thing, know all mens states, busie themselves with many cares and troubles, count upon their fingers how many friends they have yet living, and when they have all done, receive no fruition or benefit by all the goods which they have gotten together from all parts, with their cunning casts & subtil shifts. And therefore like as we have in greater hatred and detestation, vipers, the 20 venemous flies Cantharides, and the stinging spiders called Philangia & Tarantale, than either beares or lions, for that they kill folke and stinge them to death; but receive no good or bene­fit at all by them when they are dead; even so be these wretches more odious and woorthy to be hated of us, who by their miserable parsimonie and pinching doe mischiefe, than those who by their riot and wastfulnesse be hurtfull to a common-weale, because they take and catch from others that which they themselves neither will nor know how to use. Whereupon it is that such as these when they have gotten abundance, and are in maner full, rest them for a while, and doe no more violence as it were in time of truce and surcease of hostilitie; much after the maner as Demosthenes said unto them who thought that Demades had giuen over all his lewdnesse and knavery: O (quoth he) you see him now full as lions are, who when they have filled their bel­lies, 30 prey no more for the lice, untill they be hungrie againe: but such covetous wretches as be imploied in government of civill affaires, and that for no profit nor pleasure at all which they in­tend, those I say never rest nor make holiday, they allow themselves no truce nor cessation from gathering & heaping more together still, as being evermore emptie, & have alwaies need of al things though they have all. But some man perhaps will say: These men (I assure you) do save & lay up goods in store for their children and heires after their death, unto whom whiles they live they will part with nothing: If that be so, I can compare them very well to those mice and cats in gold mines, which feed upon the gold-ore, and licke up all the golden sand that the mines yeeld, so that men can not come by the golde there, before they be dead and cut up in maner of anatomies. But tell me (I pray you) wherefore are these so willing to treasure up so much mo­ney, 40 and so great substance, and leave the same to their children, inheritours, and successors af­ter them? I verily beleeve to this end, that those children and heires also of theirs should keepe the same still for others likewise, and so to passe from hand to hand by descent of many degrees; like as earthen conduct-pipes by which water is conveied into some cesterne, withhold and reteine none of all the water that passeth through them, but doe transmit and send all away. from them, ech one to that which is next, and reserve none to themselves; thus doe they untill some arise from without, a meere stranger to the house, one that is a sycophant or very tyrant, who shall cut off this keeper of that great stocke and treasure, and when he hath dispatched and made a hand of him, drive and turne the course of all this wealth and riches out of the usuall cha­nell another way; or at leastwise untill it fall into the hands (as commonly men say it doth) of 50 the most wicked and ungracious imp of that race, who wil disperse and scatter that which others have gathered, who will consume and devour all unthristily, which his predecessors have got­ten and spared wickedly: for not onely as Euripides saith,

Those children wastfull prove and bad,
Who servile slaves for parents had.

but also covetous carles & pinching peni-fathers, leave children behind thē that be loose & rio­tous & spend-thrifts; like as Diogenes by way of mockery said upon a time: That it were better to [Page 213] be a Megarians ram than his sonne: for wherein they would seeme to instruct and informe their children, they spoile and mar them cleane, ingrafting into their hearts a desire and love of mo­ney, teaching them to be covetous and base minded pinch-penies, laying the foundation (as it were) in their heires of some strong place or fort, wherein they may surely guard and keepe their inheritance. And what good lessons and precepts be these which they teach them: Gaine and spare, my sonne, get and save; thinke with thy selfe and make thine account that thou shalt be esteemed in the world according to thy wealth and not otherwise. But surely this not to in­struct a childe, but rather to knit up fast or sow up the mouth of a purse that it may hold and keepe the better whatsoever is put into it. This onely is the difference that a purse or money­bag becommeth foule, sullied and ill-savoring after that silver is put it; but the children of 10 covetous persons before they receive their patrimonies or atteine to any riches, are filled alrea­die even by their fathers with avarice, and a hungrie desire after their substance: and verily such children thus nourtred, reward their parents againe for their schooling with a condigne sa­larie and recompense, in that they love them not because they shall receive much one day by them, but hate them rather for that they have nothing from them in present possession alreadie, for having learned this lesson of them; To esteeme nothing in the world in comparison of wealth and riches, and to aime at nought els in the whole course of their life, but to gather a deale of goods together, they repute the lives of their parents to be a blocke in their way, they wish in heart that their heads were well laid, they do what they can to shorten their lives, making this reckoning; That how much time is added to their olde age, so much they lose of their 20 youthfull yeeres. And this is the reason, why during the life of their fathers, secretly and un­der-hand they steale (after a sort, by snatches) their pleasure, and enjoy the same; They wil make semblance as if it came from other, when they give away money and distribute it among their friends, or otherwise spend it in their delights; whiles they catch it privily from under the very wing of their parents, and when they goe to heare and take out their lessons, they will be sure to picke their purses if they can, before they goe away; but after their parents be dead and gone, when they have gotten into their hands the keies of their coffers and signets of their bags, then the case is altered, and they enter into another course and fashion of life: you shall have my yoong masters then, put on a grave and austere countenance, they will not seeme to laugh, nor be spoken to, or acquainted with any body; there is no talke now of anointing the body for any 30 exercise, the racket is cast aside, the tennis court no more haunted, no wrestling practised, no going to the schooles either of the Academie or Lycene, to heare the lectures and disputations of Professors and Philosophers. But now the officers and servants be called to audit and ac­count; now they are examined what they have under their hands; now the writings, billes, obli­gations and deeds are sought up and perused; now they fall to argue and reason with their recei­vers, stewards, factours and debters; so sharpe-set they are to their negotiations and affaires; so full of cares and businesse, that they have no leasure to take their dinners or noone-meales; and if they sup, they can not intend to go into the baine or hot-house before it be late in the night; the bodily exercises wherein they were brought up and trained in, be laid downe; no swimming nor bathing any more in the river Dirce; all such matters be cast behinde and cleane forgotten. 40 Now if a man say to one of these: Will you go and heare such Philosopher reade a lecture, or make a sermon: How can I go? (will he say againe) I have no while since my fathers death. O miserable and wretched man, what hath hee left unto thee of all his goods, comparable to that which he hath bereaved thee of, to wit; Repose and Libertie: but it is not thy father so much, as his riches flowing round about thee, that environeth and compasseth thee so, as it hath gotten the masterie thee; this hath set foot upon thy throat, this hath conquered thee; like unto that shrewd wife in Hesiodus,

Who burnes a man without a match or brand of scorching fire,
And driveth him to gray-old age before that time require. 50

causing thy soule (as it were) to be full of rivels and hoarie haires before time, bringing with it carking cares and tedious travels proceeding from the love of money, and a world of affaires without any repose, whereby that alacrity, cheerefulnesse, worship and sociable courtesie which ought to be in a man, are decayed and faded cleane to nothing.

But what meane you sir by all this? (will some one haply say unto me) See you not how there be some that bestow their wealth liberally with credit and reputation? unto whom I answere [Page 214] thus: Have you never heard what Aristotle said: That as some there are who have no use at all of their goods, so there be others who abuse the same; as if he should say: Neither the one nor other was seemely and as it ought to be: for as those get neither profit nor honour by their ri­ches, so these susteine losse and shame thereby. But let us consider a little what is the use of these riches which are thus much esteemed: Is it not (I pray you) to have those things which are ne­cessary for nature? but these who are so rich and wealthy above the rest, what have they more to content nature, than those who live in a meane and competent estate? Certes, riches (as Theo­phrastus saith) is not so great a matter that wee should love and admire it so much, if it be true that Callias the wealthiest person in all Athens, and Ismenias the richest citizen of Thebes, use the same things that Socrates and Epaminondas did. For like as Agathon banished the flute, cornet, 10 and such other pipes from the solemne feasts of men, and sent them to women in their solemni­ties, supposing that the discourses of men who are present at the table are sufficient to enterteine mirth; euen so may he aswell rid away out ofhouses, hangings, coverlets and carpets of purple, costly and sumptuous tables, and all such superfluities, who seeth that the great rich worldlings use the very same that poorer men do. I would not as Hesiodus saith;

That plough or helme should hang in smoake to drie,
Or painfull tillage now be laid aside,
Nor works of oxe and mule for ever die,
Who serve our turnes to draw, to till, to ride;

but rather that these goldsmiths, turners, gravers, perfumers and cooks would be chased and sent 20 away, forasmuch as this were indeed, an honest and civill banishment of unprofitable artificers as forreiners, that may be spared out of a citty. Now if it be so, that things requisite for the necessitie of nature, be common aswell to the poore as the rich, and that riches doe vaunt and stand so much upon nothing els but superfluities, and that Scopas the Thessalian is worthily cō ­mended in this; That being requested to give away and part with somwhat of his houshold stuffe which he might spare and had no need of: Why (quoth he) in what things els consisteth the feli­citie of those who are reputed happie and fortunate in this world above other men, but in these supersluities that you seeme to aske at my hands, and not in such as be necessarie and requisite? If it be so I say, see that you be not like unto him that praiseth a pompe and solemne shew of plaies and games more than life indeed, which standeth upon things necessary. The procession 30 and solemnitie of the Bacchanales which was exhibited in our countrey, was woont in old time to be performed after a plaine and homely manner, merily and with great joy: You should have seene there one carying a little barrell of wine, another a branch of a vine tree; after him comes one drawing and plucking after him a goate; then followeth another with a basket of dried figs; and last of all one that bare in shew Phallus, that is to say, the resemblance of the genitall member of a man: but now adaies all these ceremonies are despised, neglected, and in maner not at all to be seene, such a traine there is of those that carie vessels of gold and silver, so many sumptuous and costly robes, such stately chariots richly set out are driven & drawen with brave steeds most gallantly dight, besides the pageants, dumbe-shewes and maskes, that they hide and obscure the auncient and true pompe according to the first institution; and even 40 so it is in riches; the things that be necessarie and serve for use and profit, are overwhelmed and covered with needlesse toies and superfluous vanities, & I assure you the most part of us be like unto young Telemachus, who for want of knowledge and experience, or rather indeed for de­fault of judgement and discretion when hee beheld Nestors house furnished with beds, tables, hangings, tapistrie, apparell, and well provided also of sweete and pleasant wines, never reckoned the master of the house happie for having so good provision of such necessarie and profitable things: but being in Menelaus his house, and seeing there store of Ivorie, gold, and silver, and the mettall Electrum, he was ravished and in an ecstasie with admiration thereof, and brake out in these words:

Like unto this, the pallace all within I judge to be, 50
Of Jupiter that mightie god who dwels in azure skie:
How rich, how faire, how infinite are all things which I see!
My heart, as I do them behold, is ravish't woonder ouslie.

[Page 215] But Socrates or Diogenes would have said thus rather:

How many wretched things are here? how needlesse all and vaine?
When I them view, I laugh thereat, of them I am not faine.

And what saiest thou foolish and vaine sot as thou art? Where as thou shouldest have taken from thy verie wife her purple, her jewels and gaudie ornaments, to the end that shee might no more long for such superfluitie, nor runne a nodding after forrein vanities, farre fetcht and deere bought; doest thou conrrariwise embellish and adorne thy house, like a theatre, scaffold and stage to make a goodly sight for those that come into the Shew-place? Loe wherein lieth 10 the felicitie and happines that riches bringeth, making a trim shew before those, who gaze up­on them, and to testifie and report to others what they have seene: set this aside (that they be not shewed to all the world) there is nothing at all therein to reckon. But it is not so with tem­perance, with philosophie, with the true knowledge of the gods, so farre foorth as is meete and behoovefull to be knowen, for these are the same still and all one, although everie man attaine not thereto but all others be ignorant thereof. This pietie (I say) and religion hath alwaies a great light of her owne and resplendant beames proper to it selfe, wherewith it doth shine in the soule, evermore accompanied with a certaine joy that never ceaseth to take contentment in her owne good within, whether any one see it or no, whether it bee unknowen to gods and men or no, it skilleth not. Of this kinde and nature is vertue indeed, and trueth, the beautie also 20 of the Mathematicall sciences, to wit, Geometrie and Astrologie; unto which who will thinke that the gorgeous trappings and capparisons, the brooches, collars and carkans of riches are any waies comparable, which (to say a truth) are no better than jewels and ornaments good to trim yoong brides and set out maidens for to be seene and looked at? For riches, if no man doe regard, behold, and set their eies on them (to say a trueth) is a blinde thing of it selfe, and sendeth no light at all nor raies from it; for certainely say: That a rich man dine and sup privately alone, or with his wife and some inward and familiar friends, he troubleth not himselfe about furni­shing of his table with many services, daintiedishes, and festivall fare; he stands not so much upon his golden cups and goblets, but useth those things that be ordinarie, which goe about everie daie and come next hand, as well vessell as viands; his wife sits by his side and beares him 30 companie, not decked and hung with jewels and spangles of gold, not arraied in purple, but in plaine attire and simply clad; but when he makes a feast (that is to say) sets out a theater, wherein the pompes and shewes are to meet and make a jangling noise together, when the plaies are to be represented of his riches, and the solemne traine therof to be brought in place; then comes abroad his brave furniture indeed; then he fetcheth out of the ship his faire chaufers and good­ly pots; then bringeth hee foorth his rich three-footed tables; then come abroad the lampes, candlesticks, and branches of silver; the lights are disposed in order about the cups; the cup­bearers, skinkers and tasters are changed; all places are newly dight and covered; all things are then stirred and remooved that saw no sunne long before; the silver plate, the golden vessels, and those that be set and enriched with pretious stones; to conclude, now 40 there is no shew els but of riches; at such a time they confesse them­selves and will be knowen wealthy. But all this while whe­ther a rich man suppe alone, or make a feast, temperance is away and true contentment. 50

OF THE NATVRALL LOVE OR KINDNES OF PARENTS TO THEIR CHILDREN. 10

The Summarie.

WIsely said one, (whosoever it was) That to banish amitie and friendship from among men were as great hurt to the societie of mankinde, as to deprive them of the light and heat of the Sunne: which being verified and found true in the whole course of this life, and in the maintenance of all estates; not without great cause Nature hath cast and sprinkled the seed thereof in the generation and nourishment of a race and linage, 20 whereof she giveth evident testimonies in brute beasts, the better to moove and incite us to our duety. That we may see therefore this pretious seed and graine of amitie, how it doth flower and fructifie in the world, we must begin at the love and naturall kindnesse of fathers and mothers to their children: for if this be well kept and mainteined, there proceed from it an infinite number of contentments which do much asswage and ease the inconveniences and discommodities of our life. And Plutarch entring into this matter, sheweth first in generallity: That men learne (as it were) in the schoole of brute beasts, with what affection they should beget, nourish and bring up their children: afterward he doth particu­larise thereof, and enrich the same argument by divers examples. But for that he would not have us thinke that he extolled dumbe beasts above man and woman, he observeth and setteth downe verie well the difference that is of amities, discoursing in good and modest tearmes as touching the generati­on 30 and nouriture of children, and briefly by the way representeth unto us the miserable entrance of man into this race upon earth, where he is to runne his course. Which done, he proveth that the nourishing of infants hath no other cause and reason, but the love of fathers and mothers; he discovereth the source of this affection; and for a conclusion, sheweth that what defect and fault soever may come betweene and be medled among, yet it can not altogether abolish the same.

OF THE NATURALL LOVE OR KINDNES OF PARENTS 40 to their children.

THat which mooved the Greeks at first, to put over the decision of their controversies to forraine judges, and to bring into their coun­trey, strangers to be their Umpires, was the distrust and diffidence that they had one in another, as if they confessed thereby that ju­stice was indeed a thing necessarie for mans lite, but it grew not a­mong them: And is not the case even so as touching certaine que­stions disputable in Philosophie? for the determining whereof Philosophers (by reason of the sundry and divers opinions which 50 are among them) have appealed to the nature of brute beasts, as it were into a strange city, and remitted the deciding thereof to their properties and affections, according to kinde, as being neither subject to partiall favour, nor yet corrupt, depraved and polluted. Now surely, a common reproch this must needs be to mans naughtie nature and leawd behaviour; That when we are in doubtfull question concerning the greatest and most necessary points perteining to this present life of ours, we should goe and search into the nature of horses, dogs and birds for resolution; namely, how we ought to make [Page 217] our marriages, how to get children, and how to reare and nourish them after they be borne, and as if there were no signe (in maner) or token of nature imprinted in our selves, we must be faine to alledge the passions, properties and affections of brute beasts, and to produce them for wit­nesses, to argue and prove how much in our life we transgresse and go aside from the rule of na­ture, when at our first beginning and entrance into this world, we finde such trouble, disorder and confusion; for in those dumbe beasts beforesaid, nature doth retaine and keepe that which is her owne and proper, simple, entire, without corruption or alteration by any strange mixture; wheras contrariwise, it seemeth that the nature of man, by discourse of their reason and custome together, is mingled and confused with so many extravagant opinions and judgements, fet from all parts abroad (much like unto oile that commeth into perfumers hands) that thereby it 10 is become manifolde variable, and in every one severall and particular, and doeth not retaine that which the owne indeed, proper and peculiar to it selfe; neither ought we to thinke it a strange matter and a woonderfull, that brute beasts void of reason, should come neerer unto na­ture, and follow her steps better, than men endued with the gift of reason: for surely, the verie senselesse plants heerein surpasse those beasts beforesaid, and observe better the instinct of na­ture; for considering that they neither conceive any thing by imagination, nor have any moti­on, affection or inclination at all; so verily their appetite (such as it is) varieth not nor stirreth to and fro out of the compasse of nature, by meanes whereof, they continue and abide as if they were kept in and bound within close-prison, holding on still in one and the same course, and not stepping once out of that way wherein nature doth leade and conduct them: as for beasts, they 20 have not any such great portion of reason to temper and mollifie their naturall properties, nei­ther any great subtiltie of sense and conceit, nor much desire of libertie; but having many in­stincts, inclinations and appetites, not ruled by reason, they breake out by the meanes thereof other-whiles, wandering astray, and running up and downe to and fro, howbeit, for the most part, not very farre out of order, but they take sure holde of nature; much like a ship which lieth in the rode at anchor, well may she daunce and be rocked up and downe, but she is not caried a­way into the deepe at the pleasure of windes and waves; or much after the maner of an asse or hackney, travelling with bit and bridle, which go not out of the right & streight way, wherein the master or rider guideth them; whereas in man, even reason herselfe, the mistresse that ruleth and commandeth all, findeth out new cuts (as it were) and by-waies, making many starts and ex­cursions 30 at her pleasure to and fro, now heere, now there; whereupon it is that she leaveth no plaine and apparant print of natures tracts and footing.

Consider I pray you in the first place the mariages (if I may so terme them) of dumbe beasts and reasonlesse creatures; and namely how therein they folow precisely the rule and direction of nature. To begin withall; they stand not upon those lawes that provide against such as mar­rie not, but lead a single life; neither make they reckoning of the acts which lay a penaltie up­on those that be late ere they enter into wedlocke, like as the citizens under Lycurgus and Solon, who stood in awe of the said statutes; they feare not to incurre the infamie which followed those persons that were barren and never had children; neither doe they regard and seeke after the honours and prerogatives which they atteined, who were fathers of three children, like as 40 many of the Romains do at this day, who enter into the state of matrimonie, wedde wives [...] beget children, not to the end that they might have heires to inherit their lands and goods, [...] that they might themselves be inheritors & capable of dignities & immunities. But to proceed unto more particulars, the male afterwards doth deale with the female in the act of generation not at all times; for that the end of their conjunction and going together is not grosse pleasure so much, as the engendring of young and the propagation of their kinde: and therefore at a cer­teine season of the yeare, to wit, the very prime of the spring, when as the pleasant winds so apt for generation do gently blow, and the temperature of the aire is friendly unto breeders, com­meth the female full lovingly and kindly toward her fellow the male, even of her owne accord and motion (as it were) trained by the hand of that secret instinct and desire in nature; and for 50 her owne part, she doth what she can to woo and sollicite him to regard her, as well by the sweet sent of her flesh, as also by a speciall and peculiar ornament and beautie of her body, shew­ing herselfe fresh and cheerefull, full of dew and verdure of greene herbes, pure and neat I war­rant you; in this manner doth she present her-selfe unto the male and courteth him: now when she perceives once that she is sped and hath conceived by him, she leaveth him and retireth apart in good sort full decently; and then her whole care is to prouide for that which she goeth withall, fore casting how to be delivered of it in due time, and bethinking how to save, preserve, [Page 218] and reare it when it is fallen and brought foorth. And certes it is not possible to expresse suffici­ently and woorthily the particulars that are done by these dumbe creatures (but onely this, that every thing proceedeth from the tender love and affection which they have to their young ones) in providence, in patience, in abstinence.

We all acknowledge the Bee to be wise, we call her so, we celebrate her name for producing and working so diligently that yellow honie, yea and we flatter in praising her, feeling as we do the sweetnesse of the said honie, how it tickleth and contenteth our tongue & taste; and all this while what one is there of us that maketh any account of the wisedome, wit, and artificiall sub­tiltie that other creatures shew, as well in the bringing forth their young, as the fostring and nouriture of them? for first and formost doe but consider the sea bird called Alcyon, no sooner 10 doth she perceive herselfe to bee knit with egge, but she falleth presently to build her nest, she gathereth together the chine-bones of a certeine sea fish which the Greekes call [...] that is to say, the sea-needle, these she coucheth, plaiteth, windeth and interlaceth one within another, so artificially working the same and weaving them close together in a round and large forme, after the maner of a fishers leape or weele net; and when she hath knit and fortified the same exactly with many courses of the saide bones driven and united jointly together in good order, she exposeth it full against inundation and dashing of the sea waves, to the end that the superficiall outside of the worke beaten upon gently and by little & little with the water, being thickned and felted thereby might be more solide and firme, and so it prooveth indeed; for so hard it groweth by this meanes, that scarcely any stone can crush it, or edged instrument of iron 20 cleave it; but that which is yet more woonderfull, the mouth and entrie of the said nest is com­posed and wrought proportionably just to the measure and bignesse of the bird Alcyon afore­said, so as no creature bigger or lesse than her selfe, no nor the very sea (as men say) nor the least thing in the world can get into it. And will you see moreover what kindnesse and naturall affection the sea weesils or sea dogs doe shew unto their little ones? They breed their young whelpes or kitlings alive within their bellies, and when they list, let them foorth and suffer them to run abroad for reliefe and to get their foode, and afterwards receive them into their bodies againe, enclosing them whiles they be asleepe themselves, cherishing them cowched in their bowels and wombe. The she beare a most fell, savage and cruell beast, bringeth foorth her young whelpes, without forme or fashion, unknit and unjointed, having no distinct limmes or 30 members to be seene; howbeit with her tongue as it were with a toole and instrument for the purpose, she keepeth such a licking of them, she formeth and fashioneth those membranes where in they were lapped in her wombe in such sort, that she seemeth not onely to have brought foorth her young, but also to have wrought them afterwards workeman-like to their shape and proportion. As for that lion which Homer describeth in this wise,

Who leading foorth his tender whelps to seeke abroad for praie
In forest wilde; no sooner meets with hunters in the waie,
But looking sterne with bended browes which cover both his eies, 40
He makes a stand, and them affronts in fierce and threatning wise.

Thinke you not by this description that he resembleth one who is bent to capitulate and stande upon termes of composition with the hunters for to save the life of his little ones? To speake in a word, this tender love and affection of beasts toward their young, maketh them that other­wise be timorous, hardie and bold; those that be slow and idle by nature, laborious and painfull; and such as of themselves are greedy and ravenous, to be spare and temperate in their feeding, like as the bird whereof the same Homer speaketh,

Which brings in mouth unto her nest, such food as she abroad 50
Could get to feed her naked young, and doth her-selfe defraud.

For content she is even with her owne hunger to nourish her little ones, and the same food or bait that she hath for them, being so neere as it is unto her owne craw and gestier, she holdeth close and fast in her bill, for feare lest shee might swallow it downe the throat ere shee were aware;

[Page 219]
Or like the bitch running about her young whelps, at the sight
Of strangers, baies and barkes apace, and ready is to fight.

No doubt the feare which she hath lest her little one should take harme redoubleth her cou­rage, and maketh her more hardie and angrie than before: as for the partridges when they be laid-for by the fowler, together with their covin of young birds, they suffer them to she away as well as they can, and make shift to save themselves, but the old rowens full subtilly seeme to wait the comming of the said hunters, abiding untill they approch neere unto them, and by keeping about their feet, traine them still away after them, ready ever as it were to be caught; now when 10 the fowler shall seeme to reach unto them with his hand, they will runne a little or take a short flight from him, and then they staie againe, putting him in new hope of his pray and bootie, which every-foot he thinketh to take with his hand: thus they play mock-holiday with the fow­lers, and yet with some danger to themselves for the safetie of their young, untill they have trai­ned them a great way off, who sought for their lives. Our hens which we keepe about our hou­ses so ordinarily, and have daily in our eies, how carefully doe they looke unto their young chickens whiles they receive some under their wings, which they spred and hold open for the nonce that they may creepe in, others they suffer to mount upon their backs, gently giving them leave to climbe and get up on every side, and this they doe not without great joy and contentment, which they testifie by a kind of clocking and speciall noise that they make at such 20 a time; if when they bee alone without their chickens, and have no feare but of themselves a dogge or a serpent come in their way, they flie from them; let their brood be about them when such a danger is presented, it is woonderfull how ready they will be to defend the same, yea and to fight for, even above their power. Do we thinke now that nature hath imprinted such affecti­ons and passions in these living creatures, for the great care that she hath to mainteine the race and posteritie (as it were) of hens, dogs, or beares; or doe we not rather make this constructi­on of it, that she shameth, pricketh, and woundeth men thereby when we reason and discourse thus within our selves, that these things bee good examples for as many as follow them, and the reproches of those that have no sense or feeling of naturall affection; by which no doubt they do blame and accuse the nature of man onely, as if she alone were not affectionate with­out 30 some hire and reward, nor could skill of love but for gaine and profit? for admired he was in the theaters that thus spake first:

For hope of gaine one man will love another,
Take it away, what one will love his brother?

This is the reason (according to the opinion and doctrine of Epicurus) that the father affecteth his sonne, the mother is tender over her childe, and children likewise are kind unto their parents: but set-case that brute beasts could both speake and understand language, in some open theater, and that one called to meet together a sufficient assembly of beefs, horses, dogs, and fowles, certes if their voices were demanded upon this point now in question, hee would set downe in writing, and openly pronounce, that neither bitches loved their whelpes, nor mares their foles, 40 heas their chickens, and other fowles their little birds in respect of any reward, but freely and by the instinct of nature: and this would be found a true verdict of his, iustified and verified by all those passions and affections which are observed in them: and what a shame and infamie unto mankind is this to grant and avouch, that the act of generation in brute beasts, their concepti­on, their breeding, their painfull deliverie of their young, and the carefull feeding and che­rishing of them be natures works meerely, and duties of gratuitie; and contrariwise that in men they be pawnes given them for securitie of interest, hires, gages, and earnest pennies respective to some profit and gaine which they draw after them? But surely as this project is not true, so it is not woorth the hearing, for nature verily as in savage plants and trees, to wit, wilde vines, wilde figge trees, and wilde olives she doth ingenerate certeine raw and unperfect rudiments, 50 (such as they be) of good and kinde fruits; so she hath created in brute beasts a naturall love and affection to their young, though the same be not absolute nor fully answerable to the rule of justice, ne yet able to passe farther than the bonds and limits of necessitie. As for man, a li­ving creature, endued and adorned with reason, created and made for a civill societie, whom she hath brought into the world for to observe lawes and justice, to serve honour and worship the gods, to found cities and governe common-wealths, and therein to exercise and performe al of­fices of bountie: him she hath bestowed upon noble, generous, faire and fruitfull seeds of all [Page 220] these things, to wit, a kinde love and tender affection toward his children; and these she follow­eth still, and persisteth therein, which she infused together with the first principles and ele­ments that went to the frame of his body and soule: for nature being every way perfect and ex­quisite, and namely in this inbred love toward infants, wherein there wanteth nothing that is necessarie, neither from it is ought to be taken away as superfluous; It hath nothing (as Erasistratus was woont to say) vaine, frivolous and unprofitable, nothing inconstant, and sha­king too and fro, inclining now one way, and then another. For in the first place, as touching the generation of man, who is able to expresse her prudence sufficiently? neither haply may it stand with the rule of decent modestie to be over-curious and exquisite in delivering the pro­per names and tearmes thereto belonging: for those naturall parts serving in that act of gene­ration 10 and conception secret as they be and hidden, so they neither can well, nor would wil­lingly be named, but the composition and framing thereof, so aptly made for the purpose, the disposition and situation likewise so convenient, we ought rather to conceive in our minde than utter in speech.

Leaving therefore those privie members to our private thoughts, passe we to the confection, disposition and distribution of the milke, which is sufficient to shew most evidently her provi­dence, in desire and diligence; for the superfluous portion of blood which remaineth in a wo­mans bodie, over and above that which serveth for the use whereunto it is ordeined, floting up and downe within her afterwards, for defect or feeblenesse of spirits wandereth (as it were) to and fro, and is a burden to her bodie; but at certaine set-times & daies, to wit, in every monthly 20 revolution, nature is carefull and diligent to open certeine scluces and conducts, by which the said superfluous blood doth void and passe away, whereupon shee doth not onely purge and lighten all the bodie besides, but also cleanseth the matrice, and maketh it like a piece of ground brought in order and temper, apt to receive the plough, and desirous of the seed after it in due season: now when it hath once conceived and reteined the said seed, so as the same take root and be knit, presently it draweth it selfe strait and close together round, and holdeth the concep­tion within it; for the navill (as Democritus saith) being the first thing framed within the ma­trice, and serving in stead of an anchor against the waving and wandering of it to and fro, hol­deth sure the fruit conceived, which both now groweth and heereafter is to be delivered (as it were) by a sure cable and strong bough, then also it stoppeth and shutteth up the said riverets 30 and passages of those monethly purgations; and taking the foresaid blood, which otherwise would run an void by those pipes and conducts, it maketh use thereof for to nourish, and (as it were) to water the infant, which beginneth by this time to take some consistence and receive shape and forme, so long, untill a certaine number of daies which are necessarie for the full growth thereof within be expired; at which time it had need to remove from thence for a kinde of nutriment else-where in another place; and then diverting the said course of blood with all dexterity & a skilfull hand (no gardener nor fountainer in drawing of his trenches and chanels with all his cunning so artificiall) and employing it from one use to another, she hath certeine cesternes (as it were) or fountaine-heads, prepared of purpose from a running source most rea­die to receive that liquor of blood quickly, and not without some sense of pleasure and content­ment; 40 but withall, when it is received, they have a power and facultie, by a milde heat of the na­turall spirits within them, and with a delicate and foeminine tendernesse, to concoct, digest, change and convert it into another nature and qualitie, for that the paps have within them na­turally, the like temperature and disposition answerable unto it: now these teats which spout out milke from the cocks of a conduct, are so framed and disposed, that it floweth not foorth all at once, neither do they send it away suddenly: but nature hath so placed the dug, that as it endeth one way in a spongeous kinde of flesh full of small pipes, and made of purpose to transmit the milke, and let it distill gently by many little pores and secret passages, so it yeeldeth a nipple in maner of a faucet, very fit and ready for the little babes mouth, about which to nuzzle and nud­gell with it prety lips it taketh pleasure, and loveth to be tugging and lugging of it; but to no 50 purpose and without any fruit or profit at all, had nature provided such tooles and instruments for to engender and bring foorth a childe; to no end (I say) had she taken so good order, used so great industry, diligence and forecast, if withall she had not imprinted in the heart of mothers a woonderfull love and affection, yea, and an extraordinarie care over the fruit of their wombe, when it is borne into the world: for

Of creatures all which breath and walke upon the earth in sight,
[Page 221] None is there wretched more than man new borne into this light.

And whosoever saith thus of a yoong infant newly comming forth of the mothers wombe, ma­keth no lie at all, but speaketh trueth; for nothing is there so imperfect, so indigent and poore, so naked, so deformed, so foule and impure, than is man to see to presently upon his birth, con­sidering that to him (in maner alone) nature hath not given so much as a cleane passage and way into this light; so furred he is all over & polluted with blood, so ful of filth and ordure, when he entreth into the world, resembling rather a creature fresh killed & slaine, than newly borne; that no bodie is willing to touch, to take up, to handle, dandle, kisse and clip it, but such as by na­ture are lead to love it: and therefore, whereas in all other living creatures, nature hath provided 10 that their udders and paps should be set beneath under their bellies, in a woman onely, she hath seated them aloft in her breasts, as a very proper and convenient place, where shee may more readily kisse, embrace, coll and huggle her babe while it sucketh; willing thereby to let us under­stand, that the end of breeding, bearing and rearing children, is not gaine and profit, but pure love and meere affection. Now, if you would see this more plainly proved unto you, propose (if you please) and call to remembrance the women and men both in the olde world, whose hap was either first to beare children, or to see an infant newly borne; there was no law then to command and compell them to nourish and bring up their yoong babes; no hope at all of reci­procall pleasure or thanks at their hands that indured them; no expectance of reward and re­compense another day to be paied from them, as due debt for their care, paines and cost about 20 them: nay, if you goe to that, I might say rather: That mothers had some reason to deale hardly with their yoong infants, and to beare in minde the injuries that they have done them, in that they endured such dangers and so great paines for them:

As namely, when the painfull throwes as sharpe as any dart,
In travell pinch a woman neere, and pierce her to the hart:
Which midwives, Iunoes daughtersthen, do put her to, poore wretch,
With many a pang, when with their hand they make her body stretch. 30

But our women say; It was never Homerus (surely) who wrote this; but Homeris rather: that is to say, some Poetresse or woman of his poeticall veine, who had bene herselfe at such a busines, and felt the dolourous pangs of child-birth, or els was even then in labour, and upon the point to be delivered, feeling a mixture of bitter and sharpe throwes in her backe, belly and flanks, when shee powred out these verses: but yet, for all the sorow and deare bargaine that a mother hath of it, this kinde and naturall love doth still so bend, incline and leade her, that notwithstan­ding she be in a heat still upon her travell, full of paines and after-throwes, panting, trembling and shaking for very anguish, yet she neglecteth not her sweet babe, nor windeth or shrinketh away from it; but she turneth toward it, she maketh to it, she smileth and laugheth upon it, she 40 taketh it into her armes, she hugleth it in her bosome, and kisseth it full kindly: neither all this whiles gathereth she any fruits of pleasure or profit, but painfully (God wot) and carefully

She laps it then in raggs full soft,
With swadling bands shewraps it oft,
By turnes she cooles and keeps it warme,
Loth is she that it should take harme:
And thus aswell by night as day,
Paives after paines she taketh ay.

Now tell me (I pray you) what reward, recompense and profit do women reape for all this trou­ble and painfull hand about their little ones? None at all (surely) for the present, and as little in 50 future expectance another day, considering their hopes are so farre off, and the same so uncer­taine. The husbandman that diggeth and laboureth about his vine at the Acquinox in the Spring, presseth grapes out of it and maketh his vintage at the Aequinox of the Autumne. He that soweth his corne when the starres called Pleiades, doe couch and goe downe, reapeth and hath his harvest afterwards when they rise and appeare againe; kine calve, mares foale, hennes hatch, and soone after there commeth profit of their calves, their colts and their chickens: but the rearing and education of a man is laborious, his growth is very slow and late; and whereas [Page 222] long it is ere he commeth to proofe and make any shew of vertue, commonly most fathers die before that day. Neocles lived not to see the noble victorie before Salanus that Themistocles his sonue atchived: neither saw Miltiades the happie day wherein Cimon his sonne won the fielde at the famous battell neere the river Eurynidon: Xantippus, was not so happy as to heare Peri­cles his sonne, out of the pulpit preaching and making orations to the people; neither was it the good fortune of Ariston to be at any of his sonne Platoes lectures and disputations in Philosophie: the fathers of Euripides and Sophocles, two renowmed Poets, never knew of the victories which they obteined, for pronouncing and rehearsing their tragedies in open theater, they might heare them peradventure when they were little ones to stammer, to lispe, to spel and put syllables together, or to speake broken Greeke, and that was all. But ordinary it is that men 10 live to see, heare, and know when their children fall to gaming, revelling, masking, and ban­quetting, to drunkennesse, wanton whooring, love and such like misdemeanors. So as in these regards this one Mot of Euenus in an Epigram of his, deserveth to be praised and remembred.

See bow great paines all fathers undergo,
What daily griefes their chieldren put them to.

And yet for all this, fathers cease not still to nourish and bring up children, and such most of al who stand least in need of their children another day; for a meere mockery it were, and a ridi­culous thing if a man should suppose; that rich & wealthy men do sacrifice unto the gods, and make great joy at the nativitie and birth of their children, because that one day they shall feede and susteine them in their old age, and interre them after they be dead; unlesse perhaps it may 20 be said, they rejoice thus and be so glad to have and bring up children, for that otherwise they should leave none heires behind them; as who would say, it were so hard a matter to finde out and meet with those that would be willing to inherite the lands and goods of strangers. Certes the sands of the sea, the little motes in the sunne raised of dust, the feathers of birds together with their variable notes, be not so many in number, as there be men that gape after heritages, and be ready to succeed others in their livings. Danaus (who as they say was the father of 50. daughters) if his fortune had beene to be childlesse, I doubt not but he should have had more heires than so to have parted his goods and stare among them, and those verily after another sort than the heires of his owne body. For children yeeld their parents no thanks at all for be­ing their inheritours, neither in regard thereof do they any service, dutie, or honour unto them; 30 for why? they expect and looke for the inheritance as a thing due and of right belonging unto them: but contrariwise you heare how those strangers that hang and hunt about a man who hath no children, much like to those in the comaedies, singing this song,

O sir, no wight shall do you any harme,
I will revenge your wrongs and quarrels ay:
Hold heare, three-halfe-pence good to keepe you warme
Purse it, drinke it, sing wo and care away.

As for that which Euripides saith,

These worldly goods procure men friends to chuse,
And credit most, who then will them refuse. 40

It is not simply and generally true, unlesse it be to those as have no children; for such indeed are sure to be invited and feasted by the rich; lords and rulers will make court and be serviceable to such; for them great oratours and advocates will plead at the bar without fee, and give their counsell gratis,

How mightie is a rich man with each one,
So long as his next heire is knowne to none?

where as you shall see many in the world, who before time having a number of friends and ho­nour enough and no sooner had a little childe borne unto them, but they lost all their friends, credit, and reputation at once, so that by this reckoning the having of children maketh no­thing at all to the authoritie of their parents, so that in regard thereof, it is not that they doe so 50 love their children; but surely the cause of this their kindnesse and affection proceedeth altoge­ther from nature, and appeereth no lesse in mankind than in wilde beasts: Howbeit otherwhiles this naturall love aswell as many other good qualities in men, are blemished and obscured by occasion of vice that buddeth up afterwards; like as we see wilde briers, bushes and brambles to spring up and grow among good and kind seeds, for otherwise we might as well collect and say that men love not themselves because many cut their owne throates, or wilfully fall down head­long from steepe rocks and high places. For Oedipus

[Page 223]
With bloudy hand his owne eie-lids did force,
And plucked out his eies upon remorce.

Hegesias disputing and discoursing upon a time of abstinence, caused many of his auditours and scholars to pine themselves to death.

Such accidents of many sorts there be,
Permitted by the gods we daily see.

But al of them like as those other passions and maladies of the mind before named, transport a man out of his owne nature, and put him beside himselfe, so as they testifie against themselves that this is true, and that they do amisse heerein; for if a sow having farrowed a little pigge, de­voure it when she hath done, or a bitch chance to teare in peeces a puppie or whelpe of her own 10 litter, presently men are amazed at the sight thereof, and woonderfully affrighted, whereupon they sacrifice unto the gods certaine expiatorie sacrifices, for to divert the sinister praesages thereof, as taking it to a prodigious woonder, as confessing thereby, that it is a propertie given to all living creatures, even by the instinct and institution of nature; To love, foster and cherrish the fruit of their owne bodies: so farre is it from them to destroy the same. And yet, notwith­standing her corruption and depravation in this behalfe: Like as in mines, the gold (although it be mixed with much clay, and furred all over with earth) shineth & glittereth thorow the same, and is to be seene afarre off; even so nature amid the most depravate maners and corrupt passi­ons that we have, sheweth a certeine love and tender affection to little ones. To conclude, wheras the poore many times make no care at all to nourish and reare up their children, it is for 20 nothing els but because they feare left having not so good bringing up nor so civill education as they ought, they should proove servile in behavior, untaught, unmanerly, rude, and void of all good parts; and judging (as they do) povertie to be the extremity of all miseries that can be­fall to man, their heart will not serve them to leave unto their children this hereditarie calamity, as a most grievous and dangerous disease. 30

OF THE PLVRALITY OF FRIENDS.

The Summarie.

IN certeine discourses going before, it appeareth what a benefit and good thing friend­ship 40 is. And now Plutarch addeth thereto a certaine correction very necessary, in re­gard of our nature which is given alwaies to bend unto extremities, and not able long to holde the golden-meane. Like as therefore, it bewraieth a miserable, wretched and cursed mind to be desirous for to leade a life without acquaintance and familiarity with any person; even so to make friends (as they say) hand over head and upon every occasion, is peradven­ture unpossible, but surely not expedient. Our authour therefore, willing to reforme this disordinate af­fection that is in many, who because they would have a number of friends, often-times have not one as­sured, sheweth that it is farre better for a man to get one fast and faithfull friend, than a great multi­tude of whom he can not make any certaine account; propounding as aremedie for this covetous minde of entertaining such a plurality of friends, the examples of those who are contented with few, and by 50 that meanes thinke their estate more sure and stedfast. After this, he treateth of the choise of friends, but especially of one. Then discourseth he of that which is requisite in true friendship, annexing there­to many proper and apt similitudes, which represent aswell the benefit that sincere affection brin­geth, as the hurt which commeth of fained and counter seit amitie. This done, he proveth, that to en­terteine a number of friends, is a very hardmatter, yea, and unpossible; for that a man is not able to converse with them, nor to frame and sort with them all, but that he shall procure himselfe enemies on all sides: and when he hath enriched and adorned the same with not able examples, he proceedeth to [Page 224] describe, what use a man is to make of friendship, and with what sort and condition of men he ought to joine in amity: but this is the conclusion; That an honest and vertuous man can not quit himselfe well, and performe his devoire unto many friends at once.

OF THE PLURALITIE of friends.

SOcrates upon a time demanded of Menon the Thessalian, who was 10 esteemed very sufficient in all litterature, and a great schoole-man, exercised in long practise of disputations, and named to be one (as Empedocles saith) who had attained to the very height and perfe­ction of wisedome and learning, what vertue was; and when he had answered readily and boldly enough, in this wise: There is a vertue (quoth he) of a yoong childe, and of an olde gray beard; of a man, and of a woman; of a magistrate, and of a private person; of a ma­ster, and of a servant: I con you thanke (quoth Socrates againe, re­plying unto him) you have done it very well: I asked you but of one vertue, and you have raised and let flie a whole swarme (as it were) of vertues, guessing and 20 collecting not amisse by such an answere, that this deepe clearke, who had named thus many vertues, knew not so much as one. And might not a man seeme to scorne and mocke us well e­nough, who having not yet gotten one friendship and amity certaine, are afraid (forsooth) lest ere we be aware, we fall into a multitude and pluralitie of friends: for this were even as much as if one that is maimed and starke blinde, should feare to become either Briareus the giant, with an hundred armes and hands, or Argus, who had eies all over his bodie. And yet we praise and commend excessively and beyond all measure the yoong man in Menander, when he saith:

Of all the goods which I do holde,
To thinke ech one (I would be bolde)
Right woonderfull, if I might finde 30
The shadow onely of a friend.

But certeinly this is one cause among many others, & the same not the least, that we cannot be possessed of any one assured amity, because we covet to have so many much like vnto these com­mon strumpets and harlots, who for that they prostitute their bodies so often and to so manie men, cannot make any reckoning to hold & reteine any one paramor or lover fast and sure unto them; for that the first commers seeing themselves neglected and cast off by the enterteinment of new, retire and fall away from them, and seeke elsewhere; or rather much after the maner of that Opheltes or Archemorus. foster-childe of lady Hypsipyle,

Who being set in meddow greene
With pleasant flowers all faire beseene, 40
One after other cropt them still,
Hunting this game with right goodwill:
For why, his heart tooke great content
In their gay hew and sweety sent:
So little wit and small
[...] or [...] as it is read else­where.
discretion
The infant had, and no * repletion.

even so every one of us for the desire of noveltie, and upon a satietie and fulnesse of that which is present and in hand, suffreth himselfe ever to be caried away with a new-come friend that is fresh and flowring; which fickle and inconstant affection causeth us to change often and to be­gin many friendships and finish none; to enter still into new amities and bring none to per­fection; 50 and for the love of the new which we pursue and seeke after, wee passe by that which we held already and let it go. To begin then first and formost at antiquity (as it were) from the god­desse Vesta (according to the old proverbe) let us examine and consider the common fame of mans life which hath beene delivered unto us from hand to hand time out of minde, by the suc­cession and progresse of so many ages from the old world unto this day, and take the same for a witnesse and counseller both in this matter, wee shall finde in all the yeeres past, these onely couples and paires of renowmed friends, to wit, Theseus and Pirithous; Achilles and Patroclus; [Page 225] Orestes and Pylades; Pythias and Damon; Epaminondas and Pelopidas. For friendship is indeed (as I may so say) one of these cattell that love company and desire to feed and pasture with fel­lowes; but it can not abide heards and droves, it may not away with these great flocks, as jayes, dawes and choughes do. And whereas it is commonly said and thought, that a friend is another owne selfe, and men give unto him the name of [...] in Greeke, as if a man would say, [...] that is, such another: what implieth all this, but that friendship should be reduced within the measure and compasse of the duall number, that is, of twaine. Well, this is certaine, we can buy neither many slaves nor purchase many friends with a small piece of coine: but what may be this piece of money that will fetch friends? Surely, kinde affection or good will, and a lovely grace joined with vertue, things I may tell you so rare, as looke thorowout the world and the 10 whole course of nature, you shall find nothing more geason. No marvell then, if it be unpossible either to love many or to be loved of many, perfectly and in the heigth of affection. But like as great rivers, if they be divided into many chanels, and cut into sundry riverets, cary but an ebbe water, and run with no strong streame; even so a vehement and affectionate love planted in the minde, if it be parted many and divers waies becommeth enervate and feeble, and commeth in maner to nothing. This is the reason in nature, that those creatures which bring forth but one and no more, love their yoong more tenderly and entirely, than others do theirs. Homer also when he would signifie a childe most dearely beloved, calleth it [...] that is to say, only begotten and toward old age, to wit, when the parents have no more betweene them, nor ever are like or doe looke to have another: for mine owne part, I would not desire to have that [...] 20 that is to say, one friend, and no more; but surely, I could wish that with other he were [...] yea, and [...] that is to say, long and late first ere he be gotten, like as a sonne which is borne toward the latter daies of his parents, yea, and such a one, as (who according to that proverbe so common in every mans mouth) hath eaten with me a measure of salt. And are not many now adaies called friends? what els? if they have but drunke once together at the taverne, or met in the tennis court, or els turned into a tabling house, and plaied at dice and hazzard one with the other, or haply light in company at one hostelrie and lodged together, and in one word, they do contract and gather friends in this maner out of common innes, wrestling places, and ordi­nary walkes in the markets or publike galleries. And verily, the common sort, when they see every morning in the houses of rich men and mightie rulers, a great multitude and concourse 30 of people, with much ado and hurry, giving attendance there to salute them and bid them good morrow, kissing their right hands, & glad if they may touch them, accōpanying them in maner of a guard when they go out of their lodging; ôh, they imagine & repute such potentates won­drous happie, as being furnished with such numbers of friends; and yet surely, as many as they be, they shal see more flies ordinarily in their kitchins: and to say a troth, like as these flies will be gone if no cates and viands be stirring; so these friends will tary no longer than gaine and profit is to be gotten.

Certes, true and perect friendship requireth these three things especially; Vertue, as being honest and commendable; Societie, which is pleasant and delectable; and Profit, which is need­full and necessarie: for a man must admit and receive a friend upon judgement and after triall 40 made, he ought to delight and joy in his company, and he is to make use of him as occasion ser­veth: all which three are contrarie unto pluralitie of friends, but especially that which is princi­pall, to wit, judgement upon a triall: and to proove this to be true; see first and formost whe­ther it bee possible in a small time to make proofe and triall of singing men or quiresters, that they may keepe a good concent and harmonie together in their song; or to make choise of oare-men, who shall agree in their rowing, to rise and fall with their oares just together; or of housholde servants such as wee purpose to make the bailifs and stewards of our goods, or the governors and bringers up of our children? much more unlikely then is it, that we should have proofe of many friends in a little space, who will be ready to enter the triall with us of all maner of fortune, and of whom every one will be prest and willing 50

Of his welfare to yeeld even part to thee,
And beare like part of thy calamitie.

For neither is a ship shot or haled into the sea against so many stormes & tempests; nor mē do set & pitch so many stakes in a pallisado for the defence of any place; or in havens raise banks, and oppose dams, against the like dangers, or in feare of so many perils, as friendship promi­seth succour and refuge for, if it be founded surely and aright upon good proofe and sufficient experience. As for such as before triall and experiment made do intrude themselves comming [Page 226] and going for friends, such when they be put to the trial & touch indeed, & then found like evil money, counterfeit or light, they that go without them, be glad in their minde, and as many as have them, wish with all their hart & pray to God for to be rid of them. But surely this is a trou­blesome & comberous thing, neither is it an easie matter to void and cast off such a friendship as this, so displeasant & offensive: for like as if some kind of bad meat do trouble and offend the stomacke, a man can neither reteine and hold it still, but it will put him to paine and breed hurt & corruption, nor yet put it off and send it out in such sort as it went in, but all filthy and loath­some, as being surred over with slime, and mixed confusedly with other humours, and whollie altered from the former state; even so an ill friend either tarieth with us still to his owne griefe and ours both, or else away he goeth perforce with euill wil, malice and enmitie like bitter cho­ler 10 that is vomited out of the stomacke. It is not good therefore to receive and admit of friends over-lightly and over-soone, nor to set our mindes and knit our affections to those that come next hand, and present themselves first, ne yet love those incontinently that seeke to us and fol­low us; but rather to seeke after them and follow them our selves that are worthy of friendship: for we must not alwaies choose that which is easie to be had & willing to be gotten; for we put­by gorse and furzen bushes; we tread under foot briers and brambles though they catch hold of us, and hang unto us as we walke whether we will or no; whereas wee go forward to the olive tree and the vine; and even so it is not alwaies decent & good to entertaine into our familiaritie one that is readie to embrace and hang about us; but rather such ought we our selves affectio­nately to embrace whom we have tried to be profitable unto us, and who deserve that we should 20 love and make account of them. And like as Xeuxis the painter answered sometime to those who found fault with him for his slow hand in painting: I confesse indeed (quoth he) that I am long in drawing a picture, for I purpose that my worke should continue long; and even so that friendship and familiaritie is like to last and be preserved long which was a good while in proose and triall. Is it then no easie matter to make triall and choise of many friends together? and is it no hard thing to conuerse & keepe companie with many at once, or rather is this also impossi­ble? for surely it is conversation and fellowship, whereby we enjoy the benefit of friendship, and the most sweet and pleasant fruit of amitie consisteth in keeping continuall societie, and daily frequenting one anothers companie, like unto those who uttered these words, 30

For during life we will not sit in counsell from our friends,
Nor yet resolve of doubtfull points before we know their minds.

As Homer reporteth in one place: and in another Menelaus speaking of Ulysses, saith thus,

Nought else us twaine our mutuall love, and pleasures shall depart
Untill death close up hot hour cies and strike us to the hart.

But this pluralitie of friends whereof we now speake, seemeth to do cleane contrarie; for whereas the simple amitie of twaine draweth us together, holdeth & uniteth us by frequent and 40 continuall conversation, fellowship, and duties of kindenesse,

Muth like as when the figree juice, you put white milke among,
It crudles, knits, and bindes the same, no lesse then rennet strong.

according to the words of Empedocles; and surely desirous it is to make the semblable union and concorporation: this friendship of many separateth, distracteth and diverteth us, calling and transporting us sundry waies, not permitting the commixture and sodering (as it were) of good will and kinde affection to grow into one, and make a perfect joint by familiar con­versation, enclosing & fastning every part together. But the same anon bringeth withall a great 50 inequalitie in offices and reciprocall services meet for friends, and breedeth a certeine foolish bashfulnesse and streining of courtesie in the performance thereof, for by occasion of many friends those parts in amitie, which otherwise are casie and commodious, become difficult and incommodious: And why?

All men do not agree in humor one,
Their thoughts their cares bend diversly ech one.

and no [...] , for our verie natures do not all incline in affection the same way; neither are we [Page 227] at all times conversant and acquainted with the like fortunes and adventures. To say nothing of their sundrie occasions and occurrences which serve not indifferently for all our actions; but like as the windes unto sailers, they are with some and against others; sometimes on our backes and other whiles full in our face. And say that it may fall out so, that all our friends at once do stand in need, and be desirous of one and the same helpe and ministerie at our hands, it were verie hard to fit all their turnes and satisfie them to their content; whether it be in taking our advice and counsell in any negotiations, or in treating about State matters, or in suite after dignities, places of government, or in fearsting and entertaining strangers in their houses: But suppose that at one & the same instant, our friends being diversly affected & troubled with sun­drie affaires, request all of them together our helping hand; as for example, one that is going 10 to sea for to have our companie in that voiage; another who being defendant & to answere for himselfe in the law, to assist him in the court; and a third that is a plaintife, to second him in his plea; a fourth who either is to buy or sell, for to helpe him to make his markets; a fift who is to marrie for to sacrifice with him, and be at his wedding dinner; and a sixt, who is to inter a dead corps for to mourne & solemnize the funerals with him: in such a medley and confusion as this, as if according to Sophocles:

A citie smoakt withinsence sweet,
And ring with songs for murth so meet,
With plaints also and groanes resound,
And all in one and selfe same stound. 20

Certes having so many friends, to assist and gratifie them all were impossible, to pleasure more were absurd, and in serving ones turne to reject many others, were offensive and hurtful: for this is a rule:

Who to his friend is well affected,
Loves not himselfe to be neglected.

and yet commonly such negligences and foregetfull defaults of friends, we take with more pati­ence, and put up with lesse anger and displeasure, when they shall come to excuse themselves by oblivion making these and such like answeres. Surely, you were but forgotten; it was out of my head, and I never thought of it: but he that shall alledge thus and say: I was not your assistant in the court, nor stood to you in your cause, by reason that I attended another friend of mine in a 30 triall of his; or I came not to visite you whiles you had an ague, for that I was busilie employed at a feast, that such a one made to one of his friends; excusing his negligence to one friend, by his diligance to others; surely he maketh no satisfaction for the offence already taken, but in­creaseth the same and maketh it woorse than before, by reason of jealousie added thereto; how­beit most men as it should seeme aime at nothing else but at the profit and commoditie which friendship bringeth and yeeldeth from without, & never regard what care it doth imprint and worke within; neither remember they that he whose turne hath beene served by many friends, must likewise reciprocally be ready to helpe them as their need requireth. Like as therefore the giant Briareus with his 100 hands feeding 50 bellies, had no more sustenance for his whole bo­die than we, who with two hands furnish and fill one belly; even so the commoditie that wee 40 have by many friends bringeth this discommoditie withall, that we are to be emploied also to many, in taking part with them of their griefs and passion, in travailing and in being troubled together with them in all their negotiations and affaires: for we are not to give care unto Euripi­des the poet when he saith thus,

In mutuall love men ought a meane to keepe,
That it touch not heart roote nor marrow deepe,
Affections for to change it well befits,
To rise and fall, now hot now coole by fits.

giving us to understand that friendship is to be used according as need requireth more or lesse, like to the helme of a ship, which both holdeth it hard, and also giveth head, or the tackling 50 which spread and draw, hoise and strike saile, as occasion serveth. But contrariwise, rather (good Euripides) we may turne this speech of yours to enmitie, & admonish men that their quarrels & contentions be moderate and enter not to the heart and inward marrow (as it were) of the soule, that hatted (I say) and malice, that anger, offences, defiances, and suspitions, be so intertained as that they may be soone appeased, laid downe & forgotten. A better precept is that yet of Pytha­goras, when he teacheth us not to give our right hand to many; that is to say, not to make many men our friends, nor to affect that popular amitie common to all, and exposed or offred to [Page 228] every one that commeth, which no doubt cannot chuse but bring many passions with it into the heart, among which, to be disquieted for a friend, to condole or grieve with him, to enter into troubles, and to plunge ones felfe into perils for his sake, are not very easie matters to be borne by those that cariean an ingenuous minde with them, and be kind hearted: but the saying of wise Chilon a prosessour of philofophie is most true, who answering unto a man that vaunted how he had not an enimie; It should seeme then (quoth he) that thou hast never a friend; for certeinly enmities ensue presently upon amities, nay they are both interlaced together; neither is it the part of a friend not to feele the injuries done unto a friend, not to participate with him in all ignomines, hatred, and quarrels that he incurreth; and one enimie evermore will be sure to suspect the friend of another, yea and be ready to malice him; as for friends oftentimes they 10 envie their owne friends, they have them in jealousie, and traduce them every way. The oracle answered unto Timesias when he consulted about the planting and peopling of a new colonie in this wife:

Thou think'st to lead a swarmc of bees full kind,
But angrie waspes, thou sbalt them shortly find.

Semblablie they that seeke after a bee-hive (as it were) of friends, light ere they be aware upon a waspes nest of enimies: where there is a great ods and difference even in this, that the revenging remembrance of an enimie for wrong done, over-weigheth much the thankfull memorie of a friend for a benefit received: and whether this be true or no, confider in what maner Alexander the great entreated the friends of Philotas and parmenio; how Dionysius the tyrant used the fami­liars 20 of Dion, after what sort Nero the emperor dealt by the acquaintance of Plautus; or Tiberius Caesar by the wel-willers of Sejanus, whom they caufed all to be racked, tortured and put to death in the end. Andlike as the costly jewels of golde, and the rich apparell of king Creons daughter, served him in no stead at all, but the fire that tooke holde thereof, flaming light out suddenly, burned him when he ran unto her to take her in his armes, and so consumed father and daugh­ter together; even so you shall have some, who having never received any benefit at all by the prosperitie of their friends, are entangled notwithstanding in their calamities, and perish toge­ther with them for companie; a thing that ordinarily and most of all they are subject unto, who be men of profession, great clearks, and honourable personages. Thus Theseus, when Perithous his friend was punifhed and lay bound in prifon 30

With fetters sure to him tied was,
Farre stronger than of yron or brasse.

Thucydides alfo writeth; That in the great pestilence at Athens, the best men and such as made greatest profession of vertue, were they who did most with their friends that lay sicke of the plague: for that they never spared themselves, but went to visit and looke to all thofe whom they loved were familiarly acquainted with. And therfore it is not meet to meet to make fo littlere­gard and reckoning of vertue, as to hang and fasten it upon others, without respect, and (as they say) hand over head, but to reserve the c̄omunication thereof to be who be worthy; that is to say, unto such who are able to love reciprocally, and know how to impart the like againe. And verily, this is the greatest contrariety and opposition which crosseth pluralitie of friends, in that 40 amitie in deed is bred by similitude and conformitie: for considering that the very brute beasts not endued with reafon, if a man would have to ingender with those that are of divers kinds, are brought to it by force, and thereto compelled, insomuch, as they shrinke, they couch downe up­on their knees, and be ready to flee one from another; whereas contrariwise, they take pleasure and delight to be coupled with their like and of the same kinde, receiving willingly and entertei­ning their companie in the act of generation, with gentlenesse and good contentment: how is it possible that any found and perfect friendship fhould grow betweene those who are in beha­viour quite different, in affections divers, in conditions opposite, and whose course of life ten­deth to contrary or sundry ends? True it is, that the harmonie of musicke, whether it be in song or instrument, hath symphony by antiphony (that is to say) the accord ariseth from discord and 50 of contrarie notes is composed a sweet tune, so as the treble and the base concurre, after a sort, (I wot not how) & meet together, bringing forth by their agreement that sound which pleaseth the eare: but in this consonance and harmonie of friendfhip, there ought to be no part unlike or unequall, nothing obscure and doubtfull, but the same should be compofed of all things a­greeable, to wit, the same will, the same opinion, the same counsell, the same affection, as if one soule were parted into many bodies. And what man is he, so laborious, so mutable, so variable, and apt to take every fashion & form? who is able to frame unto all patterns, and accommodate [Page 229] himselfe to so many natures, and will not rather be ready to laugh at the Poet Theognis, who gi­veth this lesson:

Put on a minde (I thee do wish)
As variable as Polype fish,
Who ay resemble will the roch,
To which he neerely doth approch.

and yet this change and transmutation of the said polype or pourcuttle fish, entreth not deeply in, but appeareth superficially in the skin, which by the closenesse or laxitie thereof, as he drawes it in or lets it out, receiveth the defluctions of the colours from those bodies that are neere unto it; whereas amities do require that the maners, natures, passions, speeches, studies, desires and 10 inclinations may be comformable; for otherwise to doe, were the propertie of a Proteus, who was neither fortunate nor yet verie good and honest, but who by enchantment and sorcerie could eftsoones transforme himselfe from one shape to another in one and the same instant; and even so he that enterteineth many friends, must of necessitie be conformable to them all; namely, with the learned and studious, to be ever reading; with professours of wrestling, to be­strew his bodie with dust (as they doe) for to wrestle; with hunters, to hunt; with drunkards, to quaffe and carouse; with ambitious citizens, to sue and manage for offices, without any setled mansion (as it were) of his owne nature for his conditions to make abode in. And like as na­turall Philosophers do holde: That the substance or matter that hath neither forme nor any co­lour, which they call Materia prima, is a subject capable of all formes, and of the owne nature so 20 apt to alter and change, that sometimes it is ardent and burning, otherwhiles it is liquid and moist; now rare and of an airie substance, and afterwards againe grosse and thicke, resembling the nature of earth; even so must the minde applied to this multiplicitie of friends, bee sub­ject to many passions, sundry conditions, divers affections pliable, variable and apt to change from one fashion to another. Contrariwise, simple friendship and amitie betweene twaine, re­quireth a staied minde, a firme and constant nature, permanent and abiding alwaies in one place, and reteining stil the same fashions; which is the reason that a fast and assured friend is very gea­son and hard to be found. 30

OF FORTVNE.

The Summarie.

LOng time hath this Proverbe beene currant, That there is nothing in this world but 40 good fortune and misfortune. Some have expounded and taken it thus; as if all things were carried by meere chance and aventure, or mooved and driven by inconstant for­tune, an idole forged in their braine, for that they were ignorant in the providence of the True God who conducteth or dinarily all things in this world by second causes and subalterne meanes, yea the verie motion, will and workes of men, for the execution of his ordinance and purpose. Now Plutarch not able to arise and reach up to this divine and heavenly wisedome hidden from his knowledge, staieth below; and yet poore Pagan and Ethnike though he were, he consuteth that dangerous opinion of Fortune; shewing that it taketh away all distinction of good and evill, quen­cheth and putteth out the light of mans life, blending and confounding vice and vertue together. 50 Afterwards he prooveth that prudence and wisedome, over-ruleth this blind fortune, by considering the maistrie and dominion that man hath above beasts: the arts also and sciences whereof he maketh profession, together with his judgement and will directly opposite and contrarie to all casualties and changes.

OF FORTVNE.

BLind fortune rul's mans life alway,
Sage counsell therein beares no sway,

said one (who ever it was) that thought all humane actions depen­ded upon meer casualtie, and were not guided by wisedome. What? and hath justice and equitie no place at all in this world? can tem­perance and modestie do nothing in the direction and managing of our affaires? Came it from fortune; and was it indeedby meere 10 chance that Aristides made choise to continue in povertie, when it was in his power to make himselfe a Lord of much wealth and many goods? or that Scipio when he had forced Carthage, tooke not to himselfe, nor so much as saw any part of all that pillage? And was it long of fortune, or by casualty that Philocrates having received of King Philip a great summe of gold, bought there­with harlots and daintie fishes? or that Lasthenes and Euthycrates betraied the citie Olynthus, measuring soveraigne good and felicity of man by belly-cheere, and those pleasures which of all other be most dishonest and infamous? And shall we say, it was a worke of fortune that Alex­ander, sonne of Philip, not onely himselfe forbare to touch the bodies of the captive women ta­ken in war, but also punished all such as offred them violence and injurie: and contrariwise, 20 came it by ill lucke and unhappie fortune, that another Alexander the sonne of King Priamus slept and lay with his friends wife, when he lodged and entertained him in his house, and not on­ly so, but carried her away with him, and by that occasion brought all manner of calamitie upon two maine parts of the continent, to wit, Europe and Asia, and filled them both with those mise­ries that follow warres?

If we graunt that all these occurrents came by fortune, what should let us, but we might as well say that cats, goats and apes be likewise by fortune given to be alwaies lickorous, lecherous, shrewd and sawcy. But in case it be true (as true it is) that the world hath in it temperance, justice and fortitude; what reason is there to say, that there is no prudence and wisdome therein? now if it be yeelded that the world is not void of prudence: how can it be maintained that there should 30 not be in it sage counsell? For temperance (as some say) is a kinde of prudence; and most cer­teine it is, that justice should be assisted by prudence; or to say more truely, ought to have it present with her continually. Certes, sage counsell & wisdome in the good use of pleasures and delights, whereby we continue honest, we ordinarily do call continence and temperance; the same in dangers and travels, we tearme to lerance, patience and fortitude; in contracts and ma­nagement of State affaires we give the name of loialtie, equitie and justice; whereby it com­meth to passe, that if we will attribute the effects of counsell and wisedome unto fortune, we must likewise ascribe unto her the works of justice and temperance. And so (beleeve me) to rob and steale, to cut purses, and to keepe whores, must proceed from fortune; which if it be so, let us abandon all discourse of our reason, and betake our selves wholly to fortune to be driven and ca­ried 40 to and fro at her pleasure like to the dust, chaffe, or sweepings of the floore, by the puffes of some great wind. Take away sage & discreet counsell; farewel then all consultation as touching affaires, away with deliberation, consideration and inquisition into that which is behovefull and expedient: for surely then, Sophocles talked idlely, and knew not what he spake in saying thus:

Seeke, and be sure to finde with diligence,
But loose, what you for-let by negligence.

And in another place where dividing the affaires of man he saith in this wise:

What may be taught, I strive to learne; what may likewise be found
I seeke, for wishes all I pray, and would to God be bound. 50

Now would I gladly know, what is it that men may finde and what can they learne, in case all things in the world be directed by fortune? What Senate house of citie would not be dissolved and abolished? what counsell chamber of Prince should not be overthrowen and put downe, if all were at the disposition of fortune? we doe her wrong in reproching her for blindesse, when we runne upon her as we doe, blinde, and debasing our selves unto her; for how can wee chuse but stumble upon her indeed, if we plucke out our owne eies, to wit, our wisdome & dex­teritie [Page 231] of counsell, and take a blinde guide to lead us by the hand in the course of this our life? Certes, this were even as much, as it some one of us should say, the action of those that see, is fortune, and not sight or eies, which Plato calleth [...] that is, Light-bearers: the action like­wise of them that heare, is nothing else but fortune, and not a naturall power and facultie to re­ceive the stroke or repercussion of the aire, carried by the care and the braine. But better it were (I trow) and so will everie wise bodie thinke to take heed how to discredit our senses so, as to sub­mit them to fortune: For why? Nature hath bestowed upon us sight, hearing, taste and smel­ling, with all the parts of the body indued with the rest of their powers and faculties, as ministers of counsell and wisedome. For it is the soule that seeth, it is the soule & understanding that hea­reth, 10 all the rest are deafe and blinde: and like as if there were no sunne at all we should (for all the starres besides) live in perpetuall night as Heraclitus saith; even so if man had not reason and intelligence, notwithstanding all his other senses, he should not differ in the whole race of his life from brute and wilde beasts; but now in that we excell and rule them all, it is not by chance and fortune: but Prometheus (that is to say) the use and discourse of reason is the very cause that hath given us in recompence

Both horse and asse, with breed of beefs so strong
To cary us, and ease our labour long.

according as we read in Aeschylus the poet. Forasmuch as otherwise fortune and nature both have beene more favourable, and beneficiall to most of the brute beasts in their entrance into this life, than unto man; for armed they be with hornes, tusks, spurs, and stings; moreover as 20 Empedocles saith,

The Urchin strikes with many a pricke,
Which grow on backe both sharpe and thicke.

Againe there be many beasts clad and covered with scales and shag haire; shod also with claws and hard hooses: onely man as Plato saith is abandoned and forsaken by nature, all naked, un­armed, unshod, and without any vesture whatsoever,

But by one gift which she hath given,
Amends she makes, and all is even.

and that is, the use of reason, industrie, and providence.

For strength of mortall man is small, 30
His lins but weake and sinewes all:
Yet by his wit and quick conceit,
By cunning casts and subtill sleight,
No beast in sea, or mount, so fell,
So wilde, or slie, but he doth quell.

What beast more nimble, morelight and swift than is the horse; but for man it is that he run­neth in the race: the dogge is couragious and eager in fight, but it is in the defence of man: fishes yeeld a most delicate and sweet meat; and swine be full of good flesh, but both of them serve as viands for the food and nourishment of man: what creature is bigger or more [...] to see to than is the elephant? howbeit he maketh man sport and pastime, he is shewed as a 40 goodly sight in festivall solemnities where people bee assembled, he is taught to friske and daunce his measures, to fall upon his knees likewise and do reverence: and verily these and such like sleights and examples are exhibited not in vaine nor without good profit, but to this end, that thereby we may know how farfoorth reason & wisedome doth advance and lift up a man, above what things it maketh him surmount, and how by meanes thereof he ruleth all, and sur­passeth all:

At fight with fists we are not good, nor yet intripping feet,
In wrestling we may well be blam'd, our running is not fleet. 50

But in all these feats we are inferiour to brute beasts, howbeit for experience, memorie, wise­dome and artificiall sleights (as Anaxagor as said) wee go beyond them all, and thereby [...] have the mastrie and use of them, making them to serve our turnes: we streine honie out of the combes of bees; we presse milke out of beasts udders; we rob and spoile them; we drive and ca­rie them away and whatsoever they have, insomuch as in all this there is nothing that can be justly attributed to forme, but all proceeds from counsell and fore-cast.

Furthermore, the works of carpenters are done by hand of man, so are they also of smithes [Page 232] and brasiers, of masons, builders, gravers and imagers: in all which there is nothing to bee seene, that a man can say is done by chaunce or fortune, at leastwise when it is wrought abso­lutely and as it should be. And say that it may fall out otherwhiles that a good artisan, whether he be a cutter in brasse or a mason, a smith or a carpenter, may meet with fortune and doe some little thing by chance; yet the greatest peeces of worke, and the most number are wrought and finished respectively by their arts, which a certeine poet hath given us secretly to understand by these verses,

March on your way ech artisane
Who live upon your handy-craft,
On foorth I say in comely traine,
Your sacred panniers beare aloft; 10
You that Ergane dread and feare
The daughter grim of Iupiter.

For this Ergane (that is to say Minerva) all artisanes and artificers acknowledge and honor for their patronesse, and not fortune. True it is that the report goes of a certeine painter, who drawing the picture of an horse, had done verie well in all respects, both in portraiture and also colours, save onely that he pleased not himselfe in painting the fome and swelling froth which useth to gather about the bit as hee champeth upon the same, and so falleth from his mouth when he snuffeth and bloweth; this I say he liked not, neither thought he it workmanly done, insomuch as hee wiped it out many times and began it a new; but never was it to his 20 mind; at last in a pelting chafe because it would frame no better, he takes me his spung full as it was of colours, and flang it against the table wherein hee wrought; but see the woonderfull chance; this spunge lighting as it did upon the right place, gave such a print, and dashed so, as that it represented the froth that he so much desired most lively; and to my remembrance there is not in anie historie set downe an artificiall thing but this that fortune ever did.

Artificers use altogether in everie piece of worke, their squires, their rules, their lines and leavels; they goe by measures and numbers, to the end that in all their workes there should not be any thing found done either rashly or at aventure. And verily these arts are petie kindes of Prudence and so called; or rils and riverets flowing from Prudence, or certaine parcels rather of it, sprinkled and dispersed among the necessities of this life: and thus much is covertly signi­fied 30 by the fable of the fire that Prometheus divided by sparkles, which flew some heere some there; for semblahy, the small parcels and fragments of wisedome, being cut into sundrie por­tions, are ranged into their severall ranks and become arts. A woonderfull thing how these arts and sciences should have no dealing with Fortune nor need her helpe, for to attaine unto their proper ends; and yet Prudence which is the greatest soveraigne and most perfect of them all, yea and the verie height of all the glorie, reputation, and goodnesse of man, should be just no­thing. In the winding up and letting downe of the strings of an instrument, there is one kind of wisdome, and that is called Musicke; in the dressing and ordering of meates and viands there is another, which they name Cookerie; in washing and scouring of clothes and garments there is a third, to wit, the fullers craft. As for our little children, we teach them to draw on their shooes, 40 to make them readie and dresse themselves in their clothes decently, to take meat in their right hand, and to hold bread in the left; an evident argument and proofe, that even such small mat­ters as these, depend not of chance and fortune, but require skill and heed taking. Shall we say then that the greatest and most principall things that are, even those that be most materiall and necessarie for mans felicitie, use not wisedome, norparticipate one whit with providence and the judgement of reason? There is no man so blockish and voide of understanding, that after he hath tempered clay and water together, lets it alone and goeth his way when he hath so done, looking that of the owne accord, or by fortune there will be bricks or tiles made thereof: neither is any one such a sot, as when he hath bought wool & leather, sits him downe & praies unto for­tune, that thereof he may have garments or shooes: and is there any man so foolish thinke you? 50 who having gathered together a great masse of gold and silver, gotten about him a mightie re­tinue of slaves and servants, and being possessed of divers faire and stately houses with many a doore within and without, and those surely locked on everie side, having before him in his eie­sight a sort of sumptuous beds with their rich and costly furniture, and of tables most precious, will repose soveraigne felicitie therein, or thinke that all this can make him to live happi­ly, without paine, without griefe, secure of chaunge and alteration, if he have not wisedome withall?

[Page 233] There was one that cavilled upon a time with Captaine Iphicrates, and by way of reproch & minding to proove that he was of no reckoning, demaunded what he was? For (quoth he) you are not a man at armes, nor archer, nor yet targuetier: I am not indeed I confesse (quoth Iphicra­tes, but I am he who commaund all these, and employ them as occasion serveth; even so wise­dome, is neither gold nor silver, it is not glorie or riches, it is not health, it is not strength, it is not beautie: what is it then? Surely even that which can skill how to use all these, and by means whereof each of these things is pleasant, honorable and profitable; and contrariwise, without which, they are displeasant, hurtfull and dangerous, working his destruction and dishonor who possesseth them. And therefore right good counsell gave Prometheus in Hesiodus to his bro­ther Epimetheus in this one point: 10

Receive no gifts at any time, which heavenly Iove shall send:
But see thou do refuse them all, and backe againe them send.

Meaning thereby these outward goods of fortunes gift, as if he would have said: Goe not about to play upon a Flute, if thou have no knowledge in Musicke; nor to reade if thou know never a letter in the booke; mount not on horsebacke, unlesse thou canst tell how to sit him and ride; and even so he advised him thereby, not to seeke for office and place of government in com­mon-weale, wanting wit as he did; nor to lay for riches, so long as he bare a covetous minde and wist not how to be liberall; nor to marrie a wife, for to bee his maister and to lead him by the 20 nose: for not onely wealth and prosperitie hapning above desert unto unadvised folke, giveth occasion (as Demosthenes said) unto them for to commit many follies; but also wordly happines beyond all reason and demerit, causeth such as are not wise, to become unhappie and miserable in the end.

OF ENVIE AND 30 HATRED.

The Summarie.

IN this briefe Treatise concerning Envie and Hatred, Plutarch after he hath shewed in generall tearmes, that they be two different vices, and declared withal the properties 40 of the one and the other, prooveth this difference by diversreasons and arguments ran­ged in their order: he discovereth the nature of envious persons and malicious; and sheweth by a proper similitude that the greatest personages in the world, be secured from the clawes and pawes of envious persons, and yet for al that, cease not to have many enemies. And verily it seemeth that the Author began this little worke, especially for to beat downe envie, and that the infamie thereof might so much more appeere in com­paring andmatching it with another detestable vice, the which notwithstanding he saith is lesse [...] than it. 50

OF ENVIE AND HATRED.

IT seemeth at the first sight, that there is no difference betweene en­vie and hatred, but that they be both one. For vice (to speake in ge­nerall) having (as it were) many hookes or crotchets, by meanes thereof as it stirreth to and fro, it yeeldeth unto those passions which hang thereto many occasions and opportunities to catch holde one of another, and so to be knit and enterlaced one within 10 the other; and the same verily (like unto diseases of the body) have a sympathie and fellow-feeling one of anothers distemperature and inflammation: for thus it commeth to passe, that a malicious and spightfull man is as much grieved and offended at the prosperitie of another, as the envious person: and so we holde, that benevolence and good-will is opposite un­to them both, for that it is an affection of a man, wishing good unto his neighbour: and envie in this respect resembleth hatred, for that they have both a will and intention quite contrary un­to love: but forasmuch as no things like to the same, and the resemblances betweene them be not so effectuall to make them all one, as the differences to distinguish them asunder; let us search and examine the said differences, beginning at the very source and originall of these pas­sions. 20

Hatred then, is ingendred and ariseth in our heart upon an imagination and deepe apprehen­sion that we conceive of him whom we hate, that either he is naught & wicked in general to eve­ry man, or els intending mischiefe particularly unto our selves: for commonly it falleth out, that those who thinke they have received some injurie at such an ones hand, are disposed to hate him, yea, and those whom otherwise they know to be maliciously bent and wont to hurt others, although they have not wronged them, yet they hate and can not abide to looke upon them with patience; whereas ordinarily they beare envie unto such onely as seeme to prosper and to live in better state than their neighbours: by which reckoning it should seeme that envie is a thing indefinite, much like unto the disease of the eies Ophthalmia, which is offended with the 30 brightnesse of any light whatsoever; whereas hatred is determinate, being alwaies grounded upon some certeine subject matters respective to it selfe, and on them it worketh. Secondly, our hatred doeth extend even to brute beasts; for some you shall have, who naturally abhorre and can not abide to see cats nor the flies cantharides, nor todes, nor yet snakes and any such ser­pents. As for Germanicus Caesar, he could not of all things abide either to see a cocke or to heare him crow. The Sages of Persia called their Magi, killed all their mice and rats, aswell for that themselves could not away with them but detested them, as also because the god (forsooth) whom they worshipped, had them in horror. And in trueth, all the Arabians and Aethiopians generally, holde them abominable. But envie properly is betweene man and man; neither is there any likelihood at all, that there should be imprinted envie in savage creatures one against 40 another; because they have not this imagination and apprehension, that another is either fortu­nate or unfortunate, neither be they touched with any sense of honour or dishonour; which is the thing that principally and most of all other giveth an edge, and whetteth on envie; whereas it is evident that they hate one another, they beare malice and mainteine enmitic, nay, they go to warre as against those that be disloiall, treacherous, and such as are not to be trusted: for in this wife doe eagles warre with dragons, crowes with owles, and the little nonner or tit-mouse fighteth with the linnet, insomuch, as by report, the very bloud of them after they be killed, will not mingle together; and that which is more, if you seeme to mixe them, they will separate and run apart againe one from the other: and by all likelihood, the hatred that the lion hath to the cocke, and the elephant also unto an hogge, proceedeth from feare: for lightly that which crea­tures 50 naturally feare, the same they also hate; so that herein also a man may assigne and note the difference betweene envie and hatred, for that the nature of beasts is capable of the one but not of the other.

Over and besides, no man deserveth justly to be envied: for to be in prosperitie and in better state than another, is no wrong or injurie offered to any person; and yet this is it for which men be envied; whereas contrariwise, many are hated worthily, such as those whom in Greeke we call [...] that is to say, worthy of publike hatred, as also as many as do not flie from such, detest [Page 235] them not nor abhorre their companie. And a great argument to verifie this point, may be ga­thered from hence, namely, in that some there be who confesse and take it upon them, that they hate many; but no man will be knowen that he envieth any: for in trueth, the hatred of wicked persons and of wickednesse, is commended as a quallitie in men praise-woorthy. And to this purpose serveth well that which was said of Charillus, who reigned in Sparta, and was Lycurgus his brothers sonne, whom when there were certeine that commended for a man of milde beha­viour and of a relenting and gentle nature: And how can it be (quoth he who was joined with him in the roiall government) that Charillus should be good, seeing he is not sharpe and rigo­rous to the wicked. And the Poet Homer describing the deformitie of Thersytes his bodie, de­painted his defects and imperfections in sundrie parts of his person, and by many circumlocu­tions; 10 but his perverse nature and crooked conditions he set downe briefly and in one word in this wise:

Worthy Achilles of all the host
And sage ulysses, he hated most.

for he could not chuse but be starke naught and wicked in the highest degree, who was so full of hatred unto the best men. As for those who denie that they are envious, in case they be convin­ced manifestly therein, they have a thousand pretenses and excuses therefore, alledging that they are angry with the man, or stand in feare of him whom indeed they beare envie unto, or that they hate him, colouring and cloaking this passion of envie with the vaile of any other whatsoever for to hide and cover it, as if it were the only malady of the soule, that would be con­cealed 20 and dissembled. It cannot chuse therefore, but that these two passions be nourished and grow as plants of one kinde, by the same meanes, considering that naturally they succeed one the other: howbeit, wee rather hate those that be given more to leawdnesse and wickednesse, and we envy such rather who seeme to excel others in vertue. And therfore Themistocles (being but a youth) gave out and said, that he had done nothing notable, because as yet he was not en­vied: for like as the flies cantharides settle principally upon that wheat which is the fairest and come to full perfection; and likewise sticke unto the roses that are most out, and in the verie pride of their flowring; even so envie taketh commonly unto the best conditioned persons, and to such as are growing to the height of vertue and honour: whereas contrariwise the leawdest qualities that be, and wicked in the highest degree doe mightily moove and augment hatred: 30 and heereupon it was that the Athenians had them in such derestable hatred, and abhorred them so deadly, who by their slanderous imputations brought good Socrates their fellow-citi­zen to his death, insomuch as they would not vouchsafe either to give them a coale or two of fire, or light their candles, or deine them an answer when they asked a question; nay they would not wash or bathe together with them in the same water, but commanded those servitours in the baines which were called Parachytae, that is to say, drawers and laders of water into the ba­thing vessels, to let foorth that as polluted and defiled, wherein they had washed; whereupon they seeing themselves thus excommunicate and not able to endure this publike hatred which they had incurred, being wearie of their lives, hung and strangled themselves. On the contrary side it is often seene, that the excellency of vertue, honor and glory, and the extraordinarie suc­cesse 40 of men is so much, that it doth extinguish and quench all envie. For it is not a likely or credible matter that any man bare envie unto Cyrus or Alexander the great, after they were be­come the onely lords and monarches of the whole world: but like as the sunne when he is di­rectly and plumb over the head or top of any thing, causeth either no shadow at all, or the same very small and short by the reason that his light overspreadeth round about; even so when the prosperitie of a man is come to the highest point and have gotten over the head of envie, then the said envie retireth and is either gone altogether, or else drawen within a little roome by reason of that brightnesse over-spreading it: but contrariwise the grandence of fortune and pu­issance in the enimies, doth not one jot abreviate or allay the hatred of their evill willers; and that this is true, may appeere by the example of Alexander aboue named, who had not one 50 that envied him, but many enimies he found and those malicious, and by them in the end he was traiterously for-laied and murdered.

Semblably, adversities may well staie envie and cause it cease, but enmitie and hatred they do not abolish; for men never give over to despite their enimies, no not when they are brought lowe and oppressed with calamities; whereas you shall not see one in miserie envied. But most true is that saying found of a certeine sophister or great professour in our daies: That envious persons of all other be ever pittifull and delight most in commiseration: so that heerein lieth [Page 236] one of the greatest differences betweene these two passions; that hatred departeth not from those persons of whom it hath once taken hold, neither in the prosperitie nor adversitie of those whom they hate; whereas envie doth avoid and vanish away to nothing upon extremitie aswell of the one as the other.

Over and besides we may the better discover the difference also of them by the contraries: for hatred, enmitie, and malice cease presently so soone as a man is perswaded that he hath caught no harme nor susteined injurie by the party; or when he hath conceived an opinion that such as he hated for their leawdnesse are reformed and become honest men; or thirdly if he have re­ceived some pleasure or good turne at their hand: for evermore the last favor that is shewed (as Thucydides saith) though it be lesse than many others, yet if it come in season and a good time, 10 is able to do out a greater offence taken before. Now of these three causes before specified, the first doth not wash away envie; for say that men were perswaded at the first that they received [...] give not over for all that to beare envie still: and as for the two later they do irritate and provoke it the [...] : for such as they esteeme men of qualitie and good woorth, those they doe eie-bite more than before, as having vertue the greatest good that is; and notwithstanding that they do reape commoditie & find favour at their hands, who prosper more than they; yet they grieve and vexe thereat, envying them still both for their good mind to benefit them, and for their might and abilitie to performe the same; for that the one procee­deth from vertue, and the other from an happie estate, both which are good things.

We may therefore conclude, that envie is a passion farre different from hatred, since it is so 20 that wherewith the one is appeased and mollified, the other is made more exasperate and gree­vous. But let us consider a little in the end the scope and intention aswel of the one as the other: Certes the man that is malicious, purposeth fully to do him a mischiefe whom he hateth; so that this passion is defined to be a disposition and forward will to spie out an occasion & oppor­tunitie to wait another a shrewd turne; but surely this is not in envie: for many there be who have an envious eie to their kinsfolke and companions, whom they would not for all the good in the world see either to perish or to fall into any greevous calamitie; onely they are greeved to see them in such prosperitie, and would impeach what they can their power, and ecclypse the brightnesse of their glorie; mary they would not procure nor desire their utter overthrow, nor any distresses remedilesse or extreame miseries; but it would content and suffice them to take 30 downe their height, and as it were the upmost garret or turret of an high house which over­looketh them.

HOW A MAN MAY 40 RECEIVE PROFIT BY HIS ENEMIES.

The Summarie.

AMong the dangerous effects of envie and hatred this is not the least nor one of the last, that they shoot (as it were) from within our adversaries, for to slide and enter into us and take possession in our hearts, making us beleeve that we shall impeach one evill by 50 another; which is as much as to desire to cleanse one or dure by a new, and to quench a great fire by putting into it plentie of oile. As for hatred it hath another effect no­thing lesse pernictous, in that it maketh us blinde, and causeth us that we can not tell at which end of turning to take our enemies, nor know our selves how to reenter into the way of vertue. Plutarch willing to cut off such effects by the helpe of morall Philosophie, taketh occasion to begin this discourse with a sentence of Xenophon; and prooveth in the first place by divers similitudes: That a man may take profit by his enemies: and this he laieth abroad in particulars, shewing that their ambushes and [Page 237] inquisitions serve us in very great stead. After this, he teacheth us the true way how to be revenged of those that hate us, and what we ought to consider in blaming another. Now for asmuch as our life is subject to many injuries and calumniations, he instructeth us a man may turne all to his owne com­moditie: which done, he presenteth foure remedies and expedient meanes against their standerous language, and how we should confound our enemies: The first is, To conteine our owne tongues, without rendring evill for evill: the second is, To doe them good, to love and praise their vertues: the third, To out-goe them in well doing: and the last, To provide that vertue remaine alwaies on our side, in such sort, that if our enemies be vicious, yet we persist in doing good; and if they cary some shew and apparence of goodnesse, we endevour to be indeed and without all comparison better than they. 10

HOW A MAN MAY RECEIVE profit by his enemies.

I See that you have chosen by your selfe (ô Cornelius Pulcher) the meetest course that may be in the government of common-wealth; wherein having a principall regard unto the weale-publike, you shew your selfe most gracious and courteous in private to all those that have accesse and repaire unto you. Now forasmuch as a man 20 may well finde some countrey in the world, wherein there is no ve­nimous beast, as it is written of Candie, but the management and administration of State affaires was never knowen yet to this day cleere from envie, jealousie, emulation and contention, passions of all other most apt to engender and breed enmities, unto which it is subject; for that if there were nothing els, even amity & friendship it selfe is enough to entangle and encomber us with enmities; which wise Chilon the Sage knowing well enough, demanded upon a time of one (who vaunted that he had no enemies) whether he had not a friend. In re­gard hereof a man of State and policie, in mine opinon (among many other things wherein he ought to be well studied) should also thorowly know what belongeth to the having of enemies, 30 and give good eare unto the saying of Xenophon, namely: That a man of wit and understanding is to make his profit and benefit by his enemies. And therefore having gathered into a pretie Treatise, that which came into my minde of late to discourse and dispute upon this matter, I have sent unto you written and penned in the very same tearmes as they were delivered, having this eie and regard as much as possible I could, not to repeat any thing of that which hereto­fore I had written touching the politike precepts of governing the weale publike, for that I see that you have that booke often in your hand.

Our fore-fathers in the olde world contented themselves in this: That they might not be wounded or hurt by strange and savage beasts brought from forren countreys, and this was the end of all those combats that they had against such wilde beasts; but those who came after, 40 have learned moreover, how to make use of them; not onely take order to keepe themselves from receiving any harme or dammage by them; but (that which more is) have the skill to draw some commoditie from them, feeding of their flesh, clothing their bodies with their wooll and haire, curing and healing their maladies with their gall & rennet, arming themselves with their hides and skinnes; insomuch as now from henceforth, it is to be feared (and not without good cause) lest if beasts should faile, and that there were none to be found of men, their life should become brutish, poore, needie and savage. And since it is so, that whereas other men thinke it sufficient not to be offended or wronged by their enemies, Xenophon writeth: That the wise reape commodity by their adversaries; we have no reason to derogate any thing from his credit, but to beleeve him in so saying, yea, and we ought to search for the method & art to attaine and reach 50 unto that benefit, as many of us (at least-wise) as can not possibly live in this world without ene­mies. The husbandman is not able with all his skill to make all sort of trees to cast off their wilde nature, and become gentle and domesticall. The hunter can not with all his cunning, make tame and tractable all the savage beasts of the forrest; and therefore they have sought and devised other meanes and uses to make the best of them; the one finding good in barren and fruitlesse plants, the other in wilde and savage beasts. The water of the sea is not potable, but brackish and hurtful unto us, howbeit, fishes are nourished therewith, and it serveth mans turne [Page 238] also to transport passengers (as in a waggon) into all parts, and to carrie whatsoever a man will. When the Satyre would have kissed and embraced fire the first time that ever he saw it, Prome­theus admonished him and said:

Thou wilt bewaile thy goats-beard soone,
If thou it touch, t'will burne anon.

but it yeeldeth light and heat, and is an instrument serving all arts, to as many as know how to use it well; semblably, let us consider and see whether an enemy being otherwise harmefull and intractable, or at least-wise hard to be handled, may not in some sort yeeld as it were a handle to take hold by, for to touch & use him so as he may serve our turne and minister unto us some cō ­modity. For many things there are besides, which be odious, troublesome, comberous, hurtfull 10 and contrarie unto those that have them or come neere unto them; and yet you see that the ve­rie maladies of the bodie give good occasion unto some for to live at rest and repose; I meane sequestred from affairs abroad, & the travailes presented unto others by fortune, have so exerci­sed them that they are become thereby strong and hardy: and to say more yet, banishment and losse of goods, hath beene the occasion unto divers, yea and a singular means to give them­selves to their quiet studie & to philosophie; like as Diogenes and Crates did in times past. Zeno himselfe when newes came unto him that his ship wherein he did venture and trafficke was split and cast away: Thou hast done well by me fortune (quoth he) to drive me againe to my scholars weed. For like as those living creatures which are of a most sound and healthfull constitution, & have besides strong stomacks, are able to concoct & digest the serpents & scorpions which they 20 devoure; nay some of them there be which are nourished of stones, scales, and shels, converting the same into their nutriment by the strength and vehement heat of their spirits; whereas such as be delicate, tender, soft, and crasie, are ready to cast and vomit if they taste a little bread one­ly, or doe but sip of wine; even so foolish folke doe marre and corrupt even friendship and ami­tie; but those that are wise can skill how to use enmities to their commoditie, and make them serve their turnes. First and formost therefore in my conceit, that which in enmitie is most hurtfull, may turne to be most profitable unto such as be warie and can take good heed: and what is that you will say? Thine enimie as thou knowest well enough watcheth continually, spying and prying into all thine actions, he goeth about viewing thy whole life, to see where he may finde any vantage to take hold of thee, and where thou liest open that he may assaile and 30 surprise thee; his sight is so quicke that it pierceth not onely through an oke, as Lynceus did, or stones and shels; but also it goeth quite through thy friend, thy domesticall servants, yea and every familiar of thine with whom thou daily doest converse, for to discover as much as possi­bly he can what thou doest or goest about; he soundeth and searcheth by undermining and se­cret waies what thy desseignes & purposes be. As for our friends, it chaunceth many times that they fall extreme sicke, yea and die thereupon before we know of it, whiles we defer and put off from day to day to go and visit them, or make small reckoning of them; but as touching our enimies we are so observant, that we curiously enquire & hearken even after their very dreames; the diseases, the debts, the hard usage of men to their owne wives, and the untoward life be­tweene them, are many times more unknowen unto those whom they touch and concerne, 40 than unto their enimie: but aboue all, he sticketh close unto thy faults, inquisitive he is after them and those he traceth especially: and like as the gaies or vultures flie unto the stinking sent of dead carions and putrified carcases, but they have no smell or sent at all of bodies sound and whole; even so those parts of our life which are diseased, naught and ill affected, be they that move an enemie; to these leape they in great haste who are our ill willers, these they seize up­on, and are ready to worry and plucke in peeces; and this it is that profiteth us most, in that it compelleth us to live orderly, to looke unto our steps that we tread not awry, that we neither do or say ought inconsiderately or rashly; but alwaies keepe our life unblameable, as if we obser­ved a most strict and exquisite diet; and verily this heedfull caution repressing the violent passi­ons of our minde in this sort, and keeping reason at home within dores, engendreth a certeine 50 studious desire, an intention and will to live uprightly and without touch: for like as those cities by ordinary warres with their neighbour cities, and by continuall expeditions and voiages, lear­ning to be wise, take a love at length unto good lawes and sound government of state; even so they that by occasion of enmity be forced to live soberly, to save themselves from the impurati­on of idlenesse and negligence, yea, and to do everie thing with discretion and to a good and profitable end, through use and custome shall be brought by little and little (ere they be aware) unto a certeine setled habit that they cannot lightly trip and do amisse, having their manners [Page 239] framed in passing good order, with the least helping hand of reason and knowledge beside; for they who have evermore readily before their eies this sentence:

This were alone for Priamus, and his sonnes likewise all,
Oh how would they rejoice at heart, in case this should befall.

certes would quickly be diverted, turned and withdrawne from such things, whereat their eni­mies are wont to joy and laugh a good: see we not many times stage plaiers, chanters, musici­ans and such artificers in open threaters, who serve for the celebration of any solemnitie unto Bacchus or other gods, to play their parts carelessely, to come unprovided, and to carie them­selves 10 I know not how negligently, nothing forward to shew their cunning and doe their best, when they are by themselves alone and no other of their owne profession in place? but if it chance that there be emulation and contention betweene them and other concurrents who shall do best; then you shall see them not onely to come better prepared themselves, but also with their instruments in very good order; then shall you perceive how they will bestir them­selves in trying their strings, in tuning their instruments more exactly, & in fitting every thing about their flutes and pipes, and assaying them. Hee then who knoweth that he hath an enimie ready and provided to be the concurrent in his life, and the rivall of his honour and reputati­on, will looke better to his waies and stand upon his owne guard; he will (I say) sit fast and looke circumspectly about him to all matters, ordering his life and behaviour in better sort: for 20 this is one of the properties of vice, that when we have offended and trespassed, we have more reverence and stand rather in awe of our enemies lest we be shamed by them than of our friends. And therefore Scipio Nasica when some there were that both thought and gave out that the Romane estate was not setled and in safetie, considering that the Carthaginians who were wont to make head against them and keepe them occupied, were now vanquished and defeated, the Athenians likewise subdued and brought under subjection: Nay mary (quoth he) for it is cleane contrarie, and even now are we in greatest danger, being at this passe that we have left our selves none to feare, none to reverence.

And hereto moreover, accordeth well the answere that Diogenes made, like a Philosopher and a man of State indeed: One asked him how he should be revenged of his enemie: Marie 30 (quoth he) by being a vertuous and honest man thy selfe. Men seeing the horses of their ene­mies highly accounted of, or their hounds praised and commended, do grieve thereat, if they perceive also their land well tilled and husbanded, or their gardens in good order, fresh and flow­ring, they fetch a sigh and sorrow for the matter. What (thinke you then) will your enemie do? how will he fare, when you shall be seene a just man, wise and prudent, honest and sober, in words well advised and commendable, in deeds pure and cleane, in diet neat and decent?

Reaping the fruit of wisdome and prudence,
Sowen in deepe furrow of heart and conscience,
From whence there spring and bud continually
Counsels full sage, with fruits abundantly. 40

Pindarus the Poet said: That those who are vanquished and put to foile, are so tongue-tied, that they can not say a word; howbeit, this is not simply true, nor holdeth in all, but in such as perceive themselves overcome by their enemies, in dilligence, goodnesse, magnanimity, huma­nity, bounty beneficence: for these be the things (as Demosthenes saith) which stent the tongue, close up the mouth, stop the wind-pipes and the breath, and in one word, cause men to be silent and dumbe.

Resemble not leawd folke, but them out-goe
In vertuous deeds, for this thou maist well doe.

Wouldest thou doe thine enemie who hateth thee a great displeasure in deed? Never call him by way of reproch, buggerer, wanton, lascivious, ruffian, scurrile scoffer, or covetous 50 micher; but take order with thy selfe to be an honest man every way, chaste, continent, true in deed and word, courteous and just to all those that deale with thee: but if thou be driven to let fall an opprobrious speech, and to revile thine enemy, then take thou great heed afterwards that thou come not neere in any wise to those vices which thou reprochest him with, enter into thy selfe, and examine thine owne conscience, search all the corners thereof, looke that there be not in thy soule some purrified matter and rotten corruption, for feare lest thine owne vice within may hit thee home, and requite thee againe with this verse out of the tragicall Poet:

[Page 240]
Aleech he is, others to cure,
Pestred himselfe with sores impure.

If thou chance to upbraid thine enemie with ignorance, and call him unlearned, take thou greater paines at thy booke, love thou thy studie better, and get more learning: if thou wit him with cowardise, and name him dastard, stirre up the vigour of thine owne courage the rather, and shew thy selfe a man so much the more: hast thou given him the tearmes of beastly whore­master or lascivious lecher, wipe out of thy heart the least taint and spot that remaineth hldden therein of concupiscence and sensuallitie; for nothing is there more shamefull or causeth grea­ter griefe of heart, than an opprobrious and reprochfull speech returned justly upon the author thereof. And as it seemeth that the reverberation of a light doth more offence unto the seeble 10 eies; even so those reproches which are retorted and sent backe againe by the trueth, upon a man that blased them before, are more offensive: for no lesse than the North-east winde Caecias doth gather unto it clouds; so doth a bad life draw unto it opprobrious speeches; which Plato knowing well enough, whensoever he was present in place, and saw other men do any unseemly or dishonest thing, was woont to retire apart, and say thus secretly unto himselfe: Doe not I also labour other-while of this disease? Moreover, he that hath blamed and reproched the life of ano­ther, if presently withall he would goe and examine his owne, resorming the same accordingly, redressing and amending all that he findes amisse, untill he have brought it to a better state, shall receive some profit by that reproving and reviling of his; otherwise it may both seeme (as it is no lesse indeed) a vaine and unprofitable thing. Commonly men cannot choose but laugh 20 when they see either a bald-pate or a bunch-backe to taunt and scoffe at others for the same de­fects or deformities; and so in trueth, it were a ridiculous thing and a meere mockerie, to blame or reproch another in that, for which he may be mocked and reproched himselfe. Thus Leo the Byzantine cut one home that was crumpt shoulderd and buncht-backt, when he seemed to hit him in the teeth with his dimme and feeble eie-fight: Doest thou twit me (quoth he) by any impersection of nature incident unto a man, when as thy selfe art marked from heaven, and ca­riest the divine vengeance upon thy backe? Never then reproove thou an adulterer, if thy selfe be an uncleane wanton with boies; nor seeme thou to upbraid one with prodigalitie, if thou be a covetous miser thy selfe. Alcmaeon reviled Adrastus (upon a time) in this wise: Thou

A sister hast by parents twaine, 30
Whose hands her husband deare have slaine.

But what answered Adrastus? He objected not unto him the crime of another, but paieth him home with his owne, after this maner:

But thou thy selfe hast murdered
Thine owne kinde mother, who thee bred.

In like sort, when Domitius (upon a time) seemed to reproch Crassus, saying: Is it not true, that when your lamprey was dead which was kept full deintily for you in a stew, you wept therefore? Crassus presently came upon him againe with this bitter reply: And is it not true, that you when you followed three wives of yours one after another to their funerall fire, never shed teare for the matter? It is not so requisit or necessarie iwis (as the vulgar sort doe thinke) that hee who 40 checketh and rebuketh another, should have a ready wit of his owne, and a naturall gift in doing it, or a loud and big voice, or an audacious and bold face; no, but such an one he ought to be, that cannot be noted and taxed with any vice: for it should seeme that Apollo addressed this pre­cept of his [know thy selfe] to no person so much as to him who would blame and finde fault with another; for feare lest such men, in speaking to others what they would, heare that againe which they would not. For it happeneth ordinarily as Sophocles saith: That such an one

Who lets his tongue runne foolishly,
In noting others bitterly,
Shall heare himselfe (unwillingly)
The words he gave so wilfully. 50

Lo what commoditie and profit ensueth upon reproching an enemie.

Neither commeth there lesse good and aduantage unto a man by being reproched by ano­ther, and hearing himselfe reviled by his enemies: and therefore it was well and truely saide of Antisthenes, that such men as would be saved and become honest, another day ought of neces­sitie to have either good friends, or most spitefull and bitter enemies: for as they with their kind remonstrances and admonitions; so these with their reprochfull tearmes were like to re­forme their sinfull life. But forasmuch as amity and friendship now adaies speaketh with a small [Page 241] and low voice when faults should freely be reprooved, and is very audible and full of words in flattering, altogether mute and dumbe in rebukes and chastisements; but what temaineth now but that we should heare the truth from the mouth of our enemies? much like unto Telephus; who for default of a physician that was a friend to cure him, was forced to commit his wound or ulcer to the iron head of his enemies speare for to be healed; and even so those that have no well willers that dare freely reprove their faults, must perforce endure with patience the stinging tongue of their enemie and evill willer in chastising and rebuking their vices, not regarding so much the intent and meaning of the ill speaker, as the thing it selfe, and the matter that helpea­keth; and looke how he who enterprised the killing of Prometheus the Thessallan, ran him so deepe with his sword into the impostume or swelling botch which he had about him, that he let 10 foorth the corruption, and saved his life by the breaking and issue thereof; even so for all the world it falleth out many times, that a reprochfull speech delivered in anger or upon evill will is the cause of healing some maladie of the soule, either hidden or unknowne altogether, or else neglected: but the most part of those who are in this maner reproched, never consider whe­ther the vice wherewith they are touched be in them or no, but they looke rather if they can finde some other vice to object unto him, who hath thus chalenged them; and much like unto wrestlers, they never wipe away their owne dust, that is to say, the reproches that be fastned up­on themselves, and wherewith they be defamed, but they bestrew one another with dust, and afterwards trip up one anothers heeles, and tumble downe one upon another, wekering in the same, and soiling one another therewith: whereas indeed it behooved rather that a man when 20 he findeth himselfe tainted by his enemie, to endevour for to do away that vice wherewith he is noted and defamed, much rather than to fetch out any spot or steine out of his garment, which hath beene shewed him: and although there be charged upon us some slanderous im­putation that is not true; yet neverthelesse we are to search into the occasion whereupon such an opprobrious speech might arise and proceed, yea and take heed we must and feare, lest ere we be aware we commit the like or come neere unto that which hath beene objected unto us. Thus for example sake Lacydes king of the Argives, for that hee did weare his haire curiously set, in maner of a perruke, and because his gate or maner of going, seemed more delicate and nice than ordinary, grew into an ill name and obloquy of effeminate wantomesse. And Pom­petus the great could not avoid the like suspicion, because he used otherwhiles to scratch his 30 head with one finger onely, and yet otherwise he was so farre from feminine wantonnesse and incontinence as any man in the world. Crassus was accused for to have had carnall compa­nie with one of the religious nuns or votaries of Vesta, for that being desirous to purchase of her a faire peece of land and house of pleasure which she had, he resorted oftentimes privately unto her, spake with her apart, and perhaps made court unto her for to have her good wil in that respect onely. Posthumia likewise another vestall virgin, for that she was given much to laugh upon a small occasion, and withall would not sticke to enterteine talke with men, more boldly peradventure than became a maiden of her profession, was so deepely suspected of inconti­nence, that she was brought judicially into question about it, howbe it found unguilty, and ac­quit she was; but when Spurius Minutius the high-priest for the time being, assoiled her and 40 pronounced the sentence of her absolution, minding to dismisse her of the court, he gave her a gentle admonition by the way, that from thence forward she should forbeare to use any words lesse modest & chaste then the cariage of her life was. Themistocles likewise notwithstanding he was most innocent indeed, was called into question for treason, because he interteined amitie with Pausanias, sent and wrote oftentimes unto him, and so by that meanes gave suspicion that he minded to betray all Greece. When as therefore thou art charged with a false crimination by thine enemie, thou must not neglect it and make smal account thereof because it is not true, but rather looke about thee and examine what hath beene done or said, either by thee or anie one of those who affect and love thee, or converse with thee, sounding and tending any way to that imputation which might give occasion or likelihood thereof, and carefully to beware and 50 avoid the same: for if by adverse and heavy fortune whereunto others have inconsiderately fallen, they are deerely taught what is good for them, as Merope saith in one tragedie:

Fortune hath taken for her salarie,
My deerest goods of which I am berest,
But me she taught by that great miserie
For to be wise, and so she hath me left.

[Page 242] What should let or hinder us, but that we may learne by a master that costeth us nought, not taketh nothing for his teaching (even our enemie) to profit and learne somewhat that we knew not before? for an enemie perceiveth and findeth in us many things more than a friend by rea­son that (as Plato saith) That which loveth is alwaies blinde in the thing that is loved; whereas he who hateth us, besides that he is very curious and inquisitive into our imperfections, he is not meale mouthed (as they say) nor will spare to speake, but is ready enough to divulge and blase all abroad. King Hiero chanced upon a time being at words with one of his enemies to be tolde in reprochfull maner by him of his stinking breath; whereupon being somewhat dismaied in himselfe, he was no sooner returned home to his owne house, but be chid his wife: How comes this to passe (quoth he?) what say you to it? how hapneth it that you never told me of it? the 10 woman being a simple, chaste, & harmlesse dame: Sir (saith she) I had thought all mens breath had smelled so. Thus it is plaine, that such faults as be object and evident to the senses, grosse and corporall, or otherwise notorious to the world, we know by our enemies sooner than by out friends and familiars.

Over and besides, as touching the continence and holding of the tongue, which is not the least point of vertue, it is not possible for a man to rule it alwaies, and bring it within the com­passe and obedience of reason, unlesse by use and exercise, by long custome and painfull labour be have tamed and mastered the woorst passions of the soule, such as anger is: for a word that hath escaped us against our willes, which we would gladly have kept in; of which, Homer saith thus: 20

Out of the mouth a word did fly
For all the range of teeth fast-by.

And a speech that we let fall at aventure (a thing hapning often-times, and especially unto those whose spirits are not well exercised, and who want experience, who runne out, as it were, and breake forth into passions) this (I say) is ordinary with such as be hastie and cholerike, whose judgement is not setled and staied, or who are given to a licentious course of life: for such a word, being (as divine Plato saith) the lightest thing in the world, both gods and men have ma­ny a time paied a most grievous and heavie penalty; whereas Silence is not only (as Hippocrates saith) good against thirst, but also is never called to account, nor amerced to pay any fine; and that which more is, in the bearing and putting up of taunts and reproches, there is observed in it 30 a kinde of gravitie beseeming the person of Socrates, or rather the maghanimity of Hercules, if it be true that the Poet said of him:

Of bitter words he lesse account did make
Than dath the flie, which no regard doth take.

Neither verily is there a thing of greater gravitie, or simply better, than to heare a malicious e­nemie to revile, and yet not to be moved nor grow into passions therewith,

But to passe-by a man that loves to raile,
Asrocke in sea, by which we swimme or saile.

Moreover, a greater effect will ensue upon this exercise of patience, if thou canst accustome thy selfe to heare with silence thine enemie whiles he doth revile, for being acquainted therewith, 40 thou shalt the better endure the violent fits of a curst and shrewd wife chiding at home; to heare also without trouble the sharpe words of friend or brother; and if it chance that father or mo­ther let flie bitter rebukes at thee or beat thee, thou wilt suffer all, and never shew thy selfe dis­pleased and angrie with them. For Socrates was woont to abide at home Xanthippe his wife, ape­rillous shrewd woman and hard to be pleased, to the end that he might with more ease converse with others, being used to endure her curstnesse. But much better it were for a man to come with a minde prepared and exercised before-hand with hearing the scoffes, railing language, an­grie taunts, outragious and foule words of enemies and strangers, and that without anger and shew of disquietnesse, than of his domesticall people within his owne house. Thus you see how a man may shew his meeknesse and patience in enmities; and as for simplicity, magnanimitie 50 and a good nature in deed, it is more seene here than in friendship: for it is not so honest and commendable to do good unto a friend, as dishonest, not to succout him when he standeth in need and requesteth it.

Moreover, to forbeare to be revenged of an enemie if opportunitie and occasion is offered, and to let him goe when he is in thy hands, is a point of great humanitie and courtesie; but him that hath compassion of him whē he is fallen into adversity, succoreth him in distresse, at his re­quest [Page 243] is ready for to shew good will to his children, and an affection to susteine the state of his house and familie being in affliction; whosoever doth not love for this kindnesse, nor praise the goodnesse of his nature.

Of colour blacke (no doubt) and tincture sweart,
Wrought of stiffe steele or yron he hath an heart,
Or rather forg'd out of the Diament,
Which will not stirre hereat, nor once relent.

Casar commanded that the statues erected in the honour of Pompeius. which had bene beaten downe and overthrowen, should be set up againe; for which act Cicero said thus unto him: In rearing the images of Pompeius, ô Caesar, thou hast pitched and erected thine owne. And there­fore 10 we ought not to be sparie of praise and honour in the behalfe of an enemie especially when he deserveth the same; for by this meanes the partie that praiseth shall winne the greater praise himselfe; and besides, if it happen againe that he blame the said enemie, his accusation shall be the better taken, and carie the more credit, for that he shall be thought not so much to hate the person as disallow and mislike his action.

But the most profitable and goodliest matter of all, is this: That he who is accustomed to praise his enemies, and neither to grieve or envie at their well-fare, shall the better abide the pro­speritie of his friend, and be furthest off from envying his familiars in any good successe or ho­nour that by well-doing they have atchieved. And is there any other exercise in the world, that can bring greater profit unto our soules, or worke a better disposition and habit in them, than 20 that which riddeth us of emulation and the humour of envie? For like as in a city, wherein there be many things necessarie, though otherwise simply evill, after they have once taken sure soo­ting, and are by custome established in maner of a law, men shall hardly remove and abolish, al­though they have bene hurt and endammaged thereby; even so enmity, together with hatred and malice, bringeth in envie, jealousie, contentment and pleasure in the harme of an enemie, remembrance of wrongs received, and offences passed, which it leaveth behinde in the soule, when it selfe is gone; over and besides, cunning practises, fraud, guile, deceit, and secret for­layings or ambushes, which seeme against our enemies nothing ill at all, nor unjustly used, af­ter they be once setled and have taken root in our hearts, remaine there fast, and hardly or un­neth are removed; insomuch as if men take not heed how they use them against enemies, they 30 shall be so inured to them that they will be ready afterwards to practise the same with their verie friends. If therfore Pythagoras did well & wisely in acquainting his scholars to forbeare cruelty and injustice, even as farre as to dumb and brute beasts; whereupon he misliked fowlers, and would request them to let those birdes flie agine which they had caught; yea and buy of fishers whole draughts of fishes, and give order unto his disciples to put them alive into the water againe, insomuch as hee expressely forbad the killing of any tame beast whatsoever; certes it is much more grave and decent, that in quarrels, debates, and contentions among men; an enemie that is of a generous minde, just, true, and nothing treacherous, should re­presse, keepe downe, and hold underfoot the wicked, malicious, cautelous, [...] , and ungentle­man-like passions; to the end that afterwards in all contracts and dealings with his friend they 40 breake not out, but that his heart being cleere of them, he may absteine from all mischievous practises. Scaurus was a professed enemie and an accuser of Domitius judicially; now there was a domesticall servant belonging to the said Domitius, who before the day of triall and judge­ment, came unto Scaurus saying, That he would discover unto him a thing that he knew not of, the which might serve him in good steed when he should plead against his master; but Scaurus would not so much as give him the hearing; nay he laid hold on the party, and sent him away bound unto his lord and master. Cato (the younger) charged Muraena, and indited him in open court for popularitie and ambition, and declaring against him that he sought indirectly to gaine the peoples favour and their voices to be chosen Consull; now as he went up and downe to collect arguments and proofes thereof, and according to the maner and custome of the 50 Romanes, was attended upon by certeine persons who followed him in the behalfe of the de­fendant, to observe what was done for his better instruction in the processe & suit commenced; these fellowes would oftentimes be in hand with him and aske whether he would to day search for ought, or negotiate any thing in the matter and cause concerning Muraena? If he said, No; such credite and trust they reposed in the man that they would rest in that answere, and go their waies; a singular argument this was of all other to proove his reputation, and what opinion men conceived of him for his justice; but sure a farre greater testimonie is this, and that passeth [Page 244] al the rest, to proove that if we be accustomed to deale justly by our very enemies, we shal never shew our selves unjust, cautelous, and deceitfull with our friends. But forasmuch as every larke (as Simonides was wont to say) must needs have a cop or crest growing upon her head; and so likewise all men by nature do carie in their head I wot not what jealousie, emulation, and en­vie, which is if I may use the words of Pindarus,

A mate and fellow (to be plaine)
Of brain sicke fooles and persons vaine.

A man should not reape a small benefit & commoditie by discharging these passions upon his enemies, to purge & clense himselfe quite thereof, & as it were by certeine gutters or chanels, to derive and drein them as farre as possibly he can from his friends and familiar acquaintance; 10 whereof I suppose Onomademus a great politician, & wise States-man in the Isle Chios was well advised, who in a civile dissention being sided to that faction which was superior, & had gotten the head of the other; coūselled the rest of his part not to chase & banish out of the city al their adversaries, but to leave some of them still behind: For feare (quoth he) least having no enemies to quarrel withall, we our selves begin to fall out and go together by the eares; semblably if we spend these vitious passiōs of ours upon our enemies, the lesse are they like to trouble & molest our friends: for it ought not thus to be as Hesiodus saith: That the potter should envy the potter; or one minstrell or musician spite another; neither is it necessarie that one neighbor should be in jealousie of another; or cousens and brethren be concurrents & have emulation one at ano­ther, either striving to be rich or speeding better in their affaires: for if there be no other way or 20 meanes to be delivered wholy from contentions, envies, jealousies, & emulations, acquaint thy selfe at leastwise to be stung and bitten at the good successe of thine enemies; whet the edge & sharpen the point (as it were) of thy quarrellous & contentious humour, & turne it upon them and spare not: for like as the most skilfull and best gardiners are of this opinion, that they shall have the sweeter roses and more pleasant violets, if they set garlicke or sow onions neere unto them, for that all the strong and stinking savour in the juice that feedeth and nourish the saide flowers, is purged away and goeth to the said garlick and onions; even so an enimie drawing unto himselfe and receiving all our envie and malice, will cause us to be better affected to our friends in their prosperitie, and lesse offended if they out go us in their estate; and therefore in this regard we must contend and strive with our enimies about honour, dignities, govern­ment, 30 and lawfull meanes of advancing our owne estates, and not onely to be greeved and vexed to see them have the better and the vantage of us, but also to marke and observe everie thing whereby they become our superiors, and so to straine and endevour by carefull diligence, by labour and travell, by parsimonie, temperance, and looking neerely to our selves, to surpasse and go beyond them; like as Themistocles was wont to say: That the victorie which Miltiades atchieved in the plaine of Marathon brake his sleepes, and would not let him take his nights rest: for he who thinketh that his enemie surmounteth him in dignities, in patronage of high mat­ters and pleading of great causes, in management of state affaires, or in credit and authoritie with mightie men and grand Segniors, and in stead of striving to enterprise and do some great matter by way of emulation, betaketh himselfe to envie onely, and so sits still doing nothing, 40 and looseth all his courage, surely he bewraieth that he is possessed with naught else but an idle, vaine, & enervat kind of envy. But he that is not blinded with the regard & sight of him whom he hateth, but with a right & just eie, doth behold & consider al his life, his maners, deseigns, words and deeds, shall soone perceive & find that the most part of those things which he envieth were atchieved and gotten by such as have them, which their diligence, wisedom, forecast & vertuous deeds: he thereupon bending all his spirits & whole mind therto, wil exercise (I trow) & sharpen his own desire of honor, glory & honesty, yea & cut off contrariwise, that yawning drowsines & idle sloth that is in his hart. Set case moreover, that our enemies by flattery, by cautelous shifts & cunning practises, by pleading of cases at the bar, or by their mercenarie and illiberall service in unhonest & foule matters, seem to have gotten some power, ether with princes in courts, or with 50 the people in States & cities; let the same never trouble us, but contrariwise cheere up our harts and make us glad in regard of our owne libertie, the purenesse of our life and innocencie unre­prochable, which we may oppose against those indirect courses and unlawfull meanes. For all the gold that is either above ground or underneath (accordingas Plato saith) is not able to weigh against vertue. And evermore this sentence of Solon we ought to have in readines:

Many a wicked man is rich,
And vertuousmen are many poore:
[Page 245] But change we never will with sich
Nor give our goodnesse for their store,
And why? vertue is durable.
Where as their wealth is mutable.

much lesse then, will we exchange the acclamations and shouts of a popular multitude in thea­ters, which are woon with a feast; nor the honors and prerogatives to sit uppermost at a table neere unto the chamberlaines, minions, favorites, concubines, or lieutenants generall of Kings and Princes. For nothing is desireable, nothing to be affected, nothing indeed honest that pro­ceedeth from an unhonest cause: But he that loveth (according as Plato saith) is alwaies blinded by the thing which is loved, and sooner do we pereceive and marke any unseemely thing that our 10 enemies doe. Howbeit, to conclude, neither our joy and contentment conceived by observing them to do amisse, nor our griefe and displeasure in seeing them do well, ought to be idle & un­profitable unto us; but this reckoning and account we are to make of both; that in taking heed how we fall into their faults we may become better, and in imitating their good parts not worse than they.

HOW A MAN MAY PER­CEIVE 20 HIS OWNE PROCEE­DING AND GOING FORWARD IN VERTUE.

The Summarie. 30

HArdly can it be defined, whether of these two extremities is more to be feared, to wit, blockish stupiàitie or vaine presumption, considering the dangerous effects proceeding as well from the one as the other. And contrariwise, an excellent matter it is to be able for to teach men the meanes to avoid both extreames, and to hold the meane be­tweene. And this is the verte thing that our Author doth in this present treatise: for as he laboureth to disrobe as it were the lovers of vertue and turne them out of their habit of per­verse ignorance, wherwith most part of the world is alwaies clad; so he is destrous to keepe them from putting on the habilliment and garments of pride and vaine ostentation, that they might be arraied 40 with the apparell of vertue, in such sort that in taking knowledge of that good whereof they have al­readie some part, they might endevour and do what they can to get a greater portion from day to day, untill they come unto anassured contentment wherein they may rest. Then teacheth he how to know what a man hath profited in the schoole and exercise of vertue, shewing that he ought to consider first, whether he recule from vice by little and little; wherein he confuteth the opinion of the Stoicks, who imagined that no man was good, unlesse he became vertuous all at once. This done, he adjoineth foure rules to know the said profit and progresse in vertue, to wit, When we perceive our heart to tend unto good without any intermission: When our affection redeemeth and regaineth the time that is lost, gro­wing so much the more, as it was before staied and hindred: When we begin to take our whole pleasure and delight therein: lastly, When we surmount and overcome all impeachments that might turne us 50 aside out of the way of vertue. After all this he entreth into the matter more specially, and sheweth how a man is to employ himselfe in the studie of wisedome; what vices he ought to flie; wherein his mind and spirits should be occupied; and the profit that he is to reape and gather from Philosophers, poets and Historians. Item, with what affection we ought to speake in the presence of our neighbours, whether it be publikely or in private; of what fort our actions should be; and to what end and scope we are to addresse and direct them, giving a lustre unto all these discourses by excellent similitudes; taxing and reprooving the faults committed ordinarily by them who make a certaine semblance and outward [Page 246] shew of a spiring unto vertue. Having thus discoursed of these points aforesaid, he proposeth and set­teth downe againe divers rules which may resolve us in this advancement and proceeding forward of ours in goodnesse, namely: That we ought to love reprehensions; to take heed even unto our dreames; to examine our passions, and so to hope well, if we perceive that they waxe milde and gentle to imitate good things; in no wise to heare any speech of evill; to take example by the best persons, to rejoice [...] be glad, to have witnesses and beholders of our good will and intention; and not to esteeme any sinnes [...] trespasses small, but to avoide and shun them all: last of all, he closeth up his treatise with an elegant similitude, wherein he discovereth and laieth open the nature as well of the vicious as the vertuous, thereby to make the meanes of aspiring and attaining unto vertue, so much the more amiable to each person. 10

HOW A MAN MAY PER­ceive his owne proceeding and going forward in Vertue.

IT is not possible (my good friend Sossius Senecio) that a man by any meanes should have a feeling in himselfe, and a conscience of his owne amendement and progresse in vertue, if those good procee­dings 20 do not daily make some diminution of his follie, but that the vice in him weighing in equall ballance against them all, doe holde him downe

Like as the lead plucks downe then et,
Which for to catch the fish was set.

For so verily in the art of Musicke or Grammar, a man shall never know how farre he is proceeded, so long as in the studying and learning thereof, he diminish no part of his ignorance in those arts, but still findeth himselfe as unmusicall and unlettered as he was before; neither the cure which the Physician emploieth about his patient, if it worke no amendment at all, nor alleviation of the disease seeming in 30 some sort to yeeld unto medicines and to slake, can procure any sensible difference and change unto a better state, before that the contrary disposition and habit be restored perfectly to the for­mer health, and the body made found and strong againe. But certeinly, as in these cases there is no amendment to be accounted of, if those that seeme to amend do not perceive the change by the diminution and remission of that which weighed them downe, and finde themselves to en­cline and bend (as it were) in a ballance to the contrary; even so it fareth with those that make profession of philosophie; it can not be granted that there is any progresse or sense at all of pro­fiting, so long as the soule cast not off by little, and little, purge away her folly, but until such time as shee can atteine (forsooth) unto the sovereigne and perfect good, continueth in the meane-while fully possessed of vice and sinne in the highest degree; for by this meanes it would 40 follow, if at one instant and moment of time a wise man should passe from extreame wicked­nes unto the supreame and highest disposition of vertue: That he had all at once and in the mi­nute of an houre fled vice and cast it from him fully, whereof in a long time before he was not able to be rid of one little portion. But you know full well already that those who holde such ex­travagant opinions as these, make themselves worke enough, and raise great doubts and questi­ons about this point, namely, How a man should not perceive and feele himselfe when he is be­come wise, and be either ignorant or doubtfull that this growth and increase commeth in long processe of time by little and a little, partly by addition of some thing, and partly by subtraction of other, untill one arrive gently unto vertue, before he can perceive that he is going toward it. Now if there were so quicke and sudden a mutation, as that he who was to day morning most 50 vicious, should become in the evening as vertuous; and if there ever were knowen to happen unto any man such a change, that going to bed a very foole and so sleeping, should awake and rise a wise man, and taking his leave of yesterdaies follies, errours and deceits, say unto them:

My vaine lying dreames so vaine, a-day, aday,
Nought worth you were, I now both see and say.

Is it possible that such a one (I say) should be ignorant of this sudden change, and not perceive so great a difference in himselfe, not feele how wisedome all at once hath thus lightened and il­luminated [Page 247] his soule? for mine owne part, I would rather thinke that one upon earnest prayer transformed by the power of the gods from a woman to a man (as the tale goes of Caeneus) should be ignorant of this Metamorphosis, than he who of a coward, a foole and a dissolute or loose person become hardie, wise, sober and temperate; or being transported from a sensuall and beastly life unto a divine and heavenly life, should not marke the very instant wherin such a change did befall. But well it was said in olde time: That the stone is to be applied and framed unto the rule, and not the rule or squire unto the stone. And they (the Stoiks I meane) who are not willing to accommodat their opinions unto the things indeed, but wrest and force against the course of nature, things unto their owne conceits and suppositions, have filled all philoso­phie with great difficulties and doubtfull ambiguities; of which this is the greatest: In that they 10 will seeme to comprise all men, excepting him onely whom they imagine perfect, under one and the same vice in general: which strange supposition of theirs hath caused that this progresse and proceeding to vertue, called [...] seemeth to be a darke and obscure riddle unto them, or a meere fiction little wanting of extreame follie; and those who by the meanes of this amend­ment be delivered from all passions and vices that be, are held thereby to be in no better state, nor lesse wretched and miserable, than those who are not free from any one of the most enor­mious vices in the world; and yet they refute and condemne their owne selves; for in the dispu­tations which they holde in their schooles, they set the injustice of Aristides in equall ballance to that of Phalaris; they make the cowardise and feare of Brasides, all one with that of Dolon; yea, and compare the follie or errour of Melitus and Plato together, as in no respect different; how­beit, 20 in the whole course of their life, and mangement of their affaires, they decline and avoid those as implacable and intractable; but these they use and trust in their most important busi­nesse, as persons of great worth and regard: but we who know and see that in every kinde of sinne or vice, but principally in the inordinate and confused state of the soule there be degrees accor­ding to more or lesse; and that heerein differ our proceedings and amendments, according as reason by little and little doth illuminate, purge and cleanse the soule in abating and diminish­ing evermore the visiositie thereof, which is the shadow that darkneth it, are likewise fully per­swaded that it is not without reason to be assured, that men may have an evident sense and per­ceivance of this mutation, but as if they were raised out of some deepe and darke pit, that the same amendment may be reckoned by degrees in what order it goeth forward. In which com­putation 30 we may goe first and formost directly after this maner, and consider, whether like as they who under saile set their course in the maine and vast ocean, by observing together with the length and space of time, the force of the winde that driveth them, doe cast and measure how farre they have gone forward in their voiage, namely, by a probale conjecture how much in such a time and with such a gale of winde it is like that they may passe; so also in philosophie a man may give a gesse and conjecture of his proceeding and going forward, namely, what he may gaine by continuall marching on still, without stay or intermission otherwhiles in the mids of the way, and then beginning a fresh againe forward, but alwaies keeping one pace, gaining and getting ground still by the guidance of reason. For this rule

If little still to little thou do ad, 40
A heape at length, and mickle will be had.

was not given respectively to the encrease of summes of money alone, and in that point truely spoken, but it may likewise extend and reach to other things, and namely to the augmentation of vertue, to wit, when with reason and doctrine continuall use and custome is joyned, which maketh mastrie and is effectuall to bring any worke to end and perfection; whereas these inter­missions at times without order and equalitie, and these coole affections of those that studie philosophie, make not onely many staies and lets in proceeding forward as it were in a jour­ney, but that which is worse, cause going backward, by reason that vice which evermore lies in wait to set upon a man that idlely standeth still never so little haleth him a contrary way. True it is that the Mathematicians do call the planets Stationarie, and say they stand still, while they 50 cease to moove forward; but in our progresse and proceeding in philosophie, that is to say, in the correction of our life and maners, there can be admitted no intervall, no pause or cessari­on, for that our wit naturally being in perpetuall motion in maner of a ballance, alwaies casteth with the least thing that is, one way or other, willing of it selfe either to encline with the better or else is forcibly caried by the contrary to the worse. If then according to the oracle delivered unto the inhabitants of Curba, which willed them if they minded afterwards to live in peace, they should make war both night and day without intermission; thou finde in thy selfe and [Page 248] thine owne conscience, that thou hast fought continually with vice as well by night as by day, or at leastwise that thou hast not often left thy ward, and abandoned thy station in the garrison, nor continually admitted the heralds or messengers betweene comming from far as it were to parlie and compound, to wit, pleasures, delights, negligences, and amusements upon other matters, by all likelihood thou maist with confidence and alacritie be assured to go forward and make an end of thy course behind.

Moreover, say that there fall out some interruptions and staies betweene, that thou live not altogether canonically and like a Philosopher; yet if thy latter proceedings be more constant than the former, and the fresh courses that thou takest longer than the other, it is no bad signe, but it testifieth, that by labour and exercise idlenesse is conquered, and sloth utterly chased away; 10 whereas the contrary is a very ill signe, to wit, if by reason of many cessations and those com­ming thicke one after another, the heat of the former affection be cooled, languish and wea­reth to nothing: for like as the shoote of a cane or reed whiles it hath the full strength and grea­test force, putteth forth the first stem reaching out in length, streight, even, smooth, & united in the beginning, admitting few knots in great distances between, to stay and put backe the growth and rising thereof in height; but afterwards as if it were checked to mount up aloft by reason of short winde and failing of the breath, it is held downe by many knots, and those neere one to another, as if the spirit therein which coveteth upward found some impeachment by the way, smiting it backe, and causing it as it were to pant and tremble; even so as many as at first tooke long [...] and made haste unto philosophie or amendment of life, and then afterwards meet 20 eftsoones with stumbling blocks, continually turning them out of the direct way, or other meanes to distract and plucke them aside, finding no proceeding at al to better them, in the end are wearie, give over, & come short of their journeis end; whereas theother above-said hath his wings growing still to helpe his flight, and by reason of the fruit which he findeth in his course goeth on apace, cutteth off all pretenses of excuse, breaketh through all lets, (which stand as a multitude in the way to hinder his passage) which he doth by fine force and with an industri­ous affection to attcine unto the end of his enterprise. And like as to joy and delight in behol­ding of beautie present is not a signe of love beginning, for a vulgar and common thing this is but rather to be greeved & vexed when the same is gone or taken away; even so many therebe who conceive pleasure in philosophie, and make semblance as if they had a fervent desire to the 30 studie thereof; but if it chance that they be a little retired from it by occasion of other businesse and affaires, that first affection which they tooke unto it vanisheth away, and they can well abide to be without Philosophie;

But he who feeles indeed the pricke
Of love that pierceth neere the quicke.

as one poet saith; will seeme unto thee moderate and nothing hot in frequenting the philoso­phicall schoole and conferring together with thee about philosophie; but let him be plucked from it, and drawen apart from thee, thou shalt see him enflamed in the love thereof, impatient, and weary of all other affaires and occupations; thou shalt perceive him even to forget his own friends, such a passionate desire he will have to philosophie. For we ought not so much to de­light 40 in learning and philosophie whiles we are in place, as we do in sweet odors, perfumes, and ointments, and when we are away and separated therefro, never grieve thereat, nor seeke after it any more; but it must imprint in our hearts a certeine passion like to hunger and thirst when it is taken from us, if we wil profit in good earnest & perceive our owne progresse and amendement; whether it be, that marriage, riches, some friendship, expedition or warfare come between, that may drave him away and make separation, for the greater that the fruit is which he gathered by Philosophie, so much the more will the griefe be to leave and forgoe it. To this first signe of progresse in Philosophie may be added another of great antiquitie out of Hesiodus; which if it be not the verie same, certes it commeth neere unto it, and this he describeth after this sort, namely, When a man findeth the way no more difficult, rough & craggy, nor exceeding steep 50 and upright, but easie, plaine, with a gentle descent, as being indeed laid even and smooth by ex­ercise, and wherein now there begins light cleerely to appeere and shine out of darkenes, in stead of doubts, ambiguities, errors, and those repentances and changes of minde, incident unto those who first betake themselves to the studie of Philosophie; after the manner of them who having left behinde them a land which they know well enough, are troubled whiles they cannot descrie and discover that for which they set saile and bend their course; for even so it is with these per­sons, who when they have abandoned these common and familiar studies whereto they were in­ured [Page 249] before they came, to learne, apprehend and enjoy better, oftentimes in the verie middle of their course are caried round about and driven to returne backe againe the same way they came. Like as it is reported of Sexius a noble man of Rome, who having given over the honorable offices and magistracies in the citie, for love of Philosophie, afterwards finding himselfe much troubled in that studie, and not able at the beginning to brooke and digest the reasons and dis­courses thereof, was so perplexed, that he went verie neere to have throwen himselfe into the sea out of a gallie.

The semblable example we read in histories, of Diogenes the Sinopian, when he first went to the studie and profession of Philosophie: for when about the same time it chanced that the A­thenians celebrated a publike solemnitie with great feasting and sumptuous fare, with theatri­call 10 plaies and pastimes, meeting in companies and assemblies to make merrie one with ano­ther, with revels and daunces all night long, himselfe in an odde corner of the market place lay lapped round in his cloathes, purposing to take a nap and sleepe; where and when he fell into certaine fantasticall imaginations which did not a little turne and trouble his braines, yea and breake his heart, discoursing thus in his head: That he upon no constraint or necessitie, should thus wilfully betake himselfe to a laborious & strange course of painful life, sitting thus by him­selfe mopish, sequestred from all the world, & deprived of all earthly goods; In which thoughts and conceits of his, he spied (as the report goeth) a little mouse creeping & running towards the crums that were fallen from his lofe of bread, and was verie busie about them, whereupon hee tooke heart againe, reprooved and blamed his owne feeble courage, saying thus to himselfe: 20 What saiest thou Diogenes? Seest thou not this sillie creature what good cheere it maketh with thy leavings? how merrie she is whiles she feedeth thereupon? and thou (like a trim man indeed as thou art) doest waile, weepe and lament, that thou drinkest not thy selfe drunke as those doe yonder; nor lie in soft and delicate beds, richly set out with gay and costly furniture. Now when such temptations and distractions as these be, returne not often, but the rule and discourse of reason presently riseth up against them, maketh head, turneth upon them suddenly againe (as it were) in the chace and pursued in the route by enemies, and so quickly discomfiteth and dispat­cheth the anxietie and dispaire of the minde, then a man may be assured that he hath profited indeed in the schoole of Philosophie, and is well setled and confirmed therein. But forasmuch as the occasions which doe thus shake men that are given to Philosophie, yea and otherwhiles 30 plucke them a contrarie way, doe not onely proceed from themselves by reason of their owne infirmitie and so gather strength; but the sad and serious counsels also of friends, together with the reproofes and contradictorie assaults made upon them by adversaries, betweene good ear­nest and game, doe mollifie their tender hearts, and make them to bow, bend and yeeld, which otherwhiles have beene able in the end to drive some altogether from Philosophie, who were well entred therein: It may be thought no small signe of good proceeding, if one can endure the same meekly without being mooved with such temptations, or any waies troubled and pin­ched when hee shall heare the names and surnames of such and such companions and equals otherwise of his, who are come to great credit and wealth in Princes courts; or be advanced by mariages, matching with wives who brought them good dowries & portions; or who are wont 40 to go into the common Hall of a citie, attended upon and accompanied with a traine and troup of the multitude, either to attaine unto some place of government, or to plead some notable cause of great consequence: for he that is not disquieted, astonied, or overcome with such as­saults; certaine it is and we may be bold to conclude that he is arrested (as it were) and held sure as he ought to be by Philosophie. For it is not possible for any to cease affecting and loving those things, which the multitude doth so highly honor and adore, unlesse they be such as ad­mire nothing else in the world but vertue. For to brave it out, to contest, and make head against men, is a thing incident unto some by occasion of choler, unto others by reason of folly; but to contemne and despise, that which others esteeme with admiration, no man is able to performe, without a great measure of true and resolute magnanimitie: In which respect such persons 50 comparing their state with others magnifie themselves, as Solon did in these words:

Many a wicked man is rich,
And good men there be many poore:
But we will not exchange with sich,
Nor give our goodnes for their store.
For vertue ay is [...] ,
Whereas riches be [...] .

[Page 250] And Diogenes compared his peregrination and flitting from the city of Corinth to Athens, and againe his removing from Thebes to Corinth, unto the progresses and changes of abode that the great king of Persia was wont to make; who in the Spring season held his Court at Susis; in Win­ter, kept house at Babylon; and during Summer, passed the time and sojourned in Media. [...] hearing upon a time the said king of Persia to be named, The great king: And why (quoth he) is he greater than my selfe? unlesse it be that he is more just and righteous. And [...] writing unto Antipater as touching Alexander the great, said: That it became not him onely to vaunt much and glorifie himselfe for that his dominions were so great, but also any man els hath no lesse cause who is instructed in the true knowledge of the gods. And Zeno seeing Theoplird: stus in great admiration because he had many scholars: Indeed (quoth he) his auditory or quite 10 is greater than mine, but mine accordeth better and makes sweeter harmonie than his. When as therefore thou hast so grounded and established in thine heart that affection unto vertue, which is able to encounter and stand against all externall things, when thou hast voided out of thy soule all envies, jealousies, and what affections soever are woont either to tickle or to fret, or otherwise to depresse and cast downe the minds of many that have begunne to professe philoso­phie; this may serve for a great argument and token that thou art well advanced forward, and hast profited much; neither is it a small signe thereof, if thou perceive thy language to be chan­ged from that it was wont to be; for all those who are newly entred into the schoole of philoso­phie (to speake generally) affect a kinde of speech or stile which aimeth at glory and vaine o­stentation: some you shall heare crowing aloud like cocks and mounting up aloft, by reason of 20 their levity and haughty humour, unto the sublimitie and splendor of physicall things or secrets in nature; others take pleasure (after the maner of wanton whelps, as Plato saith) in tugging and tearing evermore whatsoever they can catch or light upon; they love to be doing with liti­gious questions, they goe directly to darke problemes and sophisticall subtilties, and most of them being once plunged in the quillits & quidities of Logicke, make that (as it were) a means or preparative to flesh themselves for Sophistrie: mary there be, who goe all about collecting and gathering together sententious sawes and histories of ancient times; and as Anacharsis was wont to say: That he knew no other use that the Greeks had of their coined pieces of mony, but to tell and number them, or els to cast account and reckon therewith; even so do they nothing els but count and measure their notable sentences and sayings, without drawing any profit or 30 commodity out of them: and the same befalleth unto them, which one of Platoes familiars applied unto his scholars by way of allusion to a speech of Atiphanes: this Antiphanes was wont to say in merriment: That there was a city in the world, whereas the words so soone as ever they were out of the mouth and pronounced, became frozen in the aire, by reason of the coldnesse of the place, and so when the heat of Summer came to thaw and melt the same, the inhabitants might heare the talke which had bene uttered and delivered in Winter; even so (quoth he) it is with many of those who come to heare Plato when they be yoong; for whatsoever he speaketh and readeth unto them, it is very long ere they understand the same, and hardly when they are become olde men: and even after the same sort it fareth with them abovesaid, who stand thus affected universally unto Philosophie, untill their judgement being well setled and growen to 40 sound resolution, begin to apprehend those things which may deepely imprint in the minde a morall affection and passion of love, yea, and to search and trace those speeches, whereof the tracts (as Aesope was woont to say) leade rather in, than out. For like as Sophocles said merrily upon a time, by way of derision: That he would first cut off the haughtie and stately invention of Aeschylus, and then abridge his affected, curious and artificiall disposition, and in the third place change the maner and forme of his elocution, which is most excellent, and fullest of sweet affe­ctions; even so, the students in Philosophie, when they shall perceive that they passe from ora­tions exquisitly penned and framed for ostentation in frequent and solemne assemblies, unto morall speeches, and those that touch the quicke, aswell the milde and gentle motions, as the hote and violent passions of the minde, then begin they indeed to lay downe all pride and vani­ty, 50 and profit truely in the schoole of Philosophie.

Consider then, not onely in reading the works of Philosophers, or in hearing their lectures, first and formost, whether thou art not more attentive to the words than to the matter; or whe­ther thou be not carried with a greater affection to those who deliver a more subtill and curious composition of sentences, than such as comprise profitable, commodious, substantiall & fleshy matters (if I may so say) but also in perusing Poemes, or taking in hand any history, observe well and take heed, that there escape thee not any one good sentence tending properly to the refor­mation [Page 251] of maners or the alleviation of passions: for like as (according to [...]) the bee set­teth upon flowers for to sucke out of it the yellow honie, whereas others love onely their colour or pleasant sent, and neither care nor seeke for any thing els thereout; even so, when other men be conversant in Poemes for pleasure onely and pastime, thou finding and gathering somewhat out thereof woorth the noting, shalt seeme at the first sight to have some knowledge already thereof by a certeine custome and acquaintance with it, and a love taken unto it as a good thing and familiar unto thee. As for those that reade the books of Plato and Xenophon, in no other regard but for the beautie of their gallant stile, seeking for nought els but for the purity of speech, and the very naturall Atticke language, as if they went to gather the thin dew or tender mosse or downe of herbs; What will you say of such? but that they love physicke drugs, which 10 have either a lovely colour or a pleasant smell onely; but otherwise the medicinable vertues thereof and properties either to purge the bodie or mitigate any paine, they neither desire to know nor are willing to use.

Moreover, such as are proceeded farther, yet profited more, have the skill and knowledge how to reape fruit not onely out of words spoken or books written, but also to receive profit out of all sights, spectacles, and what things soever they see, gathering from thence whatsoever is fit and commodious for their purpose; as it is reported of Aeschylus and other such as he: For Aeschylus being upon a time at the Isthmian games, beheld the fight of the sword-fencers that fought at sharpe, and when one of the said champions had received a grievous wound, where­upon the whole theater set up a crie, he jogging one that was by him (named Ion of Chios) See 20 you not (quoth he) what use and exercise is able to do? the partie himselfe that is hurt saith ne­ver a word, but the lookers on crie out. Brasides chanced among drie figs to light upon a sillie mouse that bit him by the finger, and when he had shaken her off and let her goe, said thus to himselfe: See how there is nothing so little and so feeble, but it is able to make shift and save it life, if it dare onely defend it selfe. Diogenes when he saw one make meanes to drinke out of the ball of his hand, cast away the dish or cuppe that hee carried in his budget. Loe, how at­tentive taking heed and continuall exercise maketh men ready and apt to marke, observe and learne from all things that make any way for their good. And this they may the rather doe when the joine wordes and deedes together, not onely in that sort (as Thucidides spea­keth of) by meditating, and exercising themselves with the experience of present perils, 30 but also against pleasures, quarrels, and altercations in judgements about defences of cau­ses and magistracies; as making proofe thereby of the opinions that they holde, or rather by carriage of themselves, teaching others what opinions they are to holde. For such as yet bee learners, and notwithstanding that, intermeddle in affaires like pragmaticall persons, spying how they may catch any thing out of philosophie, and goe therewith incontinently in maner of juglers with their boxe, either into the common place and market, or into the schoole which young men frequent, or els to princes tables, there to set them abroad; we are not to thinke them philosophers; no more than those to be physicians, who only fell medicinable spi­ces, drugs or compound confections; or to speake more properly, such a sophister or counter­feit philosopher as this, resembleth the bird that Homer describeth, which forsooth, so soone 40 as he hath gotten any thing, carieth it to his scholars (as the said bird doth in her mouth convey meat to her naked young ones that cannot flie)

And so himselfe he doth beguile
And thereby take much harme the while.

converting and distributing naught of all that which he hath gotten to his owne nourishment, nor so much as concocting and digesting the same: and therefore we ought of necessitie to re­gard and consider well whether we use any discourse and place our words so, that for our selves they may do good; and in regard of others, make no shew of vaine-glorie nor ambitious desire to be knowne abroad, but onely of an intention rather to heare, or els to teach.

But principally we are to observe whether our wrangling humour and desire to be cavilling 50 about questions disputable, be allaied in us or no, as also whether we have yet given over to de­vise reasons and arguments to assaile others; like as champions armed with hurlebats of tough leather about their armes and bals in their hands, to annoy their concurrents, taking more plea­sure and delight to fell and astonish with one rap our adversarie, and so to lay him along on the earth, than to learne or teach him: for surely modestie, mildenesse and courtesie in this kinde will doe well; and when a man is not willing to enter into any conference or disputation, with a purpose to put downe and vanquish another, nor to breake out into fits of choler, not ha­ving [Page 252] evicted his adversarie to be readie as they say to tread and trample him under foot, nor to seeme displeased and discontent if himselfe have the foile and be put to the woorst, be all good signes of one that hath sufficiently profited. And this shewed Aristippus very well upon a time when he was so hardly pressed and overlaid in a certaine disputation, that he knew not what an­swer to make presently unto his adversarie a jolly bold and audacious sophister, but otherwise a brainsicke foole and without all judgement: for Aristippus seeing him to vaunt himselfe, puf­fed up with vaine glorie, that he had put him to a non plus: Well (quoth he) I fee that for this time I go away with the worse, but surely when I am gone I will sleepe more soundly and quietly than you that have gotten the better. Moreover we may also proove and sound our selves, whe­ther we have profited or no, even whiles we speake in publicke place; namely, if neither upon 10 the sight of a greater audience than we looked for, we shrinke not for feare and false heart, nor contrariwise be discouraged to see fewer come to heare our exercises than we hoped for; ne yet when we are to make a speech to the people, or before a great magistrate, we leese the opportu­nitie thereof, for that we have not well premeditated thereof before, nor come provided of apt words to declare our mind, a thing that by report befell unto Demosthenes & Alcthiades: for Al­cibiades as he was passing ingenious and inventive of matter, so he wanted audacitie, and was not so ready as some other to utter the same, but troubled eftsoones in his pleading and deliverie of it, insomuch as many times in the very mids ofhis oration he would be out and to seeke for a proper and fit terme to expresse the conception ofhis minde, or els to recover that word againe which was slipt and escaped out ofhis memorie. As for Homer he had such an opinion of his 20 owne perfection, and his poeticall veine in the rest of all his worke, that he stucke not to set downe the very first verse of his poeme defective in measure, and not answerable to the rules of versifying So much the rather therefore likely it is, that they who set nothing before their eies, nor aime at ought els but vertue onely and honestie, will make use of the present occasion and the occurrence of affaires, fall out as they will, without regard of applause, hissing or any other noise whatsoever in token of liking or disliking their speech.

Now every man ought to consider not onely his owne speeches, but also his actions, name­ly whether they carie with them more profit and sound trueth, than vaine pompe and osten­tentation; for if the true love indeed of young folke, man or woman, requireth no witnesses, but resteth in the private contentment & enjoying of their sweet delights, although the same were 30 performed and their desires fully accomplished secretly betweene them without the privitie of any person: how much more credible is it that he who is enamoured ofhonesty and wisedome, using the company and felowship familiarly of vertue by his actions, and enjoying the same, shall finde in himselfe without saying one word an exceeding great contentment, and de­maund no other hearers or beholders but his owne conscience? For like as he was but a vaine foole who called unto his maid in the house and cried with aloud voice: Dionysia come and see I am not proud and vain glorious now as I was wont to be; even so hee that hath done some vertuous and commendable act, and then goes foorth to tell it abroad and spred the fruit there of in every place, certeine it is that such an one regards still outward vanities, and is caried with a covetous desire of vain-glorie, neither hath he ever had as yet a true sight indeed and perfect 40 vision of vertue, but onely a fantasticall dreame of her, imagining as hee lies asleepe, that hee seeth some wandring shadow and image thereof, and then afterward representeth thus unto his view that which he hath done, as painted table to looke upon. Well then, it is the propertie of him that proceedeth in vertue, not onely when he hath bestowed somthing upon his friend, or done a good turne unto one ofhis familiars, for to make no words there of; but also when hee hath given his voice justly, or delivered his opinion truely, among manie others that are unjust and untrue; or when he hath flatly denied the unhonest request, or stoutly crossed a bad motion of some rich man, great Lord or mightie Magistrate; or refused gifts and bribes; or proceeded so farre that being athirst in the night he hath not drunke at all; or hath refused to kisse a beautifull boy or faire maiden & turned away from them comming toward him 50 as Agesilaus did; to keepe al this to himselfe and say nothing: For such a one as is content to be prooved and tried by his owne selfe, not setting light by that triall and judgement, but joying and taking delight in his conscience, as being a sufficient witnes and beholder, both of good things and commendable actions, sheweth that reason hath turned in, to lodge and keepe resi­ance with him, that it hath taken deepe root there: and as Democritas saith: That he is well fra­med, and by custome brought to rejoice and take pleasore in himselfe. And like as husbandmen are more glad and willing to see the eares of corne hang downe their heads, and bend toward [Page 253] the earth, than those who for their lightnes stand straight, upright, and staring aloft, for that they suppose such eares are emptie, or have little or nothing in them, for all their faire shew; even so, among yoong men, students in Philosophie, they that have least in them of any weight, and be most voide, be those that are at the verie first most confident; set the greatest countenance; carrie the biggest port in their gate, and have the boldest face, shewing therein how full they are of pride in themselves, contempt of all others, and sparing of none: but afterwards as they begin to grow on and burnish, furnishing and filling themselves with the fruits indeed of reason and learning; then and never before they lay away these proude lookes; then downe goes this vaine pride and outward ostentation. And like as we see in vessels, whereinto men use to powre in liquor, according to the quantitie and measure of the said liquor that goeth in, the 10 aite which was there before flieth out; even so to the proportion of those good things which are certaine and true indeed, wherewith men are replemshed, their vanitie giveth place, all their hypocrisie vanisheth away, their swelling and puffing pride doth abate and fall, and giving over then to stand upon their goodly long beards and side robes, they transferre the exercise of outward things into the minde and soule within, using the sharp bit ofbitier reprehension prin­cipally against themselves. And as for others, they can finde in their hearts to devise, conferre, and talke with them more graciously and with greater courtesie; the manner of Philosophie, and reputation of Philosophers, they do not usurpe not take upon them, neither do they use it as their addition in former time; and if haply one of them by some other be called by that name, be wil not answere to it; but if he be a yoong gentleman indeed, after a smiling and plea­sant 20 manner, yea and blushing withall for shame, he will say thus out of the Poet Homer:

I am no God nor heavenly wight:
Why doest thou give to me their right?

For true it is as Aeschylus saith:

A dam'sell yoong if she have knowen,
And tasted man once carnally;
Her eie doth it bearay anon,
It sparkles fire suspiciously.

But a yoong man having truely tasted the profit and proceeding in Philosophie, hath these signes following him, which the Poetresse Sappho setteth downe in these verses: 30

When I you see, What do I aile?
First suddenly my voice doth faile,
And then like fire a colour red,
Under my skinne doth run and spread.

It would do you good to view his setled & staied countenance, to behold the pleasant and sweet regard of his eie, and to heare him when he speaketh: for like as those who are professed in any confraternity of holy mysteries, at their first assembly & meeting together, hurry in tumultuous sort with great noise, insomuch as they thrust and throng one another; but when they come to celebrate the divine service thereto belonging, and that the sacred reliques and ornaments are once shewed, they are verie attentive with reverent feare and devout silence; so, at the begin­ning 40 of the studie of Philosophie, and in the verie entrie (as it were) of the gate that leadeth un­to it, a man shall see much adoe, a foule stirre, great audaciousnes, insolencie, and jangling words more than enough; for that some there be, who would intrude themselves rudely, and thrust into the place violently, for the greedie desire they have to winne reputation and credit: but he that is once within and seeth the great light, as if the sanctuaries and sacred cabinets or tabernacles were set open, anon he putteth on another habit, and a divers countenance with silence and astonishment, he becommeth humble, pliable and modest, readie to follow the dis­course of reason and doctrine, no lesse than the direction of some god. To such as these, me thinkes, I may do verie well to accommodate that speech which Menademus somtime in mirth spake pleasantly: Many there be that saile to Athens (quoth he) for to goe to schoole there, who 50 when they come first thither seeme [...] Sophi, that is, be wise, and afterwards proove [...] Philosophi, that is, lovers of wisedome; then of Philosophers they become [...] Sophisters, that is, professors and readers, untill in processe of time they grow to be [...] Idiots, that is to say, ignorant and fooles to see to: for the neerer that they approch to the use of reason and to learning indeed, the more do they abridge the opinion that they have of themselves, and lay downe their presumption. Among those that have need of physicke, some that are troubled with the tooth-ach, or have a felon or whitflaw on their finger, goe themselves to the physician for to have remedie; others [Page 254] who are sicke of an ague send for the physician home to their houses, and desire to be eased and cured by him; but those that are fallen either into a fit of melancholy, or phrensid, or other­wise be distracted in their braines and out of their right wits, otherwhiles will not admit or re­ceive the physicans, although they came of themselves uncalled, but either drive them out of doores, or else hide themselves out of their sight, and so farre gone they bee and dan­gerously sicke, that they feele not their owne sicknesse; semblably of those who sinne and doe amisse, such bee incorrigible and uncurable, who are grievously offended and an­gry, yea, and in mortall hatred with those who seeme to admonish and reproove them for their misbehaviour; but such as will abide them, and are content to receive and enter­teine them, be in better state and in a readier way to recover their health: marie he that yeeldeth 10 himselfe to such as rebuke him, confessing unto them his errors, discovering of his owne accord his povertie and nakednesse, unwilling that any thing as touching his state should be hidden, not loving to be unknowen and secret, but acknowledging and avowing all that he is charged with, yea, and who praieth a man to checke, to reprove, to touch him to the quicke, and so cra­veth for helpe; certeinly herein he sheweth no small signe of good progresse and amendment: according to that which Diogenes was woont to say: He that would be saved (that is to say) be­come an honest man, had need to seeke either a good friend or a sharpe and bitter enemie, to the end that either by gentle reproofe and admonition, or els by a rigorous cure of correction, he may be delivered from his vices. But how much soever a man in a glorious bravery sheweth to those that be abroad either a foule and thred-bare coat or a steined garment, or a rent shoo, 20 or in a kinde of a presumptuous humilitie mocketh himselfe in that peradventure he is of a very low stature, crooked or bunch-backed, and thinketh herein that he doth a woorthy and doughtie deed; but in the meane while covereth and hideth the ordures and filthinesse of his vile life, cloaketh the villanous enormities of his maners, his envie, maliciousnesse, avarice, sensuall vo­luptuousnesse, as if they were beastly botches or ugly ulcers, suffering no bodie to touch them, nay, nor so much as to see them, and all for feare of reproofe, and rebuke, certes, such a one hath profited but a little, or to speake more truely, never a whit at all; but he that is ready to en­counter and set upon these vices, and either is willing and able (which is the chiefe and princi­pall) to chastise and condemne, yea, and put himselfe to sorrow for his faults; or if not so, yet in the second place at the least can endure patiently, that another man by his reprehensions & re­monstrances 30 should cleanse and purge him; certes evident it is, that such an one hateth and detesteth wickednes indeed, and is in the right way to shake it off: and verily, we ought to avoid the very name and apperance onely thereof, and to be ashamed for to be thought and reputed wicked; but hee that grieveth more at the substance of vice it selfe, than the infamie that com­meth thereof, will never be afraid, but can very well abide both to speake hardly of himselfe, and to heare ill by others, so he may be the better thereby. To this purpose may very wel be applied a prety speech of Diogenes unto a certain yonker, who perceiving that Diogenes had an eie on him within a taverne or tipling house, withdrew himselfe quickly more inward, for to be out of his sight: Never do so (quoth he) for the farther thou fliest backward, the more shalt thou be still in the taverne; even so a man may say of those that be given to vice, for the more that any one of 40 them seemeth to denie his fault, the farther is he engaged, and the deeper sunke in sinne; like as poore men, the greater shew that they make of riches, the poorer they be, by reason of their va­nity and bragging of that which they have not. But hee that profiteth in deed, hath for a good president and example, to follow that famous Physician Hippocrates, who both openly confes­sed and also put downe in writing, that he was ignorant in the Anatomie of a mans head, and namely, as touching the seames or situres thereof; and this account will he make, that it were an unworthy indignitie, if (when such a man as Hippocrates thought not much to publish his owne errour and ignorance, for feare that others might fall into the like) hee who is willing to save himselfe from perdition, can not endure to be reproved, nor acknowledge his owne igno­rance and follie. As for those rules and precepts which are delivered by Pyrrho and Bion in this 50 case are not in my conceit the signes of amendment and progresse so much, as of some other more perfect and absolute habit rather of the minde; for Bion willed and required his scholars and familiars that conversed with him, to thinke then (and never before) that they had procec­ded and profited in Philosophie, when they could with as good a will abide to heare men revile and raile at them, as if they spake unto them in this maner:

Good sir, you seeme no person leawd, nor foolish sot, iwis:
[Page 255] All haile, Faire chieve you and adieu, God send you alwaies blis.

And Pyrrho (as it is reported) being upon a time at sea, and in danger to be cast away in a tem­pest, shewed unto the rest of his fellow passengers a porket feeding hard upon barley cast before him on ship boord: Loe, my masters (quoth he) we ought by reason and exercise in Philoso­phie, to frame our selves to this passe, and to attaine unto such an impassibilitie, as to be moved and troubled with the accidents of fortune no more than this pig.

But consider furthermore, what was the conceit and opinion of Zeno in this point; for hee was of mind that every man might and ought to know whether he profited or no in the schoole of vertue, even by his very dreames; namely, if hee tooke no pleasure to see in his sleepe any 10 filthy or dishonest thing, nor delighted to imagine that he either intended, did or approved any leawd, unjust or outragious action; but rather did beholde (as in a setled calme, without winde, weather and wave, in the cleere bottome of the water) both the imaginative and also the passive facultie of the soule, wholly overspread and lightened with the bright beames of rea­son: which Plato before him (is it should seeme) knowing well enough, hath prefigured and represented unto us, what fantasticall motions they be that proceed in sleepe from the imagina­tive & sensual part of the soule given by nature to tyrannize & overrule the guidance of reason; namely if a man dreame that he seeketh to have carnall company with his owne mother, or that he hath a great minde and appetite to eate all strange, unlawfull and forbidden meats; as if then the said tyrant gave himselfe wholy to all those sensualities & concupiscences as being let loose 20 at such a time, which by day the law either by feare or shame doth represse & keepe downe. Like as therefore beasts which serve for draught or saddle, if they be well taught and trained, albeit their governors and rulers let the reines loose and give them the head, fling not out nor goe aside from the right way, but either draw or make pace forward stil, & as they were wont ordina­rily keepe the same traine and hold on in one course and order, even so they whose sensuall part of the soule is made trainable and obedient, tame, and well schooled by the discipline of reason, will neither in dreames nor sicknesses easily suffer the lusts and concupiscences of the flesh, to rage or breake out unto any enormities punishable by law; but will observe and keepe still in memorie that good discipline and custome which doth ingenerate a certeine power and effica­cie unto diligence, whereby they shall and will take heed unto themselves: for if the mind hath 30 bene used by exercise to resist passions and temptations, to hold the bodie and all the members thereof as it were with bit & bridle under subjection in such sort that it hath at cōmand the eies not to shed teares for pitty; the heart like wise not to leape & pant in seare; the naturall parts not to rise not stirre but to be still & quiet without any trouble at all, upon the sight of any faire and beautifull person, man or woman; how can it otherwise be but that there should be more likeli­hood that exercise having seized upon the sensuall part of the soule and tamed it, should polish, lay even, reforme, and bring unto good order all the imaginations and motions thereof, even as farre as to the very dreames and fantasies in sleepe: as it is reported of Stilpo the philosopher, who dreamed that he saw Neptune expostulating with him in anger, because he had not killed a beefe to sacrifice unto him as the manner was of other priests to doe, and that himselfe no­thing 40 astonied or dismaid at the said vision should answer thus againe: What is that thou saist ô Neptune? commest thou to complaine indeed like a child (who pules and cries for not ha­ving a peece big enough) that I take not up some money at interest, and put my selfe in debt, to fill the whole citie with the sent and savor of rost and burnt, but have sacrificed unto thee such as I had at home according to my abilitie and in a meane? whereupon Neptune (as hee thought) should merrily smile and reach foorth unto him his right hand, promising that for his sake and for the love of him he would that yeere send the Megarians great store of raine and good foison of sea-loaches or fishes called Aphyrae by that meanes comming unto them by whole sculles. Such then, as while they lie asleepe have no illusions arising in their braines to trouble them, but those dreames or visions onely as be joious pleasant, plaine and 50 evident, not painfull, not terrible, nothing rough, maligne, tortuous and crooked; may boldly say that these fantasies and apparitions be no other than the reflexions and raies of that light which rebound from the good proceedings in philosophie; whereas contrariwise the furious pricks of lust, timorous frights, unmanly and base flights, childish and excessive joies, dolorous sorrowes, and dolefull mones by reason of some piteous illusions strange and absurd visions appeering in dreames, may be well compared unto the broken waves and billowes of the sea beating upon the rocks and craggie banks of the shore; for that the soule having not as yet that [Page 256] setled perfection in it selfe which should keepe it in good order, but holdeth on a course still according to good lawes onely and sage opinions, from which when it is farthest sequestred and most remote, to wit, in sleepe, it suffereth it selfe to returne againe to the old wont and to be let loose and abandoned to her passions: But whether these things may be ascribed unto that profit and amendement whereof we treat, or rather to some other habitude, having now gathe­red more strength and firme constancie not subject by meanes of reasons and good instruction to shaking, I leave that to your owne consideration and mine together.

But now forasmuch as this total impassibilitie (if I may so speake) of the mind, to wit, a state so perfect that it is void of all affections, is a great and divine thing; and seeing that this profit and proceeding whereof we write consisteth in a kind of remission and mildnesse of the said passi­ons, 10 we ought both to consider ech of them apart and also compare them one with another, thereby to examine and judge the difference: conferre we shall every passion by it selfe, by ob­serving whether our lusts and desires be more calme and lesse violent than in former time, by marking likewise our fits of feare and anger, whether they be now abated in comparison of those before, or whether when they be up and enflarned, we can quickly with the helpe of rea­son remoove or quench that which was wont to set them on worke or a fire: compare we shall them together, in case we examine our selves whether we have now a greater portion of grace and shame in us than of feare; whether we finde in our selves emulation and not envie; whe­ther we covet honor rather than worldly goods; and in one word, whether after the manner of musicians we offend rather in the extremitie and excesse of harmonie called Dorion, which is 20 grave, solemne, and devout, than the Lydian, which is light and galliard-like, that is to say in­clining rather in the whole maner of our life to hardnes and severitie, than to effeminate soft­nesse; whether in the enterprise of any actions we shew timiditie and slacknesse, rather than te­meritie and rashnesse, and last of all, whether we offend rather in admiring too highly the say­ings of men and the persons themselves, than in despising and debasing them too low: for like as we say in physicke it is a good signe of health when diseases are not diverted and translated into the noble members & principal parts of the body; even so it seemeth that when the vices of such as are in the way of reformation and amendement of life chaunge into passions that are more milde and moderate, it is a good beginning of ridding them away cleane by little & little.

The Lacedaemonian Ephori, which were the high countrollers of that whole State, demanded 30 of the Musician phrynis, when he had set up two strings more to his seven stringed instrument, whether he would have them to cut in sunder the trebles or the bases, the highest or the lowest? but as for us, we had need to have our affections cut both above and beneath, if we desire to re­duce our actions to a meane and mediocritie. And surely this progresse or proceeding of ours to perfection, professeth rather to let downe the lightest first, to cut off the extremitie of passi­ons in excesse, and to abate the acrimonie of affections before we doe any thing else, in which as saith Sophocles:

Folke foolish and incontinent,
Most furtous be and violent.

As for this one point, namely that we ought to transferre our judgement to action, and not to 40 suffer our words to remaine bare and naked words still in the aire, but reduce them to effect, we have alreadie said, that is the chiefe propertie belonging to our progresse and going forward: now the principall arguments and signes thereof be these; if we have a zeale and fervent affecti­on to imitate those things which we praise; if we be forward and readie to execute that which we so much admire, and contrariwise will not admit nor abide to heare of such things as we in our opinion dispraise and condemne. Probable it is and standeth with great likelihood that the Atheniansal in general praised and highly esteemed the valour and prowesse of Miltiades; but when Themistocles said; that the victorie and Trophee of Miltiades would not give him leave to sleepe, but awakened him in the night, plaine it is and evident, that he not onely praised and ad­mired, but had a desire also to imitate him, and do asmuch himselfe; semblably, we are to make 50 this reckoning, that our progresse and proceeding in vertue is but small, when it reacheth no farther than to praise onely and have in admiration that which good men have woorthily done, without any motion and inclination of our will to imitate the same and effect the like. For nei­ther is the carnall love of the bodie effectuall, unlesse some little jealousie be mixed withall, not the praise of vertue fervent and active, which doth not touch the quicke, and pricke the heart with an ardent zeale in stead of envie, unto good and commendable things, and the same desi­rous to performe and accomplish the same fully. For it is not sufficient that the heart should [Page 257] be turned upside downe onely, as Alcibiades was woont to say by the words and precepts of the Philosopher reading outof his chaire, even untill the teares gush out of the eies: but he that truly doth profit & go forward, ought by comparing himselfe with the works & actions of good men, and those that be perfectly vertuous, to feele withall in his owne heart, aswell a displeasure with himselfe, and a griefe in conscience for that wherein he is short and defective, as also a joy and contentment in his spirit upon a hope and desire to be equall unto them, as being full of an affection and motion that never resteth and lieth still, but resembleth for all the world (accor­ding to the similitude of Simonides:)

The sucking foale that keeps just pace,
And runs with dam in everie place. 10

affecting and desiring nothing more than to be wholy united and concorporate with a good man, by imitation. For surely this is the passion peculiar and proper unto him that truely taketh profit by the studie of Philosophie; To love and cherrish tenderly the disposition & conditions of him whose deeds he doth imitate and desire to expresse, with a certaine good will to render alwaies in words, due honor unto them for their vertue, and to assay how to fashion and con­forme himselfe like unto them. But in whomsoever there is instilled or infused (I wot not what) contentious humor, envie, and contestation against such as be his betters, let him know that all this proceedeth from an heart exulcerated with jealousie for some authoritie, might and repu­tation, and not upon any love, honor, or admiration of their vertues. Now, when as we begin to love good men in such sort that (as Plato saith) we esteeme not only the man himselfe happie 20 who is temperate; or those blessed who be the ordinarie hearers of such excellent discourses which daily come out of his mouth; but also that we do affect and admire his countenance, his port, his gate, the cast and regard of his eie, his smile and maner of laughter, insomuch as we are willing, as one would say to be joined, sodered, and glued unto him; then we may be assured certainely that we profit in vertue; yea and so much the rather, if we have in admiration good and vertuous men, not onely in their prosperitie, but also (like as amorous folke are well enough pleased with the lisping or stammering tongue; yea and do like the pale colour of these whom for the flower of their youth and beautie they love and thinke it beseemeth them, as we reade of Ladie Panthea, who by her teares and sad silence, all heavie, afflicted and blubbered as she was, for the dolor and sorrow that she tooke for the death of her husband, seized Araspes so as hee 30 was enamoured upon her) in their adversitie, so as we neither start backe for feare, nor dread the banishment of Aristides, the imprisonment of Anaxagoras, the povertie of Socrates, or the con­demnation of Phocion, but repute their vertue, desireable, lovely and amiable even with all these calamities, and runne directly toward her for to kisse and embrace her by our imitation, having alwaies in our mouth at everie one of these crosse accidents this notable speech of Euripides:

Oh how each thing doth well become,
Such generous hearts both all and some!

For we are never to feare or doubt that any good or honest thing shall ever be able to avert from vertue this heavenly inspiration and divine instinct of affection, which not onely is not grieved and troubled at those things which seeme unto men most full of miserie and calamitie, but also 40 admireth & desireth to imitate thē. Hereupon also it followeth by good consequence, that they who have once received so deepe an impression in their hearts, take this course with themselves: That when they begin any enterprise, or enter into the admininstration of government, or when any sinister accident is presented unto thē, they set before their eies the examples of those who either presentlyl are or hereto fore have bene worthy persons, discoursing in this maner: What is it that Plato would have done in this cafe? what would have Epaminondas said to this? how would Lycurgus or Agesilaus have behaved themselves herein? After this sort (I say) will they labour to frame, compose, reforme and adorne their manners as it were before a mirrour or looking­glasse, to wit, in correcting any unseemly speech that they have let fall, or repressing any passion that hath risen in them. They that have learned the names of the demi-gods called Idaei Dacty­ly, 50 know how to use them as counter-charmes or preservatives against sudden frights, pronoun­cing the same one after another readily and ceremoniously; but the remembrance and thinking upon great and worthy men represented suddenly unto those who are in the way of perfection, and taking holde of them in all passions and perplexions which shall encounter them, holdeth them up, and keepeth them upright, that they can not fall; and therefore this also may go for one argument and token of proceeding in vertue.

Over and besides, not to be so much troubled with any occurrent, nor to blush exceedingly [Page 258] for shame as before-time, nor to seeke to hide or otherwise to alter our countenance or any thing els about us, upon the sudden comming in place of a great or sage personage unexpe­cted, but to persist resolute, to go directly toward him with bare and open face, are tokens that a man feeleth his conscience setled and assured. Thus Alexander the great seeing a messenger running toward him apace with a pleasant and smiling countenance, and stretching foorth his hand afarre off to him: How now good fellow (quoth hee) what good newes canst thou bring me more, unlesse it be tidings that Homer is risen againe? esteeming in trueth that his woorthy acts and noble deedes already atchieved, wanted nothing els, nor could be made greater than they were, but onely by being consecrated unto immortalitie by the writings of some noble spirit; even so a yoong man that groweth better and better every day, and hath reformed his 10 maners, loving nothing more than to make himselfe knowen what he is unto men of worth and honour; to shew unto them his whole house and the order thereof, his table, his wife and chil­dren, his studies and intents; to acquaint them with his sayings and writings; insomuch as o­ther-whiles he is grieved in his heart to thinke and remember, either that his father naturall that begat him, or his master that taught him, are departed out of this life, for that they be not alive to see in what good estate he is in and to joy thereat; neither would he wish or pray to the gods for any thing so much, as that they might revive and come againe above ground, for to be spe­ctators and eie-witnesses of his life and all his actions. Contrariwise, those that have neglected themselves and not endevoured to do wel, but are corrupt in their maners, can not without feare and trembling abide to see those that belong unto them, no nor so much as to dreame of them. 20 Adde moreover, if you please, unto that which hath beene already said, thus much also for a good token of progresse in vertue: When a man thinketh no sinne or trespasse small, but is ve­ry carefull and wary to avoid and shunne them all. For like as they who despaire ever to be rich, make no account at all of saving a little expense; for thus they thinke: That the sparing of a small matter can adde no great thing unto their stocke, to heape it up; but contrariwise, hope when a man sees that he wanteth but a little of the marke which he shooteth at, causeth that the neerer he commeth thereto, his covetousnesse is the more; even so it is in those matters that perteine to vertue: he who giveth not place much, nor proceedeth to these speeches: Well, and what shall we have after this? Be it so now: It will be better againe for it another time: and such like: but alwaies taketh heed to himselfe in every thing; and whensoever vice insinuating it 30 selfe into the least sinne and fault that is, seemeth to pretend and suggest some colourable excu­ses for to crave pardon, is much discontented and displeased; he (I say) giveth hereby good evi­dence and proofe that he hath a house within cleane and neat, and that he would not endure the least impuritie and ordure in the world to defile the same: For (as Aeschylus saith) an opinion conceived once, that nothing that we have is great and to be esteemed and reckoned of, causeth us to be carelesse and negligent in small matters. They that make a palaisado, a rampier or rough mud wall, care not much to put into their worke any wood that commeth next hand, neither is it greatly materiall to take thereto any rubbish or stone that they can meet with, or first commeth into their eie, yea, and if it were a pillar fallen from a monument or sepulchre; semblably doe wicked and leawd folke, who gather, thrumble & heape up together all sorts of gaine, all actions 40 that be in their way, it makes no matter what; but such as profit in vertue, who are alredy planted, and whose golden foundation of a good life is laid (as it were) for some sacred temple or roiall palace, will not take hand over head, any stuffe to build thereupon, neither will they worke by aime, but every thing shall be couched, laied and ranged by line and levell, that is to say, by the squire & rule of reason: which is the cause (as we thinke) that Poly­cletus the famous imager was wont to say: That the hardest piece of all the worke remained then to do, when the clay and the naile met together; signifying thus much: That the chife point of cunning and perfe­ction 50 was in the up-shoot and end of all.

OF SVPERSTITION.

The Summarie. 10

IT should seeme that Plutarch composed this booke in mockerie and derision of the Iewes whom he toucheth, and girdeth at in one place, and whose religion he mingleth with the superstition of the Pagans; to asmuch purpose (I wis) as that which he deli­vereth in a discourse at the table, where he compareth the feast of the Tabernacles ordeined by the eternall and almightie God, with the Bacchanalles and such stinking ordures of idolaters; thinking verily that Bacchus was the god of the Iewes. This slaunder of his and false calumniation ought to be imputed unto that ignorance of the true God, wherein Plutarch did remaine inwrapped: yet is not be the man alone who hath derided and flouted the religion of the Iewes: 20 but such scoffes and derisions of the sages and wise men of this world, especially and above all when they are addressed against God, fall upon the head of the authors and devisers thereof, to their utter confu­sion. Moreover as touthing this point, that some have thought this present discourse wherin he ende­voureth and laboureth to prove superstition to be more perilous than Atheisme is dangerous to be read, & conteineth false doctrine; for that superstition of the twaine is not so bad: I say that in regard of the foolish devotion of Plutarch and such as himselfe, which in no wise deserveth the name of religion, but is indeed a derision and profanation of true pietie and godlinesse, it were not amisse to affirme that superstition is more wretched and miserable than Atheisme, considering that lesse hurtfull and dan­gerous it is for a man not to have his minde and soule troubled at all and disquieted with a fantasticall illusion of idoles and Chimaeres in the aire, than to feare, honor and serve them in such sort as justice 30 & humanity should in maner be abolished by such superstitious idolaters. To be short, that it were bet­ter to defeat and overthrow at once all false gods, than to lodge any one in his head, for to languish thereby in perpetuall miserie. Concerning true religion and the extremities thereof, the case is other­wise, and the question disputable, which we leave to Divines and Theologians to scan upon, to dis­course and determine, since our intention and purpose urgeth us not at this time to discourse heere­upon.

But to returne unto our author, considering that which we come to touch; Atheists cannot find how to prevaile and maintaine their opinion: for sufficient processe and accusation against themselves, they cary every minute of an houre in their cauterized & seered conscience: but he sheweth that to worship and serve many idols, is a thing without comparison more deplorable than to disavow and disclaime 40 them all. But to prove this, after he had discovered the course of superstition & Atheisme, and decla­red the difference of these two extremities, he saith in the first place, that superstition is the most un­woorthy and unseemly of all the passions of the soule, proving the same by divers reasons, to wit; That the superstitious man is in continuall perplexity, he dreadeth his owne idole no lesse than a cruell tyrant, and imagineth a thousand evils even after his death. After this he taketh a view of the Atheist, and opposeth him against the superstitious, resolving upon this point; that the superstitious person is more miserable of the twaine, aswell in adversitie as prosperitie, and to confirme and satisfie his assertion, he setteth downe many arguments and notable examples. Moreover he sheweth that the superstiti­ous person is an [...] to all deitie or godhead, he putteth cleane out of his heart, and treadeth under­foote all humanitie and righteousnesse for to please his idols, and in one word, that he is the most wret­ched 50 caitife in the world. And for a conclusion he exhorteth us so to flie superstition, that we hold our selves from falling into Atheisme, keeping in the middle betweene; of which point every good man ought to consider and thinke upon well and in good earnest in these latter times of the world, al­beit he who advertiseth us thereof in this place, never knew what was true religion.

OF SUPERSTITION.

THe ignorance and want of true knowledge as touching the gods divided even from the beginning into two branches, meeting on the one side with stubborne and obstinate natures, as it were with a churlish peece of ground, hath in them engendred Impietie and Atheisme; and on the otherside, lighting upon gentle and tender spirits like a moist and soft soile, hath bred and imprinted 10 therein superstition: now as all error in opinion and judgement, and namely in these matters, is hurtfull and dangerous enough; so if it be accompanied with some passion of the minde it is most per­nitious. For this we must thinke, that every one of these passions resembleth a deception that is feaverous and inflamed; and like as the dislocations of any joints in a mans bodie out of their place joined with a wound be woorse than others to be cured; even so the distortions and errors of the minde meeting with some passion are more difficult to be reformed. As for example, set case that one doe thinke that the little motes and indivisible bodies called Atomi, together with voidnesse and emptinesse be the first elements and principles whereof all things are made; cer­teinly this is an erronious and false opinion of his; howbeit the same breedeth no ulcer, no fea­ver 20 causing disordinate pulse in the arteries, nor yet any pricking and troublesome paine. Doth some one hold that riches is the soveraigne good of man? This error and false opinion hath a rust or canker and a worme that eateth into the soule and transporteth the same besides it selfe, it suffreth it not to take any repose, it stingeth, it pricketh it and setteth it a gadding, it throweth it downe headlong (as it were) from high rocks, it stifleth and strangleth it, and in one word it bereaveth it of all libertie & franke speech. Againe, are there some perswaded, that vertue and vice be substances corporall and materiall? this haply is a grosse ignorance and a foule error, howbeit not lamentable nor worthie to be deplored: but there be other judgements and opini­ons like unto this:

O vertue wretched and miserable, 30
Nought else but words and winde variable;
Thee serv'd I daily with all reverence,
As if thou hadst beene some reall essence:
Whereas injustice neglected I have,
Which would have made me a man rich and brave;
Intemperance eke have I cast behind.
Of pleasures all, the mother deere and kind.

Such as these verily we ought to pitie, yea and withall to be offended at, because in whose minds they are once entered and setled they engender many maladies and passions like unto wormes and such filthy vermine. But now to come unto those which at this present are in question: Im­pietie 40 or Atheisme, being a false perswasion and lewd beliefe, that there is no soveraigne Nature most happie and incorruptible, seemeth by incredulitie of a God-head to bring miscreants to a certaine stupiditie, bereaving them of all sense and feeling, considering that the end of this mis­beleefe that there is no God, is to be void altogether of feare. As for superstition, according as the nature of the Greeke word (which signifieth Feare of the Gods) doth imply, is a passionate opinion and turbulent imagination, imprinting in the heart of man a certaine fearfulnesse, which doth abate his courage and humble him downe to the verie ground, whiles he is perswa­ded that they be gods indeed, but such as be noysome, hurtfull, and doing mischiefe unto men: In such sort, that the impious Atheist having no motion at all as touching the Deitie and Di­vine power, and the superstitious person mooved and affected thereto after a perverse sort, and 50 otherwise than he should, are both out of the right way. For ignorance as it doth ingenerate in the one an unbeliefe of that soveraign Nature which is the cause of all goodnes; so it imprinteth in the other a misbeliefe of the Deitie, as being the cause of evill: so that as it should seeme, Im­pietie or Atheisme is a false judgement and opinion of the God-head; and superstition a pas­sion proceeding from an erronious perswasion. True it is that all maladies of the soule are foule and the passions naught; howbeit in some of them, there is a kinde of (I wot not what) alacritie, haughtines and jollitie, proceeding from the lightnesse of the minde; and to say in a word, there [Page 261] is in manner not one of them all, destitute of one active motion or other, serving for action; but a common imputation this is and a blame laid generally upon all passions, that with their violent pricks (as it were) they incite, provoke, urge, compell, and force reason; onely feare, which being no lesse voide of audacitie and boldnesse, than of reason; carrieth with it a certaine blockishnesse or stupiditie, destitute of action, perplexed, idle, dead, without any exploit or ef­fect whatsoever; whereupon it is named in Greeke [...] that is to say, a Bond, and [...] that is to say, Trouble, for that it both bindeth and also troubleth the minde. But of all sorts of feare, there is none so full of perplexitie, none so unfit for action as that of superstition. The man who saileth not, is not afraid of the sea; neither feareth he the warres, who followeth not warfare; no more than he who keepeth home and stirreth not out of doores, is afraid of theeves that rob by 10 the high way side; or the poore man that hath nought to loose, of the Sycophant or promoter; nor he that liveth in meane estate, of envie; no more (I say) than he that is in Gaule feareth earth-quake, or in Aethiopia thunder and lightning: but the superstitious man that stands in feare of the gods, feareth all things, the land, the sea, the aire the skie, darkenesse, light, silence and his verie dreames. Servants whiles they be a sleepe, forget the rigour and hardnesse of their masters. Sleepe easeth the cheines, gives and fetters, of those that ly by the heeles bound in pri­son; dolorous inflammations, smart wounds, painfull ulcers and marimuls that eate and con­sume the flesh, yeeld some ease and alleviation unto patients whiles they be asleepe, according as he saith in the Tragedie:

O sweet repose, ô sleepe so gracious 20
That doest allay our maladies,
How welcome art thou unto us,
Bringing in season remedies?

Thus said he: But susperstition will not give a man leave thus to say: For it alone maketh no truce during sleepe; it permitteth not the soule at any time to breath and take rest, no nor suf­fereth it to plucke up her spirits and take heart againe by remooving out of her the unpleasant, tart and troublesome opinions as touching the divine power; but as if the sleepe of superstiti­ous folke were a verie hell and place of damned persons, it doth present unto them terrible visions and monstrous fansies; it raiseth divels, fiends and furies, which torment the poore and miserable soule; it driveth her out of her quiet repose by her owne fearfull dreames, wherewith 30 she whippeth, scourgeth, and punisheth herselfe (as if it were) by some other, whose cruell and unreasonable commandements she doth obey; and yet here is not all; for, that which worse is, such superstitious persons after they be awakened out of their sleepe and risen, do not as other men, despise their dreames, and either laugh thereat or take pleasure therein, for that they see there is nothing true in all their visions and illusions which should trouble and terrifie them; but being escaped out of the shadow of those false illusions, wherein there is no harme or hurt at all, they deceive and trouble themselves in good earnest, spending their substance and goods infinitly upon magicians, juglars, enchanters, and such like deceivers whom they light upon, who beare a man in hand and thus say unto him:

If frighted thou be with fansies in sleepe, 40
Or haunted with Hecate that beneath doth keepe.

Call for an old trot that tends thy backhouse, and plunge thy selfe in the sea water, and sit a whole day upon the ground,

O Greekes, you that would counted be most wise,
These barbarous and wicked toies devise.

namely, upon a vaine and foolish superstition, enjoining men to begrime and beray themselves with durt, to lie and wallow in the mire, to observe Sabbaths and cease from worke, to lie pro­strate and groveling upon the earth with the face downeward, to sit upon the ground in open place, and to make many strange and extravagant adorations. In times past the maner was, a­mong those especially who would enterteine and observe lawfull musicke, to command those 50 that began to play upon the harpe or citterne, to sing thereto with a just mouth, to the end they should speake no dishonest thing; and even we also require and thinke it meet to pray unto the gods with a just and right mouth, & not to prie in the beast sacrificed, to looke into the intrails, to observe whether the tongue thereof be pure and right, and in the meane time perverting and polluting our owne tongues with strange and absurd names, infecting and defiling the same with barbarous tearmes, offending thereby the gods, and violating the dignitie of that religion which is received from our ancestours, and authorised in our owne countrey. The Comicall [Page 262] Poet said pleasantly in one Comedie, speaking of those who laied their bedsteds thicke with golde and silver: Why do you make your sleepe deare and costly unto your selves, which is the only gift that the gods have given us freely? even so may a man very wel say (and with great rea­son) unto those that are superstitious: Seeing that the gods have bestowed upon us sleepe, for the oblivion and repose of our miseries, why makest thou it a very bel & place of continuall and dolorous torment to thy poore soule, which can not flie nor have recourse unto any other sleep but that which is troublesome unto thee? Haraclitus was wont to say: That men all the whiles they were awake, enjoied the benefit of no other world, but that which was common unto all; but when they slept, every one had a world by himselfe: but surely, the superstitious person hath not so much as any part of the common world, for neither whiles hee is awake hath hee the true 10 use of reason and wisdome, nor when he sleepeth is he delivered from feare & secured; but one thing or other troubleth him still: his reason is asleepe, his feare is alwaies awake; so that nei­ther can he avoid his owne harme quite, nor finde any meanes to put it by, and turne it off. Po­lycrates the tyrant was dread and terrible in Samos, Periander in Corinth, but no man feared either the one or the other, who withdrew himselfe into any free city or popular State; as for him who standeth in dread and feare of the imperiall power of the gods, as of some rigorous and inexo­rable tyranny, whither shall he retire & withdraw himselfe? whither shall he flie? where shall he find a land, where shal he meet with sea, without a god? into what secret part of the world (poore man) wilt thou betake thy selfe, wherein thou maiest lie close and hidden, and be assured that thou art without the puissance and reach of the gods? There is a law that provideth for misera­ble 20 slaves, who being so hardly intreated by their masters, are out of all hope that they shall be ensranchised and made free, namely; that they may demand to be solde againe and to change their master, if haply they may by that meanes come by a better and more easie servitude under another: but this superstition alloweth us not that libertie to change our gods for the better, nay, there is not a god to be found in the world, whom a superstitious person doth not dread, considering that he feareth the tutelar gods of his native countrey, and the very gods protectors of his nativitie: he quaketh even before those gods which are knowen to be saviours propitious and gracious; he trembleth for feare, when he thinketh of them at whose hands we crave riches, abundance of goods, concord, peace, and the happie successe of the best words and deeds that we have. Now if these thinke that bondage is a great calamitie, saying thus: 30

O heavie crosse and wofull miserie,
Man and woman to be in thrall-estate:
And namely, if their slaverie
Be under lords unfortunate.

how much more grievous thinke you is their servitude which they endure, who can not flie, who can not runne away and escape, who can not change and turne to another. Altars there be, unto which bad servants may flie for succour; many sanctuaries there be and priviledged churches for theeves and robbers, from whence no man is so hardy as to plucke and pull them out. Ene­mies after they are defeated and put to flight, if in the very rout and chase they can take holde of some image of the gods, or recover some temple and get it over their heads once, are secured 40 and assured of their lives; whereas the superstitious person is most affrighted, scared, and put in feare by that, wherein all others who be affraid of extreamest evils that can happen to man, re­pose their hope and trust. Never goe about to pull perforce a superstitious man out of sacred temples, for in them he is most afflicted and tormented. What needs many words? In all men death is the end of life; but it is not so in superstition, for it extendeth and reacheth farther than the limits and utmost bounds thereof, making feare longer than this life, and adjoining unto death an imagination of immortall miseries; and even then, when there seemeth to be an end and cessation of all sorrowes & travels, be superstitious men perswaded that they must enter into others which be endlesse & everlasting: they dream of (I wot not what) deepe gates of a certein Pluto or infernall God of hell, which open for to receive them; of fierie rivers alwaies burning; 50 of hollow gulfs and flouds of Styx to gape for them; of ugly and hideous darkenesse to over­spread them, full of sundry apparitions; of gastly ghosts and sorrowfull spirits, representing un­to them grizlie and horrible shapes to see, and as fearefull and lamentable voices to heare: what should I speake of judges, of tormentors, of bottomlesse pits, and gaping caves, full of all sorts of torture and infinite miseries. Thus unhappy and wretched superstition, by fearing over­much and without reason, that which it imagineth to be nought, never taketh heed how it sub­mitteth it selfe to all miseries; and for want of knowledge how to avoid this passionate trouble, [Page 263] occasioned by the feare of the gods, forgeth and deviseth to it selfe an expectation of inevitable evils even after death. The impietie of an Atheist hath none of all this geere; most true it is, that his ignorance is unhappie, and that a great calamitie and miserie it is unto the soule, either to see amisse or wholly to be blinded, in so great & woorthy things, as having of many eies the principall and cleerest of all, to wit, the knowledge of God extinct and put out; but surely (as I said before) this passionate feare, this ulcer and sore of conscience, this trouble of spirit, this servile abjection is not in his conceit; these goe alwaies with the other, who have such a superstitious opinion of the gods. Plato saith that musicke was given unto men by the gods, as a singular meanes to make them more modest and gracious, yea and to bring them as it were into tune, and cause them to be better conditioned, and not for delight and pleasure, nor to 10 tickle the eares: for falling out as it doth many times, that for default and want of the Muses and Graces, there is great confusion & disorder in the periods and harmonies, the accords and consonances of the minde, which breaketh out other whiles outragiously by meanes of intem­perance and negligence; musicke is of that power that it setteth every thing againe in good or­der and their due place; for according as the poet Pindarus saith:

To whatsoever from above,
God Iupiter doth cast no love,
To that the voice melodious
Of Muses seemeth odious.

Insomuch as they fall into fits of rage therewith, and be very fell & angrie; like as it is reported 20 of tygers, who if they heare the sound of drums or tabours round about them, will grow furious and starke mad, untill in the end they teare themselves in peeces: so that there commeth lesse harme unto them who by reson of deafenesse or hard hearing, have no sense at all of musicke, and are nothing mooved and affected therewith: a great infortunitie this was of blind Tiresias, that hee could not see his children and friends, but much more unfortunate and unhappie were Athamas and Agave, who seeing their children, thought they saw lions and stags. And no doubt when Hercules fell to be enraged and mad, better it had beene and more expedient for him, that he had not seene nor knowne his owne children, than so to deale with those who were most deere unto him, and whom he loved more than all the world besies, as if they had beene his mortall enemies. Thinke you not then, that there is the same difference betweene the passi­ons 30 of Atheists and superstitious folke? Atheists have no sight nor knowledge of the gods at all; and the superstitious thinke there are gods, though they be perswaded of them amisse; Atheists neglect them altogether as if they were not; but the superstitious esteeme that to bee terrible, which is gracious & amiable; cruell and tyranlike, which is kind and fatherlike; hurtful and damageable unto us, which is most carefull of our good and profit; rough, rigorous, savage and fell of nature, which is void of choler and without passion. And hereupon it is that they be­leeve-brasse founders, cutters in stone, imagers, gravers and workers in waxe, who shape, & re­present unto them gods with bodies to the likenesse of mortall men, for such they imagine them to be, such they adorne, adore and worship, whiles in the meane time they despise philo­sophers and grave personages of State and government, who do teach and shew that the maje­stie 40 of God is accompanied with bountie, magnanimitie, love and carefull regard of our good: So that as in the one sort we may perceive a certeine sencelesse stupiditie and want of beleife in those causes from whence proceed all goodness; so in the other we may observe a distrustfull doubt and feare of those which cannot otherwise be than profitable and gracious. In sum, im­pietie and Atheisme is nothing else but a meere want of feeling and sense of a deitie or divine power, for default of understanding and knowing the soveraigne good; and superstition is a heape of divers passions, suspecting and supposing that which is good by nature to bee bad; for superstitious persons feare the gods, and yet they have recourse unto them; they flatter them, and yet blaspheme and reproch them; they pray unto them, and yet complaine of them. A common thing this is unto all men, not to be alwaies fortunate, whereas the gods are void of 50 sicknesse, not subject to old age, neither taste they of labour or paine at any time: and as Pin­darus saith,

Escape they do the passage of the first
Of roaring Acheron, and live alway in mirth.

But the passions and affaires of men be intermedled with divers accidents and adventures which run as well one way as another. Now consider with me first and formost the Atheist in those things which happen against his minde, and learne his disposition and affection in such occur­rences: [Page 264] if in other respects he be a temperate and modest man, beare he will his fortune pati­ently without saying a word; seeke for aide he will and comfort by what meanes he can; but if he be of nature violent, and take his misfortune impatiently, then he directeth and opposeth all his plaints and lamentations against fortune and casualtie; then he crieth out that there is no­thing in the world governed either by justice or with providence, but that all the affaires of man run confusedly headlong to destruction: but the fashion of the superstitious is otherwise, for let there never so small an accident or mishap befal unto him, he sits him downe sorrowing, and thereto he multiplieth and addeth other great and greevous afflictions, such as hardly be remooved; he imagineth sundry frights, feares, suspicions, and troublesome terrors, giving himselfe to all kinde of wailing, groaning, and dolefull lamentation; for he accuseth not any 10 man, fortune, occasion, or his owne selfe; but he blameth God as the cause of all, giving out in plaine termes, that from thence it is that there falleth and runneth over him such a celestiall in­fluence of all calamitie and misery, contesting in this wise, that an unhappie or unluckie man he is not, but one hated of the gods, woorthily punished and afflicted, yea and suffring all de­servedly by that divine power and providence: now if the godlesse Atheist be sicke, he discour­seth with himselfe and calleth to minde his repletions and full feedings, his surfeiting upon drinking wine, his disorders in diet, his immoderate travell & paines taken, yea and his unusuall and absurd change of aire, from that which was familiar, unto that which is strange and unnatu­turall: moreover, if it chance that he have offended in any matter of government touching the State, incurred disgrace and an evill opinion of the people and country wherein he liveth, or 20 beene falsly accused and slandered before the prince or sovereigne ruler, he goeth no farther than to himselfe and those about him, imputing the cause of all thereto and to nothing els, and thus he reasoneth:

Where have I beene? what good have I done? and what have I not done?
Where have I slipt? what dutie begun, is left by me undone?

whereas the superstitious person will thinke and say, that everie disease and infirmitie of his bo­die, all his losses, the death of his children, his evill successe and infortunitie in managing civill affaires of State, and his repulses and disgraces, are so many plagues inflicted upon him by the ire of the gods, and the verie assaults of the divine justice; insomuch as he dare not go about to seeke for helpe and succour, nor avert his owne calamitie; he will not presume to seeke for re­medie, 30 nor oppose himselfe against the invasion of adverse fortune, for feare (forsooth) lest hee might seeme to fight against the gods, or to resist their power and will when they punish him: thus when he lieth sicke in bed, he driveth his physician out of the chamber, when he is come to visit him; when he is in sorrow, he shutteth and locketh his doore upon the Philosopher, that commeth to comfort him and give him good counsell: Let me alone (will he say) and give me leave to suffer punishment as I have deserved, wicked and profane creature that I am, accursed, hated of all the gods, demi-gods, and saints in heaven. Whereas if a (man who doth not beleeve nor is perswaded that there is a God) be otherwise in exceeding griefe and sorrow, it is an ordi­narie thing with him to wipe away the teares as they gush out of his eies, and trickle downe the cheekes, to cause his haire to be cut, and to take away his mourning weed. As for a superstitious 40 person; how shoud one speake unto him, or which way succour and helpe him? without the doores he sits clad in sackloth, or else girded about his loines with patched clothes and tattered rags; oftentimes he will welter and wallow in the mire, confessing and declaring (I wot not) what sinnes and offenses that he hath committed; to wit, that he hath eaten or drunke this or that, which his god would not permit; that he hath walked or gone some whither against the will and leave of the divine power. Now, say he be of the best sort of these superstitious people, and that he labour but of the milder superstition; yet will he at leastwise sit within house, having about him a number of all kindes of sacrifices and sacred aspersions; yee shall have old witches come and bring all the charmes, spels, and sorceries they can come by, and hang them about his necke or other parts of his bodie (as it were) upon a stake, as Bion was woont to say. 50

It is reported that Tyribasus when he should have beene apprehended by the Persians, drew his cemiter, and (as hee was a valiant man of his hands) defended himselfe valiantly; but so soone as they that came to lay hands on him, cried out and protested that they were to attach him in the kings name & by commission from his Majestie, he laid downe his weapon aforesaid immediately, and offred both his hands to be bound and pinnioned. And is not this whereof we treat the semblable case? whereas others withstand their adversitie, repell and put backe their afflictions, and worke all the meanes they can for to avoide, escape, and turne away that which [Page 265] they would not have to come upon them. A superstitious person will heare no man, but speake in this wise to himselfe: Wretched man that thou art, all this thou suffrest at the hands of God, and this is befallen unto thee by his commandement, and the divine providence; all hope hee rejecteth, he doth abandon and betray himselfe, and looke whosoever come to succour and helpe him, those he shunneth and repelleth from him. Many crosses there be and calamities in the world, otherwise moderate and tolerable, which superstition maketh mischievous and incu­rable.

That ancient King Midas in old time being troubled and disquieted much in his minde (as it should seeme) with certaine dreames and visions, in the end fell into such a melancholy and despaire, that willingly he made himselfe away by drinking buls blood. And Aristodemus king of 10 Messenians, in that warre which he waged against the Lacedaemonians, when it hapned that the dogs yelled and houled like wolves, and that there grew about the altar of his house the herbe called Dent de chien, or Dogs grasse, whereupon the wisards and soothsayers were afraid (as of some tokens presaging evill) conceived such an inward griefe, & tooke so deepe a thought, that he fell into desperation and killed himselfe. As for Nicias the Generall of the Athenian armie, haply it had beene farre better that by the examples of Midas and Aristodemus he had beene delivered and rid from his superstition, than for feare of the shadow occasioned by the eclipse of the moone to have sitten stil as he did and do nothing, untill the enemies environed and en­closed him round about; and after that fortie thousand of Athenians were either put to the sword or taken prisoners, to come alive into the hands of his enemies, and lose his life with 20 shame and dishonor: for in the darkenesse occasioned by the opposition of the earth just in the mids, betweene the sunne and the moone, whereby her body was shadowed and deprived of light, there was nothing for him to feare, and namely at such a time, when there was cause for him to have stood upon his feet and served valiantly in the field; but the darkenesse of blinde superstition was dangerous, to trouble and confound the judgement of a man who was posses­sed therewith, at the very instant, when his occasions required most the use of his wit and under­standing:

The sea already troubled is
With billowes blew within the sound,
Up to the capes and clifs arise 30
Thicke mistie clouds which gather round
About their tops, where they do seat,
Fore-shewing shortly tempests great.

A good and skilful pilot seeing this, doth well to pray unto the gods for to escape the imminent danger, and to invocate and call upon those saints for helpe, which they after call Saviours: but all the while that he is thus at his devout praiers, he holdeth the helme hard, he letteth downe the crosse saile-yard,

Thus having struck the maine saile downe the mast,
He scapes the sea, with darknesse overcast.

Hesiodus giveth the husbandman a precept, before he begin to drive the plough or sow his 40 seede:

To Ceres chaste his vowes to make,
To Jove likewise god of his land,
Forgetting not the while, to take
The end of his plough-taile in hand.

And Homer bringeth in Ajax being at the point to enter into combat with Hector, willing the Greeks to pray for him unto the gods; but whiles they praied, he forgat not to arme himselfe at all pieces. Semblablie, Agamemnon after he had given commandement to his souldiours who were to fight,

Ech one his launce and speare to whet, 50
His shield likewise fitly to set.

then, and not before, praieth unto Iupiter in this wise:

O Iupiter vouchsafe me of thy grace,
The stately hall of Priamus to race.

for God is the hope of vertue and valour, not the pretense of sloth and cowardise. But the Iewes were so superstitious, that on their Sabbath (sitting still even whiles the enemies reared their sca­ling ladders and gained the walles of their citie) they never stirred foot, nor rose for the matter, [Page 266] but remained fast tied and inwrapped in their superstition as it were in a net. Thus you see what superstition is in those occurrences of times and affaires which succeed not to our minde, but contrary to our will (that is to say) in adversity: and as for times and occasions of mirth, when all things fall out to a mans desire, it is no better than impietie or atheisme; and nothing is so joy­ous unto man, as the solemnitie of festivall holidaies, great feasts and sacrifices before the tem­ples of the gods, the mysticall and sacred rites performed when wee are purified and cleansed from our sinnes, the ceremoniall service of the gods when wee worship and adore them; in which all, a superstitious man is no better than the Atheist: for marke an Atheist in all these, he will laugh at them untill he be ready to go beside himselfe; these toies will set him (I say) into a fit of Sardonian laughing, when he shall see their vanities; and other-whiles he will not sticke 10 to say softly in the eare of some familiar friend about him: What mad folke be these? how are they out of their right wits, and enraged, who suppose that such things as these doe please the gods? Setting this aside, there is no harme at all in him. As for the superstitious person, willing he is, but not able, to joy and take pleasure: for his heart is much like unto that city which Sopho­cles describeth in these verses:

Which at one time is full of incense sweet,
Resounding mirth with loud triumphant song,
And yet the same doth shew in every street
All signes of griefe, with plaints and groanes among.

he looketh with a pale face, under his chaplet of flowers upon his head; he sacrificeth, & yet qua­keth 20 for feare; he maketh his praiers with a trembling voice; he putteth incense into the fire, and his hand shaketh withall; to be short, he maketh the speech or sentence of Pythagoras to be vaine and foolish, who was wont to say: That we are then in best case, when we approch unto the gods and worship them. For verily even then it is, when superstitious people are most wretched & mi­serable, to wit, whē they enter into the temples & sanctuaries of the gods, as if they went into the dennes of beares, holes of serpents and dragons, or caves of whales & such monsters of the sea. I marvel much therfore at them, who call the miscreance & sinne of atheists, Impiety, & give not that name rather to superstition. And yet Anaxagoras was accused of impietie; for that he held and said that the Sun was a stone: wheras never man yet called the Cimmerians impious or god­lesse, because they suppose & beleeve there is no Sunne at all. What say you then? shall he who 30 thinketh that there be no gods at all, be taken for a profane person and excommunicate? and shall not he who beleeveth them to be such as superstitious folke imagine them, be thought in­fected with more impious and wicked opinions? For mine owne part, I would be better pleased and content, if men should say of me thus: There neither is nor ever was in the world a man na­med Plutarch, than to give out of me and say: Plutarch is an unconstant man, variable, chole­ricke, full of revenge for the least occasion that is, or displeased and given to grieve for a small matter; who if when you invite others to supper, he be left out and not bidden, or if upon some businesse you be let and hindered, so that you come not to his doore for to visit him, or other­wise do not salute and speake unto him friendly, will be ready to eat your heart with salt, to set upon you with his fangs, and bite you, will not sticke to catch up one of your little babes and 40 worry him, or will keepe some mischievous wild beast of purpose, to put into your corne-fields, your vineyard or orchards, for to devoure and spoile all your fruits. When Timotheus the musi­cian one day in an open Theater at Athens chanted the praises of Diana, giving unto her in his song the attributes of Thyas, Phoebus, Moenas, and Lyssas, that is to say, Furious, Possessed, En­raged, and Starke mad; as Poets are wont to doe, Cinesias another minstrell or musician, rose up from out of the whole audience, and said thus aloud unto him: Would God thou haddest a daughter of those quallities. And yet these superstitious folke thinke the same of Diana, yea, and worse to: neither have they a better opinion of Apollo, Iuno, and Venus; for all of them they feare and tremble at. And yet what blasphemie uttered Niobe against Latona, like unto that which superstition hath perswaded foolish people to beleeve of that goddesse? to wit, that she 50 being displeased with the reprochfull words that Niobe gave her, killed with her arrowes all the children of that silly woman,

Even daughters sixe, and sonnes as many just,
Ofripe yeeres all, no helpe, but die they must.

so insatiable was she of the calamities of another, so implacable was her anger. For grant it were so, that this goddesse was full of gall and choler; say, that she tooke an hatred to leawd and wic­ked persons, or grieved & could not endure to heare herselfe reproched, or to laugh at humane [Page 267] follie and ignorance; certes she should have bene offended and angry, yea, and discharged her arrowes upon these, who untruely impute and ascribe unto her that bitternesse and exceeding crueltie, and sticke not both to deliver in words and also to set downe in writing, such things of her. Wee charge Heccuba with beastly and barbarous immanitie, for saying thus in the last booke of Homers Iliads:

O that I could his liver get
Amid his corps, to bite and eat.

As for the Syrian goddesse, superstitious folke are perswaded, that if any one do eate Enthoises or such little fish as Aphyae, she will likewise gnaw their legs, fill their bodies with ulcers, and putrifie or rot their liver. To conclude therefore, is it impiously done to blaspheme the gods 10 and speake badly of them; and is it not as impious to thinke and imagine the same, considering that it is the opinion and conceit of the blasphemer and foule mouthed profane person which maketh his speech to be reputed naught and wicked? For even we our selves detest and abhorre foule language, for nothing so much as because it is a signe of a malicious minde, and those we take for to be our enemies who give out bad words of us, in this respect that we suppose thē to be faithlesse and not to be trusted, but rather ill affected unto us, and thinking badly of us. Thus you see what judgement superstitious folke have of the gods, when they imagine them to be dull and blockish, treachetous and disloiall, variable and fickle minded, full of revenge, cruell, melancholike and apt to fret at every little matter: whereupon it must needs follow, that the su­perstitious man doth both hate and also dread the gods; for how can it otherwise be, conside­ring 20 that he is perswaded that all the grearest calamities which either he hath endured in times past, or is like to suffer heereafter proceed from them; now whosoever hateth and feareth the gods, he is no doubt their enemie; neither is it to be woondred at for all this, that although he stand in dread of them, yet he adoreth and worshippeth them, he praieth and sacrificeth unto them, frequenteth duly and devoutly their temples, and is not willingly out of them; for do we not see it ordinarily, that reverence is done unto tyrants, that men make court unto them, and crie: God save your grace; yea and erect golden statues to the honour of them: howbeit as great devotion and divine honour as they doe unto them in outward apparence, they hate and abhorre them secretly to the heart. Hermolaus courted Alexander, and was serviceable about him: Pausanias was one of the squires of the bodie to king Philip, and so was Chaereas to Caligula 30 the Emperour; but there was not of these but even when he served them, said thus in his heart,

Certes in case it did now lie in mee,
Of thee (thou tyrant) revenged would I be.

Thus you see the Atheist thinketh there be no gods; but the superstitious person wisheth that there were none; yet he beleeveth even against his will that there be, nay he dare not otherwise doe for feare of death. Now if he could (like as Tantalus desired to goe from under the stone that hung over his head) be discharged of this feare which no lesse doth presse him downe, sure­ly he would embrace, yea and thinke the disposition and condition of an Atheist to be happie, as the state of freedome and libertie: but now the Atheist hath no sparke at all of superstition, whereas the superstitious person is in will and affection a meere Atheist, howbeit weaker than 40 to beleeve and shew in opinion that of the gods, which he would and is in his minde. More­over, the Atheist in no wise giveth any cause, or ministreth occasion that superstition should arise; but superstition not onely was the first beginning of impietie and Atheisme, but also when it is sprung up and growne, doth patronise and excuse it, although not truely and honest­ly, yet not without some colourable pretence: for the Sages and wise men in times past grew not into this opinion, that the world was wholly voide of a divine power and deitie, because they beheld and considered any thing to be found fault withall in the heaven, some negli­gence and disorder to be marked, some confusion to be observed in the starres in the times and seasons of the yeere, in the revolutions thereof, in the course and motions of the sunne round about the earth, which is the cause of night and day, or in the nouriture and food of beasts or 50 in the yeerely generation and increase of the fruits upon the earth; but the ridiculous works and deeds of superstition, their passions woorthy to be mocked and laughed at, their words, their motions and gestures, their charmes, forceries, enchantments and magicall illusions, their runnings up and downe, their beating of drums & tabours, their impure purifications, their fil­thy castimonies and beastly sanctifications, their barbarous and unlawfull corrections and chastisements, their inhumane and shamefull indignities practized even in temples; these things (I say) gave occasion first unto some for to say, that better it were there had bene no gods [Page 268] at all, than to admit such for gods who received and approoved these abuses, yea and tooke plea­sure therein, or that they should be so outragious, proud, and injurious, so base and pinching, so easie to fall into choler upon a small cause, and so heard to be pleased againe. Had it not beene farre better for those Gaules, Scythians, or Tartarians in old time to have had no thought, no imagination, no mention at all delivered unto them in histories, of gods; than to thinke there were gods delighting in the bloudshed of men, and to beleeve that the most holie and accom­plished sacrifice and service of the gods was to cut mens throates and to spill their bloud: and had it not beene more expedient for the Carthaginians by having at the first for their law-givers either Critias or Diagoras to have beene perswaded that there was neither God in heaven nor divell in hell, than to sacrifice so as they did to Saturne, who not (as Empedocles said) reprooving 10 and taxing those that killed living creatures in sacrifice;

The sire lists up his deere belooved son,
Who first some other forme and shape did take:
He doth him slay, and sacrifice anon,
And therewith vowes and foolish praiers doth make.

but witting and knowing killed their owne children indeed for sacrifice; and looke who had no issue of their owne, would buie poore mens children, as if they were lambes, young calves, or kiddes, for the saide purpose. At which sacrifice the mother that bare them in her wombe would stand by without any shew at all of being mooved, without weeping or sighing for pittie and compassions; for otherwise if shee either fetched a sigh or shed ateare, shee must loose the 20 price of her childe, and yet notwithstanding suffer it to be slaine and sacrificed. Moreover, be­fore and all about the image or idoll to which the sacrifice was made, the place resounded and rung againe with the noise of flutes and hautboies, with the sound also of drums and timbrels, to the end that the pitifull crie of the poore infants should not be heard. Now if any Tryphones or other such like giants, having chased and driven out the gods, should usurpe the empire of the world and rule over us: what other facrifices would they delight in, or what offrings else and service besides could they require at mens hands? Antestries the wife of the great Monarch [...] , buried quicke in the ground twelve persons, and offred them for the prolonging of her owne life unto Pluto; which god (as Plato saith) was named Pluto, Dis and Hades, for that being full of humanitie unto mankind, wise and rich besides, he was able to enterraine the soules of 30 men with perswasive speeches and reasonable remonstrances.

Xenophanes the Naturalist, seeing the Egyptians at their solemne feasts knocking their breasts, and lamenting pitiously, admonished them verie fitly in this wise: My good friends, if these (quoth he) be gods whom you honor thus, lament not for them; and if they be men, sacri­fice not unto them. But there is nothing in the world so full of errors, no maladie of the minde so passionate and mingled with more contrarie and repugnant opinions, as this of superstition; in regard whereof, we ought to shunne and avoide the same, but not as many who whiles they seeke to eschue the assaults of theeves by the high way side, or the invasion of wilde beasts out of the forcst, or the danger of fire, are so transported and caried away with feare that they looke not about them, nor see what they doe or whither they goe, and by that meanes light 40 upon by-waies, or rather places having no way at all, but in stead thereof bot­tomlesse pits and gulfes, or else steepe downe-fals most perilous; even so, there be divers that seeking to avoid superstition, fall headlong upon the cragged rocke of perverse and stif-necked Im­pietie and Atheisme, leaping over true religi­on which is feated just in the mids betweene both. 50

OF EXILE OR BA­NISHMENT. 10

The Summarie.

THere is not a man, how well soever framed to the world and setled therein, who can promise unto himselfe any peaceable and assured state, throughout the course of his whole life; but according as it seemeth good to the clernall and wise providence of the Almightie (which governeth all things) to chaslise our faults, or to try our constancy in faith; he ought in time of a calme, to prepare himselfe for a tempest, and not to attend the mids of a danger, before he provide for his safetie, but betimes and long before to fortifie and fur­nish himselfe with that, whereof he may have necd another day in all occurences and accidents what­soever: 20 Our Authour therefore in this Treatise writing to comfort and encourage one of his friends, cast downe with anguish occasioned by his banishment, sheweth throughout all his discourse, that ver­tue it is which maketh us happie in everie place, and that there is nothing but vice that can hurt and endamage us. Now as touching his particularising of this point, in the first place he treateth what kinde of friends we have need of in our affliction, and how we ought then to serve our turnes with them: and in regard of exile mone particularly, he adjoineth this advertisment, above all other things to see unto those goods which we may enjoy during the same, and to oppose them against the present griefe and sorrow. Afterwards he prooveth by sundrie and diversreasons, that banishment is not in it selfe simply naught; he [...] and laieth open the folly and miserie of those, who are too much addicted unto one countiey, shewing by notable examples that a wise man may live at ease and con­tentment 30 in all places; that the hubitation in a strangeregion, and the same limited and confined straightly withineertaine precincts, doth much more good [...] than harme; that a large coun­trey lying out farre everie way, maketh a man never a whit the more happie: whereas contraiwise to be enclosed and pent up, bringesh many commodities with it, [...] that this is the onely life; and that is no life at all to be evermoreflitting to and fro from place to place. Now when he hath beauti­fied this theame abovesaid with many faire [...] and proper in ductions, he comforteth those who are de barred and excluded from any citie or province; resuting with very good and sound arguments certaine persons who held banishment for a note of infamie; shewing withall, that it is nothing else but sinne and vice which bringeth a man into a [...] and condition: concluding by the examples of Anaxagoras and Socrates, that neither imprisonment, nor 40 death can enthrall or make miserable the man who loveth vertue. And contrariwise, he giveth us to under stand by theex­amples of Phaëthon and Icarus, that vitious and sinfull persons fall datly and con­tinually one way or other into most grievous calami­ties through their owne audaci­ousnes and follie. 50

OF EXILE OR BANISHMENT.

SEmblable is the case of wise sentences and of good friends; the best and most and assured be those reputed, which are present with us in our calamities, not in vaine and for a shew, but to aide and succour us: for many there be who will not sticke to present themselves, yea, and be ready to conferre and talke with their friends in time of adversitie; howbeit, to no good purpose at all, but rather with some 10 danger to themselves, like as unskilfull divors, when they goe about to helpe those that are at point to be drowned, being clasped about the body, sinke together with themfor company. Now the speeches and discourses which come from friends and such as would seeme to be helpers, ought to tend unto the consolation of the partie afflicted; and not to the defence and justification of the thing that afflicteth: for little need have we of such persons as should weepe and lament with us in our tribulations & distresses, as the maner is of the Chori or quires in Tra­gedies, but those rather, who will speake their minds frankely unto us, and make remonstrance plainly: That for a man to be sad and sorrowfull, to afflict and cast downe himselfe, is not onely every way bootlesse and unprofitable, but also most vaine and foolish: but where the adverse oc­currents 20 themselves being well handled and managed by reason, when they are discovered what they be, give a man occasion to say thus unto himselfe:

Thou hast no cause thus to complaine, unlesse thou be dispos'd to faine.

A meere ridiculous follie it were, to aske either of bodie and flesh, what it aileth, or of soule, what it suffereth, and whether by the occurrence of this accident it fare worse than before; but to have recourse unto strangers without, to teach us what our griefe is, by wailing, sorrowing and grieving together with us: and therefore when wee are apart and alone by our selves, wee ought ech one to examine our owne heart and soule, about all and every mishap and infortuni­tie, yea, and to peise and weigh them, as if they were so many burdens, for the bodie is pressed 30 downe onely by the weight of the fardell that loadeth it; but the soule often times of it selfe gi­veth a surcharge over and above the things that molest it. A stone of the owne nature is hard, and yce of it selfe colde; neither is there any thing without, that giveth casually to the one the hardnesse to resist, or to the other the coldnesse to congeale; but banishments, disgraces, re­pulse and losse of dignitie, as also contrariwise, crownes, honours, sovereigne magistracies, pre­eminences, and highest places, being powerfull either to afflict or rejoice hearts, in some mea­sure more or lesse, not by their owne nature, but according to judgement and opinion, every man maketh to himselfe light or heavie, easie to be borne or contrariwise intolerable: where­upon we may heare Polynices answering thus to the demand made unto him by his mother:

How then? is it a great calamitie, 40
To quit the place of our nativitie?
POLYNICES.
The greatest crosse of all it is doubtlesse,
And more indeed than my tongue can expresse.

but contrariwise, you shall heare Aleman in another song, according to a little Epigram writ­ten of him by a certeine Poet:

At Sardes, where mine ance stours sometime abode did make,
If I were bred and nourished, my surname I should take
Of some Celinus or Bacelus, in robes of golde arai'd,
And jewels fine, while I upon the tabour plai'd. 50
But now Alcman I cleped am, and of that Sparta great
A citizen, and poet: for in Greekish muse my vaine
Exalts me more than Dascyles or Gyges, tyrants twaine.

for it is the opinion, and nothing els, that causeth one and the same thing to be unto some, good and commodious, as currant and approved money, but to others, unprofitable and hurtfull.

But set case, that exile be a grievous calamitie, as many men doe both say and sing; even so, among those meats which we eat, there be many things bitter, sharpe, hote and biting in taste, [Page 271] howbeit, by mingling therewith somewhat which is sweet and pleasant, we take away that which disagreeth with nature; like as there be colours also offensive to the sight, in such sort, as that the eies be much dazled and troubled therewith, by reason of their unpleasant hew, or excessive and intolerable brightnesse. If then, for to remedie that inconvenience by such offensive and resplendent colours, we have devised meanes, either to intermingle shadowes withall, or turne away our eies from them unto some greene and delectable objects; the semblable may we doe in those sinister and crosse accidents of fortune; namely, by mixing among them those good and desireable blessings which a man presently doth enjoy, to wit, wealth and abundance of goods, a number of friends, and the want of nothing necessarie to this life: for I do not thinke, that among the Sardinians there be many, who would not be very wel content with those goods 10 and that estate which you have even in exile, and chuse rather with your condition of life other­wise, to live from home and in a strange countrey, than (like snailes, evermore sticking fast to their shels) be without all good things els, & enjoy only that which they have at home in peace, without trouble and molestation. Like as therefore in a certaine Comaedie, there was one who exhorted his friends being fallen into some adversitie, to take a good heart, and fight against for­tune; who when he demanded of him againe, how he should combat with her, made answere: Marie after a Philosophicall maner; even so let us also mainteine battel, and be revenged of ad­versitie, by following the rule of Philosophie, & being armed with patience as becommeth wise men. For after what sort doe we defend our selves against raine? or how be we revenged of the North winde? marie we seeke for fire, we go into a stouph, we make provision of clothes, and we 20 get an house over our heads; neither doe we sit us downe in the raine, untill we be thorowly wet to the skinne, and then weepe our fill; and even so, have you also in those things which are pre­sently about you, good meanes, yea, and better than any other, to revive, refresh, and warme this part of your life which seemeth to be frozen and benummed with colde, as having no need at all of any other helps and succours, so long as you will use the foresaid meanes, according as rea­son doth prescribe & direct. For true it is, that the ventoses or cupping-glasses that Physicians use, drawing out of mans body the worst & most corrupt blood, do disburden & preserve all the rest. But they that are given to heavinesse & sorrow, who love also evermore to whine and com­plaine, by gathering together & multiplying continually in their cogitations the worst matters incident unto them, and eftsoones consuming themselves with the dolorous accidents of their 30 fortune, cause those meanes to be unprofitable unto them, which otherwise are wholesome and expedient, and even at such a time, especially when they should do most good. As for those two tunnes my good friend which Homer saith to bee set in heaven full of mens destinies, the one replenished with good and the other with bad, it is not Iupiter who sitteth to disperse and distribute them abroad, sending unto some milde and pleasant fortunes intermingled alwaies with goodnesse, but unto others continual streames (as a man would say) of meere misfortunes without any temperature of any goodnesse at all: but even among our owne selves as many as be wise and are of any sound understanding, draw out of their happy fortunes whatsoever crosse and adverse matter is mingled therewith, and by this meanes make their life the pleasanter, and as a man would say more portable; whereas contrariwise, many men doe let their fortunes 40 runne (as it were) through a colander or streiner, wherein the woorst sticke and remaine in the way behind, whiles the better do passe and runne out; and therefore it behooveth that although webe fallen into any thing that is in truth naught and grievous unto us, we set a cheereful coun­tenance on the matter, and make the best supplie and recompence that we can by those good things that otherwise we have and doe remaine with us besides, lenifying and polishing the strange and adverse accident which hapneth without by that which is milde and familiar within.

But as touching those occurrents that simply of their owne nature be not ill, and wherein whatsoever doth trouble and offend us, ariseth altogether and wholly upon a vaine conceit and foolish imagination of our owne; we ought to doe as our maner is with little children that bee 50 afraid of maskes and disguised visours; for like as we hold the same close and neere unto them, handle and turne them in our hands before them every way, and so by that meanes acquaint them therewith, untill they make no reckoning at all of them; even so by approching neere, by touching and perusing the said calamities with our understanding and discourse of reason, wee are to consider and discover the false apparence, the vanitie and feigned tragaedie that they pre­tend; like to which, is that present accident which now is befallen unto you, to wit, the ba­nishment out of that place, which according to the vulgar errour of men you suppose to be [Page 272] your native countrie. For to say a truth, there is no such distinct native soile that nature hath or­deined, no more than either house, land, smiths forge or chirurgians shop is by nature, as Ari­ston was wont to say; but every one of these and such like according as any man doth occupie or use them, are his, or to speake more properly, are named and called his: for man, according to the saying of Plato is not an earthly plant, having the roote fixed fast within the ground and unmooveable, but celestiall and turning upward to heaven, whose body from the head as from a roote that doth strengthen the same abideth streight and upright. And heereupon it is that Hercules in a certeine tragaedie said thus:

What tell you me of Argive or Thebain,
I do not vaunt of any place certain, 10
No burroughtowne, nor city coms amis
Through out all Greece, but it my countrie is.

And yet Socrates said better than so: who gave it out; That he was neither Athenian nor Gre­cian, but a citizen of the world; as if a man should say for example sake, that he were either a Rhodian or a Corinthian; for he would not exclude himselfe within the precincts and limits of the promontories Sunium or Taenarus, nor yet the Ceraunian mountaines,

But seest thou this starrie firmament,
So high above and infinitely vast,
In bosome moist of water element,
The earth beneath how it encloseth fast. 20

These are the bounds of a native countrie within the pourprise and compasse whereof whoso­ever is, ought not to thinke himselfe either banished, pilgrime, stranger or forrener; namely, whereas he shall meete with the same fire, the same water, the same aire, the same magistrates, the same governors and presidents; to wit, the sunne, the moone, and the morning starre, the same lawes throughout, under one and the selfe-same order and conduct; the solstice and tro­picke of summer in the north; the solstice and tropicke of winter in the south; the aequinoxes both of spring and fall, the starres Pleiades and Arcturus; the seasons of seednesse, the times of planting; one King, and the same prince of all, even God, who hath in his hand the beginning, the mids, and the end of the whole and universall world; who by his influence goeth according to nature, directly through and round about all things, attended upon with righteousnesse and 30 justice, to take vengeance and punishment of those who transgresse any point of divine law: which all we likewise that are men doe exercise and use by the guidance and direction of nature against all others, as our citizens and subjects. Now say that thou doest not dwel and live in Sar­deis, what matter is that? surely it is just nothing: No more doe all the Athenians inhabite in the burroughs or tribe Colyttus; nor the Corinthians in the street Cranium; ne yet the Lacedae­monians in the vilage Pytane: are those Athenians then to be counted strangers, and not inha­bitants of the citie, who have remooved out of Melite into Diomea: considering that even there they doe solemnize yet the moneth of their transmigration named thereupon Metagei­tnion; yea and do celebrate a festivall holiday and sacrifice, which in memoriall of that remoo­ving they call Metagetnia, for that this passage of theirs into another neighbourhood, they 40 received and interteined right willingly with joy and much contentment? I suppose you wil ne­ver say so. Now tell me what part of this earth habitable or rather of the whole globe and com­passe thereof, can be said farre distant or remote one from the other, seeing that the Mathema­ticians are able to proove and make demonstration by reason, that the whole in comparison and respect of heaven or the firmament is no more than a very pricke which hath no dimension at al? But we like unto pismires driven out of our hole; or in maner of bees dispossessed of our hive, are cast downe and discomforted by and by, and take our selves to be foreiners and strangers, for that we know not how to esteeme and make all things our owne, familiar and proper unto us, as they be. And yet we laugh at the folly of him who said: That the moone at Athens was better than at Corinth; being in the meane while after a sort in the same error of judgement, as if 50 when we are gon a journey from the place of our habitation, we should mistake the earth, the sea, the aire and the skie, as if they were others and farre different from those which we are accusto­med unto: for Nature hath permitted us to goe and walke through the world loose and at liber­tie: but we for our parts imprison our selves, and we may thanke our selves that we are pent up in straight roomes, that we be housed and kept within wals; thus of our owne accord we leape into close and narrow places; and notwithstanding that we do thus by our selves, yet we mocke the Persian Kings, for that (if it be true which is reported of them) the drinke all of the water onely [Page 273] of the river Choaspes, by which meanes they make all the continent besides waterlesse, for any good they have by it: whereas, even we also when we travell and remoove into other countries, have a longing desire after the river Cephisus or Eurotas; yea and a minde unto the mountaine Taigetus or the hill Pernassus; whereby upon a most vaine and foolish opinion, all the world be­sides is not onely void of water, but also like a desert, without citie, and altogether inhabitable unto us. Contrariwise, certaine Egyptians by occasion of some wrath and excessive [...] of their King, minding to remoove into Ethiopia, when as their kinsfolke and friends re­quested them to turne backe againe, and not to forsake their wives and children, after a shame­lesse manner shewing unto them their genitall members, answered them: That they would nei­ther want wives nor children, so long as they carried those about them. But surely a man may 10 avouch more honestlie, and with greater modestie and gravitie; that hee who in what place soever feeleth no want or misse of those things which be necessarie for this life, cannot com­plaine and say: That he is there out of his owne countrey, without citie, without his owne house and habitation, or a stranger at all; so as he onely have as he ought, his eie and understanding bent hereunto, for to stay and governe him in maner of a sure anchor, that he may be able to make benefit and use of any haven or harborough whatsover he arriveth unto. For when a man hath lost his goods, it is not so easie a matter to recover them soone againe; but surely everie citie is straight waies as good a native countrey unto him, who knoweth and hath learned how to use it; to him (I say) who hath such rootes as will live, be nourished and grow in every place and by any meanes, [...] Themistocles was furnished with; and such as Demetrius the Pha­lerian 20 was not without; who being banished from Athens, became a principall person in the court of King Ptolomoeus in Alexandria, where he not onely himselfe lived in great abundance of all things, but also sent unto the Athenians from thence rich gifts and presents. As for The­mistocles living in the estate of a Prince, through the bountifull allowance and liberalitie of the King of Persia, he was woont (by report) to say unto his wife and children: We had beene utter­ly undone for ever, if we had not beene undone. And therefore Diogenes surnamed the Dog, when one brought him word and said, the Sinopians have condemned thee to be exiled out of the kingdome of Pontus: And I (quoth he) have confined them within the countrey of Pontus with this charge,

That they shall never passe the atmost bonds 30
Of Euxine sea that hems them with her stronds.

Stratonius being in the Isle Seriphos which was a verie little one, demaunded of his host, for what crimes the punishment of exile was ordained in that countrey; and when he heard and understood by him, that they used to banish such as were convicted of falshood and untrueth: Why then (quoth he againe) hast not thou committed some false and leawd act, to the ende that thou mightest depart out of this straight place and be enlarged? whereas one Comicall Poet said: A man might gather and make a vintage (as it were) of figs with slings, and foison of all commodities might be had, which an Iland wanted. For if one would weigh and consider the trueth indeed, setting aside all vaine opinion and foolish conceits, he that is affected unto one citie alone, is a verie pilgrim and stranger in all others; for it seemeth nether meete, honest, nor 40 reasonable, that a man should abandon his owne for to inhabite those of others. Sparta is fallen to thy lot (saith the proverbe) adorne and honor it, for so thou art bound to doe; be it that it is of small or no account; say that it is seated in an unholesome aire, and subject to many [...] , or be plagued with civill dissentions, or otherwise troubled with turbulent affaires. But whosoe­ver he be whom fortune hath deprived of his owne native countrey; certes she hath graunted and allowed him to make choice of that which may please and content him. And verily the pre­cept of the Pythagoreans serveth to right good stead in this case to be practised: Choose (say they) the best life; use and custome will make it pleasant enough unto thee. To this purpose also it may bee wisely and with great profit said: Make choice of the best and most pleasant citie, time will cause it to be thy native countrey, and such a native countrey as shall not distract and 50 trouble thee with any businesse, nor impose upon thee these and such like exactions: Make pai­ment and contribute to this levie of money: Goe in embassage to Rome: Receive such a cap­taine or ruler into thine house, or take such a charge upon thee at thine owne expenses. Now he that calleth these things to remembrance, if he have any wit in his head, and be not over­blind every way in his owne opinion and selfe-conceit, will wish and choose, if he be banished out of his owne countrey, to inhabite the verie Isle Gyaros, or the rough and barraine Iland Cina­rus, where trees or plants do hardly grow, without complaining with griefe of heart, without la­menting [Page 274] and breaking out into these plaints and womanly moanes, reported by the Poet Si­monides in these words:

The roaring noise of purple sea, resounding all about,
Doth fright me much, and so inclose, that I can not get out.

but rather he will beare in minde and discourse with himselfe the speech that Philip king of Ma­cedonie, sometime delivered: for when his hap was in the wrestling place to fall backward and lie along on the ground; after he was up againe upon his feet, and saw the whole proportion and print of his bodie in the dust of the floore: O Hercules (quoth he) what a small deale of the 10 earth is our portion by the appointment of nature, and yet see how we will not rest, but covet to conquer the whole world that is habitable. You have seene (I suppose) the isle Naxos; if not, yet at leastwise the island Thuria neere by; of which twaine, this was in olde time the habitation of Orion; but in the other there dwelt Ephialtes and Otus: as for Alemaon, he made his abode and residence upon the muddy banke, which the river Achelous had newly gathered and cast up, after it was a little dried and compact together, to avoid the pursute (as the Poets) say of the Fu­ries; but in my conceit rather, because he would decline the offices of State, civill magistracies, seditious broiles, and biting calumniations sib to furies in hel, he chose such a streight and nar­row place to inhabit, where he might leade a life in quietnesse and repose, secured from all such busie affaires. And Tiberius Caesar in his latter daies, lived seven [...] (even untill his death) 20 in the little island Caprea, in such wise, as the very temple and imperiall throne of the whole world retired and drawen in (as it were) into the heart, for all that time never went out from thence; and yet for his part, the ordinarie cares incident unto the empire, which were brought from all parts and came upon him to amuse his head continually, on every side, would not per­mit him to enjoy cleerely without turbulent anguish of minde, that intended rest and quietnesse of his, in the said island. But even that man, who may by his departure into some little island be freed and delivered from no small troubles and calamities, is notwithstanding miserable, if he do not estsoones say unto himselfe when he is apart, yea, and chaunt oftentimes these verses of Pindarus:

Love well the place where Cypres trees do gro, 30
But thin and small. The forrest great let go
Of Candie isle, about the Ida hill:
As for my selfe, small lands I holde and till,
By fortune given, and those without an oke;
My heart likewise no griefs nor cares do yoke.

exempt I am from civill tumults and seditions; I am not subject to the command of princes and governours; my hand is not in the charge and administration of State affaires, nor in any publike ministeries or services, which hardly admit excuse or refusall. For considering that Cal­limachus seemeth not unwisely in one place to say thus: Measure not wisedome by the Persian Schoene: why then should we (meting felicitie with Schoenes & Parasanges) complaine, lament 60. [...] . 30. 40 and torment our selves, as if we were unhappie, if our fortune be to dwell in a little isle which is not in circuit above two hundred furlongs, and nothing nere foure daies failing about, as Sicilie is? for what good can a spacious and large region do, for to procure felicitie, or make a man to leade a quiet and peaceable life? Heare you not how Tantalus in the Tragaedie crieth out, and saith thus?

The spacious land and countrey large, cal'd Berecynthian plaine,
Daies journeys twelve right out, I sow yeerely with corne and graine.

and a little after, he proceedeth to this speech; 50

But now my soule, sometime an heavenly power,
Descended thence into this earthly bower,
Speaks thus to me: Learne, and betimes take heed,
Love not this world too much, I do thee reed.

And Nausithous leaving the wide and large countrey Hyperia, for that the Cyclopes were so neere neighbours unto it, and departing into an island farre remote from other men, where he lived alone by himselfe without conversing with any people:

[Page 275]
From other mortall men apart,
Of surging sea within the hart.

provided for his citizens and subjects a most pleasant life. As for the islands called Cyclades, they were at first (by report) inhabited by the children of Minos, and afterwards the of-spring of Co­drus and Neleus held the same, into which, foolish persons now-adaies thinke themselves sore punished and undone for ever, if they be confined. And yet, what island is there destined and ap­pointed for exiled and banished people, but it is larger than the territorie Scilluntia, wherein Xe­nophon after that renowmed expedition and voiage of his into Persia, passed his olde age in ele­gancie and much happinesse? semblably, the Academie, a little pingle or plot of ground, the purchase whereof cost not above three thousand drachmes, was the habitation of Plato, Xenocra­tes, 10 and Polemon, wherein they kept their schooles, and lived at repose all their life time: and yet I must needs except one day every yeere, upon which, Xenocrates was wont to go downe to the city, for to see the plaies and pastimes exhibited with new Tragaedies at the feast called Baccha­nales, onely to honour (as folke said) and countenance that solemnitie with his personall pre­sence. Also Theocritus of Chios challenged and reproched Aristotle many times, for that to live in the court of Philip and Alexander,

Upon the mouth of Borborus to dwell
He chose, and Academie bad farewell.

Now was this Borborus a river, so called by the Macedonians, which ran along the citie of Pella 20 in Macedonie. As for islands, Homer the Poet doth of purpose and expresly recommend unto us, and celebrate them with heavenly and divine praises, in this wise:

At Lemnos he arrived then, whereas the citie stood,
In which sometime that prince divine, king Thoas made abode:
And whatsoever Lesbos isle, the pallace and the seat
Of gods above conteines enclos'd within her pourpris great.

Also, 30

When woon he had the stately isle, which Scyros sometime hight,
The native place and towne of Mars, the god of armes and fight.

Likewise,

And those came from Dulichium, and eke the sacredistes,
Against Elis, Eclimades, within sea many miles.

Moreover it is said, that of famous and renowmed men, devout Aeolus, and best beloved of 40 the gods, dwelt in one isle; the most prudent and wise Ulysses in another; Alax likewise, that right valiant and hardie warriour; and Alcinous the most courteous prince for hospitalitie and entertainment of strangers, were islanders. Zeno the Philosopher when newes was brought un­to him: That the ship of his which remained alone of all the rest, was drowned in the sea with all the fraight and merchandise therein: Thou hast done well ô fortune (quoth he) to drive us to our studying gowne and Philosophers life againe; even so, in mine opinion, there is no reason that a man (unlesse he be very much besotted and transported with the vaine wind of po­pularity) when he is confined and inclosed within an island, should complaine of fortune there­fore, but rather praise her, for that she hath rid him of much anguish of spirit and trouble of his head, delivered him from tedious travell and wandring pilgrimages up and downe in the world 50 from place to place; freed him from the perils of sea, remooved him from the tumultuous stirs of the multitude in judiciall courts and publicke assemblies of the citie; and reduced him to a setled and staied life, full of rest and tranquillitie, not distracted with any superfluous and needlesse occupations, wherein he may live indeed properly to himselfe, being raunged with­in the center and circumference of those things which are required onely for necessitie. For what island is there which hath not housen, walking places, stouphes and baines, or that is with­out fishes or hares, if a man be disposed to passe the time in fishing or hunting; and that which [Page 276] is the greatest matter of all, you may oftentimes there enjoy fully your rest and repose, which other do so much thirst and hunger after; for whereas when we are haply playing at dice, or otherwise keeping close at home, there will be some of these sycophants or busie priers and cu­rious searchers into all our actions, ready to draw us out of our houses of pleasure in the sub­urbes, or out of our delightsome gardens, to make our apparence judicially in the common place, or to performe our service and give attendance in the court: there will be none such a­bout to faile into the Island where thou art confined for to trouble thee; none wil come to thee to demaund or crave any thing, to borrow monie, to request thy suretiship, or thy assistance for to second him in the sute of any office and magistracie; unlesse peradventure some of thy best friends onely and neerest kinsfolke, of meere love and affectionate desire to see thee, saile over 10 for thy sake; for the rest of thy life besides is permitted to be as free and safe as a sanctuarie, not subject to any spoile, trouble, or molestation, if thou be willing & can skill to use thy liberty and repose. As for him who thinketh those to be happy who trudge up and downe in the world a­broad, spending most part of their time out of their owne houses, either in common innes and hostelries, or els in ferrying from place to place, he is much like unto him that supposeth the wandring planets to be in a better state than the other starres which be fixed in the firmament and remoove not; and yet there is not one of the said planets but is carried round in a peculiar and proper sphaere of the owne, as it were in a certeine Isle, keeping alwaies a just order in their revolution: for according as Heraclitus saith; The very sunne himselfe will never passe beyond his bounds; and if he do, the furies which are the ministers of justice will finde him out and be 20 ready to encounter him. But these and all such like reasons my good friend we are to alledge unto them and sing in their eares, who being sent away and confined to some one Isle, can not possibly change for another countrey, nor have commerce and dealing in any place els what­soever, those I say,

Whom surging waves of sea both night and day
Enclose perforce, and cause them there to stay.

As for you unto whom no certeine place is limited and assigned for to inhabit, but who are de­barred and excluded onely out of one, are thus to thinke, that the exclusion out of one citie alone, is an overture and ready way made unto all others.

Now if any man will object and say; In this case of exile and banishment we are disabled for 30 bearing rule and office of State, we sit not at counsell table in the Senate house; we are not pre­sidents in the publicke plaies and solemnities &c. You may answere and reply againe in this maner; neither are we troubled with factions and civill dissentions; we are not called upon, nor charged with paiments in publike levies and exactions; neither be we bound to make court un­to great governors, and to give attendance at their gates; nor to take care and regard whether he who is chosen to succeed us in the government of our province, be either hastie and chole­ricke, or otherwise given to oppression and hard dealing: but as Archilochus making no account at all of the fruitfull corne-fields and plenteous vineyards in Thasos, despised and contemned the whole Isle because of some other rough, hard, and uneven places in it, giving out thereof in these termes, 40

This Island like an asses backe doth sticke,
All over spred with woods so wild and thicke.

even so we casting our eies and fixing them upon that part onely of exile which is the woorst and vilest of the rest, doe contemne and make no reckoning of the repose from businesse, the libertie also and leasure which it doth afford. And yet the kings of Persia be reputed happy, in that they passe their winter time in Babylon, the summer in Media, and the most sweet and plea­sant part of the spring at Susae. May not hee likewise who is departed out of his owne native country during the solemnitie of the mysteries of Ceres, make his abode within the city [...] all the time of the Bacchanales, celebrate that feast in Argos; and when the Pythian games & plaies are exhibited, go to Delphos; as also when the Isthmain pastimes be represented, make 50 a journey likewise to Corinth? in case he be a man who taketh pleasure in the diversitie of shewes and publike spectacles, if not, then either sit still and rest, or else walke up and downe, reade som­what, or take a nap of sweet sleepe without molestation or interruption of any man; and accor­ding as Diogenes was wont to say, Aristotle dineth when it pleaseth king Philip; but Diogenes taketh his dinner when Diogenes thinketh it good himselfe, without any businesse & affaires to distract him, and no magistrate, ruler, or captaine there was to interrupt his ordinary time and maner of diet. This is the reason why very few of the wisest and most prudent men that ever [Page 279] were, have beene buried in the countries where they were borne; but the most part of them with­out any constraint or necessitie to enforce them, have willingly weighed anker, and of their owne accord failed to another rode or haven to harbour in, and there to lead their life; for some of them have departed to Athens, others have forsaken Athens & gone to other places: for what man ever gave out such a commendation of his owne native countrey as did Euripides in these verses, in the person of a woman:

Our people all, at first no strangers were,
From forraine parts who thither did arrive;
Time out of minde those that inhabite here,
Were borne in place, and so remain'd alive.
All cities else and nations at one word 10
With aliens peopled be, who like to men
At table play, or else upon chesse-boord
Remooved have, and leapt some now some then.
If women we, may be allow'd to grace
Our native soile, and with proude words exalt,
Presume we dare to say that in this place,
A temperate aire we have without default,
Where neither heat nor cold excessive is;
If ought there be that noble Greece doth yeeld, 20
Or Asia rich, of best commodities,
And daintiest fruits, by river or by field,
We have it here, in foison plentifull
To hunt, to catch, to reape, to crop and pull.

And yet even he who hath set such goodly praises upon his native countrey, left the same, went into Macedonia, and there lived in the court of King Archelam. You have heard likewise (I sup­pose) this little Epigram in verse:

Enterred and entombed lieth here,
Euphorians sonne the Poet Aeschylus
(In Athens towne though borne sometime he were) 30
To Gelas neere, in corne so plenteous.

For he also abandoned his owne countrey, and went to dwell in Sicilie, like as Simonides did be­fore him. And whereas this title or inscription is commonly read ( This is the Historie written by Herodotus the Halicarnassean) many there be who correct it and write in this maner; Herodotus the Thurian, for that he remooved out of the countrey wherein he was borne, became an inha­bitant among the Thurians, and enjoied the freedome of that colonie. As for that heavenly and divine spirit in the knowledge of Muses and Poetrie,

Homerus, who with woondrous pen,
Set foorth the battels Phrygien.

what was it that caused so many cities to debate about the place of his nativitie, chalenging eve­rie 40 one unto themselves, but onely this; that hee seemed not to praise and extoll any one citie above the rest? Moreover, to Jupiter surnamed Hospitall, know we not that there be many, & those right great, honors done. Now if any one shall say unto me, that these personages were all of them ambitious, aspiring to great honor and glorie, doe no more, but have recourse unto the Sages, and those wise schooles and learned colledges of Athens; call to minde and consider the renowmed clerkes and famous Philosophers, either in Lycaeum or the Academie: go to the gal­lerie Stoa, the learned schoole Palladium, or the Musicke-schoole Odeum. If you affect, love and admire above all other the fect of the Peripateticks, Aristotle the prince thereof was borne in Stagira, a citie of Macedonia; Theophrastus in Eressus; Strato came from Lampsacus; Glycon from Troas; Ariston from Chios; and Critolaus from Phaselus. If your minde stand more to praise the 50 Stoickes, cleanthes was of Assos; Zeno was a Citiean; Chrysippus came from Soli; Diogenes from Babylon; and Antipater from Tharsus; and Archidamus being an Athenian borne, went to dwell among the Parthians, and left behind him at Babylon in succession, the Stoicke discipline and Philosophie. Who was it that chased and drave these men out of their native countries? certes none, but even of their owne accord and voluntary motion they sought all abroad for their con­tentment and repose, which hardly or not at all can they enjoy at home in their owne houses, who are in any authoritie and reputation; so that, as they have taught us verie well out of their [Page 278] bookes, other good sciences which they professed; so this one point of living in quietnes and rest they have shewed unto us by practise and example. And even in these daies also, the most renowmed and approoved clerkes, yea and greatest men of marke and name, live in strange countries, farre remote from their owne habitations; not transported by others, but of them­selves remooving thither; not banished, sent away, and confined; but willing to flie and avoide the troublesome affaires, negotiations and businesse, which their native countries amuse them with. That this is true, it may appeere by the most approoved, excellent, and commendable workes and compositions, which ancient writers have left unto posteritie; for the absolute fini­shing whereof it seemeth that the Muses used the helpe and meanes of their exile. Thus Thu­cydides the Athenian penned the warre betweene the Peloponnesians and the Athenians whiles 10 he was in Thracia, and namely neere unto a place called the Forest of the Fosse. Xenophon com­piled his storie at Scillos in Elea; Philip wrate in Epirus; Timaeus who was borne at Taurominum in Sictlie, became a writer in Athens; Androtion the Athenian at Megarae, and Bachilides the Poet in Peloponnesus; who all and many others besides, being banished out of their countries, were never discouraged nor cast downe, but shewed the vivacitie and vigor of their good spirits, and tooke their exile at fortunes hands as a good maintenance and provision of their journey; by meanes whereof they live in same and renowne now after their death: whereas on the other side, there remaineth no memoriall at all of those, by whose factions and sidings they were dri­ven out and exiled. And therefore he deserveth to be well mocked, who thinketh that banish­ment carrieth with it some note of infamie and reproch, as necessarily adherent thereto. For 20 what say you to this? Is Diogenes to be counted infamous, whom when King Alexander saw sit­ting in the sunne, he approched neere and standing by him, demaunded whether he stood in need of any thing or no? he had no other answere from him but this, that he had need of no­thing else, but that he should stand alittle out of the sunne-shine, and not shadow him as he did; whereupon Alexander woondring at his magnanimitie and haughtie courage, said presently unto those friends that were about him; If I were not Alexander I would be Diogenes. And was Camillus disgraced any way for being banished out of Rome, considering that even at this daie he is reputed and taken for the second founder thereof? Neither lost Themistocles the glorie which he had woon among the Greekes by his exile, but rather acquired thereto great honor & estimation with the Barbarians. And no man is there so base minded and carelesse of honor and 30 credit, but he would choose rather to be Themistocles banished as he was, than Leobates his accu­ser, and the cause of his banishment; yea, and to be Cicero who was exiled, than Clodius who cha­sed him out of Rome; or Timotheus, who was constrained to abandon and forsake his native countrey, than Aristophon who endited him and caused him to leave the same. But for that the authoritie of Euripides who seemeth mightily to defame and condemne banishment, mooveth many men; let us consider what be his severall questions and answeres to this point:

IOCASTA.
How then! is it a great calamitie
To loose the place of our nativitie?
POLYNICES. 40
The greatest crosse I hold it is doubtlesse,
And more indeed than my tongue can expresse.
IOCASTA.
The manner would I gladly understand,
And what doth grieve man shut from native land?
POLYNICES.
This one thing first, the sorest griefe must be,
That of their speech they have not libertie.
IOCASTA.
A spight it is no doubt, and that of servile kind, 50
For men to be debard to speake their mind.
POLYNICES.
Besides, they must endure the foolishnesse.
And ignorance of rulers, more or lesse.

But herein I cannot allow of his sentence and opinion as well and truely delivered. For first and formost, not to speake what a man thinketh, is not the point of a slavish and base person, but ra­ther he is to be counted a wise and prudent man, who can hold his tongue at those times and in [Page 279] such occasions as require taciturnitie and silence; which the same Poet hath taught us in ano­ther place more wisely, when he saith,

Silence is good when that it doth availe,
Likewise to speake in time and not to faile.

And as for the folly and ignorance of great and mightie persons, we must abide no lesse when we tarrie at home, than in exile; nay it falleth out many times, that men at home feare much more the calumniations and violence of those who injustly are in high places of authoritie with­in cities, than if they were abroad and out of their owne countries. Againe, this also is most false and absurd, that the said Poet depriveth banished persons of their libertie and franke speech. Certes, this were a woonderfull matter, that Theodorus wanted his freedome of tongue, conside­ring 10 that when King Lysimachus said unto him: And hath thy countrey chased and cast thee out, being so great a person among them; Yea (quoth he againe) for that it was no more able to beare me, than Semele to beare Bacchus: neither was he daunted and afraid, notwithstanding that the King shewed unto him Telesphorus enclosed within an iron cage, whose eies he had caused before to be pulled out of his head, his nose and eares to be cropt, and his tongue to be cut, ad­ding withal these words: See how I handle those that displease and abuse my person. And what shall we say of Diogenes? Wanted he (thinke you) his libertie of speech? who being come into the campe of King Philip, at what time time as he made an expedition against the Grecians, in­vaded their countrey and was ready to give them battell, was apprehended and brought before the king as a spie, and charged therewith: I am indeed (quoth he) come hither to spie your in­fariable 20 avarice, ambition, and folly, who are about now to hazard in one houre (as it were) with the cast of a die, not onely your crowne and dignitie, but also your life and person; semblably, what thinke you of Annthall the Carthaginian? was he tongue-tied before Antiochus, banished though himselfe were, and the other a mightie monarch? For when he advised Antiochus to take the opportunitie presented unto him, and to give battell unto the Romans his enemies, and the king having sacrificed unto the gods answered againe, that the entrails of the beast killed for sa­crifice, would not permit but forbad him so to do: Why then (quoth he by way of reproofe and rebuke) you will doe that belike, which a peece of dead flesh biddeth you, and not that which a man of wisedome and understanding counselleth you unto. But neither Geometricians, nor those that use linearie demonstrations, if haply they be banished, are deprived of their libertie, 30 but that they may discourse & speake frankly of their art, and science of such things as they have learned and knowen: how then should good, honest and honorable persons be debarred of that freedome, in case they be exiled? But in trueth, it is cowardise and basenes of minde, which al­waies stoppeth the voice, tieth the tongue, stifleth the wind-pipe, and causeth men to be speech­lesse. But proceed we to that which followed afterwards in Eurpides:

IOCASTA.
But thus we say, those that are banished
With hopes alwaies of better dates be fed.
POLYNICES.
Good eies they have, a farre off they doe see, 40
Staying for things that most uncertaine be.

Certainely these words implie rather a blame and reprehension of folly, than of exile. For they be not those who have learned and doe know how to apply themselves unto things present, and to use their estate such as it is, but such as continually depend upon the expectance of future fortunes, and covet evermore that which is absent and wanting, who are tossed to and fro with hope as in a little punt or bote floting upon the water; yea although they were never in their life time without the wals of the citie wherein they were borne: moreover whereas we reade in the same Euripides,

IOCASTA.
Thy fathers friends and allies, have not they 50
Beene kind and helpfull to thee, as they may?
POLYNICES.
Looke to thy selfe, from troubles God thee blesse,
Friends helpe is naught, if one be in distresse.
IOCASTA.
Thy noble blood, from whence thou art descended:
[Page 280] Hath it not thee advanc'd and much amended?
POLYNICES.
I hold it ill, to be in want and need,
For parentage and birth doth not men feed.

These speeches of Polynices are not onely untrue, but also bewray his unthankfulnesse, when he seemeth thus to blame his want of honor and due regard for his nobility, and to complaine that hee was destitute of friends by occasion of his exile, considering that in respect of his noble birth, banished though he were, yet so highly honoured he was that he was thought woorthie to be matched in marriage with a kings daughter, and as for friends, allies, and confederates, hee was able to gather a puissant armie of them, by whose aide and power he returned into his owne 10 countrey by force of armes, as himselfe testifieth a little after in these words:

Many a lord and captaine brave here stands
With me in field, both from Mycenae bright,
And cities more of Greece, whose helping hands
(Though loth) I must needes use in claime of right.

Much like also be the speeches of his mother lamenting in this wise;

No nuptiall torch at all I lighted have
To thee, as doth a wedding feast besceme,
No mariage song was sung, nor thee to lave
Was water brought from faire Ismenus streame. 20

whom it had become and behooved rather to rejoice and be glad in heart, when she heard that her sonne was so highly advaunced and married into so roiall an house; but in taking griefe and sorrow her-selfe that there was no wedding torch lighted, & that the river Ismenus affoorded no water to bathe in at his wedding; as if new maried bridegroomes could not be furnished either with fire or water in the city Argos; she attributeth unto exile, the inconveniences which more truly proceed from vanitie and follie.

But some man will say unto me; That to be banished is a note of ignominie and reproch: true it is indeed, but among fooles onely, who thinke likewise that it is a shame to be poore, to be bald, to be small of stature, yea and to be a stranger forsooth, a tenant, in-mate or alien inha­bitant: For certes such as will not suffer themselves to be caried away with these vaine perswasi­ons, 30 nor do subscribe thereto, esteeme & have in admiration good and honest persons, never re­specting whether they be poore, strangers, and banished or no: Do we not see that all the world doth honor and reverence the temple of Theseus aswell as Parthenon and Eleusinium, temples dedicated to Minerva, Ceres, and Proserpina? and yet was Theseus banished from Athens; even that Theseus by whose meanes the same citie was first peopled, and is at this day inhabited; and that citie lost he which he held not from another, but founded first himselfe. As for Eleusis what beautie at all would remaine in it? if we dishonor Eumolpus and be ashamed of him who re­mooving out of Thracia, instituted at first among the Greeks the religion of sacred mysteries, which continueth in force and is observed at this day: what shall we say of Codrus who became king of Athens? whose sonne I pray you was he? was not Melanthius his father a banished man 40 from Messina. Can you chuse but commend the answere of Antisthenes to one who said unto him; Thy mother is a Phrygian: So was (quoth he) the mother of the gods: why answer you not likewise when you are reproched with your banishment? even so was the father of that victori­ous conqueror Hercules: the grand-fire likewise of Bacchus, who being sent out for to seeke lady Europa, never returned backe into his native countrie;

For being a Phaenician borne,
At Thebes he after did arrive,
Far from his native soile beforne,
And there begat a sonne belive,
Who Bacchus did engender tho, 50
That mooves to furie women, hight
Mad Bacchus, runneth to and fro,
In service, such is his delight.

As for that which the Poet Aeschylus would seeme covertly by these darke words to insinuate, or rather to shew a farre off, when he saith thus:

And chaste Apollo sacred though be were,
[Page 281] Yet banished a time, heaven did for be are.

I am content to passe over in silence, and will forbeare to utter according as Herodotus saith: and whereas Empedocles in the very beginning of his philosophie maketh this praeface:

An auncient law there stands in force, decreed by gods above,
Groundedupon necessitie, and never to remoove:
That after men hath [...] hands in bloudshed horrible,
And in remorse of sinne is vext with horrour terrible. 10
The long liv'd angels whith attend in heaven, shall chase him quite,
For many thousand yeeres from view of every blessed wight:
By vertue of this law, am I from gods exiled now,
And wander heere and there throughone the world I know not how.

This he meaneth not of himselfe alone, but of all us after him, whom he declareth and shew­eth 20 by these words to be meere strangers, passengers, forreiners, and banished persons in this world. For it is not bloud (quoth he) ô men, nor vitall spirit contemperate together, that hath given unto us the substance of our soule and beginning of our life; but hereof is the bodie only composed and framed, which is earthly and mortall; but the generation of the soule which commeth another way, and descendeth hither into these parts beneath, he doth mitigate and seeme to disguise by the most gentle and milde name that hee could devise, calling it a kinde of pilgrimage from the naturall place; but to use the right tearme indeed, and to speake according to the very truth, she doth vague and wander as banished, chased and driven by the divine lawes and statutes to and fro, untill such time as it setleth to a bodie, as an oister or shell fish to one rocke or other in an island beaten and dashed upon with many windes and waves of the sea 30 round about (as Plato saith) for that it doth not remember nor call to mind from what height of honor, & from how blessed an estate it is translated, not changing as a man would say Sardis for Athens, nor Corinth for Lemnos or Scyros, but her resiance in the very heaven and about the moone, with the abode upon earth, and with a terrestriall life; whereas it thinketh it strange and as much discontented heere for that it hath made exchange of one place for another not farre distant; much like unto a poore plant that by remooving doth degenerate and begin to wither away: and yet we see, that for certaine plants some soile is more commodious and sortable than another, wherein they will like, thrive, and prosper better: whereas contrariwise there is no place that taketh from a man his felicitie, no more than it doth his vertue, fortitude or wisedome: for Anaxagoras during the time that he was in prison wrote his Qua­drature 40 of the circle: and Socrates even when he drunke poison, discour­sed as a philosopher, exhorting his friends and familiars to the studie of philosophie, and was by them reputed happie; but contrariwise Phaeton and Icarus who (as the poets do report) would needs mount up into heaven, through their owne folly and incon­siderate rashnes, fell into most greevous and wofull calamities. 50

THAT WE OVGHT NOT TO TAKE UP 10 MONEY UPON VSVRIE.

The Summarie.

THe covetous desire of earthly goods, is a passion inturable, but especially after that it hath gotten the masterie of the souse, in such sort, as the advertisements which are made in regard of covetous men, be not proposed for any thing els but for the profit and benefit of those persons who are to keepe themselves from the nets and snares of 20 these enemies of humane societie. Now among all those who haveneed of good coun­sels in this behalfe, we must range them that take up money upon interest, who serving as a pray and bootie to these greedie and hungry hunters, aught so much the rather to looke unto their owne preser­vation, if they would not be cruelly devoured. And as this infortunitie hath bene in the world ever since the entrie of sinne, that alwates some or other, yea, and great numbers have endevoured to make their commoditie and gaine by the losse and dammage of their neighbours; so we may see heere, that in Plutarchs time things were growen to a woonderfull confusion, the which is nothing diminished since, but contrariwise it seemeth that in these our daies it is come to the very height. And for to ap­plie some remedie heereto, our authour leavethusurers altogether as persons gracelesse, reprobate and ancapable of all remon strance, addressing himselfe unto borrowers, to the end that he might discover 30 and lay open unto them the snares and nets into which they plunge themselves; and this he doth with­out specifying or particularising over neere of usurie, because there is no meane or measure limited nor any end of this furious desire of gathering and heaping up things corruptible. Considering then that covetous folke have neither nerve nor veine that reacheth or tendeth to the pittie of their neighbours, meet it is and good reason that borrowers should have some mercie and compassion of themselves, to weigh and ponder well the grave discourses of this authour, and to applie the same unto the right use. He saith therefore, that the principall meanes to keepe and save themselves from the teeth of usurie, is to make the best of their owne, and shift with those things that they have about them, before they ap­proch unto the denne of this hungrie and greedie beast, and that men ought to make an hand & quicke dispatch of that which is not very necessary, before they come thither; where he taxeth those who had 40 lever lay to gage and pawne their goods, and remaine under the burden of usurie, than to sell up all and disgage themselves at once. After this, he presenteth the true remedie of this mischiefe, namely, to spare and spend in measure; and to cause us to be more warie and better advised, he proposeth the live­lie image of this horrible monster, whom we call an Usurer, describing him in his colours, with all his practises and passions. Which done, he sheweth the source of borrowing money upon interest, and the way to stop the same; he directeth his pen particularly first unto the poore, gi­ving them a goodly lesson, and then unto the richer sort, teaching the one as­well as the other, how they are to demeane and carie themselves, that they be not exposed in the clutches of usurers. And for a con­clusion, he exhorteth them to behold the example of cer­teine 50 Philosophers by name, who chose rather to abandon & forsake all their goods, than to undoe themselves in the possession & hold­ing thereof.

THAT WE OUGHT NOT TO take up money upon usurie.

PLato in his books of Lawes, permitteth not one neighbour to make bolde with anothers water, before he have digged and sunke a pit so deepe in his owne ground, that he is come to a veine of clay or pot­ters earth; untill (I say) he have sounded thorowly, and found that the plot of ground is not apt to ingender water, or yeeld a spring; 10 [for the said potters clay being by nature fattie, solide and strong, reteineth that moisture which it hath once received, and will not let it soke or passe thorow:] but allowed they are, and ought to fur­nish themselves with water from others, when they have no meanes to find any of their own, forasmuch as the law intendeth to provide for mens necessitie, and not to favour their idlenesse; even so there ought to be an ordinance and act as touching money; That it might not be lawfull for those to borrow upon usurie, nor to goe into other mens purses (as it were) to draw water at their welles or pits, before they have cast about all meanes at home, searched every way, and gathered (as it were) from everie gutter and spring, trying and assaying how to draw and come by that which may serve their 20 owne turnes, and supplie their present necessities. But now it falleth out contrariwise, that ma­nie there be, who to furnish their foolish and riotous expenses, or els to accomplish their super­fluous and chargeable delights, never serve their owne turnes, nor make use of those things which they have, but are readie to seeke unto others, even to their great cost, though they stand in no need at all: for an undoubted & cerreine proofe hereof, marke how usurers do not ordina­rily put forth their money unto those who are in necessity & distresse, but to such as be desirous to purchase and get that which is superfluous, and whereof they stand not in need; insomuch as that which is credited out and delivered unto him that borroweth, is a good proofe and suffici­ent testimonie, that he hath somewhat to take to of his owne; whereas indeed he ought (since he hath wherewith) to looke unto it, that he take not upon interest, and conrrariwise, not to be 30 credited nor to be in the usurers booke, is an argument that such an one is needie.

Why doest thou repaire and make court (as it were) obsequiously to a banker or merchant? goe thy waies and borrow of thine owne banke, make a friend of thine owne stocke; flaggons thou hast and pots, chargers, basons and dishes all of silver plate; imploy the same about thy necessities, for to supply thy wants, and when thou hast disfurnished thy table and cup-boord, the gentle towne Antis or els the isle Tenedos, will make up all again with faire vessel of earth and pottery, which is much more neat & pure than those of silver, for these cary not the strong smel nor unpleasant sent of usury, which like rust or canker, every day more & more, sullieth, fretteth & eateth into thy costly magnificence; these will not put thee in minde daily of the calends and new moones, which being in it selfe the most sacred & holy day of the moneth, is by meanes of 40 the usurers, become odious and accursed. For as touching those, who choose rather to lay their goods to gage, & to pawn them for to borrow money thereupon & pay for use, than to sel them right out, I am verily perswaded that god Jupiter himselfe surnamed Ctesius, that is, Possessor, can not save them from beggery. Abashed they are to receive the price and value of their goods to the woorth; but they be not ashamed to pay interest for the lone of money. And yet that wise and politike Pericles caused the costly robe and attire of the statue of Minerva weighing forty talents in fine gold, to be made in such sort, that he might take it off and put it on as he would at his pleasure; To the ende (quoth he) that when we stand in need of money for maintenance of warre, we may serve our turnes therewith for the time, and afterwards put in the place againe an­other of no lesse weight and woorth; even so we likewise in our accusations and affaires, like as 50 in the besieging of a citie, ought never to admit the garrison of an usurer or enemie, nor to en­dure to see before our eies our owne goods delivered out for to continue in perpetuall servi­tude, but rather to cut-off from our labour all that is neither profitable nor necessarie; likewise from our beds, form our couches, and our ordinarie expenses in diet whatsoever is heedlesse, thereby to maintaine and keepe our selves free, in hope and with full intent to supply and make amends againe for it, if fortune afterwards smile upon us. Certes, the Romane dames in times past were willing to part with their jewels and ornaments of gold, yea and give them away as an [Page 284] offering of first fruits to Apollo Pythius, whereof was made a golden cup, and the same sent to the citie of Delphi. And the Matrons of Carthage shore the haire of their heads, to make thereof twised cords for to winde up and bend their engines and instruments of artillerie in the defence of their countrey, when the citie was besieged. But we, as if we were ashamed of our owne suffi­ciencie, and to stand upon our owne bottomes, seeke to enthrall our selves by gages and obliga­tions; whereas it behooved us much more by restraining our selves and reducing all to such things onely as be profitable and good for us, of those needlesse, unprofitable and superfluous vessels which we have, after they be either melted, broken in pieces, or sold, to build a privileged chappell of libertie, for our selves, our wives and children. For the goddesse Diana in Ephesus, yeelded sanctuarie, franchise and savegard unto all debters against their creditours, who fled for 10 succour into her temple. But the sanctuarie indeed of parsimonie, frugalitie and moderate ex­pense, into which no usurers can make entrie, for to hale and pull out of it any debter prisoner, standeth alwaies open for those that are wise, and affoordeth unto them a large space, of joious and honorable repose. For like as that Prophetesse which gave oracles in the temple of Pythius Apollo, about the time of the Medians warre, made answere unto the Athenian Embassadors: That God gave vnto them for their safetie a wall of wood; whereupon they leaving their lands and possessions, abandoning their citie, and forsaking their houses and all the goods therein, had recourse unto their ships for to save their libertie; even so, God giveth unto us woodden tables, earthen vessels, and garments of course cloth, if we would live in freedome:

Set not thy minde upon steeds of great price, 20
And chariots brave, in silver harnesse dight,
With claspes, with hookes, and studs by fine device
Ywrought, in race to shew a goodly sight.

for how swift soever they be, these usurers will soone overtake them and run beyong. But rather get upon the next asse thou meetest with, or the first pack-horse that commeth in thy way, to flie from the usurer, a cruell enemie and meere tyrant, who demaundeth not at thy hands fire and water, as sometimes did that barbarous King of Media; but that which woorse is, toucheth thy libertie, woundeth thine honor and credit by proscriptions, writs, and open proclamations. If thou pay him not to his conteut, he is ready to trouble thee; if thou have wherewith to satisfie him, he wil not receive thy payment, unlosse he list; if thou prize and sell thy goods, he will have 30 them under their worth; art thou not disposed to make a sale of them? hee will force thee to it; doest thou sue him for his extreame dealing, he will seeme to offer parley of agreement; if thou sweare unto him that thou wilt make paiment, he will impose upon thee hard conditions, and have thee at command; if thou goe to his house for to speake and conferre with him, hee will locke the gates against thee; and if thou stay at home and keepe house, thou shalt have him rap­ping at thy doore; he will not away but take up his lodging there with thee. For in what stead served the law of Solon in Athens, wherein it was ordained, that among the Athenians, mens bo­dies should not be obliged for any civill debt? considering that they be in bondage and slaverie to all banquers and usurers, who force men to keepe in their heads; and that which more is, not to them alone (for that were not such a great matter) but even to their verie slaves, being proud, 40 insolent, barbarous and outrageous, such as Plato describeth the divels and fiery executioners in hel to be, who torment the soules of wicked and godlesse persons. For surely these cursed usurers make thy hall and judiciall place of justice, no better than a very hell and place of torment to their poore debters, where after the manner of greedie geirs and hungrie griffons, they flay, mangle and eate them to the verie bones,

And of their beaks and talons keene,
The markes within their flesh be seene.

And some of them they stand continually over, not suffring them to touch and taste their owne proper goods; when they have done their vintage and gathered in their corne & other fruits of the earth, making them fast & pine away like unto Tantalus. And like as king Darius sent against 50 the citie of Athens his lieutenants generall Datis and Artaphernes, with chaines, cordes and halters in their hands, therewith to binde the prisoners which they should take; semblablie these usurers bring into Greece with them their boxes and caskets full of schedules, bils, hand­writings, and contracts obligatorie, which be as good as so many irons and fetters to hang up­on their poore debters; and thus they go up and downe leaping from citie to citie, where they sow not as they passe along good and profitable seede, as Triptolemus did in old time; but plant their rootes of debts, which bring foorth infinite troubles and intolerable usuries, whereof there [Page 285] is no end, which eating as they goe and spreading their spaunes round about, in the end cause whole cities to stoupe and stinke, yea and be ready to suffocate and strangle them. It is reported of hares that at one time they suckle young leverets and be ready to kinnule others that be in their bellies, and withall to conceive a fresh: but the debts of these barbarous, wicked and cruell usurers, do bring foorth before they conceive. For in putting out their money, they redemand it presently; in laying it downe, they take it up, they deliver that againe for interest, which they received and tooke in consideration of lone and use. It is said of the Messenians citie,

Gate after gate a man shall here find,
And yet one gate ther's alwaies behind.

But it may better be said of usurers: 10

Usurte here, upon usurie doth grow,
And end thereof you never shall know.

and here withall in some sort they laugh at natural philosophers, who holde this Axiome, That of nothing can be engendred nothing: for with them usurie is bred of that which neither is, not ever was; of that I say which never had subsistence nor being. Howbeit these men thinke it a shame & reproch to be a publicane, and take to farme for a rent the publike revenewes, notwith­standing the lawes do permit and allow that calling, whereas themselves against all the lawes of the world, exact a rent and custome for that which they put foorth to usurie; or rather to speake a truth in lending their money they defraude their debtors as bankrupts do their creditors. For the poore debter who receiveth lesse than he hath set downe in his obligation, is most falsely 20 coufened, deceived, and cut short of that which he ought to have. And verily the Persians re­pute lying to be a sinne, but in a second degree: for in the first place they reckon to owe money and be indebted; in as much, as leasing followeth commonly those that be in debt. But yet usu­rers ly more than they, neither are there any that practise more falshood and deceit in their day debt bookes wherein they write, that to such a one they have delivered so much, whereas indeed it is farre lesse; and so the motive of their lying is faire avarice, & neither indigence nor poverty, but even a miserable covetousnes and desire ever to have more and more; the end whereof tur­neth neither to pleasure nor profit unto themselves, but to the losse and ruine of those whom they wring and wrong: for neither till they those grounds which they take away from their deb­ters; nor dwell in the houses out of which they turne them; nor their meat upon those ta­bles 30 which they have from them; ne yet clad themselves with their apparell, of which they spolie them; but first, one is destroied, than a second followeth after, and is allured as a prey by the other. And this is much like to a wilde fire, which still consumeth, and yet encreaseth al­waies by the utter decay and destruction of all that falleth into it, and devoureth one thing after another. And the usurer which maintaineth this fire, blowing and kindling it with the ruine of so many people, gaineth thereby no more fruit than this, that after a certaine time, he taketh his booke of accounts in hand, and there readeth what a number of debters he hath bought out of house and home, how many he had dispossessed of their land and living, from whence he hath come and whither he hath gone in turning, winding, and heaping up his silver. Now I would not that you should thus thinke of me, that I speake al this upon any deadly war and enmitie that 40 I have sworne against usurers,

For God be praised they neither horses mine
Have driven away, nor oxen, ne yet kine.

But onely to shew unto them who are so ready to take up money upon usurie, what a villanous, shamefull, and base thing there is in it, and how this proceedeth from nothing else but extreame folly and timiditie of heart. If thou have wherewith to weld the world, never come into the usu­rers booke, considering thou hast no need to borrow. Hast thou not wherewith, yet take not money up and pay not interest, because thou shalt have no meanes to make paiment. But let us consider the one and the other apart by it selfe. Old Cato said unto a certaine aged man, who be­haved himselfe verie badly: My friend (quoth he) considering that old age of it selfe hath so ma­nie 50 evils; how commeth it to passe, that you adde thereto moreover the reproch and shame of leawdnesse and misdemeanor? even so may we say, seeing that povertie of it selfe hath so many and so great miseries, do not you over and above go and heape thereupon the troubles and an­guishes that come of borrowing and being in debt; neither take thou from penurie that onely good thing, wherein it excelleth riches, to wit, the want of carking and pensive cares; for other­wise thou shalt be subject unto the mockerie implied by this common proverbe:

[Page 286]
A goat alone when beare unneth I may,
An oxe upon my shoulder you do lay.

Semblably, you being not able to sustaine povertie alone, do surcharge your selfe with an usuter, a burden hardly supportable even for a rich and wealthie man. How then would you have me to live? haply some man will say: And doest thou indeed aske this question, having hands and feet of thine owne? having the gift of speech, voice, and being a man, unto whom it is given both to love and also to be loved; as well to doe a pleasure, as to receive a courtesie with thankesgiving. Thou maist teach Grammar, bring up yoong children, be a porter or doore-keeper; thou maist be a sailer or mariner, thou maist row in a barge or galley: for none of all these trades is more reprochfull, odious, or troublesome, than to heare one say unto thee: Pay me mine owne, or 10 discharge the debt that thou owest me. Rutilius that rich Romane comming upon a time at Rome to Musonius the Philosopher, said unto him thus in his eare: Musonius, Juptter surnamed Saviour, whom you and such other Philosophers as you are, make profession to imitate and fol­low, taketh up no money at interest: but Musonius smiling againe, returned him this present an­swere: No more doth he put foorth anie money for use.

Now this Rutilius who was an usurer, reproched the other for taking money at interest, which was a foolish arrogant humour of a Stoicke: for what need hadst thou Rutilius, to meddle with Jupiter Saviour, and alledge his name, considering that a man may report the selfe same by those very things which are familiar and apparent? The swallowes are not in the usurers booke, the pismiers pay not for use of money, and yet to them hath not nature given either hands or rea­son, 20 or any art and mysterie; whereas she hath indued man with such abundance of understan­ding, and aptnesse to learne and practise, that he can skill not onely to nourish himselfe, but also to keepe horses, hounds, partridges, hares and jaies: why doest thou then disable and condemne thy selfe, as if thou wert lesse docible and sensible than a jay, more mute than a partridge, more idle than a dogge, in that thou canst make no meanes to have good of a man, neither by double diligence, by making court, by observance and service, nor by mainteining his quarrell and en­tring into combat in his defence? seest thou not how the earth doth bring foorth many things, and how the sea affoordeth as many for the use of man? And verily as Crates saith:

I saw my selfe how Mycilus wooll did card,
And how with him his wife the rols did spin: 30
Thus during warre when times were extreame hard,
Both jointly wrought, to keepe them from famin.

King Antigonus when he had not of a long time seene Cleanthes the Philosopher, meeting him one day in Athens, spake unto him, and said: How now Cleanthes, doest thou grinde at the mill, and turne the querne-stone still? Yea sir (quoth Cleanthes againe) I grinde yet, and I doe it for to earne my living; howbeit, for all that, I give not over my profession of Philosophie. O the admirable courage and high spirit of this man, who comming from the mill, with that verie hand which turned about the stone, ground the meale and kneaded the dough, wrote of the na­ture of the gods, of the moone, of the starres and the sunne! But we do thinke all these to be base and servile works; and yet verily, because we would be free (God wot) we care not to thrust our 40 selves into debt, we pay for the use of money, we faltter vile and base persons, we give them pre­sents, we invite and feast them, we yeeld (as it were) tribute under-hand unto them; and this we do not in regard of povertie, (for no man useth to put forth his money into a poore mans hand) but even upon a super fluity and riotous expense of our owne: for if we could content our selves with those things that are necessarie for the life of man, there would not be an usurer in the world, no more than there are Centaures and monstrous Gorgones. But excesse it is and dein­tinesse, which hath ingendered usurers; like as the same hath bred gold-smithes, silver-smithes, confectioners, perfumers, and diers of gallant colours. We come not in debt to bakers and vinteners for our bread and wine; but wee owe rather for the price and purchase of faire houses and lands, for a great number and retinue of slaves, of fine mules, of trimme halles and dining 50 chambers, of rich tables and the costly furniture belonging thereto, besides other foolish and excessive expenses, which we often-times are at, when we exhibit plaies and solemne pastimes into whole cities for to gratifie and do pleasure unto the people; and that upon a vaine ambiti­on and desire of popular favour; and many times wee receive no other fruit of all our cost and labour, but ingratitude. Now he that is once enwrapped in debt, remaineth a debtour still all the daies of his life; and he fareth like to an horse, who after he hath once received the bit into his [Page 287] mouth, changeth his rider eftsoones, and is neuer unridden, but one or other is alwaies on his backe. No way and meanes there is to avoid from thence, and to recover those faire pastures and pleasant medowes, out of which those indebted persons are turned; but they wander astray to and fro, like to those cursed fiends and maligne spirits, whom Empedocles writeth to have bene driven by the gods out of heaven:

For such the heavenly power first chas'd downe to the sea beneath;
The sea againe, up to the earth did cast them by and by;
Then after wards, the earth them did unto the beames bequeath
Of restlesse sunne, and they at last sent them to starrie sky.

Thus fall they into the hands of usurers or bankers, one after another; now of a Corinthian, 10 then of a Patrian, and after of an Or Corin­thian againe. Athenian; so long, untill when all of them have had a fling at him, he become in the end, wasted, eaten out, & consumed with usurie upon usurie for like as he that is stepped into a quavemire, must either at first get forth of it, or els continue still there, and not remove at all out of one place; for he that striveth, turneth and windeth every way, not only doth wet and drench his bodie, but mireth it all over, and beraieth himselfe more than he was at first, with filthy durt; even so they that do nothing but change one banke for another, making a transcript of their name out of one usurers booke into anothers, loading their shoulders eft­soones with new and fresh usuries, become alwaies overcharged more and more; and they re­semble for all the world, those persons who are diseased with the cholericke passion or flux, who will not admit of any perfect cure to purge it at once, but continually taking away a certeine 20 portion of the humor, make roome for more & more still, to gather and ingender in the place; for even so these are not willing to be ridde and cleansed at once, but with dolour, griefe and an­guish pay usurie euery season and quarter of the yeere; and no sooner have they discharged one, but another distilleth and runneth downe after it, which gathereth to an head; and so by that meanes they are grieved with the heart-ache and paine of the head; whereas it behooved that they should make quicke dispatch, and give order to be cleere and free once for all; for now I direct my speech unto those of the better sort, who have wherewith above their fel­lowes, and yet be nicer than they should be; and those commonly come in with such like words and excuses, as these: How then; would you have mee unfurnished of slaves and ser­vants? to live without fire, without an house and abiding place? which is all one as if hee 30 that were in a dropsie and swollen as bigge as a tunne, should say unto a physician; What will you doe? would you have me to be leane, lanke, spare bodied and emptie; and why not? or what shouldest not thou be contented to be, so thou maiest recover thy health and be whole a­gaine? and even so may it be said unto thee? Better it were for to be without slaves than to be a slave thy selfe; and to remaine without heritage and possessions, that thou maiest not be posse­sed by another. Hearken a little to the talke that was betweene two geires or voltures as the tale goes; when one of them disgorged so strongly, that he said withall; I thinke verily that I shall cast up my very bowels: the other being by, answered in this wise: What harme wil come of thy vomiting so long as thou shalt not cast up thine owne entrails, but those onely of some dead prey which we tare and devoured together but the other day; semblably every one that is indeb­ted 40 selleth not his own land, nor his owne house; but indeed the usurers house & land of whom he hath taken money for interest, considering that by the law the debter hath made him lord of him and all. Yea marie will he say anon; but my father hath left me this peece of land for mine inheritance: I wot well and beleeve it; so hath thy father left unto thee freedome, good name and reputation, whereof thou oughtest to make much more account than of land and living. He that begat thee made thy hand and thy foot; and yet if it chance that one of them be morti­fied, he will give a good fee or a reward to a chirurgian for to cut it off. Ladie Calypso clad Ulysses with a vesture and robe senting sweet like baulme, yeelding an odor of a body immortall which she presented unto him as a gift and memoriall of the love that she bare unto him; and this he did weare for her sake; but after that he suffred shipwracke and was readie to sinke, being hardly 50 able to flote above water, by reason that the said robe was all drenched and so heavie that it held him downe, he did it off and threw it away; and then girding his naked brest underneath with a certeine broad fillet or swadling band, he saved himselfe by swimming, and recovered the bank: now when he was past this danger, and seemed to be landed, he seemed to want neither raiment nor nutriment: and what say you to this? may not this be counted a verie tempest, when as the usurer after a certeine time shall come to assaile the poore debtors and ay unto them: Paie,

[Page 288]
Which word once said, therewith the clouds above,
He gathereth thicke, and sea with waves doth moove:
For why, the winds anon at once from east,
From south, from west do blow and give no rest.

And what be these windes and waves? even usuries upon usuries, puffing, blowing and rolling one after another; and he that is overwhelmed therewith & kept under with their heavy weight, is not able to swim foorth and escape, but in the end is driven downe and sinketh to the verie bottome, where he is drowned and perished together with his friends, who entred into bonds, and became sureties and pledges for him.

Crates the philosopher of Thebes therefore did very well, who being in daunger and debt to 10 no man, onely wearied with the cares and troubles of house-keeping, and the pensive thoughts how to hold his owne, left all, and gave over his estate and patrimonie which amounted to the value of eight talents; tooke himselfe to his bagge and wallet, to his simple robe and cloke of course cloth, and fled into the sanctuarie and liberties of Philosophie and povertie. As for A­naxagoras he forsooke his faire lands and plenteous pastures: but what need I to alledge these examples? considering that Philoxenus the musician being sent with other to people & possesse a new colonie in Stcilie, and having befallen to his lot a goodly house and living to it, enioying (I say) for his part a good portion wherewith he might have lived in fulnesse and plentie; when he sawe once that delights, pleasures, and idlenesse without any exercise at all of good letters reig­ned in those parts; Par die (quoth he) these goods heere shall never spoile and undoe me, but I 20 will rather (I trow) make a hand and havocke of them; leaving therefore unto others his portion that fell unto him by lot, he tooke sea againe & sailed away to Athens. Contrariwise those that be in debt are evermore sued in the law, become tributaries & very slaves, bearing and induring all indignities, like unto those varlets that digge in silver mines, nourishing and mainteining as Phineus did the ravenous winged harpies: for surely these usurers alwaies flie upon them, and be ready to snatch and carie away their very foode and sustenance; neither have they patience to stay and attend times and seasons; for they buie up their debtors corne before it be ripe for the harvest; they make their markets of oile before the olives fall from the tree, and likewise of wine: For I wil have it at this price (quoth the usurer;) & withal the debter giveth him presently a bill of his hand for such a bargaine; meane while the grapes hang still upon the vine, waiting 30 for the moneth of September, when the star Arcturus riseth and sheweth the time of vintage.

THAT A PHILOSOPHER 40 OUGHT TO CONVERSE ESPE­CIALLY WITH PRINCES AND GREAT RVLERS, AND WITH THEM TO DISCOVRSE.

The Summarie.

IF there be any in the world who have need of good companie, they are Princes and 50 great Lords; for that their affaires being of such consequence as everie man knoweth, the feeblenes of bodie and insufficiencie of spirit, not able to furnish them throughly; great reason they have to see by the eies, and to worke with the hands of others. Now in this case, three sorts of men there be who fault verie much: In the first place, Princes and Rulers themselves, who in stead of drawing and training neere unto their persons such as can aide and assist them, give accesser rather unto flatterers and other like pestilent members, who are ready to corrupt and ruinate their estates: Secondly, those (whose number at all times hath beene verie small) [Page 289] Whom we call Philosophers (that is to say) men of authoritie, wise, sage, learned, friends to vertue, lovers of the good of Princes and their subjects; who being of great power and able to doe much, yet notwith­standing recule and draw backe, or being advanced to high place, have not alwaies that respect and consideration, nor such courage as appertaineth; suffering themselves otherwhiles to be carried away to the entertainment and maintenance of the greatest opinion, and mingling a little too much of world­ly wisedome with the apprehension of their true duty, whereof their conscience being lightned in sun­dry sorts advertiseth thē sufficiently. The last (and those as pernicious & execrable as the thought of man is not able to devise and comprehend) be the enemies of vertue (to wit) ignorant teachers, and pro­fane schoolemasters & professors, mockers, scorners, jesters slatterers; in sum, all the ministers of va­nities and filthie pleasures, who do insinuate and intrude themselves, by most leawd and wicked means 10 into the service of Princes; and in recompence of the honor and rich gifts which they receive at their hands, doe deceive and undoe their simple lords and masters, according as an infinite number of ex­amples in Histories doe verifie and give evidence unto us. Plutarch therefore in consideration of these inconvenicnes is desirous in this treatise to encourage those who wish that all things were well and in good order; and exhorteth them to approch neere unto Princes. But forasmuch as ignorance and leawdnes causeth men to become shamelesse, whereas wisedome and honestie maketh us modest and con­siderate in all our actions; he sheweth in the first place, that it is no point of ambition for a wise and learned man to joine himselfe unto Grand segniories & to sort with them; but that it is their duety so to do, considering that such receive honor, pleasure, and profit by him. And this he prooveth by reasons, similitudes, examples, al singular and notable. Afterwards he condemneth those who enter into Princes 20 courts, onely because they would be great and powerfull, shewing that wise men indeed do aime cleane at another marke. And for the last point of all he treateth of the contentment which they receive, who by their service to one alone, helpe by that meanes an infinite number of others, who remaine bound and obliged unto them for so great a benefit.

THAT A PHILOSOPHER OUGHT to converse especially with Princes and great Rulers, and with them to discourse. 30

TO embrace a common love, to finde out, accept, intertaine and maintaine that amitie which may be profitable and commodious to many in particular, and yet to more in generall, is the part of ho­nest men, politike, wise and affectionate to the publike good; and not as some thinke, of those that be ambitious and vaine-glorious. But contrariwise, he is to be reputed vaine-glorious, or rather timo­rous and wanting courage, who doth shunne and is afraid to heare himselfe called, a follower, waiter and servitor to those that are in 40 highest place. For what saith one of these personages who having need to be cured, is desirous to learne and to bee acquainted with some Philosopher? O that I were Simon the Souter, or Dionysius the Pedante, in stead of Pericles or Cato, that a Philosopher might discourse and dispute with me, that he might sit by my side, as Socrates did sometime by those. And verily Ariston of Chios being reprooved and blamed by the Sophisters in his time, for that he used to devise and discourse with all those that were disposed to heare him: I could wish (quoth he) in my heart, that the verie beasts themselves were able to give eare and under­stand those discourses that do excite and moove unto vertue. Doe we then avoide the meanes and occasions to converse and conferre familiarly with great personages and mightie men, as if they were wilde and savage persons? The doctrine of Philosophy is not like unto an imager 50 who casteth dumbe and deafe idole statues, without any sense, onely for to stand upon a base as Pindarus was woont to say, but is willing to make whatsoever it toucheth, active, operative and lively; it imprinteth therein affections and motions, judgements also inciting and leading to things unprofitable; intentions desirous of all honestie, haughtie courage also and magnani­mitie, joined with meeknesse, resolution and assurance; by meanes of which good parts, men of State & policie, are more readie and forward to converse and devise with persons of great puis­sance and authoritie, and not without good cause; for an honest and gentle physician will take [Page 290] alwaies more pleasure to heale an eie that seeth for many, and which doth guard and looke to many; and even so a Philosopher wil be more affectionate to take care for that soule and spirit, which he seeth to be vigilant for many, and which ought to be wise, prudent, and just for many: for such an one if he were skilfull and cunning in the art, of finding, gathering, and conducting of waters (as we read in Histories that Hercules and many other in old time were) would not take delight to goe into some desert corner, farre remote from the frequencie of men, and to dig or sinke pits there, nere to the Ravens rocke (as the Poet saith) and to open that Swine-heards ma­rish Arethusa, but would studie rather to discover the lively sources and overruning springs of a river, to serve some great citie or campe, or to water the orchards, gardens, and groves of kings. According as we heare that Homer called Minos, Jupiters Oaristes, which is as much to say 10 (as Plato himselfe doth interpret the word) his Familiar & Disciple; for he never meant that the disciples of the gods were private persons, home-keepers, and such as meddle in nothing but house matters, keeping in and living idlely without any action; but Princes and Kings who be­ing wise, just, debonaire and magnanimous, as many as be under their government and com­mand, shall live in blisse and happines.

An herbe there is called Eryngium or Sea-holly, which hath this propertie, that no sooner one goat taketh it in his mouth, but she herselfe first, and afterwards all the rest of the flocke, will stand still, untill such time as the goat-heard come and take away out of the flocke which he will; in like maner, the defluxions which proceed from persons of great power and authoritie, have the same swiftnesse and celeritie, which doth dilate and spread it selfe in one moment, and in ma­ner 20 of fire seiseth upon whatsoever is neere thereto on every side. And verily the speech and re­monstrance of a Philosopher, if it be addressed and directed unto a private man, and that loveth to live in repose, and who doth limit and circumscribe himselfe, as within a center and circum­ference geometricall, with the necessities of his owne bodie, the same speech is not distributed and divided unto others, but after it hath in that one man alone, composed and wrought a great tranquillitie and calme of all perturbations, it fadeth, vanisheth away, and so doth end inconti­nently; but on the contrarie side, if the said remonstrance meet with a man of State and govern­ment, a magistrate, a polititian, and one that dealeth in great affaires, and by the effectuall ver­tue thereof, replenish him with goodnesse and honestie, by the meanes of that one person, the benefit will be imparted unto many. In this wise Anaxagoras kept companie with Pericles; 30 Plato conversed with Dion, and Pythagoras did associate himselfe to the princes and lords of Ita­lie; and as for Cato, he departed alone from the campe, and sailed to Athenodorus; Scipio like­wise laid for Panaetius, and sought after him, at what time as the Senate sent him forth with com­mission, for to goe in visitation (as it were) and survey, to see what right and wrong, what justice and injustice reigned in the world, according as Posidonius maketh report. What then ought Panaetius for to say? If you were either Castor or Pollux, or some other private person, desirous to flie and avoid the frequency of great cities, and retire your selfe into some corner of a schoole apart, there at your leasure and full repose to folde and unfolde, to resolue and compound the syllogismes of Phylosophers, I would willingly accept your offer, and be desirous to converse and stay with you; but seeing you are the sonne of Paulus Aemilius, who had beene twise Con­sull, 40 and the nephew of Scipio Africanus, who defeated Anniball the captaine of the Carthagi­nians, I will not reason and dispute with you. Moreover, to say that speech is two folde; the one interior or inward, the gift of Mercurie surnamed Hegemon, that is, Guide; the other pronoun­ced and uttered foorth, which is instrumentall, and a very interpreter to give notice of our con­ceptions, a meere vaine and stale position, and may wel be comprised under this old proverbe: Thus much I knew before Theognis was borne. But let not this distinction trouble or impeach us in that which wee are about to say; for aswell of that which is conteined within the secret minde, as of the other which is pronounced and uttered, the end is all one; to wit, Love or ami­tie of this, in respect of a mans owne selfe, and of that, in regard of others: for that speech which by the precepts of Philosophie, bendeth unto vertue, and there doth end, maketh a man in tune 50 and accordant with himselfe, never repining and complaining of ought, full of peace, full of love and contentment:

In all his limmes is no sedition,
No strife, no warre, no strange dissention,

no passion rebellious and disobedient to reason, no combat of will or appetite against will and appetite, no repugnancie and contrarietie of reason against reason; there is no impleasant bit­ternesse or turbulent disorder mixed with joies and pleasures, as it falleth out in the confines of [Page 291] desire, repentance and sorow; but all things there be uniforme, delightsome and amiable, which causeth each one to content himselfe, and joy as in abundance of all goods. As for the other kind of speech that is pronounced, Pindarus saith: That the Muse thereof was never in old time covetous, greedie of gaine or meere mercenarie; neither beleeve I that it is so at this day; but rather, through the ignorance and negligence of men who be carelesse of their owne good and honour. Mercurie, who before was free and common, is now become an occupier and mer­chant, willing to doe nothing without a fee and reward. For it is not likely or probable, that Ve­nus in times past was so deadly offended and angry with the daughters of Prospolus, because they devised first to sow hatred and enmity among yong folke, and that Urania, Clio and Calliope take pleasure in them who debase the dignitie of speech and literature, by taking silver; but in mine 10 opinion, the workes and gifts of the Muses ought to be more amiable than those of Venus: for same and honour, which some propose for the end of their speech and learning, hath bene held deare and highly beloved, for that it is the very beginning and seminarie of friendship; and that which more is, the common sort of people measure honour by good-will and benevolence, e­steeming that we ought to praise those onely whom we affect and love: but certeinly these men fare like unto Ixion, who in love following after the goddesse Juno, fell upon a cloud; for even so they, in stead of amitie embrace a vaine image of popularitie, deceitfull, pompous, wandering and uncertaine: howbeit, a man of good conceit and judgement, if he manage State affaires, or intermeddle in government of the common-weale, will seeke for honour and reputation so far forth onely, as to mainteine his authoritie and credit in all his actions, for the better manage­ment 20 of publike affaires: for it is no pleasure, neither is it easie, to doe them good who are not willing to profit and receive good; and the disposition of the will proceedeth from beliefe and confidence. Like as the light doth more good unto them that see, than to those who are seene; even so is honour more profitable unto them who perceive and feele the same, than to such as are neglected and contemned. But hee who dealeth not in affaires of State, who liveth to himselfe, and setteth downe his felicitie in such a life, apart from others, in rest and repose, salu­teth a farre off vaine-glorie and popularitie, which others joy in, who be conversant in the view and sight of people, and in frequent assemblies and theaters, much like unto Hippolytus, who li­ving chaste, saluted the goddesse Venus a great way off, but as for the other glory which procee­deth from men of woorth and honour, he neither refuseth nor disdaineth it. Now when as the 30 question is of amitie, we are not to seeke for it and to contract friendship onely with such as be wealthie, have the glorie, credit and authoritie of great lords, no more than we ought to avoid these qualities, if the same be joined with a gentle nature, which is of faire and honest conditi­ons. The Philosopher seeketh not after beautifull and wel-favoured yoong men, but such as be docible, tractable, well disposed, and desirous of knowledge; but if withall they be endued with beautifull visage, with a good grace, and are in the flower of youth, this ought not to fright him from thence, neither must the lovely casts of their countenance and amiable aspects drive him from comming neere unto those, nor chase him away if he see them worthy paines taking and for to be regarded. Thus when power, riches, and princely authoritie shall be found in men of good nature, who be moderate and civill; the philosopher will not forbeare to love and che­rish 40 such, neither be afraid to be called a courtier or follower of great personages:

They that strive most dame Venus to eschue,
Do fault as much, as they who her pursue.

Even so it is with the amitie of princes and great potentates: and therefore the contemplative philosopher who will not deale at al in affaires of weale-publicke, must not avoid and shun such; but the civill philosopher who is busied in managing of the common weale, ought to seeke for them and finde them out, not forcing them after a troublesome maner to heare him, nor char­ging their eares with reports and discourses that be unseasonable and sophisticall; but framing himselfe willingly to joy in their companie; to discourse, to passe the time with them when they are willing and so disposed: 50

Twelve journeis long are Berecynthian plaines
And those I sowe yeerely with sundry graines.

He that said this, if he had loved men as well as he affected husbandry and tillage, would more willingly have plowed and sowed that ground which is able to maintaine and feed so many men, then that little close or pindle of Antisthenes, which hardly was sufficient to find himselfe alone.

Certes Epicurus who placed the soveraigne good and felicitie of man in most sound rest and deepe repose, as in a sure harbour or haven, defended and covered from all windes and surging [Page 292] waves of the world; saith: That to doe good unto another, is not onely more honest and hono­rable, than to receive a benefite at anothers hand, but also more pleasant and delectable, for there is nothing that begetteth so much joy as doth beneficence, which the Greekes terme by the name of [...] that is to say, Grace. Well advised he was therefore and of wise judgement who imposed these names upon the three Graces, Aglaia, Euphrosyne, and Thalia; for without all question, the joy and contentment is farre greater and more pure in him who doeth a good turne and deserveth a thanke, than in the partie who receiveth the same: and therefore it is that many times men doe blush for shame when a good turne is done unto them, whereas alwaies they rejoice when they confer a benefite or favour upon another. Now do they a benefit unto a whole multitude and nation, who are the meanes to make those good, whom the people and 10 multitude can not misse but have need of: whereas contrariwise, they that corrupt and spoile princes, kings, and great rulers (as doe these flatterers, false sycophants and slaunderous promo­ters) are abominable unto all, are chased out and punished by all; like unto those that cast dead­ly poison, not into one cup of wine, but into a fountaine or spring that runneth for to serve in publike, and where of they see all persons use to drinke. Like as therefore (according to Eupolis) it is said onely by way of mockerie concerning those flatterers and comicall parasites who han­ted the table of rich Callias, that there was neither fire, brasse, nor steele, that could keepe them out, but they would come to sup with him: but as for the minions and favorites of tyrant Apol­lodorus, Phalarit, or Dionysius, after the decease of their lords and masters, the people fell upon them, did beat them with cudgels, torture upon the rack, burne at a stake, & range them with the 20 accursed and damned crew; for that they before named did wrong to one alone, but these did injurie unto many by the meanes of corrupting one who was their ruler; even so those philoso­phers that converse and keepe companie with private persons, do cause them to be well conten­ted, pleasant, gracious and harmelesse to their owne selves and no more: but whosoever refor­meth some evill conditions in a great ruler or soveraigne magistrate, framing and directing his will and intention to that which he ought; this man I say after a sort is a philosopher to the pub­like State, in that he doth correct the mould and amend the pattern to which all the subjects be composed, and according to it governed. The cities and states which be well ruled, decree and yeeld honour and reverence to their priests; for that they doe pray unto the gods for good things, not in regard of themselves, nor of their kinsfolke and friends alone, but universally in 30 the behalfe of all the citizens; and yet these priests doe not make the gods good, nor the givers of good things, but being such alreadie of themselves, to them they powre their praiers & make invocations. But philosophers who live and converse with princes and great lords, cause them to be more just and righteous, more moderate and better affected to well doing; by meanes whereof it is like that they receive more joie and contentment. And if I should speake my con­ceit, it seemeth unto me that the harpe-maker wrought and made his harpe more cheerefully and with greater pleasure, when he knew that the master & owner of the said harpe should build the wals about the citie Thebes, as Amphion did, or to staie and appease the great civil sedition of the Lacedaemonians, by singing to the saide harpe and by sweet exhortations, as sometimes Thales did; semblably the carpenter or ship-wright who maketh the helme to a ship or gally, 40 wil joy more when he shal know that the said helme shal serve to guide & rule the admirals ship, within which Themistocles shal fight against the Persians in the defence of the libertie and free­dome of Greece: or that of Pompeius, with which in a navall battell at sea he defaited and van­quished the armie of the pirats. What suppose you then will a philosopher thinke of his owne speech and doctrine, when he shall come to discourse with himselfe; that he who shall receive the same being a man of authoritie, a prince or great lord, shall thereby doe good unto the common-weale, in ministring right and justice indifferently to everie man; shall punish the wicked, and advaunce those that bee good and vertuous. I am verily perswaded (for my part) that a good and gentle ship-wright, will more willingly make an helme, when hee shall know that it must serve to rule the great shippe Argo, renowmed throughout the 50 world: likewise a carpenter or wheele-wright, will not with so good a will lay his hand to make a plough or a chariot, as he would to frame those tables or boords, in which he wist that Solon was to engrave his lawes. And (I assure you) the discourses and reasons delivered by Phi­losophers, if once they be well and surely imprinted in the hearts of great personages, who have in their hands the government of States, if they once get sure footing and take good root in them, they become as forcible and effectuall as positive lawes. Hereupon it was that Plato sailed into Sicilie, in hope that the grave sentences and principles of his Philosophy, would be as good [Page 293] as lawes, and worke holesome and profitable effects in the affaires of Dionysius. But hee found that Dionysius was like writing tables all rased, and full of blurs and blots, and that he could not leave off the tincture and deepe die of tyrannie, being so surely set on, and having by continu­ance of time entred and peareed deepe, so that it could not be washed out; whereas it behooved that those who are to make their profit by good advertisements and sage lessons, should still be in motion and so continue. 10

AS TOVCHING A PRINCE OR RULER UNLEARNED.

The Summarie. 20

AS in the former discourse he sollicited Sages and Philosophers to joine themselves in acquaintance with Princes; so in this he desireth one point, whereof hee dareth not assure himselfe to compasse the same, by reason of some difficulties therein observed. For requiring in Princes thus much that they should be wel instructed, for to be capable of good counsell; he sheweth withall that it is a verie hard thing to bring them thereto, and to range them in that order for certaine materiall and pertinent reasons which he setteth downe. Neverthelesse he passeth on still and proceedeth farther; prooving that the law and lively reason ought to command Kings and Princes; and for to cause them to condescend thereto, he declareth unto 30 them, that the thing which they wish for and desire so ar dently to procure; namely, to maintaine them­selves in happie estate, and to make their name immortall, lieth in vertue: then he pointeth out with his finger, foure impeachments and hinderances that divert and turne away Princes from so just and necessarie a consideration. Which done, for to enrich this speech and treatise of his, and the better yet to draw great personages to give eare unto reason, he letteth them see and understand the difference be­tweene a good Prince and a tyrant: also how dangerous a wicked Prince is; concluding by the benefit which commeth by equitie, and the hurt by injustice, that right and justice, ought to serve as a counter­poise, against the greatnes and puissance of Princes.

AS TOVCHING A PRINCE 40 or Ruler unlearned.

THE inhabitants of the citie Cyrene, requested Plato on a time to leave unto them by writing certaine good lawes; and withall to set them downe an order in the government of their State, which he refused to do, saying: That it was a verie hard matter to give lawes unto the Cyrenians being so rich and wealthie as they were: for there is nothing so proude and insolent, so rough and intractable, 50 so savage and hard to be tamed, as a man perswaded well of his for­tunate estate. This is the cause that it is no easie enterprise to give counsell unto princes and rulers, and to advise them as touching their government. For they be affraid to receive and admit reason as a master to commaund them; for feare it should take away and abridge them of that, which they esteeme to be the one­ly good of their grandence and puissance, in case they were subjected once to their duety. Which is the cause also that they cannot skill to heare the discourses of Theopompus King of [Page 294] Sparta, who was the first that brought into that citie the Ephori, and mingled their authoritie with the government of the Kings. For when his wise reproched him for leaving unto his chil­dren the royall power & dignitie, lesse than he received it of his predecessors: Nay mary (quoth he) but rather farre greater, in that it shall be more firme and assured: for in remitting and let­ting downe a little that which in absolute royaltie was over stiffe, strait and rigorous, hee a­voided by that verie meanes all envie and perill. And verily Theopompus deriving unto others from his owne authoritie, as from a great river, a little rill or riveret; looke how much he gave unto the Ephort, so much he cut off from himselfe: but the reason and remonstrance of Philo­sophie, being lodged (as it were) with the Prince himselfe, for to assist him and preserve his per­son, taking from his puissance, as in a full plight and plethoricke constitution of the bodie, that 10 which is excessive and overmuch, leaveth that behind which is sound and healthfull. But the most part of Kings, Princes, and Soveraigne rulers, who are not wise and of good understan­ding, resemble unskilfull cutters in stone and imagers, who are of opinion that the enormous and huge statues, called Colosses, which they cut, will seeme more vast and mightie, if they frame them stradling with their legs, with their armes spread abroad and stretched foorth, as also with their mouthes gaping wide open; for even so, these princes and rulers by their big comman­ding voice, their grim and sterne visage, fierce lookes and regard of their eie, their odious be­haviour, and living apart without society of any other person, weene and suppose to counterfeit a kinde of gravitie, greatnes and majestie that is required in a mightie potentate; but they differ nothing from the foresaid Colosses, which without do represent the forme of some god or demi­god; 20 but all within are stuffed full of earth, stone, rubbish and lead: this onely is the difference that the waight and heavines of those monstrous statues, counterpoiseth and keepeth them standing in some sort upright, stedfast, and not enclining one way or other; but ignorant and unlearned princes, rulers, and generall captaines, by reason of their ignorance which is within them, oftentimes do wag and totter to and fro, yea and be overturned and laid along; for com­ming to build their puissance and licentious power aloft upon abase that is not laid directlie to the plumbe, they reele and tumble downe withall. But like as a rule or squire, being of it selfe even, streight and levell, not turning or twining any way, doeth direct and set streight all other things, and make them like it selfe, by being laied thereto; even so ought a prince, when he hath first established in himselfe, his principallity and power, that is to say, composed his owne life 30 and maners, to accommodate and frame his subjects accordingly, and to make them semblable: for neither lieth it in him who is ready to stumble and fall himselfe, to susteine and keepe up an­other, nor he who is ignorant and knoweth nothing, is fit to be a teacher, no more than he who is disorderly, meet to redresse and reforme, or who is irregular, able to range and set in order, or who knoweth not how to obey, like for to command. But the most part of men are heerein de­ceived and thinke not aright, who suppose that the first and principall good in commanding and ruling, is not to be ruled and commanded. And thus the king of the Persians imagined all his subjects to be his slaves, unlesse it were his wife alone, of whom especially above all other, he should have the mastrie and lordship.

Who is it then, that shall command a king or prince? even the law, which is the ladie and 40 queene of all, aswell mortall men, as immortall gods, according as Pindarus saith: I meane not the written law in books or upon tables of wood, but the lively reason imprinted in his owne heart, remaining alwaies with him, his continuall resident-keeper, and never leaving his soule a­bandoned and forlorne without conduct and government. And verily the Persian king had evermore about him one of his chamberlaines ordeined for this office; namely, to say unto him every morning as he entred into his chamber: Arise my lord, and have regrd to those affaires for which Mesoromasdes (that is to say, The great God) would have you to provide. But if a prince be wise and well instructed, he hath alwaies within him this monitor and remembrancer, to re­sound the same into his eares, and put him in minde of his dutie. Polemon was wont to say: That love was a ministerie of the gods in yoong persons, such as they had care of, and were minded 50 to preserve: but more truely a man might say: That princes be the ministers of the gods, to pro­vide for the affaires and safetie of men; to the end that of those good things which God hath bestowed upon them, they should distribute some, and preserve other;

But seest thou this starrie firmament,
So high above and infinitely ely vast,
In bosome moist of water element,
The earth beneath how it incloseth fast?

[Page 295] for this is it, that by influence sendeth downe the principles of those seeds which be fit and con­venient, which afterwards the earth produceth and yeeldeth forth, whereof some grow by show­ers of others by winds; some also gather warmth and heat by the starres & the moone, but it is the sunne who ruleth and governeth all, he inspireth and infuseth into them from himselfe, the gracious instinct of love. Now, all the goods and gifts (so many and so great) which the gods endow men withall, there is no meanes to enjoy & use aright, without law, without justice, without a prince or ruler: Justice is the end of law; is the worke of a prince; and the prince is the image of God governour of all things: and this prince or sovereigne majestie hath no need either of Phidias, or of Polycletus and Myran, to cut, cast or forme him; but himselfe it is, who doeth frame his owne person to the patterne and similitude of God, and by meanes of vertue, 10 worketh and setteth up the most pleasant, excellent and divine statue that may be seene: and like as God hath placed in haven (as a most beautifull image of himselfe and his divinitie) the sunne and the moone; even such a representation and light is in a citie and realme. A prince or magistrate, so long as he hath in his heart imprinted the feare of God and the observation of justice; that is to say, all while he hath divine reason, which is understanding; not a scepter in his hand, nor a thunder-bolt and lightning, or a three-forked mace, as some foolish princes cause themselves to be portraied and painted, making their follie odious, in affecting that which they never can attaine unto: for God indeed hateth and punisheth those who will seeme to imitate thunder, lightning, sun-beames and such like; but contrariwise, those that be zealous followers of this vertue, and who endevour to conforme themselves to his bounty, goodnesse and clemen­cie, 20 he loveth and advanceth, to them he willingly doth impart his owne equity, loialty, justice, verity and clemency. These quallities are such, as there is nothing in the world more divine and heavenly, not fire nor light, not the course of the sunne, neither the risings or apparitions, nor the settings and occultations of the starres, no nor eternity it selfe and immortality: for God is not counted happy and blessed in regard of long life, but for that he is the prince of all vertue: and as this is divinity indeed, so it is true beauty to be ruled thereby. Anaxarchus for to give comfort and consolation unto Alexander, who was cast downe and in despaire, for the bloudy murder which he had committed upon the person of Clytus, said unto him: That the goddesses Dice and Thenis (that is to say) Justice and Equity, sat as assistants to Or as some reade, To Cly­tus. Jupiter, to shew (quoth he) that whatsoever is done by a prince, is to be thought just and righteous; but hee offended 30 herein grosly, and faulted much, to the hurt of Alexander, in that he went about to remedy the sorow and griefe which this prince conceived in remorse of conscience and repentance for his heinous sinne, by giving him heart and assurance to commit the like againe. And if it be meet and lawfull in this case, to project our conjectures; Jupiter hath not equity and justice for his as­sessours, but himselfe is justice and equity: he (I say) is the most ancient and perfectest law that is: thus speake, write and teach all ancient authours; That even Jupiter himselfe can not well command and rule without justice, which is the virgine (as He siodus saith) not touched & defi­led, but pure and immaculate, lodged alwaies with shamefastnesse, modestie, pudicitie and usili­tie. Hereupon it is, that men ordinarily give this addition unto kings and princes, calling them [...] that is to say, Reverend and venerable: for meet and convenient it is, that those who feare 40 least, should have most majestie and honour. And verily a prince and ruler ought to be afraid much more to do ill, than to receive and sustaine harme, for asmuch as the one is the cause of the other. And this is a civill and generous feare, proper and peculiar to a good prince, namely, to be afraid lest his subjects should (ere he be aware) take wrong or be hurt any way;

Much like as dogs that be of gentle kinde,
Who watchfully about the folds attend,
In case they once by subtill hearing finde
A savage beast approch, and thit her tend,

feare not for themselves, but in regard of the cattell which they keepe. In like maner, Epami­nondas, when the Thebanes fell dissolutely to drinke and make good cheere at a certeine festivall 50 time, himselfe went all alone to survey the armour and wals of the citie, saying: That he would fast and watch, that all the rest might quaffe the while and sleepe with more securitie. Cato like­wise at Utica proclaimed by sound of trumpet, to send away by sea all those who escaped alive upon the overthrow which there hapned; and when he had embarqued them all, and made his praiers unto the gods to vouchsafe them a bon voiage, he returned into his owne lodging and killed himselfe; shewing by this example what a prince or commander ought to feare, and what [Page 296] he should contemne and despise. Contrariwise, Clearchus the tyrant of Pontus, shutting him­selfe within a chest, slept there as a serpent within her hole: and Aristodemus the tyrant of Ar­gos went up into a hanging chamber aloft which had a trap dore, whereupon he caused a little bed or pallet to be set, and there he slept and lay with his concubine and harlot which hee kept, and when he was gotten up thither, the mother of the said concubine came ordinarily to take downe the ladder, and brought it thither againe every morning. How thinke you, did this tyrant tremble for feare, when he was in a frequent theater in the palace, in the counsell house and court of justice, or at a feast, considering that he made a prison of his bed chamber? To say a ve­rie truth, good princes are afraid for their subjects sake, but tyrants feare their subjects; and therefore as they augment their puissance, so doe they encrease their owne feare; for the more 10 persons that they commaund and rule over, the greater number they stand in dread of: for it is neither probable nor seemely as some philosophers affirme: That God is invisibly subsistent and mixed within the first and principall matter, which suffreth all things, receiveth a thousand constreints and adventures, yea and is subject to innumerable changes and alterations: but hee sitteth in regard of us above, and there is resiant continually in a nature alwaies one, and ever in the same estate, feated upon holy foundations (as Plato saith) where he infuseth his power, and goeth through all, working and finishing that which is right according to nature: and like as the sunne in heaven, the most goodly and beautifull image of him, is to be seene by the reflexi­on of a mirror, by those who otherwise can not endure to behold himselfe as he is; even so God ordeineth in cities and societies of men, another image of his, and that is the light of justice 20 and reason accompanying the same; which wise and blessed men describe and depaint out of sentences philosophicall, conforming and framing themselves to that which is the fairest and most beautifull thing in the world; and nothing is there that doth imprint in the soules and spi­rits of men such a disposition, as reason drawne and learned out of philosophie, to the end that the same should not befall unto us which king Alexander the great did; who having seene in Corinth, Diogenes how generous he was, esteemed highly and admired the haughtie courage & magnanimitie of the man, insomuch as he brake foorth into these words; Were I not Alexan­der surely I would be Diogenes: which was al one in maner as if he should have said; That he was troubled & encombred with his wealth, riches, glory and puissance, as impeachments and hin­derances of vertue, and bare an envious and jealous eie to the homely course cloke of the phi­losopher, 30 to his bagge and wallet, as if by them alone Diogenes was invincible and impregna­ble, and not (as himselfe) by the meanes of armes, harnish, horses, speares, and pikes: for sure­ly he might with governing himselfe by true philosophicall reason have beene of the dispositi­on and affection of Diogenes, and yet continue neverthelesse in the state and fortune of Alex­ander; and so much the rather be Diogenes because he was Alexander; as having need against great fortune, (like a tempest raised with boisterous winds, and full of surging waves) of a stron­ger cable and anchor, of a greater helme also, and a better pilot: for in meane persons who are of low estate, and whose puissance is small, such as private men be, follie is harmelesse; and sot­tish though such be, yet they doe no great hurt, because their might is not answerable thereto; like as it falleth out in foolish and vaine dreames: there is a certeine griefe (I wot not what) 40 which troubleth and disordereth the mind, being not able to compasse & bring about the exe­cution of her desires & lusts: but where might & malice are met together their power addeth folly unto passion & affections; & most true is that speech of Denys the tyrant, who was wont to say; That the greatest pleasure & contentment which he enjoied by his tyranny was this, that whatsoever he would was quickly done, & presently executed; according to that verse in Homer:

No sooner out of mouth the word was gone,
But presently withall, the thing was done.

A dangerous matter it is for a man to will and desire that which he ought not, being not able to performe that which hee willeth and desireth: whereas malicious mischiefe making a swife course through the race of puissance and might, driveth and thrusteth forward every vio­lent 50 passion to the extremitie, making choler and anger to turne to murder, love to proove adultery, and avarice to growe into confiscation of goods; for no sooner is the word spo­ken, but the partie once in suspition is undone for ever, and presently upon the least surmise and imputation ensueth death. But as the naturall philosophers do hold, that the lightning is shot out of the cloud after the clap of thunder (like as bloud issueth after the wound is given and incision made) and yet the said lightning is seene before, for that the eare receiveth the [Page 297] sound or cracke by degrees, whereas the eie meeteth at once with the flash; even so in these great rulers and commanders, punishments oftentimes go before accusations, and sentences of condemnation before evident proofes:

For wrath in such may not long time endure,
No more than flouke of anchor can assure
A ship in storme, which taketh slender hold
On sand by shore, whereof none may be bold.

unlesse the weight of reason doe represse and keepe downe licentious power, whiles a Prince or great Lord doth after the manner of the sunne, who at what time as he is most high mounted in the septentrionall or northren parts, seemeth least to move, and by his slow motion maketh his 10 race the more stedfast and assured. For impossible it is that vices in great persons should re­maine covert and hidden; but like as those who are subject to the falling sicknesse, so soone as ever they be surprised with outward could, or turne round never so little, presently fall into a dim­nes of sight, grow to be dizzie in the head and ready to stagger, which passions do bewray and detect their maladie; even so ignorant persons and such as want instruction and good bringing up, no sooner are lifted up by fortunes favour to wealth and riches, to dignities, promotions, and places of high authoritie, but presently shee sheweth them their owne fall and ruine; or rather to make the thing more plaine and familiar; like as a man can hardly know whether ves­sels be sound or faultie, so long as they be emptie, but in case you powre into them any liquor, it appereth whether they leake and runne or no; even so, the soules of men that be putrified 20 and corrupt, can not containe and hold sure their might and authoritie, but run out by meanes of their lusts and desires, their cholericke fits, their vanities and absurd demeanors. But what neede we draw foorth the discourse hereof more at large? considering that great men and noble personages are exposed to calumniations and reproches for the least delinquencie and fault that they commit. Cimon was blamed for his good wine; Scipio for his sleepe, and because hee loved his bed well; and Lucullus grew into an ill name in regard of his bountifull table and libe­rall fare that he kept. 30

THAT VICE ALONE IS SVFFICIENT TO MAKE A MAN WRETCHED.

The Summarie. 40

ALthough this Treatise be so defective both in the beginning and the end, that to this present wee know not how to guesse and conjecture, which way to redresse and supply the same; yet the very title and fragments remaining thereof, sufficiently discover the intention of the Author. And like as by the ruines of some ancient royall palace, there is in some sort represented to our thought and conceit the beaw­tie thereof whiles it stoode entire and upright; even so, this remnant which is left unto us, sheweth sufficiently what wee have lost. But albeit the malice and injurie of the time hath deprived us of so great a benefit, and of many others semblably; yet notwithstanding, that which remaineth may profit us, maimed and imperfect as it is, and suffice to range and contrive 50 us in our dutie. In the beginning, our Author discourseth of the miserie of a covetous person; and one that followeth the court. Then he addeth according to his principall deseigne and purpose: That vice is the absolute work-mistresse of wretchednesse and infelicity having need of no other ministers or instru­ments to cause a man to be miserable; whereupon he doth collect and gather, that there is no danger nor calamitie, but we ought to choose rather than to be sinfull and vicious. Afterwards he answereth those objections which are made to the contrarie, and concludeth, that adver [...] can not prejudice or hurt us any thing, so long as it is not accompanied with vice.

THAT VICE ALONE IS SVF­ficient to make a man wretched.

HEabideth much who hath his bodie sold for a dowrie (as Euripides saith) to wit, small availes he hath thereby, and those verie uncer­taine. But unto him who passeth not through much ashes, but a royall fire (as one would say) wherewith he is scorched and burnt round about, who continually draweth his winde thicke and short, 10 and is full of feare and sweat by trudging over sea for gaine, she gi­veth in the end a certaine Tantalian riches (that is to say) such as he is not able to enjoy by reason of the continuall occupations where­with he is encombred. For verie wisely did that Sicyonian who bred and kept a race of horses, when he gave unto Agamemnon the king of the Achaeans as a present, a notable swift mare for a courser, because he might be dispensed with, for going in warfare to Troy:

That unto Troy that stately towne, he might not with him go
To serve in armes; but stay at home, and rest there far from wo; 20
Where he might live in solace much, enjoying all his owne,
For Jupiter in measure great, had wealth on him be stowne.

to the end, that he staying behinde at home, might roule and welter at ease in a depth of riches, and give himselfe much time and leasure for assured repose void of all paine and trouble. How­beit our courtiers at this day, who would be esteemed men of action and great affaires, never ex­pect untill they be called, but of themselves intrude and thrust their heads into princes courts and stately palaces, where they must watch, waite and give attendance in all dutifull service, with 30 much paine and travell, to gaine thereby at last, a great horse, a faire chaine, or some such blessed favour.

Meane while the wife is left alone behind
Homerks de [...]
In Phylace, and thinkes he is unkind
To leave her so: her face she rents and teares;
The house remaines halfe built, when he it reares.

and the husband is carried here and there wandring in the world, drawen on with certaine hopes which oftentimes in the end deceive him and worke his shame. But if peradventure he obtaine some thing that his heart desired, after a certaine time that he hath beene turned round about with the wheele of fortune, so long untill his head be dizzie, and mounted on high in the aire, he 40 wisheth and seeketh nothing more than evasion and meanes to escape, deeming and calling those happie, who leade a private life, without exposing themselves to such perils: and they again repute him blessed and fortunate, seeing him so highly advanced above themselves. Thus in one word you see, how vice doeth dispose men unto all sorts of infelicitie, being of it selfe a perfect artisan of infortunity, and needs none instruments and ministers besides. As for other tyrants, who study nothing more, than to make those most wretched and miserable whom they pinch, doe mainteine executioners and tormentours, devise red-hot fearing yrons to burne, and invent racks and other instruments for to put the reasonlesse soule to extreame torture; but vice without any such preparation of engins, so soone as it seizeth upon the soule, presently o­verturneth and bringeth it to ruine and destruction, filleth a man with dolour and griefe, with la­mentations, 50 sorowes and repentance. For a certaine proofe hereof, you shall see many endure to have their flesh mangled and cut, without saying one word; abide to be whipped and scour­ged patiently; who being put to the racke and other tortures by their cruell masters or tyrants, will not give one screeke or crie, so long as the soule repressing the voice by reason, as with the hand keepeth it downe, and conteineth it from breaking out: whereas contrariwise, a man shall hardly or never command either anger to stay and be quiet, or dolour to be silent, no nor per­swade him that is surprised with sudden feare to rest still, or one who is stung with remorse and [Page 299] repentance to forbeare crying out, to hold his hands frō tearing his haire & smiting his thighs; of such force and violence is vice & finne, above either the heat of fire or the edge of the sword. Moreover, cities & states, when they publish their purpose to put forth to making any ships or huge statues called Colossi, give eare willingly to the workmen disputing one against the other, as touching the workmanship, heare their reasons, & see their models & platformes which they bring, and afterwards make choise of him to goe in hand with that piece of worke, who with lesse cost and charges will do the deed as well or rather better, and more speedily. Now put the case that we publish by proclamation to make a man infortunate, or cause a life to be wretched and miserable, and that there present unto us for to enterprise this, fortune on the one side and vice on the other; the one (to wit, fortune) is full of her tooles and instruments of all forts, and 10 provided of furniture costly and chargeable, for to make a life unhappie and miserable; as for example, brigandise and robberies, bloody warres, inhumane cruelty of tyrants, and tempests at sea; she draweth after her flashes of lightning out of the aire, she mixeth and dresseth a poiso­ned cup of deadly hemlocke, she bringeth sharpe edged swords to do the businesse, she stirreth slanders and raiseth false furmises and calumniations, she kindleth burning agues and hote fea­vers she commeth with fetters, manacles and other yrons jingling; finally, she buildeth cages and prisons for this purpose; and yet the most part of all this geere proceedeth rather from vioc than fortune: but suppose that all came from fortune; and that vice standing by all naked, and having need of no other thing in the world without it selfe to assaile a man, should demand of fortune, how she could make a man infortunate and heartlesse in these tearmes? What fortune? 20 doest thou menace povertie? Metrocles will be ready to laugh thee to scorne, who in Winter time used to sleepe among sheepe, and in Summer season tooke his repose in cloisters and church porches; and so challenged for his felicity the king of Persia, who was wont to Winter in Babylon and passe the Summer in Media: threatenest thou servitude and bondage? bringest thou chaines and yrons, or the wofull condition to be solde in open market as a slave? Diogenes will despise thee for all that, who being exposed and offered to sale by the rovers and theeves that tooke him, cried and proclamed himselfe aloud: Who will buy a master who? doest thou temper or brew a cup of poison? why didst not thou before offer such a cup to Socrates for to drinke? but hee full meekely with all mildnesse and patience, without trembling for feare and changing either countenance or colour for the matter, drunke it off roundly; and after he was 30 dead, those that survived, judged him happy, as one who in the other world made account to live an heavenly and blessed life: presentest thou fire to burne withall? loe, how Decius a Ro­mane captaine hath prevented thee; who when there was a fire made in the mids betweene two armies for to consume him, voluntarily and with a formall praier offered himselfe as an holo­caust or burnt offering unto Saturne, according to his vow made for the safetie of the Romane empire. The honest and chaste dames of the Indians, such as entirely love their husbands, strive and be ready to fight one with another about the funerall fire; and as for her who obtei­neth the victorie, and is burned therein together with the dead corps of her husband, all there? doe deeme right happie, and testifie so much in their hymnes and songs. As for the Sages and wise Philosophers of those parts, there is not one of them all reputed a holy man or blessed, if he 40 do not whiles he is alive, in perfect health and found sense and understanding, separate his owne soule from the body by the meanes of fire, and after he hath cleansed and consumed all that was mortall, depart out of the flesh all cleane & pure: but (forsooth) from abundance of wealth and riches, from an house sumptuously built and furnished, from a costly and daintie table full of fine & delicate viands, thou wilt bring me to a poore thred-bare cloake, to a bag and wallet, and to begging of my daily bread from doore to doore; well, even these things were the cause of Diogenes felicitie; these woon unto Crates freedome and glory: but thou wilt crucifie mee or cause mee to be hanged upon a jibbet, or sticke my body thorow with a sharpe stake? and what cared Theodorus whether his corps rotted above ground or under the earth? these were the hap­pie sepultures of Tartarians and of the Hircanians, to be eaten and devoured of dogs; as for 50 the Bactrians, by the lawes of the countrey those were thought to have had the most blessed end, whom the fowles of the aire did eat after they were dead; Who then are they whom these and such accidents do make unhappy? even such as are false-hearted, base-minded, senselesse and void of understanding, untaught, and not exercised in affaires of the world, and in one word, such as reteine still the opinions which were imprinted in them from their infancie. Thus you see how fortune alone is not a sufficient worke-mistresse of unhappinesse and infelicity, in case she have not sinne and vice to aide and helpe her: for like as a thred is able to divide and saw (as [Page 300] it were) thorow a bone which hath lien soaking long before in ashes and vineger; and as worke­men can bend, bow and bring into what fashion they will, yvorie, after it hath bene infused and mollified in ale or beere, and otherwise not; even so fortune comming upon that which is al­ready of it selfe crazie and corrupt, or hath bene susteined by vice, is of power to pierce, wound and hollow the same.

Moreover, like as the poison Pharicum, otherwise called Napethus or Aconitum, being hurtful to no other person, nor doing harme to those who handle and beare it about them; but if it touch never so little one that is wounded, presently killeth him by meanes of the sore or wound which receiveth the influxion and venim thereof; even so he whose soule is like to be destroied and overthrowen by fortune, ought to have within himselfe and in his owne flesh some ulcer, 10 some impostume or maladie for to make those accidents which befall outwardly, wretched, pi­tifull, and lamentable. What? is vice then of that nature that it had neede of fortunes helping hand to worke wretchednesse & infelicitie? from what coast I pray you doth not fortune raise tempests upon the sea, and trouble the water with surging billowes? environeth not she and be­setteth the foote of desart mountaines, with the ambushes and forelayings of theeves and rob­bers? powreth not she downe with great violence, stormes of haile-stones out of the clouds up­on the fertile corne-fields? was it not vice and malice that stirred up Melitus, Anytus, and Cal­lixenus to be sycophants and false accusers? is it not she that bereaveth folke of their goods, empeacheth and disableth men for being commanders and leaders of armies, and all to make them unhappie? nay she it is that maketh them rich and plentifull; she heapeth upon them he­ritages 20 and possessions; she accompanieth them at sea; she is alwaies close unto them and neer at hand; she causeth them to consume and pine with lusts and desires; she enflameth and set­teth them on fire with choler and anger; she troubleth their minds with vaine superstitions, and draweth them away after the lusts of their eies.

HOW A MAN MAY PRAISE 30 HIMSELFE WITHOUT IN­CURRING ENVIE AND BLAME.

The Summarie. 40

IMpossible it is during the time that we sojorne in this life, that our spirit which kno­weth not how to be still and at rest, should not stirre and moove the tongue to speakeof the actions either of other men or of our owne; whereby we cannot choose but incurre marvellous daungers of flatterie, slander, or els of selfe-praise; insomuch as not without good cause that man hath beene called perfect, who knoweth well to moderate this lit­tle member, which is at it were the bit and bridle of the whole bodie of man, and the verie helme and sterne of that ship or vessell in which we row and hull to and fro in the sea of this world. Requisite it is therefore, that morall philosophie should speake, to the end that it may teach us for to speake. We have seene before in many discourses the dutie of everie one towards his neighbours, as well in words as in 50 deeds: but in this treatise Plutarch sheweth the cariage of a man towards himselfe, and above all in that may which is most slipperie, to wit, in the question of our owne praises: then after hee hath laide this for a ground and foundation; That it is an unseemely thing for a man to make himselfe seeme great by vaine babble, and alledged the reasons wherefore, he setteth downe one generall exception; to wit, that a vertuous man may praise himselfe in certeine cases annd occurrences, the which (after he hath taxed the ambition of those who set up a note of their owne praises to be chaunted aloud by others) he particularizeth upon these points; to wit, if he be driven to answer unto some false slaunderer; if a man [Page 301] be in any distresse and adversitie, or if he be blamed for the best deeds that he hath done. After this, he enterlaceth certeine advertisements or corrections; to wit, that a man ought to mingle his owne praises with those of other men; that he ascribe not the whole honor of a woorthy deed to his own selfe; that he utter only those things which be chiefe and principall, and stand upon that which is most com­mendable; and that he give a certeine luster thereto, by the foile of confessing his owne imperfections: which done, he proceedeth to declare what kinde of men they ought to bee who are allowed to praise themselves; to what this praise ought to be referred and have respect; and wherefore they should en­ter into it; moreover, at what time, and for what occasion he ought to make head unto a third, who would do sufficiently; and for a finall conclusion, he proposeth an excellent meanes to avoid the troubles and inconveniences that might arise from importunate praise, willing that the partie who speaketh of 10 his owne good parts should flie all ambition, not please himselfe in rehearsing and recitall of his owne exploits, take heed how in selfe-praising hee feigne praises, and neverthelesse in blaming his neigh­bour to be content for to be praised of another, without putting himselfe betweene and speaking in his owne behalfe. In summe, since there is nothing so odious as to see and heare a man speake exceeding much of himselfe, he concludeth that in no wise a man ought so to do, unlesse there accrew therby great profit and commoditie to the hearers.

HOW A MAN MAY PRAISE himselfe without incurring en­vie 20 and blame.

TO speake much of ones selfe in praise, either what he is in per­son, or of what valour and power among others; there is no man (friend Herculanus) but by word of mouth will professe it is most o­dious, and unbeseeming a person well borne and of good bringing up; but in very deed few there be who can take heed and beware of falling into the inconvenience and enormitie thereof, no not even those who otherwise do blame and condemne the same: as for Eu­ripides 30 when he saith,

If words were costly men among, for to be bought and sold,
No man to praise and magnifie himselfe would be so bold:
But now (since that each one may take out of the aire so large,
As much as will his minde suffice, without his cost and charge)
Well pleas'd are all men of themselves to speake what comes in thought, 40
As well untruth as what is true, for speech them [...] nought.

doth use a most odious and importune vanterie, especially in this, that he would seeme to inter­lace amongst the passionate accidents and affaires of Tragicall matters, the speech of a mans selfe, which is not befitting nor pertinent unto the subject argument; semblably Pindarus, ha­ving said in one place,

To brag and vaunt unseasonably,
Sound's much of [...] and vain-folly,

ceaseth not neverthelesse, to magnifie his owne sufficiencie in the gift of poetrie, as being (in 50 trueth) worthy of right great praise, as no man can denie. But those who are crowned with gar­lands in those sacred plaies and games, are declared victours and conquerours by the voice of others, who thereby ease them of that odious displeasure that selfe-praise carrieth with it. And in very deed our heart riseth against that vaine glory of Timotheus, in that he wrote himselfe (as touching the victorie which he atchieved against Phrynis) Oh happy man thou Timotheus; at what time as the herald proclamed with a loud voice these words: Timotheus the Milesian hath conquered Ionocamptes that sonne of Carbo: for surely this carrieth with it no grace at all, but is [Page 302] a meere absurditie and against all good fashion, for a man to be the trumpeter of his owne victo­rie: for true it is according to Xenophon; That the most pleasant voice that a man can heare, is his owne praise delivered by another, but the most odious thing unto others, is a man com­mending himselfe: for first and formost, we esteeme them to be impudent who praise them­selves, considering that they ought rather to blush and be ashamed even when others fall to praise them in their presence: secondly, we repute them unjust herein, for that they give and at­tribute that to themselves which they should receive at the hands of others: thirdly, either if we keepe silence when we heare one to praise himselfe, it seemeth we are discontented or do beare envie unto him, or if we feare that, compelled we are our selves to confirme and approve those praises, and to give testimonie thereof against our owne minde; a thing more beseeming vile 10 and base flatterie, than true honour, namely, if we can abide to praise any in presence. Howbeit, although this be most true, and that the case standeth so, such occurrences may so fall out, that an honourable person who manageth the politike affaires of a common-wealth, may hazzard and venture boldly to speake of himselfe and in his owne behalfe for his advantage, not in regard of any glory, grace or pleasure to gaine thereby, but for that the occasion or action that is pre­sented, requireth that he should speake and give testimonie of himselfe, as he would and might doe of any other matter of trueth, especially when the deeds by him atchieved or the parts that be in him be good and honest, then he is not to forbeare or spare to speake hardly, that he hath done so or els much like: for surely such a praise as this, bringeth forth good fruit, and out of it as from a fruitfull graine or seed, there proceed many other praises, & those farre greater. And 20 certes, a civill and politike man doeth not desire and love honour as a salarie, solace or recom­pense for his vertuous actions; but for that to have the credit and reputation among others of a trustie and faithfull person, in whom men may repose their trust and confidence, doth affoord him good meanes and occasions to performe many other greater and more goodlier actions: for a pleasant and easie matter it is to benefit them who love thee and put their trust in thee; whereas on the contrary side, exceeding hard it is, or rather impossible, to make use of vertue, and to imploy it to the good of those who have thee in suspition, or be ready to raise false ca­lumniations against thee, and so to force them who do avoid the meanes of receiving any good and pleasure at thy hands.

Moreover, it would be considered, what other occasions there may be, for which a man of 30 honour and honestie may praise himselfe; to the end that by taking good heed and avoiding of that which in selfe-praise is so vaine and odious, we faile not to serve our turnes with the profit and commodity that may come thereby. Now of all others, most foolish is their praise who commend themselves to this end, that they would be praised of others; and such praise as this we hold most contemptible, for that it seemeth to proceed from ambition and an unseasonable appetite of vaine-glory onely: for like as those who have no other food to feed upon, be con­streined to eat the flesh of their owne bodies against nature, which is the very extremity and end of famine; even so those that hunger after honour and praise, if they can not meet with o­thers to praise them, fall to praise themselves; wherein their behaviour is unseemly and shame­full, for that upon a love of vaine-glory they are desirous to make a supply and sufficiency from 40 their owne selves; but yet when as they go not simply to worke nor seeke to be praised by them­selves, but upon a certaine emulation and jealousie of other mens praises, they come to com­pare and oppose their owne deeds for to dim and darken the actions of others; then over and besides their vanity, they adde thereto envie and malice; for according to the common pro­verbe: He is curious and ridiculous, who setteth his foot in another mans daunce; but upon en­vie and jealousie to thrust a mans selfe betweene the praises of others, and to interrupt the same with his owne selfe-praise, is a thing that wee ought to beware of; and not onely so, but also to take heed that wee suffer not others at such a time to praise us, but gently to yeeld honour unto those who are worthy to be praised and honoured; and if peradventure, they be unworthy and deserve not the same, yet ought not wee to deprive them of the praises which are given unto 50 them, by interposing our owne, but rather stand up against them, convince them openly, and prove by evident and pregnant reasons that there is no cause why they should be reputed so great, and be so highly honoured. As touching this point therefore, plaine and evident it is, that we ought not so to doe, howbeit, a man may praise himselfe without blame: first and for­most, if he do it by way of his owne defence in answering to a slander raised, or an imputation charged upon him; like as Pericles did in Thucydides, where he uttereth these words: And yet you my masters of Athens are angrie with me, who may vaunt of my selfe to be such an one as [Page 303] need not to give place unto any whatsoever, either in foresight and knowledge of that which is behovefull to the common-wealth, or in eloquence and delivery thereof, or in love to the State, or in sincere integrity, free from all corruption, bribery and avarice, against which I stand invin­cible: for in speaking thus magnificently of himselfe in such a case, he did not onely avoid the blame and reproch of vanity, of arrogancy and presumptuous ambition, but also that which more is, he shewed withall his wisedome and greatnesse, yea, and the magnanimitie of ver­tue, which was so farre from being humbled and dejected, that it rather conquered and held un­der hand, envie; insomuch as others hearing such men speake in this wise, proceed not any far­ther nor be willing to judge and censure them, but are caried away and ravished with a certaine joy, yea and inspired (as it were) from heaven to heare such brave vanteries; namely, if the per­sons 10 be constant and the reports which they make true, according as the effects which follow do testifie. The Thebanes verily (at what time as their captaines were accused, for that when the terme of their government and magistracie, called Boeotarchia, was expired, they returned not incontinently home, but made an invasion and entred in armes into Laconia, and dealt in the administration of affaires about the citie of Messaene) hardly and with much adoo assoiled and quit Pelopidas, when he humbled himselfe and became a suppliant unto them for pardon: but contrariwise, when Epaminondas came and recounted in magnificent words those brave exploits which he had atchieved in that voiage and at the same time, protesting in the ende that he was prest and readie to take his death, so that they would confesse and acknowledge, that mauger their minds and against their wils he had pilled and spoiled Laconia, repeopled Messaene, and re­duced 20 into a league and amitie with them all the cities of Arcadia, they had not the heart so much as to give their voices and suffrages in any sentence of condemnation against him, but departed out of the assembly, admiring the haughtie courage of the man, and rejoicing with mirth and laughter to heare him plead him cause with resolution. And therefore the speech of Sthenelus in Homer is not simply and altogether to be reprooved, when he saith:

Pronounce I dare and it avow, we better warriours be
In these daies than our fathers were by many a degree.

If we call to minde and remember the precedent words a little before: 30

Thou sonne of noble Tydëus a wise and hardy knight.
How is it that thy heart doth pant, for feare when thou shouldst fight?
Why do'st thou cast thine eie about, and looke on everie side?
How thou maist out of battell scape, and dar'st not field abide.

for it was not Sthenelus himselfe unto whom this sharpe and bitter speech was addressed, but he replied thus in the behalfe of his friend whom he had thus reproched, and therefore so just a 40 cause and so fit an occasion gave him libertie to speake thus bravely and boldly of himselfe. As for the citizens of Rome, they were offended & displeased much with Cicero praising himselfe so much as he did, and namely relating so often the woorthie deeds by him done against Catiline; but contrariwise, when Scipio said before them all in a publike assembly: That it was not meet and seemely for them to sit as judges upon Scipio, considering that by his meanes they were growen to that grandence as to judge all the world; they put chaplets of flowers upon their heads, and in this wise adorned, mounted up together with him into the temple of the Capitoll, for to sacri­fice and render thankes unto Jupiter: and good reason both of the one and the other; for Cicero rehearsed his owne praise-worthy deeds so many times without any need enforcing him there­to, onely to glorifie himselfe; but the present perill wherein the other stood, freed him from all 50 hatred and envie, notwithstanding he spake in his owne praise. Moreover, this vanterie and glorious boasting of a mans selfe, is not befitting those onely who are accused or in trouble and danger of the law, but to as many also as be in adversitie rather than in prosperitie; for that it seemeth that these reach and catch (as it were) at glorie and take pleasure and joy therein, onely to gratifie and content therein their owne ambitious humor; whereas the other by reason of the qualitie of the time, being farre from all suspition of vaine glorie and ambition, doe plucke up and erect themselves upright against fortune, sustaining and upholding what they can the gene­rositie [Page 304] of their minds, avoiding as much as lieth in them that base conceit, to be thought for to beg commiseration and crave pittie, as if they would be moaned for their misadventures, and thereby bewray their abject hearts. For like as we take them for fooles and vaine-glorious fel­lowes, who as they walke ordinarily, lift up themselves, and beare their heads and neckes aloft; but contrariwise, we praise and commend those who erect their bodies, and do all they can to put foorth themselves, either in fight at sharpe, or in buffeting with fists; even so, a man who be­ing overthrowen by adverse fortune, raiseth himselfe up againe upon his feet, and addresseth his whole might to make head,

Like as the champion doth arise,
Upon his hands to winne a prise. 10

and in stead of shewing himselfe humble, suppliant and pittifull, by glorious words maketh a shew of braverie and haughtie courage, seemeth not thereby proude and presumptuous, but contrariwise, great, magnanimous and invincible. Thus in one place the poet Homer depain­teth Patroclus modest and nothing at all subject to envie, when he had done any exploit fortu­nately and with valour; but at his death when he was ready to yeeld the ghost, he described him to speake bravely in this wise:

If twentie such with all their might,
Had met with me in open fight, &c.

And Phocion who otherwise was alwaies meeke and modest, after that he saw himselfe condem­ned, gave all the world to understand his magnanimitie, as in many other things, so especially 20 in this point, that he said unto one of those that were to suffer death with him, who made a piti­ous moane and great lamentation: How now man, what is that thou saiest? doth it not thee good at the heart to thinke that thou shalt die with Phocion? And verily, no lesse, but rather much more it is permitted to a man of State, who is injuriously dealt withall for to speake somewhat frankly of himselfe, namely unto those who seeme to be oblivious and unthankfull. Thus Achilles at other times rendred the glorie of fortunate successe in his affaires to the hea­venly power of God, and spake modestly in this maner:

That Jupiter would give us power and strength,
Troy citie strongly wall'd to winne at length.

But otherwise when indignities were offred unto him, and he unjustly wronged and abused, he 30 sang another note, and displaied his tongue at large in anger, breaking out into these haughtie and brave words:

With ships of mine well man'd with souldiours brave,
By force of armes twelve cities wonne I have.

Also:

For why? approch they dare not neere to me,
The brightnes of my morion for to see.

For libertie of franke speech, being a part of justification and defence in law, is allowed to use great words for plea. And verily Themistocles according to this rule, who all the while that hee performed the exploits of noble service in his owne countrey, never did or said ought that sa­voured 40 of odious pride; yet when he once saw that the Athenians were full of him, and that they made account of him no more, forbare not to say unto them thus: What meane you my masters of Athens thus to disdaine & be wearie of those at whose hands you receive so often­times benefits; In time of storme and tempest you flie to them for refuge, and shroud your selves in their protection as under the harbor and covert of a spreading tree; no sooner is the storme overblowne and the weather faire againe, but you are ready to give a twitch at them, and every one to pull and breake a branch thereof as you passe by. Thus you see how these men perceiving themselves otherwise injuried, in their discontentment sticke not to rehearse their service and good deeds past and cast them in their teeth who are forgetfull thereof. But he that is blamed and suffreth a reproch for things well done, is altogether for to be excused and un­blameable, 50 in case he set in hand to praise his owne deeds, forasmuch as he seemeth nor to re­proch and upbraid any, but to answere onely in his own defence, & to justifie himselfe. Certes, this it was that gave unto Demosthenes an honest and laudable libertie to speake for his owne be­hoofe; and he avoided thereby all tedious satietie of his owne praises, which he used through­out that whole oration, entituled Of the crowne, wherein he gloried and vaunted of that which was imputed unto him as reprochable, to wit, the embassages in which he went, and the decrees which he had enacted as touching the warre. Moreover, not farre from these points above re­hearsed, [Page 305] the reversing of an objection by way of Antithesis may be placed, and carieth with it a good grace; to wit, when the defendant doth proove and shew that the contrary to that where­with he is charged and accused, is wicked and dishonest: After which maner the oratour Lycur­gus, at Athens in his plea and answer to those who laid to his charge that he had given a piece of money to a sycophant for to stop his mouth & appease him: What kinde of citizen (quoth he) do you take me for to be? who all this long time that I have dealt in the government and mana­ging of State affaires among you, am chalenged before you rather to have given than taken sil­ver injustly. Likewise Cicero, when Metellus said unto him that he had undone and brought to confusion more men by his testimonie, than saved by his patronage and eloquence; And what man is there (quoth he) who will not say by this, that there is more fidelitie in me, than force of 10 utterance. Also these places in Demosthenes; And who would not justly have condemned me to die, if I had but once gone about in bare word to contaminate the honors and glorious ti­tles that this citie hath? againe, And what (thinke ye) would these wicked persons have said, if whiles I discoursed particularly of these points, the cities had fallen away and revolted: In sum, that whole oration throughout concerning the Crowne, most finely and wittily inferreth his owne praises among those oppositions & solutions which he alledgeth. Over and besides, it is woorth the noting and learning, as a most profitable point, how cunningly in the said oration, and how artificially he intermedled with the speeches that he gave out of himselfe, the com­mendations also of the hearers, and thereby freed himselfe from the taint of envie, hatred, and selfe-love; namely in avowing how good and gracious the Athenians were to those of Euboea; 20 how woorthily they demeaned themselves toward the Thebanes; what good turnes they had done to the Bryzantines, as also how beneficiall they had bene to the inhabitants of Chersonne­sus; saying withall, that himselfe was but their minister. For I assure you by this meanes the hea­rer himselfe being secretly woon and gained ere he is aware by his owne praises, enterteineth more willingly and with greater pleasure the speech of the oratour; well contented he is and pleased to heare the good deeds related by another which he hath done; and upon this joy of his there insueth incontinently an admiration and love of those, by whose meanes hee hath at­chieved those acts. Heereupon Epaminondas one day in open place, when Meneclidas, one of his envious and malicious adversaries mocked him for that he magnified and thought better of himselfe than ever did king Agamemnon; Grand mercy, you my masters of Thebes (quoth he) 30 with whom alone I overthrew in one day and subverted the whole dominion of the Lacedaemo­nians. Now forasmuch as the most part of men ordinarily mislike in their hearts, and are migh­tily offended with one that praiseth himselfe, but fare not so against him that commendeth a­nother; nay many times they are well pleased therewith, and ready to confirme such praises by their owne testimonies: some are wont to have this devise, namely, in taking their time and op­portunitie, to commend those who love, chuse, and do the selfe same things, and briefly who are of the like conditions, and given to the same humor with themselves, do winde and insinu­ate into the grace and favour of the hearer, and by such an occasion draw his heart unto them; for streightwaies he doth acknowledge in the speaker although he speaketh of another, the re­semblance and similitude of the like vertue which deserveth the same praises: for like as he who 40 reprocheth another man for those vices whereof himselfe is guiltie, doth hurt his owne per­son more than the party whom he seemeth to touch; even so good and honest men in yeelding honor to those persons who are good, doe as much as make mention of themselves to such as are privie to their vertues, and know them well enough; insomuch as presently they are ready to follow and second them them with these and such like acclamations; And are not you also the same in every respect? After [...] sort Alexander in honouring Hercules; and Androcopus like­wise in honouring Alexander, procured to themselves ech one due honour from the sembla­ble. Contrariwise Dionysius by mocking Gelon, and saying by allusion to his name; that he was Gelos indeed (that is to say) the Laughter and mockerie of Sictlie, perceived not how before hee was aware, by the envie that he drew upon him himselfe, he overthrew the greatnes and dignitie 50 of his owne puissance and seignorie. A man of State therefore and a politician, ought to learne, observe and practise these rules even in other cases also. And as for those who otherwhiles are enforced to praise themselves, they shall cause this selfe-praise of theirs to be more tolerable and lesse subject to envie and hard conceit, in case they take not all to themselves, and attribute the whole to their owne worthinesse; but as if glorie were some heavie and weightie burthen, discharge one part thereof upon fortune, and another upon God; and therefore wisely said A­chilles in Homer:

[Page 306]
Since that th'almightie Gods have given me grace,
Mine enemie to overthrow in place.

Well likewise did Timoleon at Saracose, who upon his valiant and noble exploits dedicated an al­tar to Bon-adventure, and likewise consecrated an house to his good Angell. But best of all and most wisely did that Python the Aenean, who being arrived at Athens after he had murdered King Cotys, when the oratours strived avie one with another, who should extoll and set foorth his praises most unto the people, and perceiving some to carrie an envious eie unto him, and be highly displeased with him; as he passed by, brake foorth into these words: It was some God (quoth he) ô yee Athenians that did this deed, as for my selfe, I did but lend my helping hand. Semblably, Sylla exempted his owne acts from envie, in giving alwaies the praise to his good 10 fortune; in so much as in the end, he surnamed himselfe [...] that is, lovely, fortunate, or Venus darling. For all men in manner would seeme to be vanquished rather by fortune, than conquered by vertue; for that they thinke the one to be a good, not pertinent to the conqueror, and the other a proper defect and imperfection of their owne, and which proceedeth from themselves: which is the reason by report, that the lawes of Zalenus wonderfully pleased the Locrians, for that he put into their heads and bare them in hand, that the goddesse Minerva appeared and came many times unto him; that she endited and taught him those lawes which he penned and gave unto them; finally, that there was nor one of them proceeding from his head, counsell and invention. Peradventure therefore necessarie it is to devise these and such like remedies, and lenitive medicines to meet with those persons, who are by nature fierce and 20 envious; but to such as as be of the better sort, and of a modest and temperate disposition, it would not be impertinent and absurd to use certaine corrections of praises in this case: as for example; If one haply in our presence fall to praise us for being eloquent, learned, rich, or in great reputation, to pray him not to give such reports of us, but rather for to commend us if we be good and bountiful, hurtful to none, and profitable to many; for in so doing, we seem not to confer praises upon our selves, but to transfer them; not to take pleasure in them that praise us, but rather to be grieved and displeased, that we are not praised for such things as we ought, nor as we should; as also to hide the woorse qualities under the better, not so much willing and desirous to be praised, as to teach how it is meet to praise: for this manner of speech (neither with stone nor bricke have I fortified and walled this citie, but if you will needs know how I have 30 fensed it, you shall finde that I have furnished it with armor, horses, confederates and allies) see­meth to come neere and tend unto such a rule: yea and the saying of Pericles toucheth it neerer; for when the hower of his death now approched, and that he was to goe out of this world, his kinsfolke and familiar friends, weeping, wailing, and grieving thereat (as good reason was) cal­led to minde and rehearsed the armies that hee had conducted, the expeditions which hee had made, his puissance that he had borne, as also how many victories he had atchieved, what Tro­phees he had erected, what townes & cities he had conquered, and laid to the seignorie of the A­thenians; all which he now should leave behind him: but he lifting up himselfe a little, reproved and blamed them greatly, for relating and alledging those praises, which were common to ma­nie, and whereof some were more due to fortune than to vertue; whiles they omitted and let 40 passe the greatest and most beawtifull commendation of all others, and that which truely and in­deed properly belonged unto him: namely, that for his sake, there was never any Athenian that put on blacke or wore a mourning gowne: this example of his, giveth both unto an oratour if he be praised for his singular eloquence, meanes and occasion to transferre the praise unto his life and maners; and also to a warrior & generall captaine, who is had in admiration for his mar­tiall prowesse, experience, or fortunate successe in wars, to stand rather upon his clemencie and justice and thereof freely to discourse. And contrariwise againe, when a man hath excessive prai­ses heaped upon him (as the manner commonly of many is, by way of flatterie to give those commendations which moove envie) meet it is to use such a speech as this:

With gods in heaven above I have no share, 50
To them therefore why dost thou me compare?

But if thou knowest me aright, and takest me truely for such an one as I am, praise these good parts in me; that I am uncorrupt and not overtaken with gifts and briberie; that I am sober and temperate; that I am sensible, reasonable, full of equitie and humanitie. For the nature of envie, is willingly to yeeld unto him that refuseth the greater praises those that be lesse and more mo­dest; neither depriveth she of true commendation those who will not admit and receive false and vaine praises: and therefore men thinke not much to honor those Kings and Princes who [Page 307] who are unwilling to be stiled gods or the children of gods, but rather to be intituled either Phi­ladelphi, that is, Kinde to brothers and sisters; or Philometores, that is, Loving to their mothers; or Euergetoi, that is, Benefactors; or else Theophiles, that is, Deerely beloved of the gods; which are goodly and beawtifull denominations, meet for men and good princes: like as againe, those who hardly will endure them, that either in writing or speaking, attribute unto them the name of Sophi, that is, Sages or wise men, can well abide to heare those who name them Philosophi, that is, Lovers of wisedome; or such as say of them, that they profit in the study of wisedome, or give them such like attribute as is modest and not subject to envie; whereas these ambitious Rhetoritians and vaine-glorious Sophisters, who in their orations (to shew their learning) ex­pect these and such like acclamations from their auditorie: O divine and angel-like speech! ô 10 heavenly and magnifically spoken; lose withall this commendation, as to be said for to have de­livered their minde modestly, courteously, and as becommeth civill men. Certes, like as they who be loth and take heed to offend and hurt them that are bleere-eied or otherwise given to the paine and inflamation of them, do mingle among the gallant and lively colours, some duskish shadowes; even so, some there be, who in rehearsing their owne praises not altogether resplen­dent & cleere without any mixture at all, but intermedled with some imperfections, defects and light faults among, by that meanes discharge themselves of the heavie load of envie and hatred. Thus Epireus in Homer, giving out glorious words of his wrestling and buffet-fight, vaunting bravely of his valour,

As if he would his teene and anger wreake 20
Upon him, and with fists his boanes all breake.

said withall:

Is't not enough that herein I do vant?
For other skill in combat I do want.

But haply this man is woorthy to be mocked and laughed at, who for to excuse his arrogant braverie of a wrestler and champion, bewraied and confessed that otherwise he was but a feare­full coward; whereas contrariwise that man is of judgement, civil also and gracious besides, who alledgeth against himselfe some oblivion or ignorance, some ambitious spirit, or els a desire to heare and learne the Sciences and other knowledge, like as Ulysses when he said:

But lo my minde desirous was to hearken and give eare, 30
I will'd my mates me to unlose, that I might go more neare.

And againe in another place;

Although much better it had beene, yet would I not beleeve:
But see his person, and then trie if gifts he would me give.

To be short, all sorts of faults, so they be not altogether dishonest and over-base, if they be set unto praises, rid them of all envie and hatred; and many other there be, who interposing a con­fession 40 of povertie, want of experience, yea, and (beleeve me) their base parentage, among their praises, cause them thereby to be lesse odious and envied. Thus Agathocles, as he sat drinking unto yoong men out of golde and silver plate right curiously wrought, commanded other ves­sels of stone, earth and potters worke to be set upon the table, saying unto them: Lo (quoth he) what it is to persevere in travell, to take paines, and adventure valiantly? for wee in times past made those pots, (pointing to the earthen vessell) but see, now we make these, (shewing the plate of golde and silver: and verily it seemed that Agathocles (by reason of his base birth and povertie) was brought up in some potters forge, who afterward became the absolute monarch (almost) of all Sicilie. Thus it appeareth what remedies may be applied outwardly, to avoide envie, if a man be forced to speake of himselfe: other meanes there are besides, inhaerent (after 50 a sort) even in them who be in this wise praised; and such Cato made use of, when he said, that he was envied, because he neglected his owne affairs, and sat up watching whole nights for the good and safetie of his countrey. Like to which is this speech:

What wisedome thinke you was in me, who cleane exempt from care,
From charge and travell, like some one, who in the armie were
[Page 308] A plaine and common souldiour might enjoy within the host
My fortune with the wisest of them all that meddle most?

as also this other:

I doubt and feare, that of my labours past,
The thanke is gone, end caried with a blast;
And yet those paines that now presented be
A fresh, reject unneth I will from me.

For men ordinarily beare envie unto those who seeme to acquire glory gratis, without any cost, 10 and to come by vertue easily, like as if they purchased house or land for a little or nothing; whereas seldome or never they envie such as have bought the same very deare, with many tra­vels and great dangers. And forasmuch as we ought in praising of our selves to effect not only this; that we offend not the hearers thereby nor procure their envie, but endevour also to profit them and doe them good, as if we seemed not to aime at our selfe-praise, but to shoot at some other thing: in so doing consider first and formost when a man is in a veine of praising him­selfe, whether he may do it by way of exhortation, to kindle a zeale, and exercise a kinde of emu­lation and strive for glory in the hearers; after the example of Nestor, who in recounting his owne prowesse and valiant service, encouraged Patroclus and the other nine gallants and brave knights, to enter combat and single fight with Hector: for an exhortation which hath word and 20 deed to meet together, carrying with it example, with a familiar zeale and imitation, is wonder­full quicke and lively, it pricketh, provoketh and stirreth exceedingly, and together with a reso­lute courage and ardent affection, it carieth with it the hope of compassing things very accessi­ble and in no wise impossible: and therefore of the three renowmed daunces and quites in Lace­daemon, one which consisted of olde men, chaunted thus:

The ume was, when we gallants were,
Youthfull and hardie, void of feare.

another, of children, sung in this wise:

And we one day shall be both tall and strong,
And farre surpasse, if that we live so long. 30

the third, namely of yong men, had this dittie:

But we are come to proofe, and now at best,
Trie who that will, to fight we are now prest.

wherein the law-giver, who instituted these dances, did wisely and politikely, to propose unto yong men such familiar examples and at hand, even by those things that were done and execu­ted. Yet neverthelesse, it were not amisse, otherwhiles to vaunt and to speake highly and magni­fically of ones selfe, for to daunt, beat downe, represse, and keepe (as it were) under hand, a brag­ging and audacious fellow, like as Nestor himselfe did againe in another place:

Conversed have I in my daies, with men of better deed 40
Than you iwis, and yet'disdaine they never would my reed.

Semblably said Aristotle unto king Alexander: That lawfull it was and beseeming not onely for those to have an haughtie minde, who had many subjects under them at their commaund; but such also as held true opinions as touching the gods. And verily these points are commo­dious for us otherwhiles, even in regard of our enemies, foes, and evill willers, according to that verse in Homer:

Children they are of wretched sires, and borne to misadventure,
Whose lucke it is my force of armes in battell to encounter. 50

Agesilaus also, having speech upon a time as touching the King of Persia, who usually was called the Great Monarch: And wherein (quoth he) is that king greater than my selfe, if he bee not more just and righteous. Epaminondas likewise replied upon the Lacedaemonians, who had fra­med a long accusation against the Thebans: Well it is (quoth he) and a good turne that we yet have made you give over your accustomed short speech. Thus much of those rules which con­cerne either our private and particular evill willers, or our publike enemies.

[Page 309] As for our friends and fellow-citizens, we may likewise by using fitly in time and place, and as the case requireth haughty language, not onely take downe and cause those to vaile bonet who are over-proude and audacious; but also on the other side raise up and encourage such, as be dismaied, astonied and beyond measure timorous. For Cyrus also in the mids of battell and dangers of warre was woont to speake bravely, but else-where not. And Antigonus the yoonger or second of that name, who otherwise was in words sober, modest, and nothing proude; yet in a battell at sea which he fought neere the isle Cos; when one of his friends about him said a little before the medley began: See you not sir how many more ships our enemies have than wee? Why (quoth he) for how many ships doest thou reckon me? And it should seeme that Homer was of the same minde and meant so much, when he feigneth that Ulysses seeing his people af­frighted 10 with the hideous noise and fearfull tempest that issued out of the gulfe Charybdis, called to their remembrance his subtill engine and singular valour, in saying thus unto them:

My friends and mates, this accident is not so dangerous,
As when that monstrous Cyclops he, a giant furious,
Us turn'd and courst with mightie force about his hollow cave,
Yet thence we chac'd him by my wit, advice, and prowesse brave. 20

For this manner of praising proceedeth not from a glozing vaine-glorious oratour, not a vanting Sophister, nor from one that seeketh applause, and clapping of hands; but beseemeth a personage who pawneth unto his friends, as a gage of assurance and confidence his owne vertue and sufficiency. For a matter this is of great importance & consequence tending to safe­tie in dangerous times, to wit, the opinion, reputation and affiance, that we may have of a man in authoritie, and the experienced prowesse of a captaine. Now albeit I have sufficiently shewed before, that it is neither convenient nor seemely for a man of State and honour to oppose him­selfe against the glorie and praise of another; yet neverthelesse when the case so standeth, that a false and perverse commendation doth bring hurt and damage, and by example inferreth a dangerous imitation of evill things, together with a wicked purpose and leawd intention in mat­ters 30 of great moment, it were not amisse to repulse the same backe, or rather to divert and turne away the hearer unto better things, and open unto him the difference: for in mine advice a man may well take content and delight, to see that men abstaine willingly from vice, when they per­ceive it to be blamed and reprooved; but in lieu of condemning it, if they heare it commended, and if over and besides the pleasure and profit that commonly it seemeth to bring with it, it be held also in honor and reputation, there is not a nature so happie and blessed, nor so strong and stout withall, but shee is able to conquer it: and therefore a man of policie and government ought to make warre and fight, not so much against the praises of persons, as of things, in case they be corrupt and naught: for these they be that spill and marre our manners, by reason that with such praises there entreth commonly a will to imitate and follow such dishonest and foule 40 actions, as if they were good and seemely: but then most of all are they detected what they be, and do appeere in their colours, when they are compared in opposition with true praises indeed. Thus it is reported, that Theodorus the Tragaedian actor, said upon a time unto Satyrus a Comi­call player: That it was no great marvell to make the spectators to laugh, but rather a matter of woonder to cause them for to weepe and crie: but (I suppose) a sage and wise philosopher may well say thus unto the same Theodorus: Nay (good sir) it is not so great a matter to set men a weeping and wailing, but rather to still and stay their sorrow and lamentation, were an admira­ble thing: for if a man praise himselfe in this sort, he profiteth the hearer and changeth his judgement. Thus did Zeno speake of the great number of Theophrastus his scholers, who resor­ted unto his schoole: His quire (quoth he) is greater than mine, but yet mine accordeth bet­ter 50 and maketh the sweeter harmonie. Phocion likewise, when as Leosthenes still flourished and bare a great name, being demaunded by the Rhetoricians who used to make solemne orations, what good himselfe had ever done to the weale-publike, answered them in this manner: None other (quoth he) but this, that all the whiles I was lord General, and had the conduct of an army, none of all you made ever any funerall oration, but interred all your citizens who departed this life in the sepulchers and monuments of your ancestors. As for Crates when he read these ver­ses containing the Epitaph of Sardanapalus:

[Page 310]
What hath gone downe my throat I have, my wanton sports remaine,
Which Ladie Venus did vouchsafe, or else I count but vaine.

wrate thus againe verie wittily and in a pleasant conceit:

What during life I studied have and learned, is my gaine,
The skill which muses then me gave, and nought else I retaine.

for such manner of praise as this, is excellent, honest, and profitable, teaching men to love, 10 esteeme and admire such things as be commodious and expedient, and not those that are vaine and superfluous; and therefore this advertisement ought to be ranged with the rest before spe­cified as touching the subject argument now in question.

It remaineth now by order and course according as the present theame in hand requireth, and our discourse admonisheth us, to declare how every man may avoid this importunate and unseasonable selfe-praise: for surely to speake of a mans selfe, having selfe-love as a commodi­ous fort from whence it issueth, seemeth many times to lay wait and give the assault even unto them who are of all others most modest and farthest from [...] -glorie. And like as one precept of health there is, to flie and shunne altogether unholsome tracts and contagious, or at least­wise to take heed of them most carefully if a man be in them; even so there be certeine dange­rous 20 times and slipperie places which one shall slide and fall into upon the least occasion in the world, by rashly speaking of himselfe. For first and formost those who are by nature ambitious, when they heare another man praised, commonly (as it hath beene said before) advance forward to talke of themselves, and then anon this humour of selfe-praise being once provoked and tickled (as it were) with an itch, a certeine desire and furious appetite of glorie which hardly can be held in, taketh hold of them, especially if the partie who is praised before them be but equall or inferior to them in merit: for like as they who are hungrie have the greater appetite, and are provoked more to eate when they see others fall to their meate before them; even so the praise of another inflameth the jealousie of those who be given to the greedy desire of honor & glorie. Secondly, the recitall and discourse of those things which have beene happily executed 30 and to a mans minde, drive many men into a brave vaunting, for the joy that they conceive in relating the same: for after they be once fallen into a narration of their victories atchieved in warre, or the enterprises which they have fortunately managed in their soveraigne government of State, or their actions and affaires performd under other chiefe rulers and commanders, or of the speeches which they have made to great purpose and good successe and commendation, they cannot conteine and hold themselves: to which kind of vaunting & speaking of ones-selfe, we see those are most subiect who are warriors and serve especally at sea; likewise this hapneth usually unto such who are come from the courts of mighty princes, or from those places where there hath beene exploited some great service: for in making mention of princes and grand Seigneours, they can not chuse but interlace ordinarily among, some speeches which those 40 potentates have delivered to their commendation; and therein they doe not thinke that they praise themselves, but recite onely the commendable testimonies that others have given out, of them: and verily such as these, be of opinion that the hearers perceive them not, when they re­count the embracements, greetings, salutations, and favours which kings, emperours, and such great potentates have bestowed upon them; as if forsooth they rehearsed not their owne selfe­praises, but the courtesies and demonstrations of the bountie and humanitie of others; whereof every one of us ought most fully and warily to looke unto our selves when we praise any one, that the said praises be pure and sincere, voide of suspition, that we do not respect & aime at an oblique selfe-love, & speech of our owne selves, for feare lest we make the commendation of Pa­troclus, as it is in Homer, a covert, colour and pretence of our owne praise, and by commending 50 others cunningly, praise our owne selves. Moreover, all the sort of blames and reprehensions of others, are otherwhiles very dangerous, causing those to goe out of the way and stumble, who are never so little sicke of vain-glorie; into which maladie old folke many times incurre, and namely when they breake out into the reprofe of their youngers, finding fault with their leawd maners and fashions, for then in blaming others, they fall to magnifying themselves, as if in times past they had done wonders, in comparison of those things which now they condemne: and verily such as they be we ought to give place unto, in case they be not onely for age, but [Page 311] also in regard of their vertue and reputation venerable: for this maner of rebuke is not unprofi­table, but breedeth in those who are chastised by them, a great desire and emulation withall to atteine unto the like place of honour and dignitie. But as for our selves we ought to take heed and beware how we trip or tread awry in this case; for the maner of blaming our neighbours, be­ing as it is otherwise very odious and almost intolerable, and which hath need of great caution and warinesse; he that medleth his proper praise with the blame of another, and seeketh glorie by his infamy, cannot chuse but be exceeding hatefull and unsupportable, as if he hunted after renowme and honour by the reprochfull and dishonorable parts of his neighbours. Further­more, as they who naturally are enclined and disposed to laughter, are to avoid and decline the ticklings and soft handling in those parts of the body that are most smooth, sliecke and tender, 10 which soone yeelding and relenting to those light touches, stirre up and provoke immediately that passion of laughing; even so this caveat and advertisement would be given unto such as passionately be given to this desire of glory, that they absteine from praising themselves, at what time as they be collauded by other: for a man that heareth himselfe praised, ought indeed to blush for shame, and not with a bold and shamelesse face to hearken thereto, nay he should doe well to reproove those that report some great matter of him, rather then to finde fault for say­ing too little, and not praising him sufficiently; a thing iwis that many men doe, who are ready of themselves to prompt and suggest, yea and to inferre other magnanimous facts and pro­wesses, so far forth that they marre all, aswell the praise that they give themselves, as the lauda­ble testimoniall of others. And I assure you many there be who flattering themselves, tickle and 20 puffe up their owne conceits with nothing els but winde; others againe upon a malicious in­tent, laying some petie praise as it were a bait for them to bite at, draw them on thereby to fall into their owne commendation: some also you shall have who to that purpose will keepe a questioning with them, & propose certeine demands for the nonce to traine them within their toile, and all to have the more matter that they might soone after laugh at. Thus in Me­nander the glorious soldier made good sport, being demanded of one

DEMAND.
Good sir how came you by this wound and scar?
SOLDIER.
By dint of iavelin launced from a far.
DEMAND.
But how? for gods sake how? let us all know:
SOLDIER.
As I a wall did scale I caught this blow, 30
But well I see whiles that I do my best
This to relate, these make of me a jest.

And therefore in all these cases, a man ought to bee as warie as possiblie hee can, that he nei­ther himselfe breake out in his owne praises, nor yet bewray his weakenesse and folly by such interrogatoies; and that hee may in the best and most absolute manner take heede thereto, and save himselfe from such inconveniences, the readiest way is to observe o­thers neerely that love to bee praisers of themselves; namely to call to minde and repre­sent unto their owne remembrance how displeasant and odious a thing it is to all the world, and that there is or can be no other speech so unsavory, tedious and irkesome to heare: for sup­pose that we are not able to say that we suffer any other harme at their hands who praise them­selves, 40 yet we do all that we can to avoid such speech; we make shift to be delivered from it, and hasten all that we may to breath our selves, as if it were an heavy burden which of it selfe and the owne nature overchargeth us, insomuch as it is troublesome and intolerable even to flatterers, parasites, and needy smel-feasts in that necessitie and indigence of theirs, to heare a rich man, a prince, a governor, or a king to praise himselfe: nay they give out that they pay the greatest portion of the shot, when they must have patience to give eare to such vanities; like unto that jester in Menander, who breaketh out into these words,

He killeth me when at his boord I sit
And with his cheere I fatter am no whit,
But rather pine away, you may be sure, 50
When such bald jests to heare I must endure.
And yet as wise and warlike as they seeme,
A bragging foole and leawd sot I him deeme.

For considering that we are wont to say thus, not onely against soldiers and glorious upstarts newly enriched, whose maner is to make much of their painted sheaths, powring out brave and proud discourses; but also against sophisters, thetoritians, and philosophers, yea and great cap­taines, puffed up with arrogancy and presumption, and speaking bigge words of themselves: If [Page 312] we would call to remembrance that a mans owne proper praises be accompanied alwaies with the dispraises of others, and that the end commonly of such vaine-glory is shame and infamie; also, that tediousnesse unto the hearers, is (as Demosthenes saith) the reward, and not any opinion to be reputed such as they say, we would be more sparie and forbeare to speake so much of our selves, unlesse some greater profit and advantage might afterwards grow either to us or to the hearers in place. 10

WHAT PASSIONS AND MALADIES BE WORSE, THOSE OF THE SOULE, OR THOSE OF THE BODIE?

The Summarie. 20

THis present question upon which Plutarch hath framed this declamation, whereof there remaineth extant in our hands but one little parcell, hath beene of long time dis­cussed and debated among men; the greater is our damage and detriment, that we have heere no better division, nor a more ample resolution of it by so excellent a philo­sopher as he was: but seeing that this losse can not be recovered, let us seeke for the cleering of all this matter in other authors; but principally in those, who search deepely to the verie bottom, for to discover the source of all the maladies of the soule, in stead of such writers who have treated of morall philosophie, according to the doctrine and light of nature, onely accompanied with 30 precepts out of her schoole, and have not touched the point but superficially, as being ignorant what is originall and hereditarie corruption; what is sinne; how it entred first into the world, what are the greatest impressions, assaults, effects, and what is the end and reward thereof. But to come unto this fragment, our author after he had shewed that man of all living creatures is most miserable, declareth wherein these humane miseries ought to bee considered; and prooveth withall, that the diseases of the soule are more dangerous than those of the body, for that they be more in number, and the same ex­ceeding different, hard to be knowen and incurable, as evidently it is to be seene in effect, that those who are afflicted with such maladies, have their judgement depravate and overturned, refusing remedie with the losse of rest and repase, and a singular pleasure which they take to discover their unquietnesse, anxietie and miserie. 40

WHAT PASSIONS AND MALA­dies be worse, those of the soule or those of the bodie?

HOmer having viewed and considered very well the sundry sorts of living creatures mortall, compared also one kind with another, as well in the continuance as the conversation and maner of their life, 50 concluded in the end with this exclamation,

Lo how of creatures, all on earth which walke and draw their wind,
More miserable none there are nor wretched than mankind.

attributing unto man this unhappie soveraigntie, that he hath the superioritie in all miseries whatsoever: but we setting this downe [Page 313] for a supposition granted already, that man carieth the victorie, and surpasseth all others for his infortunitie, and is already declared and pronounced the most unhappie wretch of all living creatures, will set in hand to compare him with his owne selfe, in a certeine conference of his proper calamities that follow him; and that by dividing him, not in vaine and unfruitfully, but very pertinently and to good purpose, into the soule and the bodie, to the end that wee may learne and know thereby whether we live more miserablie in regard of our soules, or our selves, that is to say, our bodies: for a disease in our bodie is engendred by nature; but vice and sinne in the soule is first an action, but afterwards becommeth a passion thereof: so that it is no small consolation, but maketh much for the contentment of our minde, to know that the worse is curable, and the lighter is that which can not be avoided. 10

The fox in Aesope pleading upon a time against the leopard, as touching the varietie of co­lours in their skins, after that the leopard had shewed her bodie, which to the eie and in outward apparence was well marked & beset with faire spots, whereas the foxes skin was tawny, foule and ill-favoured to see to: But you (quoth he) sir Judge, if you looke within, shall finde me more spotted and divers coloured than that leopard there; meaning the craft and subtiltie which he had, to turne and change himselfe in divers sorts, as need required; after the same maner let us say within our selves: O man, thy body breedeth and bringeth foorth many maladies and passi­ons naturally of it selfe, many also it receiveth and enterteineth comming from without, but if thou wilt anatomize and open thy selfe, thou shalt finde within, a save, an ambrie, nay a store­house and treasurie (as Democritus saith) of many evils and maladies, and those of divers and 20 sundry sorts, not entring and running in from abroad, but having their originall sources spring­ing out of the ground, and home-bred, the which, vice abundant, rich and plenteous in passi­ons putteth forth. Now, whereas the diseases that possesse the body and the flesh, are discove­red and knowen by their inflamations and red colour, by pulses also or beating of the arteries, and namely, when the visage is more red or pale than customably it is, or when some extraordi­narie heat or lassitude, without apparent cause, bewraieth them: contrariwise, the infirmities and maladies of the soule are hidden many times unto those that have them, who never thinke that they be sicke and ill at ease; and in this regard worse they be, for that they deprive the pati­ents of the sense and feeling of their sicknesse: for the discourse of reason, whiles it is sound and hole, feeleth the maladies of the bodie; but as for the diseases of the soule, whiles reason herselfe 30 is sicke, she hath no judgement at all of that which she suffereth, for the selfe same that should judge is diseased; and we are to deeme and esteeme, that the principall and greatest maladie of the soule is follie, by reason whereof vice, being remedilesse and incurable in many, is cohabi­tant in them, liveth and dieth with them: for the first degree and very beginning of a cure, is the knowledge of a disease, which leadeth and directeth the patient to seeke for helpe; but he who will not beleeve that he is amisse or sicke, not knowing what he hath need of, although a present remedie were offered unto him, will refuse and reject the same. And verily, among those disea­ses which afflict the bodie, those are counted worst which take a man with a privation of sense; as lethargies, intolerable head-ach, or phrensies, epilepsies or falling-evils, apoplexies and fea­vers-ardent; for these burning agues many times augment their heat so much, that they bring a 40 man to the losse of his right wits, and so trouble the senses, as it were in a musicall instrument, that

They stirre the strings at secret root of hart,
Which touched should not be, but lie apart.

which is the reason that practitioners in physicke desire and wish in the first place, that a man were not sicke at all, but if hee be sicke, that hee be not ignorant and senselesse altogether of his disease; a thing that ordinarily befalleth to all those who be sicke in minde: for neither witlesse fooles, nor dissolute and loose persons, ne yet those who be unjust and deale wrongfully, thinke that they do amisse and sinne; nay, some of them are perswaded that they do right well. Never was there man yet, who esteemed an ague to be health, nor the phthisicke or consumption to be 50 a good plight and habit of the bodie, nor that the gout in the feet was good footmanship, ne yet that to be ruddy and pale or yellow, was all one, yet you shall have many who are diseased in minde, to call hastines and choler, valiance; wanton love, amitie; envie, emulation; and cowar­dise, warie prudence. Moreover, they that be bodily sicke, send for the physicians (because they know whereof they stand in need) for to heale their diseases; whereas the other avoid and shun the sage philosophers; for they thinke verily that they do well when they fault most. Upon this reason we holde, that the ophthalmie, that is to say, the inflamation of bloud-shotten eies, is a [Page 314] lesse maladie than Mania, that is to say, rage and furious madnesse; and that the gout in the feet is nothing so bad as the phrensie, which is an inflamation or impostume bred in the braine; for the one of these patients finding himselfe diseased, crieth out for paine, & calleth for the physi­cian, and no sooner is he come, but he sheweth him his diseased eie for to dresse and anoint, he holdeth forth his veine for to be opened, & yeeldeth unto him his head for to be cured; where­as you shall heare ladie Agave in the Tragaedios, so farre transported out of all sense and under­standing (by reason of her raging fit) that shee knew not those persons which were most deare and entire unto her; for thus she saith:

This little one here newly kild,
And cut in pieces in the field, 10
From hilles we bring to dwelling place,
How happy, ô, hath beene our chace!

As for him who is sicke in bodie, presently he yeeldeth thereto, he laies him downe upon his pallet, or taketh his naked bed, he easeth himselfe all that he can, and is content and quiet all the while that the physician hath him in cure; but if peradventure he tumble and tosse in his bedde, fling and cast off his clothes, by reason that his bodie is tormented with some grievous hot fit, no sooner stirreth he never so little, but one or other that standeth or sitteth by to tend him, is ready to say gently unto him:

Poore soule, be quiet, feare none ill,
Deare heart, in bed see thou lie still. 20

he staieth and keepeth him downe, that he shall not start and leape out of his bed: but contrari­wise, those that be surprised with the passions of the soule, at such a time be most busie, then they be least in repose and quiet; for their violent motions be the causes moving their actions, and their passions are the vehement fits of such motions: this is the cause that they will not let the soule to be at rest, but even then when as a man hath most need of patience, silence and quiet re­trait, they draw him most of all abroad into the open aire; then are discovered soonest his cho­lerike passions, his opinionative and contentious humors, his wanton love and his grievous sor­rowes, enforcing him to commit many enormities against the lawes, and to speake many words unseasonably, and not befitting the time.

Like as therefore much more perillous is the tempest at sea, which impeacheth and put­teth 30 backe a ship, that it can not come into the harbour to ride at anchor, than that which will not suffer it to get out of the haven and make saile in open sea; even so those tempestuous passi­ons of the soule are more dangerous which will not permit to be at rest, nor to settle his dis­course of reason once troubled, but overturneth it upside downe, as being disfurnished of pilots and cables, not well balllaised in the storme, wandring to and fro without a guide and steeres­men, carried mauger into rash and dangerous courses, so long, untill in the end it falleth into some shipwracke, and where it overthroweth the whole life, in such sort that in regard of these reasons and others semblable, I conclude, that woorse it is to be soule-sicke than diseased in bo­die; for the bodies being sicke, suffer onely, but the soules if they be sicke, both suffer and doe also amisse. To proove this, what neede we further to particularize and alledge for examples 40 many other passions, considering that the occasion of this present time is sufficient to admo­nish us thereof, and to refresh our memorie? See you not this great multitude and preasse of people thrusting and thronging here about the Tribunall and common place of the citie; they are not all assembled hither to sacrifice unto the Tutelar gods, Protectors of their native coun­trey, nor to participate in common the same religion and sacred ceremonies of divine service; they are not all met heere together for to offer an oblation unto Jupiter Astraeus, out of the first fruits of Lydia, and to celebrate and solemnize in the honor of Bacchus, during these holy nights, his festivall revils with daunses, masks, and mummeries accustomed: but like as by yeer­ly accesse and anniversarie revolutions, the forcible vigor of the pestilence returneth for to irri­tate and provoke all Asia; so they resort hither to entertaine their suits and processes in law to 50 follow their pleas; and a world here is of affaires, like to many brookes and riverers which run all at once into one channell and maine streame; so they are met in the same place, which is pe­stered and filled with an infinite multitude of people, to hurt themselves and others. From what fevers or colde, ague-fits, proceed these effects? from what tensions or remissions, augmenta­tions or diminutions? from what distemperature of heat, or overspreading of cold humours comes all this? If you aske of everie severall cause here in suite, as if they were men and able to answere you from whence it arose, how it grew, and whereupon it came and first began? you [Page 315] shall finde that one matter was engendred, by some wilfull and proud anger; another proceeded from a troublesome and litigious spirit; and a third was caused by some unjust desire and un­lawfull lust.

THE PRECEPTS OF 10 WEDLOCKE.

The Summarie.

WE have heere a mixture, and medley of rules for married folke, who in the persons of Pollianus and Eurydice, are taught their mutuall duety: upon which argu­ment needlesse it is to discourse at large, considering that the whole matter is set out particularly, and tendeth to this point: That both at the beginning, in the sequell also 20 and continuation of mariage, man and wife ought to assist, support, and love one another with a single heart and affection, farre remooved from disdainfull pride, violence, vanitie, and fill hi­nesse; the which is specified and comprised in 45. articles; howbeit in such sort, that there be some of those precepts, which savour of the corruption of those times, bewraying the insufficiency of humane wisedome, unlesse it be lightened with Gods truth. We see also in this Treatise more particular adver­tisements appropriate to both parties, touching their devoir as well at home as abroad; and all enri­ched with notable similitudes and excellent examples. In summe, if these precepts following be well weighed and practised, they are able to make mans life much more easie and commodious than it is. But Plutarch sheweth sufficiently by the thirtieth rule, how hard a matter it is to reteine each one in their severall dutie; and that in manner all doe regard and looke upon things with another eie, than they 30 ought. How ever it be, those persons whom vertue hath linked and joined together in matrimonie, may finde here whereby to profit; and so much the more, for that they have one lesson, which naturall, equitie and conscience putteth them in minde of everie day, if they will enter never so little into them­selves, which being joined with the commandements of the heavenly wisedome, it can not be but hus­band and wife shall live in contentment and blessed estate.

THE PRECEPTS OF WEDLOCKE. 40
PLUTARCH to POLLIANUS and EURY­DICE, sendeth greeting.

AFter the accustomed ceremoniall linke of marriage in this coun­trie, which the Priestresse of Ceres hath put upon you, in coupling you both together in one bed-chamber, I suppose that this dis­course of mine, comming as it doth to favorize and second this bond and conjunction of yours, in furnishing you with good les­sons 50 and wise nuptiall advertisements, will not be unprofitable, but sound, verie fitting and comformable to the customarie wedding song observed in these parts. The musicians among other tunes that they had with the haut-boies, used one kind of note which they called Hippotharos, which is asmuch to say as Leape-mare; having this opinion that it stirred and provoked stallions to cover mares. But of many beautifull and good discourses which philosophie affoordeth unto us, one there is which deserveth no lesse [Page 316] to be esteemed than any other, by which shee seeming to enchant and charme those who are come together to live all the daies of their life in mutuall societie, maketh them to be more bu­xome, kinde, tractable, and pliable one to the other. Therefore I have made a certaine collection of such rules and precepts which your selves have heard already oftentimes, being both of you trained up and nourished in the studie of philosophie; and reduced them all in few words to certaine principall heads and articles, to the end that they might be more easily remembred: the which I send as a common present to you both, beseeching withall, the Muses that they would vouchsafe in your behalfe, and for your owne sake to assist and accompanie the goddesse Venus; forasmuch as their office is to make a good consonance and accord in marriage and house-keeping, by the meanes of reason and harmonie philosophicall, no lesse than to set in 10 tune a lute or harpe, or any musicall instrument.

1 And to begin withall: This is the reason that our auncients ordeined, that the image of Venus should be placed jointly with that of Mercurie, as giving us thereby to understand, that the delight and pleasure of marriage, had need especially to be maintained with good language and wise speeches: they used to set also with these two images, the Graces, and Goddesse of E­loquence Ladie Pitho, that is, Perswasion, intending thereby that those folke whom the bond of matrimonie had linked together, might obtaine what they desired one at the others hand gent­ly and by faire meanes, not by debate, chiding and brawles.

2 Solon gave order and commanded that the new-wedded bride should eate of a quince be­fore that she came in bed with her bridegrome; signifying covertly in mine opinion by this 20 darke ceremony, that first and above all, the grace proceeding from the mouth, to wit, the breath and the voice, ought to be sweete, pleasant, and agreeable in everie respect.

3 In the countrey of Boeotia, the custome was upon the wedding day when the nuptial vaile was put over the bride, for to set also upon her head a chaplet made of wilde preckie Spirach branches, for that this plant out of a most sharpe and pricking thorne, putteth foorth a most pleasant and delectable fruit; even so, the wedded wife in case her husband do not reject and flie her companie, for the first difficulties and troublesome inconveniences incident to marriage, shall bring unto him afterwards a sweete and amiable societie; but they that can not endure at first the jarres and quarrels of their yoong wives, whom they married virgins, may for all the world be resembled to those who give away ripe grapes from themselves to others, because they 30 be sowre before they are ripe; semblably, many new wedded-wives, who take a disdaine to their husbands by reason of some debates and encounters at the first, doe much like unto those who having abidden the sting of the Bee, cast away the honie-combe out of their hands. It behoo­veth therefore new-married solke, to take heed especially in the beginning, that they avoide all occasions of dissention and offence giving; considering this with themselves, and seeing daily that the pieces of woodden vessels which are newly joined and glued together, at the first are soone disjoined, and go asunder againe upon the least occasion in the world, but after that in continuance of time the joint is strongly settled and soundly confirmed, a man shall hardly part and separate one piece from another with fire or yron edged toole.

4 And like as fire kindleth soone & catcheth a flame if it meet with light stubble, chaffe, or 40 the haire of an hare, but it quickly goeth out againe, if there be not put thereto some matter or fewell anon, which may both hold in and also maintaine and feede the same; even so, we are to thinke that the love of yoong-wedded persons, which is enflamed and set on fire by youth, and the beawtie of the bodie onely, is not firme and durable, unlesse it be surely founded upon the conformitie of good and honest maners, and take hold of wisedome, whereby it may engender a lively affection and reciprocall disposition one toward the other.

5 Fishes are soone caught and taken up by baites made of empoysoned paste, or such like medicines, but their meat is naught and dangerous to be eaten; semblably, those women who compound certaine love drinkes, or devise other charmes and sorceries for to give their hus­bands, and thinke by such allurements of pleasure to have the hand and command over them, it 50 is all to nothing, that afterwards in their life together they shal find them to be blockish, foolish, & sensles companions. Those men whom Circe the famous sorceresse enchanted with hir witch­craft, did her no pleasure, neither served they her in any stead, being transformed (as they were) into swine and asses; whereas she loved and affected entirely and exceedingly Ulysses, an inge­nious man and who conversed wisely with her; but such wives as had rather bee mistresses and over-rule their doltish husbands, than obey them that be wise & men of understanding, may very properly be compared unto them, who choose rather to leade and conduct the blind, than to be [Page 317] guided by those that see, and to follow them that have knowledge. These women will never be­leeve that Pasiphaë being a Kings wife loved a bull, notwithstanding they see some wives that can not endure their husbands, if they be any thing austere, grave, sober, and honest, but they abandon and give themselves over more willingly to accompanie with such as be composed altogether of luxurious loosenesse, of filthie lust and voluptuousnesse, like as if they were dogs or goats.

6 Some men there be so tender, feeble, and effeminate, that being not able to mount up their horse-backes as they stand, teach them to stoupe and rest upon their knees, that they may get upon them; and even so, you shall finde divers husbands, who having espoused rich wives and descended of noble houses, never studie to make them better, but keepe downe their wives 10 and hold them under, being perswaded that they shall rule them the better when they are thus humbled and brought low; whereas indeed they should as well maintaine the dignitie of their wives, as regard and keepe the just stature and height of their horses, as well in the one as the other, make use of the bridle.

7 We see that the moone, the farther that she is from the sunne, the brighter she shineth and is more cleere, and when she approcheth neere unto his raies and beames, she loseth her light and is darkened; but a chaste, honest and wise woman must do cleane contrarie; for shee ought to be most seene with her husband, and if he be away, to keepe close and hold her selfe within house.

8 It was not well said of Herodotus: That a woman casteth off her pudicitie, when she put­teth 20 off her smocke or inner garment; for cleane contrarie it is in a chaste and sober matron, for in stead thereof she putteth on shamefastnes and honestie; and the greatest signe of all other that married folke do love reciprocally is this, when they have most reverence and shamefast regard one to the other.

9 Like as if one take two sounds that accord together, the base is alwaies more heard, and the song is ascribed to it; even so, in an house well ordered and governed, all goes well which is done by the consent of both parties; but evident it is and apparent, that the conduct, counsell and direction of the husband, is that which effecteth it.

10 The sunne upon a time (as the fable goeth) had the victorie over the northern winde; for when the said winde blew forcibly upon a man, and with the violence of his blasts, did what 30 it could to drive his cloake or upper garment from off his shoulders, the man strived so much the more to hold it on and keepe it close about him; but when the fun came to be hot after the said wind was laid, and set the man in exceeding heat by his beames, he was glad to throw off his said cloake; yea and feeling himselfe to burne with heat, put off his coat, shirt and all; and even semblably do the most part of women, for when they perceive that their husbands by their au­thoritie, and perforce will take from them their superfluous delights and vaine pleasures, they strive againe and make resistance, and are offended and discontented therewith; but when as contrariwise they come unto them with gentle remonstrances and milde perswasions, then of themselves they will be content peacebly to lay them aside, and endure all with patience.

11 Cato deprived a senatour of Rome of his honorable place, for that in the presence of his 40 owne daughter, he kissed his wife. I cannot simply commend this act of his, for it savoured per­adventure too much of severitie and rigor: but if it be (as no doubt it is) an unseemely sight for man and wife to kisse, clip, embrace, and use dalliance together in the presence of others; how can it chuse but be more shamefull and unseemly to chide, brawle, and taunt one another before strangers? and when a man hath plaied, sported, and used love-delights in secret with his wife, af­terwards in open place to checke, rebuke, nip and gird at her with spightfull speeches in the face of the world?

12 Like as a mirrour or looking glasse garnished with golde and precious stones, serveth to no purpose, if it doe not represent to the life the face of him or her that looketh into it; no more is a woman worth ought (be she otherwise never so rich) unlesse she conforme and frame 50 her selfe, her life, her maners and conditions sutable in all respects to her husband. A false mir­rour it is, and good for nothing, that sheweth a sad and heavie countenance to him who is mer­rie and jocund, and contrariwise, which resembleth a glad and smiling visage to one who is me­lancholike, angrie and discontent; even so, a bad woman is she, and a very untoward piece, who when her husband is desirous to solace himselfe and be merry in disporting with her, frowneth and looketh doggedly under the browes, and on the other side, when she seeth him amused in serious matters, and in a deepe study about his affaires, is set on a merrie pin, and given to mirth [Page 318] and laughter; for as the one is a signe of a sowre plumme and an unpleasant yoke-fellow, so the other bewraieth a woman that setteth light by the affections of her husband; whereas indeed befitting it were, that as (by the saying of Geometricians) the lines and superficers move not at all of themselves, but according to the motions of the bodies; even so a wife should have no proper passion or peculiar affection of her owne, but be a partaker of the sports, serious affaires, sad countenance, deepe thoughts, and smiling looks of her husband.

13 They that take no pleasure, nor can not away that their wives doe eat and drinke freelie with them at the table in their sight, doe as much as teach them how to cram themselves and fill their gorge apart when they be alone; even so they that will not vouchsafe to live merrily and be pleasant with their wives, nor can abide to disport and laugh privately with them, teach them 10 the ready way to seeke their pleasures and delights by themselves.

14 The kings of Persia at their ordinarie meales have their queenes or espoused wives to sit by them at the boord, but when they list to be merrie indeed and carrouse lustily untill they be drunke, they send them away to their chambers, and call for their concubines, singing wen­ches, and musicall trulles in their place; Plutarch herem smel­leth of the corruption in his time for a Christian dame & ho­nest matron will not abide to put up such an injurie, nor winke at her husbands fol­lies in that case. I can commend them yet for so doing, in that they would not have their owne lawfull wives to be partakers of their drunkennesse and licentious loosenesse. If therefore it chance that some private person abandoned to his owne pleasures, untaught, and given to leawd conditions, chance to do a fault in abusing himselfe either with his paramour or his wives chamber-maid, his wife must not be angrie for the matter and frowne at him for it, but rather thus to thinke with her selfe, and make this construction, that her husband 20 being loth and affraid to offend her with his drunkennesse, unbridled lust and intemperance, tur­ned another way for that purpose.

15 Kings if they love musicke, cause many good musicians to be in their kingdome; if they set their minds upon their booke, they make many learned clearks; if they be given to feats of activitie and exercise of the body, many of their subjects (by that example) will prove cham­pions and tall men of their hands; even so a husband that loveth to trim and pamper his bodie, causeth his wife (by that meanes) to study nothing els but the tricking and pruning of her selfe; he that followeth his pleasures and wanton delights, maketh her also to be lascivious and to play the harlot; but who that embraceth honestie, and ensueth vertue and good things, by his exam­ple shall have an honest, vertuous and wise wife of her. 30

16 A yoong woman of Sparta being asked the question by one, whether she had medled or lien yet with her husband: Not I (quoth she) but he hath with me. And in very trueth, in this maner (by mine advice) it would become an honest matron and huswife to behave herselfe toward her husband, that she neither reject and disdaine dalliance and love-sports with him, if he begin with her, nor yet herselfe offer such temptations first unto him; for as this is a tricke of a wanton and unshame-faced strumpet, so the other bewraieth a proud woman, and one who is nothing lovely nor amiable.

17 A woman ought to have no peculiar friends by herselfe, but to use her husbands friends and take them as her owne. Considering then, that the gods challenge the first and principall place in friendship, Herein also Plutarch she­weth of what religion he is. the wife is to acknowledge and worship the same gods (and none els but 40 those) whom her husband honoureth, serveth, and reputeth gods; moreover, she ought to shut and locke the gate against all curious and new inventions of religions, and not to enterteine any strange and forren superstitions; for I assure you, to none of the gods can those divine services and sacrifices be acceptable, which a woman will seeme to celebrate by stealth, and without the knowledge and privitie of her husband.

18 Plato writeth, that the citie is blessed and happie, wherein a man shall never heare these words: This is mine, and, This is not mine: for that the inhabitants thereof have all things there (especially, if they be of any woorth and importance) as neere as possibly they can, common a­mong them: but these words ought rather to be banished out of the state of matrimonie, un­lesse it be (as the Physicians holde) that the blowes or woundes which are given on the left 50 side of the body, are felt on the right; even so a wife ought to have a fellow-feeling (by way of sympathie and compassion) of her husbands calamities, and the husband of his wives, much more; to the end, that like as those knots are much more fast and strong, when the ends of the cords are knit and interlaced one within another, even so the bond of marriage is more firme and sure, when both parties (the one aswell as the other) bring with them a mutuall affection and reciprocall benevolence, whereby the fellowship and communion betweene them is main­teined jointly by them both; for nature herselfe hath made a mixture of us, of two bodies, to [Page 319] the end that by taking part of one and part of another, and mixing all together, she might make that which commeth thereof, common to both, in such sort, as neither of the twaine can di­scerne and distinguish what is proper to the one or peculiar to the other. This communion of goods especially, ought principally to be among those who are linked in wedlocke, for that they should put in common, and have all their havorie incorporate into one substance, in such wise, as they repute not this part proper to one, and that part peculiar to another, but the whole pro­per to themselves, and nothing to another: and like as in one cuppe where there is more water than wine, yet we say neverthelesse that the whole is wine; even so the goods and the house ought to beare the name of the husband, although peradventure the wife brought with her the bigger portion. 10

19 Helene was covetous, and Paris lascivious; contrariwise, Ulysses was reputed wise, and Penelope chaste; and therefore the mariage of these last named, was blessed, happie and beloved; but the conjunction of those two before, infortunate, bringing upon the Greeks and Barbari­ans both, a whole Iliad, that is to say, an infinite masse of miseries and calamities.

20 A gentleman of Rome, who espoused an honest, rich, faire and yoong ladie, put her a­way, and was divorced from her; whereupon being reprooved and sharply rebuked by all his friends, he put forth his foot unto them and shewed them his shoo: What finde you (quoth he) in this shoo of mine amisse? new it is and faire to see to; howbeit, there is not one of you all knoweth where it wringeth me, but I wot well where the fault is, and feele the inconvenience thereof. A wife therefore is not to stand so much upon her goods and the dowrie shee brings, 20 nor in the nobilitie of her race and parentage, ne yet in her beautie, as in those points which touch her husband most, and come neerest to his heart; namely, her conversation and fellow­ship, her maners, her carrage & demeanor, in all respects so disposed, that they be all not harsh, nor troublesome from day to day unto her husband, but pleasant, lovely, obsequious, and agree­able to his humor: for like as Physicians feare those feavers which are engendred of secret and hidden causes within the bodie, gathering in long continuance of time by little and little, more than such as proceed from evident and apparent causes without; even so there fall out other­whiles petie jarres, daily and continuall quarels betweene man and wife, which they see and know full little that be abroad; and these they be which breed separation, and cause them to part soo­ner than any thing els, these marre the pleasure of their cohabitation more than any other cause 30 whatsoever.

21 King Philip was enamoured upon a certaine Thessalian woman, who was supposed and charged, by her sorceries and charmes to have enchanted him to love her; whereupon queene Olympias his wife wrought so, that she got the woman into her hands; now when she had well viewed her person, and considered her beautifull visage, her amiable favour, her comely grace, and how her speech shewed well that she was a woman of some noble house, and had good brin­ging up: Out upon these standerous surmises (quoth she) and false imputations; for I see well that the charmes and sorceries which thou usest, are in thy selfe. In like maner we must thinke, that an espoused and legitimate wife is as one would say, a fort inexpugnable, namely, such an one, as (in her selfe reposing and placing all these things, to wit, her dowrie, nobilitie, charmes 40 and love-drinks, yea, and the very tissue or girdle of Venus, by her study and endevour, by her gentle behavior, her good grace and vertue) is able to win the affectionate love of her husband for ever.

22 Another time, the same queene Olympias hearing that a certaine yoong gentleman of the Court had married a ladie, who though she were faire and well-favoured, yet had not alto­gether the best name: This man (quoth shee) hath no wit at all in his head, for otherwise hee would never have married according to the counsell and appetite of his eies only. And in trueth we ought not to goe about for to contract marriage by the eie or the fingers, as some doe who count with their fingers how much money, or what goods a wife bringeth with her, never ca­sting and making computation of her demeanour and conditions, whether she be so well qua­lified, 50 as that they may have a good life with her.

23 Socrates was woont to counsell yoong men who used to see their faces and looke upon themselves in mirrours, if they were foule or ill-favoured, to correct that deformitie by vertue; if they were faire, not to soile and staine their beautie with vice; semblably, it were very well that the mistresse of an house having in her hand a looking glasse, should say thus unto her selfe if she be foule and deformed: What a one should I be if I nought or leawd withall? if faire and well-favoured: How highly shall I be esteemed, if I be honest and wise besides? for if an [Page 320] hard-favoured woman be loved for her faire and gentle conditions, she hath more honor there­by, than if she wan love by beautie onely.

24 The tyrant of Sicily (Dionysius) sent upon a time unto the daughters of Lysander certeine rich robes, costly wreathes and precious jewels as presents; but Lysander would not receive these gifts, saying: These presents would bring more shame than honour to my daughters. And the Poet Sophocles, before Lysanders time, wrote to the like effect in these verses:

This will (ô wretch) to thee none honour bring,
But may be thought a foule and shamefull thing;
It doth bewray a fop and foole in kinde,
And one who beares a most lascivious minde. 10

for (according as the Philosopher Crates said) That is an ornament which doth adorne; and that adorneth a wife, which maketh her more comely and decent: this are not jewels of golde able to do, nor emerauds and other precious stones, nor purple and scarlet robes, but that only which causeth her to be reputed grave, sober, lowly and modest.

25 Those that sacrificed to Juno (surnamed Gametia, that is, Nuptiall) offered not the gall with the rest of the beast that was killed, but plucked it out of the body, cast it aside, and laid it by, about the altar; by which ceremonie, he whosoever he was that first instituted it, would give us to understand; that in matrimonie there ought to be no gall, that is to say, no bitter choler and anger at all; hee meant not thereby that a woman should not be grave, for a wife and matron that is mistresse of an house, must carie an austere countenance in some sort, but this austerity 20 or tartnesse ought to be like that verdure which is in wine, that is to say, holsome and pleasant, not bitter or eager in any wise, as is Aloe Succotrine, nor resembling any such purgative drugs.

26 Plato perceiving Xenocrates the Philosopher (a man otherwise vertuous and well dis­posed) to be given a little to over-much severitie, admonished him to sacrifice unto the Graces; even so I suppose, that a vertuous dame hath need also of the Graces helpe, as much as of any thing els, when she converseth with her husband, to the end that she may live in joy with him (as Metradorus saith) and not move him to anger and displeasure, for all she be an honest and chaste matron, and so repent another day of her pudicitie: for neither must a frugall huswife and saving dame neglect to be cleane and neat, nor she that loveth her husband entirely, cease to of­fer kindnesse unto him, and deale with him after an amiable and loving sort; for surely the sowre 30 conversation of a woman maketh all her honesty to be but odious, like as sluttery also causeth all her frugalitie and thrist to be hatefull and displeasant; insomuch as she who is afraid to looke pleasantly, and smile upon her husband, or to shew some such like love-trickes, because forsooth she would not be thought bold and wanton, is much like unto her, who because she would not seeme to have her head besmeered with precious perfumes, forbeareth also to be annointed with oile, and for that folke should not thinke that shee painteth her face, will not so much as wash the same. Poets we see and orators, as many of them as would avoide a base, illiberall, and ill affected kinde of stile, without good grace which breedeth tediousnes in the reader and hea­rer, studie and endevour with all the wit they have to entertaine and moove both the one and the other by their fine invention, good dispose, and naturall representation of the manners of each 40 person; and even so, an honest dame and huswife shall do well, to avoide and reject all super­fluitie, all curiositie, and in one word whatsoever favoureth of a whoore, or such an one as loveth to shew her selfe abroad in pompous manner, and rather employ all her wit, her art and industrie in the pleasant and amiable carriage of her selfe, in her affabilitie and lovely conversation with her husband, daily and howerly acquainting and accustoming him to honestie and decencie with pleasure and delight. Howbeit, if it fall out so, that some one woman be so austere of na­ture, that by no meanes which the husband useth, he can make her pleasant and sociable, in this case he must be content and beare his owne crosse; and like as Phocion answered to Antipater, who required him to do a dishonest act and little beseeming his estate: Sir (quoth he) you can not have me to be your friend and a flatterer to; even so must he say to himselfe of such a wife, 50 who is sowre and unpleasant, but yet honest: It is not meet that I should looke to converse with her as a true espoused wife and a light harlot also.

27 The Egyptian wives by she ancient custome of their countrey, weare no shooes at all on their feete, to the end that this fashion of going might put them in mind to keepe home; but far otherwise it is with our dames for the most part, from whom if you take their gilded pan­tofles, their carkanets, their bracelets, their fine garters, their purple garments and pearles, they will never go once out of their houses.

[Page 321] 28 Theano, as she one day dressed her selfe and put on her raiment, chanced to shew her arme a good way bare, and when one that stood by perceived it, and said withall: Oh there is a faire elbow: True (quoth she) but it is not for every man; and even so, not the arme onely of a chaste and honest dame ought not to be common, but also not so much as her verie speech; for she is as well in manner to take heed and beware how she open her mouth and speake much, as to discover and lay her bodie naked before strangers, for that her manners, actions, and condi­tions which she hath, she openeth unto others when she speaketh.

29 Phidias, when he made the image of Venus for the Elaeans, devised that she should tread with her feete upon a tortoise shell, signifying thereby that a woman ought to keepe home and not goe foorth of doores, but stay within house with silence; for surely a wife is to speake either 10 unto her husband onely, or else by the meanes of her husband; neither must she thinke much and be offended, if like the minstrell that soundeth the hautboies, she utter a lowder and bigger voice than her owne, by the tongue of another.

30 Great men and rich, princes also and kings, in honouring Philosophers, do grace both them and their owne selves; but Philosophers in making court and doing service unto those rich and mighty personages, adde thereby no reputation unto them, but make themselves more honored and better accepted; semblably it fareth with wives, for when they be subject to their husbands, they winne praise and commendation, but when they will needs bee masters, they get greater shame by it, and do more undecently, than those whom they have the maistrie of. For by good right, the husband ought to rule over the wise; not as the lord over his slave, or 20 that which he possesseth; but after the same manner as the soule governeth the bodie, by a cer­taine mutuall love and reciprocall affection, wherewith he is linked unto her: for as the soule may well have a care of the bodie, without subjecting it selfe to the pleasures and disordinate lusts thereof; even so, may an husband have the soveraignty over his wife, and withall exercise the same neverthelesse in all kindnes, and be readie to gratifie and please her.

31 Philosophers doe hold opinion that of bodies some consist of parts disjoined and di­stinct, and separate one from another, as a fleet of ships or an armie of men; others of pieces joined together and touching close one another, as an house or a ship; and some againe bee composed of parts united and incorporate into one nature living and growing together, as the bodies of living creatures. Much like to these compositions is wedlocke: for the conjunction 30 of those in matrimonie, who love entirely one another, and for pure love be linked in marriage, resembleth a bodie, the parts whereof are naturally united together: that copulation of those who marrie for rich dowries, wealth, or procreation of children, may be compared to that bo­die which standeth of pieces, that touch onely and meet together in a joint: but such a marria­age as respecteth nothing but carnall companie in bed together, is like unto those bodies, the parts whereof stand asunder, and neither be united in one, nor touch one the other. But like as the naturall Philosophers affirme, that liquid bodies or humours be those which are apt to bee mingled wholy one with another in every part; even so, it behoveth that of those who are joined together in matrimony the bodies, goods, friends, & familiars, be totally intermingled together: which is the reason that the law-giver in setting downe the Romane lawes, forbad expresly 40 such as were entred into the bond of wedlocke, to give and receive any gifts interchangeably, or to make mutuall donation; not intending thereby that they should participate in nothing, but that they should repute all things in common betweene them.

32 A custome their was in Leptis, a citie situate in Libya, that the new-wedded bride the morrow after her marriage, should send unto the bridegroomes mother, for to borrow a brasse pot or kettle to hang over the fire; but his mother-inlaw must denie it and say, shee hath none for her; to the ende tha this yoong wife being at the first acquainted with the fashions of her mother-inlaw, savouring somewhat of a crooked stepdame, might not thinke it strange or be much grieved if it chance afterward that she deale more hardly with her. A wife knowing thus much, ought betimes to meet with all occasions of such ordinarie offences which proceed from 50 nothing els, but a jealousie that the stepmother hath over her, for the love that she beareth unto her sonne: The only remedie of which passion is this, that the new-wedded wise endeuor so to win the affection of her husband, that she doe not withall diminish nor withdraw that affection of his which a sonne ought to beare unto his naturall mother.

33 It seemeth that mothers ordinarily of children, love their sonnes better than the daugh­ters, as at whose hands they hope for more succour another day; and fathers contrariwise affect their daughters more, as who have more need of their helping hand; and peradventure it may [Page 322] be, that in regard of the honor the one beareth to the other, either of them would seeme to carie greater affection to that which is more proper and familiar to the other: and yet happily this holdeth not alwaies, but there may be some difference therein: but certeinly a civill part it is and very well befitting a wife to shew herselfe to have a better inclination to ho nor and make much of hir husbands parents than hir owne; yea & if at any time she be offended or grieved at ought, to conceale her griefe from her owne father and mother, and to lay the same open and make her moue unto his; for in declaring that she hath the better affiance and trust in them, she gaineth more confidence at their hands, and by seeming to love them better, she is the rather beloved of them againe.

34 The captaines under Cyrus gave commandement to their soldiors, that when the eni­mies 10 gave the charge upon them with great out-cries, they should receive them with silence; & contrariwise, if they came to assaile and set upon them in silence, they should encounter them with mightie shouts; even so, women that are wise and of good understanding, when they per­ceive their husbands in choler, & thereupon growing to high words, use to hold their tongues; and on the other side, if their husbands go up and downe and say nothing, although they be an­grie, ought to moove speech unto them, and by faire language to appease and mittigate their moode. Wisely did the poet Euripides in reprooving those that called for the harpe and other minstrelsie at feasts where they dranke wine liberally: For it behoved rather (quoth he) to have musicke when as men be in fits either of choler or melancholie, to delay their anger and hea­vinesse, than to enervate them yet more, who are in their meriments and pleasure enfeebled al­readie; 20 semblably you must thinke that you doe a fault, if you goe to bed and companie to­gether for to pleasure one another, and when you bee at some debate and difference, you part beds and lie asunder; not calling at such a time for the aide of lady Venus, who knoweth best and is wont in such cases to remedie all: which the poet Homer in one place teacheth us verie well, where he bringeth in dame Iuno speaking in this wise:

Their long debates I will soone end, and bitter braules compose,
By bringing them to bed both twaine, to sport and takerepose.

Certes a wife ought at all times and in everie place to avoide the occasion of quarrels with 30 her husband, and the husband likewise with the wife; but especially they must beware how they fall out when they are in one bed, for to solace one another and to sleepe together. A good wife there was, who when she was in travell and ready to cry out as feeling the throwes comming thicke upon her, and not able to endure them, when the women about her would have laid her upon a bed: And how can (quoth she) this bed ease the paines of this my maladie, seeing I gat it first upon the same bed; and even so verily the quarrels, braules, shrewd words, and angrie fits which arise in bed, hardly can be taken up and ended at any other time, or els where than in bed.

35 It seemeth that lady Hermion spake truely when in a tragedie of Euripides she said thus:

Leawd women who to my house did resort, 40
Have me undone, and rais'd a bad report.

Howbeit this is not simply true, neither falleth it out alwaies so when such use to come into an house, but onely at those times when the quarrellous braules and jealous fits of a wife with her husband openeth not the doores onely of the house, but her eares also to such gossips. At such a time therefore a wise woman ought to stop her eares and take heed of their whispering and pratling suggestions, for feare least she stirre new coles, or put fire to fire, and to have in readines the saying of king Philip of Macedon: for we read of him, that when his friends incited him to anger against the Greekes, who (notwithstanding he was so gracious unto them, and had recei­ved many favors at his hands) ceased not to backbite and slander him, made them this answer: What thinke you will they doe then, if I should worke them a shrewd turne? semblablie when 50 make-bate women shall come twatling and say: How doth your husband misuse you, loving him, and making so much of him as you doe in all dutie and loialty? your answere must be: What will become of me then if I should begin to hate him and doe him injurie?

36 A certeine master there was upon a time who espied a slave of his that was long before runne away, and when he had set his eie upon him, ranne apace for to take hold of him; the poore slave fled still, and gat at length a mil-house over his head: That's happie (quoth the ma­ster to himselfe) I would not wish to meet with him in a better place; even so a woman who up­on [Page 323] jealousie is upon the point to be divorced and depart from her husband, and being ill appaid in her mind for being driven to this hard exigent, should thus speake unto herselfe: What is it that my concurrent who is the cause of this my jealousie can wish in her heart to content her better than to see me do this whereabout I am? namely, to vexe and torment my selfe thus as I do, to be so far out, and in such tearmes with my husband, abandoning his house, and forsaking our mariage bed.

37 The Athenians observe and celebrate three seasons of sacred seednesse in the yeere; the first in the isle Scyros, in memoriall of the first invention of tillage and sowing in that coun­trey; the second in a place called Raria; and the third, under their owne citie walles, which they call Buzygion, in remembrance of yoking oxen to the plough: but the nuptiall tillage (as I may 10 so say) which is imploied for issue and procreation of children, and to mainteine our race and posterity, is the most sacred of all other, and ought to be observed with all holinesse. And there­fore Sophocles well and wisely gave this attribute unto Cytherea or Venus, when hee named her Eucarpos, that is, Fertile or Fruitfull; in which regard man and wife lawfully joined in matrimo­nie, are to use the same religiously and with all precisenesse, absteining wholly from all incestu­ous, illegitimate and forbidden conjunctions, and not plowing or sowing there, whereas they are not willing to reape, or if it chance that there come up any fruit, they are ashamed there­of, and willing to hide and conceale it.

38 Gorgias the oratour, in a great assembly at the Olympian games, made a solemne ora­tion to the Greeks, who were met there from all parts, exhorting them to live in peace, unitie 20 and concord one with another; at which speech of his, one Melanthius there present: This man (quoth he) telleth us a tale of unitie, and exhorteth us all to concord here in publike, who can not perswade in his private house at home, himselfe, his owne wife & her chamber-maid to agree and live peaceably together, being but three in all, and no more: for it should seeme that Gorgias cast a fancie to the said wench, and his wife was jealous of her: and therefore his house and familie ought to be in good order, who will busie himselfe and intermeddle in ordering of publike affaires, or composing of matters among friends; for commonly it falleth out that the faults which we commit against our wives, be more divulged abroad in the world, than the mis­demeanours of our wives.

39 Cats are much offended (they say) with the odour and sent of sweet perfumes, inso­much 30 as they will runne mad therewith; if it chance likewise, that a woman can not away with such perfumes, but that her braines be thereby troubled, and ready to overturne, her husband were of a very strange nature and should deale hardly with her, in case he would not forbeare to use sweet ointments or strong senting odours, but for a little pleasure of his owne, to suffer her for to fall into so great inconvenience, and to neglect her contentment. Now if it be so, that such accidents of brain-sicknesse happen unto women, not when their busbands be perfumed, but when they are given to keepe queanes and love harlots, it were meere injustice in them, for a small pleasure of their owne to offend and disquiet their wives, and not to doe so much for their sake as those who come among bees, who for that purpose will not touch their owne wives for the time, because bees (as it is said) hate such, and are ready to sting them above all others, but 40 cary so bad a minde with them, as to come and lie by their owne wives side, being polluted and defiled with the filthie companie of other strumpets.

40 They that have the government of elephants, never put on white raiment when they come about them, no more do they weare red clothes who approch neere unto bulles; for that these beasts before named are afraid of such colours especially, and grow fierce and wood there­with. It is said moreover, that tygers when they heare the sound of drummes or tabours about them, become enraged, and in a furious madnesse all to teare themselves. Seeing it is so there­fore, that there be some men who can not abide, but are highly displeased to see their wives in their scarlet & purple robes; and others againe, who can not away with the sound of cymbals or tabours; what harme is it, if their wives wil forbeare both the one and the other, for feare of pro­voking 50 and offending their husbands, and live with them without unquiet brawles and janglings in all repose and patience?

41 A certeine yong woman, when king Philip plucked and haled her unto him against her will: Hand off good sir (quoth she) and let me goe, all cats be gray in the darke, and when the candle is out all women are alike. It is not amisse to say so (I confesse) unto dissolute persons and adulterers; but an honest married dame ought (especially when the light is gone) not to be all one with other common naughty packs, but even then when as her body can not be seene, to [Page 324] let her chastitie, honestie, and pure love to her husband appeare most, that it may be well seene that she keepeth herselfe for him alone.

42 Plato exhorted elder folke to behave themselves more modestly before yong persons, than any other, that so they might learne also to reverence their elders and be respecteous of them; for where olde people be shamelesse, it is not possible to imprint any shame or grace in the yonger. Now ought an husband evermore to cary in remembrance this precept: To have none in the world in better respect and more reverence, than his owne wife, forasmuch as the bed-chamber is unto her a schoole-house either of chastity and pudicity, or els of loosenesse and incontinence; for the husband that followeth those pleasures himselfe which he debarreth his wife of, doth as much as bid his wife to fight with those enemies unto whom he hath already 10 yeelded himselfe prisoner.

43 Moreover, as touching the love and desire to go trim, and to decke and adorne the bo­dy, I would wish you (ô Eurydice) to endevor for to call to your remembrance those rules which you have read in the treatise that Timoxenus wrote unto Aristilla concerning that argument. And as for you (ô Pollianus) never thinke that your wife will absteine from such curiosity, and lay away those delights and superfluities, so long as she perceiveth that you despise not, nor re­ject the like vanity in other things, but that you take pleasure both to see and have your cuppes and goblets gilt, your cabinets curiously and costly painted, your mules and horses set out with rich caparisons, sumptuous trappings, and costly furniture: for an hard matter it is to chase a­way and banish such delicate superfluities out of the nurcery and womens chamber, so long as 20 they see the same to reigne in the mens parlour and where they have to do.

44 Furthermore, you Pollianus being now of ripe yeres to studie those sciences which are grounded upon reason, and proceed by undoubted demonstration, adorne from hence forward your maners by frequenting the company of such persons, and conversing with them, who may serve you in good stead and farther you that way: and as for your wife, see you doe the part of a studious and industrious Bee, in gathering for her and to her hand from all parts good things which you thinke may benefit & profit her, likewise bring the same home with you, impart them unto her, devise and commune with her about them apart, and by that meanes make familiar and pleasant unto her the best bookes and the best discourses that you can meet with all:

For why? to her you are in stead, of sire and brother kind; 30
A mother deere from henceforth now to her she must you find.

like as in Homer, Andromache said of her husband Hector. And verily in mine opinion it were no lesse honorable for a man to heare his wife say thus unto him: My husband, you are my tea­cher, my regent, my master, and instructor in Philosophie, and in the knowledge of the most divine and excellent literature; for these sciences and liberall arts do above all other things di­vert and withdraw the minds of women from other unwoorthie and unseemely exercises. A matron or dame who hath studied Geometrie, will be ashamed to make profession of dauncing the measures; and she that is alreadie enchanted and charmed (as it were) with the singular dis­courses 40 of Plato and Xenophon, will never like of the charmed and enchantments of witches and forcerers; and if any enchantresse should come unto her, and make promise to draw downe the moone from heaven, she would mocke those women and laugh at their grosse ignorance, who suffer themselves to be perswaded for to beleeve the same, as having learned somewhat in A­strologie, and heard that Aganice the daughter of Hegetor, a great Lord in Thesalia, knowing the reason of the ecclipses of the moone when she is at the full, and observing the verie time when the bodie of the moone will meet right with the shadow of the earth, abused other wo­men of that countrey, and made them beleeve that it was herselfe who fetched downe the moon out of the skie.

45 It was never heard yet that a woman by course of nature should conceive, and bring 50 foorth a childe of her selfe alone without the companie of man: marie some there be who have beene knowen to gather in their wombe a rude masse or lumpe, without the true forme of a rea­sonable creature, resembling rather a piece of flesh engendred and growing to a consistence by meanes of some corruption, which some call a Mole. Great heed therefore would be taken that the like befall not to the soule and mind of women; for if they receive not from others the seeds of good matters and instructions, that is to say, if their husbands helpe them not to conceive good doctrine and sound knowledge, they will of themselves fall a breeding and be delivered of [Page 325] many strange conceits, absurd opinions, and extravagant passions. But mine advice unto you Eurydice, is to be studious alwaies in the notable sayings and sentences morall of sage, wise, and approoved men: have alwaies in your mouth the good words, which heretofore when you were a yoong maiden you heard and learned of us; to the end that you may be a joy to your husband, and be praised and commended by other women, when they shall see you so honorably ador­ned and beautified without any cost bestowed upon brooches, tablets and jewels: for you can not possibly come by the precious pearles of this or that rich and wealthie woman, nor have the silken gownes and velvet robes of such a Ladie of a strange countrey, for to array or trim your selfe withall, but you must buy them at an exceeding high and deere price: but the ornaments and attire of Theano, of Cleobuline, of Gorgo the wife of king Leonidas, of Timoclea, the sister of 10 Theagenes, of Clodia the ancient Romane Ladie, of dame Cornelia, the sister of Scipio, and of other Ladies and gentlewomen so much renowmed and bruited heretofore for their rare vertues, you may have gratis, freely and without a penie cost; wherewith if you decke and adorne your selfe, you shall live both happily, and also with honor and glorie. For if Sappho for her sufficiency in Poetrie, and the skill that she had in verstfying, stucke not to write thus to a certaine rich and wealthie dame in her time:

All dead thoushalt one day entombed be,
There shall remaine of thee no memorie,
For that no part of roses came to thee
That flower upon the mountaine Pierie. 20

Why shouldest not thou thinke better of thy selfe, and take more joy and contentment in thine heart, considering thou hast thy part not onely of the roses and flowers, but also of the fruits which the Muses bring foorth and yeeld to those who love good letters, and highly esteeme of Philosophie? 30

THE BANQVET OF THE SEVEN SAGES.

The Summarie.

WHether it were that the persons named in this discourse following were at a banquet in 40 deed, and there discoursed of such matters as are here by Plutarch handled; or that himselfe had collected and gathered the Apophthegmes and histories of his time; or how soever it was; we may see by this present Treatise what was the custome of Sages and wise men in ancient time at their feasts, namely, to invite one another courteously, to solace themselves and make merrie hartily, without many ceremonies and complements to shew sin­cers amitie, and without excessive cost and expense to keepe good cheere after a plaine, open, and simple manner. The principall part of which meetings and frequentings of the table, being emploied in de­vising dadly, and with setled minde both during their repast, and a prettie while after, of matters ho­nest, pleasant, and tending to good instruction and edification; as this booke and the Symposiakes or Table-discourses, whereof we shall see more hereafter do plainly shew. This manner and custome deser­veth to be opposed partly against the solitarie life, and beggerly niggardise of base misers, covetous 50 penni-fathers, and such like enemies of humaine societie, and in part against the excessive pompe, un­measurable sumptuo sitie, dissoluter riots and fookish vanitie and gourmandise of those that love nothing but their paunch, and know no other god to worship but their bellie; as also against the fond laugh­ters, bragging vanteries, impudent facings, seurrile mockertes, and dogged backbitings, that senslesse lots and [...] persons are gven unto; and finally against the enormities, violences, and outrages, of such as are wholy abandoned and given over to sinne and wickednes. Moreover to come more particu­larly to this booke folowing, Plutarch bringeth in one named Diocles, who recoūteth unto Nicarchus [Page 326] all that was said and done at Corinth in a certeine banquet, at which were these persons, namely, Pe­riander the sovereigne lord of that citie, and the host who bad all the guests, to wit, Solon, Bias, Tha­les, Cleobulus, Pittacus and Chilon, named in those daies, The seven Sages or wise men of Greece, Item, Anacharsis, Aesope, Niloxenus, Cleodemus and certeine others. But before that he en­treth into any speech of that which passed during the banquet and afterwards, he rehearseth the com­munication held betweene Thales and those of his company, upon the way of Corinth, where they talke of matters handled more at large afterwards: then consequently hee treateth of that which a guest ought to do who is invited to a banquet, and describeth what hapned among some of the guests: procee­ding a little forward, he declareth what was the maner of the entrance, the slint and end of the ban­quet, to wit, modest, and seasoned with pleasant speeches (and those most honest and civill) of the host 10 and his familie: which done, he entreth into the recitall of the talke that was held after the supper or banquet; of which the beginning grew from the musicke of flutes, and by a certeine comparison devised with a good grace, he causeth audience to be given unto Niloxenus a stranger; by occasion whereof, Bias doth expound the riddle or darke question sent by a king of Aethiopia unto the king of Aegypt, which in the same traine inferreth an excellent occasion to speake of the duetie and office of kings; of which argument, all the foresaid [...] their minds summarily, together with the proper rid­dles and aenigmaticall questions from the king of Aegypt to the king of Aethiopia. Now after the desciphering and assoiling of the said riddles, the former Sages fall into a discourse as touching the go­uernment popular and oeconomicall, upon which point they doe opine and speake their mindes in order; comming afterwards to conference together of certeine particularities of house-keeping, to wit, of drin­king 20 and other pleasures; of the quantitie of goods that may suffice a man; of the frugalitie, thrift and sobrietie of men in olde time; of the necessitie and delight of drinking and eating; and finally, of the dis­commodities, inconveniences and miseries incident to mans life in this behalfe. And for a conclusion, bringeth in one Gorgias, who being arrived unlooked for, and comming suddenly in place, relateth the strange accident of Arion saved by the meanes of a dolphin; which report draweth on the companie to other like narrations and tales: at the end whereof, after grace said and thanks giving according to the accustomed maner of that people, the guests retire themselves and depart.

THE BANQUET OF THE 30 seven Sages.
DIOCLES.

CErtes, the long processe and continuance of time (my good friend Nicarchus) can not chuse but breed and bring much darknesse, ob­scuritie and incertitude of mens actions and affaires; when as now in matters so fresh, so new, and so lately passed, you have met with certeine false reports, which notwithstanding are beleeved and re­ceived for true: for there were not onely those seven guests at the 40 table in this feast, as you have heard and are borne in hand, but more than twise so many, of whom my selfe made one, being familiar and inward with Periander, by reason of mine art and profession, and the host besides to Thales; (for by the commandement of Perian­der, he lodged in mine house) neither hath he (whosoever he was that related the thing unto you) borne well in minde, and remembred what the speeches and discourses were, which they held; which maketh me verily to thinke that he was not himselfe one of them who were at the banquet. But seeing we are now at good leasure (and for that olde age is no suretie sufficient to give good warrantise for to defer and put off this report unto a farther time, and because you are so desirous to know the trueth) I will rehearse unto you all in order even from the very be­ginning. 50

First and formost, the feast was prepared by Periander, not within the citie, but about the port or haven Lechaeon, in a faire great hall or dining chamber neere to the Temple of Venus, unto whom there was also a sacrifice offered; for since the infortunate love of his mother, who vo­luntarily made herselfe away, having not sacrificed unto Venus, this was the first time that he was moved thereto, as being incited by certaine dreames of Melissa to worship and adore the said goddesse. Now to every one of the guests invited to this banquet, there was a coatch brought, [Page 327] richly appointed and set out accordingly, for to convey and conduct them to the place appoin­ted, for that it was the Summer season, and all the port-way from the citie, as farre as to the sea­side, was full of dust, and resounded with great noise by reason of a number of chariots and a world of people going to and fro betweene. As for Thales, seeing at my gates a coatch standing and ready to carie him, he fel a smiling and laughing, and so sent it backe againe: he and I then put our selves in our way, and went faire and softly together on foot over the fields; and a third there was, who bare us companie, to wit, Niloxenus of Naucratia, a man of good woorth, and one who had beene familiarly acquainted with Solon and Thales before-time in Aegypt, and as then was he sent the second time unto Bias, but wherefore, himselfe knew not, unlesse (as hee suspected) it were to bring unto him a second question inclosed and sealed within a packet; for 10 this charge and commandement he had: That if Bias refused and would not take upon him to as­soile and expound the same, he should shew it to the wisest Sages of the Greeks. Then began Niloxenus: An happy feast (quoth he) is this to me (my masters) and unexpected, wherein I shall finde you all together, for I carie with me thither a packet as you see, and with that he shew­ed it unto us: Then (quoth Thales smiling) if you have therein any hard and untoward question to bee dissolved, cary it againe to Pyrene, for Bias will declare the meaning thereof, like as hee assoiled the former: What former question was that (quoth I:) Mary (quoth he againe) hee sent unto him a sheepe for sacrifice, commanding that hee should take out of it the best and woorst piece thereof, and so to send the said flesh unto him: hee therefore well and wisely plucked foorth the tongue, and sent it unto him; for which hee was (by good right) well 20 praised, highly esteemed, and held in great admiration. It was not therefore onely (quoth Niloxenus) that hee came to so great a name, but also for that hee refused not the amitie of princes and kings as you doe: for Amasis admired many more things in you, and namely among others, when you tooke the measure of the height of the Pyramis in Egypt, he woon­dered exceedingly, and made high account of your conceit, for that without any great hand-labour, and the same requiring no instrument at all, by setting up a staffe onely plumbe upright, at the very point and end of the shadow which the said Pyramis cast, and by two Triangles which the beames of the sunne caused, you made demonstration, that what proportion there was betweene the length of both shadowes, to wit, of the Pyramis and the staffe, the same was betweene the height of the one and the other. But as I said before, you 30 were accused unto the same king Amasis for bearing no good will unto kings and their estate, which was the cause of your disgrace and disfavour with him; besides, there were brought unto him and presented many slanderous speeches and contumelious answers of yours as touching tyrants: as for example; when Molpagoras a great lord of Ionia demaunded upon a time of you what strange thing you had in your time seene? you answered: A tyrant living to be an old man: Againe, at a certeine banket there being some speech mooved as touching beasts which was the worst and did most harme? you made answer, that: Of wilde beasts a tyrant, and of tame beasts a flatterer was most dangerous; for I may tell you: Kings howsoever they say that they differ from tyrāts, yet take they no pleasure at such Apophthegmes as those. That answer (quoth Thales againe) was none of mine, but Pittacus it was, who made it one day in scoffing merilie to 40 Myrsilus: for mine one part, I doe not so much mervaile at an aged tyrant, as I doe woonder to see an olde pilot: howbeit as touching this transposition and taking one for another, I am of the same minde, and am willing to say, as that yoong man did who flung a stone at a dogge, and missing the dog hit his owne stepmother and felled her withall; whereat: It makes no matter (quoth he) for even so, the stone hath not light amisse. For, and in truth I my selfe alwaies estee­med Solon a right wise man, for that he refused to be the tyrant of his owne country: and even so Pittacus if he had never come to take upon him a monarchie, would not have delivered this speech; How hard a thing is it to bee a good man! And it should seeme that Periander being seized upon (as a man would say) by the same tyranny, as an hereditarie disease from his father, did not amisse to endevour what he could to free himselfe and get out of it, by conversing with 50 the best men and frequenting their companie, as hee hath done to this day, and training unto him the societie of Sages and philosophers, and being ruled and advised by them, not approo­ving nor admitting the perilous and unhappie counsell of my country-man Thrasibulus, per­swading him to cut the chief men shorter by the heads: For a tyrant who chooseth to command and rule slaves and vassailes rather than free men indeed, nothing differeth from the husband­man, who had leifer gather locusts and catch foules, than reape and bring in good graine of wheat and barley; for these soveraigne dominions and principalities bring with them this [Page 328] onely good thing in stead and recompence of many evils; to wit, a kind of honor and glorie: if men be so happie as in ruling over good men, they be better themselves, and in commaun­ding great persons become greater themselves; as for such as in their government and place of command, aime at nothing but their securitie, without respect of honour and honestie, de­serve to be set over a number of sheepe, horses, or beasts, and not of men: but this good gentleman stranger heere, hath (I wot not how) cast us upon such discourses which are no­thing convenient for our present purpose, omitting both to speake and also to demaund those matters that befit better those who goe to a [...] for thinke you not that the guest who is bid­den, ought not to goe prepared as well as the very master himselfe is to make preparation? For the Sybarites (as it should seeme) solemnly invite their dames to their feasts, & seeme to bid 10 them a whole yeere before, of purpose that they might have time enough to trim themselves at their good leasure with rich aray and jewels of gold against they goe to a feast; and for mine owne part, I assure you of this mind I am, that the right preparative of one who is to go unto a great dinner as he should, would require a longer time than so, by how much harder it is to find fit and decent ornament for the manners of the minde, than to provide for the superfluous, needlesse, and unprofitable setting out of the bodie: for a wise man who hath wit and understan­ding, goeth not to a feast carying with him his body as a vessell to be filled, but he goes thither with an intention to passe the time either in serious discourses, or pleasant and mery talke; to speake I say and heare according as the time shal give occasion to the companie, if they meane with joy and mirth to converse together one with another. A man that is come to a feast may if 20 he like not a dish of meat, or if it be naught refuse it; or if the wine be not good, have recourse unto the nymphes; but a troublesome guest, a talkative busi-bodie, and an unmannerly or un­taught neighbour sitting at the boord, marreth all the grace of the viands, be they otherwise ne­ver so deinty, he corrupteth the wine, yea and all the sweetnesse of the musicke, how melodious so ever it be. Neither may a man when he list vomit and cast up readily againe this trouble and vexation once received: but in some, a mutuall discontentment and offence taken at the table one with another, sticketh by them and continueth as long as they have a day to live, insomuch as they cannot endure the enterview one of another againe; but like an old surfeit, arisen of wrong done, or of anger conceived by drinking wine, the spight remaineth feltering & corrup­ting in the stomacke and never will be digested. In mine opinion therefore did Chilon very well 30 and wisely, who being invited as it were yesterday to a feast, would never promise to come be­fore he knew what other guests he should meet with there, even everie one of them; for this was his saying: That a man must endure will he nill he if he be once at sea, a rude companion and uncivil fellow-passenger in the same ship where he is embarked; as also in warfare a trouble some mate in the same pavilion, for that he is forced of necessitie to saile with the one and encampe with the other; but for a man to sort himselfe indifferently and without discretiion with al kinds of men at a banket, bewraieth one that is void of all wit and judgement. As for the fashion and maners of the Egyptians, namely to bring in place ordinarily at their feasts a Scelet, that is to say, a drie and withered anatomie of a dead man, and there to shew it before all the guests at the boord, to put them in minde of death, and that within a while they all should become such; al­though 40 I must needs say that such a one were an unwelcome guest, and came very unseasona­bly among them; yet it cannot be denied but there is some good use thereof; for although he cheere not up the guests there to drinke freely and to make merry, yet he inviteth and stirreth them up to carie mutuall love and affection one to the other, in admonishing them to remem­ber that their life being of it selfe short, they should not seeke to make it long and tedious by troublesome businesse and affaires.

Thus spent we the time by the way, until at length we were come to the banquetting house. And as for Thales he refused to wash or go into a baine: For that (quoth he) I am annointed al­readie; but in the meane time that the rest were bathing, he went walking up and downe to see the pleasant races, the wrestling places, and the faire grove which along the sea was very well 50 planted and kept accordingly; not because he woondered at the sight of any of all these delights, but for that he would not seeme to despise Periander, or disdaine his magnificence in any thing. As for the others, according as any of them were washed or anointed, the servitors were readie to conduct them into the hall or dining place, appointed for men, and that through a porch or gallerie, within which sate Anacharsis, and before him stood a damosell plaiting and combing the haire of his head with her hands (whom as she ran toward Thales) most willingly and courte­ously he kissed, and after a smiling manner: Well done (quoth he) make that stranger, who of [Page 329] himselfe is the mildest and gentlest man in the world, to have pleasant and faire countenance, that he looke not upon us featfull and hideous to see to. I enquired then what pretie maiden this was: Why (quoth Thales) know you not that wise damosell so famous and so much renow­med, Eumet is? for that is the name that her father gave her, howsoever the people call her after her fasthers name Cleobuline. You praise this virgin (quoth Niloxenus, doe you not) for her quick spirit in propounding, and her subtill wit and wisedome in assoiling riddles and darke questions, such as be called Aenigmes? For by report there be some of her enigmaticall questions, which are gone as far as Egypt: No marie (quoth Thales againe) I say not so; for she useth them but as dice or coc-kall bones, when she list to disport her selfe and passe away the time with those that encounter her, and are disposed to enter into contention with her: but of a woonderfull cou­rage 10 and haughtie mind she is; a politike head she hath of her owne worthy to governe a State; of a courteous nature she is beside, and of sweet behaviour; in regard of which her carriage, shee maketh her father to seeme a more milde and popular ruler among his citizens and subjects. It may well be so (quoth Niloxenus) for surely she seemeth no lesse, if a man behold her homely apparell, and how simply she goes: but how commeth this inward affection and kindnesse to Anacharsis that so lovingly she dresseth ands trimmeth him? Because (quoth Thales) he is a tem­perate and sober man, and besides a great schollar and a learned clearke, and for that he hath wil­lingly and at large recounted unto her the manner of the Tartarians life, and namely how they use to charme the maladies of those that are sicke; and I verily beleeve that even now whiles she maketh so much of the man, stroking his head, plaiting and broiding his haire, she learneth 20 somewhat of him, or discourseth with him about some point of learning. Now when we drew neere to the hall or dining chamber abovesaid, who should meet us but Alexidemus the Mile­sian, a bastard sonne of Thrasybulus the Tyrant? who was newly come foorth from thence in a great heat, distempered and troubled, and saying (I wot not what) to himselfe in a pelting chafe: for understād we could not plainly what his words were, he spake them so huddle: he had no soo­ner his eie upon Thales, but he seemed to reclaime himselfe, and so staied a little, breaking out into these audible tearmes: Periander (quoth he) hath offered me abuse & done me great wrong, in that he would not give me leave to depart, when I was willing and readie to embarke, but by his entreatie hath importuned me to stay supper; and now forsooth that I am come, he hath set me at the table in a place most dishonorable for my person, and hath preferred the Aeolians, 30 the Islanders, and other base companions, and indeed whom not, and before Throsybulus; for apparant it is, that he despiseth my father who sent me, and meaneth that the disgrace offered unto me should redound upon him. How now (quoth Thales) is it so indeed? and are you afraid that like as the Egyptians hold opinion & say? That the stars in making their ordinarie revoluti­ons, are one while elevated on high, & another while afterwards falling as low, and according to their heights, or basenesse of the place, become either better or woorse than they were? so you in regard of the place that is given you, should be advanced or debased more or lesse; for by this meanes you are worse & more base minded than the Laconian, who being by the master of the ceremonies set in the lowest place of the quire or daunce, was no more mooved thereat, but said: Well done of you, I see you can skill of the meanes how to make this place more honora­ble: 40 for when wee bee set at a table, wee ought not to looke and regard, either beneath whom awe sit, or after whom we are placed, but rather how we may accommodate and frame our selves to sort and agree with those next to whom wee sit; shewing presently at the verie first that wee have in our selves the beginning and handle (as a man would say) of amitie, in that we can finde in hearts not to be offended with the place that is given us, but to praise our fortune in that wee are matched with so good companie: for he that is angrie about a place or seat, is more offended with him to whom he sitteth next, than with the master of the feast that bad him, and hee maketh himselfe odious as well to the one as the other. Tush (quoth Alexidemus) these are but words; for verie deed I have observed, that even you who would be counted Sages and wise men, lay for meanes enough to make your selves honored; and with that he passed by us 50 and went his way. Now as we mused and woondered much at this strange fashion and behavi­our of the man: Thales turning unto us; This man (quoth he) is a brain-sicke foole, and of a monstrous nature, as you may well know by one tricke that he plaied when he was a verie youth: for when there was brought unto Thrasybulus his father, a most excellent, sweet and precious ointment, he powred it out all into a great boll or standing cup, and wine-likwise upon it, and when he had so done, drunke it up himselfe every drop, working by this meanes enmitie in stead of friendship to Thrasybulus. Immediately after this there comes to me a servitor with these [Page 330] words: Periander requesteth you to take Thales & this other stranger with you, and to come and see a thing that is newly presented and brought unto him, for to know your opinon, whether he is to take it as an occurrent happened by meere chance, or rather a prodigie that doth presage and prognosticate some strange event, for he himselfe is much troubled in minde thereat, and mightily feareth that it be some pollution or staine to this his feastivall sacrifice; hee had no sooner said this, but he brought us into one of the housen that stood upon the garden, where we found a yoong lad, seeming unto us to be some heard-man, he had not yet an haire on his face, and otherwise (beleeve me) he was faire enough and well-favoured, who opening a leather poke or bag that he had, shewed unto us a yoong monstrous babe, which (as he said) was borne of a mare; in the upper parts about the necke and armes shaped like a man, but all the rest re­sembling 10 an horse; howbeit, crying and wrawling, as like as possibly might be to an infant new come into the world: at which sight Niloxenus turning his face at one side, cried out: God blesse us, & turne away his displeasure from us. But Thales after he had looked wistly a good while up­on the yoong lad aforesaid, smiled at the matter (as his maner was to play and make good game with me about mine art:) Are you not minded (quoth he) ô Diocles to go about some [...] sacrifice for this prodigious sight, and to set on worke those gods whose care and charge it is to divert such imminent perils and misfortunes, this being as it is so fearfull a prodigie and un­luckie accident? How else? (quoth I againe) for I assure you this is a token presaging discord and sedition; and I much feare lest this matter proceed as farre as to marriages, and the act of generation, even to the prejudice of posteritie, considering that the goddesse before the expa­tion 20 and satisfaction of her former anger, threatneth thus the second time, as you see. Thales answered never a word to this, but departed laughing. And when Periander met us at the verie hall doore, and enquired what we thought of this strange occurrent which we went to see? Tha­les left me, and taking him by the hand: As touching that (quoth he) which Diocles wil perswade you unto, do you as he willeth you at your best leasure: for mine owne part, mine advise and counsell unto you is, that you entertaine no more such youthes as this to keepe your mares, or at least-wise, that you give them wives to wed. At the hearing of which words, it seemed unto me that Periander was exceeding well pleased; for he laughed a good, and after he had embraced Thales, kissed him. Then Thales turning unto me: I suppose verily (quoth he) ô Diocles that this prodigious token hath wrought the effect, and is come to an end alreadie; for see you not what 30 an evill accident is befallen unto us, in that Alexidemus will not dine with us? Well, when wee were come within the hall, Thales beginning to speake with a loude voice: And where is the place (quoth he) wherein this honest man thought scorne, & tooke such snuffe to be set: which when it was shewed unto him, he turned about, and went to sit there himselfe, and so took us with him; saying withall, I would (for mine owne part) have given any money (rather than fai­led) to sit at the same boord with Ardalus. Now was this Ardalus a Troezenian, by professi­on a Piper, and a Priest serving the Ardalian Muses, whose images ancient Ardalus the Troeze­nian had erected and dedicated. Then Aesope, who not long before had beene sent by king Croe­sus, as well to Periander as to the oracle of Apollo in the citie of Delphos, being set upon a low set­tle neere to Solon, who sat above him, came in with his fable, and thus said: A mule (quoth he) of 40 Lydia having beheld the forme and shape of his owne body within a river, and woondring much at the beautie and goodly stature thereof, began to runne with full cariere, to fling and shake his head and his maine, like a lustie brave horse; but within a while, remembring that hee was an asses sonne, and foaled by an asse, he staid his swift course all on a sudden, and laid away his pride and insolent braverie. At these words, Chilo briefly in his Laconian language: Thou hast told (quoth he) a tale by thine owne selfe, who being a slow-backe like and asse, will needs runne as the said mule. After this entered in dame Melissa, and tooke her place close unto Periander: Eumetis also sate downe to supper with them: Then Thales addressed his speech unto me who sate next above Bias, and said: My friend Diocles, how hapneth it that you tell not Bias that your friend and guest Niloxenus of Naucratia is come from beyond sea the second time sent 50 from his lord the King unto him with new questions and riddles for to assoile, to the end that he may take knowledge of them while he is sober, and in case for to studie and thinke upon their solutions? Then Bias taking the word out of his mouth: It hath bene (quoth he) his old fashions of long time, for to seeme to fright & astonish me with such admonitions & advertisements as these; as for me I know ful wel that as Bacchus otherwise is a wise and powerfull god, so in regard of his wisedome he is surnamed Lysius, which is as much to say, as unfolding and undooing the knots of all difficulties; which is the cause that I have no feare at all, that if I be full of him, I shal [Page 331] bee lesse heartie and able to mainteine the combat when I come to it and am put to dispute. These and such like pleasant speeches passed to and fro in meriment as they sat at meat. Now when I saw the setting out, and provision of this supper more frugall and sparie than ordina­rie, I thought in my minde that to make a feast and give enterteinment to wise and good men, putteth a man to no greater cost and expences, but rather easeth him of some charges: for that it abridgeth all curiosity of daintie viands, exquisite cates, costly perfumes, precious ointments, confitures and march-pains brought from forreine and farre countries, yea and fine and deli­cate wines, wherewith Periander being served daily at his ordinary, according to the magnifi­cence of his princely estate, riches, affaires and occasions, yet at such a time he tooke a glorie among these Sages and wise men, in sobrietie, frugalitie, and slender provision; for not in other 10 things onely he cut-off and concealed all superfluitie and needlesse furniture which was usuall in his house-keeping, but also in his wives attire and ornaments, whom hee shewed to his friends and guests nothing costly arraied, nor keeping state, but meanely set out and adorned. Now when the tables were taken away, and that Melissa had given and dealt chaplets of flowers unto us round about, wee rendred thanks and said grace unto the gods, in powring out unto them devoutly a little wine; and the minstrell-woman having sung a while after our grace, and accor­ding to our vowes, departed out of the roome.

Then Ardalus calling unto Anacharsis by name, demanded of him whether among the Scythians there were any such singing women & minstrell wenches that could play upon wind instruments? unto which demaund he answered extempore and without studying for the mat­ter; 20 No (quoth he) nor so much as vines; and as Ardalus replied againe: But yet there are some gods among them, are there not? Yes iwis (quoth he) that there be, and those who under­stand the speech and language of men; but yet the Scythians are not of the same mind that the Greeks, who although they thinke themselves to speake more freely and elegantly than the Scythians, yet they hold opinion that the gods take more pleasure to heare the sound of bones and wood, whereof their flutes and hautboies are made than the voice of man. But my good friend (quoth Aesope then) what would you say, if you knew what thse pipe-makers do nowe a daies, who cast away the bones of young hind-calves and fawnes, and choose before them asses bones, saying forsooth that they make a better sound? whereupon Cleobuline made one of her aenigmes or riddles touching a Phrygian flute, 30

Of braying asse Did force the eare Of mightie stag
when he dead was, with sound so cleare with hornes to brag
The long shanke-bone. Upright anone, As hard as stone.

in such sort, that it is a wonder how an asse which is otherwise a most blockish and absurd beast, of any other most remote from all sweet harmonie of musicke, should yeeld a bone so slicke, so smooth, and proper, to make thereof a most musicall instrument. Certes, (quoth Niloxenus then) this is the reason that the inhabitants of the city Busiris, reproch al us of Naucratia, for that we likewise have already taken two asse-bones for the making of our pipes; and as for them, it is not lawfull to heare so much as the sound of a trumpet, because it somewhat doth resemble the braying of an asse; and you all know that the asse is infamous and odious with the Aegypti­ans, 40 because of Typhon. Upon this every man held his peace for a while; and when Pertander perceived that Niloxenus had a good minde to speake, but yet durst not begin or broach any speech; My masters (quoth he) I doe like very well of the custome of cities and head-magi­strates, in that they give audience and dispatch unto all strangers, before their owne citizens; and therefore me thinks it were well that for a time both you & we forbeare our speeches which are so familiar and as it were native and home-borne among us in our owne countrey, to give accesse and audience, as it were in a solemne counsell and assembly of estate, unto those questi­ons and demaunds which our good friend heere hath brought out of Aegypt; and namely such as are mooved from the king to Bias, and Bias I doubt not will confer with you about the same. Then Bias seconding this motion of his: And in what place (quoth he) or with what companie 50 would a man wish rather for to hazard and trie his skill than in this, for to make answers accor­dingly and give solutions, if he be put unto it and need require? especially, seeing that the king himselfe hath given expresse commandement, that in proposing this question he should first begin within, & afterwards go round about the rest & present the same unto you all? Heerupon Niloxenus delivered unto him the kings letter, desiring him to breake it open, and to reade the same with an audible and loud voice before all the companie. Now the substance or tenor of the said letter ran in this forme. Amasis the king of the Aegyptians, unto Bias the wisest [Page 332] Sage of all the Greekes sendeth greeting. So it is, that the king of the Aethiopians is entred in­to contestation and contention with me, as touching wisedome: and being in all other proposi­tions put downe by me and found my inferior, in the end after all, he hath imposed upon me a commandement very strange, woonderfull, and hard to be performed, willing me forsooth to drinke up the whole sea. Now if I may compasse the solution of this riddle and darke question, I shall gaine thereby many townes, villages & cities of his: but in case I cannot assoile the same, I must yeeld unto him al my cities within the country Elephantine. These are therfore to request you, that after you have well considered of the premisses, you sende backe unto me Niloxenus incontinently with the interpretation thereof. And if either your selfe or any of your citizens and country-men have occasion to use me in your affaires and occasions, be sure you shall no 10 faile of me wherein I may stead you. Farewell.’

This letter being read, Bias made no long stay, but after some little pause and meditation with himselfe, he rounded Clcobulus it the care, who sat close unto him: And then, what is that you say (my friend of Naucratia) will your master and lord king Amasis (who commandeth so great a multitude of men, and possesseth so large, so faire and plentifull a countrey) drinke all the sea, for to get thereby, I wot not what poore townes and villages of no importance? Then Ni­loxenus laughing at the matter: I pray you (quoth he) consider upon the point what is possible to be done, even as you will your selfe: Mary then (quoth he) let him send word vnto the Ae­thiopian king, and enjoine him to stay the course of all rivers that discharge themselves into the sea, untill he have drunke up in the meane time all the water in the sea that is now at this present; 20 for of that onely, his demand and commandement is to be understood, and not of the sea that shall be hereafter. These words were no sooner spoken, but Niloxenus tooke so great a content­ment therein, that he could not holde, but needs he must embrace and kisse him immediatly for it; yea, and all the rest commended and approved likewise his speech: but Chilo laughing hear­tily: O my friend (quoth he) of Naucratia, I beseech you before all the sea be drie and cleane spent, saile home with all speed, and do the king your master to understand, that he shal not need to travell and busie his braines in searching how he may consume so great a quantitie of salt wa­ter, but rather how he may make his regiment and roiall rule (now brackish and unpleasant) to be sweet and potable unto his subjects; for in these feats Bias is a most cunning workeman and a singular master, which when king Amasis hath well and throughly learned of him, he shall not 30 have any use of that golden basen to wash his feet in, and for to conteine the Aegyptians in awe and obedience, but they shall serve him all willingly and love him affectionately, when they shall see him become a good prince, although hee were a thousand times more odious unto them than he seemeth now to be. Certes (quoth Periander) then it were worthily done of us all to contribute unto K. Amasis such like first fruits & presents [...] as Homer speaketh, that is to say, every one of us by the poll, and one after another in order; for by this meanes the acce­sarie haply and addition will arise to a greater matter, and be more woorth unto him than the principall or stocke for the negotiation wherefore this voiage was undertaken, and besides, there will accrew unto ech of us also some great profit. Meet it were then (quoth Chilo) that So­lon should begin the speech; not only for that he is of all our ancient, and hath the highest place 40 of the table, but also because he beareth the greatest and most absolute office, being the man who ordeined and established the lawes of Athens. Niloxenus then turning toward me, and speaking softly in mine eare: I beleeve verily (quoth he) ô Diocles, that many things goe for currant and are beleeved, although they be untrueths, and many men there be who are deligh­ted with the false rumors and sinister reports that goe of great and wise men, both which them­selves do devise, and also which they receive readily from others; as namely those be which are brought unto us as farre as into Aegypt, of Chilon, namely, that he should renounce all amitie and hospitalitie with Solon for mainteining this: That all lawes were mutable. A foolish and ri­diculous report is this (quoth I:) for if it were so, Chilon should have fallen out with Lycurgus, and condemned him, who together with his lawes, altered and changed the whole State of the 50 Lacedaemonians. Then Solon, after a little pause made, began to speake in this wise: For mine owne part, I am of this minde, that a king or sovereigne prince can finde no meanes to make himselfe more glorious, than by turning his monarchie or absolute government into a demo­cratie or popular state, in communicating his authority sovereigne indifferently to his subjects. In the second place spake Bias, and said: That a prince could not do better for his owne honour, than to be the first man that submited himselfe to the positive lawes of his countrey. After him opined Thales: I repute (quoth he) that prince and sovereigne ruler happie, who liveth to olde [Page 333] age, and dieth by a naturall death. Anacharsis inferred thus much more in the fourth place: If he be onely wise. With that said Cleobulus in his turne: If he repose no confidence in any one about his person. Sixtly came Pittachus with his opinion, saying: If a prince could so nurture and schoole his subjects, that they should not feare him, but for his sake. And after him, in the last place, delivered Chilo this speech: That a prince ought to amuse his minde about no mor­tall and transitorie things, but meditate onely upon that which was eternall and immottall. Now when every one of these Sages had given out his mot, we requested of Periander, that he also would say somewhat for his part; but he with a countenance nothing mery and cheerefull, but composed to sadnesse and severitie: I will tell you (quoth he) what I thinke of all these sen­tences thus delivered by these my lords; that they all in a maner be enough to fright a man who 10 is of judgement and understanding, from all sovereigne rule and government. Then Aesope as one who ever loved to be crosse and finding faults: It were meet therefore (quoth he) that eve­rie one of us should deale in this point apart and severally, lest in pretending to be counsellers unto princes, and make profession of friendship unto them, we become their accusers. Then Solon laying his hand upon his head, and smiling withall: Thinke you not (quoth he) ô Aesope, that he maketh a ruler more reasonable and a tyrant more gracious and inclined to clemencie, who perswadeth him that it is simply better, not to rule, than to rule? And who is he (quoth Ae­sope againe) that will beleeve you in this, rather than the very god himselfe who delivered unto you this sentence, by way of oracle:

I holde that citie happie alone, 20
Where voice is heard of
[...]
Sergeant one.

Why (quoth Solon) Is there any man heareth at Athens now any more voices than of one Ser­geant, and one sole magistrate, which is the Law? notwithstanding, the citie hold of a popular State, but you Aesope are so deeply seene in hearing and understanding the voices of crowes and gaies, that you heare not wel and perfectly in the meane time your owne speech and language; for you that thinke according to the oracle of Apollo, that citie most happie which heareth the voice but of one, suppose notwithstanding that it is the grace of a feast, when all the guests there­in met, may reason and discourse, yea and of every matter. True it is (quoth Aesope) for you have not yet set downe a law, that houshold servants should not be allowed wherewith to be drunke; like as you have made one at Athens, forbidding servants to make love or to be anointed drie, 30 that is, without the baine. Solon began to laugh at this reply of his: and Cleodemus the Physici­an inferred thereupon: In mine opinion (quoth he) it is all one to anoint (as you say) drie, and to talke freely when a man is well whitled and drenched with wine, for most delectable and plea­sant is both the one and the other. Chilo taking hold of this speech; Why then (quoth he) so much the rather it behooveth to abstaine from it. Aesope rejoined againe; and verily Thales see­med to say, that it is a meanes whereby a man shall verie quickly age and looke old. Hereat Pe­riander began to take up a laughter and said: Now truely Aesope, we are well enough served, and are woorthily punished according to our desert, in that we have suffered our selves to be carried away into other discourses and disputations, before wee have heard out all the rest of the con­tents in King Amasis letters, according as wee purposed in the beginning; and therefore good 40 sir Niloxenus go on with that which followeth in your letters missive, and make use of these personages heere assembled, whiles they bee all in place together. Now truely (quoth Ni­loxenus) in my conceit that demaund of the Aethiopian, a man may well and properly say to bee nothing else (but if I may use the wordes of Archilochus) a tewed or bruised whip: but King Amasis your host, in proposing of such questions is more gentle and civil; for hee propounded unto him these demands to bee answered: What thing in the whole world is eldest or most ancient? What is the fairest? What the greatest? What most wise? What most common? Over and besides, What most profitable? What is most hurtfull? What most puissant? and What most easie? What (quoth Periander) did the Aethiopian prince answere to these demands, & assoile them all? Will you see (quoth Niloxenus then) what answers he made? 50 and after you have heard his answers, be you judge whether he satisfied them or no? for the king my master hath proceeded therin so sincerely, that he would not for any thing in the world, be justly thought to cavill and carpe like a sycophant at the answers of another, and yet his care and endevour is, not to faile in reprooving that wherein one hath erred and is deceived: but I will from point to point recite unto you his answers. What is most ancient? Time (quoth he.) What most wise? Trueth. What most beautifull? The light. What most common? Death. What most profitable? God. What most hurtfull? The Divell. What most mightie? For­tune. [Page 334] What most easie? The thing that pleaseth. When these answers were read (ô Nicharchus) they all remained silent for a time: and then Thales asked of Niloxenus, whether King Amasis approoved these solutions or no: Niloxenus answered, that some of them he allowed; but with others of them he rested not well contented: And yet (quoth Thales againe) there is not one of them all but deserveth great reprehension, for they doe everie one bewray much error and grosse ignorance; and to begin withall; How can it be held and maintained, that Time should be the eldest thing that is, considering that one part thereof is passed already; another present; and a third yet to come? for the future time which is to follow us, can not choose but by all reason be esteemed yoonger than all men, or all things which are present. Againe, to thinke that veritie were wisedome, in my judgement is as much as if a man should say, that the eie and 10 the light is all one. Furthermore, if he reputed the light to be a faire thing (as no doubt it is) how happeneth it that he forgat the sunne? Moreover, as touching his answers of God and the de­vils, they are verie audacious and dangerous. But concerning Fortune, there is no probalitie or likelihood of trueth therein; for if she were so powerfull and puissant (as he saith) how commeth it about that she turneth and changeth so easily as she doth? Neither is death the commonest thing in the world; for common it is not to the living. But because it shall not be thought, that we can skill of naught, but reprooving and correcting others; let us conferre a little our parti­cular opinions and sentences in this behalfe with his: and if Niloxenus thinke so good, I am content to offer my selfe first, to answere unto these demaunds beforesaid, one after another. Now will I therfore declare unto you ( Nicharchus) in order the interrogatories and answers, ac­cording 20 as they were propounded and delivered. What is most ancient? God (quoth Thales) for he never had beginning nor nativitie. What is greatest? Place; for as the world containeth all things else, so place containeth it. What is fairest? The world. And why? because whatsoe­ver is disposed in lively order, is a part thereof. What is wisest? Time; for it hath found all things alreadie devised, and will finde out all inventions hereafter. What is most common? Hope; for it remaineth still with them who have nothing else. What most profitable? Vertue; in that it maketh all things commodious, according as they be used. What is most hurtfull? Vice; for it marreth all good things besides, wheresoever it is. What is most mightie? Neces­sitie; for that onely is invincible. What is most easie? That which agreeth to nature; for even pleasures many times we do abandon and forsake. Now when all the companie had approoved 30 and commended highly the answers of Thales: These be questions in deed (quoth Cleodemus unto Niloxenus) meet for kings and princes, both to propose and also to assoile: as for that barbarous king of Aethiopia, who enjoined king Amasis to drinke up the sea, deserveth as short an answere as that was which Pittacus made to king Alyattes, who when he demaunded somwhat of the Lesbians by his arrogant and proud letters, had no other answere returned him from Pit­tacus but this: That he should eate oinions and hot bread. upon which words Periander inferred and said: I assure you Cleodemus, it hath bene the maner in old time among the ancient Greeks, to propose one unto another such questions as these. For we have heard by report, that in times past, the most skilfull and excellent Poets which were in those daies, met at the funerals and ob­sequies of Amphidamas within the citie of Cholcis: Now had this Amphidamus beene a man of 40 great honour in government of the common-weale in his country; who having put the Eretri­ans to much trouble in those wars which they waged against those of Cholcis, in the quarrell of Lilantes, hapned to leese his life at the last in a battell. And for that the curious verses which the said poets provided and brought to be scanned of, were intricate and hard to be judged of by those who were chosen as judges of the doubtfull victorie; and besides the glorie of two re­nowmed concurrents, Homer and Hesiodus held the judges in great perplexitie, and shame to give their sentences as touching two so famous personages, they grewe to suchas these questi­ons in the end: and propounded one unto another as Lesches saith after this maner.

Now helpe me Muse for to endite what things have never beene, 50
Nor hencefoorth whiles the world endures for ever shall be seene?

unto which demand, Hesiodus answered readily and extempore in this wise.

When steeds to win the prize, with sound of feet shall runne amaine,
And at the tombe of Jupiter, their chariots breake in twaine.

[Page 335] For which cause especially it is reported he was so highly admired, that thereby he [...] the tre-feet of gold. And what difference (quoth Cleodemus) is there betweene these questions and the riddles put foorth by Eumetis? which haply are no more unseemely for her to devise in sport and mirth, and when she hath (as it were) twisted them, to propose unto [...] like her­selfe, than for other women to delight for their pastime, to busie their heads in, and working girdles of tissue, or knitting net-worke coifes and cawles; but certeinly that men of wisedome and understanding should make any account thereof, were very ridiculous and a meere moc­kerie. At which speech of his it seemed that Eumetis was willing enough to have replied, and said somewhat unto him againe, but that maidenly modestie staied her; for her bloud was up, and she blushed as red as skarlet all her face over: But Aesope taking her part as it were to re­venge 10 her quarrell: Nay were it not (quoth he) more ridiculous farre, not to bee able to solve such questions? and namely such a riddle as this, which she put foorth unto us a little before supper:

A man I saw, with helpe of fire, who set a peece of brasse,
Fast to a man, so as it seem'd to him it sodred was.

Now tell me, can you with all'your cunning say what this should be? No iwis (quoth Cleo­demus, neither meane I to beate my braines about the knowledge of it: And yet there is no man (quoth he) knoweth this thing better, nor useth it more than you; and if you denie it, I will call 20 to witnesse your ventoses and cupping boxes. Heereat Cleodemus could not chuse but laugh: for there was not a physician in those daies that used cupping and boxing so much as he, and in regard that he practised it so much, this remedie or devise in physicke was in no small request and reputation. But Mnesiphilus the Athenian a familiar friend and zealous follower of Solon, began to speake in this wise unto Pertander: Sir, if I might be so bold, I thinke it good, & my de­sire is, that the speeches and discourses of this good company, may not bee dealt among the rich and noble persons onely who are heere in place, but parted equally and indifferently a­mong them all, and go round like a cup of wine, as the manner is in democratie or state of a citie, governed by the people: this I speake for that we who live in a popular common-wealth, participate in nothing of all that which you have right now delivered as touching soveraigne 30 rule of prince & king: we thinke it reason therefore that you would enter every one of you into a discourse of popular government, & deliver your several opinions upon the point, beginning first againe at Solon. To this motion they all agreed; whereupon Solon thus began to speake: As for you (ô Mnesiphilus) like as all the other inhabitants of Athens, you have heard heereto­fore what mine opinion is concerning the government of a weale publike: and yet if it please to heare me now also, I say againe that in my judgement that citie is right well governed, and maintaineth best the popular estate and libertie, wherein those very persons who have not been wronged and oppressed, do prosecute the law upon an oppressor and wrong doer, yea and seeke to punish him, no lesse than the partie himselfe who hath susteined the injurie & outrage. After him Bias opined thus: That the popular government was best, in which all the inhabitants fea­red 40 the law as much as a rigorous tyrant. Then Thales followed in this maner: That he reputed such a common-wealth best ordered which had in it neither too wealthie, nor yet over poore citizens. Next to him tooke Anacharsis his turne and delivered his minde in these words: That in his conceit that citie was right well governed wherein all other things being equally determined among the inhabitants, the better cōdition was measured by vertue, & the worse by vice. In the fifth place Cleobulus affirmed; That the policie of that popular city was simplie best, the citizens whereof did more dread dishonor than the law. Then Pittacus in his course gave his opinion thus: That he accounted a State passing well governed in which wic­ked persons might not beare any authoritie but good men onely. Then Chilo when his turne came; pronounced: That pollicie to excel al others when as the people gave greatest care unto 50 the lawes, and least hearkened unto oratours. After them all Periander in the last place gave his judgement, saying: That he reckoned that popular estate seemed to be best, which came neerest unto an aristocratie or regiment of a wise and noble Senate.

Now when this disputation was ended, I requested them to proceed farther, and to instruct us as touching oeconomie or an housholde, how it ought to be ordered; for that few men were called unto the government of cities and realmes, but every one of us had an house and fami­lie of his owne to be governed: Not so (quoth Aesope, & therewith he laughed) if you reckon [Page 336] Ancharsis in the number of us; for no house hath he of his owne, and (forsooth) he glorieth therein, that none he hath, saying: That he maketh his abode in a chariot, as (men say) the sun doth, who is caried round about the world in his chaire, and one while goeth to this quarter, and another while to that quarter of the heaven: And even in this respect (quoth Anacharsis) the sunne onely is free, or at least-wise more at libertie, and at his owne dispose, than any other of all the gods, commanding all, and not commanded of any; and therefore he reigneth in deed, and having the reines in his owne hand, conducteth his owne chariot himselfe: but me thinks you never conceived and comprised the grandence and beautie of the sunne, how excellent and ad­mirable his chariot is; for otherwise you would never in bourd and by way of merry jest have compared it to ours: furthermore, it seemeth that you take an house to be these cloisters cove­red 10 with tile, and walled with clay or earth; which is as much to say, that a tortoise is the shell, and not the living creature which is therein: and therefore I nothing woonder that you moc­ked Solon upon a time, for that he having viewed the palace of king Croesus, richly furnished and sumptuously adorned, deemed not by and by the owner and lord thereof to be stately and hap­pily lodged; but desired first to see and behold the good parts that were within him, rather than the goods which were about him; and heerein it seemeth unto mee, that you have forgotten your owne tale of the fox, who being come to contest and debate with the leopard, whether of the twaine were beset with more colours and divers spots, required of the judge betweene them, that he would not regard and consider so much the outward painting of the skin, as the varietie of the spirit and soule within, for that he should finde the same bedight with a world of divers 20 spots; but you looke onely to the workemanship of cutters in stone, and of masons, esteeming that onely to be the house, and not that which is domesticall and within, to wit, children, wife, friends and servitours, unto whom (being wise, sober and of good conditions) the father of the familie, and housholder, communicating and imparting that which he hath (say he were within a birds-neast or in an emmets hole) may avouch that he dwelleth in a good and blessed house. Lo what mine answere is to Aesope, as also for my part, what collation and dole I contribute un­to Diocles; now for the rest of you, let every man conferre (as reason is) to it, what he thinketh good, and utter his mind. Then Solon: That house (in mine opinion) is best, the goods where­in, were neither gotten by unjust and indirect meanes, nor bred any feare, suspition and doubt for the keeping, ne yet drew repentance for the spending of them. After him Bias opined: That 30 he held the familie best, the master whereofwas of himselfe the same man within, as (for feare of the law) abroad. Then Thales: Wherein the master may live at most ease and greatest leasure. And Cleobulus: Wherein there be more persons that love, than feare the master. Next delive­red Pittacus his minde, and said: That he tooke that to be the best house, wherein there was no desire of superfluities, nor misse of necessaries. After him came Chilo with his sentence: That an house ought as much as is possible, to resemble a citie or state governed by the absolute com­mandement of a king; adding moreover, that which Lycurgus answered sometimes unto one who advised him to establish in the citie Sparta the popular government: Beginne (quoth he) first thy selfe to ordeine in thine owne house a popular estate, where every one may be as great a lord and master as another. After this speech also finished, Eumetis and Melissa went foorth. 40 Then Periander taking a great cup in his hand, dranke to Chilon, and Chilon likewise in order to Bias. Then Ardalus stood up, & addressing his speech unto Aesope: Wil not you neither (quoth he) let the cup come unto us, seeing that they there send it round about from hand to hand a­mong them, as if it were the can of Bathycles, and will not impart and let it passe to others? Then (quoth Solon) neither is this cup (so farre as I see) any whit popular, standing as it hath done a long time before Solon onely. Whereat Pittacus calling unto Mnesiphilus by name: What is the reason (quoth he) that Solon drinketh not, but goeth against his owne Poems, wherein him­selfe hath written these verses:

The sports of Venus ladie bright,
And Bacchus, now are my delight: 50
In musicke eke I pleasure take,
For why? these three, mens joies do make.

Then Anacharsis helped him out, and spake in his behalfe, saying: He doth it ( Pittacus) for feare of you and that severe and rigourous law of yours, by which you have ordeined, that whosoever by occasion of drunkennesse chanceth to commit a fault, what-ever it be, shall incurre a double penalty, and be fined twise as much as if he had done it whiles he was sober. Then Pittacus: Yet neverthelesse (quoth he) you carie your selfe so proudly and disdainfully in mockage of this my [Page 337] statute, that both the last yere not long since, being at my brother Lybis his house, whē you were drunke, you demanded to have the prize therof & called for the garland & crown. And why not (quoth Anacharsis) considering there was proposed a reward for the victory to him that drunke most? and if I were overcharged with wine & drunk with the first, should not I chalenge by right the prize & reward of victory? or els tell me what other end is there of drinking lustily, than to be drunke? Pittacus hereat began to laugh; & than Aesope told such a tale as this: The wolfe (quoth he) perceiving upon a time the shepheards to eate a mutton within their cottage, approched un­to them and said; Oh what a stirre and outcrie would you have made at us if I had done that which you doe? Heereat Chilon: Aesope (quoth he) hath well revenged himselfe now (whose mouth ere-while we stopped that he had not a word to say) seeing at this present as he doth, that 10 others had taken the answere out of Mnesiphilus his mouth, and not given him libertie to speake, being demaunded the question why Solon dranke not? and like it was that he should have answered in his behalfe. Then Mnesiphilus rendered this reason and said; That he wist well Solon was of this opinion, that the proper worke of every art and facultie, as well divine as hu­mane, was rather the effect and thing by it wrought, than that whereby it was effected; and the end thereof rather than the meanes tending thereto: for so I suppose that a weaver will say, that his worke is to make a web for a mantle, a coat or such a robe, and not to spoole, winde quils, lay his warpe, shoot oufe, or raise and let fall the weights and stones hanging to the loome: Al­so that the worke of a smith is to soder iron, or to give the temper of steele for the edge of an axe head rather than any other thing needfull to such an effect, to wit, the kindling of coles and 20 setting them on fire, or the preparing of any stone-grit serving for the former purpose. Sembla­bly, a carpenter or mason emploied in architecture, would much more complaine and finde fault with us, if we should say, that neither a ship nor an house were their worke, but the boaring of holes in timber with an auger or the tempring of morter. In like manner would the muses take exceeding great indignation, and not without good cause, if wee should thinke that their workes were either harpes, lutes, pipes, and such instruments of musicke: and not the refor­ming and institution of folks maners, the dulcing and appeasing of their passions who delight in song, harmonie, and musicall accord. And even so we must confesse that the worke of Venus is not carnall companie and medling of two bodies; nor of Bacchus, wine-bibbing and drun­kennesse, but rather mirth and solace, affectionate love, mutuall amitie, conversation, and fa­miliarity 30 one with another, which are procured unto us thereby: for these be the works indeed which Plato calleth divine and heavenly: and these he saith that he desired and pursued when he grew aged and was well stept in yeeres. For I assure you Venus is the work-mistresse of mutuall concord, solace and benevolence betweene men and women, mingling and melting (as it were) together with the bodies their soules also, by the meanes of pleasure: Bacchus likewise in many who before had no great familiaritie together, nor any knowledge and acquaintance to speake of, by softning and moisting the hardnes of their maners, and that by the meanes of wine (like as fire worketh iron to be gentle and pliable) hath engendred a beginning of commixtion and in­corporation one with another. True it is I must needs say, that when such personages are met and assembled together, as Periander hath hither invited, there is no need either of cup or fla­gon 40 for to bring them acquainted: for the muses setting in mids before them a cup of sobriety, to wit, their conference and speech, wherein there is not onely store of pleasure and delight, but also of erudition, learning, and serious matter, doe excite, drench, enlarge and spread abroad by the meanes of discourse and talke, the amiable joy of such guests, suffring for the most part the wine pot or flagon to stand still above the cup or goblet: a thing that Hesidiodus forbad ex­presly among such as could skill better to carrouse than to discourse. And whereas we reade thus in Homer,

For howsoever other Greeks that we are their hatre so long,
Doe drinke about their measure just allowed them among: 50
Your cup I see stands ever full, no gage to you is set,
But hartie draughts you may carrouse, no man there is to let.

Me thinks I heare and understand heereby that our auncients called this manner of drinking one to another by way of challenge & provocation [...] according to the tearme that Homer [Page 338] giveth it, and so every man dranke a certaine measure in order: yea and afterwards (like as Ajax did) ech one divided portions of flesh to his next fellow sitting at the boord: Now when Mne­siphilus had thus said: Chersias the poet, whom lately Periander had quit of certeine imputations charged upon him, and who was newly returned into his favour at the earnest request of Chilon: I would gladly know (quoth he) whether Jupiter gage the rest of the gods with a certeine mea­sure and stint of drinking, (for that they use to drinke one to another when they dine and sup with him) like as Agamemnon dealt by the princes of the Greeks when they were at his table? Then Cleodemus: If it be true (quoth he) friend Chersias as you and other poets doe say, that certeine doves flying hardly and with great difficultie over the rocks called Planctae, bring unto Jupiter that celestiall meat named Ambrosia; thinke you not likewise that he had much adoo 10 to get the heavenly drinke Nectar, and that he had but small store thereof, whereby he could not chuse but make spare and give of it to every one according to measure? Yes verily (quoth Chersias) and peradventure they had it distributed equally among them: but since we are fallen againe into a fresh discourse of house-keeping, which of you will goe on and finish the rest which remaineth to be said thereof? Then Cleobulus inferred this speech and said: As for wise men indeed, the law (quoth he) hath given them a prescript measure; but as touching fooles, I will tell you a tale which I heard my mother once relate unto a brother of mine: The time was (quoth she) that the moone praied her mother to make her a peticoate fit & proportionable for her body: Why, how is it possible (quoth her mother) that I should knit or weave one to sit wel about thee considering that I see thee one while full, another while croissant or in the waine, & 20 pointed with tips of horns, & somtime againe halfe round? Even so (friend Chersias) a man is not able to set downe a definit & just proportion of substance & goods to mainteine an house unto a foolish or a naughtie person; for such a one hath need one while of this thing, and another while of that, according to his divers desires & variable events & occasions, much like to Aesops dog, who as he saith, in the winter season shrinking together, & lying round for cold wherewith he is ready to be frozen and sterved, is of mind to build himselfe an house: but in summer when he lies sleeping stretched out at length, he thinkes himselfe to be very great, and supposeth it a needelesse thing to builde an house, and besides no small peece of worke to set up a frame bigge and large enough to receive his bodie. See you not likewise ô Chersias, that these kinde of folke will bee thought nowe but small and little, and restraine themselves into a 30 narrow compasse, proposing forsooth a streight and laconicall manner of life; but anon all at once they will bee aloft, and if they may not have all that they see, and possesse not onely the estate of private persons, but also of kings and princes, they are undone for ever, and complaine as if they were pined and readie to die for hunger: at which words Chersias held his peace. But Cleodemus then began and said: Howbeit, we all see (quoth he) that you my masters your selves who are sage and wise, have your goods and possessions unequally dealt among you, if a man would go about to measure and count them. True indeed my good friend (answered Cleobulus againe) and this is because the law (like unto a good weaver or knitter) hath given unto everie one of us that which is fit, sutable, and convenient for us; and even so your you selfe sit, in your direction for diet, nourishment, and purging of your patients by reason, after the pre­scription 40 (as it were) of law, do not set them downe receits and orders all alike, but such as are agreeable and meete for everie one. Upon this speech Ardalus replied, saying: How then? Is there a law that commaundeth Epimenides here our familiar friend and Solons hoste, to forbeare all other viands, and by taking onely in his mouth a little of the composition called Alimon, which hath vertue to put-by hunger (which pleasant electuarie or confection he maketh him­selfe) to continue a whole day without meate and drinke, without dinner and supper. This speech mooved attention and silence in the whole companie there in place: onely Thales after a jocund and merrie manner answered: That Epimenides did well and wisely not to busie and trouble himselfe about grinding corne, baking meale, or dressing his owne meates (as Pittacus did): for my selfe (quoth he) whiles I was in the Isle Lesbos, heard a wench of a forrein countrey, 50 as she turned the querne about, sing thus, Grind mil, Grind; for even Pittacus the king of Great Mitylenae, is a miller and grindeth. But Solon said; I woonder much Ardalus, that you never read in Hesiodus his Poeme, the receit of the regiment of that mans diet: for he was the first who gave unto Epimenides the seeds of this nourishment, and taught him to search:

In Mallowes and in Asphodels, which grow on everie ground:
What use and profit manifold, [Page 339] for man there may be found.

Why? thinke you (quoth Periander) that Hesiodus had any such meaning in that verse; and not rather (as he is alwaies a great praiser of sparing and frugalitie) that he exhorted us unto the sim­plest viands, as to those which were most pleasant: for surely the Mallow is good to eate, and the Asphodell stem verie sweete in taste: as for those which the Physicians came Alima and Adipsa, that is to say, putting-by hunger and thirst; I heare say and understand that they be medicines and not meats, and that among other ingredients that go to their making, they receive honie and a certaine barbarous kinde of cheese, besides many other seeds which are easie enough to come by: for how else should not (as we read in Hesiodus)

The plough beame hang aloft in smoothrie smoke, 10
The oxe and mule cease both to draw in yoke.

if need there were of so great provision? But I marvell much Solon, at your hoste, that having but lately celebrated a solemne feast of Purification among the Delians, he observed not how they themselves brought with great ceremonie into their temple, the ensignes and monuments of the ancient and primitive nourishment of mankinde? and namely, among other things very common, and which grow of themselves without mans hand, the Mallow and the Asphodell: which two hearbs (it is verie probable and like) that Hesiodus also recommended unto us for their simplicitie & profit. Not in those regards onely (quoth Anacharsis) but for that they both the one as well as the other, are commended as especiall hearbs for the health of man. True (quoth Cleodemus) and great reason you have so to say: for Hesiodus was well seene in Physicke, 20 as may appeare by that which he hath written so exactly and skilfully of diet, and the regiment of our feeding, of the manner of tempering wine, of the vertue and goodnesse of water, the use of baines, bathes and women, of the time of keeping companie with them, and of the positure of infants in the wombe, and when they should be borne. But to judge aright, Aesope had more reason than Epimenides to avow himselfe the disciple of Hesiodus, for the talke which the hauke had with the nightingall, gave unto Aesope the first beginning of his faire, variable, and many tongued learning of his. But willing I am to heare Solon; for verie like it is, that he having lived and conversed so familiarly many yeeres together with Epimenides at Athens, asked of him of­tentimes and knew full well upon what accident or occasion, and for what purpose he chose and followed this strait course of life. And what need was there (quoth Solon) to demaund 30 that of him? for all the world knoweth, and most evident it is, that as the greatest and most sove­raigne good of man, is to have no need at all of nouriture; so the next unto it is to require the least nourishment that is: Not so (quoth Cleodemus if I may be so bold as to speake my mind: For I do not thinke that the soveraigne good of man is to eate nothing, especially when the ta­ble is laide and furnished with meat; for to take away the viands set thereupon, is as much as to subvert the altar and sacrifice unto the gods, and to overthrow the amity and hospitalitie among men. And like as Thales saith: That if the earth were taken out of the world, there must of neces­sitie ensue a generall confusion of all things; even so we may say, put downe the boord, you doe as much as ruinate the whole house; for with it you abolish fire which keepeth the house; the tutelar-deitie of Vesta; the amiable custome of drinking together out of one boll and cup; the 40 laudable manner of feasting friends; the kind fashion of entertaining strangers, and all recipro­call hospitalitie, and mutuall usage of guests; which be the principalland most courteous con­versations that can bee devised among men one with another: and to speake in summe more truely; farewell then, all the sweetnes of humane life and societie, in case there be allowed any retrait at all, solace and passion apart from businesse and affaires, whereof the need of sustenance and the preparation thereto belonging, yeeldeth most matter, and affoordeth the greatest part. Moreover, the mischiefe hereof would reach as far as to agriculture, and that were great pity, considering that if husbandrie were laid downe with the decay & ruine therof, there would ensue againe a rude & deformed face of the whole earth, as being neglected, & not clensed from fruit­lesse trees, bushes & weeds, and overflowed with the inundation of waters & rivers running out 50 of their chanels to and fro without order, for want of good husbandrie and the diligent hand of man: over and besides, perish there shall with it, all arts and handicrafts which the table main­teineth and keepeth in traine, giving unto them their foundation & matter, in such sort as they will come all to nothing, if you take it away: nay more than that; What will become of religion and worship done to the gods? for surely, men will exhibit but little or none honour at all unto the Sunne, and much lesse unto the Moone, as having nought els from them but their light & heat onely: and who will ever cause an altar to be reared and furnished as it ought to be, to Ju­piter, [Page 340] for sending downe seasonable raine, or to Ceres the patronesse of agriculture, or to Nep­tune the protectour of trees and plants? who will ever-after offer any sacrifices unto them? how shall Bacchus be the authour of joy and mirth, if we have no more any need of that pleasant li­quor of wine which he giveth? what shall we sacrifice? what shall wee powre upon the altars? what oblations shall we offer unto the gods? and whereof shall wee present any first fruits? In one word, this abuse would bring with it a totall subversion and generall confusion of the best and chiefest things. True it is, that to follow all kinde of pleasures, and in every maner were bruitishnesse; and even so to flie them all, and in no wise to embrace them, were no lesse follie and sottishnesse. The soule may well enough enjoy other pleasures and delights, which are bet­ter and more noble; but the bodie can finde none at all more harmlesse and honest, to content 10 it selfe with, than to eat and drinke, whereby it is fed and nourished; a thing that there is no man but he both knoweth and acknowledgeth; in regard whereof, men use to set and spread their ta­bles in publicke and open places, for to eat and drinke together in the broad day-light; whereas to take the pleasure of Venus, they wait for the night, and seeke all the darknesse they can, suppo­sing it to be as beastly and shamelesse to do the one in publike and common, as not at all to doe the other but forbeare it altogether. When Cleodemus herewith brake off, and ended his speech, I followed in the same traine, and seconded his words in this wise: But you overpasse one thing besides, namely, that by this meanes, together with our food and nourishment, we banish and drive away all sleepe: now if there be no sleepe, there will be no dreames, & so by consequence, we may bid farewell to a most ancient kinde of oracle and divination which we have by them. 20 Over and besides, our life will be alwaies after one fashion, and to no purpose, but in vaine shall the soule be clad (as a man would say) within the bodie, seeing that the greatest number and the principall parts of the said bodie were made and framed by nature for to serve as instruments of nourishment; as for example, the tongue, the teeth, the stomacke and the liver, &c. for there is nothing in the whole structure and composition of mans body, that either lieth still & idle, or is ordeined for any other use; insomuch as whosoever hath no need of food, needeth not the body also; which is as much to say, as that hee standeth in no need of himselfe; for every one of us doth consist aswell of bodie as soule. Thus much may serve for my part, to have spoken in the defence of the bellie; now if Solon or any other have ought to say and object against it, by way of accusation, ready we are and disposed to give him the hearing. Yes mary (quoth Solon) un­lesse 30 we would be reputed of lesse judgement and understanding than the Aegyptians, who rip­ping open the belly of a dead bodie, shew it unto the sunne, and cast away the guts and entrails together with the paunch, into a running river; but afterwards, when they have thus rid away the garbage, and cleansed the corps, the rest they imbaulme and be carefull of: for to say a trueth, these inwards, be the very pollution and inquination of the flesh, and to speake properly, the ve­ry hell of our bodie; for so they say, that the place of the damned is full of (I wot not what) hor­rible rivers and winds confused together with fire and dead carcases. For no creature living, is nourished with any food that liveth; but we (in killing those creatures which have soules, or in destroying plants, herbs and fruits which participate likewise of life, inasmuch as we see them to be nourished and grow) do evill, and sinne very grievously, forasmuch as whatsoever is transmu­ted 40 and turned into another, loseth that nature which it had before, and wholly is corrupted, for to become nourishment to another. As for abstinence from eating of flesh, as (by report) Or­pheus did in olde time, is rather a subtile shift of Sophistrie, than any perfect shunning or for­bearing of those sinnes which are committed in delicious fare and superfluous gormandize; but the onely way to avoid enormitie in this behalfe, and the meanes to keepe a mans selfe per­fectly pure and undefiled, according to the absolute rule of justice, is to be content with that which is within himselfe, and to live without desire of any thing without, whatsoever: but he that is by God framed to that nature and condition, that without the dammage and hurt of ano­ther, he can not possibly preserve his owne being and safetie; unto him he hath given a nature which will continually move him to injustice, & to commit wrong. Were it not then (my good 50 friend Diocles) very meet and requisit to cut off together with injustice and sinfulnesse, the bel­ly, stomacke and liver, yea, and all other such parts which give unto us the appetite of nothing in the world that is honest, but resemble partly the instruments of a cooke, and vessels of the kit­chin, to wit, chopping-knives, cawdrons, pots and kettles, and in part are like unto the utensils of a mill, of a chimney, oven or furnace, or such tooles as serve either to digge pits, or be used in bake-house and pastrie? for to say a trueth, you may plainely see and perceive that the soule in many men lieth hidden within the bodie, as it were in a certeine mil-house, turning round con­tinually [Page 341] (as one would say) about a querne, in pursute after the necessities thereof, even as we here, ere-while perceived by experience in our owne selves, when we neither saw nor heard, nor regarded one another; but every one of us inclining forward and stouping downe to our victu­als served our owne need & looked to our food, but now when the tables be taken up, as you see, having chaplets of flowers on our heads, we take delight in devising together, & holding honest discourses, we rejoice in fellowship & good company, we passe the time away in ease & repose, being once come to that point, that we have no more any desire or need of nourishment: If then we could hold us so still, & continue while we live in this present state, so that we neither feared wāt & poverty, nor yet knew what was covetousnes & desire of riches, should we not lead (thinke you) a blessed and easie life, as having leisure to converse together and joy in our mutuall socie­tie? 10 For know wel this, that looking after the needles [...] immediately ensueth upon the appetite and desire of things necessarie. But whereas Cleobulus is of this opinion, that needes there must be meat & food, to the end that their might be tables and standing cups upon them, that men may drinke one to another, also that they might sacrifice to dame Ceres & her daugh­ter Proserpina: another man may as well and truely say: There ought to be warres and battels, to the end that we may have wals and fortifications for our cities, arcenals for our navy, and armo­ries also, that for the killing of an hundred enemies, wee might in thankesgiving to the gods offer sacrifices thereupon, called Hecatomphonia, according as they say, there is a statute impor­ting so much among the Messenians. Or all one it were as if some other should be angrie or offended with health, saying: It were great pitie, if because there are none sicke, any more there 20 should be no use of easie beds, fine linnen sheets, soft pillowes and coverings, nor any need to sacrifice unto Aesculapius or other gods, to divert and turne away our maladies; and so the art of physick, with all the tooles, instruments, drugs and medicines belonging thereto, be cast aside and neglected, without honor and regard. For what ods is there betweene the one and the other, considering that we receive food as a medicine to cure our hunger? Besides, all they that keepe a certaine diet, are said to cure themselves, using this remedie, not as a pleasure delightsome and desireable, but as meanes to content and satisfie nature. For surely we may reckon more paines than pleasures, that come unto a man by his feeding; or to speake more truely, the plea­sure of eating hath but a little place, and continueth as small a while in mans bodie; but the trou­ble and difficultie which it hath in providing and preparing, with how many shamefull incon­veniences 30 and painefull travels it pestereth us, what should I relate unto you? for I suppose, that in regard of all these vexations, Homer took upon him to proove, that the gods died not, by this argument, that they received no food:

For neither eate they bread in heaven, nor pleasant wine to drinke:
Thus bloodlesse since they be, we them immortall name and thinke.

As if by these verses he would give us to understand, that our eating and drinking is not onely the meanes of our life, but also the cause of our death: for thereupon a number of diseases take hold of our bodies, which are gathered within the same, and proceed no lesse from fulnesse than 40 emptinesse, and many times we have more adoe to concoct, consume, and dissipate our foode, than we had to get and provide it. And much like as if the daughters of Danaus were in doubt what to do, and what life to lead, or how to be emploied, after they were delivered and freed once from their servile taske imposed upon them, for to fill their tunne boared full of holes; even so doubt we (in case we were come to this passe, as to cease from stuffing and cramming this unsa­tiable flesh of ours, which will never say Ho, with all sorts of viands that land or sea may affoord) what we should do? and al because for want of experience & knowledge what things be good & honest, we love all our life time to seeke for to be provided of necessaries: and like as they who have beene slaves a long time, after they come once to be delivered from servitude, do of them­selves and for themselves the verie same services, which they were woont to performe for their 50 masters, when they were bound; even so, the soule taketh now great paines and travel to feed the bodie, but if once she might be dispatched and discharged from this yoke of bondage, no soo­ner shall she finde her selfe free and at libertie, but she will nourish and regard herselfe, she will have an eie then, to the knowledge of the truth, and nothing shall plucke her away, or divert and withdraw her from it. Thus much ô Nicharchus as touching those points which were then de­livered concerning nourishment. But before that Solon had fully finished his speech, Gorgias the brother of Periander entred into the place, being newly returned from Taenarus, whither he [Page 342] had beene sent before by occasion of (I wot not what) oracles, for to carrie thither certaine ob­lations unto Neptune, and to doe sacrifice unto him; we all saluted him and welcomed him home; but Pertander his brother comming toward and kissed him, causing him afterwards to sit downe by himselfe upon the bed-side, where hee made relation unto him alone of certaine newes. Pertander gave good eare unto his brother, and shewed by his countenance that he was diversly affected, and verie passionate upon that which he heard him to report; and by his vi­sage it seemed one while that he sorrowed and grieved, another while that he was angrie and of­fended; he made semblant for a time, as if he distrusted and would not give credit unto him, and anon againe he seemed as much to woonder and stand in admiration; in the end he laughed and said unto us: Verie gladly would I out of hand recount unto you the tidings which my 10 brother hath told me, but hardly dare I, neither will I be over hastie so to doe, for feare of Thales, whom I have heard otherwise to say: That well we might make report of newes that be probable and like to be true; but touching things impossible, we ought altogether for to hold our peace. Hereupon Bias: But as wise a saying (quoth he) was this of Thales: That as we ought not to be­leeve our enemies in things that be credible, so we are not to discredit our friends even in those things that are incredible. For mine owne part, I thinke verily by this speech of his, that hee tooke those for his enemies who were leawd and foolish, and reputed for friends such as were good and wise. I would advise you therefore (ô Gorgias) that either you would declare your newes here before all this companie, or rather reduce that narration which you come with­all to pronounce aloude unto us, into those new kinde of verses which are called Dithyrambes. 20 Then Gorgias set tale on end and began to speake in this maner: After we had sacrificed for the space of three daies together, and the last day performed in a generall assembly all the night a festivall solemnitie with plaies and dances along the strond by the sea side, as the moone shone at full upon the sea, without any winde in the world stirring at all, so as there was a gentle gene­rall calme, and every thing still and quiet; behold we might discover a farre off a certeine moti­on or trouble in the sea, bending toward a promontorie or cape, and as it approched neerer thereto, raised withall a little scumme, and that with a great noise by reason of the agitation of the water and waves that it made in such sort, as that all the companie of us woondered what it might be, and ran toward the place whereunto it seemed to make way and bend the course for to arrive; but before that we could by any conjecture gesse what it was, (the swiftnesse thereof 30 was such) we might evidently descrie with our eie a number of dolphins, some swimming round about it thicke together, others directing the whole troupe toward the easiest and gentlest lan­ding place of the banke, and some there were againe that followed behinde as it were in the rereward: now in the mids of all this troupe there appeered above the water I wot not what lumpe or masse of a bodie floting aloft, which we could neither discerne nor divise what it was, untill such time as the said dolphins all close together and shooting themselves into the shore, landed upon the banke a man both alive and also mooving; which done they returned toward the rocke or promontorie aforesaid, leaping and dauncing wantonly as it should seeme for ve­rie joy more than they did before: which the greatest part of our company (quoth Gorgias) see­ing, were so greatly afraid, that they fled from the sea amaine all amazed; my selfe with some 40 few others tooke better heart and approched nere, where we found that it was Arion the harper, who of himselfe tolde to us his name, and easie he was otherwise to be knowne, for that he had the same apparell which he was wont to weare when he plaied in publike place upon his harpe: So we tooke him up incontinently and brought him into a tent (for harme he had none in the world, save only that by reason of the swiftnesse & violent force of his cariage he was wearie and seemed ready to faint) where we heard from his mouth a strange tale, and to all men incredible, unlesse it were to us who saw the end and issue thereof. For this Arion reported unto us, that ha­ving beene of long time resolved to returne out of Italy and so much the rather because Perian­der had written unto him for to make haste & come away upon the first opportunity presented to him of a Corinthian carricke that made faile frō, thence, he presently embarked, but no soo­ner 50 were they come into the broad and open sea, and that with a gentle gale of winde, but he per­ceived that the mariners conspired together for to take away his life, whereof the pilot himselfe also of the same ship gave him advertisement secretly, namely, that they intended to put the thing in execution that night. Arion thus finding himselfe destitute of all succour, and not knowing what to doe; it came into his minde as it were by a certeine heavenly and divine in­spiration (whiles hee had yet some time to live) for to adorne his bodie with those ornaments which he accustomed to put on when he was to play upon his harpe for a prize in some fre­quent [Page 343] Theater; to the end that the same habit might serve him for his funerall weed now at his death; and withall to sing a dolefull song and lamentable dittie before his departure out of this life, and not to shew himselfe in this case lesse generous than the swans: being therefore thus arraied and decked accordingly, and doing the marriners to wit before hand, that he had a won­derfull desire to chaunt a sonet or hymne unto Apollo Pythius, for the safetie of himselfe, the ship and all those fellow passengers who were within it, he stood upright on his feet in the poope close to the ship side, and after he had founded a certaine invocation or praier to the sea-gods, he chanted the canticle beforesaid, and as he was in the mids of his song, the sunne went downe and seemed to settle within the sea, and with that they began to discover Peloponnesus. Then the marriners who could no longer stay nor tarrie for the darke night, came toward for to kill him; 10 when he saw their naked swords drawen, and beheld the foresaid Pilot how he covered his face, because he would not see so vilanous a spectacle, he cast himselfe over ship-boord, and leapt as farre into the sea from the ship as he could; but before that his whole bodie was under the wa­ter, the dolphins made haste, and from beneath were readie to beare him up for sinking. Full of feare and perturbation of spirit hee was at first, insomuch as being astonied thereat, hee wist not what it might be; but within a while after, perceiving that he was carried at ease, and seeing a great flote of dolphins environing gently round about him; and that they succeeded and se­conded one another by turnes, for to take the charge of carrying him, as if it had beene a service imposed upon them all, and whereunto they were necessarily obliged; and seeing besides that the carrike was a good way behind (by which he gathered that he went apace, and was carried a­way 20 with great celerity:) He was not (quoth Gorgias) so fearful of death, or desirous otherwise to live, as hee had an ambitious desire to arrive once at the haven of safetie, to the ende that the world might know that he stood in the grace and favour of the gods, and that he reposed an as­sured beliefe and firme affiance in them, beholding as he did the skie full of starres, the moone arising pure and cleere with exceeding brightnesse, and the whole sea about him smooth and calme; but that the course of these dolphins traced out a certaine way and path, so that hee thought thus within himselfe, that the divine justice had not one eie alone, but as ma­ny eies as there were starres in the heaven, and that God beheld all about whatsoever was done both by sea and land: Which cogitations and thoughts of mind (quoth he) mightily strengthe­ned and sustained my bodie, which otherwise was readie to faint and yeeld with travell and wea­rinesse: 30 finally, when the dolphins were come as farre as to the great promontorie of Tenarus, so high and steepe, they were verie warie and careful that they ran not upon it, but turned gent­ly at one side, and swom behind it a long the coast, as if they would have conducted a barke safe and sound, to a sure bay and landing place, whereby he perceived evidently that carried he was thus by the guidance of the divine providence. After that Arion (said Gorgias) had made all this discourse unto us, I inquired of him, where he thought that the ship above said intēded to arrive. At Corinth (quoth he) without all doubt, but it will be very late first, for it being toward evening when I leapt into the sea, I suppose that I was carried upon the dolphins backs no lesse than a course of five hundred furlongs, and no sooner was I from ship-boord, but there insued present­ly a great calme at sea. Moreover, Gorgias said: That he having learned the names aswell of the 40 ship-master as the pilot, and withall knowen what badge or ensigne the ship carried, made out certaine pinnaces, and those manned with souldiours, for to observe what creeks, commodi­ous baies, and landing places there were upon the said coast; but as for Arion, Gorgias convei­ed him secretly with him, for feare lest if the mariners should have had any advertisement of his deliverie and safetie, they might flie away and escape: But as God would have it, every thing fell out so, as we might see (quoth Gorgias) the very immediat hand of the divine power; for at one and the same instant that I arrived here, I had intelligence also that the said ship was fallen into the hands of those souldiors whom I set out; and so the mariners and passengers within it were taken all prisoners. Hereupon Periander commanded Gorgias presently to arise to apprehend them, and lay them up fast in close prison, where no person might have accesse unto them, or 50 certifie them that Arion was alive and safe. Then Aesope: Mocke on now (quoth he) at my gaies and crowes that talke and tell tales, when you see that dolphins also can in this wise play their youthfull parts, and atchieve such prowesses. Nay (quoth I then) we are able to report, Aesope, another narration like to this, which hath benefer downe in writing, and received for currant and good these thousand yeeres passed and more, even from the daies of Ino and Atha­mas. Then Solon taking occasion of speech by these words: Yea, but these matters, ô [...] (quoth he) concerne the gods more neerely, and surpasse our puissance; but as for that which [Page 344] befell to Hesiodus, was a meere humane accident and not impertinent unto us, for I suppose you have heard the historie tolde. No I assure you (quoth I:) But woorth it is the hearing (quoth Solon againe.) And thus by report it was. A certaine Milesian with whom as it should seeme Hesiodus had familiar acquaintance, in so much as they lodged, eat and drunke together ordina­rily in the citie of Locres kept their hosts daughter secretly, and abused her body, so as in the end he was taken with the manner. Now was Hesiodus suspected to have beene privie to him of this vilannie from the verie beginning; yea and to have kept the doore and assisted him in concea­ling the same, whereas indeed he was in no fault at all, nor culpable any way; howbeit, by means of false suspitions and sinister surmizes of people, hee incurred much anger and was hardly thought of, neither could he avoide the unjust imputations of the world: for the brethren of 10 the yoong damosell lay in ambush for him neere unto a wood about Locri, set upon and slew him outright together with his servant or page Troilus, who tended upon him. After this mur­ther committed, and their bodies cast into the sea, it chanced that the corps of Troilus being carried foorth into the river Daphnus, rested upon a rocke environed and dashed round about with the water, and the same not far from the sea, which rocke thereupon tooke his name, and is so called at this day. But the dead bodie of Hesiodus, immediately from the land was received by a float or troupe of Dolphins, and by them carried as farre as to the capes Rhion and Moly­chria. It fortuned at the verie same time that the citizens of Locri, held a solemne assembly and celebrated festivall sacrifices, called Rhia, which they performe even at this daie also in the verie same place with great magnificence and state: this corps being espied floating toward them, 20 (you may wel thinke) caused all the company there to marvell not a little, who thereupon ranne all to the shore, and taking knowledge that it was the corps of Hesiodus, because it seemed fresh killed, they laid all other businesse apart & with all speed, sent about and made inquisition of this murther, by reason of the great renowme and name that went of Hesiodus: and this they follo­wed with such diligence, that quickly they found out the murtherers, whom after they were apprehended, they threw alive headlong presently into the sea, drowned them, and razed their house. Now was the corps of Hesiodus enterred neere unto the said Nemeium; howbeit, few strangers there be that know of this his sepulcher, for concealed of purpose it is, by reason of the Orchonenians who made search for it (by report) and were desirous by the appointment of cer­taine oracles to take up his reliques, and burie them in their countrey. If then the Dolphins be 30 so kind and lovingly affected to the dead, much more probable it is, that they be willing and rea­die to helpe those who are alive, especially if they be drawen and allured by the sound of the pipes, fluits or other harmonie : for who is there of us all that knoweth not how these creatures are delighted in song, following and swimming along those vessels where they heare musicke, as taking great pleasure in the songs and musicall instrument of those passengers, who do sing or play in a faire and calme season: also they are not a little pleased to see yoong children swim­ming & they joy and strive to be doussing, badling, & diving together with them: and therefore provided it is by an unwritten law, as touching their securitie, that they should not be hurt; by vertue whereof none doe fish for them, no nor doe them any harme, unlesse haply when they chance to be taken in any nets, they hinder the taking of other fishes, or otherwise hurt them, 40 and then beaten they are and corrected gently for it, like as little children who have done amisse and made a fault. And here I call to minde what I have heard recounted for certaintie of the in­habitants of Lesbos, that in times past within their countrey, there was a yoong maiden saved by a Dolphin, from perill of being drowned in the sea: but for that Pittacus should know this much better, it were more reason that he himselfe reported it. True it is indeed (quoth Pitracus) the tale is verie notorious and related by many. For there was an answere given by oracle to those founders, who first peopled Lesbos; that when in failing upon the sea they arrived at a rock called Messogaean, that is to say, Mediterranean, they should cast into the sea for Neptune a bull, but for dame Amphitrite and the Nymphs Nereides a virgin alive. Now seven principall con­ductors & kings there were of that company which were to inhabit there, and Echelaus made the 50 eight, expresly named by the oracle for the planting of a colony, and he as yet a batcheler & un­maried. Now when the other seven, who had daughters mariageable, & yet unwedded, cast lots among themselves whose daughter should be offered (as is before said) it fell out so, that the lot light upon the daughter of Smintheus; her therfore they arraied with rich robes, & adorned with costly jewels of gold for that purpose, and being come to the place appointed, after they had made their praiers and oraisons accordingly, as in such a case, and were now at the verie point to throw her into the sea; a certaine yoong man, one of the passengers in the ship, of a gentle [Page 345] nature and good disposition (as it appeared) whose name was Enalus, being enamoured of the said yong damosell, entred presently into a resolution to succor her in this extremitie, although hee saw well that it was in manner unpossible, and embracing her fast about the middle, he cast himselfe and her together into the sea: and even then there ran a rumor, although without any certaine ground or author; howbeit beleeved by many of the armie, that both of them were ca­ried to land and saved alive: but afterwards (by report) the said Enalus was seen in the isle Lesbos, who made relation, that he and shee both were mounted upon dolphins backes, and so carried safe to the firme land without any danger. I could rehearse other strange narrations belonging hereto, more marvellous than these, able as well to ravish with admiration, as to affect with de­lectation the minds of any that shall heare them; but hard it is to averre them all for true, and to 10 bring proofe thereof, namely: That when there arose a mightie huge billow of water about the island like a rocke, so as no men durst approch nere unto the sea, Enalus only came thither and a number of Polype fishes, or poulpes followed after, and accompanied him to the temple of Neptune, where the biggest of them brought unto Enalus, a stone which he tooke and dedicated there in memoriall of this miracle; which stone we call Ei to this day. But in summe (quoth he) if a man knew well the difference betweene impossible and unusuall, and could distinguish betweene that which is contrarie to the order or course of nature, and the common opinion of men, in not beleeving too rashly, nor discrediting a thing too easily, he might observe wel from time to time your rule ô Chilon, [ Nothing overmuch] which you ordeine to be kept. After him spake Anacharsis, saying: That is not to be wondered at, that the goodliest and greatest matters 20 in the world were done by the will and providence of God, considering that according to the good and wise opinion of Thales, there is in all the chiefe and principall parts there of a certeine soule: for as the organ and instrument of the soule is the body; so the instrument of God is the soule: and like as the body hath many motions of the owne, but the greater part of them, and namely those which are most noble, proceed from the soule; even so the soule likewise doth worke some of her operations by her owne instince, but in others she yeeldeth herselfe to be ordered, turned, managed and directed by God, as it pleaseth him to use her, being indeed of all instruments the most meet and handsome: for it were a very strange and absurd thing, that wind, water, clouds & raine, should be Gods instruments, by meanes wherof he nourisheth and main­teineth many creatures, and whereby he destroieth and overthroweth as many; and that he 30 should use the ministerie of no living creatures in any worke of his: Reason it is yet and proba­ble, that seeing such creatures depend wholy upon the puissance and omnipotencie of God, that they should serve al his motions, yea and obey his wils and second his purposes, more than bowes are accommodate to the Scythians, and harpes or hautboies to the Greekes. After this speech the poet Chersias made mention of many others who had beene miraculously and be­yond all hope & expectation saved from death, and among the rest he gave instance of Cypselus the father of Periander, whom being but a yoong babe and infant new borne, certeine bloudie murderers were sent to kill, and upon the sight of him, for verie pittie turned away and forbare to commit so bloudy afact; but afterwards bethinking themselves, and repenting such foolish compassion, they returned backe againe to seeke him out but could not finde him, for that his 40 mother had hidden him within a little corne flasket or twiggen hamper, called in Greek Cypsels: in remembrance whereof Cypselus afterwards when he was a man dedicated a chappell within the temple of Apollo in Delphos, as beleeving how at that time hee had beene miraculously preserved, and by the hand of God kept from crying, which might have bewraied him to the murderers. Then Pittacus addressing his speech to Pertander said thus: Chersias hath done me a great pleasure to mention this chapell or cell; for many a time desirous I was to know of you what should be the meaning of those frogs which are seene graven round about the foot of the palme tree therein; and what they did concerne either the said God Apollo, or the man himselfe who built and dedicated the said house. And when Periander willed him to aske Chersias that question, who wist well enough what it was, for that he was with Cypselus at the dedication there­of; 50 Chersias smiled and said: I will not expound the mysterie thereof, unlesse I may know first of them that be heere, what is meant by these olde said sawes; Nothing too much. Know thy selfe: and that other mot, (which hath caused some to continue single and unmaried, others to forbeare sureti-ship, and many to be distrustfull, to be mute and silent) to wit, Give thy word and pay: Be surely, and be sure of a shrewd turne. And what need is there quoth Pittacus that we should interpret and declare these sentences, considering you so greatly praise the fables that Aesope hath composed, which shew the substance of every one? Aesope answered: So saith [Page 346] Chersias indeed when he is disposed to jest and be merry with me: but when he speaketh in good earnest, he affirmeth that Homer was the first author of these sentences, saying that Homer knew himselfe well enough, who advancing forward to set upon other captaines of the Greeks,

Refused well and wisely for to fight,
With Ajax, sonne of Telamon that knight.

He saith moreover, that Ulysses approoved and commended this sentence, Nothing too much; when he admonished Diomedes in these tearmes:

Sir Diomede, praise not me overmuch
Ne yet dispraise I love no doings such.

And as for sureti-ship, others are of opinion that he condemneth it as a leawd, naughty, and 10 dangerous thing in these words

Who sureties are for men distrest and in calamity,
Taste oftentimes for their kind heart much infortunity.

But this Poet Chersias here saith: That the fiend Ate, which is as much to say as Plague or Infor­tunitie, was by Jupiter flung downe from heaven to earth, for that she was present at the caution or warrantise which he interposed as touching the nativitie of Hercules, whereby Jupiter was cir­cumvented and overtaken. Then Solon: Seeing it is so (quoth he) I am of this minde, that we should give eare and credit to the most wise Poet Homer, whose counsell this is: 20

Since that the night comes on apace, and hath suprised us,
Full meet it is her to obey, and end our speeches thus.

After we have therefore given thanks in powring out wine and offering it to the Muses, Nep­tune and Amphitrite, let us (if you thinke so good) end this our assembly and banquet. Thus Nicarchus this our mery meeting brake up, and was for that time dissolved. 30

INSTRVCTIONS FOR THEM THAT MANAGE AFFAIRES OF STATE.

The Summarie. 40

TYrannie in any publike government, be it of prince, seignourie or people, as it is dange­rous and detestable; so we are no lesse to feare anarchie, and the horrible confusion of those States where every one is a lord & master. The wise man said very wel: That a people or citie destitute of government, is neere to ruine; and publike affaires prosper well, when there be store of good counsellers. And on the other side, ex­perience sheweth, that humane societie can not stand without magistrates, the mainteiners of lawes & good order, which be the nerves or sinewes, the cords and props of our life and conversation one with an­other. But if there be any way in the world slipperie, it is that of the management of State affaires, by 50 reason of the leawdnesse of some, whom I may call Sage fooles, who runne by heaps after publike offices, not suffering men of honour to enter into them, as fearing to be afterwards ranged and ordered by rea­son. Since then that ambition is a mortall plague in the mind and understanding of him who would ad­vance himselfe by crooked and indirect meanes, it behooveth on the contrary side, that those who have a sincere affection to serve in publike place, take heed that they be not discouraged, although other­whiles they be kept under and put downe by such persons as by good right ought to serve, and not com­mand. To holde therefore some meane in this case, betweene mounting up unto vain-glory, and falling [Page 347] into cowardise, Plutarch for to content and satisfie a friend of his, giveth good instructions to every man that entreth into the managing of State affaires: and in the first place he requireth at his hands a good will, free from vanitie and lightnesse, void of avarice, and delivered from ambition and envie: afterwards, his advice is, that he endevour to know those well, whom he must governe, for to acquit him well in his owne dutie, in case he be inducted unto any high degree, in reforming himselfe, and being furnished with a good conscience, knowledge & eloquence, proper instruments for to go thorow all diffi­culties. This done, he teacheth a States-man to manage well his owne words, also what way he ought to take for the entrance into the conduct of his weightie affaires; what friends he is to chuse, and how he is to demeane himselfe as well with them as his enemies: afterwards, he discusseth and handleth this question, to wit, Whether such a person as he whom he hath represented, ought to intermeddle and 10 deale in all offices, and resolveth that he ought to manage none but that which is of greatest impor­tance. From this he proceedeth to speake of that discretion which is requisit for the ranging and brin­ging into order of slanderers and enemies; and withall, with what maner of affaires a politician should busic and [...] himselfe, and whereto his spirit and minde is to tend; wishing above all, that he should enterteine the amitie of other lords and rulers, who are able to further and advance the publike good; and in the meane time to be well advised that he doe not goe about to save, or ruinate rather, his owne countrey by forren meanes. Heereupon he discourseth of those maladies whereunto common-wealths be subject, and holdeth this: That if there doe arise any mischiefe, it ought to be repressed, ketp downe and cured at home. Consequently, he sheweth unto a magistrate the maner of conversing with his col­legues or companions in office: and after he had commended those who walke singly, & goroundly and 20 plainly to worke, hee entreth very pretily into a discourse arising from the precedents, namely, as tou­ching policte and good government, declaring wherein it doth consist: and so toucheth in a word, the duetie of good subjects in a statewell ruled. Which done, he returneth to his former purpose, and ma­keth mention of certeine cases, wherin a magistrate may accommodate and frame himselfe to his owne people: also what persons he ought to use & employ for assistance in the execution of important affaires, and from what vices he is to keepe himselfe pure and cleane; how he ought to esteeme and regard true honour, standing upon two points: the one, that he do trust and relie upon himselfe: the other, that he be well beloved of the people, unto whom he ought to shew himselfe liberall. To this abovesaid, there is joined a certeine discretion to be used in the largesses of magistrates to their subjects (a thing much practised in olde time, and in these dates turned cleane against the haire) proposing all in one traine, the 30 true and most expedite way how to gaine the hearts of men, to which no prince nor governour shall ever attaine unlesse he be such an one as our authour doth describe: and representing on the other side, the ridiculous and unhappie condition of ambitious persons, and other such as thirst after shamefull glo­rie, whose name serveth for nought els but to play with the least peties in a common-wealth. And for a finall conclusion, he treateth of seditions and civill warres; namely, how a good magistrate ought to cary himselfe therein; what a care he should have to quench with all speed such fire, and keepe his sub­jects in good unitie and concord, and how he should easily come thereto, which is the very closing up of the booke, inriched with notable arguments, sentences, similitudes and examples, for those especially, who have the command of others, and yet are besides, to appeare before the throne of their sovereigne, the examination, triall and fearefull judgement of whom, they can not avoid. 40

INSTRVCTIONS FOR THEM that manage affaires of State.

IF there be any speech in the world, sir Menemachus, unto which a man may properly apply these verses of the Poet Homer:

Of all the Greekes there is no man, 50
Who blame these words or gainesay can;
But yet forsooth you say not all,
Nor come are to the finiall.

certes, it is in the case of those Philosophers, who exhort sufficient­ly in generall tearmes, to undertake the affaires of State and publike government: but they teach us not how, nor give us precepts and directions thereto; who (me thinks) may wel be resembled to those, who snuffe and draw out the wicke of a lampe, but they powre no oyle into it. Seeing then that [Page 348] you have upon verie good reason deliberated and resolved to meddle in the State affaires of your countrey, and desire according to the nobilitie of your house and native countrey, from whence you are descended,

To frame your speech with seemely grace,
And deeds performe, meet for your place.

and considering that you are not yet come to that maturitie of yeeres, as to have seene evident­ly the life of a wise man and true Philosopher in matters of government, or viewed his carriage and demeanor in State affaires; ne yet to bee a spectator of worthie and goodly examples pra­ctised in deed and effect, and not discoursed upon in word onely; in which regards you have re­quested me earnestly to give unto you certaine rules, precepts, and advertisements for your bet­ter 10 knowledge & instruction, how you ought to behave your selfe in this behalfe; me thought I I could not with any honestie denie your request: but my desire & wish rather is, that whatsoever I have collected to this purpose, may be answerable both to the ardent zeale of your intention, and also to the willing forwardnes of mine affection; and verily to gratifie your minde, I have accompanied these precepts with many faire and beautifull examples.

First and formost therefore, let this be laid for a sure ground & strong foundation, That who­soever mindeth to be a States man, and to mannage affaires of policie, bring with him a good intent, mooved by reason and judgement, and in no wise arising upon any blind passion, or de­sire of vaine-glorie, or jealousie and emulation of another, or finally upon default of other occu­pations: for like as there be some who spend most of their time in the common-hall or market 20 place, although they have nothing there to do, because they have no good thing at home to be emploied about; even so, you shall have diverse men that thrust themselves into civill and pub­like affaires, for that they have no private busines of their owne, worth tending, and so they use policie as a course of life, or rather a pastime and recreation. Others there be againe, who being by some fortune or chance arrived, or rather cast upon the management of common-weale, and having thereof enough & (as it were) their bellies full, can not with any ease withdraw and retire themselves, when they are once in, resembling those for all the world, who being embarked in some vessel take the sea, only for to be rocked & shaken therin a little for their exercise; but after they be caried by a gale of winde into the deepe, when their heads once begin to turne, and their stomacks sicke and readie to cast, they looke out backe toward the land, but for all that, forced 30 they be to tarrie still on ship-boord, and to frame themselves to their present fortune.

Their lovely joies and pleasures are then gon,
To walke upon the hatches gaily dight,
With rowers seats in foist or gallion,
Whiles sea is calme and weather faire and light:
Which yeelds prospect most pleasant to their sight,
And hearts content, to cut the waves aright.

And these are they, who as much as any, or rather most of all, discredit the thing, in that they re­pent and be much discontented with their choise; namely, when in stead of glorie which they promised themselves, they fall into infamie, and whereas they looked to be feared of others by 40 the meanes of their great credit and authoritie, they bee carried into a world of affaires full of troubles and dangers. But he who commeth to the government of weale publike, and beginneth to enter upon it by sound judgement and true discourse of reason, as a most honest vocation in it selfe, and most agreeable to his estate and qualitie, will no whit be discouraged or dismaied at any of these accidents, nor ever change his resolution. For a man is not to take upon him the managent of State affaires, with intent to negotiate and trafficke there, or to make a gainefull trade and occupation thereof to himselfe, like as in times past at Athens, Stratocles and Dromo­clidas, with those about them, for to go unto their golden harvest (for so by way of jest and mer­rie speech they called the Tribunall seat, and publike pulpit where orations were made unto the people) no nor upon any fit of a sudden passion that commeth upon him, as Cajus Gracchus did 50 at Rome sometime, who at the verie time when his brothers troubles were hot, and his death fresh and new, retired for a while out of the way, and betooke himselfe to a private course of life, farre remote from the common-wealth affaires; but afterwardes, being sudden­ly enkindled and inflamed againe with choler, upon certaine outragious dealings and op­probrious wordes given him by some, would needes in all the haste upon a spleene, rush into the government of State, and quickly had his handes full of businesses, and his ambitious hu­mour was soone fed and satisfied: but then when as he would with all his heart have withdra­wen [Page 349] himselfe, changed his life, and taken his repose, he could not by any meanes lay downe his authoritie and puissance (to such greatnes it was growen) but was killed before he could bring that about. As for these who compasse and dresse themselves as plaiers for to act upon the scaf­fold in some great Theater, and champions to contend with other concurrents, or else aime at vaine-glorie; it can not be, but they must needs repent of that which they have done, especially when they once see that they must serve those whom they thought they were woorthie to rule, or that they can not chuse but displease them, whom they were desirous to gratifie and con­tent. And verily this is my conceit of such, that they runne headlong upon policie and State matters, like unto those who by some misadventure, and sooner than they looked for, be fallen into a pit; for it can not otherwise be, but they be woonderously disquieted, seeing the depth 10 thereof, and wish they had never come there, but were out againe, whereas they, who conside­rately, and upon good deliberation goe downe into the said pit, carrie themselves soberly with quietnes and contentment of spirit, they are vexed, offended and dismaied at nothing, as who at their first entrie, put on a resolute minde, proposing unto themselves vertue and their dutie one­ly, and intending no other thing for to be the scope and end of all their actions.

Thus when as men have well grounded their choise in themselves, untill it be so surely set­led & confirmed, that unneth or hardly it can be altered or changed; then they ought to bend all their wits to the consideration and knowledge of the nature, of their citizens and subjects, whose charge they have undertaken, or at leastwise of that disposition, which being compounded (as it were) of them all, appeereth most and carrieth greatest sway among them. For at the verie first 20 and all at once, to goe about a change and to order and to reforme the nature of a whole com­minaltie, were an enterprise, neither easie to be effected nor safe to bee practised: as being a thing that requireth long time and great authoritie and power. But doe they must as wine doth in our bodies; which at the beginning is moistned (as it were) and overcome by the nature of him who drunke it, but afterwards by gentle warming his stomacke, and by little and little en­tring into his veines, it becommeth of strength to affect the drinker, and make a change and al­teration in him; semblably, a wise politician and governor, untill such time as he hath wonne by the confidence reposed in him, and the good reputation that he hath gotten, so much authority among the people, that he is not able to rule and lead them at his pleasure, will accommodate and apply himselfe to their manners and fashions such as he findeth them, and thereby conjec­ture 30 and consider their humors, untill he know wherein they take pleasure, whereto they are in­clined, and what it is, wherewith they will soonest be lead and carried away. As for example, the Athenians as they are given to be hastie and cholericke; so they be as soone turned to pitie and mercy; more willing to entertaine a suspition quickly, than to have patience and at leasure to be enformed, and take certaine knowledge of a thing; and as they be more enclined and readie to succour base persons and of low condition; so they love, embrace and esteeme merrie words and pleasant conceits, delivered in game and laughter, more than sage and serious sentences; they are best pleased when they heare themselves praised, and least offended againe with those that flout and mocke them; terrible they are and dread, to their verie rulers and magistrates, and yet courteous and milde enough, even to the pardoning of their professed enemies. The na­ture 40 of the Carthaginian people is farre otherwise, bitter, fell, fierce, sterne and full of revenge; obsequious to their betters and superiours; churlish and imperious over their inferiours and underlings; in feare most base and cowardly; in anger most cruell; firme and constant in their resolution, and where they have taken a pitch; hard to be mooved with any sports, pastimes, and jolitie; and in one word, rough & untractable. You should not have seene these fellowes, if Cleon had requested them sitting in counsell (forasmuch as he had sacrificed unto the gods, and was minded to feast some strangers that were his friends, and come to visit him) to put off their assembly to another day; to arise laughing and clapping their hands for joy; nor, if whiles Al­cibiades was a making unto them a solemne oration, a quaile should have escaped from under his gowne and gotten away, would they have runne after her away to catch her, and given her to 50 him againe? nay they would have fallen all upon him; they would have killed them both in the place, as if they had contemned them and made fooles of them: considering that the banished captaine Hanno, because in the campe and armie when he marched, he used a lion as a sumpter horse to carrie some of his baggage; saying, that this savoured strongly of a man that affected tyrannie. Neither do I thinke that the Thebanes could ever have contained themselves, but have opened the letters of their enemies, if they had come into their hands: like as the Athenians did, who having surprized king Philips posts and curriers would never suffer one of their let­ters [Page 350] missive to be broke open, which had the superscription to Queene Olympias my wife; nor discover the love-secrets and merrie conceits passing from an husband being absent in another countrey, and writing to his wife. Neither doe I thinke, that the Athenians on the other side, would have endured and borne with patience the proude spirit and scornefull contempt of Epa­minondas, who would not make answere to an imputation charged against him, before the bodie of the people of Thebes, but arose out of the Theater where the people was assembled, and tho­row them all went his way, and departed into the place of publike exercises. The Lacedae­monians likewise would never have put up the insolent behaviour and mockerie of Stratocles, who having perswaded the Athenians to sacrifice unto the gods, in token of thankesgiving for a victorie, as if they had beene conquerours, and afterwards upon the certaine newes of a defea­ture 10 and overthrow received, when he saw the people highly offended and displeased with him, demaunded of them what injurie he had done them, if by his meanes they had beene merrie and feasted three daies together?

As for the flatterers that belong to Princes courts, they play by their-lords and masters, as those fowlers do, who catch their birds by a pipe counterfeiting their voices; for even so they, to winde and insinuate themselves into the favour of kings and princes, doe resemble them for all the world, and by this devise entrap and deceive them. But for a good governour of a State, it is not meet and convenient that he should imitate the nature and the manners of the people under his government; but to know them and to make use of those meanes to every par­ticular person, by which he knoweth that he may best win and gaine them to him: for the igno­rance 20 and want of skill in this behalfe, namely, how to handle men according to their humours, bringeth with it all disorders, and is the cause of irregular enormities, as well in popular govern­ments, as among minnions and favorites of princes. Now after that a ruler hath gotten autho­ritie and credit once among the people, then ought he to strive and labour, for to reforme their nature and conditions if they be faultie; then is he by little and little to lead them gently (as it were) by hand unto that which is better: for a most painefull and difficult thing it is to change and alter a multitude all at once: and to bring this about the better, he ought first to begin with himselfe, and to amend the misdemeanours and disorders in his owne life and manners, know­ing that he is to live from thence foorth (as it were) in open Theater, where he may be seene and viewed on everie side. Now if haply it be an hard matter for a man to free his owne mind from 30 all sorts of vices at once, yet at least wise he is to cut-off, and put away those that bee most appa­rent and notorious to the eies of the world. For you have heard (I am sure) how Themisto­cles when hee minded to enter upon the mannaging of State-matters, weaned himselfe from such companie wherein hee did nothing but drinke, daunce, revell and make good cheere; and when he fell to sitting up late and watching at his booke, to fasting and studying hard, hee was woont to say to his familiars, that the Tropheae of Miltiades would not suffer him to sleepe and take his rest. Pericles in like case altered his fashions in the whole course and maner of his life, in his person, in his sober and grave going, in his affable and courteous speech, shewing al­waies a staied and setled countenance, holding his hand ever-more under his robe, and never putting it foorth, and not going abroad to any place in the citie, but onely to the tribunall and 40 pulpit for publike orations, or els to the counsell house. For it is not an easie matter to weld and manage a multitude of people, neither are they to be caught of every one, and taken with their safetie in the catching; but a gracious and gainfull piece of worke it were, if a man may bring it thus much about, that like unto suspicious & craftie wilde beasts, they be not affrighted nor set a madding at that which they heare and see, but gently suffer themselves to be handled, and be apt to receive instruction; and therefore this would not in any wise be neglected, neither are such to have a small regard to their owne life and maners, but they ought to studie and labor as much as possibly they can, that the same be without all touch and reproch: for that they who take in hand the government of publike affaires, are not to give account, nor to answere for that onely which they either say or doe in publike, but they are searched narrowly into, and manie a 50 curious eie there is upon them at their boord; much listening after that which passeth in their beds; great sifting and scanning of their marriages and their behaviour in wedlocke, and in one word all that ever they doe privately, whether it be in jest or in good earnest. For what need we write of Alcibiades, who being a man of action and execution, as famous and renowmed a cap­taine as any one in his time, and having borne himselfe alwaies invincible and inferiour to none in the managing of the publike State, yet notwithstanding ended his daies wretchedly, by meanes of his dissolute loosenes and outragious demeanour, in his private life and conversation [Page 351] at home, insomuch as he bereft his owne countrey of the benefit they might have had by his other good parts and commendable qualities, even by his intemperance and sumptuous super­fluitie in expence? Those of Athens found fault with Cimon, because he had a care to have good wine: and the Romaines finding no other thing in Scipio to reproove, blamed him for that hee loved his bed too well: the ill-willers of Pompey the Great, having observed in him that other­whiles he scratched his head with one finger, reprochedhim for it. For like as a little freckle, mole or pendant-wert in the face of man or woman is more offensive, than blacke and blew marks, than scars or maimes in all the rest of the bodie; even so, small and light faults otherwise of themselves, shew great in the lives of Princes, and those who have the government of the weale-publike in their hands, and that in regard of an opinion imprinted in the minds of men 10 touching the estate of governours and magistrates, esteeming it a great thing, and that it ought to be pure and cleere from all faults and imperfections. And therefore deserved Julius Drusus, a noble Senatour and great ruler in Rome to be highly praised, in that, when one of his workemen promised him (if he so would) to devise and contrive his house so, that whereas his neighbours overlooked him, and saw into many parts thereof, they should have no place therein exposed to their view and discoverie, and that this translating and alteration thereof should cost him but five talents: Nay (quoth he) thou shalt have ten talents, and make mine house so, that it may bee seene into on everie side, to the end that all the citie may both see and know how I live; for in trueth he was a grave, wise, honest, and comely personage. But peradventure it is not so neces­sarie that a house lie so open as to be looked into on all sides: for the people have eies to pierce 20 and enter into the verie bottom of governours manners, of their counsels, actions, and lives, which a man would thinke to be most covert & secret, & no lesse quick-sighted are they in their private carriage, as in that which they see them doe, and heare them speake in publike; loving some with a kinde of admiration, and hating others in disdainfull and contemptuous manner. What? will some one say, do not some cities otherwhiles love to be ruled by governors, whom they know to be dissolute and disordinate in their manner of life? Yes, I beleeve it verie well. And so forsooth, we see some women when they are with childe, long many times to eate grit of stones, and they who are stomacke-sicke, and have a peevish appetite, desire salt-fish, and such other naughtie meates; but within a while after, when the fit is once past, they reject, refuse and lothe the same; even so many States and Comminalties often-times upon an insolencie, wan­tonnesse 30 and disordinate desire, or for default of better governours, be served with those that come first, and they care not with whom, notwithstanding they have them in contempt and de­testation, but afterwards they are very well content when such speeches goe of them, as Plato a comicall Poet in one of his Comedies inferreth to be spoken by the people themselves:

Take me by hand, take holde and that right soone,
Agyrrius els I'll captaine chuse anon.

And againe in another place, he bringeth in the people calling for a bason and a feather for to provoke vomit, saying thus:

At my tribunall seat most eminent,
Herselfe to me Mantile doth present. 40

And a little after,

Astinking head it keepes and feedeth now,
Amaladie most foule, I do avow.

And the people of Rome, at what time as Carbo avouched a thing, and bound it by a great oath, yea, and the same with a curse and execration, if it were not so; yet for all that all with one voice sware aloud to the contrary, and protested that they would not beleeve him. Also at Lacedaemon, when one Demosthenes, a wicked and dissolute person, had delivered his opinion and advice, ve­rie well fitting and behoovefull to the matter in question, the people rejected it; but the Ephori having chosen one of their Ancients and honourable counsellers of Estate, willed him to speake to the same point and the like effect; which was as much as if they had taken it out of one foule 50 and filthie vessell, and put the same into another that was faire and cleane, and all to please and content the people and multitude so effectuall is for the government of an Estate, the assured perswasion of the honestie of a personage, and as forcible likewise is the contrarie. I write not thus to this end, that we should neglect the grace of eloquence and the powerfull skill of well­speaking, as if all should lie upon vertue, and nothing els, but that we are to thinke, that Rheto­ricall speech and brave utterance is not the thing alone which perswadeth the people, but that it [Page 352] is a good helpe, and doth cooperate in perswasion, so that we may in some sort correct and a­mend that sentence of Menander:

The honest life of him that speakes in place,
And not his tongue, doth credit win and grace.

For life and language both ought to concurre, unlesse haply one would say, That it is the pilot onely that governeth the ship, and not the helme; and the rider alone turneth the horse head, and not the reines or bridle; semblably, that the science of policie and government of weale­publike useth maners and not eloquence, as an helme or bridle, to manage, direct and governe a whole citie, which is (according to Plato) a creature (as one would say) most easie to be turned, so that it be conducted and guided, as it were, in the poope: for seeing that those great kings, 10 the sonnes of Jupiter (as Homer calleth them) set out and puffe up their magnificent part, with long robes of purple, with scepters in their hands, with a guard of squires and pensioners about their persons, with whom they were environed on everie side, yea, and with the oracles of the gods in their favour, subjecting unto their obeisance (by this outward venerable shew) the com­mon sort, and imprinting an opinion that they are in greater state than men; and yet for all this, were desirous to learne how to speake wisely, and not carelesse and negligent to winne grace by good speech,

And eloquence, whereby more perfect they
In warlike feats might be another day.

not recommending themselves to Jupiter onely the Counseller, nor to bloodie Mars and war­like 20 Minerva, but invocating the Muse Calliope,

Who doth upon great kings attend,
And makes them ay more reverend.

with her perswasive grace and vertue dulcing and appeasing the violent mood and fiercenesse of the people. Seeing (I say) that mightie princes be furnished with so many helps and meanes; is it possible that a private person, with a simple robe and popular habit, taking upon him to weld and rule a whole citie or State, should ever be able to effect his purpose, namely, to tame and range into order an unruly multitude, unlesse he have eloquence to aide him in this businesse, for to perswade and bring them to the bent of his bow? for mine owne part, I thinke No. As for the masters and captaines of gallies and other ships, they have other officers under them, as 30 their boat-swaines, to give knowledge what they would have to be done; but a good governour of State ought to have within himselfe the skill and knowledge of the steeres-man to sit at sterne and guide the helme, and besides that, good speech also to make knowen his will and pleasure, to the end that he need not at all the voice of another, nor be forced to say as Iphicrates did when he was overcome and braved out by the eloquent words of Aristophon: My adversaries plaier acteth better than mine, but surely my play is much better than theirs: and that he have not need often-times to have in his mouth these verses of Euripides:

Would God the seed and race of mortall men
Were speechlesse cleane, or could not speake words ten.

As also of these: 40

Oh God, that mens affaires and causes all
Required no words, and for no speech did call,
That oratours, whose tongues do plead so hard,
Were not emploied, nor in so good regard.

For these sentences perhaps might give leave to some Alcamenes, Nesiots, and Ictines, or such maner of people, who live by their handy-worke, get their living by the sweat of their browes, and are past all hope to atteine unto any perfection of eloquence, to flie there-fro: as it is repor­ted of two Architects or great Masons at Athens sometimes, who came in question for their skill, whether of the twaine was more sufficient to make a great fabricke and publike piece of worke; the one, who could speake very well and expresse his minde with varietie and elegancie 50 of words, pronounced a premeditate oration as touching the frame and building thereof; which he did so well, that he moved the whole assembly therewith; the other, who was more skilfull in Architecture, & the better workman by far, but one that could not deliver his mind so eloquent­ly, when he came before the people, said no more but thus: My masters of Athens, that which this man here hath said, I will do. And verily such good fellowes as these, acknowledge no other goddesse or patronesse than Minerva the artisan, surnamed Ergane, and who as Sophocles saith:

[Page 353]
Upon the massive anvile tame,
With weightie strokes of hammer strong,
A livelesse barre of yron, and frame
Obeisant to their labours long.

But the minister or prophet to Minerva Polias, that is to say, the protectresse of cities, and to Themis or Justice the protectresse of counsell:

Who of mens counsels president,
Dissolves, or holds them resident.

he (I say) having but one instrument to use and occupie, which is his speech, by forming and fashioning some things to his owne mould, and others which he findeth untoward and not pli­able 10 to the desseine of his worke (as if they were knurres and knots in timber, or flawes and ri­sings in yron) by softning, polishing and making plaine and smoothe, embelisheth in the end a whole citie. By this meanes the Common-wealth of Pericles, in name and outward appea­rance being popular, was in trueth and effect a principality and regall State, governed by one man the principall person of the citie: and what was it that did the deed? surely the force and power of his eloquence: for at the same time there lived Cimon, a good man, Ephialtes also and Thucydides, who being one day demanded by Archidamus the king of the Lacedaemonians, whether hee or Pericles wrestled better: That were (quoth hee) very hard to say; for when in wrestling I beare him downe to the ground, he is by his words able to perswade the standers by and beholders, that he is not fallen, and so goeth cleere away with it. And verily, this gift of 20 his brought not onely to him honour & glorie, but also safetie to the whole citie; which being by him ruled and perswaded, preserved and mainteined full well the wealth and estate which it had of her owne, and forbare to desire the conquest of any other: whereas poore Nicias, al­though hee had the same good meaning and intention, yet because he wanted that perswasive facultie with his smooth tongue and eloquent speech, like unto a gentle bit, when he went a­bout to bridle & restraine the covetous desire of the people, could not compasse it, but mauger and in spight of his heart was overswaied, caried away, and haled by the very necke into Sicilie; such was the violence of the people. An olde said saw it is, and a true proverbe: That it is not good holding of a wolfe by the eares; but surely of a city or State, a man must principally take hold by the eares; and not as some doe, who are not sufficiently exercised nor well seene in the 30 feat of eloquence, search other absurd and foolish handles to catch hold by, for to win and draw the people unto them: for divers you shall have, who thinke to draw and leade the multitude by the belly, in making great feasts and banqueting them; others by the purse, in giving them lar­gesses of silver; some by the eie, in exhibiting unto them goodly sights of plaies, games, war­like dances and combats of fencers at the utterance; which devices are not to draw and leade the people gently, but to catch them rather cunningly: for the drawing or leading of a multitude, is properly to perswade them by force of eloquence; whereas the other allurements and entice­ments resemble very well the baits that are laied for to take brute and wilde beasts, or the fodder that herd-men use to feed them with. Since then it is so, that the chiefe instrument of a wise and sage governour, is his speech, this principall care would be had, that the same be not too much 40 painted and set out, as if he were some yoong gallant that desired to shew his eloquence in a Theater and frequent assembly of a great faire or market, composing his oration as a chaplet of flowers with the most beautifull, sweet and pleasant phrases or tearmes that he can chuse; nei­ther ought the same to be so painfully studied and premeditated as that oration of Demosthenes was, which Pytheas said (by way of reproch) that it smelled of lamp-oile; nor full of over-much sophisticall curiositie of enthymemes and arguments too witty and subtile; nor yet with clauses and periods exactly measured to the rule and compasse. But like as Musicians are desirous that in touching and stroke of their strings there should appeare a sweet and kinde affection, and not a rude beating; even so in the speech of a sage ruler, whether it be in giving counsell or decree­ing any thing, there ought not to be seene the artificiall cunning of an Oratour, nor any curious 50 affection; neither must it in any wise tend to his owne praise, as if he had spoken learnedly, for­mally, subtilly, wittily and with precise respect and distinctions: let it be full rather of naturall af­fection without arte, of true heart and magnanimitie, of franke and fatherly remonstrance, as may become the father of his countrey, full of forecast and providence, of a good mind and un­derstanding, carefull of the common-weale, having together with honest and comely dignitie a lovely grace that is attractive, consisting of grave tearmes, pertinent reasons, and proper sen­tences, and the same significant and perswasive. For in trueth the oration and stile of a States­man [Page 354] and governour admitteth in comparison of a lawier or advocate pleading at the barre in court, more sententious speeches, histories, fables and metaphors, which do then move and af­fect the multitude most, when the speaker knoweth how to use them with measure, in time and place convenient; like as he did, who said: My masters, see that you make not Greece one-eied: (speaking of the citie of Athens, when they were about to destroy it) and according as Demades also did, when he said, that he sat at sterne to governe, not a ship, but the shipwracke of a citie and Commonwealth: Semblably Archilochus in saying,

Let not the stone of Tantalus
This isle alwaies hang ouer thus.

Likewise Pericles when he gaue advice and commanded to take away that eie-sore of the haven 10 Pirean, meaning thereby the little isle Aegina. In the same maner Phocion speaking of the victorie atchieved by Generall Leosthenes, said thus; The stadium or short race of this warre is good, but I feare (quoth he) the dolichus thereof; that is to say, the afterclaps and length there­of. In summe, a speech standing somewhat of hautinesse, grauitie, and greatnesse, is more be­sitting a gouernour of State: and for example heereof, go no further than to the orations of Demosthenes penned against king Philip, and among other speeches, set downe by Thucydides, that which was delivered by the Ephorus Sthenelaidas: also that of king Archidamus, in the ci­tie Plataeae: likewise the oration of Pericles after that great pestilence at Athens. As for those long sermons, cariyng a great traine of sentences and continued periods after them, which Theopompus, Ephorus and Anaximenes, bring in to be pronounced by captaines unto their 20 soldiours when they be armed and stand arranged in battell-ray, a man may say of such as the Poet did:

What fooles would speake thus many words,
So neere to edge and dint of swords.

Over and besides; true it is that a man of government may otherwhiles give a taunt and nip­ping seoffe, he may cast out also a merrie jest to moove laughter, and namely, if it be to rebuke, chastise, yea and to quippe one and take him vp for his good, after a modest maner, and not to touch him too neere and wound him in honour and credite to his disgrace, with a kinde of scurrilitie. But aboue all it may beseeme him thus to doe when he is provoked thereunto, and is driven to replie and give one for another by way of exchange: for to begin first in that sort, 30 and to come prepared with such premeditate stuffe, is more befitting a pleasant or common jester, who would make the companie laugh, besides that, it carieth also an opinion of a malici­ous and spitefull minde: and such are the biting frumpes and broad jests of Cicero and Cato the elder; likewise of one Euxitheus a familiar and disciple of Aristotle; for these many times be­gan first to scoffe and taunt; but when a man never doth it but by way of reply or rejoinder, the sodaine occasion giveth him pardon to be revenged, and withall such requitals carie the greater grace with them. Thus dealt Demosthenes by one who was deepely suspected to be a theese: for when he would seeme to twit Demosthenes by his watching and sitting up all night at his booke for to endite and write: I wot well (quoth Demosthenes) that I trouble and hinder thee very much with keeping my candle or lampe burning all night long. Also when he answe­red 40 Demades, who cried out aloud: Demosthenes would correct me (as much to say forsoorth) as if according to the common proverbe, the sow should teach Minerva: Minerva (quoth he, ta­king that word out of his mouth) what's that you say? Minerva was surprized not long since in adulterie. Semblably it was with no ill grace that Xenetus answered his country-men and fellow citizens, who cast in his teeth and upbraided him, for that being their leader and captaine he fled out of the field: With you (quoth he) my loving and deere friends, I ran away for compa­nie. But great regard and heed would be taken, that in this kinde he overpasse not himselfe, nor go beyond the bonds of mediocritie in such ridiculous jests, for feare that either he offend and displease the hearers unseasonably, or debase and abject himselfe too grosly, by giving out such ridiculous speeches: which was the fault of one Democrates, who mounting one day up into the 50 pulpit or publicke place of audience, said openly to the people there assembled; That himselfe was like unto their citie, for that he had small force, and yet was puft up with much winde. Ano­ther time also, and namely when the great field was lost before Chaeronea, he presented himselfe to speake unto the people in this maner: I would not for any thing that the common wealth were driven to such calamitie and so hard an exigent, that you should have patience to heare me, and neede to take counsell at my hands: for as in the one he shewed himselfe a base and vile person, so in the other he plaied the brain-sicke foole and sencelesse asse: but for a man of [Page 355] State, neither is the one nor the other decent and agreeable. Furthermore, Phocion is had in admiration for his brevitie of speech, insomuch as Polyeuctus giving his judgement of him, said: Demosthenes indeed is the greatest Oratour, and the most famous Rhetorician, but Pho­cion beleeve me, is the best speaker; for that his pithie speech was so couched, that in few words it coutained much substance and good matter. And even Demosthenes himselfe, howsoever he made no reckoning of all other orators in his time, yet if Phocion rose up to deliver a speech af­ter him, would say: Lo heere standeth up now the hatchet or pruning knife of my words. Well then, endevour you as much as possibly you can, when you are to make a speech before the multitude to speake considerately and with great circumspection, directing your words so, as they may tend to safetie and securitie, and not in any case to vse vaine and frivolous language: 10 knowing well that Pericles himselfe, that great governour, was woont to make his praier un­to the gods before hee entred into his oration in publicke audience: That he might let fall no word out of his mouth impertinent to the matter which he was to handle; and yet for all this, you must be well exercised neverthelesse, and practised in the knowledge how to be able to answere and replie readily; for many occasions passe in a moment, and bring with them as many sudden cases and occurrences, especially in matters of government. In which re­gard, Demosthenes was (by report) reputed inferior to many others in his time, for that other­whiles he would withdraw himselfe and not be seene when occasion was offered, if he had not well premeditated and studied aforehand of that which he had to say. Theophrastus also writeth of Alcibiades, that being desirous to speake, not onely that which was convenient, but also in 20 maner and forme as it was meet; many a time in the mids of his oration would make a stay, and be at a nonplus, whiles he sought and studied for some proper tearmes, and laboured to couch and compose them sitting for his purpose: but he who taketh occasion to stand up for to make a speech of sudden occurrences, and respective to the occasions and times presented unto him, such a one I say of all others doth most moove and astonish a multitude, he I say is able to leade them as he list and dispose of them at his pleasure. After this maner plaied Leon the Bi­zantine, who was sent upon a time from those of Constantinople vnto the Athenians, being at civill debate and dissention among themselves, for to make remonstrances unto them of paci­fication and agreement: for a very little man was he of stature, and when the people sawe him mounted up into the place of audience, everie one began to teigh, tittre, and laugh at him; 30 which he perceiving well enough: And what would you do and say then (quoth he) if you sawe my wife, whose crowne of hir head will hardly reach up so high as my knee? At which word, they tooke up a greater fit of laughter then before throughout the whole assembly: And yet (quoth he againe) as little as we both be, if we chance to be at variance and debate one with ano­ther, the whole citie of Constantinople is not big enough for us, nor able to holde us twaine. Pytheas likewise, the Orator, at what time as he spake against the honors which were decreed for king Alexander, when one said unto him: How now sir, dare you presume to speake of so great matters, being as you are, so yoong a man? And why not (quoth he) for Alexander whom you make a god among you by your decrees, is yoonger than my selfe.

Furthermore, over and besides a ready tongue and well exercised, he ought to bring with him 40 a strong voice, a good breast and a long breath, to this combat of State government; which I assure you, is not lightly to be accounted of, but wherein the champion is to be provided for all feats of masteries or fight; for feare lest if it chance that his voice faile or be wearie and faint, he be overcome and supplanted by some one

Catchpoll, Crier, and of that ranke,
Wide-mouth'd Jugler or mount-banke.

And yet Cato the yoonger, when he suspected that either the Senate or the people were fore­stalled by graces, laboring for voices and such like prevention, so as he had no hope to perswade and compasse such matters as he went about, would rise up and holde them all a day long with an oration; which he did to drive away the time, that at least-wise upon such a day there should be 50 nothing done or passe against his mind. But as touching the speech of a governor, how power­full and effectuall it is, and how it ought to be prepared, we have this already sufficiently treated, especially for such an one as is able of himselfe to devise all the rest, which consequently follow­eth hereupon.

Moreover, two avennes (as it were) or waies there be to come unto the credit of govern­ment; the one short and compendious, yeelding an honourable course to win glory and repu­tation; but it is not without some danger; the other longer and more base and obscure, howbeit [Page 356] alwaies safe and sure. For some there be, who making saile and setting their course (as a man would say) from some high rocke situate in the maine sea, have ventured at the first upon some great and worthy enterprise, which required valour and hardinesse, and so at the very beginning entred into the middes of State-affaires, supposing that the Poet Pindarus said true in these his verses:

A worthy worke who will begin,
Must when he enters first therein,
Set out a gay fore front to view
Which may farre off the lustre shew.

For certeinly the multitude and common sort being satisfied and full already of those gover­nours 10 whom they have bene used to a long time, receive more willingly all beginners and new­commers, much-like as the spectatours and beholders of plaies or games have better affection a great deale to see a new champion entring fresh into the lists. And verily all those honours, dignities and powerfull authorities which have a sudden beginning and glorious encrease, doe ordinarily astonish and daunt all envie: for neither doth the fire (as Ariston saith) make a smoke which is quickly kindled; and made to burne out of a light flame; nor glorie breed envie when it is gotten at once and speedily; but such as grow up by little and little, at leisure, those be they that are caught therewith, some one way and some another. And this is the cause that before they come to flower (as it were) and grow to any credit of government, fade and become dead and withered about the publike place of audience. But whereas it falleth out according to the 20 Epigram of the courrier or runner Ladas,

No sooner came the sound of whip to eare,
But he was at the end of his carreare,
And then withall, in one and selfe-same trice
He crowned was with laurell for his price.

that some one hath at first performed an ambassage honourably, rode in triumph gloriously, or conducted an armie valiantly, neither envious persons nor spightfull ill-willers have like power against such as against others. Thus came Aratus into credit the very first day, for that he had defaited and overthrowen the tyrant Nicocles. Thus Alcibiades woon the spurres, when he pra­ctised and wrought the alliance betweene the Mantimeans and the Athenians against the Lace­daemonians. 30 And when Pompey the great would have entred the citie of Rome in triumph, be­fore he had shewed himselfe unto the Senate, and was withstood by Sylla, who meant to im­peach him, he stucke not to say unto him: More men there be sir, who worship the Sun rising, than the Sun setting; which when Sylla heard, he gave place and yeelded unto him without one word replying to the contrary. And when as the people of Rome chose and declared Cornelius Scipio Consull all on a sudden, and that against the ordinary course of law, when as himselfe stood onely to be Aedile, it was not upon some vulgar beginning and ordinary entrance into af­faires of State, but for the great admiration they had of his rare and singular prowesse, in that be­ing but a very youth, he had mainteined single fight and combat hand to hand with his enemy in Spaine, and vanquished him; yea, and within a while after, in the necke of it, had atchieved many 40 worthy exploits against the Carthaginians, being but a militarie Tribune or Colonel of a thou­sand foot: for which brave acts and services of his, Cato the elder as he returned out of the campe cried out with a loud voice of him:

Right wise and sage indeed alone is he,
The rest to him but flitting shadowes be.

But now sir, seeing that the cities & States of Greece are brought to such tearmes, that they have no more armies to conduct, nor tyrants to be put downe, nor yet alliances to be treated and made, what noble and brave enterprise would you have a yoong gentleman performe at his be­ginning and entrance into government? Mary, there are left for him publike causes to plead, ambassages to negotiate unto the Emperour or some sovereigne potentate; which occasions 50 do ordinarily require a man of action, hardy and ardent at the first enterprise, wise and warie in the finall execution. Besides, there be many good and honest customes of ancient time, either for-let or growen out of kinde by negligence, which may be set on foot, renewed and reformed againe: many abuses also by ill custome are crept into cities, where they have taken deepe root, and beene setled, to the great dishonour and damage of the common-wealth: which may be re­dressed by his meanes. It falleth out many times, that a great controversie judged and decided aright; the triall likewise and proofe of faithfull trust and diligence in a poore mans cause main­teined [Page 357] and defended frankly and boldly against the oppression of some great and mightie adver­sarie; also a plaine and stout speech delivered in the behalfe of right and justice, against some grand Signiour who is unjust and injurious, have affoorded honorable entries unto the manage­ment of State affaires. And many there be, who have put foorth themselves, made their parts knowen, and come up, by enterteining quarrels and enmities with those personages, whose au­thoritie was odious, envied and terrible to the people: for we alwaies see that presently the puis­sance and power of him that is put downe and overthrowen, doth accrue unto him who had the upper hand, with greater reputation: which I speake not as if I did approve and thought it good for one to oppose himselfe by way of envie unto a man of honour and good respect, and who by his vertue holdeth the chiefe place of credit in his countrey, thereby to undermine his estate, 10 like as Simmias dealt by Pericles, Alcmaeon by Themistocles, Clodius by Pompeius, and Meneclides the Oratour by Epaminondas; for this course is neither good nor honourable, and besides, lesse gainefull and profitable: for say that the people in a sudden fit of furious choler commit some outrage and abuse upon a man of worth; afterwards, when they repent at leasure (being coole) that which they did hastily in their heat of blood, they thinke there is no readier nor juster means to excuse themselves to him, than to deface, yea, and undoe the said partie who first moved and induced them to those proceedings. And verily, to set upon a wicked person, who either by his audacious and inconsiderate rashnesse, or by his fine & cautelous devices hath gotten the head over a whole citie, or brought a state to his devotion, such as were in olde time Cleon and Clito­phon at Athens; to set upon those (I say) for to bring them under, yea, and utterly to destroy 20 them out of the way, were a notable preamble (as it were) to the Comedy for him that is moun­ted upon the stage of a common-wealth, and newly entred into the government thereof. I am not ignorant likewise, that some by clipping the wings, or paring the nailes (as a man would say) of an imperious Senate and lordly Seignoury, taking upon them too much, and try nnizing by vertue of their absolute sovereigntie, which was the practise of one Ephialtes at Athens; and ano­ther in the citie Elis, whose name was Phormio, have acquired honour and reputation in their countrey: but I holde this to be a dangerous beginning for to be enterprised by them that would come to the managing of State-affaires. And it seemeth that Solon made choise of a bet­ter entrance than so, for the citie of Athens being divided into three parts or regions; the first of those that did inhabit the hill; the second of them who dwelt upon the plaine; and the third 30 of such as kept by the water-side; he would not seeme to side with any one of these three parts, but caried himselfe indifferent unto them all, saying & doing what he could to reconcile and re­unite them together: by which meanes chosen he was, by the generall consent of them all, the lord Reformer, to draw new lawes and conditions of pacification among them; and by this practise he established and confirmed the State of Athens. Thus you see how a man may enter into the government of the common-wealth by honourable and glorious commencements: and this may suffice for the former avenne of the twaine aforesaid unto the affaires of State.

As for the other way, which as it giveth more sure accesse, so it is not so expedite and short; there have beene many notable men who in old time made choise thereof, and loved it better: and by name, Aristides, Phocion, Pammenes the Theban, Lucullus in Rome, Cato and Agesilaus 40 at Lacedaemon: for like as the ivie windeth about trees stronger than it selfe, and riseth up aloft together with them; even so each one of these before-named, being yet yoong novices and un­knowen, joining and coupling themselves with other ancient personages who were already in credit by rising leasurely under the wing and shadow of others, and growing with them, groun­ded themselves and tooke good root against the time that they undertooke the government of State. Thus Clisthenes raised Aristides; Chabrias advanced Phocion; by Sylla, Lucullus rose; Ca­to by Fab. Maximus; Epaminondas came up by Pammenes; and Agesilaus by Lysander; but this man named last, upon a certeine inordinate ambition and importune jealousie did wrong unto his owne reputation, by casting and rejecting behind him a worthy personage, who guided and directed him in all his actions: but all the rest wisely and honestly reverenced, acknowledged, 50 yea, and aided with all their power, even to the very end, the authors of their rising and advance­ment; much like unto those bodies which are opposed full against the Sunne, in returning and sending backe the light that shineth upon them, doe augment and illustrate the same so much the more. Thus when evill tongued persons, who envied and maligned the glory of Scipio, gave out that he was but the plaier and actour onely of those woorthy feats of armes which he execu­ted; for the authour thereof was Laelius his familiar friend: yet Laelius for all these speeches was never mooved nor altered in his purpose, but continued still the same man to promote and se­cond [Page 358] the glory and vertue of Scipio. As for Afranius the friend of Pompeius, notwithstanding he was but of base and low degree, yet being upon tearmes to be chosen Consull, when he under­stood that Pompeius fauoured others, gave over his sute, and let fall the possibilitie that he had; saying withal: That it would not be so honourable unto him for to be promoted unto that digni­tie of Consulate, as grievous and troublesome, to obteine the same against the good will, and without the favour and assistance of Pompeius; and so in deferring and putting off the matter but one yeere longer, he had not the repulse when the time came, and therewith he kept his friend still, and enjoied his favour. And by this meanes it commeth to passe, that those who are thus led by the hand of others, and trained to the way of preferment and glorie, in gratifying one, do gratisie many withall; and besides, if any inconvenience chance to ensue, the lesse odious they 10 be and hatefull for it: which was the reason that Philip king of Macedonie earnestly exhorted and admonished his sonne Alexander that he should provide himselfe of many friends and servi­tours whiles he might, and had leasure, even during the reigne of another, namely, by conver­sing and conferring graciously with every one, and by cheerefull behaviour and affabilitie to all, for to winne their love and favour; but when he was once invested in the kingdome, to chuse for his guide and conductour in the managing of State-affaires, not simply him who is of most credit and greatest reputation, but rather the man who is such an one by his desert and vertue: for like as every tree will not admit a vine to wind about the trunke & body thereof; for some there be that do choke & utterly marre the growth of it; even so in the government of cities & States, those who are not truely honest and lovers of vertue, but ambitious and desirous of honour and 20 sovereignty onely, affoord not unto yong men the meanes and occasions of worthy enterprises and noble acts, but upon envie and jealousie holde them under and put them backe as farre as they can, and thus make them to consume and languish, as if they deteined from them their glo­rie, and cut them short of that which is their onely food and nourishment. Thus did Marius in Afrike first, and afterwards in Galatia by Sylla, by whose meanes hee had performed much good service; and in the end would not use him at all, but cast him off; for that in trueth, hee was vexed at the heart to see him growe up as hee did, and to winne so great reputation under him, howsoever hee would have seemed to colour the matter, and make the signet in the colet of his ring which he sealed withall, the pretense and cloake thereof. For Sylla being treasurer in Africke, vnder Marius the lord General, was sent by him unto king Bocchus, and brought with 30 him Jugurtha prisoner; and being a yoong gentleman as he was, and beginning to taste the sweetenesse of glorie, he could not carrie himselfe modestly in this good fortune of his, but must needs weare vpon his finger a faire seale ring, wherein he caused to be engrauen the histo­rie of this exploit, and namely how Bocchus delivered into his hands Jugurtha prisoner: heere­at Sylla tooke exceptions, laid this to his charge, and made it a colourable occasion of rejecting and putting him out of his place: but he joining himselfe with Catulus and Metellus, good men both, and adversaries of Marius; soone after chased Marius and turned him out of all in a civill war, which was well neere the ruine and overthrow of the Romaine empire. Sylla dealt not so with Pompeius, for he evermore advaunced & graced him from his very youth, he would arise out of his chaire, and vaile bonet vnto him when hee came in place: semblably hee caried 40 himselfe toward other yong gentlemen and gallants of Rome, imparting unto some the meanes of doing the exploits of captaines and commanders: yea quickning and putting others for­ward who were unwilling of themselves; and in so doing he filled all his armies with zeale, emu­lation, and desire of honor, striving who should doe better, and by this meanes became him­selfe superior evermore, and ruled all; at length desirous to be not the onely man, but the first and the greatest among many that were likewise great. These be the men therefore with whom a yoong States man ought to joine; to these he ought to cleave, & in them as it were to be incor­porate: not as that cockatrice or Basilisk in Aesops fables, who being carried aloft on the shoul­ders of the eagle, no sooner came neere to the sunne beames, but suddenly tooke his flight, and came to the place before the eagle: and after that maner to rob them of their honour, and se­cretly 50 to catch their glorie from them; but contrariwise to receiue it of them with their consent and good favour, and to give them to understand that they had never knowne how to rule un­lesse they had learned first of them to obey well, as Plato saith.

Next after this followeth the election and choise that they ought to make of their friends: In which point, they are not to take example either by Themistocles or Cleon: As for Cleon when he knew that he was to undertake the government upon him, assembled all his friends to­gether, and declared unto them that he renounced all their amitie, saying; That friendship was [Page 359] oftentimes a cause that disabled men, and withdrew them from their right intention in affaires of State; but it had beene farre better done of him to have exiled and chased out of his minde all avarice and contentious humors, to have clensed his heart from envie and malice: for the government of cities hath not need of those who are friendlesse and destitute of familiar com­panions, but of such as be wise and honest: but when he had banished and put away his friends, he entertained round about him a sort of flatterers, who daily stroked and licked him, as the co­micall poets use to say. He became rough and severe to good and civill men, but in stead there­of he debased himselfe to court, flatter, and please the multitude, doing and saying all things to content them, and taking rewards at every mans hand, combining and sorting himselfe with the woorst and most leaud people in the whole citie, by their meanes to make head, and set against 10 the best and most honorable persons. Themistocles yet tooke another course, who when one said unto him; You shall do the part of a good ruler and magistrate, in case you make your selfe equall unto every one alike; answered thus; I pray God I may never sit in such a throne or seate, wherein my friends may not prevaile more with me, than they that are not my friends. But here­in he did not well, no more than the other, thus to promise any part and authoritie of his go­vernment unto those with whom he had amitie, and to submit the publicke affaires unto his private and particular affections: howbeit, for all this, he answered very well unto Simonides, re­questing somewhat at his hand that was not just: Neither were he a good musician or poet, (quoth he) who should sing against measures: nor the magistrate righteous who in favour of a­ny person doth ought against the lawes. For in truth a shamefull thing it were and a great indig­nitie; 20 that in a ship the master or owner thereof should giue order to be provided of a good pi­lot and steresman; that the pilot also should chuse good bote-swaines and other mariners,

Who can the helme rule in the sterne below,
And hoise up saile above, when windes do blow.

Also that an architect or master builder, knoweth how to chuse those workemen and laborers under him, who will in no case hurt his worke, but set it forward, and take paines with him for his best behoofe: and a States-man or governour, who as Pindarus saith well,

Of justice, is the architect,
And policy ought to direct.

not know at the very first to chuse friends of the same zeale and affection that he is himselfe, to 30 second and assist him in his enterprises, and to be as it were the spirits to inspire him with a de­sire of well doing; but to suffer himselfe to be bent and made pliable unjustly and violentlie; now to gratifie the will of one; and anon, to serve the turne and appetite of another: For such a man resembleth properly a carpenter or mason, who by error, ignorance, and want of experi­ence, useth his squires, his plumbs, levels and rules so, that they make his worke to rise crooked and out of square in the end. For certeinly frends be the very lively tooles, and sensible instru­ments of governors; and in case they doe amisse and worke without the right line, the rulers themselves are not to slip and go awry with them for companie, but to have a carefull eie unto this, that unwitting to them they doe not erre and commit a fault. For this it was that wrought Solon dishonor, and caused him to be reproched and accused by his owne citizens, for that ha­ving 40 an intention to ease mens greevous debts, and to bring in that which at Athens they called Sisachthia, as if one would say, an aleviation of some heavie burden which was a pleasing and plausible name, importing a generall striking out of all debts, and a cancelling of bonds; he imparted this desseigne and purpose of his to some of his friens, who did him a shrewd turne, and most unjustly wrought him much mischiefe; for upon this inkling given unto them, they made haste to take up and borrow all the money they could, as farre as their credite would ex­tend: not long after when this edict or proclamation aforesaid concerning the annulling of all debts was come foorth and brought to light; these frends of his were found to have purchased goodly houses, and faire lands, with the monies which they had levied. Thus Solon was charged with the imputation of doing this wrong, together with them, when as himselfe indeede was 50 wronged and abnused by them. Agesilaus also shewed himselfe in the occasions and sutes of his frends most weake and feeble minded, more iwis than in any thing else, resembling the horse Pegasus in Euripides,

Who shrunke full low and yeelded what he could,
His backe to mount, more than the rider would.

and helping his familiar frends in all their distresses more affectionatly and willingly than was meet and reason: for whensoever they were called into question in justice for any transgressions, [Page 360] he would seeme to be privie and partie with them in the same. Thus hee saved one Phaebidas, who was accused to have surprised secretly the castle of Thebes called Ladmia, without commissi­on and warrant, alledging in his defence, that such enterprises ought to be executed by his owne proper motive, without attending any other commandement. Moreover, he wrought so with his countenance and favour, that one Ephodrias, who was attaint for an unlawfull and heinous act, and namely, for entring by force and armes with a power into the countrey of Attica, what time as the Athenians were allied and confederate in amitie with the Lacedaemonians, escaped judgement, and was found unguiltie; which he did, being wrought thereto and mollified (as it were) by the amourous praiers of his sonne. Likewise, there is a missive of his found, and goeth abroad to be seene, which he wrote unto a certaine great lord or potentate in these tearmes: If 10 Nicias have not trespassed, deliver him for justice sake; if he have transgressed, deliver him for my sake; but howsoever it be, deliver him and let him go. But Phocion contrariwise would not so much as assist in judgement Charillus his own sonne in law, who had married his daughter, when he was called into question and indited for corruption & taking money of Harpalis, but left him and departed, saying: In all causes just and reasonable I have made you my allie, and wil imbrace your affinitie; in other cases you shall pardon me. Timoleon also the Corinthian, after that he dealt what possibly he could with his brother by remonstrance, by praiers and intreaty to re­claime and disswade him from being a tyrant; seeing that he could doe no good on him, turned the edge of his sword against him, and joined with those that murdered him in the end: for a ma­gistrate ought to friend a man and stand with him not onely with this gage, as farre as to the al­tar, 20 that is to say, untill it come to the point of being forsworne for him, according as Pericles one day answered to a friend of his, but also thus farre forth onely, as not to doe for his sake any thing contrary to the lawes, against right, or prejudicial to the common-weale: which rule be­ing neglected and not precisely observed, is the cause that bringeth great losse and ruine to a state; as may appeare by the example of Phoebidas and Sphodrias, who being not punished ac­cording to their deserts, were not the least causes that brought upon Sparta the unfortunate warre and battell at Leuctrae. True it is, that the office of a good ruler and administratour of the weale-publicke, doth not require precisely and force us to use everity and to punish every slight and small trespasse of our friends; but it permitteth us after we have looked to the main-chance and secured the State, then as it were of a surplussage to succour our friends, to assist and helpe 30 them in their affaires, and take part with them. Moreover, there be certeine favours which may be done without envie and offence; as namely, to stand with a friend rather than another, for the getting of a good office; to bring into his hand some honourable commission, or an ea­sie and kinde ambaslage, as namely, to be sent unto a prince or potentate in the behalfe of a city or State, onely to salute him and doe him honour; or to give intelligence unto another city of important matters, in regard of amity, league and mutual societie; or in case there fall out some businesse of trouble, difficulty and great importance, when a magistrate hath taken upon him­selfe first the principall charge thereof, he may chuse unto him for his adjunct or assistant in the commission some especiall frend, as Diomedes did in Homer:

To chuse mine owne companion, since that you will me let, 40
ulysses that renowmed knight, how can I then forget?

Ulysses likewise as kindly rendreth unto him the like praise againe:

These coursers brave, concerning which of me you do demand,
O aged fire, arrived heere of late, from Thracian land
Are hither come, and there were bred: their lord them lost in fight, 50
Whom valiant Diomedes slew by force of armes outright,
And twelve friends more and doughtie knights, as ever horse did ride,
Were with him slaine for companie, and lay dead by his side.

This modest kinde of yeelding and submission to gratifie and pleasure friends, is no lesse ho­nourable [Page 361] to the praisers than to the parties praised; whereas contrariwise, arrogancie and selfe­love (as Plato saith) dwelleth with solitudes, which is as much to say, as it is forsaken and aban­doned of all the world. Furthermore, in these honest favors and kinde courtesies which we may bestow upon some frends, we ought to associate other frends besides, that they may be in some sort interessed therein also; and to admonish those who receive such pleasures at our hands, for to praise and thanke them, yea, and to take themselves beholden unto them, as having bene the cause of their preferment, and those who counselled and perswaded thereto: but if peradventure they moove us in any undecent, dishonest and unreasonable sutes, we must flatly denie them; howbeit, not after a rude, bitter & churlish sort, but mildly and gently by way of remonstrance, and to comfort them withall, shewing unto them that such requests were not beseeming their 10 good reputation and the opinion of their vertue. And this could Epaminondas do of all men in the world best, and shift them off after the cleanliest maner; for when hee refused at the instant sute of Pelopidas, to deliver out of prison a certeine Tavernor, and within a while after, let the same partie goe at libertie at the request of his lemon or harlot whom he loved, he said unto him: Pelopidas, such graces and favours as these, we are to grant unto our paramours and concu­bines, and not unto such great captaines as your selfe. But Cato after a more surly and boisle­rous sort in the like case answered unto Catulus, one of his inward and most familiar friends. This Catulus being Censour, mooved Cato who then was but Questour or Treasurer, that for his sake he would dismisse and set free one of his clerks of the Finances under him, against whom he had commensed sute and entred processe in law: That were a great shame in deed (quoth he) 20 for you, who are the Censour, that is to say, the corrector and reformer of our maners, and who ought to schoole and instruct us that be of the yonger sort, thus to be put out of your course by our under officers and ministers: for he might well enough have denied to condescend unto his request in deed and effect, without such sharpe and biting words, and namely, by giving him to understand that this displeasure that he did him in refusing to doe the thing, was against his will, and that he could neither will nor chuse, being forced thereto by justice and the law.

Over and besides, a man in government hath good meanes with honesty and honor to helpe his poore friends, that they may advantage themselves and reape benefit by him from the com­mon-wealth. Thus did Themistocles after the battell at Marathon: for seeing one of them that lay dead in the field to have hanging at his necke chaines, and collars, with other bracelets of 30 gold about his armes, passed by, and would not seeme for his owne part to meddle with them, but turning backe to a familiar friend of his, one of his folowers; Here (quoth he) off with these ornaments and take them to your selfe, for you are not yet come to be such an one as Themi­stocles. Moreover the affaires and occurrences daily incident in the world, doe present vnto a magistrate and great ruler such like occasions, whereby he may be able to benefit and entich his friends: for all men cannot be wealthy nor like to you ô Menemachus. Give then unto one friend a good and just cause to plead unto and defend, which he may gaine well by and fill his purse; unto another, recommend the affaires and businesse of some great and rich personage, who hath neede of a man that knoweth how to manage and order the same better than himselfe; for ano­ther, harken out where there is a good bargaine to be made, as namely, in the undertaking of 40 some publicke worke, or helpe him to the taking of a good farme at a reasonable rent, whereby he may be a gainer. Epaminondas would do more than thus; for upon a time he sent one of his friends who was but poore unto a rich burgesse of Thebes, to demaund a whole talent of money freely to be given unto him, and to say, that Epammondas commanded him to deliver so much; The burgesse woondring at such a message, came unto Epaminondas, to know the cause why hee should part with a talent of silver unto him; mary (quoth he) this is the reason; The man whom I sent is honest, but poore, and you by robbing the common-wealth are become rich. And by report of Xenophon, Agesilaus tooke no smal joy & glory in this, that he had enriched his friends, whiles himselfe made no account at all of money.

But forasmuch according to the saying of Simonides, as all larks ought to have a cap or crest 50 upon the head; so every government of State bringeth with it enmities, envies, and litigious jealousies; this is a point wherein a man of estate and affaires ought to be well enformed and instructed. To begin therefore to treat of this argument, many there be who highly praise The­mistocles and Aristides, for that whensoever they were to goe out of the territorie of Attica, ei­ther in embassage or to manage warres together; they had no sooner their charge and com­mission, but they presently laid downe all the quarrels and enmitie betweene even in the very confines and frontiers of their countrey, and afterwards when they were returned, tooke up and [Page 362] enterteined them againe. Some also there are who be wonderfull well pleased with the practise and fashion of Cretinas the Magnesian. This Cretinas had for his concurrent an adversary in the government of State, a noble man of the same citie named Hermias, who although he were not very rich, yet ambitious he was, and caried a brave and hautie minde: Cretinas in the time of the warre that Mithridates made for the conquest of Asia, seeing the citie in danger, went unto the said Hermias, and made an offer unto him to take the charge of captaine generall for the defence of the citie, and in the meane while himselfe would go foorth to retire to some other place; or otherwise, if he thought better that himselfe should take upon him the charge of the warre, then he would depart out of the citie into the countrey for the time, for feare lest if they taried both behinde and hindered one another as they were woont to doe by their ambitious 10 minds, they should vndoo the state of the citie: This motion liked Hermias very well, who con­fessing that Cretinas was a more expert warrior than himselfe, departed with his wife and chil­dren out of the citie: Now Cretinas made meanes to send him out before with a convoy, put­ting into his hands his owne money, as being more profitable to them who were without their houses and fled abroad, than to such as lay besieged within the citie, which being at the point to be lost, was by this meanes preserved beyond al hope and expectation: for if this be a noble and generous speech proceeding from a magnanimous hart, to say thus with a loud voice:

My children well I loue, but of my hart,
My native soile by farre hath greater part.

Why should not they have this speech readier in their mouthes, to say unto every one? I hate 20 this or that man, and willing I would be to doe him a displeasure; but my native countrey I love so much the more? For not to desire to be at variance and debate still with an enimie, in such causes as for which we ought to abandon and cast off our friend, were the part of a most fell, sa­vage, and barbarous nature: yet did Phocion and Cato better in mine opinion, who enterteined not any enmitie with their citizens in regard of difference and variance betweene them about bearing rule and government; but became implacable and irreconcilable onely in pub­like causes, when question was of abandoning or hurting the weale publike; for otherwise in private matters, they caried themselves kindly enough, without any ranckor or malice even to­ward them, against whom they had contested in open place, as touching the State; for we ought not to esteeme or repute any citizen an enimie, unlesse such an one be bred amongst them as 30 Aristion, or Nabis, or Catiline, who are to be reckoned botches rather, and pestilent maladies of a citie than citizens; for all others if haply they be at a jarre or discord, a good magistrate ought to bring them into tune and good accord againe, by gently setting up and letting downe, as a skilfull Musician would doe by the strings of his instrument; and not in anger to come upon those that are delinquents, roughly and after an outragious maner, even to their detriment and disgrace; but after a more milde and civill sort, as Homer speaketh in one place:

Certes, faire friend, I would have held,
That others for your wit you had exceld.

As also in another:

You know, if that you list (iwis) 40
To tell a better tale than this.

Yea, and when they shall either say or do that which is good and convenient, not to shew him­selfe to grieve and grudge at their credit and reputation which they win thereby, nor to be spa­rie in affoording them honourable words to their commendation and advantage: for in so do­ing, thus much will be gained, that the blame which shall be laied upon them another time when they deserve it, will be better taken, and more credit given to it: and besides, by how much more we shall exalt their vertues, so much the more we may beat downe and depresse their vices when they do amisse, by making comparison of them both, and shewing how much the one is more worthy and beseeming than the other: for mine owne part, I holde it meet and good, that a man of government should give testimony in the behalfe of his adversaries in righteous & just 50 causes; also assist and helpe them out of troubles, in case they be brought into question by some leawd sycophants, yea, and discredit and disable the imputations charged upon them, namely, when he seeth that such matters for which they are molested, be farre from their intention and meaning. Thus Nero, a cruell tyrant though he was, a little before he put Thraseas to death, whom he hated and feared most of all men in the world, notwithstanding one laied to his charge before him that he had given a wrong dome or unjust sentence: I would (quoth he) that I could be assured that Thraseas loved me so well as I am sure he a is most upright and just Judge. Nei­ther [Page 363] were it amisse for the astonishing & daunting of others, who be of a naughty nature, when they doe commit any grosse faults, to make mention other-whiles of some adversarie of theirs who is of a more modest behaviour and civill carriage, by saying: Such an one (I warrant you) would never have said or done thus. Moreover, it were not impertinent to put some, who doe offend, in minde of their fathers and ancestours, that have bene good and honest, like as Ho­mer did:

A sonne (iwis) sir Tydeus left behinde,
Unlike himselfe, and much growen out of kinde.

And Appius Claudius being the concurrent to Scipio Africanus, when they stood both for one magistracie, said unto him as he met him in the street: O Paulus Aemilius, how deeply wouldest 10 thou sigh for griefe and sorow, in case thou wert advertised that one Philonicus a Publicane or Banker and no better, accompanied and guarded thy sonne thorow the city, going downe to­ward the assembly of Cornices for to be chosen Censour? This maner of reprehension, as it ad­monisheth the offender, so it doth honour unto the admonisher. Nestor likewise in a Tragedie of Sophocles, answereth as politickly unto Ajax, when he reproched him, saying:

I blame not you sir Ajax, for your speech,
Naught though it be; your words are nothing liech.

Semblably, Cato who had contested against Pompey, for that being combined and in league with Julius Caesar, he assaulted and forced the citie of Rome, when as afterwards they were growen to open warre one against the other, opined and gave his advice to conferre the charge and regi­ment 20 of the common-weale upon Pompeius, saying withall: That they who could doe most mischiefe, were the sittest men to stay the same: for thus a blame or reproose mingled with a praise and commendation, especially, if the same grow to no opprobrious tearmes, but be con­tained within the compasse of a franke and free remonstrance, working not a spightfull sto­macke, but a remorse of conscience and repentance, seemeth kinde and dutifull; whereas despi­teousreproches are never seemely and decent in the mouth of a magistrate and man of honour. Marke the opprobrious termes and taunts that Demosthenes let flie against Aeschines, those also that Aeschenes gave him; likewise the bitter frumps which Hyperides wrote against Demades; and see if Solon ever delivered such, or if there came the like out of the mouth of Pericles, of Lycur­gus the Lacedaemonian, or of Pittacus the Lesbian; and as for Demosthenes, he forbare such 30 sharpe and cutting tearmes otherwise, and never used them but in pleading against some crimi­nall causes; for his orations against Philip are cleere and voide of all nips, flouts, and scoffes whatsoever: and in truth such maner of dealing diffameth the speaker more, than those against whom they bee spoken; they bring confusion in all affaires; they trouble assemblies both in counsell house and also in common hall; In which regard, Phocion yeelding upon a time to one that was given to raile, brake off his oration, held his peace for a while and came downe; but af­ter, the other with much a doo held his tongue and gave over his foule language, he mounted up into the place of audience againe, and going on in his former speech which was interrupted and discontinued, said thus: Now that I have already my masters spoken sufficiently of horse­men, men of armes, and soldiours heavily armed at all peeces, it remaineth to discourse of light 40 footemen, and targuatiers nimbly appointed.

But forasmuch as this is an hard matter unto many, to beare with such broad language, and to conteine, and oftentimes these taunting scoffers meete with their matches, and have their mouthes stopped, and are put to silence by some pretie replies; I would wish that the same were short, pithie, and delivered in very fewe words, not shewing any heate of anger and choler, but a kinde of sweete mildenesse, after the maner of a grave laughter, yet withall somewhat tart and biting; and such ordinarily be those that are returned fitly in the same kinde against them that first began: for like as those darts which are recharged upon them that flung them first, seeme to be driven with good will, and sent backe againe with great force and firme strength of him who was stroken with them; even so it seemeth that a sharpe and biting speech retorted against 50 him who first spake it, commeth forceable and with a power of wit and understanding from the partie who received it; such was the replie of Epaminondas unto Callistratus, who reproched and upbraided the Thebanes and Argives with the parents of Oedipus and Orestes, for that the one being borne in Thebes slew his owne father, and the other at Argos killed his mother: true in­deed quoth Epaminondas, and therefore we banished them out of our cities, but you receive them into yours. Semb able was the answer of Antalcidas a Lacedaemonian unto an Athenian, who said unto him after a boasting and vaunting maner: We have driven you oftentimes from [Page 364] the river Cephasus; but we (quoth he) never yet drave you frō the river Eurotas: In like sort replied Phocion pleasantly upon Demades when he cried aloud, The Athenians will put thee to death if they enter once into their raging fits: But they (quoth he) will doe the same by thee, if they were in their right wits: and Crassus the oratour whē Domitius demanded this question of him; When the lamprey which you kept and fed in your poole was dead, did you never weepe for it, and say true? came upon him quickly againe in this wise: And you sir when you had buried three of of your wives one after another, did you ever shed teare for the matter, & tell troth? And verilie these rules are not onely to be practised in matters of State-affairs, but they have their use also in other parts of mans life.

Moreover, some there be who will intrude and thrust themselves into all sorts of publike af­faires, 10 as Cato did; and these are of opinion, that a good citizen should not refuse any charge or publike administration so farre foorth as his power will extend: who highly commend Epami­nondas; for that when his adversaries and evill willers upon envie had caused him to be chosen a bailife and receiver of the citie revenues, thereby to doe him a spight and shrewd turne; hee did not despise & thinke basely of the said office; but saying, that not onely magistracie sheweth what maner of man one is, but also a man sheweth what the magistracie is, he brought that of­fice into great dignitie and reputation, which before was in no credite and account at all, as ha­ving the charge of nothing els but of keeping the streetes cleane, of gung-farming and carying dung foorth out of the narrow lanes and blinde allies, and turning water-courses. And even I Plutarch my selfe doubt not, but I make good sport and game unto many who passe through 20 our citie, when they see me in the open streetes otherwhiles busie and occupied about the like matters; but to meete with such, I might helpe my selfe with that which I have found written of Antisthenes; for when some there were that meruailed much at him for carrying openly in his hands through the market place a peece of salt fish, or stock-fish which he had bought: It is for mine own selfe (quoth he alowd) that I carie it; but cōtrariwise mine answer is to such, as reprove me when they finde me in proper person present, at the measuring and counting of bricks and tiles, or to see the stones, sand, and lime laid downe, which is brought into the citie; it is not for my selfe that I builde, but for the city and common-wealth, for many other things there be, which if a man exercise or manage in his owne person and for himselfe, hee may bee thought base minded and mechanical; but in case he do it for the common-wealth and the State, and for 30 the countrey and place where he liveth, it cannot be accounted a vile or ungentleman-like ser­vice, but a great credite even to bee serviceable, ready and diligent to execute the meanest functions that be. Others there are, who thinke the fashion that Pericles used to be more starely, grave, and decent, and namely Critelaus the peripateticke among the rest, who was of this mind, that as the two great galiasses, to wit, Salaminia at Athens, and Paralos were not shot or lanched into the sea for every small matter, but onely upon urgent and necessarie occasions; even so a man of government should be emploied in the chiefe & greatest affaires, like as the soveraigne and king of the worlde, according to the poet Euripides,

[...]
For God himselfe doth manage and dispence things of most weight, by his sole government. 40
But matters high and of small consequence, he doth referre to fortunes regiment.

For we cannot commend the excessive ambition, the aspiring and contentious spirit of Thea­genes, who contented not himselfe to have gone through all the ordinary games with victory, and to have wonne the prizes in many other extraordinary mastries and feats of activity, to wit, not onely in that generall exercise Pancratton, wherein hand and foote both is put to the utter­most at once, but also at buffets, & at running a course in the long race: Finally, being one day at a solemne anniversarie feast or yeeres-maund in the memorial of a certaine demi-god (as the manner was) when he was set, & the meat served up to the boord, he would needs rise from the 50 table for to performe another general Pancratium: as if forsooth it had belonged to no man in the world to atchieve the victorie in such feats but himselfe, if hee were present in place: by which profession he had gotten together as good as twelve hundred coronets, as prizes at such combats, of which the most part were of small or no valew at all; a man would say they had beene chaffe or such refuse and riffe raffe. Like unto him for all the world be those, who are rea­die (as a man would say) at all howers to cast of all their clothes to their verie single wastcot or shirt, for to undertake all affaires that shall be presented; by which meanes, the people have [Page 365] enough and too much of them; they become odious and yrkesome unto them; in such sort that if they chance to do well and prosper, they envie them; if they do otherwise than well and miscarrie, they rejoice and be glad at heart therefore. Againe, that which is admired in them at their first entrance into government, turneth in the end to a jest and meere mockerie, much af­ter this order, Metiochus is the Generall captaine; Metiochus looketh to the high waies; Metiochus bakes our bread; Metiochus grinds our meale; Metiochus doth everie thing, and is all in all; finally, Metiochus shall pay for this one day, and crie woe is me in the end. Now was this Metiochus one of Pericles his followers and favorites, who making use of his authoritie out of measure and compasse, by the countenance thereof, would employ himselfe in all pub­like charges and commissions whatsoever, untill at the last he became contemptible and despi­sed. 10 For in truth a man of government ought so to carrie himselfe, as that the people should evermore have a longing appetite unto him, be in love with him, and alwaies dosirous to see him againe, if he be absent. This policie did Scipio Africanus praclife, who aboad the most part of the time in the countrey; by this meanes both easing himselfe of the heavie loade of envie, and also giving those the while, good leasure to take breath, who seemed to bee kept downe by his glorie. Timesias the Clazomenian, was otherwise a good man and a sufficient po­lititian, howbeit little wist he, how he was envied in the citie, because he would seeme to do eve­rie thing by himselfe, untill such time as there befell unto him such an accident as this. There chanced to be playing in the mids of a street as he passed by, a companie of boies, and their game was, who could draw with a cudgell a certaine cockall bone out of an hole. Some 20 boies there were who held, that the bone lay still within; but he who had smitten it, maintained the contrarie (and said withall) I would I had as well dashed out Timesias braines out of his head, as I am sure this bone was strucken out of the hole: Timesias ouerheard this word, and knowing thereby what envie and malice all the people bare unto him, returned home presently to his house, and told his wife the whole matter, commaunding her to trusse and packe up all both bag and baggage, and to follow after him; who immediately went out of doores, and departed for ever out of the citie Clazomene. It should seeme also that Themistocles was almost in the same plight, & wanted but a litle of the like shrewd turne from the Atheniūs, when he was driven thus to say unto them: Ah my good friends and neighbours, why are you wearie and thinke much to receive so great good at my hands? But as touching these persons above said, some words of 30 theirs were well placed, & others not. For a wise States-man, in care, affection & forecast, ought not to refuse any publik charge whatsoever, but to take paines in having an eie to all, & to under­stand and know everie particular; and not to reserve himselfe close, as it were, some holy anchor or sacred tackling laid up in some secret cabin of a ship, and not to attend onely upon extremi­ties, and to tarrie untill he be emploied upon occasions of great necessitie and utmost danger. But like as good patrons or masters of a ship, lay their own hands to some businesse, but others they performe sitting themselves a farre off by the meanes of their tooles and instruments, and by the hands of other servitors, turning about, stretching and winding up, or letting downe and slacking the ropes as they see canse, employing the mariners, some to row, others to attend and be occupied in the proo and foreship; and others againe to crie unto their fellowes to ply their 40 worke; and some of them they call many times into the poope, and putting the helme into their hands, set them to steere and guide the sterne; even so ought a wise governor of the com­mon-wealth to yeeld now and then unto others the honor of commaund, and otherwhiles to call them after a gratious and courteous sort to the pulpit or publike place of audience, to make orations to the people, and not to moove all matters belonging to the State by his owne perso­nall speeches nor by his decrees, sentences, and arts (and as it were) with his owne hands ex­ecute everie thing; but to have about him faithfull and trustie persons to be his ministers, who might second and assist him; and those he should employ, some in this charge, and others in that, according as he seeth them to be sufficient meet and fit for employment. After this man­ner did Pericles use Menippus for his expeditions and conduct of warre affaires: thus by the 50 meanes of Ephialtes he tooke downe and abridged the authoritie of the high court Areiopa­gus. Charinus he employed in compassing and contriving the law or decree that passed against the Megarians; and Lampon he sent with a colonie for to people the citie of Thurii. And in this doing, he not onely diminished the envie of the people against himselfe, in that it seemed that his power and authoritie was thus divided and parted among manie; but also hee managed the affaires of the State better and more commodiously by far. For like as the division of the hand into fingers enfeebleth not the force of the whole hand, but maketh it more fit for use, to handle [Page 366] all tooles and instruments, or to worke any thing more artificially; even so, he that in matters of government doth communicate part of the management of the publike affaires with his friends, causeth by this participation all things to be better done, and with more expedition: whereas that man, who upon an unsatiable desire to shew himselfe, to have credit, and to winne name and authoritie, laieth all the weight of the State upon his owne shoulders, and will bee doing of everie thing; undertaking oftentimes that charge, whereunto he is neither framed by nature, nor fitted by exercise; as Cleon did in leading an armie; Philopoemenes in conducting a navie; and Anniball in making orations to the people, maketh himselfe inexcusable, if happly ought fall out otherwise than well. To such an one may well be applied a verse out of Eu­ripides: 10

You worke not in timber, but in other matter
Being your selfe but onely a Carpenter.

even so, you not able to deliver an eloquent speech, have undertaken an embassage; being idle and given to take your ease, you will needs have the charge of a steward and governe an house: not skilfull and readie in casting accounts, you will needs be a Treasurer or receiver, being aged and sickly, you are become a commaunder and generall of an armie. Pericles did farre better than so; for he parted the government with Cimon; and retaining to himselfe the whole power of ruling within the citie, he left unto Cimon full commission and authority to man the Armado, and in the meane while to make war upon the Barbarians, because he knew his owne selfe more fit for civill regiment at home, & the other more meet for warlike command abroad. In this re­spect 20 Eubulus the Anaphlystian is highly commended, who, notwithstanding the people had a great affiance and trust in him, yea and gave him as much credit as no man more, yet could hee never be brought to deale in the forraine affaires of Greece, nor to take upon him the conduct of an armie; but resolving with himselfe ever frō the beginning to attend & be emploied in manie matters he mightily encreased the revenewes of the citie, and enriched the State exceedingly. But Iphicrates for exercising & practising to make declamations at home in his owne house in the presence of many others made a foole of himselfe, & was laughed to skorne for his labor: for say that he had prooved no bad orator, but a most excellent speaker; yet should he have stood contented with the reputation that he had woon of a good warrior, by feats of armes, and have left the schooles of Rhetoricke, for sophisters, orators, and such professors. 30

But forasmuch as all common people are by nature malignant, especially to those who are in place of authoritie, taking pleasure to quarrell and finde fault with them; and suspecting ordina­rily that many profitable acts and ordinances by them set downe, unlesse they be debated by fa­ctions & with some contradiction, are contrived by secret intelligence under hand, & by way of conspiracie; even this is the thing that most of all bringeth the private amities and societies of States-men and governours into an ill name and obloquie: howbeit, for all this, we are not to admit or grant unto them any true enmitie in deed or discord, as did sometimes a popular man and a governour of Chios, named Onomademus, who after he had in a certeine seditious tumult gotten the upper hand of his adversaries, would not banish out of the citie all those who had ta­ken part against him: For feare lest that (quoth he) we fall out with our friends, when we have 40 no more enemies: for surely this were meere follie. But whensoever the people shall supect any ordinance or act proposed which is of great consequence and tending to their good, it behoo­veth not at such a time, that all (as it were) of one complot should deliver one and the same sen­tence; but that two or three opposing themselves without violence, should contradict their friend, and afterwards being convinced and overweighed by sound reasons, change their minde and raunge themselves to his opinion; for by this meanes they draw the people with them, namely, when they seeme themselves to be brought thereto in regard of a publike benefit and cōmoditie. And verily in trifling matters & of no great importance, it were not amisse to suffer our very friends in good earnest to differ and disagree from us, and to let every one take his way and follow his owne minde, to the end that when some maine points and principall matters of 50 greatest moment shall come in question and be debated, it might not be thought that they have complotted together, and so growen to a point and accord about the best.

Moreover, we are thus to thinke: That a wise man and a politician is by nature alwaies the governour and chiefe magistrate of a citie, like as the king among the Bees: and upon this per­swasion he ought to have evermore the reines in his hand, and to sway the affaires of State: howbeit he is not very often nor too hotly for to seeke after and pursue the offices and dignities which the people doe nominate and chuse by their free voices: for this office-managing, and [Page 367] desire to be alwaies in place of authoritie, is neither venerable for his person, nor yet plausible to the people; and yet must not he reject the same, in case the people call him lawfully to it, and conferre the same upon him, but to accept thereof, although peradventure they be offices some­what inferiour to the reputation that he hath already, yea, and to employ himselfe therein wil­lingly and with good affection: for reason it is and equitie, that as we our selves have bene ho­noured already by places of great dignitie, so reciprocally we should grace and countenance those which be of meaner qualitie; and whensoever we shall be chofen to supreame magistra­cies, to wit, unto the estate of L. Governour and generall captaine in the citie of Athens, or the Prytanship in Rhodes, or Boeotarchie which is here in Boeotia, it may beseeme us very wel in mo­destie to yeeld and rebate a little of the sovereigne power in our port, and with moderation to 10 exercise the same; but contrariwise unto meaner roomes to adde more dignity, and shew grea­ter countenance, to the end that we be not envied in the one or despised in the other.

Now for a man that entreth newly into any office whatsoever it be, he ought not onely to call to remembrance, and use the speeches that Pericles made the first time that he tooke upon him the rule of State, and was to shew himselfe in open place: namely, Looke to thy selfe Peri­cles, thou rulest free men and not bond-slaves; thou governest Greeks and not Barbarians; nay, thou art the head magistrate of the citizens of Athens; but also he is to reason and say thus to himselfe: Thou art a commander and yet a subject withall; thou art the ruler of a citie under Romane Proconsuls, or els the Procuratours, Lieutenants and Deputies of Caesar. Here are not the plaines (as he said) of Lydia, for to runne with the launce, nor the ancient city Sardeis, ne yet 20 the puissance of the Lydians which was in times past. The robe must not be made so large, it must be worne more straite; your eie must be alwaies from the Emperours pavilion unto the tribunall seat of justice; and you are not to take so great pride, nor trust so much unto a crowne standing upon the head, seeing how horned shoes of the Romane Senators are above the same: but herein you ought to imitate the actours and plaiers in Tragedies, who adde somewhat of their owne to the roll or written part that they do play, to wit, their passionate affection, gesture, accent and countenance which is fit and agreeable to the person that they do represent; and yet withall, they forget not to have an eie and eare both, to the prompters. This (I say) we must do, for feare lest we passe those bounds and exceed the measures of that libertie which is given us by those who have the power to command us, for I assure you, to goe beyond those precincts 30 and limits, bringeth with it danger; I say not to be hissed from off the stage, and to be laughed out of our coats; but many there have bene

Upon whose necks for punishment,
The edge of trenchant axe and gleave
Hath fallen, to end all their torment,
And head from bodie soone did reave.

as it befell to Pardalus your countrey-man, with those about him, for stepping a little at one side without their limits. And such another also there was, who being confined into a certaine desert isle, became (as Solon saith)

A Sicinit an or Pholegandrian, 40
Who borne sometime was an Athenian.

We laugh hartily at little children, to see how otherwhiles they goe about to put their fathers shooes upon their owne feete, or to set crownes upon their heads in sport; and governors of ci­ties relating foolishly oftentimes unto the people, the woorthie acts of their predecessors; their noble courage and brave minds, their notable enterprises atchieved, farre different and dispro­portioned to the present times & proceedings in their daies, and exhorting them to follow the same, set the multitude aloft: but as they doe ridiculously, so afterwards (beleeve me) they suf­fer not that which deserveth to be laughed at, unlesse haply they be so base minded, that for their basenesse there is no account made of them. For many other histories there bee of ancient Greece, which affoord examples to bee recounted unto men living in this age, for to instruct 50 and reforme their manners; as namely, those at Athens which put the people in remembrance, not of the prowesse of their ancestors in martial affaires, but for example to decree of that gene­rall abolition and oblivion of all quarrels and matters past, which sometimes was concluded there, after that the citie was delivered and freed from their captivitie under the thirtie Tyrants, as also another act, by vertue whereof they condemned in a grievous fine the Poet Phrymchus, for that he represented in a Tragedie the winning and racing of the citie Miletus. Likewise, how by a publike ordinance, every man woare chaplets of flowers upon their heads, when they heard [Page 368] say that Cassander reedified Thebes: and how, when intelligence came of the cruell execution and bloody massacre committed in Argos, wherein the Argives caused to be put to death 1500. of their owne citizens, they caused in a solemne procession and generall assembly of the whole citie, an expiatorie sacrifice to be carried about, that it might please the gods to avert and turne away such cruell thoughts from the harts of the Athenians; semblaby, how at what time as there was a generall search made throughout the citie in everie house for those who banded with Harpalus, they passed by one house onely of a man newly married, and would not suffer it to be searched. For in these precedents & such like, they might well enough in these daies imitate and resemble their ancient forefathers. But as for the battell of Marathon: the field fought neere the river Eurynedon, and the noble fight at Plateae, with other such examples which doe no­thing else but blow and puffe up a multitude with vanitie, they should leave such stories for the 10 schooles of Sophisters and masters of Rhetorike.

Well, we ought not in our severall governments to have a due regard onely to mainteine our selves and our cities so wisely, that our sovereignes have no occasion to complaine; but we must take order also to have one great Seigniour or other, who hath most authoritie at Rome, and in the court of the emperour, to be our fast and speciall frend; who may serve us in steed of a rampier to backe us, and to defend all our actions and proceedings in the government of our countries: for such lords and great men of Rome stand ordinarily passing well affected to those affaires, which their dependants and favorits doe follow, and the fruit which may be rea­ped by the amitie and favour of such grand-Seigniours, it were not good and honest to convert 20 into the advancement and enriching of our selves, and our particular private frends; but to im­ploy the same as Polybius did sometime and Panaetius, who by the meanes of the good grace of Scipio wherein they stood, did benefit and advantage their countrey exceeding much: in which number may be ranged Arius, for when Caesar Augustus had forced the citie Alexandria, he entred into it, holding Arius by the hand, and devising with him alone of all his other friends what was to be done more: afterwards when the Alexandrians looked for no other but sackage and all extremities, and yet besought him to pardon them; I pardon you (quoth he) and receive you into my grace and favour, first in regard of the nobilitie and beautie of your city; secondly for Alexander the great his sake, the founder thereof; and thirdly for the love of this my friend Arius your citizen. May a man with any reason compare with this gracious favour, the most 30 large and gainfull commissions of ruling and governing provinces, which many make so great suit for at the court, and that with such abject servitude and base subjection, that some of them have even waxen old in giving attendance thereabout, at other mens gates; leaving in the meane while their owne home affaires at sixe and seven? were it not well to correct and amend a little the sentence in Euripides, singing and saying it thus? If it bee honest and lawfull to watch and make court at the gates of another, and to be subject to the sute of some great Seig­niour: surely most commendable and behoovefull it were so to doe, for the love and benefit of a mans country, in all other cases to seeke and embrace amities, under just and equall con­ditions.

Moreover, a governour in yeelding and reducing his country unto the obedience of migh­tie 40 sovereignes abroad, ought to take good heed that he bring it not into servile subjection, lest when it is once tied by the legge, he suffer it to be bound also by the necke: for some there be who reporting all things both little and great unto these potentates, make this their servi­tude reprochable; or to speake more truely, they deprive their country of all policie and forme of government, making it so fearefull, timorous, and fit for no authoritie and command at all; and like as they who use themselves to live so physically, that they can neither dine nor suppe, nor yet bath without their physitian, have not so much benefit of health as nature it selfe doth affoord them; even so those cities and States which for every decree and resolution of their counsell, for all grace and favour, yea and for the smallest administration of publike affaires, must needs adjoigne the consent, judgement, and good liking of those Seigniours and good 50 masters of theirs, they even compell the said great lords to be more powerfull and absolute over them than they would themselves. The causes hereof commonly be these; to wit, the avarice, jealousie, and emulation of the chiefe and principall citizens in a State; for that being desirous otherwhiles to oppresse and keepe under those who be their inferiors, they constraine them to abandon their owne cities, or else being at some debate and difference with other citizens their equals, and unwilling to take the foile one at anothers hand in their owne citie; they have re­course unto other superior lords, and so bring in forreiners who are their betters. Heereupon [Page 369] it commeth to passe, that Senate, people, judiciall courts, and all that little authoritie and power which they had is utterly lost. A good governour therefore ought to remedy this mis­chiefe, by appeasing such burgesses as be private and meane citizens, by equalitie, and those who are great and mightie, by reciprocall yeelding one to another; and so by this course to keepe all affaires within the compasse of the citie, to compose all quarrels, and determine all controversies at home, curing and healing such inconveniences as secret maladies of a com­mon-wealth, with a civill and politicke medicine; that is to say, to chuse rather for his owne part for to be vanquished and overthrowen among fellow-citizens, than to vanquish & win the victorie by forren power, & not to offer wrong unto his natural country, and be a cause to over­throw the rights and priviledges thereof; as for all others, he is to beseech them, yea and to per­swade 10 with them particularly one by another, by good reasons and demonslrances, of how ma­nie calamities peevish obstinacie is the cause; and now because they would not ech one in his turne & course frame and accommodate themselves at home to their fellow-citizens, who ma­nie times be of one minde and linage to their neighbours and companions in charges and of­fices, and that with honour and good favour; they are come to this passe, as to detect and lay open the secret dissentions and debates of their owne citie, at the gates of their advocates, and to put their causes into the hands of pragmaticall lawyers (at Rome) with no lesse shame and ignominie, than losse and damage.

Physicians are wont when they cannot expell and fully exclude out of the bodie inwardlie some kinde of maladies, to turne and drive the same without forth to the superficiall parts; but 20 contrariwise, a man of government, if he be not able to keepe a citie altogether in peace & con­cord, but that some troubles will arise, yet at leastwise he must endevour to conteine that within the citie which is the cause thereof, and nurceth the sedition, and in keeping it close to la­bour for to heale and remedie it; to this end, that if it be possible he have no need either of phy­sician or physicke from forren parts; for the intentions of a man of State and government ought to be these, namely, to proceed in his affaires surely, and to flie the violent and furious motions of vaine-glorie, as hath beene said alreadie, howbeit in his resolution,

A courage bold and full of confidence
Undaunted heart, and fearlesse be must have
Which will not quatle for any consequence, 30
But see the end: much like to sculdiors brave
In field themselves who manly do behave,
And hazard lims and life for to defend
Their countrey deere, and enemies to off end.

and not onely to oppose himselfe against enemies, but also to be armed against perilous trou­bles and dangerous tumults, that he may be readie to resist and make head: for he ought not in any case himselfe to moove tempests and raise commotions, no nor when he seeth boisterous stormes comming, forsake and leave his countrey in time of need. He must nor (I say) drive his citie under his charge upon apparent danger, but so soone as ever it once begin to be tossed, and to float in jeopardie, than is it his part to come to succor, by casting out from himselfe (as 40 it were) a sacred Anchor, that is to say, to use his boldnesse and libertie of speech, considering that now the maine point of all lieth a bleeding, even the safetie of his countrey. Such were the dangers that hapned unto Pergamus in Neroes time, and of late daies to the Rhodians, during the Empire of Domitian, as also before unto the Thessalians, while Augustus was Emperour, by occasion that they had burned Petraeus quick. In these and such like occurrences, a man of State and government, especially if he be woorthie of that name:

Never shall you see
Sleepie for to bee.

nor drawing his foote backe for feare, no nor to blame and lay the fault of others, ne yet to make shift for one, and put himselfe out of the medley of danger, but either going in embassage, or 50 embarked in some ship at sea; or else readie to speake first, and to say not onely thus

We we Apollo, have this murder don
From these our coasts, avert this plague anon.

but although himselfe be not culpable at all with the multitude, yet will he put his person into danger for them. For surely this is an act right honest, and besides the honestie in it selfe, it hap­neth divers times; that the vertue and noble courage of such a man hath beene so highly admi­red, that it hath daunted the anger conceived against a whole multitude, and dispatched all the [Page 370] fiercenesse and furie of a bitter menace: like as it befell unto a King of Persia in regard of Bulis and Sperthis two gentlemen of Sparta: and as it was seene in Pompey to his host and friend Sthe­non: for when he was fully determined to chastice the Mamertines sharpely, and to proceede against them in all rigor, for that they had rebelled, the said Sthenon stept unto him, and thus frankly spake: That he should do neither well nor justly, in case he did to death a number of in­nocents, for one man who alone was faultie; for it is I my selfe (quoth he) who caused the whole citie to revolt and take armes, inducing my friends for love, and forcing mine enemies for feare. These words of his went so neere unto the heart of Pompey, that he pardoned the citie, and most courteously entreated Sthenon; semblaby, the host of Sylla, having shewed the like valour and vertue, although it were not to the like person, died a noble death: for when Sylla had woon 10 the citie Praenesle by assault, he meant to put all the inhabitants thereof to the sword, excepting onely one host of his, whom in regard of old hospitalite he spared and pardoned: but this host & friend said flatly unto him, that he would never remaine alive to see that bloudy massacre, not hold his life by the murtherer of his countrey; and so cast himselfe into the troupe of his fellow­citizens in the heate of execution, and was killed with them. Well, pray unto the gods we ought to preserve and keepe us that we fall not into such calamities and troublesome times; to hope also and looke for better daies.

Moreover, we are to esteeme of everie publike magistracie, and of him who exerciseth it, as of a great and sacred thing, and in that regard to honour the same above all. Now the honour which is due unto authoritie, is the mutuall accord and love of those who are set in place to exer­cise 20 the same together: and verily this honor is much more worth, than either all those crownes and diademes which they beare upon their heads, or their stately mantles and roabes of purple, wherewith they be arraied. Howbeit, they that laid the first ground and beginning of amitie; their service in warres, when they were fellow-souldiors, or the passing of their youthfull yeeres together; and contrariwise, take this a cause now of enmitie, that they either are joined captaines in commission for the conduct of an armie, or have the charge of the Common-weale toge­ther, it can not be avoided, but that they must incur one of these three mischiefes. For either if they esteem their fellowes and companions in government to be their equals, they begin them­selves first to grow into tearmes of dissention; or if they take them to be their betters, they fall to be envious; or else in case they hold them to be inferiour unto them in good parts, they de­spise, & contemne them. Whereas they should indeed make court unto the greater, honor and 30 adorne their equals, and advance their inferiors, and in one word to love and embrace all, as ha­ving an amitie and love engendred among themselves, not because they have eaten at one table, drunke of the same cup, or met together at one feast, but by a certaine common band and pub­like obligation, as having in some sort a certaine fatherly benevolence, contracted and growen upon the common affection unto their countrey. Certes, one reason why Scipio was not so well thought of at Rome was this; that having invited all his friends to a solemne feast at the dedica­tion of his temple to Hercules, he left out Mummius his colleague or fellow in office: for say that otherwise they tooke not one another for so good friends; yet so it is that at such a time and upon such occasions, they ought to have honored and made much one of the other, by reason 40 of their common magistracie. If then Scipio, a noble personage otherwise, and a man of woon­derfull regard, incurred the imputation and note of insolencie and presumption, because he for­gat or omitted so small a demonstration and token of humanitie: how can it be, that he who go­eth about to impaire the dignitie and credit of his companions in government, or discrediteth and digraceth him in those actions, especially which proceed from honour and bountie, or up­on an arrogant humour of his owne, will seeme to do all, and attribute the whole to himselfe alone, how can such an one (I say) be reputed, either modest or reasonable? I remember my selfe, that when I was but of yoong yeres, I was sent with another, in embassage to the Proconsul; and for that my companion staid about (I wot not what behind) I went alone and did that which we had in commission to do together: after my returne, when I was to give an account unto the 50 State, and to report the effect of my charge & message back againe; my father arose, and taking me apart, willed me in no wise to speak in the singular number, & say, I departed or went, but We departed; Item, not I said, or (quoth I) but We said; & in the whole recitall of the rest to joine al­waies my companion, as if he had been associat & at one hand with me in that which I did alone. And verily this is not onely decent, convenient, and civill, but that which more is, it taketh from glorie that which is offensive, to wit envie, which is the cause that great captaines attribute and ascribe their noble acts to fortune and their good angell, as did Timoleon, even he who overthrew [Page 371] the Tyrannies established in Sicilie; who founded and erected a temple to Good-Fortune. Py­thou also when he was highly praised and commended at Athens for having slaine king Cotys with his owne hand; It was God (quoth he) who for to doe the deed used my hand. And Theo­pompus king of the Lacedemonians, when one said unto him that Sparta was saved and stood vp­right, for that their kings know how to rule well; Nay rather (quoth he) because the people know how to obey well: and to say a truth, both these depend one upon the other; howbeit, most men are of this opinion, and so they give out; that the better part of policie or knowledge belonging to civill government lieth in this, to fit men, and frame them meete to be well ruled and commanded; for in every citie there is alwaies a greater number of subjects than rulers, and ech one in his turne (especially in a popular state) is governour but a while, and for it, afterwards 10 continueth governed all the rest of his life, in such sort, that it is a most honest and profitable apprentiship (as it were) to learne for to obey those who have authoritie to command, although haply they have meaner parts otherwise, and be of lesse credite and power than our selves: for a meer absurditie it were, that (wheras a principall or excellent actour in a Tragedie, such as Theo­dorus was or Potus, for hire waiteth oftentimes upon another mercenarie plaier who hath not above three words in his part to say, and speaketh unto him in all humilitie and reverence, be­cause peradventure he hath the roiall band of a diademe about his head, and a scepter in his hand) in the true and unfained actions of our life, and in case of policie and government, a rich and mightie person should despise and set light by a magistrate for that he is a simple man o­therwise, and peradventure poore and of meane estate, yea and proceede to wrong, violate and 20 impaire the publike dignitie wherein he is placed, yea and to offer violence thereby unto the authoritie of a State; whereas he ought rather with his owne credite and puissance, helpe out the defect and weakenesse of such a man, and by his greatnesse, countenance, his authoritie: for thus in the citie of Lacedemon, the kings were woont to rise up out of their thrones before the Ephori, and whosoever els was summoned & called by them, came not an ordinary foot-pace, or faire and softly, but running in great haste, in token of obedience, and to shew unto other citi­zens how obeisant they were, taking a great joy and glorie in this, that they honour their ma­gistrates, not as some vaine-glorious and ungracious sots, voide of all civilitie and manners, wanting judgement and discretion, who to shewe forsooth their exceeding power upon which they stande much and pride themselves, will not let to offer abuse unto the judges and wardens 30 of the publike games, combats, and pastimes, or to give reprochfull termes to those that leade the dance, or set out the plaies in the Bacchanale feast, yea and mocke captaines, and laught at the presidents & wardens of the publik exercises for youth, who have not the wit to know; That to give honour is oftentimes more honorable than to be honored: for surely to an honourable person who beareth a great sway, & carieth a mightie port with him in a citie, it is a greater orna­ment & grace to accompany a magistrate, and as it were to guard and squire him, than if the said magistrate should put him before or seeme to waite upon him in his traine; and to say a truth, as this were the way to worke him displeasure and procure him envie from the hearts of as ma­nie as see it; so the other would win him true glorie which proceedeth of love and benevolence: And verily when such a man is seene otherwhiles in the magistrates house, when he saluteth or 40 greeteth him first, and either giveth him the upper-hand, or the middle place as they walke to­gether, he addeth an ornament to the dignirie of the citie, and looseth thereby none of his own, Moreover, it is a popular thing, and that which gaineth the hearts of the multitude, if such a per­son can beare patiently the hard tearmes of a magistrates whiles he is in place, and endure his cholericke fits; for then he may with Diomedes in Homer say thus to himselfe:

How ever now I little do say,
It will be mine honor another day.

Or as one said of Demosthenes; Well, he is not now Demosthenes onely, but he is a law-giver, he is a president of the sacred plaies and solemne games, and a crowne he hath upon his head, &c. and therefore it is good to put up all nowe, and to deferre vengeance untill another time; for 50 either we shall come upon him when he is out of his office, or at least wise wee shall gaine thus much by delay, that choler will be well cooled and allaied by that time.

Moreover, in any government or magistracie whatsoever, a good subject ought to strive (as it were) a vie with the rulers, especially if they be persons of good sort and gracious behaviour, in diligence, care, and fore-cast for the benefit of the State; namely, in going to them, to give notice and intelligence of whatsoever is meet to be done, in putting into their hands for to be executed that which he hath with mature deliberation rightly resolved upon, in giving meanes [Page 372] unto them for to win themselves honour, and that by the benefit of the common-weale: But if such persons they be, as either for feare & false heart, or upon a froward peevishnesse & disposi­tion give no eare to such motions, and are not willing to put that in execution which is presen­ted unto them; then it is his part himselfe in person to go and declare the same in publike place to the body of the people, and in no wise to neglect, disanull, or passe with connivence any thing that concerneth the weale-publike, and never to pretend any colourable excuse, by say­ing, it appertained unto none other but the head magistrate, thus to deale curiously and be busi­sie occupied in medling with the affaires of State; for a general law there is which giveth alwaies the first and principall place of rule in a common-wealth unto him who dealeth justly, practiseth righteousnesse, and knoweth what is expedient and profitable, as we may see by the example of 10 Xenophon, who in one place writeth thus of himselfe: There was in the armie (quoth he) one na­med Xenophon, who was neither Lord Generall, nor Lieutenant; but for skill and knowledge of that which was to be done, and for resolution to enterprize and execute the same, put himselfe forward and gave charge unto others, wherein he so behaved himselfe that he saved the Greeks. And the most glorious feate of armes that ever Philopaemen atchived was this, that when hee heard newes how king Agis had surprized the citie of Messene, and that the generall of the Achaeans would not go with aide and rescue, but drew backe for feare; he with a troupe of the most forward and resolute gallants, without warrant or commission from the State, delivered the said citie from out of the hands of Agis: which I write not as if I allowed innovations or such newe enterprizes and extraordinary attempts upon every small and light occasion, but 20 onely either in time of need and extremitie, as Philopaemen did then, or for honest occasions, as Epaminondas, who continued in his Beotarchie fower moneths longer than was ordinary by the lawes of the countrey, during which time he put on armes, and entred into Laconia, reedified Messene, and peopled it, to the end that if afterwards there should ensue any complaint or im­putation, we may answer with credit, and either alledge for excuse, necessitie, or set against it the perill to which we exposed our selves, the bravenesse of the exploit, and the service so well per­formed, to make amends and recompence.

There is reported a sentence of Jason who long since was the Tyrant or Monarch of Sictlie, which he had often in his mouth, and alwaies repeated so often as he did violence or outrages to any of his subjects, that they cannot choose but commit unjustice in smal matters, who would 30 do justice in great causes; as if a man would say, that necessarie it is for him to offer wrong in detaile who mindeth to do right in the grosse. But as touching this sentence, a man may soone perceive at the first sight, that it is a speech meet for him that intendeth to make himselfe an ab­solute lord, and to usurpe tyrannie. Yet is this rule more civill and politike, that a governour to gratifie the peole, is to passe by small matters, and to winke at them, that hee may in greater things stand against them, and stay them from breaking out to farre. For he that in everie thing will be peering and looking too narrowly without any yeelding or relaxation, but is alwaies se­vere rigorous and inexorable, doth by his example traine and accustome the people likewise to be quarrelsome and contentious with him, yea and to be readie upon all occasions to take of­fence and discontentment: 40

But softly for to strike the saile
Or slacke the helme doth much availe
With violence when billowes great
Arise and on the ship do beat.

and even so a governour ought in some things to yeeld, and not to bee so precise and straight laced himselfe, but to sport as it were and take his pastimes graciously with his people, as name­ly to celebrate festivall sacrifices, beholde solemne plaies, games, and combats, and to sit in the theaters with them, partly in making semblant as though he neither saw nor heard many things, like as we are wont to doe by the faults at home of our little children; to the end that the autho­ritie of reproving them roundly, and admonishing them frankely, like unto the vertue of a me­dicine 50 not dull and enervate with much use, but remaining still in full vigor and strength, may be more effectuall, carie the greater credite, touch the quicke indeed, and sting in matters of greater consequence. Alexander the great, when he heard that his sister had beene too famili­arly acquainted with a lustie yoong gentleman and a beautifull, was nothing displeased there­with, but said; We must give her also a little leave to enjoy-somewhat the pleasure and preroga­tive of a prince; which was neither well done of him to allow such things in her, nor yet with good respect of his owne honour and dignitie; for we ought not to thinke this the fruition, but [Page 373] the ruine and dishonour rather of a princely State. And therefore a wise governour will not permit as much as possibly lieth in him, that the bodie of the people shall doe injurie to any particular inhabitants, as namely in confiscation of other mens goods, or in distribution and parting among themselves the money of the common stocke; but to resist such courses with all his power, and with remonstrances, perswasions, thereats, and menaces withstand the inordinat desires of a multitude: contrarie to the practise of Cleon and his followers at A­thens, who feeding and fostering such foolish appetites and corrupt humors of the people, cau­sed many drone bees (as Plato saith) to breed in the city, who did no other good but sting and pricke one or other. But if the people at any time take occasion by solemnising some festivall day, according to the custome of the countrey, or by the honour of some god or goddesse, to 10 set out any goodly shew, play or stately spectacle, or to distribute some small dole, or to exhi­bit a pleasant gratuitie, honest courtesie, or publicke magnificence; lawfull it is and reasonable, that they should in such cases enjoy in some sort the fruit both of their libertie, and also of their wealth and prosperitie. For in the governments of Pericles and Demetrius Phalereus, there bee many examples extant of the like nature; as for Cimon he beautified the market place of Athens with rowes of palme trees, planted directly, and raunged by him, with pleasant walkes and faire allies. And Cato seeing about the time of Catilines conspiracie, that the commons of Rome were in a commotion and hurliburly by the faction of Julius Caesar; and growen in manner to these tearmes, for to bring in a change and alteration of the whole State; perswaded the Senate to ordeine, that there should be some pety dole of money given among the poore commoners; 20 which comming in so good and fit a time, appeased the tumult, and repressed the sedition and insurrection that was like to grow. For like as a learned and expert physician, after hee hath ta­ken away a great quantitie of corrupt blood from his patient, giveth him anon some little nou­rishment that is good and holsome; even so a discreet and well advised ruler of a popular State, when he hath put the people by some great matter which tended to their shame and losse, will againe by some light gratuitie and pleasure which he is content to graunt, cheere and recomfort them, yea and allay their moode when they bee readie to whine and complaine. And other­whiles, good pollicie it is, of purpose to withdraw them from some foolerie, unto which with­out all sense and reason their minde and affection standeth, to draw and leade them unto other things that be good and profitable; like as Demades his practise was, at what time as he had the 30 receit of all the revenues of the citie under his hands; for when the people of Athens were fully bent to send foorth certeing gallies, for to succour those who had taken armes and rebelled against Alexander the great, and to that effect commaunded him to disburse money for the charges, hee made this speech unto them; My masters, there is money ready for you, for I have provided so, that I purpose to deale among you at this feast of Bacchanales, that eve­rie one of you may have halfe a Mua of silver now if you list to employ the fame money to the setting out of a fleet, you may doe what pleaseth you with your owne, use it, or abuse it at your pleasure, it is all one to mee: by this cunning device, having turned them from the rigging and manning of the armado which they purposed to set out, and all for feare they should lose the benefit of the foresaid dole or largesse which hee promised and pretended, 40 he staied them from offending king Alexander, that he had no cause to finde himselfe greeved with them. Many such fits and humors are the people given unto, both hurtfull and dammage­able unto them; which it were impossible to breake them of, going directly to worke; but a man must go about with them, & by turnings & windings compasse them to his mind: like as Phoci­on did upon a time when the Athenians would have had him in al haste to make a road & invade the countrey of Boeotia; for he caused incontinently proclamation to be made by sound of trum­pet; That all citizens from fourteene yeeres of age upward unto threescore, should shew them­selves in armes and follow him; upon which proclamation, when there arose a great noise and stirre among the elder sort, who began to mutine, for that he woulde force them at those yeeres to the warres: What a strange matter sirs is this (quoth he) I my selfe am fourescore yeeres of 50 age, and you shall have me with you for your captaine. By this meanes a politicke governour may put by and breake the ranke of many unseasonable and needlesse embassages; namely, by joining many of them in commission together, and those whom he seeth to be unfit altogether for such voiages; thus may he stay the enterprises of going in hand with many great buildings unnecessary and to no purpose, in commanding them at such times to contribute money there­to out of their owne purses; also hinder the processe of many uncivill and undecent sures, name­ly, by assigning one and the same time for apparance in court, and for to be emploied in sollici­ting [Page 374] causes abroad in forren parts: & for to bring these things about, he must draw and associate unto him those principall authors who have drawne out in writing any such bils to be proposed, or have incited the people and put those matters in their heads; and to them he shall intimate those crosse courses abovesaid; for either if they start backe and keepe out of the way, they shall seeme themselves to breake that which they proposed; or if they accept thereof and be present, they shall be sure to take part of the trouble and paines that is imposed upon them. Now when there shall be question of any exploit to be done of great consequence, and tending much to the good of the State, which requireth no small travell, industrie, and diligence; then have a spe­ciall regard and endevour, I advise you, to chuse those friends of yours who are of most suffici­encie, and of greatest authoritie, and those among the rest which are of the mildest and best na­ture; 10 for such you may be sure will crosse you least, and assist you most; so long as they have wit at will, and be withall voide of jealousie and contention. And heerein it behooveth a man to know wel his owne nature, and finding that whereunto he is lesse apt than an other, to chuse for his adjuncts those rather whō he perceiveth to be better able to go through with the businesse in hand, than such as otherwise be like unto himselfe: for so Diomedes being deputed to go in espi­all for to view the campe of the enimies, chose for his cōpanion the wariest & best advised per­son of all the Greeks, & let passe the most valiant souldiours. By this meanes all actions shall be counterpoised best, & lesse jealousie and emulation will grow betweene them who are desirous to have their good parts & valor seeme indifferent in vertues & qualities. If you have a cause to plead, or be to go in embassage; chuse for your companion & assistant (if you find your selfe not 20 meet to speak) some man that is eloquent, like as Pelopidas in the like case chose Epaminondas. If you thinke your selfe unmeet to enterteine the common people with courtesie & affability, and of too high and loftie a minde for to debase your selfe and make court unto them, as Callicrati­das the captaine of the Lacedemonians was; take one unto you who is gracious, and can skill to court it and give enterteinment. If your bodie be weake or feeble, and not able to endure much paines; have one with you who hath a stronger bodie, and who can away with travell, as Nicias did Lamachus. For this is the reason that Geryones was so woonderfull, because that having many legs, many armes, and many eies, yet hee with all them was ruled and governed by one soule. But wise governors if they accord and agree well, may conferre and lay together not onely their bodies and goods, but also their fortunes, their credits and their vertues, and make 30 use of them all in one affaire, in such sort that they shall compasse and execute fully whatsoever they enterprise, much better than any other whatsoever: and not as the Argonautes did, who af­ter they had left Hercules, were constrained to have recourse unto the charmes, sorceries and enchantments of women for to save themselves, and to steale away the golden fleece.

Certeine temples there be, into which whosoever did enter, must leave without doores all the gold that they had about them; and as for iron they might not presume to goe withall into any one whatsoever. Considering therefore that the tribunall and judiciall seat of justice is the tem­ple of Jupiter, surnamed the Counsellor and Patron of cities, of Themis also and Dice, that is to say, equitie and justice; before ever thou set foote to mount up into it, presently rid and cleere thy soule of all avarice and covetousnesse of monie, as if it were iron, and a very maladie full of 40 rust, and throw it farre from thee into the merchants hall, into the shops of tradesmen, occupi­ers, banquers and usurers:

As for thy selfe, flie from such pelfe.

shun it I say as far off as you can, & make this reckoning, that whosoever enricheth himselfe by the managing of the common-weale, is a church-robber, committing sacrilege in the highest degree, robbing temples, stealing out of the sepulchers of the dead, picking the coffers of his friends: making himselfe rich by treachery, treason, & false-witnes: thinke him to be an untrusty and faithlesse counseller, a perjured judge, a corrupt magistrate, and full of briberie; in one word polluted and defiled with all wickednesse, and not cleere of any sinne whatsoever that may be committed; and therefore I shall not neede to speake more of this point. 50

As for ambition, although it carrie with it a fairer shewe than avarice, yet neverthelesse it bringeth after it a traine of mischiefes and plagues, no lesse dangerous and pernitious unto the government of a common-wealth: for accompanied it is ordinarily with audatious rashnesse more than it; inasmuch as it useth not to breed in base mindes, or in natures feeble and idle, but principally in valiant, active, and vigorous spirits; and the voice of the people, who by their praises lift it up many times and drive it forward, maketh the violence thereof more hard to be restrained, managed, and ruled Like as therefore Plato writeth, that we ought to accustom yong [Page 375] boies even from their verie infancie to have this sentence resounding in their eares: That it is not lawfull for them neither to carrie gold about their bodies as an outward ornament, nor so much as to have it in their purses, for that they have other golde as a proper coffer of their owne, and the same incorporate in their hearts: giving us to understand by these aenigmaticall and covert speeches (as I take it) the vertue derived from their auncestors, by descent and continuation of their race; even so wee may in some sort cure and remedie this desire of glorie, by making remonstrance unto ambitious spirits, that they have in themselves gold, that cannot corrupt, bee wasted or contaminated by envie, no nor by Momus himselfe the reproover of the gods, to wit Honour, the which we alwaies encrease and augment, the more we discourse, consider, meditate, and thinke upon those things which have beene perfor­med 10 & accomplished by us in the government of the common-weale: and therefore they have no need of those other honours, which are either cast in moldes by founders, or cut and graven in brasse by mans hand, considering that all such glorie commeth from without foorth, and is rather in others than in them, for whom they were made. For the statue of a trumpeter which Polycletus made, as also that other of an halbarder are commended in regard of the maker, and not of those whom they do represent, and for whose sake they were made. Certes, Cato at what time as the citie of Rome began to be well replenished with images and statues, would not suffer any one to be made for himselfe saying: That he had rather men would aske, why there was no image set up for him, than why it was? For surely such things bring envie, and the com­mon people thinke themselves indebted stil & beholden unto those, upon whom they have not 20 bestowed such vanities: and contrariwise, such as receive them at their hands are odious & trou­blesom unto them, as if they had sought to have the publike affaires of the State in their hands, in hope to receive such a reward and salarie from them againe. Like as therefore he that hath sailed without danger along the gulfe Syrtis, if afterwards hee chaunce to bee cast away and drowned in the mouth of the haven, hath done no such doughty deed, nor performed any speci­all matter of praise in his voyage and navigation; even so, hee that hath escaped the comon Treasurie, and done well enough and saved himselfe, from the publike revenewes, customes, and commodities of the State; that is to say, hath not defiled his hands, either with robbing the citie-money, or dealt underhand with the farmers and undertakers of the cities hands, reve­newes, &c. and then shall suffer himselfe to be overtaken and surprised with a desire to be a pre­sident 30 and sit highest, or to be the head man and chiefe in counsell of a citie, is runne in deed upon an high rocke that reacheth up a loft, but drenched hee is over the eares, and as like to sinke as the rest, neverthelesse. In best case he is therefore, who neither seeketh nor desireth any of these honours, but rejecteth and refuseth them altogether. Howbeit, if peradventure it bee no easie matter to put backe a grace and favour, or some token of love, that the people other­whiles desire to shew unto them who are entred into combat, as it were in the field of govern­ment, not in a game and maisterie for a silver prize, or rich presents, but in the game in deed which is holy and sacred, yea and woorthie to be crowned, it may suffice and content a man to have some honourable inscription or title, in a tablet, some publike act or decree, some branch of lawrell or the olive: like as Epymenides who received one branch of the sacred olive, grow­ing in the castle of Athens, because he had cleansed and purified the citie: and Anaxagoras refu­sing 40 all other honours which the people would have ordained for him, demaunded onely, that upon the day of his death the children might have leave to play, and not go to schoole all that day long. The seven gallant Gentlemen of Persia, who killed the Tyrants, called Magi, were honoured onely with this priviledge, that both they and their posteritie might weare the Persian pointed Cap or Tiara Turbant, bending forward on their heads: for this was the signall which they were agreed upon among themselves when they went to execute the said enterprise, Likewise the honor which Pittacus received, did shew some modesty & civilitie: for when his citizens had permitted & granted unto him to have and enjoy of those lands which he had con­que red from the enemie, as much as he would himselfe; he stood contented with so much, & 50 no more as lay within one fling or shot of the javelin which he launced himselfe. And Cocles the Roman tooke so much ground onely as he in his owne person could eare with a plow in one day, being as he was a lame and maimed man. For a civill honour ought not to be in the nature of a salarie for a vertuous act performed, but a token rather and a memoriall that the remem­brance thereof might continue long, as theirs did whom erewhiles we named: whereas in those three hundred statues of Demetrius Phalereus, there gathered not so much as rust, canker, or any ordure or filth whatsoever, but were all of them ere himselfe died, pulled downe and broken. [Page 376] And as for the images of Demades, melted they were everie one, and of the mettall were made pispots and basins for close stooles: yea and many such honours have beene defaced, as be­ing displeasant and odious to the world, not in regard onely of the wickednesse of the receiver, but also of the greatnesse and richnesse of the thing given and received: and therefore the good­liest and surest safegard of honour, that it may endure and last longest, is, the least costlinesse and price bestowed thereupon: for such as bee excessive massie and immeasurall in greatnesse, may bee well compared unto huge colosses or statues not well ballaised and counterpoised, nor proportionably made, which soone fal downe to the ground of thēselves. And here in this place I cal Honors, these exterior things which the common people (so far forth as beseemeth them, according to the saying of Empedocles) so call. Howbeit I also affirme as wel as others, that a wise 10 governor & man of State ought not to despise true honor which consisteth in the benevolence & good affection of those who have in remēbrance the services and benefits that they have re­ceivedneither ought he altogether to contemne glorie, as one who forbare to please his neigh­bours among whō he liveth, as Democritus would have him: for neither ought horse-keepers or esquierries of the stable, reject the affection of their horses lovingly making toward them; nor hunters the sawning of their hounds & spaniels; but rather seeke to win & keepe the same, for that it is both a profitable, and also a pleasant thing, to be able for to imprint in those creatures who are familiar, & do live & converse with us such an affectiō to us as Lysimachus his dog she­wed toward his master; & which the poet Homer reporteth that Achilles horses shewed to Patro­clus. For mine own part I am of this mind, that Bees would be better entreated & escape better, 20 in case they would make much of those, & suffer them gētly to come toward them, who norish them and have the care and charge of them, rather than to sting and provoke them to anger as they do; whereas now, men are driven to punish them and chase them away with smoake: also to breake and tame their frampold and unruly horses with hard bits and bridles, yea and curst dogs which are given to run away, they are faine to lead perforce in collars, or tie up and ham­per with clogs. But verily there is nothing in the world that maketh one man willingly obei­sant and subject to another, more than the affiance that he hath in him for the love which hee beareth, and the opinion conceived of his goodnesse, honestie and justice; which is the rea­son that Demosthenes said verie well: That free cities have no better meanes to keepe and pre­serve themselves from tyrants, than to distrust them; for that part of the soule whereby we be­leeve, 30 is it, which is most easie to be taken captive. Like as therefore the gift of prophesie which Cassandra had, stood her countrey-men and fellow-citizens in no steed, because they would ne­ver give credit or beleefe unto her: for thus she speaketh of her selfe,

God would not have my voice propheticall
When I for etell of things, to take effect,
Nor do my countrey any good at all:
Or why? alwaies they do my words reject,
In their distresse and woes, they would correct
Their folly past, then am I wise and sage:
Before it come, they say I do but rage. 40

even so, on the otherside, the trust and confidence that the citizens reposed in Archytas, the good will and benevolence which they bare unto Battus, served them in right good stead: for that they used and followed their counsell, by reason of the good opinion which they concei­ved of them.

This is then the first and principall good which lieth in the reputation of States-men, and those who are in government, namely, the trust and confidence which is in them; for it ma­keth an overture, and openeth the doore to the enterprise and execution of all good actions. The second, is the love and affection of the people, which to good governours is to them a buckler and armor of defence against envious and wicked persons:

Much like unto a mother kind who keepes away the flies 50
From tender babe whiles sweetly it a sleepe in cradell lies.

putting backe envie that might arise against them; and in regard of might and credit, making equall a man meanly borne & of base parentage, with those who are nobly descended, the poore with the rich, & the private person with the magistrates: and to be briefe, when vertue & verity are joined together with this popular benevolence, it is as mightie as a strong and steedy gale of [Page 377] a forewind at the poope, and driveth men forward to the managing and effecting of all pub­like affaires whatsoever. Consider now and see what contrarie effects the disposition of peoples hearts, doth produce and bring foorth by these examples following. For even they of Italie when they had in their hands the wife and children of Denys the Tyrant, after they had vila­nously abused, and shamefully forced their bodies, did them to death, and when they had burnt them to ashes, threw and scattered the same out of a ship into the sea. Whereas one Menander who reigned graciously over the Bactrians, in the end, when he had lost his life in the warres was honorably enterred: for the cities under his obeisance joined altogether, and by a common ac­cord solemnized his funerals and obsequies with great mourning and lamentation; but as tou­ching the place where his reliques should be bestowed, they grew into a great strife and conten­tion 10 one with another, which at the last with much adoo was pacified upon this condition and composition, that his ashes should be parted and divided equally among them all, and that eve­rie citie should have one sepulcher and monument of him by it selfe. Againe, the Agrigentines after they were delivered from the Tyrant Phalaris, enacted an ordinance: That from thence foorth, it should not be lawfull for any person whatsoever to weare a roabe of blew colour, for that the Guard & Pensioners attending about the said Tyrant, had blew cassockes for their live­ries. But the Persians tooke such a love to their Prince Cyrus, that because he was hauke-nosed, they ever after and even to this day, affect those who have such noses, and take them to be best favoured. And verily of all loves, this is the most divine, holy and puissant, which cities and States do beare unto a man for his vertue: as for other honors so falsely called, and bearing no 20 true ensignes in deed to testifie love, which the people bestow upon them, who have builded theaters and shew-places, given them largesses, congraires and other doles, or exhibited combats of Sword-fensers at the sharpe: these wrong entituled honors do resemble the glosing flatteries of harlots and strumpets, who smile upon their lovers, so long onely as they give them any thing or gratifie them in any pleasure; and such a glorie as this lasteth not long, but after a day or two passeth away and is gone.

He whosoever he was, that said first: That he who began to give money by way of largesse unto the people, taught the verie high way to overthrow a popular state, knew verie well, that the people lose their authoritie, when they make themselves subject and inferiour by taking such gifts: and even they also who are the givers must know thus much: That they overthrow 30 themselves in buying their reputation so costly & at so high a price: & by that means they make the multitude more haughtie and arrogant, because thereby the people do presume, that it is in their power to give or take away so great a thing. I write not this, as though I would have a man of estate in his lawfull expenses and allowable liberalities, to shew himselfe too neere and me­chanicall, especially when his State will beare and maintaine the same: for that, in truth, the people carrie a greater hatred to a rich man, who will not part with any of his goods among them, than a poore man who robbeth the common chest: for they suppose the one to proceed from pride and contempt of them, and the other from meere need and necessitie. I would wish therefore that first and principally these largesses should come by way of gratuitie and for no­thing, for that in such a sort, they make the authors thereof better esteemed and admired, and 40 besides they binde and oblige the receivers so much the more. Secondly, I would that they were done upon a good, honest, and laudable occasion, as namely for the honour of some god; a thing that draweth on the people more and more to devotion and religion, because withall, it imprinteth in the hearts of the people a vehement opinion and strong apprehension that the majestie of the gods, must needs be a great and venerable thing, when they see those who honor them, and whom they repute for so woorthie and noble personages, so affectionate unto them, as for their service and worship to be at such cost and spend so liberally. Like as therefore Plato forbad yoong men who went to the Musicke schoole, that they should not learne either the Ly­dian & Phrygian harmony; for that the one stirred up in our hearts all lamentable, dolefull, and dumpish affections, the other increased the inclination to pleasure, riot, and voluptuous sensua­litie; 50 even so, as touching these largesses and publike expenses, banish and chase out of your citie as much as you can, those which provoke in our hearts beastly, barbarous, and bloody af­fections, or such as feed loosenesse and scurrilie: or if you be not able to rid them out cleane, yet do your endevour at least wise to hold off and contest against the people, to your uttermost power, who cal upon you for such spectacles; & order the matter so alwaies, that the subject mat­ter of your dispense may be honest and chast, the end and intention good and necessarie, or at least wise that the pleasure and mirth be without wrong and hurt to any person. But if peradven­ture [Page 378] your State be but meane, and that the center & circumference of your goods containe and comprehend no more than to serve and supply necessities, know well this: that it argueth nei­ther a base mind nor an illiberall & ungentlemanlike heart to be knowen of your poverty, and so to give place unto other, who have wherewith to defray such ambitious expenses & liberalities, and in by endebting & engaging your selfe in the usurers books, to be a spectacle both to be pit­tied & laughed at, for such publike ministeries: forasmuch as they whosoever they be that so do, cannot go to worke so secretly, but it will be thought and knowen how they enterprize above their abilitie, be driven to trouble and make bolde with their friends in borrowing of them, or els to statter and court usurers to take up money at interest, in such sort as that they shall win no ho­nour and credit, but rather shame and contempt by such expenses; in which regard, good it 10 were in these cases to set alwaies before your eies the examples of Lamachus and Phocion. For Phocion one day when the Athenians at a solemne sacrifice called instantly upon him to con­tribute some money toward the charges: I would be ashamed (quoth he) to give you any thing, and in the meane while not be able to keepe my credit, and paie that I owe to this man heere, and withall he pointed unto Callicles the userer unto whom he was then indebted. As for La­machus in his accounts of charges whiles he was lord generall of an armie under the Athenians in any expedition, put in alwaies, Thus much for a paire of shoes or pantofles for himselfe; Item, so much for a garment. The Thessalians ordeined and allowed unto Hermon who refu­sed to be their captaine generall, because he was poore, a flagon or little runlet of wine moneth­ly, and a measure or bushell and halfe of meale every fower daies: whereby you see it is no 20 shame for a man to confesse his povertie; neither have poore men lesse meanes to winne cre­dit and authoritie in the government of cities, than they who lay out and spend much in ma­king feasts or exhibiting publike shewes and spectacles, for to gaine the good will and favour of the people; provided alwaies, that by their vertue they have gotten reputation and libertie to speake their mindes frankly and freely unto them. And therefore a good governour ought wisely to master and rule himselfe in these cases; he must not (I say) enter into the plaine and champion ground on foote for to encounter with horsemen; nor being poore, to be seene in the race and shew-place for to set out games, or upon the scaffold & theater to represent plaies, or in great hals full set with tables to make feasts, and all to contend with rich men about glorie and magnificence; but he is to studie how to manage the people by vertue, by gentlenesse, by 30 wit and understanding joyned alwaies with wise words, wherein there is not onely honestie and a venerable port, but also a kinde of grace more amiable, attractive, and desireable,

Than Craesus coine of silver and gold,
Or all the money that can be told.

For to a good man it is not necessarie to have a surly, coy, and presumptuous looke; neither is it required that a wise and sober person should carie a sterne and rigorous countenance,

Who as he walks along the streets, in citie or in towne,
Doth cast a sharpe and hideous eie, and on his neighbours frowne. 40

But contrariwise, a good man is first and formost affable and lightsome of language, of easie ac­cesse, and readie to be spoken withall whosoever comes, having his house open alwaies, (as it were) an haven or harbour of refuge, to as many as have occasion to use him. Neither is this debonairity and care of his, seene onely in the businesse and affaires of such as employ him, but also in this; that he will as well rejoice with them who have had any fortunate and happie suc­cesse, as condole & greeve with those unto whom there is befallen any calamitie or misfortune; never will he be knowen to be troublesome, and looke for double diligence of a number of ser­vitors and verlets to waite upon him to the baines or stouphes; nor to keepe a stir for taking up and keeping of places for him and his traine at the theaters where plaies and pastimes are to bee seene, ne yet desire to be conspicuous and of great marke above others in any outward signes of 50 excessive delights and sumptuous superfluities; but shew himselfe to be equall, like and sutable to others in apparell, in his fare and furniture at the table, in the education and nouriture of his children, in the keeping of his wife for her state and array, and in one word, be willing to carrie and demeane himselfe in all things, as an ordinary and plaine citizen, bearing no greater port and shew than others of the common multitude; moreover, at hand to give advise and counsell friendly to every man in his affaires, ready to enterteine, defend, & follow their causes as an ad­vocate, freely, and without taking fee or any consideration whatsoever; to reconcile man and [Page 379] wife when they be at ods, to make love-daies and peace betweene friends, not spending one lit­tle peece of the day for a shew at the tribunall seat, or in the hall of audience for the common­wealth, and then afterwards all the day & the rest of his life, drawing unto himselfe al dealings, all negotiations and affaires from everie side for his owne particular behoofe and profit, like unto the north-east winde Caecias, which evermore gathereth the clouds unto it; but continually ben­ding his minde and occupying his head in carefull studie for the weale publike, and in effect making it appeere unto the world, that the life of a State-man and a governor, is not as the com­mon sort thinke it, easie and idle, but a continuall action and publike function: by which fashi­ons and semblable courses that he taketh, he gaineth and winneth unto him the hearts of the people, who in the end come to know, that all the flattering devises and entisements of others 10 be nothing else but false baits and bastard allurements, in comparison of his prudence and care­full diligence. The flatterers about Demetrius vouchsafed not to call any other princes and po­tentates of his time, Kings, but would have Seleucus to be named the Commander of the ele­phants; Lysimachus the keeper of the treasurie; Ptolomeus the admirall of the sea; and Agatho­cles the governour of the islands. But the people although peradventure at the first they reject a good wise and sage person among them; yet in the end after they have seene his truth, and knowen his disposition and kinde nature, they will repute him onely to bee popular, politike, and woorthie to be a magistrate indeed, and as for the rest, they wil both repute and call one, the warden and setter out of the plaies; another the great feaster; and a third, the president of games, combats, and publike exercises. Moreover, like as at the feasts and bankets that Callias or 20 Alcibiades were at the cost to make, none but Socrates was heard to speake, and all mens eies were cast upon Socrates; even so in cities and States governed aright, well may Ismenias deale larges­ses; Lichas make feasts, and Niceratus defray the charges of plaies, but Epaminondas, Aristides, Lysander, and such as they, are those which beare the magistracie, they governe at home, they command and conduct armies abroad. Which being well and duly considered, there is no cause why you should be discouraged or dismaid at the reputation and credit that they win among the people, who have for them builded theaters, and erected shew-places, founded halles of great receit, and purchased for them common places of sepulture, for to burie their dead: all which glorie lasteth but a while, neither hath it any great matter, or venerable substance in it, but vanisheth away like smoke, and is gone even assoone as either the plaies in such theaters, or 30 games in shew-places are done and ended.

They that have skill and experience of keeping and feeding bees, doe hold opinion and saie, that those hives wherein the bees yeeld the biggest sound, make most humming and greatest stir within, like best, are most sound, healthfull, and yeeld most store of home: but he upon whom God hath laid the charge and care of the reasonable swarme (as I may say) and civill societie of men, will judge the happinesse and blessed state thereof most of all by the quietnesse and peace therein, and in all other things he will approove the ordinances and statutes of Solon, endevor­ing to follow and observe the same to his full power; but doubt hee will and marvell what hee should meane by this, when he writeth, that he who in a civill sedition would not range himselfe to a side, and take part with one or other faction, was to bee noted with infamie: for in a natu­rall 40 bodie that is sicke, the beginning of change toward the recoverie of health, commeth not from the diseased parts, but rather, when the temperature of the sound and healthie members is so puissant, that it chaseth and expelleth that which in the rest of the bodie was unkind & con­trary to nature; even so in a citie or State where the people are up in a tumult & sedition, so it be not dangerous and mortall, but such as is like to be appeased and ended, there had need to be a farre greater part of those who are sound and not infected, for to remaine and cohabit still, for to it there commeth and hath recourse that which is natural and familiar, from the wise and dis­creet within, and the same entreth into the other infected part and cureth it: but such cities as be in an universall uprore and hurly-burly, utterly perish and come to confusion, if they have not some constreint from without, and a chastisement which may force them to be wise and agree 50 among themselves. Neither is my meaning, that I would have you a politike person and States-man in such a sedition and civill discord to sit still, insensible and without any passion or feeling of the publike calamitie, to sing and chaunt your owne repose and tranquillitie of blessed and happie life, and whiles others be together by the eares, rejoice at their follie; for at such a time especially you are to put on the buskin of Theramenes, which served as well the one legge as the other; then are you to parley and common with both parties, without joyning your selfe to one more than to the other; by which meanes, neither you shall be thought an adversa­rie, [Page 380] because you are not ready to offend either part, but indifferent to both, in aiding as well the one as the other, and envie shall you incur none, as bearing part in their miserie, in case you seeme to have a fellow-feeling and compassion equally with them all: but the best way were to provide and forecast, that they never breake out to tearmes of open sedition; and this you are to thinke for to be the principall point, and the height of all pollicie and civill government; for evident it is, and you may easily see, that (of those greatest blessings which cities can desire, to wit, peace, libertie, and freedome, plentie and fertilitie, multitude of people, and unitie and con­cord) as touching peace, cities have no great need in these daies of wise governors, for to pro­cure or mainteine the same, for that all wars both against the Greekes and also the Barbarians are chased away and gone out of sight; as for libertie, the people hath as much as it pleaseth 10 their sovereignes and princes to give them, and peradventure if they had more it would be woorse for them; for the fertility of the earth, and the abundance of all fruits, the kind dispositi­on and temperature of all seasons of the yeere,

That mothers in due time their babes into the world may beare,
Resembling in all points their sires, to wit, their fathers deare.

and that children so borne may live and be live-like, every good and wise men, wil crave at Gods hands in the behalfe of his owne fellow citizens. Now there remaineth for a States-man and politike governour, of all those works proposed one onely, and that is nothing inferiour to the 20 rest of the blessings above-named, to wit, the unitie and concord of citizens that alwaies dwell together, and the banishing out of a citie of all quarrels, all jarres and malice, as the maner is in composing the differences and debates of friends; namely, by dealing first with those parties which seeme to be most offended, and to have taken the greatest wrong, in seeming to be inju­ried as well as they, and to have no lesse cause of displeasure and discontent than they; afterwards by little and little to seeke for to pacifie and appease them, by declaring and giving them to un­derstand, that they who can be content to strike saile a little, do ordinarily go beyond those who thinke to gaine all by force; surmount them I say not onely in mildenesse and good nature, but also in courage and magnanimitie, who in yeelding and giving place a little in small matters, are masters in the end and conquerors in the best and greatest; which done, his part is to make 30 remonstrance both particularly to every one, and generally to them all, declaring unto them the feeble and weake estate of Greece, and that it is very expedient for men of sound and good judg­ment to enjoy the fruit and benefit which they may have in this weakenesse and imbecilitie of theirs, living in peace and concord one with another as they doe; considering that fortune hath not left them in the midst any prize to winne or to strive for. For what glorie, what au­thoritie, what power or preeminence will remaine unto them that haply should have the better hand in the end, & be masters over their adversaries, but a proconfull with one commandement of his will be able to overthrow it, and transport it unto the other side, as often and whensoever it pleaseth him; but say that it should continue stil, yet is it not woorth all this labour and travell about it. But like as scare-fires many times begin not at stately temples and publike edifices, but 40 they may come by some candle in a private and little house, which was neglected or not well looked unto, and so fell downe and tooke hold thereof, or haply straw or rushes and such like stuffe might catch fire and suddenly flame, and so thereupon might ensue much losse, and a pub­like wasting of many faire buildings; even so it is not alwaies by meanes of contention and va­riance about affaires of State, that seditions in cities be kindled, but many times braules and riots arising upon particular causes, and so proceeding to a publike tumult and quarrell, have beene the overthrow and utter subversion of a whole citie. In regard whereof, it perteineth un­to a politike man, as much as any one thing els, to foresee and prevent, or else to remedy the same, to see (I say) that such dissentions do not arise at al, or if they be on foot to keep them down from growing farther and taking head, or at leastwise that they touch not the State, but rest still 50 among whom it began: considering this with himselfe & giving others to understand, that pri­vate debates are in the end causes of publike, and, small of great, when they be neglected at first, and no convenient remedies used at the verie beginining. Like as by report the greatest civill dissention that ever hapned in the citie of Delphos, arose by the meanes of one Crates, whose daughter Orgilaus the sonne of Phalis was at the point to wed: now it hapned by meere chance that the cup, out of which they were to make an essay or effusion of wine in the honour of the gods first, and then afterwards to drinke one to another, according to the nuptiall ceremonies [Page 381] of that place, broke into peeces of it selfe, which Orgilaus taking to be an evill presage, forsooke his espoused bride, and went away with his father, without finishing the complements of marri­age. Some few daies after, when they were sacrificing to the gods; Crates conveied covertly or underhand a certaine vessell of gold, one of those which were sacred and dedicated to the tem­ple, unto them, and so made no more adoo, but caused Orgilaus and his brother, as manifell church-robbers, to be pitched downe headlong from the top of the rocke at Delphos, without any judgement or forme and processe of law: yea and more than that, killed some of their kins­folke and friends, notwithstanding they entreated hard, and pleaded the liberties and immunitie of Minervaes temple, surnamed Provident, into which they were fled and there tooke sanctuarie. And thus after divers such murders committed, the Delphians in the end put Crates to death 10 and those his complices, who were the authors of this sedition, and of the money and goods of these excommunicate persons (for so they were called) seazed upon by way of confiscation, they built those chapples which stand beneath the citie. At Syracusae also, of two yoong men who were verie familiarly acquainted together, the one being to travell abroad out of his coun­trey, left in the custodie of the other a concubine that he had, to keepe untill his returne home againe; but he in the absence of his friend abused her bodie: but when his companion upon his returne home knew thereof, he wrought so, that for to crie quittance with him he lay with his wife and made him cuckold: this matter came to hearing at the counsell table of the citie, and one of the ancient Senatours mooved the rest, that both twaine should be banished out of the citie, before there arose further mischiefe, and lest the citie by occasion of their deadly fewd 20 should be filled with parts taking of both sides, and so be in danger of utter destruction; which when he could not perswade and bring to passe, the people grew into an open sedition, and after many miserable calamities, ruinated and overthrew a most excellent State & government. You haue heard I am sure of domesticall examples, and namely the enmitie of Pardalus and Tyrrhe­nus, who went within a verie little of overthrowing the citie of Sardis, and upon small and private causes, had brought the same into civill war and open rebellion by their factioins and particular quarrels. And therefore a man of government ought alwaies to be watchfull and vigilant, and not to neglect, no more than in a bodie naturall the beginnings of maladies, all little heart-bur­nings and offences that quickly passe from one to another, but to stay their course, and reme­die the same with all convenient speed. For by a heedfull eie and carefull prevention, as Cato 30 saith, that which was at first great, becommeth small, and that which was small commeth to no­thing. Now to induce and perswade other men so to doe, there is not a more artificiall device, nor a better meanes, than for a man of government to shew himselfe exorable, inclined to par­don, & easie to be reconciled in like cases; in principal matters of weight & greatest importance resolute and constant without any rankor or malice, and in none at all seeme to be selfe-willed, peevish, contentious, cholerike, or subject to any other passion which may breed a sharpnesse and bitternesse in necessarie controversies, and doubtfull cases which can not be avoided. For in those combats at buffets which champions performe for pleasure in manner of foiles; the manner is to binde about their fists certaine round muffles like bals, to the end that when they come to coping and to let drive one at another, they might take no harme, considering the 40 knocks and thumps that they give are so soft, and can not put them to any paine to speake of; even so in the sutes, processes and trials of law which passe betweene citizens of the same citie, the best way is to argue and plead by laying downe their allegatiions and reasons, simply and purely, and not to sharpen or envenime their matters like darts and arrowes, with poisoned taunts, railing tearmes, opprobrious speeches and spightfull threats, and so to make deepe wounds, and the same festured with venim, whereby the controversies may grow incurable, and augment still in such sort, that in the end they touch the State. He that can so cary himselfe in his owne affaires, as to avoid these foresaid mischiefs and dangers, shalbe able to com­passe others in the like, and make them willing to be ruled by reason: so that after­wards, when once the particular occasions of priuie grudges be taken a­way, 50 the quarrels and discords which touch a common-wealth, are sooner pacified and composed, neither doe they ever bring any inconveniences hard to be cured or remedilesse.

WHETHER AN AGED MAN OUGHT TO MA­NAGE 10 PUBLICKE AFFAIRES.

The Summarie.

THe title of this discour se discover eth sufficiently the intention of the Author: but, for that they who manage affaires of State, and namely men in yeeres, fall oftentimes into one of these two extremities as touching their duetie, namely, that they be either too slacke and remisse, or else more stiffe and severe than they ought; these precepts of 20 Plutarch, a man well conversed in high places and offices, and who (as we may gather by his words) was well striken in age when he wrote this Treatise, ought to be diligently read, conside­red and practised by men of authoritie. And albeit this booke containeth some advertisements in that behalfe, which sort not wholy with the order of government put in practise in these our daies: yet so it is, that the fundamentall reasons are so well laid, that any politician or States-man building therupon, may assure himselfe that he shall raise & edifie some good piece of worke. Now he beginneth with the resutation of one common objection of certaine men, who enjoine & command elder folke to sit still and remaine quiet, and he prooveth the contrarie, namely, that then it is meet that they should put themselves foorth more than ever before; but he addeth this correction and caveat withall, that they have beene a long time alreadie broken (as it were) to the world, and beaten in publike affaires, to 30 the end that they be not taxed and noted for their slender carriage or light vanitie, nor proove the cause of some great mischiefe, medling as they do in that which they had not wel comprehended before. After this he proposeth and laieth abroad the examples of men well qualified, who have given good proofe of their sufficiencte in old age: whereupon he inferreth, that those be the persons indeed unto whom government doth appertaine, and that to go about for to make such idle now in their latter daies, were as absurde and as much injurie offeredunto them, as to confine a prudent Prince and wise King to some house in the countrey: and this he inforceth and verifieth by eloquent compcrisons, and by the example of Pompeius. Which done he setteth downe the causes which ought to put forward, and moove a man well stept in yeeres to the government of a common-weale, confuting those who are of the contrarie opinion, and prooving that elderly persons are more fit therefore than yoonger, be­cause 40 of the experience and aut boritte that age doth affoord them, as also in regardof many other rea­sons: then he returneth the objection upon them, and sheweth that yoong folke are unmeet for pub­like charges, unlesse they have beene the disciples of the aged, or be directed and guided by them: he resuteth those also who esteeme that such a vocation resembleth some particular trafficke or negotia­tion: and when he hath so done, he taketh in hand againe his principall point, detecting and laying open the folly of those who would bereave old men of all administration of publike matters: and then he exhorteth them to take heart and shunne idlenesse (which he doth diffame wonderfully) and setteth before their eles their duetie, which he also considereth inparticular: then he adviseth them not to take so much upon them; not to accept any charge unworthie, or not beseeming that gravitie which time and age hath given them, but tooccupie and busie themselves with that which is honora­ble 50 and of great consequence; to endevour and strive for to serve their countrey, and above all in mat­ters of importance; to use good discretion as well in the refusall as the acceptation of dignities and of­ffices, carying themselves with such dexterity among yoong men that they may induct & set them into the way of vertue. And for a conclusion, he teacheth all persons who deale in State affaires what resolu­tion they should put on and carry thither; that they have an assured testimonie in themselves; that they be affectionat ser vitour of the common-weale.

WHETHER AN AGED MAN ought to manage publike affaires.

WE are not ignorant ô Euphanes that you are woont highly to praise the poet Pindarus, and how you have oftentimes in your mouth these words of his, as being in your conceit well placed and pithily spoken to the point,

When games of price and combats once are set, 10
Who shrinketh back and doth pretend some let,
In darknesse hides and deepe obscuritie
His fame of vertue and activitie.

But forasmuch as men ordinarily alledge many causes and preten­ses, for to colour and cover their sloth & want of courage to undertake the businesse and affaires of State, & among others, as the very last, and as one would say, that which is of the sacred line & race, they tender unto us old age, & suppose they have found now one sufficient argument to dull or turne backe the edge, and to coole the heat of seeking honor thereby, in bearing us in hand & saying: That there is a certein convenient & meet end limited, not only to the revoluti­on of yeeres, proper for combats and games of proofe, but also for publike affaires and dealings 20 in State. I thought it would not be impertinent nor besides the purpose, if I should send and communicate unto you a discourse which sometimes I made privately for mine owne use, as touching the government of common-weale managed by men of yeeres; to the end that nei­ther of us twaine should abandon that long pilgrimage in this world which we have continued in travelling together, even to this present day, nor reject that civill life of ours, which hither to we have led in swaying of the common-weale, no more than a man would cast off an old com­panion of his owne age, or change an ancient familiar friend, for another with whom he hath had no acquaintance, & who hath not time sufficient to converse & be made familiar with him But let us in Gods name remaine firme & constant in that course of life which we have choson from the beginning, & make the end of life & of well living all one and the same, if we will not 30 (for that small while which we have to live) discredit, & diffame that longer time which we have alreadie led, as if it had bin spent foolishly and in vaine, without any good & laudable intention. For tyrannicall dominiō, is not a faire monument to be enterred in, as one said somtime to De­nys the tyrant: for unto him this monarchicall & absolute sovereigntie gotten & held by so un­just & wicked meanes, the longer that it had continued before it failed, the greater & more per­fect calamitie it would have brought; according as Diogenes afterwards seeing the said Dionysius his son become a poore privat man, & deposed frō the princely & tyrannicall dignity which he had: O Dionysius (quoth he) how unworthy art thou of this estate, & how unfitting is it for thee! for thou oughtest not to live here in liberty, & without any feare or doubt of any thing with us, but remaine there stil as thy father did, immured up & confined (as it were) within a fortresse all 40 thy life time, untill extreme old age came. But in truth, a popular government which is just and lawfull, wherein a man hath beene conversant and shewed himselfe alwaies no lesse profitable to the common-wealth, in obeying than in commaunding, is a faire sepulcher for him, to be bu­ried honorably therein, and to bestow in his death the glorie of his life: for this is the last thing (as Simonides said) that descendeth and goeth under the earth; unlesse we speake of them whose honour, bountie and vertue dieth first, and in whom the zeale of performing their duetie doth faile and cease before that the covetous desire of things necessarie to this life giveth over: as if the divine parts of our soule, & those which direct our actions were more fraile, & died sooner than the sensual & corporal; which neither were honestie to say, nor good to beleeve, no more than to give credit unto those who affirme that in getting and gaining onely, we are never wea­ry: 50 but rather we are to bring that saying of Thucydides to a better purpose, & not to beleeve him who was of minde that not ambition alone and desire of glorie, aged in a man but also (and that much rather) sociality or willingnes to live & converse with company, & civility or affection to policy & managing of publik affaires; a thing that doth persevere & cōtinue alwaies to the very end, even in ants and bees: for never was it knowen that a bee with age became a drone; as some there be who would have those who all their life time were employed in the State, after the vi­gor & strength of their age is past to sit stil & keepe the house, doing nothing els but eat & feed [Page 384] as if they were mued up, suffering their active vertue, through ease and idlenesse to be quen­ched & marred, even like as iron is eaten and consumed with rust & canker, for want of occupy­ing. For Cato said verie wisely: That since old age had of it self miseries ynough of the one, they ought not to adde moreover thereunto the shame that proceedeth from vice, for to mend the matter. Now among many vices that be, there is not one that more shameth and defameth an old man than restivenesse, sloth, delicacie and voluptuousnesse: namely when he is seene to come downe from the hall and courts of Justice, or out of the counsell chamber and such pub­like places, for to goe and keepe himselfe close in a corner of his house like a woman, or to re­tire into some farme in the countrey to oversee onely his mowers, reapers, and harvest-folke, of whom it may be well said, as we reade in Sophocles: 10

What is become of wise Oedipus,
In riddles a-reeding who was so famous?

For to begin to meddle in affaires of State in olde age, and not before (as it is reported that one Epimenides laied him downe to sleepe when he was very yoong, and wakened an olde man fiftie yeeres after) and ere he have shaken off and laied aside so long repose and rest that hath stucke so close unto him by use and custome, to goe and put himselfe all at once upon a sudden into such travels and laborious negotiations, being nothing trained nor inured therein, not framed nor exercised thereto in any measure, without conversing at all beforehand with men experi­enced in matters of Estate, nor having practised worldly affaires, might peradventure give good occasion to one that were disposed to reproove and finde fault, for to say that which the 20 prophetesse Pythias answered once to one who consulted with the oracle of Apollo about the like case:

For government and rule of citie state,
Who ever thou be, thou commest too late:
An houre this is undecent and past date,
Thus for to knocke at Court or Pallace-gate,

like an unmanerly guest, who commeth to a feast; or a rude traveller, who seeketh for lodging when it is darke night; for even so thou wouldest remoove not to a place, nor to a region, but to a life whereof thou hast no proofe and triall. As for this sentence and verse of Simonides,

The city can instruct a man. 30

true it is, if it be meant of them who have sufficient time to be taught and to learne any science which is not gotten but hardly and with much ado after great studie, long travell, continuall ex­ercise and practise; provided also, that it meet with a nature painfull and laborious, patient and able to undergo all adversities of fortune. These reasons a man may seeme very well and to the purpose to alledge against those who begin when they be well stricken in yeeres to deale in pub­like affaires of the State. And yet we see the contrary, how men of great wisedome and judge­ment divert children and yoong men from the government of common-weale, who also have the testimonie of the lawes on their side, by ordinance whereof, at Athens the publicke Crier or Bedle calleth and summoneth to the pulpit or place of audience, not such as yoong Alcibiades or Pytheas, for to stand up first and speake before the assemblie of the people, but those that be 40 above fiftie yeeres of age; and such they exhort both to make orations, and also to deliver their minds, and counsell what is most expedient to be done. There is a defect or fault at least­wise in the Greeke ori­ginall.

And Cato being accused when he was fourescore yeeres olde and upward, in pleading of his own cause, thus answered for himselfe: It is an harder matter my masters (quoth he) for a man to render an account of his life, and to justifie the same before other men, than those with whom he hath lived. And no man there is, but he will confesse that the acts which Caesar Augustus atchieved a little before his death in defaiting Antonius, were much more roiall and profitable to the weale-publicke, than any others that ever hee performed all his life-time before: and himselfe in restraining and reforming secretly by good customes and ordinances, the dissolute riots of yoong men, and namely, when they mutined, said no more but thus unto them: Listen 50 yoong men, and heare an olde man speake, whom olde men gave eare unto when he was but yoong. The government also of Pericles was at the height and of greatest power and authoritie in his olde age, at what time as he perswaded the Athenians to enter upon the Peloponesiacke warre: but when they would needs in all haste and out of season, set forward with their power to encounter with threescore thousand men all armed and well appointed, who forraied and wa­sted their territorie, he withstood them and hindered their dessigned enterprise, and that in ma­ner by holding sure the armour of the people out of their hands, and (as one would say) by kee­ping [Page 385] the gates of the citie fast locked and sealed up. But as touching that which Xenophon hath written of Agesilaus, it is worthy to be delivered word for word, as he setteth it downe in these tearmes: What youth (quoth he) was ever so gallant, but his age surpassed it? what man was there ever in the flower and very best of all his time, more dread and terrible to his enemies, than Agesilaus was in the very latter end of his daies? whose death at any time was more joyfull to enemies than that of Agesilaus, although he was very olde when he died? what was he that emboldened allies and confederates, making them assured and confident, if Agesilaus did not, notwithstanding he was now at the very pits brincke, and had in maner one foot already in his grave? what yoong man was ever more missed among his friends, and lamented more bitterly when he was dead, than Agesilaus, how olde so ever he was when he departed this life? The long 10 time that these noble personages lived, was no impediment unto them in atchieving such no­ble and honourable services; but we in these daies play the delicate wantons in government of cities, where there is neither tyrannie to suppresse, nor warre to conduct, nor siege to be raised; and being secured from troubles of warre, we sit still with one hand in another, being roubled onely with civill debates among citizens, and some emulations, which for the most part are voided and brought to an end by vertue of the lawes and justice onely with words. Wee for­beare (I say) and draw backe from dealing in these publicke affaires for feare, confessing our selves herein to be more cowardly and false-hearted (I will not say) than the ancient captaines and governours of the people in olde time, but even worse than Poets, Sophisters and Plaiers in Tragedies and Comedies of those daies. If it be true, as it is, that Simonides in his olde age wan 20 the prize for enditing ditties and setting songs in quires and dances, according to the epigram made of him, which testifieth no lesse in the last verses thereof, running in this maner:

Fourescore yeeres olde was Simonides
The Poet, and sonne of Treoprepes,
Whom for his carrols and musicall vaine,
The prize he won and honour did gaine.

It is reported also of Sophocles, that when he was accused judicially for dotage by his owne chil­dren, who laied to his charge that he was become a childe againe, unfitting for governing his house, and had need therefore of a guardian; being convented before the judges, he rehearsed in open court the entrance of the chorus, belonging to the Tragedie of his, entituled Oedipus in 30 Colono, which beginneth in this wise:

Wel-come stranger at thy entrie,
To villages best of this countrie,
Renowmed for good steeds in fight,
The tribe of faire Colonus hight;
Where nightingale doth oft resort,
Her dolefull moanes for to report:
Amid greene bowers which she doth haunt,
Her sundrie notes and laies to chaunt,
With voice so shrill as in no ground, 40
Elswhere her songs so much resound, &c.

And for that this canticle or sonet wonderfully pleased the judges and the rest of the company, they all arose from the bench, went out of the Court, and accompanied him home to his house with great acclamations for joy, and clapping of hands in his honour, as they would have done in their departure from the Theater where the Tragedie had bene lively acted indeed. Also it is confessed for certeine, that an epigram also was made of Sophocles, to this effect:

When Sophocles this sonnet wrote
To grace and honour Herodote,
His daies of life by just account,
To fiftie five yeeres did amount. 50

Philemon and Alexis, both comicall Poets, chanced to be arrested and surprised with death even as they plaied their Comedie upon the stage for the prize, and were about to be crowned with garlands for the victorie. As for Paulus [or Polus] the actour of Tragedies, Eratosthenes and Philochorus do report, That when he was threescore yeeres olde and ten, he acted eight Tra­gedies within the space of foure daies, a little before his death. Is it not then a right great shame, that olde men who have made profession either to speake unto the people from the tri­bunall seat, or to sit upon the bench for to minister justice, should shew lesse generositie and [Page 386] magnanimitie than those who play their parts upon a scaffold or stage? and namely, in giving over those sacred games and combats indeed, to cast off the person of a politician and man of honour, and to put on another (I wot not what) in stead thereof: for I assure you, to lay downe the roiall dignitie of a king, for to take up the personage of an husbandman, were very base and mechanicall: and considering that Demosthenes said how the sacred galley Paralus was unwor­thily and shamefully misused, when it was put and emploied to bring home for Meidias, wood and timber, slates and tiles, fed muttons or such like fatlings: if a man of honour and estate should at any time give up and resigne his dignitie of superintendencie over the publicke feasts of Boeotarchie, or government over Boeotia, of presidentship in that great counsell or assemblie of estates called Amphyctiones, and then afterwards be seene occupied in measuring and selling 10 meale, or the refuse & cakes either of grapes and olives after they be pressed, or to weigh fleeces of wooll, or to make merchandise of their felles; were not this as much altogether, as (according to the olde proverbe) to put on the age of an olde horse without constraint of any person? Moreover, to go to any base and vile occupation or handicraft, or to trafficke in merchandise, after one hath borne office of government in the common-weale, were all one as to turne a gentlewoman well descended, or a sober matron, out of all her faire and decent apparell, for to give her an apron onely and a single peticoat to cover her shame, and so to set her for to keepe in some taverne or victualling house; for even so, all the dignitie, majestie and continuance of vertue politike is quite lost, when it is debased to any such vile ministeries and trades, smelling onely of luere and gaine. But in case (which is the onely point remaining behinde) they call 20 this a sweet and healthfull life, and the true enjoying and use of goods, to be given over to deli­cacies and pleasures, and doe invite and exhort a politician or man of State, in aging therein, and spending his olde yeeres so, to waste and consume by little and little to nothing: I wot not well unto which of these two pictures, dishonest and shamefull both twaine, this life of his were better to be likened; whether to that of the mariners, who would solemnize the feast of Venus all their life time, being not yet arrived with their ship into the haven or harbour, but leaving it still under saile in the open sea; or to the painted table of Hercules, whom some painters merily and in sport, but not seemely and with reverence, depaint how he was in the roiall Palace and Court of the Lydian queene Omphale, in a yelow coat like a wench, making winde with a fanne, and setting his minde with other Lydian damosels and waiting-maids, to broid his haire and 30 tricke up himselfe: even so we despoiling a man of estate of his lions skin, that is to say, of his magnanimous courage and a minde to be alwaies profiting the common-wealth, and setting him to take his ease at the table, will make him good cheere continually, and delight his eares with pleasant songs, with sound of flutes and other musicall instruments; being nothing at all ashamed to heare that speech which sometime Pompeius Magnus gave unto Lucullus, who (af­ter his warres and conducts of armies, giving over all regiment of State, wholly was addicted to banes and stouphes, to feasting, to wantonnesse and company with women in the day time, to all dissolute life and superfluous delights, even so much, as to build sumptuous edifices, besee­ming rather men of yoonger yeeres) reproved Pompeius for his ambition and desire of govern­ment above that which became his age; for Pompetus answered unto him, and said: It is more 40 unseasonable for an aged man to live loosely and in superfluitie, than to governe and beare rule. Againe, the same Pompey being one day fallen sicke, when his Physician had prescribed him a blacke-bird for to eat, which was at that time out of season, and could not be had in the market for any money, and one made answere that Lucullus had good store of them, for he kept and fed them in mue all the yeere long; hee would neither send to him for one, nor receive any from him, saying withall: What? unlesse Lucullus be a belly-god and glutton, can not Pompey tell how to recover and live? For say that nature seeketh by all meanes possible to take her pleasure and delight, yet surely she disableth the bodie of old folke, and denieth it the fruition of all plea­sures, unlesse it be in some few necessities of this life;

For why? not Venus onely is 50
Offended with old folke ywis.

as Eurypides the Poet saith, but also their appetite to eate and drinke is for the most part dull and overthrowen with mosse, and as one would say toothlesse, in such sort as they do but mum­ble, touch their victuals a little aloft, and hardly and with much adoo enter and pierce inwardly into the same. In which regard they ought to be furnished and provided of pleasures of the mind, not such as are base, illiberall, and vile as Simonides saide unto those who reproched him for his avarice: for being bereft of all other fleshly and corporall pleasures by reason of his [Page 387] yeeres, he entertained one still which fed and maintained his old age, and that was the delight which he tooke in getting money & gathering good: but the life politike of those who manage affaires, hath many pleasures, and those right great and honest, in which onely or principally it should seeme that the gods themselves take joy and contentment; and these be they that pro­ceed from beneficence, or doing good unto many, and the glorie of some worthie and noble act. For if the painter Nicias pleased his owne mind so well in his workemanship, and was so affectionate to the operation of his art, that oftentimes he forgat himselfe, and would aske his servants whether he had washed, and whether he had dined or no: If Archimedes also was so bent & intentive unto the table before him, in which he drew his figures geometricall, that his servitours were faine to plucke him from it by force, for to wash and annoint him, and yet in the 10 meane time that they were annointing of him, he would be drawing and describing of new fi­gures upon his owne bodie: If Canus likewise the plaier of the fluit (a man whom you know well enough) was woont to say: That men wist not how much more mirth he made unto himselfe in his playing, than he did unto those that heard him sound; and that they that came to heare his musicke, ought rather to receive a reward of him, than beslow any money upon him. Do wee not conceive and imagine in our selves, what great pleasures vertues do yeeld unto those who effect any commendable action tending to the good of their countrey, & turning to the profit of the common-weale? they tickle not, they itch not, neither do they after a stroking manner give contentment, as do these sweete motions, and gentle prickes of the flesh; for such bring with them a certaine impatient itch, an unconstant tickling mingled with a furious hear and in­flammation; 20 but those pleasures which come from notable and praise-woorthie deeds, such as they be, whereof the ordinarie workman and author is he, who governeth a common-weale aright, and as it appertaineth unto him for to doe, lift up and raise the soule to a greatnesse and haughtinesse of courage accompained with joy, not with gilded plumes (as Euripides saith) but with celestiall wings (as Plato was woont to say) And that the truth hereof may the better ap­peere; call to remembrance your selfe, that which oftentimes you have heard concerning Epa­minondas, who being asked upon a time what was the greatest pleasure that ever he felt in all his life? answered thus: Marie even this (quoth he) that it was my fortune to win the field at the battell of Leuctres, my father and mother both being yet living. And Sylla, the first time that he came to Rome after he had cleered Italy from civill and domesticall warres, could not sleepe one 30 winke, nor lay his eies together a whole night, for exceeding great joy and contentment wherewith his spirit was ravished, as if it had beene with a mightie and violent wind: and thus much he wrote of himselfe in his owne Commentaries. I can therefore hold well with Xeno­phon in that hee saith: That there is no sound or speech more delectable to a mans eare, than the hearing of his owne praises; and even so it must bee confessed: That there is no spectacle no sight, no report and memoriall, no cogitation, nor thought in the world, that bringeth so great pleasure & delectation to the mind, as doth the contemplation and beholding of those good and laudable deeds, which a man hath performed whiles he was employed in the admini­stration of State and in bearing offices, as being conspicuous, eminent, and publike places to be seene afarre off. True it is moreover, that the amiable grace and favour thereby gotten, accom­panying 40 alwaies vertuous acts and bearing witnesse therto; the commendation also of the peo­ple who strive a vie and contend who can give out greatest praise and speake most good (the ve­rie guide which leadeth the way of just and due benevolence) doth adde a glosse and lustre (as it were) unto the joy proceeding from vertue, for to polish and beautifie the same. Neither ought a man by negligence to suffer for to fade and wither in old age, the glorie of his good deeds, like unto a cornet or garland of greene leaves which was woon at some games of prize; but evermore to bring foorth some fresh and new demerites, to stir up and awaken (as a man would say) the grace of the old deeds precedent, and thereby to make the same both greater, and also more permanent and durable. For like as the carpenters and shipwrights who had the charge to maintaine the ship called the Gallion of Delos evermore made supply of new pieces of 50 timber, as anie of the olde began to decaie, keeping it in continuall reparation by putting in one ribbe and planke for another, and so preserved it alwaies entire and whole, as it was the verie first daie when it was built; even so a man is to doe by his reputation and credit. And no harder matter is it for to maintaine glorie once up and on foote, than to keepe a fire continually flaming which is once kindled, by putting eftsoones fresh fewell under (bee it never so little) for to feede the same: but if they bee once out and throughly quenched indeede, then it is no small matter to set either the one or the other a burning [Page 388] againe. And like as Lampas the rich merchant, and shipmaster, being demaunded how he got his goods: Marie (quoth he) my greatest wealth I gained soone and with ease, but my smaller estate with exceeding much paine and slowly; even so it is no easie matter at the beginning to acquire reputation, or to win credit and authoritie in the managing of civill affaires, but to aug­ment it after the foundation is laid, or to preserve and uphold the same, when it is once come to greatnes, is not so hard, for every litle thing, & the smallest meanes wil do it. And so we see that a friend when he is onece had, requireth not many great pleasures & offices of kindnesse & friend­ship for to be kept and continued a friend stil, but petie tokens & smal signes of curtesie, passing continually from time to time betweene, are sufficient to preserve mutuall love and amity, Sem­blablie, the good will and affection of the people, their trust & confidence which they have con­ceived 10 towards a man, although he be not able evermore to give largesses among them, al­though he doe not alwaies defend and mainteine their causes, nor sit continually in place of magistracie and office, yet neverthelesse it holdeth still, if he doe but shew himselfe onely to ca­rie a good heart unto them, & not to cease for to take paines & care for the common good, nor refuse any service in that behalfe: for even the very expeditions and voiages in warre, have not alwaies battailes araunged, nor fields fought and bloudie skirmishes, ne yet besieging and be­leaguing of cities; but they afford betweene whiles, festivall sacrifices, parlies & enterviewes, some leasure also and time of rest, to follow games, disports, and pastimes. How then commeth it, that an old man should be afraid to meddle in State affaires, as if it were a charge unsupporta­ble, full of infinite and innumerable travels, without any comfort and consolation at all? consi­dering 20 that there be allowed at times, varietie of plaies and games, goodly sights and shewes, solemne precessions, and stately pompes, publike doles and largesses, daunces, musicke and seasts, and ever and anon the honorable service and worship of one god or other, which are able to unknit the frownes and unbend the browes, to dispatch and dissipate the cloudy cares and au­steritie of the judges in court hall, and of senatours also in counsell chamber, yeelding unto them much more pleasure & contentment in proportion to their travels and paines belonging to their place. As for the greatest mischief which is most to be feared in such administrations of the common-weale, to wit, envy, it setleth & taketh least hold upon old age of any other; for like as Heraclitus was wont to say: That dogs do baie & barke at those whom they know not; even so envie assaileth him who beginneth to governe, just at the dore as it were, and the entrie of 30 the tribunall and throne of estate, seeking to impeach his accesse and passage thither; but after it is accustomed and acquainted once with the glorie of a man, and when it hath beene nouri­shed and fed therewith, it is not so troublesome and churlish, but becommeth more kinde and gentle; and this is the reason that some have likened envie unto a smoke, which at the first when the fire beginneth to kindle, ariseth grosse and thicke, but after that it burneth light and cleere, vanisheth away and is gone. In all other preeminences and superiorities, men are wont ordina­rily to debate and quarrell, namely, about vertue, nobilitie of bloud and honour, as being of opi­nion, that the more they yeeld unto others, the more they doe abridge from themselves; but the prerogative or precedence of time, which properly is called Presbeion, as if a man would say; the Honor of age, or Time-right, is voide of all jealousie and emulation, and there is no man 40 but will willingly yeeld it to his companion; neither is there any kinde of honour whereunto so well sorteth this qualitie, namely to grace him more who giveth the honour, than the party who is honoured, as to the prerogative which is given to old men. Moreover, all men doe not hope nor expect to have credit one time or other by their riches, by their eloquence or wisedome; whereas you shall not see so much as one of those that rule in common-wealth, to despaire of comming one day to that authoritie and reverence which old age bringeth men unto. He there­fore who after he hath wrestled long against envie, retireth in the end from the administration of the common-weale, at what time as it is well appeased and at the point to be extinguished or laid along, should doe like unto that pilot who in a tempest having winde and waves contra­rie, spreadeth saile and roweth in great danger, but afterwards when the weather is faire, and a 50 gentle gale of forewinde serveth, doth goe about to strike saile and ride at anchor in the pleasant sunne-shine; he should I say in so doing, abandon together with his publike affaires, the socie­tie, felowship, alliance and intelligences which he had with his good friends; for the more time that he had, the more friends by good reason he ought to have gotten, for to stand with him and take his part, whom he neither cannot all at once leade foorth with him, like as a master of carols his whole quire of singing men; nor meete it is and reason that he should leave and for­sake them all: but as it is not an easie peece of worke to stocke up by the root olde trees, no more [Page 389] is it a thing soone done to extirpe a long government in the common-weale, as having manie great rootes, and those enterlaced & enwrapped one within another, by reason of sundrie and weightie affaires, the which no doubt must needs worke more trouble and vexation to those that retire and depart from it, than to those that tarrie still by it; and say there remained yet be­hind for old men some reliques of envie, emulation, and contention, which grew in the time of their government; it were farre better to extinguish and quench the same by power and autho­ritie, than to turne both side and backe unto them, all naked and disarmed: for envious persons and evill willers never doe assaile them so much with despight, who make head againe and stand their ground, as they doe by contempt those who yeeld backe and retire: and to this accordeth well that which in times past that great Epaminondas said unto the Thebans. For when the Arca­dians 10 had made offer unto them, yea and requested them to enter in their cities, during the winter season, and there to lodge and abide under covert; he would not permit them so to doe, nor to accept of their courtesie: For now (quoth he) all while that they behold you exercising and wrestling in your armour, they have you in great admiration, as valiant and hardy men; but if they should see you once by the fire side punning and stamping beanes, they would take you to be no better then themselves; even so I would make my application, and inferre heere­upon; that it is a venerable and goodly sight to behold a grave and ancient personage speaking to the people, dispatching affaires of State, and generally to be honored of every man; but he who all the day long stirres not out of his warme bed, or if he be up, sitteth still in some corner of a gallerie, prating and talking vainely, or else reaching, hawking, spitting, or wiping his nose 20 that drops for cold; such an one I say, is exposed to contempt. Homer verily himselfe hath taught us this lesson, if we will marke and give good eare to that which he hath written. For old Nestor being at the warre before Troie, was had in honour and reputation; whereas contrari­wise Peleus and Laertes who taried behinde at home were set little by and despised. For the ha­bitude of wisedome doth not continue the same, nor is any thing like it selfe, in those who give themselves to ease, and doe not practise the same; but through idlenesse and negligence it di­minisheth, and is dissolved by little and little, as having need alwaies of some exercise of the cogitation and thought which may waken the spirit, cleere the discourse of reason, and lighten the operative part of the minde to the dealing in affaires,

Like as both iron and brasse is bright and cleere, 30
All while mans hand the same doth use and weare:
Where as the house wherein none dwels at all,
In tract of time must needs decay and fall.

Neither is the infirmitie and feeblenesse of the bodie so great an hinderance unto the govern­ment of State, in those who above the strength of their age seeme either to mount into the tri­bunall, or to the bench, or to the generals pavilion and place of audience within the campe, as otherwise their yeeres bring good with them, to wit, considerate circumspection & staied wise­dom: as also not to be troubled or driven to a non plus in the managing of any busines, or to com­mit an absurditie & error, partly for want of experience, in part upon vaine-glorie, & so to draw the multitude therewith and doe mischiefe to the common-wealth all at once; like unto a sea 40 tossed with windes; but to treat and negotiat gently, mildly, and with a setled judgement, with those who come unto them for advice, or have any affaires or to doe with them. And heereup­on it is, that cities after they have susteined some great shake or adverse calamitie, or when they have beene affrighted, desire streight waies to be ruled by auncient men, and those well experi­enced; in which cases they have many times drawen perforce an old man out of his house in the countrey, for to governe them, who thought or desired nothing lesse; they have compelled him to lay his hand upon the helme, for to set all streight and upright againe in securitie, rejecting in the meane while greene headed generals of armies, eloquent oratours also, who knew well enough how to speake aloud, and to pronounce long clauses and periods with one breath, and never fetching their winde; yea and beleeve me brave warriors and woorthie captaines indeede, 50 who had beene able and sufficient to have affronted their enimies, and fought valiantly in the field. Like as upon a time at Athens, the oratours there shewing before Timotheus and Iphi­crates, who were farre stept in yeeres, one named Chares the sonne of Theochares, who was a lustie yoong man, in the flowre of his age, and mightie of bodie, stripped out of his apparell, desired that, hee who was to be captaine generall of the Athenians, were such an one as he for yeeres and for person: God forbid (quoth Timotheus) but rather I could wish the generals var­let to be such an one, who is to carie after him his bed and the furniture thereto belonging. As [Page 390] for the commander and leader of an armie, he ought to be a man that knoweth how to see in­to the State, both before and behinde, and who will not suffer his counsels and resolutions for the weale publike, to be troubled and disordered by any passion whatsoever: for Sophocles when he was now become aged: I am well appaid (quoth he) that I am now escaped from wanton love and the delights of Venus; as being delivered from the subjection of a furious lord and raging master. But in the administration of the common-wealth, a man is not to avoid and flie one sort of masters, to wit, the love of boies and wenches, but many others which be more outragious than it, and namely emulation and a contentious spirit, desire of vaine-glory, and a longing to be alwaies and in every thing the first and the greatest; a vice that engendreth most of any other, envie, jealousies, conspiracies, and factions; of which old age doth let slacke some, 10 and dull their edge, others it cooleth and extinguisheth cleane, neither diminisheth and impai­reth it the inclination and affection to well doing so much, as it represseth and cutteth off the passions which are too violent and over-hot, to the end that it may applie unto the care and stu­die about affaires, the discourse of reason, sober, staied, and well setled: howbeit in very truth, and in the judgement of the readers, let this speech of the poet

Lie still poore weretch, and keepe thy bed
Stirre not from thence, and have no dred.

be alledged and spoken for to disswade and distract him, who would with his grisled beard and graie head begin now to be yoong and plaie the youth, as also to taxe and reproove an old grand-sire, who after long repose in his house, out of which he hath not stirred, no more than 20 in the time of a languishing disease, will needs start up now on a sudden, and all at once bestirre his old bones to be a captaine forsooth in all haste, to leade an armie, or els to take upon him the charge of governing a citie. But he that would call away and reclaime one, who hath beene trained and employed all the daies of his life in polit ike affaires, and throughly beaten to the world, and the administration of the common-weale, not suffering him to runne forward in that course of life untill he have atteined the goale, nor untill he have gained the prize of his victory, but will seeme to turne him out of his long journey for to take another way; he (I say) is altoge­ther senselesse and unreasonable, and nothing resembleth the man we speake of. Like as he who to divert an old man being set out like a youth, with a chaplet of fresh flowers on his head, per­fumed with sweet odors, and already to be married, would alledge those verses which in a Tra­gaedie 30 were sometime said unto Philoctetes,

What maiden yoong, what fresh and lustie bride
Will marry thee, to lie close by thy side?
Alas, poore man for pitie, at this age
Thus for to venture upon marriage?

were nothing absurd nor out of the way, and beside the purpose; for even old folke themselves when they are disposed to be merrie, have manie such jests as these passe currant among them:

I marrie old, how faire I am bested?
Well wot I, for my neighbour I do wed.

But he that would perswade a man alreadie married, to leave his wife with whom he hath lived so 40 long in wedlocke, and dwelt together in one house without quarrels and complaints, supposing that because he is now growen in yeeres with her, he should forsake her, and live either a single life apart by himselfe, or else keepe a lemon or concubine in stead of his lawfull wedded wife, in my conceit were a verie absurd sot in the highest degree; even so, it standeth to good reason, for to deale with an old man who having one foot already in his grave, or with one Clidon who had beene an husbandman all his life time; or with on Lampon the merchant venturer, who hath done nothing all his daies, but used shipping & trafficke beyond sea; or with some of these Phi­losophers out of Epicurus his orchard, who love a life to sit still and doe nothing, to admonish and disswade them from approching unto the publike affaires of the people, and to counsell them to hold them still to their former accustomed course of life, farre from troubles and busie 50 dealings in common-weale: marie, he that tooke such an one as Phocion, Cato or Pericles by the hand, and said: My friend of Athens or Rome, whoever you are, now that you be arrived to wi­thered olde age, make a divorce with the common weale, quit from this day forward all publike administration, all cares and affaires, aswell of counsell as of warre; abandon both the tribunall seat in the citie and also the praetorie or pavilion of State in the campe, retire your selfe into an house in the countrey, and live the rest of your life there with one maid-servant to attend upon you; follow your husbandrie, or els imploy your selfe in your private housholde, to take ac­counts [Page 391] and reckonings of your receivers and factours; surely he should perswade him to un­just things, and exact of a States-man and politician that which neither pleaseth nor yet besee­meth him. How then? will some man say unto me, never heard we the olde souldiour, how he speaketh thus in the Comedie?

My hoarie haires from warfare set me free,
That from henceforth enroll'd I shall not be.

Yes forsooth good sir, it is very true; for requisit it is, and fit, that the squires and servitours of Mars should be in the flower and full strength of their age, as those who make profession of warre and the painfull services belonging thereto, whose gray haires, although the head piece and morion do hide and cover, yet inwardly their limmes are heavie and decaied by yeeres, and 10 their strength is not to their good will, nor their hand answerable to their heart. But of the mi­nisters of Jupiter surnamed Counseller, Oratour, and Patron of cities, we require not the works of feet nor of hands, but of counsel, forecast & eloquence; and yet not such eloquence I meane, as should make a stirre, or raise a noise, out-crie and shout among the people, but that which is full of ripe understanding, of considerate wisedome, and of good directions and plots well and surely laied. In which persons, the white head and gray beard (which some laugh and make good game at) the crow-foot about the eies, the furrowes in the forehead, the rivels and wrinc­kles in the face besides appearing, beare witnesse of long experience, and adde unto them a re­putation and authoritie, which helpe much to perswade and to draw the minds of the hearers unto their will and purpose. For to speake truely, youth is made (as it were) to follow and obey, 20 but age to guide and command: and that citie or State is preserved, wherein the sage counsels of the elders and the martiall prowesse of the yonger, beare sway together. And for this cause highly and woonderfully are these verses following praised in Homer, and namely in the first place:

Then to begin, a goodly sort of ancient captaines bold
Assembled he in Nestors ship, a counsell there to hold.

upon the same reason also, that counsel of the wisest and principall men assistant unto the kings of Lacedaemon, for the better government of the State, the oracle of Apollo Pythius first called 30 [...] i. Elders: and Lycurgus afterwards directly and plainly tearmed [...] i. Old men; and even at this very day, the counsell of Estate in Rome is named a Senate, that is to say, an as­sembly of ancient persons. And like as the law and custome, time out of minde, hath allowed unto Kings and Princes the diademe, that is to say, a roiall band or frontlet, the crowne also to stand upon their heads, as honourable mots & ensignes of their regall dignitie and sovereigne authoritie; even so hath nature given unto olde men the white head and hoarie beard as ho­nourable tokens of their right to command, and of their preeminence above others. And for mine owne part, I verily thinke that this nowne in Greeke, [...] which signifieth a prize or re­ward of honour, as also the verbe [...] which is as much to say, as to honour, continue still in use, as respective to the honour due unto olde men (who in Greeke are called [...]) not 40 for that they bathe in hot waters, or sleepe in softer beds; but because in cities well and wisely governed, they be ranged with kings for their prudence, the proper and perfect goodnesse whereof, as of some tree which yeeldeth winter fruit which is not ripe before the latter end of the yeere, nature bringeth forth late and hardly in olde age: and therefore there was not one of those martiall and brave couragious captaines of the Greeks, who found fault with that great king of kings Agamemnon for making such a praier as this unto the gods:

That of the Grecian host which stood of many woorthie men,
Such counsellers as Nestor was, they would vouchsafe him ten. 50

but they all agreed with him, and by their silence confessed, That not onely in policie and civill government, but also in warre, olde age carrieth a mightie great stroke: for according as the ancient proverbe beareth witnesse:

One head that knowes full wisely for to reed,
Out goesten hands, and maketh better speed.

One advice likewise, and sentence grounded upon reason, and delivered with perswasive grace, effecteth the greatest and bravest exploits in a whole State. Well, say that olde age hath many [Page 392] difficulties and discommodities attending upon it, yet is not the same therefore to be rejected: for the absolute rule of a king, being the greatest and most perfect estate of all governments in the world, hath exceeding many cares, travels and troubles; insomuch, as it is written of king Seleucus that he would often-times say, if the people wist how laborious and painfull it were to reade and write onely so many letters as he did, they would not deine to take up his diademe, if they found it throwen in their very way as they goe. And Philip being at the point to pitch his campe in a faire ground, when he was advertised that the place would not affoord forage for his labouring beasts: O Hercules (quoth he) what a life is this of ours, that we must live (forsooth) and care to serve the necessitie of our asses? Why, then belike it were high time to perswade a king when he is aged, for to lay downe his diademe, to cast off his robes of purple, to clad him­selfe 10 in simple array, to take a crooked staffe in hand, and so to go and live in the countrey, for feare lest if he with his gray haires raigned stil, he should seeme to do many superfluous and impertinent things, and to direct matters out of season? Now if it were unseemely and a meere indignitie, to deale with Agesilaus, with Numa and Darius, all kings and monarchs, after this sort; unmeet likewise it is, that we should remove and displace Solon out of the counsell of Are­opagus, or depose Cato from his place in the Romane Senate, because of their olde age. Why should we then goe about to perswade such an one as Pericles to give over and resigne his go­vernment in a popular State? for over & besides, there were no sense at all, that if one have leapt and mounted into the tribunall seat or chaire of estate in his yoong yeeres, and afterwards dis­charged upon the people & common-wealth those his violent passions of ambition and other 20 furious fits, when ripe age is now come, which is woont to bring with it discretion and much wisdome gathered by experience, to abandon and put away (as it were) his lawfull wife, the go­vernment which hee hath so long time abused. The foxe in Aesops fables would not suffer the urchin to take off the tiques that were setled upon her bodie: For if (quoth she) thou take away these that be already full, there will come other hungry ones in their place; and even so, if a State rejected evermore from administration of the common-wealth those governours that begin once to be olde, it must needs be quickly full of a sort of yoong rulers, that be hungrie and thirstie both after glory, but altogether void of politike wit and reason to governe: for how can it otherwise be? and where should they get knowledge, if they have not bene disciples to learne, nor spectatours to follow and imitate some ancient magistrate that manageth state af­faires? 30 The Cards at sea which shew the feat of sailing and ruling ships, can not make good sea-men or skilfull pilots, if they have not beene themselves many times at the stearne in the poope, to see the maner of it, and the conflicts against the waves, the winds, the blacke stormes and darke tempests,

What time in great perplexitie,
The mariner doth wish to see
Castor and Pollux, twins full bright,
Presaging safetie with their light.

How then possibly can a yoong man governe and direct a citie well, perswade the people a­right, & deliver wise counsel in the Senate, having but read one little booke treating of pollicy, 40 or haply written an exercise or declamation in the Schoole Lyceum touching that argument? unlesse besides, he have stood close unto the reines, or hard by the helme many a time, & by marking both citie rulers and martiall captaines, how they have but beene put to their trial, and according to the sundry experiences and accidents of fortunes, enclining now to the one side and then to the other, after many dangers and great affaires, have gotten sufficient know­ledge and instruction before hand? I can not see how it can be: but if there were no other thing at all besides; yet surely an ancient man is to manage still the affaires of State, and it were but to traine and teach the yoonger, that be to come up after him: for like as they who teach children musick, or to reade, do themselves Sol, fa, & sing the note, they finger & strike the key or string, they reade & spell the letters before them, & all to shew how they should do; even so the anci­ent 50 politician doth frame and direct a yoong man, not onely by reading unto him, by discour­sing and advertising him without foorth; but also in the very managing and administration of affaires, fashioning, forming and casting him (as it were) lively in a mold, as well by operation and example, as by words and precepts. For he that is schooled and exercised herein, not in the schooles of the Sophisters that can speake in number & measure, as in the wrestling hall where the body is annointed with a cōposition of oyle & waxe together, against exercises performed without any danger at all: but (as it were) at the verie publike games indeed, in the view of the [Page 393] whole world, such as the Olympicks and Pythicks were: he (I say) followeth the tracts and foot­steps of his master and teacher, as saith Simonides:

As suckling foale, that keepes just pace,
And runnes with dam in everie place.

Thus did Aristides under Calisthenes, Cimon under Aristides, Phocion under Chabrias Cato under Fabius Maximus, Pompeius under Sylla, and Polybius under Philopaemen. For all these perso­nages when they were yoong, drew neere and joined themselves with others that were ancient, and having taken root close by them, grew up together with them in their actions and admi­nistrations, whereby they got experience and were inured to the managing of the State with honour and reputation. Aeschines the Academique Philosopher, when certaine envious sophi­sters 10 of his time charged him and said: That he made a semblance and shew, that he had beene the disciple and hearer of Carneades, whereas he never was. I say unto you (quoth he) that I heard the man, when as his speech abandoning the bruit applause and tumultuous noise of the people, by reason of his old age was shut up close and housed (as it were) for to do good more familiarly in private conference. And even so it is with the government of an aged person, when as not onely his words, but also his deeds be farre remote from affected pompe in out­ward shewes, and all vaine glorie. Much like as is reported of the blacke Storke, called Ibis, who by that time that she is become old, hath exhaled and breathed foorth all that strong and stin­king savour which she had, and beginneth to yeeld a sweet and arromaticall smel; even so, there is no counsell nor opinion in old men, vaine, turbulent, or inconstant, but all grave, quiet, and 20 setled. And therefore in any wise (as I said before) if it were but for yoong mens sake onely and no more; elder persons are to weld the affaires of State: to the end that as Plato speaking of wine mingled with water, said that it was to make the furious god wise, by chastising him with another that was sober and temperate: the staid wisedome of old age tempered with youth, swel­ling and boiling before the people, and transported with the greedy desire of honour, and with ambition, might cut off that which is furious, raging and over violent.

But over and besides all that hath beene said before, they who thinke, that to be employed in the managing of publike affaires, is all one as to saile for trafficke, or to go foorth to warre in some expedition, are much deceived: for both navigation & also war, men undertake for a cer­taine end, and no sooner have they attained thereto but they cease: but the managing of State 30 affaires is not a commission or office pretending or intending any profit and commoditie for the scope that it shooteth at; but it is the life and profession of a living creature, which is gentle, tame, civill, and sociable, borne to live so long as it pleaseth nature, civilly, honestly, and for the publike good of humane societie. This is the reason, that of a man it should be said, that he still is occupied in such affaires of common-weale, and not that he hath beene so employed: like as to be true, and not to have beene true; to be just and not to have beene just; to love his countrey and citizens, and not to have loved them, is his dutie and profession. For even nature her selfe directeth us hereto, and singeth this lesson in our eares (I speake to those who are not altoge­ther corrupted and marred with sloth and idlenesse)

Thy father thee, a man hath once begat: 40
To profit men alwaies, in this or that.

Againe:

Let us not cease nor any end finde
To do all good unto mankinde.

As touching them who pretend and alledge for excuse, feeblenesse or impotencie, they do ac­cuse sicknesse & the maimed indisposition of the bodie rather than age. For you shall see many yoong men sicke & feeble, and as many old folke lusty & strong; so we are not to remoove aged persons simply from the adminstration of the common-weale, but the impotent onely and un­sufficient; nor to call unto that vocation yong men, but such as be able to undergo the charge: for Aridaeus was yong enough, and Antigonus in yeeres; and yet this man as olde as he was, 50 went within a little of conquering all Asia; but the other had never but the bare name onely of a King, like as in a dumbe-shew upon a stage, making a countenance onely with a guard of par­tizans and halberds about him, without speaking one word; and so he was a ridiculous pageant and laughing stocke among his nobles and peeres, who were alwaies his rulers, and led him as they list. And even as he who would perswade Prodicus the Sophister, or Philetas the poet (yong men both, howbeit leane, feeble, sickly, and for the most part of their time bed-ridden) for to meddle with government of State, were a very foole and senselesse asse; so hee were no whit [Page 394] better, who should debarre such old men as Phocion, as Masanissa the African, or Cato the Ro­mane, from exercising publike magistracie in citie, or taking the charge of a Lord Generall in the sield: for Phocion one day when the Athenians all in the haste, would needs have gone forth to warre at an unseasonable time, commaunded by proclamation that as many as were not above threescore yeeres of age, should arme and follow him now when they were offended and wroth hereat: Why? my masters (quoth he) what cause have you to complaine? I will go with you my selfe and be your captaine, who carie already above fourscore yeeres on my backe. And of Masanissa, Polybius writeth in his storie, that he died when he was fourscore and ten yeeres old, and left behind him at his death a sonne of his owne bodie begotten, but fower yeeres old: also that a little before his dying day, he overthrew the Carthaginians in a raunged battell, 10 and the morrow after was seene eating favourly at his verie tent doore a piece of browne bread: and when some marvelled at him why he so did, he answered thus out of the Poet So­phocles:

For iron and brasse, be bright and cleare
All while mans hand the same doth weare,
But the house wherein none dwels at all
In time must needs decay and fall.

and even as much may be said, of the the lustre, glosse and resplendent light of the minde, by which we discourse, we remember, conceive and understand. And therefore it is generally held and said, that kings become much better in wars and militarie expeditions, than they be all the 20 whiles they sit still quietly at home. In such sort, that it is reported of King Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, how being enervate by long peace and rest, Philopaemen one of his favourites led him up and downe as he list by the nose, and indeed being fed as fat as a beast, he might do with him what he would; so as the Romans were wont to aske by way of mockerie ever and anon, as any sailed out of Asia, whether the king were in grace and favour with Philopaemen, and might do any thing with him? There could not easily be found many Romane captaines more sufficient warriours in all kinde of service than was Lucullus, so long as he was in action, and mainteined his wit and understanding entier; but after that he gave himselfe over once to an idle life, and sat mued up (as it were) like an house-bird at home, and medled no more in the affaires of the common-weale, he became very dull, blockish and benummed, much like to sea-spunges af­ter 30 a long calme, when the salt water doth not dash and drench them; so that afterwards hee committed his olde age to be dieted, cured and ordered unto one of his affranchised bond­slaves, named Callisthenes, by whom it was thought he was medicined with amatorious drinks, and bewitched with other charmes and sorceries, untill such time as his brother Marcus dis­placed this servitour from about him, and would needs have the government and disposition of his person the rest of his life, which was not very long. But Dartus the father of Xerxes was wont to say: That in perillous times and dangerous troubles, he became the better and much wiser than himselfe. [...] Aeleas a King of Scythia said, that he thought himselfe no better than his horse-keeper, when he was ilde. Dionysius the elder being demaunded upon a time, whether he were at leisure and had nought to do? God defend (quoth he) that ever it should be so with me: 40 for a bow (as they say) if it be over-bent will breake, but the mind if it be over-slacke. For the verie musicians themselves, if they discontinue overlong the hearing of their accords; the Geo­metricians likewise, to proove & resolve their conclusions, the Arithmeticians also to exercise continually their accounts and reckonings, together with the verie actions do impaire by long time and age the habitudes that they had gotten before in their severall arts, albeit they be not so much practike as speculative sciences: but the politike habitude, which is Prudence, Discre­tion, Sage, advise, and Justice, and besides all these, Experience which can skill in all oc­currences how to make choise of opportunities and the verie point of occasions, as also a suffi­ciencie to be able with good words to perswade that which is meet; this habitude (I say) and knowledge can not be preserved & maintained, but by speaking often in publike place, by doing 50 affaires, by discoursing and by judgement: and a hard case (it were) if by discontinuing and leaving off these goodly exercises, it should neglect and suffer to voide out of the mind so ma­ny faire and laudable vertues: for verie like it is, that in so doing all humanitie, sociable courte­sie, and gratitude in time, for want of use and practise would decay and fade away, which in deed should never cease nor have an end. Now if you had Tithonus for your father, who indeed was immortall, howbeit by reason of extreme age standing in need continually of great helpe and carefull attendance, would you avoide all good meanes? would you denie or be weary of doing [Page 395] him dutifull service, namely, to wait upon him, to speake unto him, to find talke with him, and to succour him everie way, under a colour and pretense that you had ministred unto him long enough? I trow you would not. Our countrey then, resembling our father, or our mother ra­ther according to the tearme [...] which the Candiots give it, which is more aged, and hath many more rights over us, and straighter obligations of us, than hath either father or mother, how durable and long lived so ever it be, yet notwithstanding subject it is to age, and is not suf­ficent of it selfe, but hath alwaies need of some carefull eie and good regard over it, and requi­reth much succour and vigilance; she (I say) plucketh unto her a man of honour and policie, she takes sure hold and will not let him go,

She [...] him by skirt of roabe behind, 10
And holds him fast, least that he from her wind.

you know well that there be many Pythiades, that is to say, five yeeres terames gone over my head, since I began first to minister as Priest unto Apollo Pythius: but yet (I suppose) you would not say thus unto me: Plutarch, you have sacrificed enough now; you have gone in pro­cession often enough, already, or you have lead a sufficient number of dances in the honour and worship of your god; now you are growen in yeeres and become aged; it were time now, that you laid off the coronet which you weare on your head in token of your priesthood, and give over the oracle by reason of your old age. Neither would I have you thinke that it is lawfull for you, notwithstanding you be farre stept in yeeres, to relinquish and resigne up your holy service of Jupiter the tutor and patron of cities, the president of civill assemblies and coun­sels; 20 you (I say) who are the sovereigne high priest, and the great prophet of the sacred cere­monies of religion politike wherein you thus long time have bene entred and professed.

But laying aside if you thinke good, these arguments that may distract and pull an old man from the administration of the State; let us discourse philosophically, and consider a little upon this point: namely, that we doe not impose upon old age any enterprise and travel, which is ei­ther too greevous or unbeseeming, considering that in the universall government of the com­mon-weale, there be many parts befitting well enough and agreeable to that age whereunto both you and I at this present be arrived. For like as if of dutie we were commanded to continue singing all our life long, we are not bound after that we be growen to great age for to reach un­to the highest, lowdest, and most shrill notes, considering that there be in musicke many divers 30 tunes and different intensions of the voice, which the musicians call harmonies; but reason would that we make choise of that which is easiest for our yeeres, and most sutable to our nature and disposition; even so since that to speake and manage affaires is to men more naturall du­ring their whose life, than singing to swannes even unto their houre of death, we mustnot aban­don that affection of saying and doing, as if we should fling away an harpe too high set, but we ought to let the same downe by little and little, taking in hand those charges and offices which be lesse painfull, more moderate, and better according with the strength and manners of old folke: for even our verie bodies, we that are aged doe not suffer to rest still without all exercise, and allow them no motion at all, because we can no more handle the spade to dig the ground, nor weld the plummets of leade in the exercise of dauncing, nor pitch the barre, fling the 40 hammer, cast the coit, or throw a stone farre from us, or fight and skirmish in our armour, or handle sword and buckler as we could have done in those daies; yet we can abide to swing and hang at a rope for to stretch our limmes, we can away with shaking of our bodies moderately in a pendant ship, coach, or easie horse-litter; we like well enough of walking gently, and devising one with another upon the way, and mainteining pleasant discourses, wakening and reviving our vitall spirits, and blowing as it were the coles to kindle our naturall heat: and therefore let us not suffer our selves to grow over colde, nor stiffe and starke as if we were frozen and con­gealed through our sloth and idlenesse; neither on the other side overcharge our selves with all offices, nor be readie to lay our hand to all ministeries and functions, nor enforce our old age convinced of impotencie to come at length to these or such like words, 50

Ah good right hand, how gladly wouldst thou take
The launce to couch, and pike in skirmish shake:
But now alas, this forward will to fight,
Thy feeblenesse doth checke, and worke thee spight.

For neither is the man himselfe, who is able enough and in the floure of his yeres, commended, if he should undergo and lay upon his shoulders all the affaires of the common-weale, and not suffer any man else with him to take some part (like as the Stoicks affirme that Jupiter is content [Page 396] to do) but engaging himselfe in all things, and medling in every matter, either upon an unsatia­ble desire of glorie, or for envie that he beareth to those, who in some measure would have their part of honour and authoritie in the common-weale. But unto an auncient person I assure you, (although you should ease him of infamie in this behalfe) yet it were a painfull ambition, and a most laborious desire of rule to be present personally at all elections of magistrates; yea and a miserable curiositie to wait and attend every houre of judgement in court, and all meetings and assemblies in counsell; also an intollerable humour of vaine-glorie to stand at receit and catch every occasion of embassage, or know every verduict of our grand-jurie, or undertake the pa­tronage of all publike causes whatsoever; and say that all this might be performed with the fa­vour and love of every man, yet greevous it is, and above the ordinarie strength of that age. 10 But what will you say if they meet with the cleane contrarie? for to yoong men they be odious, because they let nothing passe their owne hands, but intercept from them all occasion and meanes of action, not giving them leave to arise and put themselves foorth; as for their equals, this covetous desire of theirs to hold the highest place in all things, and to have the sole autho­ritie every where, is no lesse hated of them, & accounted infamous, than either avarice or loose life, and voluptuousnesse in other old folke. And therefore like as (by report) king Alexander the great, not willing to overcharge his horse Bucephalus when he grew in age, used to mount other coursers before the fight began, for to ride up and downe to review his armie and all the quarters and regiments thereof, but after he had ranged it in array, & set his squadrons and com­panies in ordinance of battell, and given the signall, he would alight and get upon his backe 20 againe as he was woont, and presently march directly affront his enemies, give the charge, and hazard the fortune of the field: even so a politike man of State, if he be wise and of sound) judge­ment, will favour his strength a little, when he feeleth himselfe aged, as he holdeth the reines in his owne hand, he will forbeare to deale in those charges which are not altogether so necessa­rie, and suffer younger men to manage matters of lesse importance; but in weightie affaires of great consequence, he will lay to both his owne hands in good earnest, contrary unto the prac­tise of the champions in publike games and combats of prise, who carefully looke unto their bodies without touching at all any necessary works, and all to employ and use them in need­lesse, unprofitable, and superfluous feats: but we contrariwise letting passe by the petie and sleight charges, are to reserve our selves whole and entire unto those that be serious and of mo­ment 30 indeed: for a yoong man as Homer saith, all things beseeme indifferently & alike, all the world smileth on him, every body loveth him; if he enterprise small matters, and many in num­ber, they say he is a good common-wealths man, he is popular, he is laborious; if he undertake great works and honorable actions, he hath the name of generous, noble & magnanimous: yea, and divers occurrences there be, wherein rashnesse it selfe and a contentious humour of emula­tion have a kinde of grace, and become gaily well such as be fresh and gallant youthes; but for a man of yeeres, who during the administration of the common-weale, undertaketh these and such like ministeries and commissions; namely, the letting to ferme the customes & revenues of the citie, the charge of mainteining an haven, or keeping of the market place and common hall in order and reparation; over and besides, the embassies and voiages in forren parts to princes 40 and potentates, or the riding in poste thither, to treat about no matter of necessitie nor weighty affaires of any importance, but onely to salute them or make court unto them, or performe some offices of course and courtesie: In my conceit, and be it spoken unto you my good friend, he is to be pitied for it, and his case is rather lamentable than commendable. To others haply it may seeme an odious trouble & a burdensome matter for him so to be emploid; for surely this is not an age wherein a man should be encumbred with any offices, but such as wherein there is dignitie, grandence & reputation, such as that is, which your selfe at this time do execute in A­thens, to wit, the presidence of the counsell or senate called Ariopagus, and verily of that kinde also is that dignitie of being one of that honorable counsell and assemblie of the States, called Amphyctiones, which your countrey hath conferred upon you by patent to hold all your life 50 time, the labour belonging whereto is pleasant, the paines easie, and the travell tolerable. Howbeit I would not have an auncient person to range and hunt after these offices, nor to ac­cept them, as demaunding the same, but to receive them by way of refusall, so as he may seeme to take them volens nolens, not as meanes for to be himselfe in honor, but as one that meant by his acception to grace and honour them. For it is no shame as Tiberius Caesar was woont to say, for men above three-score yeres of age to reach forth their hand to a physician for to have their pulse felt; but rather to stretch out their hands to the people, in praying them to give their [Page 397] voices or suffrages with them at the election of magistrates; for this is a very vile and base thing: as contrariwise there is in this a certeine venerable majestie, and a dignitie right ho­norable; that when the countrey hath elected one to bee a magistrate, when they call up­on him and give attendance at his doore, hee should then come downe unto them out of his house, with a kinde of reciprocall honour of his part, a cheerefull countenaunce and courteous behaviour to the people againe, to salute, embrace, wel-come, and accept this their present, woorthy indeed and beseeming honourable old age. Semblablie also in some sort an auncient man ought to use his speech in the congregation and assemblie of the people, not running ever and anon and leaping up into the pulpit or place of audience to make an ora­tion unto the people, nor readie alwaies like as a cocke croweth againe when hee heareth 10 others, to counterchaunt (as it were) to all those that make any speech, nor in fastning upon them, and striving to take hold and vantage of their words, to unbridle the reverence that yoong men beare toward him, nor to breed in them by that meanes matter to exercise and accu­stome themselves in disobedience and unwillingnesse to heare him: but hee must otherwhiles seeme topasse by, and make semblance as though hee saw and heard nothing, and give them leave a little to brave it, to fling out, and cast up the head like a wanton yoong horse, neither to bee present, among or to search curiouslie into everie thing that is done or saide, espe­cially when the daunger is not great, nor a matter touching the safetie of common weale, nor any honour and reputation; for there in such cases he ought not to stay untill he be cal­led, but to put foorth himselfe and to runne even above the ordinarie strength of his age, or 20 else if he be not able, to yeeld his bodie to be led by hand and susteined up by folkes armes, yea and to be caried in a chaire; as the historie doth report of Appius Claudius, who having heard that the Senate of Rome after a great foughten field which king Pyrrhus had woon of the Romaines, inclined to accept of articles and capitulations tending to a composition and to peace, could not endure that indignitie, nor conteine himselfe, (blinde though he were of both his eies) but would needs be caried through the common place even to the senat house; and be­ing entred in upon his feet, he stood in the mids of them all and said: My masters, hitherto I have beene grieved for the losse of mine eie-sight, in that I could not see; but now I wish that I had lost the use also of mine eares, and that I might not heare the shamefull counsels & cour­ses that you take, besides the lewd exploits that you performe: then partly by reprooving them 30 sharply, and in part by his effectuall reasons and remonstrations exciting them, he wrought so, that perswaded they were presently to resume armes for to fight with Pyrrhus, for the seignorie and empire of Italy. And Solon at what time as the flatterers of Pisistratus wherewith he abused the people of Athens, were openly derected and discovered, and that it appeered once that he aimed at nothing else but to usurpe tyrannie over them, and when no man durst make head against him and empeach or crosse his dessignes, himselfe alone bringing foorth armour out of his house, and laying the same in the street before his very doores; cried with a loud voice unto the citizens for to aide him; which when Pisistratus heard, hee sent unto him for to de­maund & know upon what assurance that he had, he durst be so bold as thus to do? Mary (quoth he) I presume upon mine old age. Such occurrences as these so necessarie, doe rekindle and set 40 on fire againe old men, who were in maner extinct and cleane dead before, provided, that there remained in them any sparke or breath at all: but in other smaller occasions, an auncient perso­nage shall do well and wisely to excuse himselfe otherwhiles, and refuse base or vile ministeries, wherein greater toile and paines groweth unto them that be amploied therein, than profit and commoditie doth accrue unto the parties for whose sake they be undertaken. It falleth out also somtimes, that if he stay untill he be called and sought unto, until he be desired, & that they send to seeke for him at his house, he shall win more credit and authoritie among his citizens by comming among them in the end at their request: and say that he be present in place, he shall be silent himselfe for the most part & suffer yoonger men to speake, as being the judge of civill contention and emulation among them, provided alwaies that the same exceed not a certaine 50 meane; for then he shal reproove them mildly, after a kind & loving sort cut off all opinionative debates, all head-strong opinions, all opprobrious tearmes and heat of choler. Now the ad­vices and opinions delivered of any matter in question, his part is to comfort and encourage him that commeth short of the point, not reprooving and blaming him at all, but rather tea­ching him how to do better against another time, yea and to praise him boldly, who hath done well, and suffer his owne selfe willingly to take the woorse and be overcome, giving the place to some many times, and not disdaine to bee overmatched and perswaded by reason: to the [Page 398] end that they may take the better heart and be more bold, and ready to helpe out and supplie others in their defects, and that with good words and faire language, like as that old Nestor did in Homer:

Of all the Greeks there is no man,
Who blame these words or gainsay can:
But yet for sooth you say not all,
Nor come are to the finiall.
For why? you seeme but yoong by your visage,
And well my sonne you may be for your age.

Moreover, this were more civilly done, not to reprove and checke them openly nor in pub­licke 10 place, although it be without any great biting and nipping, which is enough to abate and cast downe the courage of yoong men; but rather apart and privatly, especially such as be well framed and disposed by nature to government of State another day; instructing and leading them gently into the right way, setting before their eies some excellent sayings, examples and inventions tending to policie, and inciting them alwaies to good and honest enterprises, hear­tening and imboldning them by that meanes, that they may shew a lively and lightsome spirit, and even at the beginning, making the people cast a liking and love unto them, and be more gentle and tractable afterwards: like as it is the maner of those, who when they teach yong men to sit and ride an horse, bring them first one that is gentle and easie to be mounted upon; now if peradventure one of them at his first entrance do faile and catch a fall, he must not let him lie 20 along, and so breake the heart of a youth for ever, but lift him up and set him on his feet againe, yea, and give him comfortable and gracious words. Thus did Aristides in times past by Cimon, and Mnesiphilus by Themistocles, whom the people at the first could not abide and brooke, as having but a bad name in the citie for their audaciousnesse and loose life; and yet these good men stood their friends, brought them into credit, and mightily encouraged them. It is repor­ted also even of Demosthenes himselfe, that the first time he came to the barre, he suffered a dis­grace, and was rejected by the people, which he tooke to heart & was wondrously dismaied, un­till such time as an ancient and fatherly citizen, one who had sometime heard Pericles making orations to the people, tooke him by the hand & said unto him: That he resembled Pericles for all the world in speech and gesture, and that he did himselfe great wrong upon such an occasion 30 to be faint-hearted and cast downe. Semblably, Euripides after the same maner imboldned Ti­motheus the Musician, who at his first comming upon the stage was hissed out by the people, as one that by his novelties which he brought up, seemed to violate and breake the lawes of Mu­sicke; but he willed him to be of good cheere for all that, saying: It would not be long after, but he should be able to draw and leade the whole Theater after him as he would, and have the peo­ple at his devotion. To be briefe, like as the terme of time limited and appointed for the vestall virgins or nunnes votaries at Rome, was divided into three parts: The first, to learne that which perteined to their religion; the second, to practise; and the third, to teach the yonger. And likewise, as in the citie of Ephesus every one of those maidens vowed to the service of Diana, was at the beginning called Melliere, which is as much to say, as a Novice to be a priestresse hereaf­ter; then Hiere, that is to say, a full priestresse in deed; and last of all, Pariere, which signifieth one that had power to imitate and professe others in the same orders; even so, he that is a per­fect polititian and States-man, at the first is but a learner and a questionist (as it were) to doe his acts, and so to commence in that profession; but in the end, he teacheth others, he is a regent over novices, and sheweth them the secrets of policie. For to be a president and overseer of o­thers that trie masteries or combats, is not to be a fencer or champion himselfe; but he that in­stituteth and traineth a yoong man to publike affaires and matters of State, framing and fitting him for his countrey another day, in shewing him how

To frame his words with comely grace,
And deeds performe meet for his place. 50

is a good profitable member of the common-wealth, not in a small and base kinde of ser­vice, but in a ministerie of great consequence; and to which especially and principally, Lycur­gus having given himselfe and aimed at, accustomed yong men even from their infancie to o­bey and doe reverence to every elder, no lesse than to a ruler and law-giver. For in what regard els, and to what other purpose said Lysander? That there was no place in the world, where it was so honourable for to be old, as in Lacedaemon. Was it because it was permitted and lawfull there for elder persons more than for any other, to till the ground, to put out money to usurie, to play [Page 399] at dice, being set together, and to keepe good fellowship, drinke merily as they are close at their game, and playing hard at hazzard? I suppose neither you nor any man els will so say. But it was because all such, being after a sort in place of rulers, of fatherly governours and tu­tours over youth, have not a vigilant eie ouer the publicke affaires onely, but a particular regard also alwaies to every action of yong men, enquiring and learning not sleightly, and as it were passing by their whole demeanour, namely, how they exercise their bodies in publicke place; how they play and disport themselves; what their diet is, and how they converse and live toge­ther, shewing themselves dread and terrible to those that do ill, but venerable and desireable to the good; for in trueth yoong folke alwaies observe & looke after them, and to such they make court; for that ancient persons do labour for to make them better, & augment the generosity of 10 their mind, without all envie. For this passion, as it beseemeth no time of mans age, howsoever in yong men it be entituled with a number of faire and honest names, to wit, emulation, zeale, and desire of honour; so in olde men it is altogether unseasonable, absurd, rude, savage, unman­ly and base. And therefore a man of yeeres, who is a polititian, must be very farre off from this humour of envie, and not like unto old runt-trees or dodils, which repining as it were at others, doe manifestly hinder and take away the spring and growth of yoong poles and plants which come up under them, or grow neere about them: but contrariwise, he ought to admit and re­ceive them kindly, yea, and to offer himselfe lovingly unto those that make to ward him and be glad to sort and converse with him; such he ought to enforme, to direct, to dade and leade by the hand, yea, and to cherish and nourish them, not onely with good instructions, sage coun­sels 20 and wise admonitions, but also in yeelding unto them the place and meanes to exercise some functions of government, whereby there may grow unto them some honour and glorie, in preferring them to those charges and commissions which be not hurtfull to the State, but pleasing and acceptable to the common people. As for others, which at the first entrie be un­toward and shew some resistance, be difficult, dangerous and hard to be atchieved (like unto some medicines and potions which presently doe gnaw and wring the bellie, or make the sto­macke sicke) and where of the honour and profit ensueth long after; it is not good to put such into yong mens hands, nor to helpe them to such hard bargaines, ne yet to expose them raw as they be and unacquainted, to the mutinous exclamations and obloquies of the rude multitude, which is hard to be pleased; but rather he himselfe is to undergoe the displeasure and ill-will of 30 the people for the weale publicke; for this will cause the yoonger sort to be more affectionate unto him, and better willing a great deale to enterprise all other services. But over and besides all that hath beene delivered already, this would be well remembred, that to administer and go­verne the common-wealth, lieth not onely in bearing an office, or going in ambassage, or in crying with a loud voice to an assembly, or in the pulpit or tribunall for publicke orations, to fare as if he were mad and out of his wits, in vehement preaching to the multitude, or in pen­ning a number of decrees, acts and edicts, wherein the common sort suppose that all policie and government doth consist, like as they imagine also; that to be a Philosopher, is nothing els, but to discourse and dispute in the schooles at certeine times of philosophicall points aloft in a chaire, and reade lecture at their houres out of their books, and in the meane while be ig­norant 40 of that civill administration and philosophie which is continually seene in works and daily actions. For this were all one, according to Dicaearchus, as is one should say, that they only walked, who fetched many turnes up and downe in galleries, and not they, who went into the countrey on foot, or visited their friends. But wee must thinke, that to governe a common­wealth, is very like unto the profession of Philosophy: for Socrates was not to be thought a Phi­losopher onely, when he caused stooles and formes for to be made readie to sit upon, against a conference, or when he sat him downe in a chaire, or when he observed precisely the houres of lecture, of disputation, or of walking in the schooles, which were appointed for his disciples and familiar followers; but also otherwhiles, when he was at his game and play, as it fell out, when he dranke and eat, when he was in warfare or in the campe with some, bargaining, 50 buying and selling with others; and finally, when he was in prison, and even then, when as he drunke that cup of hemlocke for his poison; having taught and prooved plainly before, that mans life at all times, in all parts, in every occasion and accident, and generally in all affaires ad­mitteth the use of Philosophie. And even so, we are to make account of civill government; namely, to thinke that fooles or leud persons doe not administer the common-weale, either when they be Generals of armies, or L L. Chancellors, or when they seeme to leade the people after them with their elo quent tongue; but rather raise tumult and sedition among them, or [Page 400] flatter and insinuate into their favour, or declare for ostentation, or els execute some charge and office, and do that which they do compelled by force. Whereas contrariwise, a good and true politician in deed, who affecteth his citizens, loveth his countrey, hath a care and heedfull re­gard of the weale-publicke, although he never be clad in his rich coat of armes, nor have the roiall mantle of estate upon him, yet he is daily and hourely emploied in the administration of publicke affaires, inciting and exhorting to action those that are sufficient, instructing such as be unskilfull and wanting, assisting as many as come to him for counsell, reclaiming them who are ill given and about to practise mischiefe, confirming and encouraging those who be well minded, and shewing evidently in effect, and not for forme and fashion, that he is amused and wholly bent upon the good of the State: not because there is to grow thereby any interest to 10 him or his, or in regard that he is called by name to go first into the Theater, or to be the princi­pall and first man in the assemblie of counsell, or otherwise by way of recreation, as if he came thither to see plaies & games, or to heare some pleasant musicke when he is there; but contra­riwise, when he cannot be present personally, yet to be there in spirit and advice; and after he hath intelligence of the proceedings there, to approve some things well done, and to shew him­selfe displeased in other things For neither Aristides the Athenian, nor Cato the Romane, were in place many times of chiefe government, yet they ceased not for all that, during their whole life, to be in action for the good and service of their countries. And Epaminondas atchieved (I must needs say) many noble acts and valiant exploits, whiles he was captaine generall for Boeo­tia; howbeit, one act there is reported of his, when he was neither generall nor in any office at 20 all, which he exploited in Thessalie, not inferiour to any one of his other worthy deeds: for at what time as the captaines of Thebes had engaged a batailon or regiment so farre into a difficult place and a ground of much disadvantage, whereby the enemies charged sore upon them so vi­olently, that they were in great affright, and ready to be defaited, he being in the forefront a­mong the footmen heavily armed, was called backe, and at his first comming appeased all the trouble & affright of the army, and put them in assured hope with his very presence: afterwards he set in order and arranged in battel-ray, that squadron which had broken their ranks and were in confusion, delivered them easily out of this streight and difficult passage, and made head a­gaine upon the enemies, who hereupon were so daunted, that they changed their minds and re­tired. Also when Agis the king of the Lacedaemonians led his armie in ordinance of battell 30 ready to fight with his enemies in Arcadia, there was one ancient Spartane cried aloud unto him, and said: My lord, you thinke to remedie one mischiefe by another: (giving him thereby to understand, that his meaning was by this present and unseasonable forwardnesse of his, in gi­ving battell unto the enemie, for to salve and cure (as it were) his former speedy retreat and de­parture from the siege before the citie Argos, according as Thucydides reporteth in his storie) which when Agis heard, he gave credit unto the man, retired presently, but afterwards he had the victorie. This Agis caused his chaire of estate to be set every day before his palace gate, and many times the Ephori would rise from their Consistorie, and repaire unto him thither, for to aske his advice, and consult with him about the affaires of greatest importance; for he seemed to be a man of great reach, and is renowmed in the histories for a most wise and sage prince. 40 And therefore upon a time, after that the strength of his bodie was utterly decayed, in such sort as for the most part of the day he kept his bed and stirred not forth; when the Ephori sent unto him and requested that he would give them meeting in the common hall of the citie, he arose out of his bed, and strained himselfe to walke thither; but when he was gone a pretie way with much paine and difficultie, he chanced to meet with certeine little boies in the street, and de­manded of them, whether they knew any thing more powerfull than the necessitie to obey their master; and when they answered No, he made this account, that his impotencie ought to be the end and limit of his obeisance, and so returned backe immediatly to his owne house. For surely, ones good will ought not to shrinke before his power; but when might faileth, the good will would not be forced further. Certes, it is reported that Scipio both in war abroad & also in 50 civill affaires at home, used the counsell of Caius Laelius, insomuch as some there were, who gave out and said, that of all those noble exploits Scipto was the actour, but Laelius the authour. And Cicero himselfe confesseth, that in the bravest & most honourable counsels which he exploited during his consulship, by the meanes whereof he saved his countrey, he consulted with Publius Nigidius the Philosopher. So that we may conclude, that in many kindes of government and publicke functions, there is nothing that impeacheth and hindereth olde men, but that they may well enough shew their service to the common-wealth, if not in the best simply, yet in [Page 401] good words, sage counsell, libertie and authoritie of franke speech and carefull regard, accor­ding as the Poets say: for they be not our feet, nor our hands, nor yet our whole bodie and the strengeth thereof, which are the members and goods onely of the common-weale; but first and principally, the soule and the beauties thereof, to wit, justice, temperance and prudence; which if they come slowly and late to their perfection, it were absurd and to no purpose, that men should enjoy house, land and all other goods and heritages, and should not themselves procure some profit and commoditie to their common countrey, by reason of their long time which bereaveth them not so much of strength able for to execute outward ministeries, as it addeth sufficiencie of those faculties which are requisit for rule and command. Loe, what the reason was that they portraied those Hermes, that is to say, the statues of Mercurie, in yeeres, without 10 either hands or feet; howbeit, having their naturall parts plumpe and stiffe; giving us thereby covertly to understand, that we have least need of olde mens labour and corporall travell, so that their words be active, and their speeches full of seed and fruitfull, as it is meet and conve­nient.

THE APOPHTHEGMES 20 OR NOTABLE SAYINGS OF KINGS, PRINCES AND GREAT CAPTAINS.

The Summarie.

IF speech be the signe and lively picture of the minde, as it is indeed, a man may judgs 30 by these Apophthemes or notable Sayings, and collected heere together, how excellent in feats of armes, in politike government or otherwise particularly these personages were, who are heere represented unto us; like as some speciall acts enterlaced among their sayings do also shew. Two sorts of people there be who abuse the fruit that good menmight draw out of the consideration & reading of these discourses. The one be certeine glorious persons, who upon a vaine desire of outward shew, and to be seene, and for no other intent, following Aesops crow, trim themselves with the plumes and feathers of others: these have gotten together a heape and store-house as it were of wise sayings from auncients in old time, whereby they might be conspicuous, and seeme to be of some valour and reputation among those who have not wit enough to 40 see into them, and know what they are. The other are hypocrites, who having a lothsome stinke and bitter gall in the heart, pretend sweetnesse and home at the end of their toong, and all to seduce their neighbours, or rather to deceive their owne selves, for that they have never any regard of their owne dutie.

But heere in this discourse there is to be seene nothing affected, nothing borrowed from others, nor farre fet, but there is represented unto us a certeine open, simple & admirable nature in this diversitie of grave pleasant & learned speeches, wherein sweetnesse is mingled with profit, for to fit all persons, and to be aptly [...] unto their maners and behaviour, of what calling and degree soever they be in the world. Item, beerein are represented acts proceeding from great wit, deepereach, and high con­ceit, of valour, of equitie, modestie, good disposition, and singular cariage in the whole course and ma­nagement 50 of mans life: the which are proposed and manifested unto us to this end, that the wisedome and bountie of the almightie might so much the better appeere, in that he hath vouchsafed such or­naments to publike States, for to [...] and uphold mans life amid those confusions which were brought into the world by occasion of sin. Moreover, this first collection may well be devided into five principall parts, whereof. The first conteineth the notable sayings & deeds of the kings of Persia, and other strange nations. The second of the governors and potentates of Sicilie. The third of the Ma­cedonian kings, and namely of Alexander the great and his successors. The fourth of the great

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[Page 420]himselfe wounded in fight, he seized upon his enemies body, & brought him perforce armed as he was alive, out of his galley into his owne. Being encamped in the land of his friends and con­federates, yet neverthelesse he fortified his campe with a deepe trench and high rampar round about verie carefully; and when one said unto him, what needs all this? and whom are wee to feare? The woorst speech (quoth he) that can come out of a captaines mouth is this; Had I wist, or I never looked for such a thing. As he was putting his armie in array, for to give battell unto the Barbarians; he said that he feared nothing at all, but that they should not take knowledge of Iphicrates, whose verie name and presence was enough to affright all their enemies. Being ac­cused of a capitall crime, he said unto the Sycophant who had enformed and drawen a bill of enditement against him: Canst thou tell what thou doest good fellow? when the citie is envi­roned 10 with warre on everie side, thou perswadest the people to consult about me, and not to take counsell with me. Harmodius (who was descended from the race of that ancient and noble Har­modius) reproched him one day for his meane parentage, as being come from an house of base degree: The noblenesse (quoth he) of my line beginneth in me, but thine endeth in thee. An oratour making a solemne speech in the assembly of the people, grew to these tearmes with him before them all: And what are you sir, if we may be so bold as to know, that you beare your selfe so bigge, and thinke so well of your selfe, are you a man at armes, are you an archer, a pike man, or a footman or what are you? I am not indeed (quoth he) any of these; but he I am, who knowes how to command and direct all these?

TIMOTHEUS had the name to be a fortunate captaine, rather than otherwise a speciall 20 warriour; and some who envied his good estate, shewed him a picture, wherein certaine cities were entrapped, and of themselves fallen into the compasse of net and toile, whiles hee lay a­sleepe; whereupon he said unto them: Consider now, if I can catch and take such cities lying a­sleepe, what shall I be able to doe when I am awake? When one of these venturous and too forward captaines, shewed upon a glorious braverie unto the Athenians, what a wound he had received upon his bodie: But I (quoth he) my selfe was It is no com mendable part in a captaine to expose him selfe wilfully unto great hazard. greatly abashed and ashamed one day, being your captaine generall before the citie of Samos, that a shot discharged from the walles, light but neere unto me. When the oratours highly praised and recommended captaine Chares, saying: Lo what a brave man is here to make the generall of the Athenians, shewing his goodly personage. Timotheus answered againe with a loud voice: Never say Generall, but ra­ther 30 a good stout groome to carrie the truste of a captaines bedding after him.

CHABRIAS was woont to say, that they were the best captaines who had most intelligen­ces of their enemies desseignes & proceedings. Being accused together with Iphicrates of trea­son, he gave not over for all that, to frequent the publicke place of exercises, and to take his din­ner at his accustomed howers: and when Iphicrates rebuked him for being so rechlesse, standing in such danger as he did; hee answered him in this manner: In case the Athenians proceede against us otherwise than well, they shall put you to death, all foule and fasting, but me full and faire cleane washed, anointed, and having well dined. This was his ordinarie speech: That an armie of stags and hindes having a lion for their leader, was better than an armie of lions led by a stag. 40

HEGESIPPUS surnamed Crobylus, solicited and incited the Athenians to take armes against King Philip: and when one spake unto him alowd from out of the assembly: What Sir, will you that we draw upon us war: Yea verily (quoth he) and bring in Love of [...] east th [...] not for dangers. among us blacke mour­ning roabes, solemne and publicke obsequies, yea and funerall orations too, if we desire to live free still, and not to be servile and subject to the Athenians.

PYTHEAS being but yet verie yoong, presented himselfe one day in open place to crosse and contradict the publike decrees which had passed by the peoples voices, in the honour of King Alexander; what saith one unto him: Dare you presume, so yoong as you are to speake of these so weightie matters? And why not (quoth he) seeing that Alexander whom you will needs make a god by your suffrages, is yoonger than my selfe? 50

PHOCION the Athenian was a man of so staied and constant behaviour, that he was ne­ver seene of any person, either to laugh or weepe. Upon a time in a great assembly of the citie, one said unto him: You are verie sad and pensive Phocion, it seemeth you are in a deepe studie. Guesse againe (quoth he) and guesse not so; for I am indeed studying and devising with my selfe how I may cut-off somewhat of that which I have to speake unto the Athenians. The Athe­nians understood by an oracle that they had one man among them in the citie, who was thwart & contrary to the opinion & advice of all others: Now when they caused diligent search & en­quirie [Page 421] to be made for this fellow, and cried out upon him in great furie whosoever he was; Pho­cion stood up, and with a loud voice: I am the very man (quoth he) seeke no further; for I am he Wise men and [...] hardly sort together. alone, who am nothing at al pleased with whatsoever the people either doth or faith. One day, when he had delivered his advice in a frequent assembly of the people, he pleased the whole au dience very well, and seeing that they all with one accord approoved his speech, he was abashed thereat, and turning toward his friends: What? (quoth hee) have I let fall and escaped some words that are not good, and otherwise than I meant? The Athenians were minded upon a time to solemnize a great and festivall sacrifice; and for the better furnishing of this solemnitie, they demanded of every man a contribution of money toward it: all other gave liberally, only Pho­cion after he had bene called upon by name sundry times to do the like, in the end said thus unto 10 them: Povertie is no shame to a vertuous man. I would be abashed to give any thing (I trow) unto you, and not be able to pay him there, pointing with his finger to an usurer, unto whom he was indebted. When Demades said unto him: The Athenians will one of these daies kill thee, if they fall once into their furious fits: True indeed (quoth he) they will kill me in their mad mood, but thee they will put to death when they be come againe into their right wits. Aristogiton the sycophant or false promotor, being condemned to death for troubling men with wrongfull imputations, and at the point to be executed within the prison, sent unto Phocion, requesting him to come and speake with him; but Phocions friends would not let him goe to talke with such a leaud and wicked wretch: Why (quoth he unto them) in what place may honest men more willingly and better speake with A­ristogiton? When the Athenians were highly offended and angrie with the Bizantines, for 20 that they would not receive into their citie captaine Chares, whom they had sent with a power for to aid them against king Philip, Phocion came among them, and said: That they were not to be displeased with their confederates for being mistrustfull, but rather with such captaines as they mistrusted: upon which remonstrance of his, hee was immediatly himselfe chosen cap­taine; who being admitted and well trusted by the Bizantines, defended them so valiantly a­gainst king Philip, that he forced him to raise his siege, and retire from thence without effect. King Alexander the great sent unto him a present of one hundred talents; but he demanded of the messengers that brought it, why the king their master sent unto him alone, cōsidering there were so many Athenians besides himselfe; they answered: It was because he esteemed him to be the onely honest and vertuous man among them all: Why then (quoth he) could not hee let 30 me both to seeme and also to be a good man still? Alexander upon a time demanded of the Athenians certeine gallies; whereupon the people called unto Phocion by name, for to give his advice, and to counsell them what was best to be done in this case: then he stood up and said: My counsell unto you is this; That you make meanes either to be your selves the In warre we must lay to be strongest, or friended by the strongest stronger in armes, or els at the least-wise friended by them who are mightier than you. When a brute was blazed abroad, without any certeine authour, that king Alexander the Great was deceased, the oratours at Athens mounted the pulpits by-and-by, and strave avie who could perswade the people most, even in all haste to put themselves in armes and rebell; To make haste in mat­ters of great consequence, and wherein there is no losse by delay, is dangerous. but Phocion was of a con­trarie minde to them all; and his opinion was; That they should stay and rest quiet, until more assured newes came of his death: For (saith he) if he be dead to day, he will be so to morow, yea 40 and afterwards also. When Leosthenes had set the citie all upon warre, feeding the peoples hearts with great hopes of recovering their freedome and the sovereigntie of all Greece, Phoci­on compared these projects of theirs Frivolous o­rations be like to fruitlesse trees. unto the Cypres trees: For they (quoth hee) be saire, streight and tall, but not a whit of fruit do they beare: howbeit, when the Athenians at the first sped well in sundrie battels and wan the field, whereupon the citie made sacrifices unto the gods for the good newes thereof, some would come unto him, and say: How now Phocion, are you not pleased heerewith? and would you wish all undone againe? I am A wise man wil not repent of his good counsell, al­though the is­sue and event be not [...] thereto. contented very well (quoth he) that it hath so fallen out, but yet I repent never a whit of my former counsell. The Macedonians, immediatly after this, made rodes into the countrey of Attica, and beganne to overun, harrie and spoile all the sea coasts: for remedie whereof, he caused all the lustie men of 50 the citie, who were of age to beare armes, to enter into the field; and when many of them came running unto him, some calling upon him to seize such an hill, others as instant with him to put his men in battell-ray in such a place: O Hercules (quoth he) what a number of captaines doe I see, and how few good souldiers? howbeit, he gave the enemies battell, wan the victorie, and slew Nicion the captaine generall of the Macedonians in the place. Not long after, the A­thenians being vanquished in warre, were constreined to receive a garrison from Antipater, and Menillus captaine of the said garrison sent unto him in free gift certeine money; wherewith he [Page 422] being offended, said: That neither Menillus was better than Alexander, nor the cause so good, for which he should take any gift at his hand at this present, considering that he refused the like from Alexander. Moreover, Antipater was wont to say: That he had two friends at Athens, the one of whom, to wit, Phocion, he could never perswade to take any thing; and the other, who was Demades, he could not satisfie whatsoever he gave him. When Antipater was in hand with him to do a thing which was not just: True friend­ship & [...] will not sute well together. You cannot (quoth he) ô Antipater, have me to be your friend and a slatterer to. After the death of Antipater, when the Athenians had recovered their libertie and free state or popular government, concluded it was and pronounced in a generall assembly and councell of the people, that Phocion together with his friends and associats, must suffer death: as for the rest, they went weeping and lamenting as they were led to execution, but 10 Phocion marched gravely, and gave not a word: now as he was going upon the way, one of his enemies met him and spet upon his face; whereupon he turned backe to the magistrates, and said: Is there no man here to represse the insolencie and villanie of this wretched varlet? one of them who were to suffer with him, tooke on and tormented himselfe exceedingly: What (quoth he to him) ô Euippus, It is an ho­nour to die with good men. doth it not thee good that thou goest to take thy death with Pho­cion? And when the deadly cup was presented to him to drinke his last draught of hemlocke, he was asked the question, whether he had any more to say or no: then addressing his speech unto his sonne: I charge thee (quoth he) and beseech thee, not to cary any ranckor and malice in thy heart to the Athenians for my death.

PISISTRATUS, a tyrant of the Athaniens, being advertised that some of his friends ha­ving 20 revolted and conspired against him, had seised upon the fort called Phyle, went towards them, carying himselfe about at his backe a fardell of his bedding, and the furniture thereto belonging: whereupon they demaunded of him what he would? I come (quoth he) with an intent either to perswade you to returne with me, or else with a resolution to tarrie heere with you my selfe; and therefore have I brought my baggage with me. He was advertised that his mother loved a yoong man, who secretly kept her and used to lie with her; howbeit in great feare, and refusing her company many times; whereupon he invited the man to supper, and after supper, he asked him how he did, and how he liked his enterteinment? Gaily well A speech [...] Pisistratus. (quoth he: Thou shalt (quoth Pisistratus) finde no woorse every day so thou content and please my mother. Thrasibulus cast a good liking and fancie to his daughter; and as he met her on a 30 time upon the way, bestowed a kisse upon her; whereat her mother was offended, so as she exasperated her husband against him for it: but he mildely answered her in this wise: Why wo­man, if we set our selves against them that love us and grow to malice them, what shall we doe to those who hate us? and so he gave the maiden in mariage to Thrasibulus. Certeine lustie yoonkers after they had taken their cups well, went in a maske and plaid the fooles through the citie, and chauncing to meete with his wife, abused her both in worde and deed very unseeme­ly and dishonestly; but the morrow after they came weeping before Pisistratus, acknowledging their fault, and craving pardon; who made them this answer: As for you, endevour to be more wise and sober from hence foorth: A wise man will save the honour and credit of his wife what he may. but I assure you, my wife yesterday went no whither abroad, nor stirred out of her dores. When hee was about to marrie a second wife; the chil­dren 40 whom he had by the former, demanded of him, whether he were in any respect disconten­ted with them, that he should in despight of them espouse another: No, (quoth he) that is the least of my thought; but cleane contrary i is, because I like and love you so well, I would wil­lingly have more children to resemble you.

DEMETRIUS, surnamed Phalereus, counselled king Ptolomaeus to buy and reade those books Of Lacedaemo­nam. which treated of pollicie and government of kingdomes and seigneories; for that which cour­tiours and minions durst not say unto their princes, was written within those books.

LYCURGUS, who did set downe and establishe the lawes of the Lacedaemonians, accusto­med his citizens to weare their haire long: For that (saith he) side haire, maketh those who are faire, seeme more faire and amiable; but those who were foule more hideous and terrible. In 50 the reformation of the Lacedaemonian State, some one there was who perswaded him to erect the popular government called Democraty, wherein everie one in his course hath as much au­thoritie as another: unto whom hee answered: Begin thou first to set up this government in thine owne house. He ordeined that in building of houses there should be used nothing but the sawe & the axe: For that (quoth he) it were a shame to bring into houses so simplie builded, any plate of silver and gold, rich hangings, carpets and furniture of beds, or costly and sumptuous tables. He forbad his citizens to fight at buffets, or to enter combat in that generall exercise [Page 423] of hand, foot, teeth and all together, called Pancratium, to the end that they should not ac­custome themselves so much as in sport and game to faint, give over, or yeeld themselves over­come. Likewise he debarred them from encountring often with their very enemies; for feare they should make them more warlike and better soldiers: Whereupon afterwards when king Agesilaus was brought out of the battell very greevously wounded; one Antalcidas said unto him: You have met with a faire reward at the Thebans hand, and no lesse than you well deserve, for schooling and teaching them to fight whether they will or no.

CHARILLUS the king, being asked the question why Lycurgus made so few lawes? an­swered thus: That they who used few words, had no need of many lawes. One of those slaves whom they call Elotes, had behaved himselfe somewhat too insolently and knavishly against 10 him: Now I sweare by the two twins (quoth he) Castor and Pollux, were I not angrie, I would doe thee to death out of hand. unto one who demaunded the reason why the Lacedaemonians ware long haire: It is (quoth he) because of all trimming and ornaments of the bodie, it cost­eth least.

TELECHUS king of Lacedaemon answered unto a brother of his, who complained unto him of the citizens of Sparta, saying: They use me more uncivilly and uncurteously, than they doe you: It is for nothing else (quoth he) but because you know not how to endure and put up any wrongs.

THEOPOMPUS, being in a certeine citie, was shewed by one of the inhabitants the wals, and demaunded whether he thought them not to be faire and high: Faire, (quoth he?) no in 20 verie truth, kept though they be by none but women.

ARCHIDAMUS during the time of the Peloponnesian warre, when as the allies and con­federates of Lacedaemon requested him to set them downe a certeine taxe and rate which they were to contribute to ward the charges thereof; answered them in this manner: Warre knoweth not how to be gaged and feed within the teddar.

BRASIDAS chaunced to finde a mouse among certeine dried figs, which bit him so, as he was glad to let her goe; and thereupon said to those about him: See, how there is nothing so little, but it is able to make shift and save the owne life, if it have but the heart to defend it selfe against those who assaile it. In a certaine skirmish his hap was to be hurt with the head of a par­tisane, or javelin, which went through his shield; and when he had drawne it out of his wound, 30 with the very staffe and steile of it, he slew his enemie: now when one asked him how it came to passe that he was thus wounded? Forsooth because my shield deceived and betraied me. His fortune was afterwards to die in the countrey of Thrace, whither be had beene sent to deliver and set free the Greeks who inhabited those marches: and the embassadours who were sent from the said parts to Lacedaemon, went to visit his mother: who at the first asked them whe­ther Brasidas her sonne did valiantly and like a man? the embassadors highly praised him, in­somuch as they said; That there would never be his like againe: Oh, you are mightily deceived (quoth she:) true it is that Brasidas was a brave and valiant man, but Lacedaemon hath many farie better men than he by farre.

King AGIS was wont to say, that the Lacedaemonians used not to aske how many their ene­mies 40 were, but in what place they were. At Mantua he was forbidden to strike a battell, because the enemies were many in number to one: It must needs be (quoth he) that whosoever would rule and commaund many, should likewise fight with many. unto them who greatly commen­ded the Eliens for observing such good order and formality at the Olympick games: What great maruell is it (quoth he) if the Eliens in foure yeeres space use justice one day? but when they continued still in their praise and commendations: What woonder is it (quoth he) if the Eliens use a good thing well, to wit justice. A naughtie fellow there was and a troublesome, who importuned him exceeding much, by asking him oftentimes, who was the best man of all the Spartans? Mary even he (quoth he) that is most unlike to thee. To another who questioned with him and would needs know how many the Lacedaemonians were in number: Enough 50 (quoth he) to drive out all leud and wicked persons: And when another asked him the same question, he answered: Thou wouldest say they were a great number if thou sawest them fight.

LYSANDER would not accept of the rich and sumptuous roabes, which Dionysius the Ty­rant sent unto his daughters, saying: I am affraid that these garments will make them looke the fouler. Some there were who reprooved and blamed him, for that he exploited the most part of his acts by craft and subtiltie, as if it were an unwoorthie thing for one who vaunted [Page 424] himselfe to be of the race of Hercules: unto whom he answered: That where the lions skin would not serve, it were good to sow thereto a little piece of a foxes case. There was some difference and debate betweene the Argives and Lacedaemonians about their confines; and it seemed that the Argives alleaged better reasons, and brought foorth more pregnant evidences for the land in question; but he drawing out his sword: They (quoth he) who are the better men at hand­ling this, are those who plead the better for the bonds of their territorie. The Lacedaemonians found much difficultie in assaulting the walles of Corinth; and when he sawe them draw backe and go unwillingly about that service, he chanced to espie at the very same time an hare to start from within the trench and towne ditch; whereupon he tooke occasion thus to say: why make you doubt to give the assault unto the walles of those men, who are so idle as to suffer hares to 10 sleepe within the verie precinct of their walles? There was a certaine Megarian, who in the ge­nerall assembly of all the Sates of Greece, spake unto him his minde freely and boldly; unto whom he answered thus: Thy Brave words without meanes to ef­fect matters, are [...] naught. words have need of a citie, that is to say, that Megara, whereof he was a citizen, was not able to make good and maintaine his words.

AGESILAUS used to say: That the inhabitants of Asia, (to speake of free men) were but bad, & namely so long as they enjoyed libertie; marie they be passing good slaves (quoth he.) These Asians had a custom to call the King of Persia the Great King: And why (quoth Agesilaus) is he a greater king than I, if he be not more just and temperat? Being demaunded his opinion as touching Fortitude & Justice, whether of them was the better vertue: We have no need or use (quoth he) of Fortitude if we were all just. Being enforced to breake up his campe, and dislodge 20 one night in great haste out of his enemies countrey, and seeing a boy whom hee loved well, weeping and all blubbered with teares, for that he was left behind, & could not follow by reason of weaknes: It is (quoth he) an hard matter to be pitifull and wise both at once. Menecrates the physician who would entitle himselfe with the name of Jupiter, wrote a letter unto him with this superscription; Menecrates Iupiter unto King Agesilaus long life, &c. Unto whom hee returned this answere: King Agesilaus unto Menecrates better health: meaning in deed that he was braine-sicke. The Lacedaemonians having defaited those of Athens with their allies and confederates neere unto the citie of Corinth: when he heard what a number of enemies lay dead in the field: O unhappie and unfortunate Greece (quoth he) that hath destroied so many men of her owne, as had beene able to have subdued all the Barbarians in the world. Having 30 received an answer from the oracle of Jupiter at Olympta, according to his minde; the great Lords controllers, called Ephori, willed him also to consult with the oracle of Apollo as tou­ching the same: when he was therefore at Delphos, he demaunded of the said god, whether he were not of the same minde as his father was? When he sued for the deliverance of a friend of his who was taken prisoner, and in the hands of or Scarieus. Idrieus a prince of Carta, he wrote unto him about it in this manner: If Nicias have not trespassed, deliver him for justice sake; if he have transgressed, deliver him for my sake; but howsoever it be, in any wise deliver him. He was re­quested one day to heare a man sing, who could maruellous lively and naturally counterfeit the voice of a nightingale: I have heard (quoth he) the nightingale her selfe many a time. Af­ter the overthrow at the battell of Leuctres, the lawe ordained that as many as saved themselves 40 by their good footmanship, should be noted with infamy: but the Ephori fore-seeing, that in so doing the citie would be dispeopled and emptie, were willing to abrogat & disanul this ignomi­nie, and for this purpose declared Agesilaus for law-giver: who going into the market place, and mounting up into the pulpit, ordained that from the next morrow forward, the lawes should remaine in their ancient force and vertue. Sent he was upon a time to aide the King of AEgyt, where he together with the King was besieged by the enemies who were many more in number than they, & had begun to cast a great trēch about their camp, & so beleaguered them that they could not escape: Now when the king commaunded him to make a sally upon them, and to keepe them battell: I will not (quoth he) empeach our enemies, but that they may (as I see them go about it) willingly fight with us so many to so many: and finding that their trench 50 wanted but a little of both ends meeting and joining together; in that verie distance and space betweene, he set his souldiers in battell array, and so comming to encounter on even hand he defaited his enemies. When he died, he charged his friends to make no image nor statue of him: For if I have (quoth he) Vertue im­mortalizeth a man and not works in stone, wood of brasse. done any thing in my life worthy of remembrance, that will be a sufficient monument and memoriall for me after my death: if not, all the statues and images in the world shall never be able to perpetuate my memorie.

[Page 425] ARCHIDAMVS the first time that ever he saw the shot discharged out of an engin or battering peece which had beene newly brought out of Sicilie, cried out aloud: The inven­uon of wan­like [...] valor. O Hercules the prowesse and valour of man I see well is now gone for ever.

When Demades mocking at the Lacedaemonian courtilasses, said merrily; That they were so little and short, as that the juglers and plaiers at leger-demain, were able to swallow them downe whole as they be. AGIS the yoonger answered verie fitly and said: Yet as short as they be, the Lacedaemonians can reach their enemies verie well with them. The Ephori charged him upon a time to deliver vp his souldiers into the hands of a traitour: I will beware I trow (quoth he) to commit another mans souldiers to him who betraied his owne.

CLEOMENES when one promised to give him certaine cocks of the game, so courage­ous, 10 that they would with fighting die in the place and never give over: Give me not (quoth he) those that will die themselves, but such rather as in fight will make others to die.

PAEDARETVS missing the place to be chosen one of the great councell consisting of three hundred, returned from the assembly very jocond merrie and smiling: I am well ap­paied (quoth he) that in the citie of Sparta there be found three hundred better men and more sufficient than my selfe.

DAMONIDAS being by the master of the Revels set in the last place of the dance: Well fare thy heart (quoth he) thou hast devised a good meanes to make this place honourable.

NICOSTRATVS captaine of the Argives, being sollicited by Archidamus to take a good round summe of money for to deliver up unto him by treason, a place whereof he had the kee­ping, 20 with a promise also, that he should espouse and wed what damosell he would himselfe choose in all Sparta, excepting those of the blood-roiall, made him this answer: You are not (quoth he) of the race of Hercules; for that Hercules went thorow the world, punishing and putting to death in all places, malefactors and wicked persons: but you go about to make those naught and leaud who are good and honest.

Or [...] rather. EYDAMONIDAS seeing in the great schoole Academie, Xenocrates an auncient man among other yoong scholers, students in Philosophie, and understanding that he sought for vertue: And when will he use vertue (quoth he) if he have not yet found it? Another time hea­ring a philosopher to mainteine this paradox: That a learned Sage was onely a good captaine: Brave words (quoth he) and a marvelous position; but the best is, he that holdeth it, never in 30 his life heard It [...] not a clerke to [...] of armes. the sound of a trumpet in the campe.

ANTIOCHUS, one of those controllers in Sparta, named Ephori, being advertized that king Philip had given unto the Messenians their territorie: But hath hee withall (quoth he) given them the meanes to vanquish in battell when they shall be put to it, for to defend the same?

ANTALCIDAS answered unto an Athenian who termed the Lacedemonians ignorant persons: Indeed (quoth he) it may well be so, for wee are the onely men who have learned of you no evill. Another Athenian contested with him and said; we have driven you manie a time from the river Cephtsus, which is in Attica: but he replied againe and said: And we never yet chased you from the river Eurotas which is neere Lacedemon. There was a certeine Rheto­rician would needs rehearse an oration which he had made concerning the praise of Hercules: 40 Why (quoth he) was there ever any man that blamed or despised him?

So long as EPAMINONDAS was captaine general of the Thebans, there was never seene in his campe any of these sudden foolish frights, without any certeine cause, which they call Pa­nique Terrores. He was wont to say, that no death was so honourable as to die in the warres: Also that a man of armes or warriour ought to keepe his bodie not exercised after the maner of champions, for to be faire and full; but rather hardned with travel, and made lanke as becom­meth good soldiours. He loved therefore to fight with those enemies who were corpulent; and such soldiours as he found in his owne bands grosse & fat, he would be sure to cassier & displace them, if it were for nothing else: For he was wont to say of them, that three or foure bucklers would hardly cover their grand-panch, which bare out so bigge that they could not see for it 50 their privy parts. Moreover, so strict and precise he was in his living, and hated so much all ex­cesse & superfluity, that one time above the rest being biddē to supper by one of his neighbors, when he saw in the house great provision of viands, cates, junquets, comfutures and sweet per­fumes, he said unto him: I had thought you made a sacrifice, and not an expense of superflui­tie, and so went his way & would not stay supper. When the head cooke or clerke of the kitchin gave up his account unto him and other his companions in government, of their ordinary charges for certeine daies; he misliked nothing in his bill but the great quantitie of oyle that [Page 426] was spent: and when his collegues wondered that he should fare so at that; he said unto them: That it was not the cost and expence that hee stood upon, but onely this, that so much oyle should goe down mens throats. The city of Thebes upon a time made a great publike feast, and besides, privately they were all in their bankets, inviting one another, and meeting in compa­nies to make merrie together: he contrariwise all this while, without being either annointed with oile and sweete perfumes, or clad in his best clothes, all pensive and sad, walked alone tho­row the citie; and when one of his familiar friends who met him, woondered thereat, and woulds needs know why he went so alone and out of order and formalitie: Mary (quoth he) that you all might in securitie follow your drinking and good cheere, and not bee troubled with thinking of any other cares. He had caused a meane man and of base condition to be put in 10 prison for some light trespasse that he had committed, and Pelopidas requested him for to set him at large, but he denied him flatly; howbeit afterwards a woman whom he loved, intreated him, and at her sute he granted his libertie, saying: That in such pettie favours and curtesies as these it became him to gratisie concubines and harlots: but not generals and great warriours. When the Lacedemonians came with a puissant power to make cruell war upon the Thebans, there were brought oracles unto the Thebans from sundrie parts, some promising the victory, others menasing an overthrow: he went up therefore into the tribunall seat and commanded, that the oracles of victorie should be set upon the right hand, and those of discomfiture on the left: when they were thus disposed and bestowed, he stood up, and in this wise spake unto the Thebans: If you will be directed by your captaines, shew obedience unto them, and withall, put 20 on a resolution and good heart to encounter your enemies; these heere, (shewing the good oracles on the right hand) be yours; but if for want of courage you cast doubts and start backe for seare of perils, those there, (pointing to the bad oracles on the lefthand) are for you. After­wards as he led the armie into the field, for to meet with the Lacedemonians, it began to thun­der; whereat they that were neerest unto him asked, what he thought this might presage and signifie: Surely (quoth he) it betokeneth thus much; That God hath aslonished our enemies, and put their braines out of temper, who having such commodious places neere unto them for to encampe in, have pitched here where they are. Of all the honorable and happie fortunes that ever befell unto him, he said; This was most to his hearts joy and contentment; that he had de­feited the Lacedemonians in the battell at Leuctres, whiles his owne father that begat him, and 30 mother who bare him were both alive. Being a man who otherwise all his life time used to be seene abroad, fine, neat, & wel anointed, with a cheeefull and merrie countenance also; the mor­row after the said battell, he came foorth into the publicke place, all foule, sullied, heavy and pen­sive; whereupon, his friends by and by were in hand with him to know, whether any sinister ac­cident was come unto him: None (quoth he,) but I perceived yesterday that for the joy of my victorie, my heart was lifted up more than it ought, and therefore to day I doe Excessive joy in prospe­ritie ought to be abated. abate and cor­rect that which was the day before too excessive and out of order: knowing full well that the Spartans used to cover and hide as much as they could such misfortunes, and being desirous to make them see and acknowledge the great losse and overthrow which they had susteined, hee woulde not in any wise permit them to gather their dead all together, and pile them up in 40 one entire heape; but to every citie he gave leave one after another to enterre them; by which it appeered, that there were more of the Lacedemonians slaine by a thousand. Jason a prince and monarch of Thessalia, being allied and confederate with the Thebans, came one day into the citie of Tales, and sent unto Epaminondas a present of two thousand pieces of gold, knowing that indeed he was exceeding poore: this gold would not he receive at his hands; but the first time after that he saw Jason, he came unto him and said: You begun twise to offer me injurie; and in the meane while he borrowed of a certeine burgesse of the citie fiftie drams of silver, for to defray the charges of a journey or expedition which he entended; and therewith entred in armes and invaded Peloponesus. After this, when the great king of Persia sent him thirtie thousand pieces of gold called Dariques, he was displeased highly with Diomedes, and 50 sharpely checked him, asking him if he had undertaken so great a voiage, thinking to bribe and corrupt Epaminondas; and with that commmaunded him to deliver this message backe unto the king his master; That so farre foorth as he entended and procured good unto the The­bans, hee should make reckoning of him to be his friend without any pennie cost; but if he wrought or practised any losle or displeasure unto them, he would be his enemie. When the Argives were entred into league and amitie with the Thebans, those of Athens sent their ambassadours into Arcadie, to assay if they could draw the Arcadians to side with them: [Page 427] So these ambassadours began to charge and accuse unto them, aswell the Argives as the The­bans, insomuch, as Callistratus the oratour, who was their speaker, upbraided both cities, and hit them in the teeth with Orestes and Oedipus: then Epaminondas who sat in this assembly of councell, rose up and said: We confesse indeed (my masters) that in times past there was in our citie one parricide who killed his owne father, like as another in Argos who murdered his owne mother; but when we had chased and banished them for committing these facts, the Atheni­ans received them both. And when the Spartans had charged the Thebans with many great and grievous imputations: Why my masters of Sparta (quoth Epaminondas) these Thebans, if they have done nothing els, yet thus much they have effected, that you have forgotten your maner of short speech and using few words. The Athenians had contracted alliance and amitie 10 with Alexander the tyrant of Pheres in Thessalie, a mortall enemie of the Thebans, and who pro­mised to the Athenians for to serve them flesh in the market at halfe an obolus a pound weight: And wee (quoth Epaminondas) will furnish the Athenians with wood enough for nothing, to roast and seethe the said flesh; for if they begin busily to intermeddle more than we like of, we will fell and cut downe all the trees growing in that countrey. Knowing well enought that the Boeotians were lost for idlenesse, he determined and advised to keepe them continually in exer­cise of armes: now when the time approched for the election of governors, and that they were minded to chuse him their Boeotarches, that is to say, the ruler of Boeotia: Be well advised my masters (quoth he) what ye do, whiles it lieth in your hands; for if you elect me your captaine generall, make this reckoning, that to warre you shall. He was wont to call the countrey of Boe­otia, 20 because it lieth plaine and open, the stage and scaffold of warre, saying that it was impossi­ble for the inhabitants to keepe and hold it, so long as they had not one hand within their shield and the other on their sword. Chabrias the captaine of the Athenians having put to foile and defaited some few Thebans about Corinth (who for heat of fight had run disbanded and out of aray) made a bravado: for which exploit, as if he had won some great field, he caused a tropheae to be erected in memoriall of this victorie: whereas Epaminondas scoffed and said: That hee should not have set up a trophaeum there, but rather an hecatesium, that is to say, the statue of Pro­serpina, for that in times past, it was an ordinary thing to set up the image of Proserpina in maner of a crosse, at the first carrefour or meeting of crosse waies which was found nere unto the gate of a city. When one brought him word that the Athenians had sent an armie into Peloponesus 30 bravely set out and appointed with new armour: Now surely (quoth he) Antigenidas wil weepe and sigh when he knoweth once that Tellis hath gotten him new flutes and pipes to play upon: now this Tellis was a bad minstrell, and Antigenidas an excellent musician. He perceived upon a time that his esquire or shield-bearer had received a good piece of money for the ransome of a prisoner, which was in his hands; whereupon he said unto him: Give me my shield, but goe thou thy waies and buy thee a taverne or victualling house, wherein thou maiest leade the rest of thy life, for I see well, that thou wilt no more expose thy selfe to the dangers of warre as be­fore-time, since thou art now become one of these rich and happie men of the world. He was once demanded the question, whom he reputed to be the best captaine, himselfe, Chabrias, or Iphicrates, his answere was: It is hard to judge, so long as we all The end [...] mens works. be alive. At his returne out of 40 of the countrey of Laconia, hee was judicially accused for a capitall crime, together with other captaines joined in commission with him, for holding their charge longer by foure moneths than the lawes allowed: as for his companions and collegues above-said, hee willed them to derive all the fault from themselves, and lay it upon him, as if he had forced them so to doe; but in his owne defence he pleaded thus: A good cō ­science is a brasen wall. Albeit I can not deliver better words than I have per­formed deeds, yet if I be compelled (as I see I am) to say somewhat for my selfe before the jud­ges, I request thus much at their handes, that if they be determined to put me to death, they would cōmand to be engraven upon the square columne or pillar of my sepulchre, my condē ­nation and the cause therof, to the end that all the Greekes might know how Epaminondas was condemned to die; for that hee had forced the Thebans against willes to waste and burne 50 the countrey of Laconia, which in five hundred yeeres before had never bene forraied nor spoi­led; also that hee had repeopled the citie of Messene two hundred and thirtie yeeres after it had bene destroied and left desert by the Lacedemonians: Item, that he had reunited, concorpora­ted and brought into one league all the States and cities of Arcadie; and last of all, that he had recovered and restored unto the Greeks their libertie: for all these acts have bene atchieved by us in this voiage: the judges when they heard this speech of his, rose from the bench, and went out of the court laughing heartily; neither would they so much as receive the voices or ver­dicts [Page 428] to be given up against him. After the last battell that ever he sought, wherin he was woun­ded to death; being brought into his tent, he called first for Diophantis, and after him for Ioli­das, but when he heard that they were both slaine, hee advised the Thebans to compound and grow to an They that [...] able to [...] must [...] for peace. agreement with their enemies, as if they had not one captaine more that knew how to leade them to the warres; and in trueth, the event did verifie his words, and bare witnesse with him that he knew his citizens best of any man.

PELOPIDAS joint captaine with Epaminondas in the charge of Baeotia, when his friends found fault with his neglect in one thing right necessary, to wit, the gathering of a masse of mo­ney together: Money indeed (quoth he) is necessary, but for such an one as this Nicomedes here, shewing a poore cripple, maimed, lame and impotent in hand and foot. When he de­parted from Thebes upon a time to a battell, his wife praied him to have a regard unto his owne 10 safetie: This is (quoth he) an advertisement fit for others; as for a captaine who hath the place of command, he is to be put in minde for to save those under his charge, and not himselfe. To one of his souldiers, who said unto him: We are fallen among our enemies: And why (quoth he) are we fallen among them more than they among us. Moreover, being trecherously held pri­soner, and kept in yrous during a truce, against the law of armes, by Alexander tyrant of the Phe­reans, he grew to heat and gave him some hard words, calling him perjured traitour: whereupon the tyrant asked him if he made so great haste to die: Yea (quoth hee) to the end that the The­bans may be more provoked against thee, and that so much the sooner thou maiest be punish­ed for thy disloialtie. Thebe the tyrants wife came to visit him in prison, and seeing him, said 20 that shee marvelled how hee could be so jocund, being as hee was, a prisoner and bound with chaines: Yea, but I rather woonder at you, that being as you are, at libertie and not bound, you can endure such a wicked wretch as Alexander. When Epaminondas had delivered him out of prison, he said that he tooke himselfe much beholden to Alexander: For now (quoth hee) by his meanes I have made a triall of my selfe and my resolution, more than ever before, and namely, how my heart is setled not against the feare of warre onely but also of death.

MANIUS CURIUS, when one of his souldiers complained, that of the lands conquered [...] . from the enemies, he had given to every souldier very little, but had incorporated in the com­mon weale the greatest part of the said demeanes: I would it were Gods will (quoth he) that there were not a Romane who thought that land but little, which is sufficient to nourish and 30 mainteine one man. The Samnites, after that hee had vanquished them in a battell, sent unto him as a present, a good summe of gold: him they found sitting by the fire side, tending the pot, wherein he boiled certaine rape-roots: and when the Samnite embassadors tendered unto him the said present, he made them this answer: That hee who could content himselfe with such a supper, had no need at all of gold: also that he thought it more honorable to commaund them who had the gold, than to have gold himselfe.

C. FABRICIUS hearing of the overthrow that King Pyrrhus had given the Romaines, Some reade thus: said un­to Laevinus, that Pyrrhus, and not the Epuotes had over come the Romanes. said: That Pyrrhus had overcome Laevinus & not the Epirotes vanquished the Romaines. Be­ing sent unto Pyrrhus to treat for the deliverance of certaine Romaines taken prisoners, the king offered him a great summe of gold, but he would not receive it: the next morrow Pyr­rhus 40 commanded that the greatest Elephant which he had, should be brought and set just be­hind Fabricius without his knowledge, and that suddenly he should be forced to bray, which was done accordingly: whereat Fabricius turning him about, and looking behind him, began to smile and say: Neither thy gold yesterday, nor this beast thy Elephant to day, hath once astonied me. Pyrrhus thought to have perswaded him to take his part and to stay with him, with promise that he should have all the authoritie in managing of the affaires next unto him­selfe; but he answered him in this sort: This would not be good and expedient for you: and why? when the Epirotes shall know us both well, they will rather have me than you to be their king. When Fabricius was created Consull of Rome. King Pyrrhus his physician wrote unto him a letter, wherein he made promise unto him for to kill the king his master with poyson if 50 he would. Fabricius sent the verie same letter incontinently unto King Pyrrhus, willing him to see by that, how his judgement served not him well to discerne and to make choise of his ene­mies and his friends. When this ambush was discovered and directed thus unto Pyrrhus, which was laid for his life, he caused the said physician to be apprehended, and sent backe those Romaines whom he had prisoners, unto Fabricius without any ransom paid: howbeit Fabri­cius would not receive them from him as in free gift; for he returned likewise as many of his men who remained prisoners with him: which he did, for that he would not be thought to [Page 429] take any thing at his hands by way of a reward or recompense for disclosing the foresaid trea­son: for hee did it not so much to gratifie King Pyrrhus and do him a pleasure, as for feare it should be thought that the Romaines practised his death by treacherie, whom they could not vanquish by vertue.

FABIUS MAXIMUS not willing to fight a set battell with Annibal, but by tract of time to spend his armie; which by that meanes grew to a great default of victuals and money: went alwaies as though he dogged and followed him, keeping the rough places and hilly grounds, coasting him otherwhiles, but evermore having him in his eie: for which manner of service many mocked him and called him the Praedagogue of Annibal: but he nothing at all regarding such words, persisted still continually in his deseignes & counsels particular to him­selfe, 10 saying thus to his friends: That he who could not abide a scoffe, but feared frumps and re­viling words, was a greater coward than he who fled before his enemie. When his collegue or brother in office Minutius, had discomfited certaine of his enemies, in such sort, as there was no talke of him any more, but every man gave out of Minutius, that he indeed was a man woor­thy of Rome: he said: That he feared more the prosperitie than the adversitie of Minutius: and within a while after, when Minutius was fallen into the danger of an ambush that Annibal had set for him, so as he and all his men had like to have left their bodies dead behinde them, Fabius came speedily to his rescue, and not onely delivered him out of this perill, but also slew a num­ber of his enemies; whereupon Anniball said then unto his familiars about him: Did not I fore­tell you many times, seeing as I did this cloud louring upon the tops of the mountaines, how it 20 would one time or other powre downe a good showre upon our heads? After the overthrow at Canna, when he was chosen consull of Rome together with Claudius Marcellus a valiant and couragious man, who desired nothing more than ever to be fighting with Anniball; he was of a contrary minde, and hoped, that if he were not fought with, his army within a while by delaies onely and holding off, would of it selfe come to nothing; so as Anniball would oftentimes say: That he feared more Fabius that fought not, than he did Marcellus who was ever fighting. It was tolde him that he had in his campe a Lucane, who was wont to steale out by night, forth of the campe, for the love of a woman whom he used to visit, but otherwise he heard say, that the man was a right good souldier and woonderfull [...] in armes; whereupon he gave comman­dement that the woman upon whom this souldier was so enamoured, should be secretly and 30 without the mans knowledge attached and brought unto him: now when she was come, he sent for the souldier aforesaid: I am advertised (quoth he) that thou against the lawes of military di­scipline, usest many times to lie out of the campe; and I understand likewise ful well, that setting that fault aside, thou art a souldier good enough: well, in regard of thy good services, I am con­tent to pardon all that is past, but from hencefoorth thou shalt abide and tarie with me, for I have a good pawne and suretie within that thou shalt not start; and with that he caused the wo­man to come forth and appeare, and so he gave her into his hands to be his wedded wife. Anni­ball held all the citie of Tarentum with a strong garrison, saving onely the castle, but Marcellus by a wile and subtile stratageme, trained him as farre as he could from thence, and then return­ing with all expedition, was master of the whole towne, and sacked it: in the execution of which 40 service his scribe or chancellour asked him what should be done with the sacred images of the gods among the rest of the pillage: Mary let us leave (quoth he) unto the Tarentines their gods, being thus angred as they are with them. When M. Livius, who had the keeping of the castle, vanted and boasted that by his meanes the citie was woonne, all the rest who heard him, laughed and mocked him; but Fabius answered: Thou saiest trueth indeed, for if thou hadst not lost it once, I had never recovered it againe. After he was stepped farre in yeeres, his sonne was chosen consull, and as he was giving audience in open place and dispatching certaine pub­like affaires in the presence of many, Fabius his father being mounted on horsebacke, came to­ward him; but the sonne sent one of his lictors or hushers before, to command him to alight from his horse: whereat all the rest there present were abashed, and thought it a great shame 50 and unseemly sight; but the olde man dismounting quickely from his horse, came toward his sonne as fast as his yeeres would give him leaue, imbraced him and said: Thou hast well done my sonne, to know whom thou doest governe, and to shew that thou art not ignorant what the greatnesse is of that charge which thou hast undertaken.

SCIPIO the elder, whensoever he was at any leasure and repose either from military affaires or politike government, emploied all that time in his private study at his booke; whereupon he was woont to say: That when he was alone, he had most companie; and when hee was at lea­sure [Page 450] he had greatest businesse. After hee had woonne by assault the city of New Carthage in Spaine, some of his souldiers brought a most beautifull damosell taken prisoner, and her they offered unto him: I would receive her willingly (quoth he) if I were a private person, but being as I am, a captaine generall, I will none of her. Lying at siege before a certeine citie Or named [...] , as some reade, Balia a town [...] Spaine. situated in a low place, and over which might be seene the temple of Venus, he gave order unto them that by vertue of writs were to make appearance in court, that they should come and plead be­fore him within the said temple, where they should have audience the third day after; which hee made good, for before that day hee had forced the citie. When one demaunded of him being in Sicilie, ready to embarke and passe over to Africke, upon what confidence hee presumed so much to crosse the seas with his armada against Carthage: See you not 10 heere (quoth he) 300. men how they disport and exercise them selves armed all in militarie feats of armes, along an high tower situate upon the sea side? I tell you, there is not one of all this number, but if I bidde him, will runne up to the top of this tower, and cast himselfe downe from thence with the head forward. Being passed over sea, and soone after master of the field; when hee had burnt the campes of his enimies, the Carthaginians sent immediate­ly unto him an embassage to treat of peace; in which treatie it was concluded, that they should quit all their vessels at sea, abandon their elephants, and besides pay a good grosse summe of money: But so soone as Annibal was retired out of Italy into Africke, they repented them­selves of these capitulations and conditions, for the trust which they had in the forces and per­son of Anniball: whereof Scipio being advertised, said unto them: That although they would 20 performe the articles of the foresaid agreement, yet the accord should not stand for good, un­lesse over and above they paid 5000. talents, because they had sent for Anniball to come over. Now after that the Carthaginians had beene vanquished by him in open battell, they sent new embassadors for to treat of peace againe; but hee commaunded them presently to depart, for that he would never give them audience, unlesse they brought backe unto him lord Terentius, a knight of Rome, and a man of woorth and honor, who by the fortune of warre was taken pri­soner, and fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians: now when they had brought Terentius, he caused him to sit close by his side in the counsell, and then gave he audience to the foresaide embassadors, and graunted them peace. Afterwards when he entred Rome in triumph for this victorie; the said Terentius followed hard after his triumphant chariot, wearing a cap of liber­tie 30 on his head, like an affranchised slave, and avowing that he held his freedome by him: and when Scipio was dead, unto all those who accompanied his corps when it was caried foorth to sepulture, Terentius allowed to drinke a certeine kinde of mede, made of wine and ho­nie; and for all other complements belonging to an honorable funerall, he tooke order with great diligence; but this was performed afterwards. Moreover, when king Antiochus saw that the Romanes were passed over into Asia, with a puissant armie to make warre upon him, he sent his embassadors to Scipio, for to enter into a treatie of peace: unto whom he answered: This you should have done before, and not at this present, now that your king and master hath alrea­dy received the bit of the bridle in his mouth, and the saddle with the rider upon his backe. The Senat had graunted out a commission unto him that he should take foorth certeine money out 40 of the publick chest and chamber of the citie; but when the treasurers would not suffer him that day to open the treasury, for to be furnished from thence; he said: He would be so bold as open it himselfe; Which (quoth he) I may well doe, considering that by my meanes it was kept fast shut and locked first, for the great quantitie of gold and silver which I have caused to be brought into it. Petilius and Quintus, two Tribunes of the commons, accused him before the people, and laid many grievous matters to his charge; but he in stead of pleading his owne cause, and justifying himselfe, said thus: My masters of Rome, upon such a day as this, I defaited in battell the Carthaginians and Annibal, and therefore will I goe my selfe directly from hence with a chaplet of flowers upon my head, up into the Capitoll to sacrifice and give those unto Jupiter for my victorie; meane while, whosoever will give his voice either for or against 50 me, let him doe as he thinketh good: and having thus said, he went out of the court, and all the people followed after him, leaving his accusers to plead there their fill to the bare wals.

T. QUINTIUS, immediately upon his comming to the management of State affaires, grew to such reputation and renowme, that before he had beene Aedile, Praetour, or Tribune of the common-weale, he was chosen Consull of Rome, who being sent as captaine and lieutenant generall for the people of Rome, to warre against Philip king of Macedonia, was counselled and perswaded to a parle and personall conference first with him: Philip for the better securitie of [Page 427] his owne person, demaunded of him hostages: Because (quoth he) the Romanes have heere many captaines besides you, but the Macedonians have none but my selfe: No [...] in­deed (quoth Quintius) that you are heere by your selfe alone, for you have done to death all your kinsfolk and friends. After that he had vanquished in battell king Philip, he caused proclamation to be made in the solemnitie of the Isthmian games; That he restored all the Greeks to their auncient liberties and full freedome, to live from that day forward according to their owne lawes: and thereupon, the Greeks caused all the Romanes to be sought out throughout all Greece, who had beene sold thither for slaves during the warres with Annibal, and having re­deemed & bought them againe out of their masters hands for 500. drams a poll, they presented them unto him as a free gift: these followed him in his triumph, with caps upon their heads, as 10 the custome was of such slaves as were newly affranchised & endued with liberty. The Acheans were minded and fully purposed to enterprise the conquest of the isle Zacinthus: But he admo­nished them not to goe forth of Peloponnesus, unlesse they would put themselves into evident danger, like unto the Tortoises, when they stretch soorth their heads out of their shels. When the brute was blowen over all Greece that king Antiochus came with a mightie power, insomuch as all men wondered & were affraid to heare what numbers there were of soldiors and fighting men, and what diversitie of armors they brought with them; he made such a speech as this in the generall counsell of the Acheans: It was my chance (quoth he) upon a time to be lodged in the house of an old host and friends of mine within the citie of Chalcies, and as I sat with him at supper, I marvelled how possiblie he could come by so many sorts of venison which I saw ser­ved 20 up to the boord before me; at last mine host answered that all was but swines flesh, and the same altered by sundry kinds of sauces and varietie of dressing: Semblably (quoth he) be you not dismaid and troubled at this great armie of king Antiochus whom you heare named, his men at armes and horsemen armed at all pieces, his light horse, his petronels and archers on horsebacke, and his footemen, for all these be no more but poore Syrians, men borne to ser­vitude and slaverie, and no better, differing one from another onely in diversitie of harneis and weapons. Philopaemon was at that time captaine generall of the Acheans, who had a number sufficient both of horse and foot, but he wanted money for their pay: whereat Quintius meri­ly scoffing; Philopaemon (quoth he) hath hands and feet enough, but he wants a bellie; which jest was indeed the more pleasant, for that Philopaemons body was in truth naturally so shapen 30 and made so flat, as if he had no belly at all.

C. DOMITIUS, he whom Scipio the great left in his place, next after his brother L. Scipio in the warre against king Antiochus; when he had viewed the armie of his enemies standing in battel-array, the Romane captaines who were about him, counselled him with all expedition to give them battell, but hee answered them thus: That they had not day enough to mas­sacre and hew in peeces so many millions of men; to spoile also and make pillage of their tents and baggage, and then to returne when all was done into the campe for to refresh and looke to themselves; so the morrow after he charged upon them and slue fiftie thousand ene­mies.

P. LICINIUS, a Consull of Rome, in one battell of horsemen was vanquished by king 40 Perseus, and lost about two thousand and eight hundred men, partly slaine, and partly taken prisoners in the field: after which victorie, Perseus sent unto the said Consull, embassadours to treat of peace and attonement; in which treatie the condition which the vanquished propo­sed to the Conquerour was: That he should submit himselfe wholy and his whole estate, un­to the Romans for to doe with them according to their will and discretion.

PAVLUS AEMILIUS making sute for his second Consulship, was rejected and tooke repulse: but afterwards when it was seene that the warre against King Perseus was drawen out in length, and like to hold long, through the ignorance, sloth and idlenesse of those captaines which were sent with the armie: the Romaines chose him consull for the second time; but he said unto thē I con you no thank at al now, for that you have not elected me for to gratifie my 50 selfe (because I sought for no office at this time) but in regard that your selves stand in need of a captaine. Being returned from the common-place into his owne house, hee found a little daughter that he had, named Tertia, weeping and all blubbered with teares: What is the mat­ter (quoth he) that my pretie girle crieth and weepeth thus: with that the childe: O father (quoth she) our Perseus is dead: (now a little puppie she had of that name:) In good houre be it spoken my sweet daughter (quoth he) I take it for a good osse and presage of happie fortune. When he was arrived and come into the campe, hee found much bibble-babble there, and [Page 428] vaunting braverie on everie hand of those souldiors, who would busily intermeddle in the af­faires properly pertaining to the captaine, and in more matters than concerned them: hee willed Captaines are to direct. Souldiers to obey and exc­cute. them to be quiet and still, not to be dealing in such things, but onely to looke well to their swords, whether they were sharpe edged and wel pointed: As for the rest (quoth he) I will provide therefore. Those that kept the night sentinels, he commanded neither to beare launce nor weare sword, to the end that knowing they had no meanes to fight, in case they should be surprised by the enemie, they should be the more vigilant and carefull to withstand sleepe. Af­ter that he had passed over the mountaines in Macedonie, and was newly entred into the campe, hee found his enemies readie ranged in battell-array before him: whereupon Scipio Nasica advised him to charge out of hand: If I were (quoth he) as yoong as you, I should be of the 10 same mind that you are; but now long experience forbiddeth me to advance forward, all weary as I am, upon any journey against mine enemies, being set strongly in ordinance of battell. Af­ter he had fully defaited Perseus in making feasts to his allies & confederates, for joy of victo­rie, he said: That it belonged to one and the same skill and experience, to know how to raunge a terrible battell against enemies, and to set out an acceptable feast for friends. Perseus being his prisoner, made earnest sute & humble supplication unto him, that he might not be lead in his triumph: That lies (quoth he) in your owne power ô Perseus: by which words he gave him good leave to make himselfe away. Among the treasures of this king, there was found an infi­nit masse of gold and silver, whereof he touched not one jot for his owne proper use; onely to Tubero his sonne-in-law, who had married his daughter, in honor of his vertue he gave one 20 silver boul, weighing fiue or pounds. lytres: where (by the way) this is to be noted, that (by report) this was the first piece of silver plate that ever came into the house of the AEmilii. Of foure children­males that he had, two of the eldest he had given away before from himselfe to be adopted into other noble families of Rome, and of the two yoongest which remained behinde in his owne house and name; the one (being foureteene yeeres of age) died five daies before his triumph; the other (twelve yeeres old) changed his life five daies after: whereat the people sorrowed, and tooke it verie heavily, bewailing & pittying his desolate estate: but he himselfe went into the common place to comfort them, saying: That now from hence foorth, he thought to be out of all feare and danger in the behalfe of the common-wealth, hoping that no infortunitie would befall unto it: for that himselfe for them all, bare the heavie load of the envie attending 30 upon so great prosperities which he had atchieved for the weale publike, Great pro­speritie is to be suspected: to abate our pride, there­fore God doth delay it with some crosses. in that fortune had derived and cast all despite upon his familie alone.

CATO the elder, in a solemne speech before the people of Rome, reprooving sharply their intemperance, riot and superfluous delicacies: I know full well (quoth he) that it is an hard matter to speake unto the belly which hath no eares. He said also, that he woondered how such a citie could long stand, wherein a fish was sold deerer than an oxe. Also inveighing against the over-much libertie and power which generally was given to women: All other men (quoth hee) doe rule their wives, wee rule all men, and our wives rule us. It was a speech likewise of his: That hee had rather receive no favour and grace when hee had done any good service, than not be punished when he had committed a fault: I pardon moreover (quoth 40 he) all those, who upon error or ignorance have trespassed, No man chastiseth wise men so much as themselves. but I except my selfe. Further­more, in solliciting and mooving the magistrates to chastice those who offended the lawes, he plainely said: That whosoever had rule and authoritie sufficient to represse malefactors, if they did not execute the same, were themselves the authors and commaunders of evill. He delive­red these words moreover: That yoong men who blushed when they were rerprooved, pleased him better than those that looked pale: and that he could not abide that souldier, who in his way as he walked, waggeth his hands; in fight stirreth his feet; and when he sleepeth snorteth lowder than he holloweth as he encountreth his enemie. Item, that he was a bad ruler, who knew not how to rule himselfe. He was of opinion, that everie one ought to have more reve­rence of himselfe, than of any other person whatsoever; for no man was ever from himselfe. 50 Perceiving that many there were who made sute that their statues might be erected: I had ra­ther (quoth he) that men should aske another daie, why there was no image set up for Cato, than why he had any. He counselled them who had power to do what they would, to spare and make much thereof, to the end that their libertie might last with them for ever. They who de­prive vertue Honour at­tends upon vertue, and is the reward thereof. of honour, take away vertue (quoth he) from youth. He was of advice that no man ought to entreat a magistrate or judge in good and just causes to maintaine them, nor sue unto them in bad and unright, as matters to passe-by or winke at them. His saying was: That [Page 433] injustice and wrong doing, if it brought no perill to him that committed it, yet it was dange­rous to all others. He admonished old folke not to adde unto their age the foulenesse of vice: for that they had deformities enough besides. His opinion was, that anger and fury differed in nothing, but that the one endured longer than the other. He was woont to say that they were not lighlty envied, who knew how to use their fortune wisely and with moderation: For that (quoth he) it is not our person that is envied, but that which is about us. Also they who are ear­nest in ridiculous matters, make themselves laughing stocks in serious affaires. Over and be­sides, this was one of his sage sawes: That faire and commendable actions ought to meet with faire and laudable words to set them foorth, to the end that they never be without the glory to them belonging. He reprehended the citizens of Rome, for giving alwaies their voices to one & 10 the same person, at the elections of their magistrates: For it should seeme (quoth he) in so do­ing, that either you do not much esteem the honour of magistracies, or els that in your judge­ment you have not men sufficient enough & worthy to beare them. He made semblant upon a time, that he had in great admiration the strength of one who sold and made away his lands that lay along by the sea-coast, as being a man more mightie and puissant than the verie sea: For (quoth he) that which the sea undermineth, eateth & wasteth by litle & litle this good felow hath swallowed & devoured all at once. When he stood to be chosen Censor, & saw that other of his competitors & concurrents trudged up & downe, glavering, glosing and flattering to the people for to insinuate themselves into their good favour & grace: he contrariwise went crying out: That the State & people had need of a rigorous & hard hearted physician, both to dismem­ber 20 & cut off some part, and also to give them a strong purgation: and therefore they were not to choose one who was most gracious, but him that was most severe; thus whiles he made these remonstrances, he was himselfe chosen before all the rest. In teaching yong men for to sight va­liantlie and with resolution, hee said: That a word often-times frighted the enemie more than the sword, the tongue also more than the hand, and caused him to take his heeles and runne away. Whiles hee warred in Spaine against those who inhabit along the river Boe­tis, hee was in great danger, by reason of a great multitude of enemies who were in armes a­gainst him; neither could he be provided of aids upon a sudden, but from the Celtiberians, who for to succour him demaunded two hundred talents: now the other Romane captaines would not yeeld that hee should make promise unto those barbarous nations of this money for their 30 hire and sallarie; but Cato said: They were much deceived and out of the way; for if we winne (quoth he) we shall be able to pay them, not of our owne, but of our enemies goods; if we lose the day, there will be none left either to be paied or to call for pay. Having woon more townes in Spaine, than he had beene daies there (according as he said himselfe) he reserved of all that spoile and pillage for his owne use, no more than he did eat and drinke; but hee divided and dealt to every one of his souldiers a pound weight of silver, saying: That it were better that ma­ny should returne home out of warre with silver in their purses, than a few with golde; for that rulers and captaines ought not to grow rich themselves by their provinces and places of go­vernment in any thing but in honour and glorie. In that expedition or voiage of his, hee had with him in his traine five of his owne servitours; of whom, one there was who bought 40 three prisoners taken in warre; but when he knew that his master had intelligence thereof, be­fore that ever he came in his sight he hung and strangled himselfe. Scipio surnamed Africanus, praied him to favour the causes of the banished and fugitive Achoeans, and to be good unto them, namely, that they might be recalled and restored againe to their owne countrey; but he made semblance as though hee tooke no great heed and regard to such affaires; and when hee saw that the matter was followed hotly in the Senate, and that there grew much speech and de­bate about it, he stood up and said: Here is a great stirre indeed; and as though we had nothing els to do, we sit here & spend all the long day disputing about these old gray-beard Greeks, and all forsooth, to know whether they shalbe caried forth to their buriall by our porters and cores­bearers heere, or by those there. Posthumius Albius wrote certeine histories in Greeke, in the 50 Preface and Proeme whereof, he praied the readers and hearers to pardon him, if he had com­mitted any soloecisme or incongruitie in that language; but Cato by way of a mocke, scoffed at him, and said: That he deserved indeed to be pardoned for writing false Greeke, in case that by the Selfe doe, selfe have. ordinance and commandement of the high commission of the Amphyctiones, who were the chiefe Estates of all Greece, he had bene compelled against his will, to enterprise and goe in hand with the said histories.

SCIPIO the yoonger, in foure and fiftie yeeres (for so long he lived) neither bought nor [Page 434] solde, nor yet built: and it is for certaine reported, that in so great an house and substance as his might seeme to be, there was never found but three and thirtie pound weight of silver plate, and two of golde, notwithstanding the city of Great Carthage was in his hand, and he had enriched his souldiers more than ever any captaine did before him. Observing well the precept which Polybius gave, he hardly & without much ado would not returne out of the market place, before he had assaied to make in some sort one new friend and familiar or other, of those whom he met withall. Being but yet yoong, he was of such reputation for his valour and wisedome, that Cato the elder being demanded his opinion as touching others that were in the campe before Car­thage, among whom he was one, delivered this commendation of him:

Right wise and sage indeed alone is he, 10
The rest to him but slitting shadowes be.

whereupon after his returne to Rome from the campe, they that remained behinde, called for him againe, not so much by way of gratification and to do him a pleasure, but because they ho­ped by his meanes more speedily and with greater facilitie to win Carthage: now when he was entred to the very walles, and yet the Carthaginians fought from the castle, Polybius gave coū ­sel to scatter in the sea betweene (which was not very deepe betweene his campe and the said ca­stle) certaine colthrops of yron, or els planks beset with naile points, to overcast and spread the shallow shelves with sticking upon them, for feare lest that the enemies passing that arme or firth of the sea, might come to assaile their rampars; but he said: It was a meere mockery, consi­dering that they had already gained the walles, and were within the citie of their enemies, to 20 make meanes not to sight with them. Finding the citie full of statues and painted tables which were brought out of Sicilie, he made proclamation, that the Sicilians from al their cities should come for to owne and cary away whatsoever had bene theirs; but of all the pillage he would not allow any one, either slave or newly affranchised of his owne traine, to seize upon, nor so much as buy ought, notwithstanding that there was driving and carying away otherwise on all hands. The greatest and most familiar friend that he had, Laelius, sued to be consull of Rome; him he fa­voured and set forward his sute in all that hee could: by which occasion hee demanded of one Pompeius, who was thought to make labour for the same dignitie, whether it were true that hee was a competitor or no? now it was supposed that this Pompeius was a minstrels sonne that used to play on the flute; who made answere againe, that he stood not for the consulship; and that 30 which was more, hee promised to assist Laelius, and to get all the voices that hee could for him: thus while they beleeved his words, and expected his helping hand, they were deceived in the end; for they were given to understand for certeine, that this Pompieus was in the common hall labouring hard for himselfe, going about unto every citizen one after another, requesting their voices in his owne behalfe; whereat, when all others tooke stomacke and were offended, Scipio laughed apace, and said: We are even well enough served for our great follie, thus to stay and wait all this whiles upon a fluter and piper, as if we had bene to pray and invocate not men, but the gods. Appius Claudius was in election and concurrence against him for the office of cen­fourship, saying in a braverie: That he used to salute all the Romans by name and by surname upon his owne knowledge of them, without the helpe of a prompter, whereas Scipio scarse knew 40 one of them all: Thou saiest trueth (quoth Scipio) for I have alwaies beene carefull not to know many, but rather not to be unknowen of any. He gave counsell unto the Romane citizens, at what time as they warred against the Celtiberians, for to send both him and his competirour to­gether into the campe, in qualitie either of lieutenants or of colonels over a thousand foot, to the end that they might have the testimonie of other captaines and expert warriours indeed, whether of them twaine performed his service and devoir better. Being created censour, he de­prived a yoong gallant of his horse, for that being given excessively to feast and make good cheere, whiles the citie of Carthage was besieged, he had caused a certeine marchpaine to be made by pastry-worke in forme of a citie, and called it Carthage, and when he had so done, set it upon the boord to be spoiled and sacked (forsooth) by his companions; and when this youth 50 would needs know of him why he was thus disgraced and degraded, as to lose his horse of ser­vice, which was allowed him from the State: Because (quoth he) you will needs rifle and pill Carthage before me. During the time that he was censour, he seeing one day C. Licinius as he passed by: Now surely I knew this man (quoth he) for a perjured person, but for that there is none to accuse him, I will not be both his judge and a witnesse also to give evidence against him. Being sent by the Senate a third commissioner with other Triumvirs, according as Cli­tomachus said:

[Page 435] Mensmanners to observe and oversee,
Where they doe well and where they faultie bee.

to visit also and looke into the States of cities, nations, and kings: When he was arrived at A­lexandria, and disbarked, as he came first to land, he went hooded as it were with his robe cast over his head; but the Alexandrians running from all parts of the citie to see him, requested him to discover his head, that his face might be the better seene; and he had no sooner uncove­red his visage, but they all cried out with great acclamations, applauding and clapping their hands in signe of joy. And when the king himselfe of Alexandria streined and strived with great paine, so grosse (so idle, and delicate he was otherwise) to keepe pace with him and the other commissioners, as they walked, Scipio rounded Panaetius softly in the eare and said: The Alex­andrians 10 have reaped already the frure, and enjoied the benefit of my voyage, for that by our meanes they have seene their king to walke and go afoot. There accompanied him in this voi­age a friend of his and a Philosopher named Panaetius, and five servitors besides to wait upon him, and when one of these five hapned to die in this journey, he would not buy another in a foreine countrey for to supply his place, but sent for one to Rome, to serve in his turne. It see­med to the people of Rome that the Numantines were invincible and inexpugnable, for that they had vanquished and defeated so many captaines and leaders of the Romans: whereupon they chose this Scipio Consull the second time for to manage this warre; now when many a lustie yoong gallant made meanes and prepared to follow him in this service, the Senat em­peached them, alleaging colourably, that Italy thereby should be left destitute of men for the 20 defence of the countrey, what need soever should be: so they would not suffer him to take that money out of the treasurie which was prest and ready for him, but assigned and ordeined cer­taine monies from the Publicanes and fermers of the cities customes and revenues to furnish him, whose daies of paiment were not yet come: As for money (quoth Scipio) I stand not in such need thereof, that I should stay therefore, for out of mine owne and my friends purses I shall have sufficient to defray my charges, but I complaine rather that I may not be allowed to levie & leade forth my soldiors such as I would, and be willing to serve, considering that it is a dange­rous warre which we are to wage; for if it be in regard of our enemies valour, that our people have so often beene beaten and foiled by them, then we shall finde it a hot peece of service and a hard, to encounter such; but if it be long of our owne mens cowardize, no lesse difficult will it 30 be, because we are to fight with the slender helpe of such. When he was newly arrived at the campe, he found there great disorder, much loosenesse, superstition, and wastfull superfluity in all things; so he banished presently all diviners, prophets, and tellers of fortune; he rid out of the way all sacrificing priests, all bauds likewise that kept brothel-houses he chased foorth: and he gave slreight charge that every man should send away all maner of vessels and utensils, save onely a pot or kettle to seeth his meat in, a spit to roast, and a drinking jugge of earth; & as for silver plate, he allowed no man more in all than weighed two pounds: he put downe all baines and stouphes, but if any were disposed to be annointed, he gave order that every man should take paine to rubbe himselfe; for he said that beasts who had no hands of their owne, needed another for to rub and currie them: he ordeined that his soldiers should take their din­ner 40 standing, and eate their meat not hot and without fire, but at supper, they might sit downe who that list, and feed upon bread or single grewell and plaine potrage, together with one sim­ple dish of flesh either boiled or rost: as for himselfe he wore a cassocke or soldiors coat all blacke, buttoned close or buckled before, saying; That he mourned for the shame of his ar­mie. He met with certaine garrons and labouring beasts belonging to one Memmius, a collonel of a thousand men, carying drinking cups and other plate enriched with precious stones, and wrought curiously by the hands of Thericles; whereupon he said unto him: Thou hast made thy selfe unsit to serve me and they countrey for these thirtie daies, being such an one as thou art, and surely being given to these superfluities, thou art disabled for doing thy selfe good all the daies of thy life. Another there was, who shewed him what a trim shield or target he had, finely made 50 and richly adorned; Here is a faire & goodly shield indeed (quoth he) my yoong man, but I [...] thee, a Romane soldior ought to trust his right hand better than his left. There was one who carying upon his shoulder a bunch of pales, or burden of stakes for to pitch in the rampar, complained that he was over-laden: Thou art but well enough served (quoth he,) in that thou reposest more confidence in these stakes than in thy sword. Seeing his enemies the Numan­tines how they It is good to lie off and temporize, when enemies are [...] grew rash, desperate, and foolishly bent, he would not in that fit charge up­on them and give battell, but held off still, saying: That with tract of time he would buy the [Page 446] surety and securitie of his affaires: For a good captaine (quoth he) ought to doe like a wise phy­sician, who will never proceed to the cutting or dismembring of a part, but upon extremitie, namely, when all other means of physicke doe faile: howbeit when he espied a good occasion and fit opportunitie, he assaulted the Numantines and overthrew them: which when the old beaten soldiers or elders of the Numantines saw, they rebuked and railed upon their owne men thus defaited, asking them, why they ran away and suffered themselves to be beaten by those who had foiled them so often before? but one of the Numantines answered; Because the sheep be the verie same that they were in times past; mary they have changed their shepheard. After he had forced the citie of Numance by assault, and entred now the second time with triumph into Rome, he fell into some variance and debate with C. Gracchus, in the behalfe of the Senate 10 and certaine allies or confederates: whereupon the common-people taking a spleene and dis­pleasure against him, made such clamours at him upon the Rostra, when he was purposed to speake and give remonstrances unto them, that thereupon he raised this speech: There was ne­ver yet any outcries and alarmes of whole campes, nor shouts of armed men ready to give bat­tell, that could astonish and daunt me; no more shall the rude crie of a cofused multitude trouble me, who know assuredly that Italy is not their mother, but their stepdame. And when Gracchus with his consorts and adherents cried out aloud: Kill the tyrant there, kill him: Great reason (quoth he) have they to take away my life, who warre against their owne countrie; for they know that so long as Scipio is on foot, Rome cannot fall, nor Scipio stand when Rome is laid along. 20

CAECILIUS METELLUS, devising and casting about how to make sure his approches and avenues for to assault a strong fort, when a Centurion came unto him and saide: With the losse but of ten men you may be master of the piece: Wilt thou then (quoth he) be one of those tenne? And when another who was a colonell and a yoong man, demaunded of him what service he intended to do? If I wist (quoth he) that my wastcoat or shirt were privie to my minde, I would put it off presently and cast it into the fire. He was a great enemie to Scipio, so long as Scipio lived; but when he was once dead he Enmities ought not to be immortall. tooke it very heavily, and commanded his owne sonnes to goe under the beare, and carrie him upon their owne shoulders to buriall, say­ing withall: That he gave the gods heartie thankes that Scipio was borne at Rome and in no place else. 30

C. MARIUS being risen from a base degree by birth unto the government of State, and all by the meanes of armes, sued for the greater Aedileship, called Curule; but perceiving that he could not compasse it, made sute the verie same day for the lesse: and notwithstanding that he went besides both the one and the other, yet he said: That he doubted not one day to be the greatest man of all the Romanes. Being troubled with the swelling of the veines, called Vari­ces, in both his legges: he suffered the chirurgian to cut those of the one legge, without being bound or tied for the matter, enduring the operation of his hand, and never gave one grone, or so much as bent his browes all the whiles; but when the chirurgian would have gone to the other legge, Nay staie there (quoth he) for the cure of such a maladie as this, is not woorth the greevous paines that belongeth thereto. He had a nephew or sisters sonne named Lusius, who 40 in the time that his uncle was second time Consull, would have forced and abused a youth in the prime of his yeeres, named Trebonius, who began but then, under his charge to beare armes: this yoong springall made no more adoe but slew him outright; and when many there were who charged and accused him for this murder, he denied not the fact, but confessed plainly that he had killed his captaine, and withall declared the cause publikely: Marius himselfe be­ing advertised heereof, caused to be brought unto him a coronet, such as usually was given un­to those who had performed in warre some woorthie exploit, and An example of singular ju­stice. with his owne hand set it upon the head of this youth Tribonius. Being encamped very neere to the campe of the Ten­tones, in a plot of ground where there was but little water; when his soldiers complained that they were lost for water, and ready to die for very thirst, he shewed them a river not far off, run­ning 50 along the enemies campe: Yonder (quoth he) there is water enough for to be bought with the price of your blood: Then leade us to it quickly, answered his souldiers whiles our blood is liquid and will runne, and never let us stay so long till it be cluttered and dried up quite with drought. During the time of the Cimbrians warre he endued at once with the right of free Burgeousie of Rome, a thousand men all or Camertes Camerines, in consideration of their good ser­vice in that warre; a thing that was contrarie to lawe: now when some blamed him for trans­gressing the lawes, he answered and said: That he could not heare what the lawes said, for the [Page 437] great rustling and clattering that harneis and armor made. In this time of the civill warre, seeing himselfe enclosed round about with trenches and rampars, and streight beleaguered he endured all and waited his best opportunitie, and when Popedius The [...] of [...] . Silo captaine gene­rall of the enemies saide unto him: Marius if thou be so great a warrior as the name goeth of thee, come foorth of the campe, and combat with me hand to hand: Nay saith he, and if thou art so brave a captaine as thou wouldest be taken, force me to combatif thou canst.

CATULUS LUCTATIUS in the foresaid Cimbrian warre, lay encamped along the ri­ver Athesis, and when the Romans saw that the Barbarians were about to passe over the wa­ter, and to set upon them, retired and dislodged presently, what reasons and perswasions so­ever their captaine could use to the contrary: but when he saw he could doe no good, nor cause 10 them to stay, himselfe ranne away with the formost, to the end that it should not seeme that they fled cowardly before their enemies, but dutifully followed their captaine.

SYLIA, surnamed Foelix, i. Happie, among other prosperities, counted these two for the greatest: the one, that he lived in love and amitie with Metellus Pius; the other, that he had not destroied the citie of Athens, but saved it from being raced.

C. POPILIUS, was sent unto king Antiochus with a letter from the Senate of Rome, the tenor whereof was this: That they commanded him to withdraw his forces out of Aegypt, and not to usurpe the kingdome which apperteined to the children of Ptolomaeus, being orphans. The king seeing Popilius comming toward him through his campe, faluted him a farre off very curteously: but Popilius without any resalutations or greeting againe, delivered him the letter; 20 which Antiochus read, and after he had read it. answered him that he would thinke upon the matter that the Senate willed him to doe, and then give him his dispatch: whereupon Popilius drew a circle round about the king, with a vine rod that he had in his hand, saying: Resolve I ad­vise you sie, before you passe foorth of this compasse, and give me my answer: all that were pre­sent woondered and were astonished at the boldnesse and resolution of this man: but Antio­chus presently answered him: That he would doe whatsoever pleased the Romans: then Popilius faluted him most lovingly and embraced him.

LUCULLUS in Armenia went with ten thousand footmen and one thousand horse, to meet with king Tigranes, who was an hundred and fistie thousand strong, for to give him battell: the sixt day it was of October, and the very day of the moneth upon which before time the Ro­mane 30 armie under the conduct of one of the Scipioes had beene defeated by the Cimbrians: and when one said unto him: That the Romans feare that day exceedingly, as being dismal and infortunate: Why (quoth he) even therefore ought we this very day to fight couragiously and valiantly, to the end that we may make this day to be joyfull and happie, which the Romans hold as cursed and unhappie: Now when the Romans did most dread the men at armes of Armenia, seeing them in their complet harneis, armed at al pieces, & mounted on bard horses, he had them be of good cheere and not to feare: (For saith he) you shall finde more adoe to di­spoile and disarme them, than you shall have in killing them: himselfe mounting first up to the top of a certaine little hill, after he had well viewed and considered the Barbarians how they mo­ved and waved too and fro; he cried out with a loud voice unto his soldiers: My good friends 40 and companions, the day is ours: and in very truth, they were put to flight all at once of their owne selves, without any onset or charge given them; and in such sort Lucullus followed the chase, that he killed in the verie rout, aboue one hundred thousand, and lost not of his owne but five men onely.

CNEUS POMPEIUS, surnamed Magnus i. the Great, was as well beloved of the Romans as his father before him was hated; who being yet very yoong, he sided to the faction of Sylla: and notwithstanding that he had no office of State, nor was so much as one of the Senate; yet he leived a mightie power of armed men from all parts of Italy: now when Sylla called him unto him, he said: That he would not make shew of his soldiers unto his soveraigne and generall, before they had made some spoile and drawne bloud of their enemies; and in very deed 50 he came not unto him with his power, before that hee had defaited in manie battels sun­drie captaines of his enemies. Afterwards, being sent by Sylla with commission of a com­mander into Sicilie, understanding that his souldiours as they marched brake out of order and ranke, and would goe foorth to rob and spoile, and commit many riots by the way, he put to death all such as without licence departed from their colours, and went running up & downe the countrey: and as for such as he sent abroad with warrant about any commission or businesse of his, he sealed up their swords within the scabberds with his owne signet. He was at the verie [Page 438] point to have put all the Mamertines to the sword, for that they banded against Sylla; but Sthenis one of the inhabitants, an oratour, and a man that could doe much with the people, and leade them with his perswasive orations, said unto him: That it were not well, that for one mans fault he should cause so many innocents to die; for I (quoth he) am the onely man culpable, and the cause of all this mischiefe, having by my perswasions induced my friends, & with threats for­ced mine enemies to take part with Marius and follow his standerd: Pompeius woondering at this resolute remonstrance of his, said: That he was content to pardon the Mamertines, who suf­fered themselves to be ledde and perswaded by such a personage, as held the safetie of his owne countrey more deare than his owne life; and so he forgave the whole city and Sthenis himselfe. After this, being passed over sea into Africa against Domitius, and having woonne the field, in a 10 great battell, when his souldiers saluted him by the name of Emperour or Sovereigne captaine generall, he said unto them: That he would not accept of that honourable title, so long as the rampar about his enemies campe stood; he had no sooner said the word, but they ranne all at once to this service, notwithstanding it was a great showre of raine, plucked downe the pallai­sada, mounted over the rampar, entred the campe and sacked it. At his returne home, Sylla made exceeding much of him otherwise, and did him great honour, but among many other, he was the first man that stiled him with the surname of Magnus: howbeit, when he minded to en­ter triumphant into Rome, Sylla would have hindered him, alledging for his reason: That he was not as yet admitted and sworne a Senatour: whereat Pompeius turning to those that were pre­sent: It seemeth (quoth he) that Sylla is ignorant how there be more men that worship the sun 20 rising than setting: which words when Sylla heard, he cried out with a loud voice: Let him tri­umph a Gods name, for I see well he wil have it: and yet for all that, Servilius a man of the sena­tors degree, withstood his triumph, & tooke great indignation against him; yea, & many of his own souldiers set themselves against him and dasht it quite, if they might not have certeine gifts and rewards, which they pretended were due unto them: but Pompey said with a clere & audible voice: That he would sooner leave triumph and all, than to be so base minded as to flatter and make court unto his souldiers: at which words Servilius said unto him: By this now I see well (ô Pompeius) that thou art truely named Magnus, i. Great, & worthy indeed to triumph. There was a custome at Rome, that the knights or gentlemen, after they had served in the warres the com­plete time set downe and limited by the lawes, should present their horses in the market place 30 before the two reformers of maners, called Censours, and there openly recount and relate un­to them in what warres or battels they had fought, and the captaines under whom they had borne armes, to the end that according to their demerits they might receive condigne praise or blame. It so fell out that Pompeius being consull, himselfe led his owne horse of service by the bridle, and presented him before Gellius and Lentulus, censors for the time being; and when they according to the order and maner in that behalfe, demanded of him whether he had served in the warres so many yeeres as the law required: Even all (quoth he) fully, and that under my selfe, the sovereigne commander at all times. Being in Spaine, he light upon certeine papers and writings of Sertorius, wherein were many letters missive sent from the principall Senatours of Rome, and namely such as sollicited and called Sertorius to Rome, for to raise some innovati­ons, 40 and make a change in the State: these letters he flung all into the fire, giving them occasi­on and opportunitie by this meanes, who intended mischiefe and were ill bent, to change their minds, repent and amend. Phraates king of the Parthians sent unto him certeine ambassadors to request him that he would not passe over the river Euphrates, but to make it the middle fron­tier & bound betweene them both: Nay rather (quoth Pompeius) let justice be the indifferent li­mit betweene the Parthians and the Romans. L. Lucullus, after he was returned from his warres and conquests, gave himselfe over excessively to all pleasures, and to live most sumptuously, re­prooving Pompeius for this: That hee desired alwaies from time to time more and more, great charges and emploiments even above his age, and unfitting those yeeres of his: unto whom Pompeius made this answere: That it was a thing more unbeseeming olde yeeres, for a man to 50 abandon himselfe to delights and pleasures, than to attend the weightie affaires of the common weale. Upon a time when he was sicke, the Physicians prescribed that he should eat of a blacke­bird; great laying there was in many places for that bird, but none could be found, for that it was not their season nor the time of the yeere; but one there was, who said that if he would send to Lucullus, he might have of them, for he kept them in mue all the yeere long: And what needs that (quoth he) can not Pompey recover and live, if Lucullus were not a waster and a delicate gi­ven to belly-cheere? and so leaving the Physicians prescript diet, hee composed and framed [Page 439] himselfe to eat that which was ordinary and might be found in every place. In regard of a great famine and scarsitie of corne and victuals at Rome, he was ordeined in outward shew of words, the grand purveiour or generall superintendent and over-seer for victuals, but in effect and au­thoritie, lord indeed both of sea and land: by which occasion he made voiages into Africke, Sardinia and Sicilie, where, after he had provided a mightie deale of corne, he intended presently to have returned with all speed to Rome; but there arose a terrible tempest, insomuch as the pi­lots and mariners themselves made no haste to goe to sea and set saile; but he in his owne per­son embarked first, and when he was on ship-boord, he commanded to weigh anker, saying with a loud voice: Saile we needs must, there is no remedie, but to live there is not such necessitie. When the quarrell betweene him and Caesar was broken out and fully discovered, there was one 10 Marcellinus, (a man that before-time had bene advanced by him, & yet afterwards turned to the adverse part and faction of Caesar) who in a frequent assembly of the Senate, charged and chal­lenged him to his face for many things, and spake spightfull words against him: Pompeius could not holde, but answered him thus: Bashest not thou Marcellinus, in this open place to miscall and raile upon me, who have made thee eloquent, whereas before thou couldst not speake at all? who have fed thee full, even untill thou be readie to cast up thy stomacke, where before thou wert hungry and ready to pine for famine? Unto Cato, who chidde and reprooved him sharply for that he would never beleeve his words, when he fore-tolde him many times, that the purs­sance and increase of Caesars State, unto whom he lent his hand, would one day greatly prejudice and hurt the weale-publicke, he answered: Your counsell indeed was wiser, but mine more lo­ving 20 and friendly. In speaking of himselfe freely, he said: That all offices of State he both en­tred sooner upon than he looked himselfe; and also forwent them before it was expected that he would. After the battel of Pharsalia when he fled into Aegypt, and was to passe out of his gally into a little barke or fisher boat, which the king had sent unto him for to bring him to land, he turning unto his wife and sonne, said no more but this verse out of Euripides:

Who once in court of Tyrant serve, become
His siaves anon, though free they thither come.

Being passed over in this barke, after he had received one blow with a sword, he gave onely a sigh and groane, and without saying one word, he covered his owne face with his garment, and yeelded himselfe to be killed. 30

CICERO the great oratour was mocked of some for that surname of his which alludeth unto a Cich-pease; in so much as his friends gave him counsell to change his name: but hee contrariwise said, that he would make the name of the Ciceroes more noble and renowmed, than the Catoes, the Catuli, or the Scauri. He offered unto the gods a goodly faire vessell of silver, in which he caused to be engraven his two fore-names, Marcus and Tullius in letters; but for the third, to wit, Cicero his surname, hee commaunded to bee embossed or chaced the forme of a Cich-pease. He said that those oratours who used to straine their voices, and crie aloud in the pulpit, were privie to their owne weakenesse and insufficience otherwise, and had recourse to this one helpe, like as creples and lame-folke to their horses for to mount upon. Verres had a sonne diffamed for the abuse of his bodie in the sloure of his youth; and yet the 40 said Verres stucke not to slaunder Cicero and raile upon him, even to these broad and foule tearmes, as to call him a filthie wanton and a buggeror; whereto Cicero answered thus: Thou doest not know, that it were more seemely to rebuke thy children for this within doores in some secret part of thy house close shut. Marcellus one day in debating and contesting with him said: Thou hast brought more to their death by thy testimonies and depositions, than thou hast saved with all thy good pleading: I confesse as much (quoth Cicero againe) for I have more truth and fidelitie in me by farre, than eloquence. The same Metellus demaunded of him who was his father, reproching him (as it were) thereby that he was a new upstart, and a gentleman of the first head: Unto whom readily thy mother hath made this question more hard on thy part to be answered: now was Metellus his mother thought to be an unchast wo­man 50 and naught of her bodie; and Metellus himselfe was counted a vaine braine-sicke and slip­perie fellow, given over to his wanton lusts and desires. This Metellus had caused to be set up­on the sepulchre of one Diodorus, who had beene his master sometime to teach him Rheto­ricke, the portraiture of a crow in stone: whereupon Cicero tooke occasion to come upon him in this wise: A just recompence in deed and fit for him, because he hath taught this man to slie and not to speake. [...] [...] Vatinius was a lewd man, and his adversarie: now a rumour ran abroad that he was dead; but afterwards when he found it to be a false brute: A mischiefe take him for me [Page 440] (quoth Cicero) that made this lie first. There was one supposed to be an Africane borne, who said unto him: That he heard him not when he spake: I marvell at that (quoth Cicero) conside­ring thine Noting that by condition he was a slaue. eares be bored as they are and have holes in them. C. Popilius would have bene taken and reputed for a great lawyer, although he had no law in the world in him, and was besides a man of very grosse capacity: this man was served with a writ to appeare in the court for to beare witnesse of a trueth, touching a certeine fact in question; but he answered: That he knew no­thing at all: True (quoth Cicero:) for peradventure you meane of the law, and thinke that you are asked the question of it. Hortensius the orator, who pleaded the cause of Verres, had received of him for a fee or a gentle reward, a jewel with the portraiture of Sphinx in Or gold. silver: it fell out so, that Cicero chanced to give out a certeine darke and ambiguous speech: As for mee (quoth 10 Hortensius) I can not tell what to make of your words, for I am not one that useth to solve rid­dles and aenigmaticall speeches: Why man (quoth Cicero) and yet you have Sphinx in your house. He met upon a time with Voconius and his three daughters, the foulest that ever looked out of a paire of eies: at which object he spake softly to his friends about him:

This man (I weene) his children hath begot
In spight of Phoebus, and when he would it not.

Faustus the sonne of Sylla was in the end so farre endebted, that he exposed his goods to be sold in open sale, and caused billes to be set up on posts in every quarrefour to notisie the same: Yea mary (quoth Cicero) I like these billes and It is a [...] to see the [...] & over­throw of such [...] & [...] houses. proscriptions better than those that his father published before him. When Caesar and Pompeius were entred into open warre one against an­other: 20 I know full well (quoth Cicero) whom to flie, but I wot not unto whom to flie. He found great fault with Pompeius in that he left the citie of Rome, and that he chose rather in this case to imitate the policy of Themistocles than of Pericles, saying: That the present state of the world resembled rather the time of Pericles, than of Themistocles. Hee drew at first to Pompeius side, and being with him, repented thereof. When Pompey asked him where he had left Piso his son­in-law; he answered readily: Even with your good father-in-law; meaning Caesar. There was one who departed out of Caesars campe unto Pompey, and said: That he had made such haste, that hee left his horse behinde him: Thou canst skill (I perceive) better to save thy horses life than thine owne. Unto another, who brought word that the friends of Caesar looked soure and unpleasant: Thou saiest (quoth he) as much as if they thought not well of his proceedings. 30 After the battell of Pharsalia was lost, and that Pompeius was already fled, there was one Nonius who came unto him, and willed him not to despaire, but be of good cheere, for that they had yet seven eagles left, [which were the standerds of the legions:] Seven eagles (quoth he;) that were somewhat indeed, if we had to warre against jaies & jackdawes. After that Caesar, upon his victo­rie, being lord of all, had caused the statues of Pompey which were cast done, to be set up againe with honor; Cicero said of Caesar: In setting up these statues of Pompey, he hath pitched his owne more surely. He so highly esteemed the gift of eloquence and grace of well speaking, yea, and he tooke so great paines with ardent affection, for to performe the thing, that having to plead a cause onely before the Centumvirs or hundred judges, and the day set downe being neere at hand for the hearing and triall thereof; when one of his servants Eros, brought him word that 40 the cause was put off to the next day, A man of honour can not be too carefull for to quit him well in his calling and vocation. he was so well contented and pleased therewith, that in­continently he gave him his freedome for that newes.

CAIUS CAESAR, at what time as he being yet a yoong man, fled and avoided the furie of Sylla, fell into the hands of certeine pirats or rovers, who at the first demanded of him no great summe of money for his ransome, whereat hee mocked and laughed at them, as not knowing what maner of person they had gotten; and so of himselfe promised to pay them twise as much as they asked; and being by them guarded and attended upon very diligently, all the while that he sent for to gather the said summe of money which he was to deliver them, he willed them to keepe silence and make no noise, that he might sleepe and take his repose: during which time that he was in their custodie, he exercised himselfe in writing aswell verse as prose, and read the 50 same to them when they were composed; and if hee saw that they would not praise and com­mend those poemes and orations sufficiently to his contentment, he would call them senselesse fots and barbarous, yea, and after a laughing maner, threaten to hang them: and to say a truth, within a while after, he did as much for them: for when his ransome was come, and he delive­red once out of their hands, he levied together a power of men and ships from out of the coasts of Asia, set upon the said rovers, spoiled them and crucified them. Being returned to Rome, and having enterprised a sute for the soveraign Sacerdotall dignitie against Catulus, who was [Page 441] then a principall man at Rome; whenas his mother accompanied him as farre as to the utmost gates of his house, when he went into Mars field where the election was held, he took his leave of her and said: Mother you shall have this day your sonne to be chiefe Pontifice and high priest, or else banished from the citie of Rome. He put away his wife Pompeia, upon an ill name that went of her, as if she had beene naught with Clodius: whereupon when Clodius afterwards was called into question judicially for the fact, and Caesar likewise convented into the court, per­emptorily for to beare witnesse of the truth; being examined upon his oath, he sware that he never knew any ill at all by his wife: and when he was urged and replied upon againe, wherefore he had put her away? he answered: That the wife of Caesar ought not onely to be innocent and cleere of crime, but also of all suspicion of crime. In reading the noble acts of Alexander the 10 great, the teares trickled downe his cheeks; and when his friends desired to know the reason why he wept: At my age (quoth he) Alexander had vanquished & subdued Darius, and I have yet done nothing. As he passed along through a little poore towne situate within the Alpes; his familiar friends about him, merrily asked one another whether there were any factions and contentions in that burrough, about superioritie, and namely, who should be the chiefe? whereupon he staid suddenly; and after he had studied and mused a while within himselfe: I had rather (quoth he) be the first here, than the second in Rome. As for hautie & adventerous en­terprises, he was wont to say: They should be executed & not consulted upon: and verily when he passed over the river Rubicon, which divideth the province of Gaul from Italy, for to leade his power against Pompeius: Let the Die (quoth he) be throwen for all: as if he would say: Or thus, I have upon the [...] , come what [...] of it. This 20 cast for it, there is but one chance to lose all. When Pompey was fled from Rome to the sea side, and Metellus the superintendent of the publike treasurie, would have hindred him for ta­king foorth any money from thence, keeping the treasure house fast shut, he threatned to kill him; whereat Metellus seeming to be amazed at his adacious words: Tush, tush, (quoth he) good yoong man, I would thou shouldest know that it is harder for me to speake the word, than to doe the deed. And for that his soldiors staid long ere they were transported over unto him from Brundusuim, to Dyrrhachium, he embarked himselfe alone into a small vessell, without the knowledge of any man who he was, purposing to passe the seas alone without his companie; but it hapned so, that he was like to have beene cast away in a gust, and drowned with the waves of the sea: whereupon he made himselfe knowne unto the pilot, and spake unto him aloud: As­sure 30 thy selfe and rest confident in fortune, for wot well thou hast Caesar a ship boord: howbeit for that time he was empeached that he could not crosse the seas, as well in regard of the tem­pest which grew more violent, as also of his souldiers who ran unto him from all sides, and complained unto him for griefe of heart, saying: That he offred them great wrong to attend up­on other forces, as if he distrusted them. Not long after this he fought a great battell, where­in Pompeius hand the upper had for a time, but for that he followed not the train of his good for­tune, he retired into his campe; which when Caesar saw, he said: The victorie was once this day our enemies, but their head and captaine knew not so much. upon the plaines of [...] , the very day of the battell, Pompey having arranged his army in array, commanded his soldi­ers to stand their ground, and not to advaunce forward, but to expect their enimies, and re­ceive 40 the charge; wherin Caesar afterwards said: He did amisse and grossely failed, for that therby he let slack as it were the vigor & vehemencie of his soldiors which is ministred unto thē by the violence of the first onset, & abated that heat also of courage which the said charge would have brought with it. When he had defaited at his very first encounter, Pharnaces king of Pontus; he wrote thus unto his friends: I came, I saw, I vanquished. After that Scipio and those under his conduct were discomfited and put to flight in Africke; when he heard that Cato had killed him­selfe, he said: I envie thy death ô Cato, for that thou hast envied me the honour of saving thy life. Some there were who had Antonie and Dolabella in jealousie and suspicion, and when they came unto him and said: That he was to looke unto himselfe, and stand upon his good guard; he made them this answer: That he had no distrust nor feare of them, who ledde an idle life, be 50 well coloured and in so good liking as they: But I feare (quoth he) these pale and leane fellowes pointing unto Brutus and Cassius. One day as he sat at the table when speech was mooved and the question asked, what kind of death was best? Even that (quoth he) which is sudden and least looked for.

CAESAR, him I meane who first was surnamed Augustus, being as yet in his youth, requi­red and claimed of Antonie as much money as amounted to two thousand and five hundred i. 20. [...] of [...] or [...] . Myriades, which he had transported out of Julius Caesars house after he was murdred, and got­ten [Page 442] into his owne hands; for that he entended to pay the Romans that which the said Caesar had bequeathed unto them by his last will and testament: for he had left by legacie unto every citi­zen of Rome 75. i. [...] drams of silver; but Antonie deteined the said summe of money to himselfe, and answered yoong Caesar, that if he were wife he should desist from demanding any such mo­nies of him: which when the other heard, he proclaimed open port sale of all the goods that came to him by his patrimonie, & in deed sold the same; and with the money raised thereof, he satisfied the foresaid legacies unto the Romanes: in which doing he wan all the hearts of the citizens of Rome to himselfe, & brought their evill wil and hatred upon Antonie. Afterwards Ry­metalces king of Thracia left the part of Antonius, and turned to his side; but he overshot him­selfe so much at the table, being in his cups, and namely, in that he could talke of nothing else, 10 but of this great good service, and casting in his teeth this worthy alliance and confederacie of his, so as he became odious therefore; insomuch as one time at supper Caesar taking the cup, dranke to one of the other kings who sat at the boord, saying with a loud voice: Treason I love well, but traitors I hate. The Alexandrians after their citie was woonne, looked for no better than to suffer all the extremities and calamities that might follow upon the forcing of a city by assault: but this Caesar mounting up into the publike place to make a speech unto the citizens, having neere by unto him a familiar friend of his; to wit Arius, an Alexandrian borne; pro­nounced openly a generall pardon, saying that he forgave the citie: first, in regard of the great­nesse and beautie thereof; secondly in respect of king Alexander the great their first founder: and thirdly for Arius his sake, who was his loving friend. Understanding that one of his Pro­curatours 20 named Eros, who did negotiate for him in Aegypt, had bought a quaile of the game, which in fight would beat all other quailes, and was never conquered himselfe, but continued still invincible; which quaile notwithstanding, the said slave had caused to be rosted and so ea­ten it: he sent for him and examined him thereupon whether it was true or no? and when he confessed Yea, he commanded him presently to be crucified and nailed to the mast of his ship. He placed Arius in Sicilie for his agent and procuratour, in stead of one Theodorus: and when one presented unto him a little booke or bill wherein were written these words, Theodorus of Tharsis Or read thus, it is ei­ther bald or a three, ac­cording to some Greeke copies. the bauld is a theefe, how thinke you is he not? when he had read this bill, he did no­thing else but subscribe underneath: I thinke no lesse. He received yeerely upon his birth day from Mecaenas; (one of his familiar friends who conversed daily with him) a cup for a present. 30 Athenodorus the Philosopher being of great yeeres, craved licence with his good favour to re­tire unto his owne house from the court, by reason of his old age; and leave he gave him, but at his farewell, Athenodorus said unto him: Sir, when you perceive your selfe to be mooved with choler, neither say do nor ought before you have repeated to your selfe all the 24. letters in the Alphabet: Caesar hearing this advertisement, tooke him by the hand: I have need still (quoth he) of your company and presence, and so reteined him for one yeere longer, saying withall this verse,

The hire of silence, now I see
Is out of perill and jeopardie.

Having heard that King Alexander the Great at the age of two and thirtie yeeres, having per­formed 40 most part of his conquests, was in doubt with himselfe and perplexed what to do and how to be employed afterwards: I woonder (quoth he) that Alexander thought it not a more difficult matter to governe and preserve a great empire after it is once gotten, than to winne and conquer it at first. When he had enacted the law Julia as touching adulterie, wherein is set downe determinately the manner of processe against those that be attaint of that crime, and how such are to be punished who be convict thereof: it hapned that through impatience and heat of choler, he fell upon a yoong gentleman, who was accused to have committed adulte­rie with his daughter Julia, in so much as he buffetted him well and thorowly with his owne fists: the yoong man thereupon cried unto him: Your selfe have made a law, Caesar, which or­daineth the order and forme of proceeding against adulteries: whereat he was so dismaied & 50 abashed, yea and so repented himselfe of this miscariage, that he would not that day eat anie supper. When he sent his nephew or daughters sonne Caius into Armenia, he praied unto the gods to accompanie him with that good will of all men which Pompey had, with the vali­antnesse of Alexander the Great, and with his owne good fortune. He said, that he left unto the Romans for to succeed him in the empire, one who never in his life had consulted twise of one thing, meaning Tyberius. Minding to appease certaine yoong Romane gentlemen of ho­nour and authoritie, who made a great noise and stirre in his presence; when he saw that for all [Page 443] his first admonitions he could do no good, he said unto them: Yoong gentlemen give [...] unto me an old man, whom when I was yoong as you are, auncient men would give [...] unto. The people of Athens had offended and done him some displeasure, unto whom hee [...] in this wise: You are not ignorant (I suppose) that I am displeased with you, for otherwise I would not have wintered in this little isse Aegina: and more than thus, he neither did nor said afterwards unto them. When one of Eurycles his accusers had at large with all libertie and [...] centiousnesse of speech uttered against him (without any respect) what he would, he let him run on still, untill he came to these words: And if these matters ( Caesar) seeme not unto you noto­rious and heinous, command him to rehearse unto me the seventh booke of Thucydides: Caesar offended now at his audacious impudencie, commanded him to be had away and led to prison; 10 but being advertised that he was the onely man left of the race and line of captaine Brasidas hee sent for him, and after he had given him some sew good admonitious, he let him goe. [...] had built him a most stately and magnisicent house, even from the foundation to the roose thereof, which when Caesar saw he said: It rejoiceth my heart exceedingly to see thee build thus, as if Rome should continue world without end.

LACONICKE APOPH­THEGMES, 20 OR THE NOTA­BLE SAYINGS OF LACE­DAEMONIANS.

The Summarie. 30

PLutarch had in the collection precedent among the Apophthegmes of renowmed Greeks, mingled certaine notable sayings of King Agesilaus and other Lacedaemoni­ans: but now he exhibiteth unto us a treatise by it selfe of the said Lacedaemonians, who deserve no doubt to be registred apart by themselves, as being a people who (of all other nations destitute of the true knowledge of God) least abused their tongue. [...] which regard also he maketh a more ample description of their Apphthegmes, [...] by so many pleasant speeches and lively reencounters, that it was no marvell, if so [...] a [...] Spar­ta was) flourished so long, being governed and peopled by men of such dexterity, and so well [...] the parts both of bodie and minde, and yet who knew better to do than to say. Moreover, this Cata­logue 40 here is distinguished into foure principall portions: whereof the first representeth the [...] speeches of Kings, Generall captaines, Lords and men of name in Lacedaemon: the second [...] the Apophthegmes of such Lacedaemonians, whose names are unknowen: the third [...] the customes & ordinances which serve for the maintenance of their estate: and the fourth [...] certaine sayings of some of their women, wherein may be seene so much the more the valour & megna­nimitie of that nation. As touching the profit that a man may draw out of these [...] it is verie great in everie respect: neither is there any person of what age or condition soever, but he may learne herein verie much, and namely how to speake little, to say well, and to [...] him­selfe vertuously, as the reading thereof will make proofe. We have noted [...] and obser­ved somewhat in the margin, not particularising upon everie part; but onely 50 to give a taste and appetite unto the Reader for to meditate bet­ter thereof, and to apply unto his owne use, both it and all the rest which he may there comprehend and un­derstand.

LACONICKE APOPHthegmes, or the notable sayings of Lacedaemonians.

AGESICLES a king of the Lacedaemonians, by nature given to heare and desirous to learne; when one of his familiar friends said unto him: I woonder sir since you take so great pleasure otherwise to heare men speake wel and eloquently, that you do not entertaine 10 the famous sophister or rhetorician Philophanes for to teach you? made him this answer: It is because I desire [...] to be their schol­ler, whose sonne also I am, that is, among whom I am borne. And to another who demaunded of him, how a prince could raigne in safetie, not having about him his guards for the suretie of his per­son; Marie (quoth he) if he rule his subjects as a good father governeth his children.

AGESILAUS the Great, being at a certaine feast, was by lot chosen the master of the said feast; and to him it appertained to set downe a certaine law, both in what manner and how much everie one ought to drinke; now when the butler or skinker asked him how much he should poure out for everie one, he answered: If thou be well provided and have good store of wine, fill 20 out as much as everie man list to call for; but [...] if thou have no great plentie of it, let everie guest have alike. There was a malefactor, who being in prison endured constantly before him all ma­per of torments; which when he saw: What a cursed wretch is this and wicked in the highest de­gree, who doth employ this patience and resolute fortitude in the maintenance of so shamefull [...] and mischievous parts, as he hath committed! One highly praised in his presence a certaine ma­ster of Rhetoricke, for that he could by his eloquent toong amplifie small matters, making them seeme great, wherupon he said: I take him not to be a good shomaker, who putteth on a big shoe upon a litle foot. When one in reasoning & debating a matter upon a time challenged him, and said: Sir, you gave your consent once unto it; and eftsoones iterating the same words, charged him with his grant and promise: True indeed (quoth he) if the cause were just, I approved it in 30 good earnest & gave my promise; but if not, I did but barely say the word & no more: but as the other replied againe and said: Yea, but kings ought to accomplish & performe whatsoever they seeme once to grant, & it be but with the nod of the head: Nay (said he againe) they are no more bound thereto, than those that come unto them are tied for to speake and demand all things just and reasonable, yea, and to observe the opportunity and that which fitteth and sorteth well with kings. When he heard any men either to praise or dispraise others, he said: That it behoved to know the nature, disposition and behaviour no lesse of those who so spake, than of the parties of whom they did speake. Being whiles he was very yoong, at a certeine publicke and festivall so­lemnitie, wherein yoong boies daunced (as the maner was) all naked, the warden or overseer of the said shew and daunce, appointed him a place for to beholde that sight, which was not verie 40 honourable; wherewith notwithstanding he stood well contented, albeit he was knowen to be heire apparant to the crowne, and already declared king; and withall said: It is very well; for I will shew, that it is not the place which crediteth the person, but the person that giveth credit and honour to the place. A certeine Physician had ordeined for him in one sicknesse that he had, a course of physicke to cure his maladie, which was nothing easie and simple, but very exquisit, curious and withall painfull: By Caslor and Pollux (quoth he) if my destinie be not to live, I shal not recover though I take all the drogues and medicines in the world. Standing one day at the altar of Minerva surnamed Chalceoecos, where he sacrificed an oxe, there chanced a louse to bite him; and he was nothing dismaied and abashed to take the said louse, but before them all who were present, killed her, and swore by the gods, saying: That it would do him good at the heart, 50 to serve them all so, who should treacherously lay wait to assaile him, yea, though it were at the very altar. Another time, when he saw a little boy drawing a mouse which he had caught, out of a window, and that the said mouse turned upon the boy and bit him by the hand, insomuch as shee made him leave his holde, and so escaped; hee shewed the sight unto those that were pre­sent about him, and said: Loe, [...] if so little a beast and sillie creature as this, hath the heart to be revenged upon those that doe it injurie, what thinke you is meet and reason that men should doe? Being desirous to make warre upon the king of Persia, for the deliverance and freedome [Page 445] of those Greeks who did inhabit Asia; he went to consult with the oracle of Jupiter within the so­rest Dodona, as touching this desseigne of his: and when the oracle had made answere according to his minde, namely: That if it pleased him, he should enterprise that expedition; he commu­nicated the same to the controllers of State called Ephori; who willed him also to goe forward, and aske the counsell likewise of Apollo in the citie of Delphos; and being there, he entred into the chapell from whence the oracles were delivered, and said thus: O Apollo, art thou also of the same minde that thy father is? and when he answered, Yea; whereupon hee was chosen for the generall to conduct this warre, and set forth in his voiage accordingly. Tissaphernes, lieutenant under the king of Persia in Asia, being astonied at his arrivall, made a composition and accord with him at the very first; in which treatie, he capitulated and promised to leave unto his be­hoofe, 10 all the townes and cities of the Greeks which are in Asia, free and at libertie to be gover­ned according to their owne lawes: meane while hee dispatched messenges in post to the king his master, who sent unto him a strong and puissant armie; upon the confidence of which sor­ces he gave defiance, and denounced warre, unlesse he departed with all speed out of Asia: Age­silaus being well enough pleased with this treacherous breach of the agreement, made semblant as though he would go first into Caria; and when Tissaphernes gathered his forces in those parts to make head against him, all on a sudden he invaded Phrygia, where he won many cities, and rai­sed rich booties from thence, saying unto his friends: That to breake faith and promise unjust­ly made unto a friend, was impietie; but to abuse and deceive an enemie, was not onely just, but also pleasant and profitable. Finding himselfe weake in cavallery, he returned to the citie of E­phesus, 20 where he intimated thus much unto the rich men, who were willing to be exempt from going in person unto the warres, that they should every one set sorth one horse and a man: by which meanes within few daies, he levied a great number both of horse and also of men able for service, in stead of those that were rich and cowards; wherein he said: That he did imitate Aga­memnon, who dispensed with a rich man who was but a dastard and durst not go to the warre, for one faire and goodly mare. When he solde those prisoners for slaves, whom he had taken in the warres, the officers for this sale, by his appointment, made money of their clothes and other furniture apart, but of their bodies, all naked by themselves: now many chapmen there were, who willingly bought their apparell, but few or none hads any minde to the persons themselves, for that their bodies were soft and white, as having bene delicately nourished and choisly kept with­in 30 house and under covert, and so seemed for no use at all, and good for nothing: Agesilaus standing by: Beholde my masters (quoth hee) this is that for which you fight, shewing their spoiles; but these be they against whom you fight, pointing to the men. Having given Tissa­phernes an overthrow in battel within the country of Lydia, and slaine a great number of his men, he overran and harried all the kings provinces: and when he sent unto him presents of gold and silver, praying him to come unto some agreement of peace, Agesilaus made this answere: As touching the treatie of peace, it was in the citie of Lacedaemons power to doe what they would; but otherwise, for his owne part he tooke greater pleasure to enrich his soldiers than to be made rich himselfe: as for the Greeks, they reputed it an honour not to receive gifts from their ene­mies, but to be masters of their spoiles. Megabaetes the yoong sonne of Spithridates, who was 40 of visage most faire and beautifull, came toward him as it were to embrace and kisse him, for that he thought (as he was right amiable) to be exceedingly beloved of him; but Agesilaus turned his face away, insomuch as the youth desisted and would no more offer himselfe unto him; whereupon Agesilaus demanded the reason thereof, and seemed to call for him; unto whom his friends made answere: That himselfe was the onely cause, being afraid to kisse so fasire a boy; but if he would not seeme to feare, the youth would returne and repaire unto him in place right willingly: upon this he stood musing to himselfe a good while, and said never a word; but then at length hee brake foorth into this speech: Let him even alone, neither is there any need now that you should say any thing or perswade him; for mine owne part I count it a greater matter to be the conquerour, and have the better hand of such, than to win by force the strongest holde 50 or the most puissant and populous citie of mine enemies; for I take it better for a man to pre­serve and save his owne libertie to himselfe, than to take it from others. Moreover, he was in all other things a most precise observer in every point, of whatsoever the lawes commanded, but in the affaires and businesse of his friends, he said: That straightly to keepe the rigour of justice, was a very cloake and colourable pretence, under which they covered themselves who were not willing to doe for their friends: to which purpose there is a little letter of his found written unto Idrieus a prince of Caria, for the enlarging and deliverance of a friend of his, in these words: If [Page 446] Nicias have not transgressed, deliver him; if he have, deliver him for the love of me; but howso­ever, yet deliver him: and verily thus affected stood Agesilaus in the greatest part of his friends occasions; howbeit, there fell out some cases, when he respected more the publike utility, & used his opportunity therefore, according as he shewed good proofe. upon a time, at the dislodging of his campe in great haste & hurry, insomuch as he was forced to leave a boy whō he loved full well behind him, for that he lay sicke: for when the partie called instantly upon him by name, & besought him not to forsake him now at his departure, Agesilaus turning backe, said: Oh how hard is it to be pitifull & wise both at once. Furthermore, as touching his diet & the cherishing of his bodie, he would not be served with more nor better than those of his traine and company. He never did eat untill he was satisfied, nor tooke his drinke untill he was drunke, and as for his 10 sleepe, it never had the command and mastrie over him, but he tooke it onely as his occasions and affaires would permit: for cold and heat he was so fitted and disposed, that in all seasons of the yeere he used to weare but one and the same sort of garments: his pavilion was alwaies pit­ched in the mids of his soldiers, neither had he a bed to lye in, better than any other of the mea­nest: for he was woont to say: That he who had the charge and conduct of others, ought to sur­mount those private persons, who were under his leading not in daintinesse and delicacie, but in sufferance of paine and travell, and in fortitude of heart and courage. When one asked the question in his presence: What it was wherin the lawes of Lycurgus had made the citie of Sparta better? he answered: That this benefit it found by them; to make no recknoning at all of plea­sures. And to another who marvelled to see so great simplicitie and plainnesse, as well in feeding 20 as appearell both of him, and also of other Lacedaemonians, he said: The fruit (my good friend) which we reape by this straight maner of life, is libertie and freedome. There was one who ex­horted him to ease and remit a little this straight and austere manner of living: For that (quoth he) it would not be used, but in regard of the incertitude of fortune; and because there may fall out such an occasion, and time as might force a man so to do: Yea but I (said Agesilaus) do wil­lingly accustome my selfe hereto, that in no mutation and change of fortune, I should not seeke for change of my life. And in verie truth, when he grew to be aged, he did not for all his yeeres give over and leave his hardnes of life: and therfore when one asked him: Why (considering the extreame cold winter and his old age besides) he went without an upper coat or gabardine? he made this answer: Because yoong men might learne to do as much, having for an example be­fore 30 their eies, the eldest in their countrey, and such also as were their governors. We reade of him, that when he passed with his armie over the Thasians countrey, they sent unto him for his refection meale of all sorts, geese and other fowles, comfitures, and pastrie works, fine cakes, marchpanes, and sugar-meats, with all manner of exquisite viands, and drinks most delicate and costly: but of all this provision, he received none but the meale aforesaid; commanding those that brought the same, to carrie them all away with them, as things whereof he stood in no need, and which he knew not what to do with: In the end after they had beene verie urgent, and impor­tuned him so much as possibly they could to take that curtesie at their hands, he willed them to deale all of it among the Ilots, which were in deed the slaves that followed the campe: whereup­on when they demaunded the cause thereof, he said unto them: That it was not meet for those 40 who professed valour and prowesse to receive such dainties; Neither can that (quoth he) which serveth in stead of a bait to allure & draw men to a servile nature, agree wel with those who are of a bold and free courage. Over and besides, these Thasians having received many favours and benefits at his hands, in regard whereof they tooke themselves much bound and beholden unto him, dedicated temples to his honour, and decreed divine worship unto him, no lesse than unto a verie god, and hereupon sent an embassage to declare unto him this their resolution: when he had read their letters and understood what honour they minded to do unto him, he asked this one question of the embassadors; whether their State and countrey was able to deifie men? and when they answered, Yea: Then (quoth he) begin to make your selves gods first, and when you have done so, I will beleeve that you also can make me a god. When the Greeke Colonies in 50 Asia, had at their parliaments ordained in all their chiefe and principall cities to erect his sta­tues; he wrote backe unto them in this manner: I will not that you make for me any statue or image whatsoever, neither painted nor cast in mould, nor wrought in clay, ne yet cut and engra­ven any way. Seeing whiles he was in Asia, the house of a friend or hoste of his, covered over with an embowed roofe of plankes, beames and sparres foure-square; he asked him whether the trees in those parts grew so square? and when he answered, No, but they grew round: How then (quoth he) if they had growen naturally foure cornered, would you have made them round? He [Page 447] was asked the question upon a time, how farre forth the marches and confines of Lacedaemon did extend: then he shaking a javelin which he held in his hand: Even as farre (quoth he) as this is able to goe. One demaunded of him, why the citie of Sparta was not walled about? See you not (quoth he) the walles of the Lacedaemonians; and therewith shewed him the citizens armed. Another asked him the like question, and he made him this answer: That cities ought not to be fortified with stones, with wood and timber, but with the prowesse and valiance of the inhabi­tants. He used ordinarily to admonish his friends, not to seeke for to be rich in money, but in va­lour and vertue. And whensoever he would have a worke to be finished, or service to be perfor­med speedily by his soldiers; his maner was, to begin himselfe first to lay hand unto it in the face of all. He stood upon this and would glorie in it; that he travelled as much as any man in his 10 company: but he vaunted of this; that he could rule and command himselfe more than in being a king. Unto one who woondering to see a Lacedaemonian maimed and lame, go to war, said unto the partie: Thou shouldest yet at leastwise have called for an horse to serve upon: Knowest not thou (quoth he) that in warre we have no need of those that will flie away, but of such as will make good and keepe their ground? It was demaunded of him, how he wonne so great honour and reputation; In despising death (quoth hee.) And being likewise asked why the Spattanes used the sound of flutes when they fought? To the end (said he) that when in battell they march according to the measures, it may be knowen who be valiant and who be cowards. One there was who reputed the King of Persia happie, for that he attained verie yoong to so high and pu­issant a State: Why so (quoth he) for Priamus at his age was not unhappie nor infortunate. 20 Having conquered the greater part of Asia, he purposed with himselfe to make warre upon the king himselfe, as well for to breake his long repose, as also to hinder him otherwise and stop his course, who minded with money to bribe and corrupt the governors of the Greeke-cities and the oratours that lead the people: but amid this deseigne and deliberation of his he was called home by the Ephori, by reason of a dangerous warre raised by the Greeke-States, against the ci­tie of Sparta, and that by meanes of great summes of money which the king of Persia had sent thither; by occasion whereof, forced he was to depart out of Asia, saying: That a good prince ought to suffer himselfe to be commaunded by the lawes; and he left behinde him much sorrow and a longing desire after him among the Greek-inhabitants in Asia after his departure: and for that on the Persian pieces of coine, there was stamped or imprinted the image of an archer; he 30 said when he brake up his campe, that the king of Persia had chased him out of Asia with thirtie thousand archers: for so many golden Dariques had beene carried by one Timocrates unto Thebes and Athens, which were divided among the oratours and governors of those two cities, by meanes whereof they were sollicited and stirred to begin warre upon the Spartanes: so hee wrote a letter missive unto the Ephori, the tenor whereof was this: Agesilaus unto the Ephori, greeting. ‘We have subdued the greatest part of Asia, and driven the Barbarians from thence; also in Ionîa we have made many armours; but since you commaund me to repaire home by a day appointed: Know yee that I will follow hard after this letter, or peradventure prevent it; for the authority of command which I have, I hold not for my selfe, but for my native countrey and cōfederates:’ and then in truth doth a magistrate rule according to right & justice, when he obei­eth 40 the lawes of his countrey & the Ephori, or such like as be in place of government within the city. Having crossed the straights of Hellespont, he entred into the countrey of Thrace, where he requested of no prince nor State of the Barbarians, passage; but sent unto every one of them, de­māding whether he should passe as through the land of friends or enemies? And verily all others received him friendly, and accompained him honorably as he journeyed through their coun­tries: onely those whom they call Troadians, (unto them as the report goeth, Xerxes himselfe gave presents, to have leave for to passe,) demaunded of him for licence of quiet passage, a hundred talents of silver and as many women: but Agesilaus after a scoffing manner as­ked those who brought this message: And why doe not they themselves come with you for to receive the money and women: so he led his armie forward; but in the way he encountred them 50 well appointed, gave them battell, overthrew them, and put many of them to the sword, which done, he marched farther. And of the Macedonian king he demaunded the same question as before; who made him this answer: That he would consult thereupon: Let him consult (quoth he) what he will, meane while we will march on: the king wondring at his hardinesse, stood in great feare of him, and sent him word to passe in peaceable and friendly maner. The Thessa­lians at the same time were confederate with his enemies: whereupon he forraied and spoiled their countries as he went, and sent to the citie of Larissa two friends of his, Xenocles and Scytha, [Page 448] to sound them & see if they could practise effectually for to draw them, to the league and amity of the Lacedaemonians, but those of Larissa arrested those agents, and kept them in prison; whereupon all the rest taking great indignation, were of this minde, that Agesilaus could doe no lesse, but presently encampe himselfe and beleaguer the citie Larissa round about: but hee saide that for to conquer all Thessalie, he would not leese one of those twaine: so upon composition and agreement, he recovered and got them againe. Being given to understand that there was a battell fought neere to Corinth, in which very few Lacedaemonians were slaine, but of Atheni­ans, Argives, Corinthians and their allies, a great number: he was not once seene to have ta­ken any A good man rejoiceth no in the victory obteined in civill wars. joy or contentment at the newes of the victorie; but sighed deepely from the bot­tome of his heart, saying: Alas for unhappie Greece, who hath herselfe destroied so many men 10 of her owne, as had beene sufficient in one battell to have defeated all the Barbarians at once. But when the Pharsalians came to set upon the taile of his armie in his march, and to doe them mischiefe and damage; with a force of five hundred horse, he charged and overthrew them; for which luckie hand, he caused a Trophe to be erected under the mountaines called Narthacii; and this victorie of all others pleased him most, for that with so small a troupe and cornet of his owne horsemen which himselfe put out and addressed against them, hee had given those the overthrow, who at all times vaunted themselves to be the best men at armes in the world. Thi­ther came Diphridas, one of the Ephori unto him, being sent expresly from Sparta, with a com­mandement unto him, that incontinently he should with force and armes invade the countrey of Baeotia; and he although he meant and purposed of himselfe some time after to enter with 20 a more puissant power; yet would he not disobey those great lords of the State, but sent for two regiments of ten thousands a peece, drawen out of those who served about Corinth, and with them made a rode into Boeotia, and gave battell before Coronaea, unto the Thebans, Athe­nians, Argives, and Corinthians, where he wan the field: which, as witnesseth Xenophon, was the greatest and most bloudie battell that had beene fought in his time: but true it is, that hee himselfe was in many places of his body sore wounded, and then being returned home, not­withstanding so many victories and happie fortunes, hee never altered any jot in his owne person, either for diet or otherwise for the maner of his life. Seeing some of his citizens to vaunt and boast of themselves, as if they were more than other men, in regard that they nouri­shed and kept horses of the game to runne in the race for the prize; he perswaded his sister na­med 30 Cynisca, to mount into her chariot, and to goe unto that solemnitie of the Olympick games, there to runne a course with her horses for the best prize; by which, his purpose was to let the Greekes know, that all this running of theirs was no matter of valour, but a thing of cost and expence, to shew their wealth onely. He had about him Xenophon the philosopher, whom he loved and highly esteemed; him he requested to send for his sonnes to be brought up in La­cedaemon, and there to learne the most excellent and singular discipline in the world, namely, the knowledge how to obey and to rule well. Being otherwise demaunded, wherefore he estee­med the Lacedaemonians more happy then other nations: It is (quoth he) because they professe and exercise above all men in the world, the skill of obeying and governing. After the death of Lysander, finding within the city of Sparta great factions and much siding, which the saide 40 Lysander incontinently after he was returned out of Asia had raised and stirred up against him, he purposed and went about to detect his lewdnesse, and make it appeere unto the inhabi­tants of Sparta, what a dangerous medler he had beene whiles he lived: and to this purpose ha­ving read an oration found after his decease among his papers, which Creon verily the Halicar­nassian had composed; but Lysander meant to pronounce before the people in a general assem­bly of the citie, tending to the alteration of the State, and bringing in of many novelties, he was fully minded to have divulged it abroad: but when one of the auncient Senatours had read the said oration, and doubted the sequell thereof, considering it was so well penned, and groun­ded upon such effectuall and perswasive reasons, hee gave Agesilaus counsell not to digge up Lysander againe, and rake him as it were out of his grave, but to let the oration lie buried with 50 him: whose advice he followed, and so rested quiet and made no more adoo: and as for those who underhand crossed him and were his adversaries, he did not course them openly, but prac­tised and made meanes to send some of them foorth as captaines into certaine forrain expedi­tions, and unto others to commit certaine publike offices: in which charges they caried them­selves so, as they were discovered for covetous & wicked persons, and afterwards when they were called into question judicially, hee shewed himselfe contrary to mens expectation to helpe them out of trouble, and succour them so, as that he gat their love and good wils, insomuch as [Page 449] in the end there was not one of them his adversarie. One there was who requested him to write in his favour to his hosts and friends which he had in Asia, letters of recommendation, that they would defend and maintaine him in his rightfull cause: My friends (quoth he) use to doe that which is equitie and just, although I should write never a word unto them. Another shewed him the wals of a city how woonderfull strong they were and magnificently built, asking of him whether he thought them not stately and faire: Faire (quoth he) yes no doubt, for women to lodge and dwell in, but not for men. A Megarian there was who magnified, and highly extol­led before him the city Megara: Yoong man (quoth he) and my good friend, your brave words require some great puissance. Such things as other men had in great admiration, hee would not seeme so much as to take knowledge of. Upon a time one Callipides an excellent 10 plaier in Tragedies, who was in great name and reputation among the Greeks, insomuch as all sorts of men made no small account of him, when he chanced to meet him upon the way, salu­ted him first, and afterwards prosumptuously thrust himselfe forward to walke among others, with him, in hope that the king would begin to shew some lightsome countenance, and grace him; but in the end, seeing that it would not be, he was so bolde as to advance himselfe, and say unto him: Sir king, know you not me? and have you not heard who I am? Agesilaus looking wistly upon his face: Art not thou (quoth he) Callipides Deicelictas? (for so the Lacedaemoni­ans use to call a jester or plaier.) He was invited one day to come and heare a man who could counterfeit most lively and naturally the voice of the nightingale; but he refused to go, saying: I have heard the nightingales themselves to sing many a time. Menecrates the Physician had a 20 luckie hand in divers desperate cures; whereupon some there were who surnamed him Jupiter, and he himselfe would over arrogantly take that name upon him, insomuch as he presumed in one letter of his, which he sent unto him, to set this superscription: Menecrates Jupiter, unto king Agesilaus wisheth long life: but Agesilaus wrote back unto him in this wise: Agesilaus to Mene­crates wisheth Signifying that hee was [...] & his head out of temper. good health. When Pharnabasus and Canon the high-admirals of the armada under the Persian king, were so farre-foorth lords of the sea, that they pilled and spoiled all the coasts of Laconia; and besides, the walles of Athens were rebuilded with the money that Pharna­basus furnished the Athenians withall; the lords of the counsell of Lacedaemon were of advice, that the best policie was, to conclude peace with the king of Persia; and to this effect sent Antal­cidas one of their citizens to Tiribasus, with commission treacherously to betray and deliver in­to 30 the barbarous kings hands, the Greeks inhabiting Asia; for whose libertie Agesilaus before had made warres: by which occasion Agesilaus was thought to have his hand in this shame­full and infamous practise: for [...] , who was his mortall enemie, wrought by all meanes possible to effect peace, because he saw that warre continually augmented the credit of Agesi­laus, and made him most mightie and honourable; yet neverthelesse he answered unto one that reproched him with the Lacedaemonians, saying: That they were Medified, or turned Medi­ans: Nay rather (quoth he) the Medians are Laconified and become Laconians. The question was propounded unto him upon a time, whether of these two vertues in his judgement was the better, Fortitude or Justice? and he answered: That where Justice reigned, Fortitude bare no sway, and was nothing worth; for if we were all righteous and honest men, there would be no 40 need at all of Fortitude. The people of Greece dwelling in Asia, had a custome to call the king of Persia, The great king: And wherefore (quoth he) is he greater than I, unlesse he be more temperat and righteous? semblably he said: That the inhabitants of Asia were good slaves, but naughtie freemen. Being asked how a man might win himselfe the greatest name and reputa­tion among men, he answered thus: If he say well, and yet do better. This was a speech of his: That a good captaine ought to shew unto his enemies, valour and hardinesse; but unto those that be under his charge, love and benevolence. Another demanded of him, what, children should learne in their youth? That (quoth he) which they are to doe and practise when they be men growen. He was judge in a cause, where the plaintife had pleaded well, but the defendant very badly; who eftsoones and at every sentence did nothing but repeat these words: O Agesi­laus, 50 a king ought to protect and helpe the lawes: unto whom Agesilaus answered in this wise: If one had He that hath done the inja­rie is to make amends. undermined thy house, or robbed thee of thy raiment, wouldest thou thinke and looke that a carpenter or mason were bound to repaire thy house, and the weaver or tailour for to sup­plie thy want of clothes? The king of Persia had writ unto him a letter missive after a generall peace concluded; which letter was brought by a gentleman of Persia, who came with Callias the Lacedaemonian, and the contents thereof was to this effect: That the king of Persia desired to enter into some more especiall amitie and fraternitie with him; but he would not accept there­of, [Page 450] saying unto the messenger: Thou shalt deliver this answere from me unto the king thy ma­ster; that hee needed not to write any such particular letters unto mee, concerning private friendship; for if hee friend the Lacedaemonians in generall, and shew himselfe to love the Greeks, and desire their good, I also reciprocally will be his friend to the utmost of my power; but if I may finde that he practiseth treacherie, and attempteth ought prejudiciall to the state of Greece, well may he write epistle upon epistle, and I receive from him one letter after another, but let him trust to this: I will never be his friend. Hee loved very tenderly his owne children when they were little ones, insomuch as he would play with them up and downe the house, yea, and put a long cane betweene his legs, and ride upon it like an hobby horse with them for com­pany; and if it chanced that any of his friends spied him so doing, he would pray them to say no­thing 10 unto any man thereof, untill they had babes and children of their owne. But during the continuall warres that he had with the Thebans, he fortuned in one battell to be grievouslie wounded; which when Antalcidas, saw, he said unto him: Certes you have received of the The­bans the due salarie and reward that you deserved, for teaching them as you have done, even against their willes how to fight, which they neither could nor ever would have learned to doe: for in trueth it is reported, that the Thebans then became more martiall and warlike than ever before-time, as being inured and exercised in armes by the continuall roads and invasions that the Lacedaemomans made; which was the reason, that ancient Lycurgus in those lawes of his which be called Rhetrae, expresly forbad his people to make warre often upon one and the same nation, for feare lest in so doing their enemies should learne to be good souldiers. When he 20 heard, that the allies and confederates of Lacedaemon were offended and tooke this continuall warfare ill, complaining that they were never in maner out of armes, but caried their harnesse continually upon their backs; and besides, being many more in number, they followed yet the Lacedaemonians, who were but an handfull to all them: he being minded to convince them in this, and to shew how many they were, commanded all his said confederates to assemble toge­ther, and to sit them downe pell-mell one with another; the Lacedaemonians likewise to take their place over-against them apart by themselves; which done, he caused an herald to cry aloud in the hearing of all: That all the potters should rise first; and when those were risen, that the brasse-founders and smithes should stand up; then the carpenters; after them the masons; and so all other artisans & handi-crafts men, one after another; by which meanes all the confederats 30 wel-nere were risen up, and none in maner left sitting; but all this while not a Lacedaemonian stirred off his seat, for that forbidden they were all, to learne or exercise any mechanicall craft: then Agesilaus tooke up a laughter, and said: Lo, my masters and friends, how many more soul­diers are we able to send into the warres, than you can make? In that bloodie battell fought at Leuctres, many Lacedaemonians there were that ran out of the field & fled, who by the lawes and ordinances of the countrey were all their life time noted with infamy; howbeit, the Ephori seeing that the citie by this meanes would be dispeopled of citizens and lie desert, in that verie time when as it had more need than ever before of souldiers, were desirous to devise a policie how to deliver them of this ignominie, and yet notwithstanding preferre the lawes in their entire and full force: therefore to bring this about, they elected Agesilaus for their law-giver, to enact a 40 new lawes; who being come before the open audience of the city, spake unto them in this man­ner: Yee men of Lacedaemon I am not willing in any wise to be the author and inventor of new lawes: and as for those which you have alreadie, I minde not to put any thing thereto, to take fro, or otherwise to alter and chaunge them, and therefore mee thinkes it is meere and reasonable, that from to morrow forward, those which you have, should stand in their ful vigor, strength and vertue accustomed. Moreover, as few as there remained in the citie; (when Epa­minondas was about to assaile it with a great fleete and a violent tempest (as it were) of Thebans and their confederates, puffed up with pride for the late victorie atchieved in the plaine of Leuctres) with those few (I say) hee put him and his forces backe, and caused them to returne without effect: but in the battell of Mantinea, he admonished and advised the La­cedaemonians 50 to take no regard at all of other Thebans, but to bend their whole forces against Epaminondas onely, saying: That wise and prudent men alone, and none but they, were valiant and the sole cause of victorie; and therefore if they could vanquish him, they might easily subdue all the rest, as being blockish fooles and men in deed of no valour; and so in truth it proved: for when as the victory now enclined wholy unto Epaminondas, and the Lacedaemo­nians were at the verie point to be disbanded, discomfited and put to flight: as the said Epami­nondas turned for to call his owne together to folow the rout, a Lacedaemonian chanced to [Page 451] give him a mortall wound, wherewith hee fell to the ground, and the Lacedaemonians who were with Agesilaus called themselves, made head againe, and put the victorie into doubt­full ballance: for now the Thebanes abated much their courage, and the Lacedaemonians tooke the better hearts. Moreover, when the citie of Sparta was neere driven and at a low ebbe for money to wage warre, as being constrained to entertaine mercenarie souldiers for pay, who were meere strangers; Agesilaus went into Aegypt, being sent for by the King of Aegypt to serve as his pensioner; but for that hee was meanely and simply apparelled, the inhabitants of the countrey despised him, for they looked to have seene the King of Sparta richly arraied and set out gallantly, and all gorgeously to be seene in his person like unto the Persian King; so foolish a conceit they had of kings: but Agesilaus shewed them within a while, that the magnificence 10 and majestie of Kings was to be acquired by wit, wisedome, and valour: for perceiving that those who were to fight with him and to make head against the enemie, were frighted with the immi­nent perill, by reason of the great number of enemies, who were two hundred thousand fighting men, and the small companie of their owne side; he devised with himselfe before the battell be­gan, by some stratageme to encourage his owne men, and to embolden their hearts; which po­licie of his he would not communicate unto any person; and this it was: He caused upon the in­side of his left hand to be written this word, Victorie, backward; which done he tooke at the priests or sooth-saiers hand who was at sacrifice, the liver of the beast which was killed, and put it into the said left hand thus written within, and so held it a good while, making semblance as if he mused deeply of some doubt, and seeming to stand in suspense & to be in great perplexity, 20 untill the characters of the foresaid letters had a sufficient time to give a print, and leave their marke in the superficies of the liver; then shewed he it unto those who were to fight on his side, and gave them to understand that by those characters the gods promised victory: who suppo­sing verily that there was in it a certaine signe & presage of good fortune, ventured boldly upon the hazard of a battell. And when the enemies had invested and beleaguered his campe round about; such a mightie number there were of them, and besides had begun to cast a trench on everie side thereof, King or [...] Nectanebas (for whose aid he was thither come) sollicited and intrea­ted him to make a sally and charge upon them before the said trench was fully finished, and both ends brought to gether, he answered: That he would never impeach the deseigne and pur­pose of the enemies, who went (no doubt) to give him meanes to be equall unto them and to 30 fight so many to so many: so he staied until there wanted but a verie little of both ends meeting; and then in that space betweene, he raunged his battell; by which device they encountred and fought with even fronts, and on equall hand for number: so he put the enemies to flight, and with those few souldiers which he had, he made a great carnage of them; but of the spoile and booty which he wan, he raised a good round masse of money, and sent it all to Sparta. Being now ready to embarke for to depart out of Aegypt, & upon the point of returne home, he died: and at his death expresly charged those who were about him, that they should make no image or sta­tue whatsoever representing the similitude of his personage: For that (quoth he) if I have done any vertuous act in my life time, that will be a monument sufficient to eternize my memorie; if not, all the images, statues, and pictures in the world will not serve the turne, since they be the 40 workes onely of mechanicall artificers which are of no woorth and estimation.

AGESIPOLIS the sonne of Cleombrotus, when one related in his presence that Philip K. of Macedon had in few daies demolished and raced the citie Olinthus: Par die (quoth he) Philip will not be able in many more daies to build the like to it. Another said unto him by way of reproch, that himselfe (king as he was, and other citizens men growen of middle age) were delivered as hostages, and neither their children nor wives: Good reason (quoth he) and so it ought to be ac­cording to justice, that we our selves and no others, should beare the blame and paine of our faults. And when he was minded to send for certaine dog-whelps from home; one said unto him; that there might not be suffered any of them to goe out of the countrey: No more was it permitted heeretofore (quoth hee) for men to be lead foorth, but now it is allowed well 50 enough.

AGESIPOLIS the sonne of Pausanias (when as the Athenians said to him: That they were content to report themselves to the judgement of the Megarians as touching certaine varian­ces and differences between them, and complaints which they made one against another) spake thus unto them: Why my masters of Athens, this were a great shame indeed, that they who are the chiefe and the verie leaders of all other Greeks, should lesse skill what is just than the Me­garians.

[Page 452] AG is the sonne of Archidamus, at what time as the Ephori spake thus unto him: Take with you the yoong & able men of this citie, & go into the countrey of such an one, for he wil con­duct you his owne selfe, as farre as to the verie castle of his city: And what reason is it (quoth he) my masters, you that be Ephori, to commit the lives of so many lustie gallants into his hands, who is a traitour to his native countrey? One demaunded of him what science was principally exercised in the citie of Sparta: Marie (quoth he) the knowledge how to obey and how to rule. He was woont to say, that the Lacedaemonians never asked, how many their enemies were? but where they were. Being forbidden to fight with his enemies at the battell of Mantinea, because they were far more in number: He must of necessity (quoth he) fight with many that would have the cōmand & rule of many. Unto another who asked what number there might be in all of the 10 Lceadaemonians? As many (quoth he) as are enough to chase and drive away wicked persons. In passing a long the wals of Corinth, when he saw them so high, so wel built, and so large in extent: What High wals be a fortesse for women. maner of women (quoth he) be they that inhabit within? To a great master of Rhetorick who praising his owne skill & profession, chaunced to conclude with these words; When all is done, there is nothing so puissant as the speech of man: Why then be like (quoth he) so long as you hold your peace you are of no worth. The Argives having bin once already beaten & defai­ted, returned neverthelesse into the field & shewed themselves in a bravado more gallantly than before, and prest for a new battell: and when therupon he saw his auxiliaries and confederates to be some what troubled and frighted: Be of good cheere (quoth he) my masters and friends, for if we, who have given them the foile be affraid, what thinke you are they themselves. A cer­taine 20 embassador from the citie Abdera, came to Sparta, who made a long speech as touching his message, and after he had done and held his toong a little, he demaunded at last a dispatch, and said unto him: Sir, what answer would you that I should carry backe to our citizens: You shall say unto them (quoth Agis) that I have suffred you to speake all that you would, and as long as you list? and that I lent you mine eare all the while without giving you one word againe. Some there were who commended the Eliens for most just men and precise in observing the solemnitie of the Olympick games: And is that so great a matter and such a wonder (quoth he) if in five yeeres space they exercise justice one day? Some buzzed into his eares that those of the other roiall house envied him: Then (quoth he) doe they suffer a double paine; for first and for­most their owne evils will vexe and trouble themselves; then in the second place, the good 30 things in me and my friends will torment them. Some one there was of advice, that he should give way and passage to his enemies when they were put to flight: Yea, but marke this (quoth he) if we set not upon them who runne away for cowardise, how shall we fight against them that staie and make good their ground by valour? One there was who propounded a meanes for the maintenance of the Greekes libertie; which (no doubt) was a generous and magnanimous course, howbeit very hard to execute; unto whō he answered thus: My good friend, your words require great store of money, and much strength. When another said that king Philip would watch them well enough that they should not set foote within other parts of Greece: My friend (quoth he) it shall content us to remaine and continue in our owne countrey. There was ano­ther embassador from the city Perinthus, came to Lacedaemon, who having likewise made a long 40 oration, in the end demaunded of Agis what answer he should deliver backe to the Perinthians: Mary what other but this (quoth he) that thou couldest hardly finde the way to make an end of speaking, and I held my peace all the while. He went upon a time sole embassador to king Phi­lip, who said unto him: You are an embassador alone indeed: True (quoth he) and good enough to one alone as you are. An auncient citizen of Sparta said unto him one day, being himselfe aged also, and far stept in yeeres: Since that the old lawes and customes went every day to mine and were neglected, seeing also that others farre woorse were brought in and stood in their place, all in the end would be naught and runne to confusion; unto whom he answered merilie thus: Then is it at it should be, and the world goes well enough if it be so as you say; for I re­member when I was a little boy, I heard my father say, that every thing then was turned upside 50 downe, and that in his remembraunce all wentkim kam; and he also would report of his father that he had seene as much in his daies; no marvell therefore if things grow woorse and woorse; more woonder it were if they should one while be better, and another while continue still in the same plight. Being asked on a time how a man might continue free all his life time; he answe­red: By despising death.

AGIS the yoonger, when Demades the oratour said unto him: That the Lacedaemonians swords were so short that these juglers and those that plaied legerdemain, could swallow them [Page 453] downe all once, made him this answere: As short as they be the Lacedaemonians can reach their enemies with them wel enough. A certaine leud fellow and a troublesome, never linned asking him, who was the best man in all Sparta: Mary (quoth Agis) even he who is unlikest thy selfe.

AGIS, the last king of the Lacedaemonians, being forelaid and surprised by treachery, so that he was condemned by the Ephori to die; as he was ledde without forme of law and justice to the place of execution for to be strangled with a rope, perceiving one of his servants and mi­nisters to shed teares; said thus unto him; Weepe not for my death; for in dying thus unjustly and against the order of law, I am in better case than those that put me to death; and having said these words, he willingly put his necke within the halter.

ACROTATUS, when as his owne father and mother requested his helping hand for to effect 10 a thing contrarie to reason and justice, staied their sute for a time: but seeing that they impor­tuned him still and were very instant with him; in the end said unto them: So long as I was un­der your hands, I had no knowledge nor sence at all of justice; but after that you had betaken me to the common-weale, to my countrey, and to the lawes thereof, and by that meanes infor­med and instructed me in what you could in righteousnesse and honestie, I will endevour and straine my selfe to follow the said instruction and not you; and for that I know full well that you would have me doe that which is good, and considering that those things be best (both for a pri­vate person, and much more for him who is in authoritie and a chiefe magistrate) which are just; sure I will doe what you would have me, and refuse that which you say unto me.

ALCAMENES the sonne of Teleclus, when one would needs know of him, by what meanes 20 a man might preserve a kingdome best, made this answer: Even by making no account at all of lucre and gaine. Another demanded of him wherefore he would never accept nor receive the gifts of the Messenians? Forsooth (quoth he) because if I had taken thē, I should never have had peace with the lawes. And when a third person said: That he marvelled much how he could live so straight and neere to himselfe, considering he had wherewith and enough: It is (quoth he) a commendable thing, when a man having sufficient and plentie can neverthelesse live within the compasse of reason, and not according to the large reach of his appetite.

ALEXANDRIDAS the sonne of Leon, seeing one to torment himselfe, and taking on despe­rately because he was banished out of his native countrey: My friend (quoth he) never fare so for the matter nor vexe thy heart so much, for being constreined to remoove so farre from thy 30 countrey, but rather for being A man ought to grieve more for [...] sinne, than for be ing exiled. so remote from justice. Unto another who in delivering good matter unto the Ephori, and to very great purpose, but more words a great deale than need was: My friend (quoth he) thou speakest indeed that which becommeth, but otherwise than is becomming. One asked him why the Lacedaemonians committed the charge of all their lands unto the Ilotes their slaves, & did not husband and tend them their owne selves: Because (quoth he) we conquered and purchased them, for that we would looke to our selves, and not tend them. unto another who held that it was nothing but desire of credit and reputation that un­did men, and whosoever could be delivered from the care thereof were happie; he replied thus againe: If it be true that you say, we must confesse and graunt that wicked men, who do wrong unto others are happy; for how can a church-robber or theefe who spoileth other men of their 40 goods be desirous of honour and glorie? When another demanded of him, how it came to passe that the Lacedaemonians were so hardy and resolute in all occurrences and dangers of warre, he rendred this reason: Because (quoth he) we studie and endevour to have a reverend regard of our lives, and not to enterteine the feare of our lives, as others doe. It was demaun­ded of him, wherefore the Seniours or Elders fat many daies in deciding and judging crimi­nall causes? and why albeit the accused party were by them acquit, yet he continued never­thelesse in the state of a guiltie and accused person? As for the Senatours (quoth he) they be long in deciding capitall matters, where men are brought in question for their life; because those judges who have committed an errour in condemning a man to die, can never rectifie and amend that sentence: and as to the partie absolved and enlarged, he must remaine alwaies 50 liable and subject to the law, because they might ever after enquire and judge better of his fact according to the law.

ANAXANDER the sonne of Eutycrates, being asked the question why he and such other did not gather money and lay it up in the publicke treasury, made this answere: For feare lest wee being keepers thereof, should be corrupted and perverted thereby.

ANAXILAS, unto one who marvelled why the Ephori rose not up and made obeisance to the kings, considering that by the kings they were ordeined and put into that place? gave this [Page 454] reason: Even because they are created Ephori, that is to say, overseers and controllers of them.

ANDROCLIDAS the Laconian, being maimed and lame of a legge, would neverthelesse be cnrolled in the number of those who were to serve in the warres; and when some withstood him because he was impotent of that legge: Why my masters (quoth hee) they be not the men of good footmanship, who can run away, but such as stand their ground that must fight with ene­mies.

ANTALCIDAS making meanes to be admitted into the confraternitie of the Samothracian religion, when the priest his confessour, in houseling and shriving him, demanded which was the greatest sinne that ever hee had committed in all his life? If (quoth he) I have committed any sinne all my life time, the gods know the same well enough themselves. When a certeine 10 Athenian miscalled the Lacedaemonians, terming them ignorant and unlearned sots: In deed (quoth he) we onely of all the Grecians, are the men who have not learned of you to do ill. And when another Athenian bragged, and said: We have chased you many a time from the river Cephisus: But we (quoth he) never yet drave you from the river Eurotas. Unto another, who was desirous to know how one might please men best, he shaped this answere: In case he speake al­waies that which pleaseth, and doe that which profiteth them. A certeine great master and pro­fessour of Rhetoricke, would needs one day rehearse and pronounce before him an oration composed in the praise of Hercules: And who ever (quoth he) dispraised him? And unto Age­silaus, being sore wounded in a battell by the Thebans: Nay (quoth he) you are well enough served and receive a due Minervall for your schoolage at the Thebans hands, whom you have 20 taught even against their willes that which they knew not, nor were willing to learne, to wit, for to sight: for in trueth, by meanes of the continuall incursions and expeditions that Agesilaus made against them, they became valiant warriours. Himselfe was woont to say: That the walles of Sparta, were their yong men; and their confines, the heads of their pikes. Unto another, who demanded why the Lacedaemonians fought with such short curtelaxes: To the end (quoth he) that we might cope and close more neerely to our enemies.

ANTIOCUUS being one of the Ephori, heard say that king Philip had bestowed upon the Messenians certeine lands for their territorie: But hath Philip (quoth he) given them withall, forces to be able for to defend the same?

ARIGEUS, when some there were that highly commended certeine dames, not their owne 30 wives, but wedded to other men: By the gods (quoth he) of good, honest, and faire women, there ought no vaine speeches to bee made, for that indeed they are not knowen of any other but their husbands who live ordinarily with them. As he passed once thorow the citie Selinus in Sicilie, he chanced to reade this epitaph engraven upon a sepulchre or tombe:

These men before Selinus gates were slaine in bloudie fight,
As whilom they sought for to quench the lawlesse tyrants might.

And well deserved you (quoth he) to die, for seeking to extinguish tyranny when it burneth out of a light fire; for cleane contrariwise, you should have kept it from burning altogether. 40

ARISTON hearing one praise and discourse of a sentence tha king Cleomenes was wont to use, at what time as the question was asked: What was the office of a good king? Mary even to do good unto his friends & hurt unto his enemies: But how much better (answered Ariston) my good friend, were it to benefit friends indeed, and of enemies to make good friends? but of this notable sentence, no doubt, Socrates was the authour, and upon him it is rightly fathered. Also when one demanded of him how many in number the Lacedaemonians were: As many (quoth he) as be sufficient to chase away their enemies. A certeine Athenian pronounced a funerall oration which he had penned in the praise of their owne citizens, who had bene defaited and were slaine by the Lacedaemonians in a battel: If your countreymen (quoth he) were so va­liant as you say, what thinke you then of ours, who vanquished them? When one praised Cha­rilaus 50 upon a time, for that hee shewed himselfe courteous indifferently to all men: And how can he deserve (quoth Ariston) to be commended, who is kind and friendly to wicked persons? Another reproved Hecataeus a professour in Rhetoricke, who being invited to eat with them at their seasts which they call Syssitia, spake never a word all dinner time; unto whom he made this answere: It seemeth that you are ignorant, that he who knoweth how to speake wel, can skil like­wise of the time when it is good to speake and when to keepe silence.

ARCHIDAMUS the sonne of Zeuxidamus, when one asked him who they were that [Page 455] governed the citie Sparta? answered: The lawes first, and then the magistrates who ruled ac­cording to those lawes. When he heard one praising exceedingly a plaier on the harpe, and for his skill in musicke having him in singular admiration: My friend (quoth he) what honourable reward shall they have at your hands, who be men of prowesse and valour, when you commend so highly an harper? Another recommended unto him a musician and said: Oh, what an excel­lent chaunter is there? This is (quoth he) even as much as a good cooke or maker of pottage among us: meaning that there was no difference at all betweene giving pleasure by sound of voice or instruments, and the dressing of viands or seasoning sewes. One promised to give him wine that was very sweet and pleasant: And to what purpose? (quoth he) considering that it ser­veth but for to draw on more wine, and to make folke drinke the rather; and besides, to cause 10 men to be lesse valiant and unfit for any good things. Lying at siege before the city of Corinth, he marked how there were hares started even close under the walles thereof; upon which sight he said thus to those that served with him: Our enemies are easie to be surprised and caught, when they are so lazie and idle, as to suffer hares to lie and harbour hard under their citie walles, even within the trench and towne-ditch. He had bene chosen an umpire betweene two parties who were at variance, for to make them friends; and he led them both into the temple of Diana surnamed Chalceaecos, where he willed them both to promise and sweare, laying their hands up­on the altar of that goddesse, that they would both twaine observe from point to point whatsoe­ver he should award; which they undertooke to doe, and bound it with an oath accordingly: I judge then (quoth he) that neither of you both shall depart out of this temple, before you have 20 made an attonement, and pacified all quarrels betweene you. Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily, had sent unto his daughters certeine rich robes to weare; but he refused them, and said: I greatly feare, that when they have this raiment upon them, they will seeme more foule and ilfavoured than now they do. Seeing his owne sonne in a battell, fighting desperately against the Atheni­ans: Either (quoth he) augment thy strength, or abate thy courage.

ARCHIDAMUS the sonne of Agesilaus, when king Philip after the battell which he had won against the Greeks, neere vnto Cheronea, wrote unto him a rough and sharpe letter; returned unto him backe againe this answere in writing: If you take measure now of your owne shadow, you shall finde it no bigger than it was before the victorie. Being demanded the question upon a time, how farre the territory of the Lacedaemonians did extend? he answered: Even as farre as 30 they can reach with their javelins. Periander the physician was a sufficient man in his art, and esteemed with the best and most excellent, howbeit he wrote in verse, but with a bad grace; un­to whom he said one day thus: I marvell much Periander whether you had rather be named an ill poet or a good physician? In the warre which the Lacedaemonians made against King Philip, some gave him counsell to be wel advised where he fought, and to battell as far as he could from his owne countrey, unto whom he replied againe: This is not the thing (quoth hee) that wee ought to regard, but rather to consider and thinke upon this, how we may quit our selves so well in fight, that we be winners in the end. And to those who praised him for that he had woonne a field of the Arcadians, he made this answer: It had beene better that we had overcome them ra­ther in wisedome and prudence than in might and force. About the time that hee entred by force 40 force and armes into the countrey of Arcadia, being advertised that the Eleans sent aide and succor unto the Arcadians, he wrate unto them in this sort; Archidamus to the Eleans, greeting: A blessed thing it is to be quiet & at repose. When the confederate & allied nations in the Pe­loponnesiacke warre, demaunded how much money would serve for the defraying of the char­ges to the said warre belonging? and requested him to taxe each one how much they should contribute: War (quoth he) knoweth no sum, & is not waged at any certaine rate. Seeing a shot which was levelled from an engine of batterie newly brought out of Sicily: O Hercules (quoth he) now is mans prowesse gone for ever. And for that the Greeks would not give credit and be perswaded by him, to performe those conditions of peace which had beene made with Antigo­nus and Craterus, two Macedonians, for to live in their ancient libertie; alledging that the La­cedaemonians 50 would be lords more rigorous and insupportable than the Macedonians: The sheepe (quoth he) hath alwaies one and the same voice; but man changeth it oftentimes in di­vers sorts, untill he have brought about and finished his desseignes.

ASTICRATIDAS, when one said, after that King Agis had lost the field to Antigonus, a­bout the citie Megale: O poore Lacedaemonians, what will you doe now? will you become slaves to the Macedonians? answered thus: And why so? Can or [...] Antigonus forbid and let us, but we will die in fight for Sparta?

[Page 456] BIAS being surprised by an ambush, which was laid for him by Iphicrates captaine of the Athenians, when his souldiers said: Now captaine what is to be done? What else (quoth hee) but to advise you to save your selves, and to resolve my selfe for to die in fight.

BRASIDAS found among dried figs a mouse that bit him by the hand, so as he was glad to let her goe, whereupon he said unto those that were present: Lo, how there is not the least crea­ture that may be, but it is able to make shift and save it life, in case it have but the heart to defend it selfe against those who assaile it? In a certaine skirmish he was wounded with a javelling tho­row his buckler, and when he had drawen the head out of his bodie, with the verie same weapon he slew his enemie who had hurt him; and to those who asked him, how he came so wounded? he answered thus: Because my buckler deceived me. When he put himselfe into his journey to 10 the warres, he wrote thus unto the Ephori: All that is requisite for this warre as touching the warre, do I will to my power or die for it. After he had lost his life in the quarrell of delivering the Greeks out of servitude who inhabit in Thracia, the embassdodrs which were sent from those parts to give thankes unto the Lacedaemonians, went to visit his mother Argileonis; of whom she demaunded first, whether her sonne Brasidas died manfully or no? And when the Thracian embassadors highly praised him, insomuch as they said, that he had not left his fellow behinde him: Oh (quoth shee) you are much deceived my friends; Brasidas was in deed a valiant and hardie man, but there be in Sparta many more farre better than he.

DAMONIDAS hapned to be placed last in the dance by him who was the master chori­ster; whereat hee was no otherwise displeased, but said thus unto him: Well done, for thou 20 hast found the meanes to make this place honourable, which heeretofore was but base and in­famous.

DAMIS, when letters had beene written unto him as touching Alexander the Great, name­ly how Alexander by their suffrages was declared a god; wrote backe in this wise: We grant that Alexander should be called a god since he will needs have it so.

DAMINDAS, when King Philip was entred with a maine armie unto Peloponnesus, where­upon one said unto him: The Lacedaemonians are in danger to suffer many calamities, unlesse they can make meanes to agree and compound with him: Thou womanish-man (quoth hee) how can hee bring us to suffer any miseries, considering that we make no reckoning at all of death? 30

DERCILLIDAS was sent embassador unto King Pyrrhus, what time as he had his armie emeamped upon the verie confines of Sparta: and Pyrrhus enjoined the Lacedaemonians to re­ceive againe their king Cleonimus whom they had banished, or else he would make them to un­derstand, that they were no more valiant than other men; upon whom Dercyllidas thus replied: If you be a god we fear you not, because we have no way offended you, but if you be a man, know you that you are no whit better than we.

DEMARATUS talked and communed one day with Orontes, who gave him blunt speeches and hard words; and when one who heard their talke, said afterwards: Orontes, verie bold with you, and useth you but homely ô Demaratus: Nay (quoth he) he hath nothing faulted to me­ward; for those who glose and flatter in all their speech, be they who doe most harme, and not 40 such as speake upon ill will and malice. One seemed to demaund of him, wherefore at Sparta those were noted with infamie, who in a discomfiture threw away their bucklers, and not they who cast from them their morrions, cuiraces or breast-plates: Because (quoth he) these armors and head-pieces, serve onely for those who weare them; but their shields & bucklers, have their use also for the common strength of the whole battailon. When he heard a certaine musician sing: Beleeve me (quoth hee) the fellow plaies the foole verie well. He was upon a time in a great companie & assembly, where he continued a long while and spake never a word; by occa­sion whereof one said unto him: Is it for folly and want of matter to talke of, that you are so si­lent? How can it be folly (quoth he) for a foole can never hold his peace? One asked of him what was the cause why he was banished out of Sparta, being king thereof? Because (quoth hee 50 the lawes there be mistresses and command all. A certaine Persian by continuall gifts had in­veagled and gotten from him in the end a yoong boy whom hee loved, and afterwards in man­ner of a skorne said unto him: I have so well hunted, that at last I have caught your love: Not so (quoth he) I sweare by the but rather you have bought it. A certaine gentleman of Per­sia there was, who had rebelled against the king of Persia; but Demaratus by reasons and remon­strances so wrought with him, that he perswaded him to yeeld and returne againe to his allege­ance; the king incontinently minded to put this Persian to death; but Demaratus diverted him, [Page 457] and said: Sir, this were an utter shame for you, if when you could not punish him for rebellion being your enemie you should proceed to his execution now, when he is become againe your servitor and friend. There was a certaine jester and parasite who used to play his part at the kings table, and gave unto Demaratus eftsoones, biting quips, and taunts by way of reproch for his exile; but hee answered him and said: Good fellow, I am not disposed to fight with thee now this time, being put as I am out of my biace and the raunge of my life, and having lost my standing.

or [...] EMEREPES the Ephorus, cut two strings of the nine with an hatchet, in Phrynis his harpe, saying withall: Then marre not musicke.

EPAENETUS was woont to say: That liers were the cause of all the offences and crimes in 10 world.

EUBOIDAS hearing some to praise another mans wife, reprooved them for it, & said: That strangers who were not of the house, ought not in any respect to speake of the behaviour and manners of any dame.

EUDAMIDAS hearing some to praise another mans wife, reprooved them for it, & said: That strangers who were not of the house, ought not in any respect to speake of the behaviour and manners of any dame.

EUDAMIDAS the sonne of Archidamus and brother to Agis, having espied Xenocrates, a man well striken in yeeres, studying philosophie hard, with other yoong schollers in the Acade­mie, demaunded what old man that might be: one standing by, answered, that he was a wise man and a great clearke, one of those who sought after vertue: If he be still seeking of it (quoth hee) when will he use and practise it? Having heard a Philosopher dispute and discourse upon this paradox: That there was no good captaine in warre, but the great clerke and learned Sage 20 onely: This is (quoth he) a strange proposition and woonderfull, but the best is, he that main­teineth it, is in no wise to be credited, for his eares were never yet acquainted so much as with the sound of a trumpet. He came one day into the open schoole or auditorie to heare Xenocra­tes discourse at large upon some question; but it fell out so, that he had new done when hee entred into the place; then one of his companie began to say: Surely, so soone as we were present, he became silent: He did well (quoth Eudamidas) if he had made an end of that which he had to say: but when the other replied: It were not amisse yet that we heard him, and that he would set to it againe: if we (quoth Eudamidas) should goe to visita a man in his house who had supped already before we came, were it well done of us to pray him to goe to a new supper for the love of us? It was once demaunded of him why he alone would seeme to approove rest, 30 quietnesse and peace, considering that all his fellow-citizens with one consent were of opinion to take armes and make warre upon the Macedonians? It is (quoth he) because I nei­ther need nor am desirous to convince them of their errour and lying. Another for to animate him to this warre, alleaged the prowesses and worthy exploits atchieved by them at other times against the Persians: Me thinkes (quoth he) you know not what you say, namely, that because we have overcome a thousand sheepe, we should therefore set upon fiftie woolves. He was upon a time in place to heare a musician sing, who did his part very well; and one asked him, how he liked the man, and what he thought of him? May (quoth he) I take him to be a great amuser of men in a small matter. When another highly extolled the citie of Athens in his pre­sence: And who can justly and dulie (quoth he) praise that citie which no man ever loved, for 40 being made better in it? When Alexander the great had caused open proclamation to be made in the great assemblie at the Olympick games: That all banished persons might returne unto their owne countries, except the Thebanes: Behold (quoth Eudamidas) heere is a wofull pro­clamation for you that be Thebans; howbeit honorable withall, for it is a signe that Alexan­der feareth none but you onely in all Greece. A certaine citizen of Argos said one day in his hear­ing: That the Lacsedaemonians after they be gone once out of their owne countrey and from the obeisance of their lawes, proove woorse for their travelling abroad in the world: But it is contrary with you that be Argives and other Greekes (quoth he) for being come once into our cities Sparta you are not the woorse, but proove the better by that meanes. It was demaunded of him what the reason might be, wherefore they used to sacrifice unto the Muses before they did 50 hazard a battell: To the end (quoth he) that our valiant acts might be well and woorthilie written.

EURYCRATIDAS the sonne of Anaxandrides, when one asked him why the Ephori sat every day to decide and judge of contracts betweene men: For that (quoth he) we should learne to keepe our faith and truth even among our enemies.

ZEUXIDAMUS likewise answered unto one who demaunded of him why the statutes and ordinances of prowesse and martiall fortitude, were not reduced into a booke, and given in wri­ting [Page 458] unto yoong men for to reade? Because (quoth he) we would have them to be acquainted with deeds and not with writings. A certaine Aetolian said: That warre was better than peace, unto those who were desirous to shew themselves valorous men: And not warre onely (quoth he) for by the gods, in that respect better is death than life.

HERONDAS chaunced to be at Athens, what time as one of the citizens was apprehended, arraigned, and condemned for his idlenesse, judicially and by forme of law; which when he un­derstood, and heard a brute and noise about him, he requested one to shew him the partie that was condemned for a gentlemans life.

THEARIDAS whetted his sword upon a time, and when one asked him if it were sharpe, he answered: Yea, sharper than a slanderous calumniation. 10

THEMISTEAS being a prophet or soothsaier, foretold unto king Leonidas the discomsiture that should happen within the passe or streights of Thermopylae, with the losse both of himselfe and also of his whole armie: whereupon being sent away by Leonidas unto Lacedaemon, under a colour and pretense to enforme them of these future accidents; but in truth, to the end that he should not miscarie and die there with the rest; he would not so doe, neither could he forbeare but say unto Leonidas: I was sent hither for a warrior to fight, and not as an ordinary courrier and messenger to carrie newes betweene.

THEOPOMPUS when one demaunded of him how a king might preserve his kingdome and roiall estate in safetie? said thus: By giving his friends libertie to speake the truth, and with all his power by keeping his subjects from oppression. Unto a stranger who told him that in 20 his owne countrey & among his citizens he was commonly surnamed Philolacon, that is to say, a lover of the Laconians: It were better (quoth he) that you were called A lover of your fellow citizens. Philopolites than Philo­lacon. Another embassadour there came from Elis, who said: That he was sent from his fellow­citizens, because he onely of all that citie loved and followed the Laconike maner of life; of him Theopompus demaunded: And whether is thine or the other citizens life the better? he answered Mine: Why then (quoth he) how is it possible that a citie should safe, in which there being so great a number of inhabitants, there is but one good man? There was one said before him, that the citie of Sparta maintained the state thereof entier, for that the kings there knew how to governe well: Nay (quoth he) not so much therefore, as because the citizens there can skill how to obey well. The inhabitants of the citie Pyle, decreed for him in their generall coun­sell 30 exceeding great honors; unto whom he wrote backe againe: That moderate honors time is woont to augment, but immoderate to diminish and weare away.

THERYCION returning from the citie Delphos, found king Philip encamped within the streight of Peloponnesus, where he had gained the narrow passage called Isthmos, upon which the city of Corinth is seated; whereupon he said: Peloponnesus hath but bad porters and warders of you, Corinthians.

THECTAMENES, being by the Ephori condemned to death, went from the judgement place smiling away; and when one that was present asked him, if he despised the lawes and judi­ciall proceedings of Sparta? No iwis (quoth he) but I rejoice heereat, that they have condem­ned me in that fine which I am able to pay and discharge fully, without borrowing of any friend, 40 or taking up money at interest.

HIPPODAMUS, as Agis was with Archidamus in the campe, being sent with Agis by the king unto Sparta, for to provide for the affaires of weale publicke and looke unto the State; refused to goe, saying: I cannot die a more honorable death, than in fighting valiantly for the defence of Sparta: now was he fourescore yeeres old and upward and tooke armes, where hee raunged himselfe on the right hand of the king, and there fighting by his side right manfully, was slaine.

HIPPOCRATIDAS, when a certaine prince or great lord of Caria had written unto him, that he had in his hands a Lacedaemonian, who having beene privie unto a conspiracie and treason intended against his person, revealed not the same; demaunding withall, his counsell 50 what he should doe with him; wrote back againe in this wise: If you have heeretofore done him any great pleasure and good turne, put him to death hardly and make him away; if not, expell him out of your countrey, considering he is a base fellow uncapable altogether of vertue. He chaunced to encounter upon the way a yoong boy, after whom followed one who loved him; and the boy blushed for shame; whereupon he said unto him: Thou oughtest to goe in their company my boy with whom thou being seene, needest not to change colour for the mat­ter.

[Page 459] CALLICRATIDAS being admirall of a fleet, when the friends of Lysander requested him to pleasure them in killing some of their enemies; and in consideration thereof he should re­ceive of them fifty talents; notwithstanding he stood then in very great need of mony for to buy victuals for the mariners, yet would not he grant their request; and when Cleander, one of his counsell, said unto him: I would (I trow, if I were in your place) take the offer: So would I also (quoth he) if I were in yours. Being come to Sardis unto Cyrus the yoonger, who at that time was an allie and confederate of the Lacedaemonians, to see if hee could speed himselfe of him with money for to enterteine mariners and mainteine the armada; the first day he gave him to understand that he was thither come to speake with him; but answere was made: That the king was at the table drinking: Well (quoth he) I will give attendance untill he have made an end of 10 his beaver: after he had waited a long time, and saw that it was impossible for to have audience that day, he departed out of the court for that time, being thought very rude and uncivill in so doing: the morow after, when likewise he was given to understand that he was drinking againe, and that he would not come abroad that day; he made no more adoe, but returned to Ephesus, from whence he came, saying withall: That he ought not so farre foorth to take paines for to be provided of money, as to doe any thing unseeming Sparta: and besides, he fell a cursing those who were the first that endured such indignitie, as to subject themselves unto the insolencie of Barbarians, and who taught them to abuse their riches, and thereby to shew themselves so proud and disdainfull, as to insult over others; yea, and he sware a great oath in the presence of those who were in his company, that so soone as he was returned to Sparta, he would labor with all his 20 might and maine, to reconcile the Greeke nations one unto another; to the end that they might be more dread and terrible to the Barbarians, when as they stood in no need of their forren for­ces to wage warre one upon another. It was demanded of him, what kinde of men the Ionians were? Good slaves they are (quoth he) but bad free-men. When Cyrus in the end had sent mo­ney for to pay his souldiers wages, and besides some gifts and presents particularly to himselfe; he received onely the foresaid pay, but as for the gifts, he sent them backe againe, saying: That he had no need of any private or particular amitie with Cyrus, so long as the common friendship which he had with all the Lacedaemonians perteined also unto him. A little before he gave the battell at sea, neere unto Arginusie, his pilot said unto him: That it was best for him to saile away, for that the gallies of the Athenians were fasrre more in number than theirs: And what of all 30 that (quoth he) is it not a shamefull infamie, & hurtfull besides to Sparta, for to flie? simply, best it is to tary by it, and either to win, or die for it. Being at the point to encounter and joine med­ley, and having sacrificed unto the gods, the soothsaier shewed unto him that the entrails of the beast signified and promised assured victory unto the armie, but death unto the captaine; where­at he was nothing daunted nor affrighted, but said: The state of Sparta lieth not in one man, for when I am dead, my countrey will be never the lesse; but if I should recule now, and yeeld unto the enemies, she will be much impaired, and lose her reputation. Thus having substituted Cle­ander in his place, if ought should happen otherwise than well, he gave the charge, and strooke a navall battell, wherein fighting valiantly he ended his life.

CLEOMBROTUS the sonne of Pausanias, when a certeine friend a stranger, debated and rea­soned 40 with his father about vertue, he said unto him: In this point at least-wise is my father be­fore you, for that he hath already begotten a sonne, and you none.

CLEOMENES the sonne of Anaxandrides, was wont to say: That Homer was the Poet of the Lacedaemonians, because he taught how to make warre; but Hesiodus the Poet of the Ilots, for that he wrote of agriculture and husbandry. He had made truce for seven daies with the Ar­gives; and the third night after it beganne, perceiving that the Argives upon the assurance and confidence of the said truce were soundly asleepe, he charged upon them, flew some, and tooke others prisoners; and when he was reproched therefore, and namely, that he had broken his oth; he answered: That he never sware to observe truce in the night season, but in day-time onely; and besides, what annoiance soever a man did unto his enemies (in what sort it made no matter) 50 he was to thinke that both before God and man it was a point above justice, and in no wise sub­ject and liable unto it: howbeit, for this perjurie of his and breaking of covenant, he was disap­pointed and [...] of his hope and desseigne, which was to surprise the citie of Argos, for that indeed the very women tooke those armes which in memoriall of ancient victories were hung and set up fast in their temples, with which they repelled them from the walles: after this, he fell into a furious rage, and his wits were bestraught; insomuch as he tooke a knife, and slit his bodie from the very ancles up to the principall and noble vitall parts, and so laughing and scoffing, he [Page 460] left his life. His very soothsaire would have disswaded and diverted him from leading his forces against Argos, saying: That his returne from thence would be dishonourable and infamous: and when he presented his power before the citie, he found the gates fast shut against them, and the women in armes upon the walles: How thinke you (quoth he) now, doe you suppose this a dishonourable returne, when as the women, after all the men be dead, are faine to keepe the gates fast locked? When the Argives abused him with reprochfull tearmes, calling him a per­jured and godlesse person: Well (quoth he) it is in you to miscall me and raile upon me as you do, in word; but it is in me to plague and mischiefe you indeed. Unto the ambassadours of Sa­mes, who came to moove and sollicit him for to warre upon the tyrant Polycrates, and to that ef­fect, used long speeches and perswasions, he answered thus: As touching that point which you speake of in the beginning of your oration, it is out of my head now, and I remember it not; in 10 which regard also I doe not well conceive the middle part of your speech; but as for that which you delivered in the latter end, I mislike it altogether. There was in his time a notable rover or pirate, who made roads into the land, and spoiled the coasts of Laconia, but at the last he was in­tercepted and taken; now being examined and demanded why he robbed in this sort? I had not wherewith (quoth he) to mainteine and keepe my souldiers about me, and therefore I came to those who had it, and knowing that they would give me nothing freely and by faire meanes, I assaied to get somewhat of them by force and strong hand: Naughtinesse I see well (quoth he) goeth the nerest way to worke. There was a leaud villaine, who did nothing but revile and mis­call him: Thou seemest (quoth he) to go up and downe railing upon every man, to the end that 20 being amused how to answere those thy slanders and imputations, we might have no time not leasure to charge thee with thy wickednesse and lay open thy vices. When one of his subjects said unto him: That a good king ought alwaies and in every thing to be milde and gracious: Not so (quoth he) left he grow thereby despised and contemptible. Being sore handled with a long and redious maladie, and not knowing what to do, he put himselfe at last into the hands of forcerers, enchanters, wisards and sacrificers, unto whom he was woont never to give any credit before; whereat when one of his familiar friends marvelled much, he said unto him: Wherfore wonder you at the matter? for I am not the man that heretofore I was, but much changed by sick­nesse; and as I am not the same, so I do not like & allow of those things which I did in times past. There was a great professor of Rhetoricke, who tooke vpon him in his presence to discourse at 30 large of prowesse and valour, whereat he began to laugh a good; and when the partie said unto him: Why laugh you to heare a man spake of valiance, especially being as you are a king? My good friend (quoth he) because if a swallow should talke as you have done, I would doe as you do; marie if it had beene an eagle, I should have beene silent haply and held my peace. The Argives made their boast & vaunted that in a [...] second battel, they had recovered the loose which they sustained in a former: I wonder much at that (quoth he) if by the addition of [...] two syllables onely, you are prooved better men now that earst you were. When one reproched him in foule tearmes, saying: You are a great spender Cleomenes and a voluptuous person: Better it is yet (quoth he) so to be, than unjust as you are, who being wealthie enough, are yet covetous, and get your goods by undue and indirect meanes. There was one who recommended a musician 40 unto him, and in truth praised the man in many respects; but among the rest for his excellent voice, saying: He was the best singer in all Greece: but Celomenes pointing with his finger to one hard by: Lo (quoth hee) here is a passing good cooke of mine, and namely at making of broth he hath no fellow. Meander the Tyrant of Samos, upon the comming and invasion of the Persians, fled into the citie of Sparta, where hee shewed unto Celomenes all the gold and silver which he had brought with him, praying him to take what he would of it; none would hee re­ceive at his hands, but fearing left he would fasten some of that treasure upon other citizens, to the Ephori he went & said thus unto them: It were better for Sparta, if this Samian guest of mine were sent out of Peloponnesius, for feare he induce and misleade some one of the Spartments to be naught: the Ephori no sooner heard this advertisement of his, but the verie same day by open 50 proclamation banished him out of the countrey. One demaunded of him upon a time, and said. Why having so often vanquished the Arigives warring upon you, have yee not rooted them out cleane? Neither will wee ever so do (quoth hee) for we would have our yoong men alwaies to be kept occupied and in exercise: and when another asked him why the Spartanes never con­secrated unto the gods the armors which they had despoiled their enemies of? Because (quoth he) they be the spoiles of cowardes; for those armes which have beene taken from such as held them cowardly, it is not meere either to shew unto yoong men, or to dedicate unto the gods.

[Page 461] CLEOMENES the sonne of Clombrotus, when one gave him certaine cockes of game which were verie eager and hot in fight, saying: That they would in combat for the victorie, die in the verie place: Nay (quoth hee) give me those rather that kill them; for surely such must needs be better than these.

LABOTUS unto one who made a long discourse before him, hee said: To what purpose makest thou such great preambles and prologues for so small a matter; words I tell thee must be cousens to the things.

LEOTYCHIDAS the first of that name, when one hit him in the teeth that he was incon­stant and mutable: If I change (quoth he) it is in regard of the times which doe alter and be di­vers; and not as you do, who alter ever and anon upon your owne naughtinesse. Unto another 10 who asked him how a man might best keepe the goods that presently he enjoyed; he answered: By not committing them all at once unto fortune. It was demaunded of him once, what it was that yoong gentlemen of noble houses ought to learne: Even that (quoth hee) which will doe them good another day, when they be men growen. Lastly, when one would needs know of him the reason why the Spartanes dranke so little: Because (quoth he) others should not consult of us, but we of others.

LEOTYCHIDAS the sonne of Ariston, when one brought him word that the sonnes of Dema­ratus gave out verie hard speeches of him: By the gods (quoth he) I nothing marvell thereat; for there is not one of them all that can affoord any man a good word. There chanced to be a serpent seene, which clasped round about the key or bolt of the gate next unto him; which sight 20 the sooth-sayers pronounced to be prodigious and a great woonder: Why (quoth he) this see­meth not to me any monstrous or strange thing, that a serpent should winde about a key or bolt; but surely it were a marvellous matter indeed, if the key or bolt should be wound about the serpent. There was a sacrisicer or priest named Philippus, who inducted and professed men in the ceremoniall religion of Orpheus; and so extreame poore he was that he begged for his li­ving; howbeit he went about and said: That those who by his hand were admitted into those ceremonies, should be happy after their death: Foole that thou art (quoth he) why dost not thou thy selfe die quickly, to the end that thou maiest cease to lament and bewaile thine owne miserie and povertie.

LEON the sonne of Eucratidas, being asked in what citie a man might dwell most safely? 30 answered thus: Even in that, whereof the inhabitants are not richer or poorer one than another; and wherin justice doth prevaile, & injustice is of no force. When he saw cerraine runners pre­pare to run a course for the prize in the race at the solemne Olympicke games, and marked how they espied all meanes possible to catch and winne some advantage of their concurrents: See (quoth he) how much more studious these runners are of swiftnesse than of rightcousnesse. And when one hapned to discourse out of time and place, of things verie good and profitable: My good friend (quoth he) unto him, your matter is honest and seemely, but your manner of handling it, is bad and unseemely.

LEONIDAS the soone of Anaxandridas, and brother to Clomenes; when one said unto him: There was no difference betweene you and us before you were a king: Yes I wis good Sir 40 (quoth he) for if I had not been better than you, I had never beene king. When his wife, named Gorgo, at what time as he tooke his leave of her and went foorth to fight with the Persians in the passe of Thermopylae, asked of him whether hee had ought else to commaund her? Nothing (quoth he) but this, that thou be wedded againe unto honest men and bring them good chil­dren. When the Ephori said unto him, that he lead a small number foorth with him to the fore­said straights of Thermopylae: True (quoth he) but yet enough for that service which we go for. And when they enquired of him againe, and said: Why sir, entend you any other desseigne and enterprise? In outward shew (quoth he) and apparance, I give out in words that I goe to empeach the passage of the Barbarians; but in verie truth to lay downe my life for the Greekes. When he was come to the verie entrance of the said passe, hee said unto his souldiers: It is re­ported 50 unto us by our scouts, that our Barbarous enemies be at hand; therefore wee are to lose no more time, for now we are brought to this issue, that we must either defait them, or else die for it. When one said unto him, for the exceeding number of their arrrowes we are not able to see the sun: So much the better (quoth he) for us, that we may fight under the shade. To another who said: Lo they be even hard & close to us; And so are we (quoth he) hard by them. Another used those words unto him: You are come Leonidas with a verie small troupe, for to hazard your selfe against so great a multitude; unto whom he answered: If youregard number, all Greece [Page 462] assembled together is notable to furnish us, for it would but answere one portion or cannot of their multitude: but if you stand upon valor & prowesse of men, certes this number is sufficient. Another there was who said as much to him: But yet I bring (quoth he) money enough, consi­dering we are heere to leave our lives. Xerxes wrote unto him to this effect: You need not un­lesse you list be so perverse and obstained as to fight against the gods, but by siding and combi­ning with me, make your selfe a monarch over all Greece; unto whom he wrote back in this wise: If you knew wherein consisted the soveraigne good of mans life, you would not covet that which is another mans; for mine owne part, I had rather loose my life for the safetie of Greece, than be the commaunder of all those of mine owne nation. Another time Xerxes wrote thus: Send me thy armour; unto whom he wrote backe: Come your selfe and setch it. At the verie 10 point when he was to charge upon his enemies, the marshals of the armie came unto him, and protessed that they must needs hold off and stay until the other allies & confederates were come together: Why (quoth he) thinke you not that as many as be minded to fight are come alrea­die? or know you not that they onely who dread and reverence their kings, be they that fight against enimies? this said, he commaunded his souldiers to take their dinners, for sup we shall (said he) in the other world. Being demaunded why the best and bravest men preferre an ho­norable death before a shamefull life? Because (quoth he) they esteeme the one proper to na­ture onely; but to die well they thinke it peculiar to themselves. A great desire he had to have those yoong men of his troupe and regiment, who were not yet maried, and knowing well that if he delt with them directly and openly, they would not abide it; he gave unto them one after 20 another two brevets or letters to carrie unto the Ephori, and so sent them away: he meant also to save three of those who were married; but they having an inkeling thereof, would receive no brevets or missives at al: for one said, I have followed you hither to fight, and not to be a carier of newes; the second also: By staying heere I shall quit my selfe the better man; and the third: I will not be behind the rest, but the formost in fight.

LOCHAGUS the father of Polyaenides and Syron, when newes was brought unto him that one of his children was dead: I knew long since (quoth he) that he must needs die.

LYCURGUS the law-giver, minding to reduce his citizens from their old maner of life, un­to a more sober and temperat course, and to make them more vertuous and honest (for before time they had beene dissolute and over delicate in their maners and behaviour) nourished two 30 whelpes which came from the same dogge and bitch, and the one he kept alwaies within house, & used it to licke in every dish & to be greedy after meat; the other he would leade forth abroad into the fields and acquaint it with hunting: afterwards he brought them both into an open and frequent assembly of the people, and set before them in the mids, certaine bones, sosse & scraps; he put out also at the same time an hare before them; now both the one and the other tooke in­continently to that whereto they had beene acquainted, and ranne apace, the one to the messe of sops, and the other after the hare and caught it: heereupon Lycurgus tooke occasion to in­ferre this speech: You see heere my masters and citizens (quoth he) how these two dogs having one sire and one dam to them both, are become farre different the one from the other, by rea­son of their divers educations and bringing up; whereby it is evident how much more powerfull 40 nouriture and exercise is to the breeding of vertuous maners, than kinde and nature: howbeit some there be who say, that these two dogs or whelps which he brought out, were not of one and the same dogge and bitch; but the one came from those curres that used to keepe the house, and the other from those hounds that were kept to hunting; and afterwards that he acquainted the whelpe that was of the woorse kinde onely to the chase, and that which came of the better race, to slappe, licke, and doe nothing else but raven; whereupon either of them made their choise and ranne to that quickly whereto they were accustomed; and thereby he made it appeer evidently, how education, trayning, and bringing up is availeable both for good and bad condi­tions, for thus he spake unto them: By this example you may know my friends that nobilitie of bloud, how highly soever it is esteemed with the common sort, is to no purpose, no though we 50 bee descended from the race of Hercules, if we doe not practise those deeds whereby hee became the most renowned and glorious knight in the world, learning and exercising all our life time those things which are honest and vertuous. Having made a devision of the whole ter­ritorie, and distributed to every citizen an equall portion; it is reported that a good while after, the being returned frō a long voiage which he had, into the said territorie about harvest time, when the corne was newly reaped and cut down, seeing the shocks & sheaves, cocks and stiches raun­ged even and orderly, and the same like one to another; he rejoiced in his heart, and smiling [Page 463] said to those about him: That the whole territorie of Laconia looked like unto the inheritance and patrimonie of many brethern who had lately parted and divided their portions together equally. When he had brought in the cutting off and abolition of debts, he went in hand with the division of all utensils also and mooveable goods within house into even shares, to the end that there might be no imparitie nor inequality at all among his citizens; but perceiving that if he went directly and plainly to work, they would hardly beare and brooke that any thing should be abridged and taken from them: he discredited first and formost all sorts of gold and sil­ver coine, giving commaundement that there should be no money used but made of iron: and taxed a certaine rate and limitation to what summe each mans state should amount; ac­cording to the estimation of the said money by way of exchange; which done, all wrongs 10 and unjust dealings were chased cleane out of Lacedaemon: for now by this meanes there could no man rob nor steale, there was no bribing nor corruption by gifts, no man might de­fraud in contracts and bargains, nor embezzell any more, considering that neither they might conceale and hide that which was unjustly gotten, nor any man joined in possessing ought, nor could possibly use and occupie the same without perill, ne yet carie to and fro in safetic and se­curitie: and withall by the same meanes, he banished out of Lacedaemon all superfluties, where­by there were no more any marchants, nor pleading sophisters, no wisards & fortune tellers, no cogging mount-banks & juglers, no ingenious devisers of new fabricks & buildings that haun­ted Sparta for why, he would not permit any money there which was currant in other places, but onely this iron coine was in request, and passed from one to another: as for the price 20 thereof it waighed an Aeginetick pound; but in woorth and valour, it went but for foure Cho­chins. Moreover, having a purpose to root out delicate and superfluous pleasures, and to cut off cleane all covetous desire of riches, he instituted and brought up those meetings which they cal Syssitia: i. eating at publick meales and making merrie together: and when some demanded of him what he meant to devise the same, and also why he ordeined that his citizens should be di­vided by little tables when they sat together in armes? To the end (quoth he) that they might be in more readinesse to receive commaundement from their superiors; as also if peradventure there should be some practise among them of change and alteration, the fault might be in some few; and moreover, that there should be equallity in their eating & drinking, & neither in their dishes of meat nor cups of drink, nor in their beds nor apparel, no nor so much as in the utensils 30 & implemēts of the house, or in any thing whatsoever, the rich shuld have any vantage over the poore: by this policy having brought to passe that riches was not set-by and desired, considering that such order was taken, that neither men had much occasion to use it, nor any joy & pleasure to shew it, he would thus say unto his familiars: My good friends, what a gay & goodly matter is it, to make it knowen by effect indeed, that Pluto, that is to say, the god of riches, is in trueth blinde, according as he is named to be. Furthermore, carefull he was, and had a speciall regard that his people should not first dine at home in their owne houses, and after that, goe to their publicke halles and meetings aforesaid, being full of other viands and drinks; for others would reproch and speake badly of a man who did not eat among them with a good appetite, as being a glutton, or one who for daintinesse and delicacy disdained this common and vulgar maner of 40 diet; but if any such happened to be seeme and knowen, he was sure to be condemned in a good round fine. Hereupon it was, that a long time after, king Agis (after his returne from an expe­dition or voiage in warre, wherein he had subdued the Athenians) willing one day to suppe pri­vately by himselfe with his wife at home, sent into the kitchin for his part or allowance of meat; but the marshable of the armie would send him none; and the morrow after, when the matter came to the knowledge of the Ephori, he had a fine set on his head for it: but by reason of these new ordinances, divers of the richer sort tooke snuffe, and in great indignation rose up against him, abused him with hard tearmes, threw stones and would have brained him; but he seeing himselfe thus furiously pursed, made shift by good footmanship, and escaped out of the com­mon market place, & put himselfe within the sanctuarie of Minervaes temple, called Chalceae­cos, 50 before the other could overtake him, only Alcander was so neere unto him, that when he cast his eie behinde to see who followed after, rought him a rap with his bason, and strake one of his eies out of his head: but Alcander afterwards, by the common sentence of the whole citie, was put into his hands for to do exemplarie justice upon him, according as he thought good how­beit, hee wrought him no mischiefe nor displeasure at all; and that which more is, hee never so much as complained of any wrong or abuse that he had offered and done unto him; but having him to be a domesticall guest and to live with him, he did this good of him: That hee blazed in [Page 464] every place where he came, his commendable parts, and namely, the orderly dier and maner of life, that he had learned by conversing with him; and in one word, shewed himselfe highly to af­fect that discipline in which Lycurgus had trained him: afterwards, for a memoriall of this acci­dent which befell unto him, he caused within the temple of Minerva Chalceaecos, a chapell to be built unto Minerva, surnamed Optiletis; for that the Doriens inhabiting those parts, do call in their language, Eies, Opteli. It was demanded of him upon a time, why he had not established a­ny written positive lawes: Because (quoth he) they that are well brought up and instituted in that discipline as it apperteineth, know well how to judge that which the time requireth. Some asked him why he had ordeined that the roofes of houses should be made with timber rough hewen with the axe, and the doores of sawen planke or boord onely, without worke of any other 10 tooles or instruments at all? unto whom he answered: Because our citizens should be moderate in all things that they bring into their houses, and have no furniture therein that might set o­ther mens teeth on water, or which other men do so much affect. From this custome by report it came, that king Leotychides the first of that name, being at supper in a friends house of his, when he saw the roofe over his head richly seeled with embowed arch-worke, demanded of his host whether the trees in that countrey grew square or no? When he was asked why he forbad to make warre often against the same enemies: For feare (quoth he) that being forced estsoones to stand upon their owne guard and put themselves in defence, they should in the end become well experienced in the warres: in which regard Agesilaus afterwards was greatly blamed for be­ing the cause by his continuall expeditions and invasions into Boeotia, that the Thebans were e­quall 20 in armes unto the Lacedaemonians. Another asked also of him, why he enjoined maidens marriageable to exercise their bodies in running, wrestling, pitching the barre, flinging coits, and lancing of darts? For this purpose (quoth he) that the first rooting of their children which they are to breed, taking fast and sure holde in able bodies wel set and strongly knit, might spring and thrive the better within them, and they also themselves being more firme and vigorous, beare children afterward the better, be prepared and exercised (as it were) to endure the paines and travels of child-birth easily and stoutly, over and besides, if need required, be able to fight in defence of themselves, their children and countrey. Some there were who found fault with the custome that he brought in, that the maidens of the city at certeine festivall daies should dance naked in solemne shewes and pomps that were set, demanding the cause thereof? to whom hee rendred this reason: That they performing the same exercises which men do, might be no lesse 30 enabled than they, either in strength and health of body, or in vertue and generosity of minde, and by that meanes checke and despise the opinion that the vulgar sort had of them. And from hence it came, that Gorgo the wife of Leonidas, as we finde written, when a certeine dame and la­die of a forren countrey said unto her: There be no other women but you Laconian wives, that have men at command; answered in this wise: For why? we onely are the women that beare men. Moreover, he debarted and kept those men who remained unmarried, from the sight of those shewes where the yoong virgins aforesaid danced naked; and that which more is, set up­on them the note of infamie, in depriving them expresly of that honour and service which yon­ger solke are bound to yeeld unto their elders: in which doing, he had a great foresight and pro­vidence 40 to move his citizens to marriage and for to beget children; by occasion whereof, there was never any man yet who misliked and complained of that which was said unto Dercillidas, by way of reproch, though otherwise he was a right good and valiant captaine; for when he came upon a time into a place, one of the yonger sort there was, who would not deigne to rise up unto him, nor give him any reverence; and this reason he gave: Because (quoth he) as yet you have not begotten a childe to rise up and doe his duety likewise to me. Another asked of him, where­fore he had ordeined that daughters should be married without a dowrie or portion given with them? Because (quoth he) for default of marriage-money none of them might stay long ere they were wedded, nor be hearkened after for their goods; but that every man regarding onely the maners and conditioins of a yoong damosell, might make choise of her whom he meaneth 50 to espouse, for her vertue onely; which is the reason also that he banished out of Sparta all ma­ner of painting, trimming, and artificiall embelishments to procure a superficiall beauty and complexion. Having also prefixed and set downe a certeine time, within the which aswell mai­dens as yoong men might marrie; one would needs know of him why he limited forth such a definite terme? unto whom he answered: Because their children might be strong and lustie, as being begotten and conceived of such persons as be already come to their full growth. Some woondered why hee would not allow that the new married bridegrome should lie with his [Page 465] espouse; but expresly gave order that the most part of the day hee should converse with his companions, yea, and all the nights long, but whensoever hee went to keepe company with his new wedded wife, it should be secretly and with great heed and care that hee be not surpri­zed or found with her? This (quoth he) is done to this end that they may be alwaies more strong and in better plight of body: also that by not enjoying their delights and pleasures to the full; their love might be ever fresh, and their infants betweene them more hardie and stout: furthermore, hee remooved out of the citie all precious and sweete persumes, say­ing: That they were no better than the verie marring and corruption of the good naturall oile; the art also of dying and tincture, which he said was nothing else but the slatterie of the senses: 10 to be briefe, he made the citie Sparta inaccessible (as I may say) for all jewelers and fine work­men, who professe to set out and adorne the body: giving out, that such by their lewd artificiall devices, do deprave and marre the good arts and mysteries in deed. In those daies the honestie and pudicitie of dames was such, and so far off were they from that tractable facilitie and easie accesse unto their love; which was afterwards, that adulterie among them was held for an unpos­sible and uncredible thing. And to this pupose may well be remembred the narration of one Geradatas, an ancient Spartane, of whom a stranger asked the question: What punishment adulterers were to suffer in the citie of Sparta? for that, he saw, Lycurgus had set downe no ex­presse law in that behalfe: Why (quoth he) there is no adulterie among us: but when the other replied againe: Yea, but what and if there were? even the same answere made Geradatas, and none other: For how (quoth he) can there be an adulterer in Sparta, wherein all riches, all super­fluous 20 delights and dainties, all outward trickings and embelishings of the bodie are despised and dishonoured? and where shame of doing ill, honestie, reverence and obeisance to superi­ors carrie away all the credit and authoritie? One put himselfe forward, and was in hand with him to set up and establish the popular State of government in Sparta; unto whom hee answe­red: Begin it thy selfe first within thine owne house. And unto another who demaunded of him, why he ordained the sacrifices in Lacedaemon so simple and of smal cost? To the end (quoth he) that we should never cease and give over to worship and honour the gods. Also when hee permitted his citizens to practise those exercises of the bodie onely, wherein they never stret­ched foorth their hands; he was required by one to yeeld a reason thereof: Because (quoth he) none of us should in taking paines be accustomed to be wearie or to saint, and give over at any 30 time. Likewise being asked the reason why he gave order oftentimes to change the campe, and not in one place to lie long encamped? To the end (quoth he) that we might doe the greater damage to our enemies, and hurt more of them. Another was desirous to know of him, why he forbad to give the assault unto any walles? unto whom he answered: For feare that the best men might not be killed, by a woman, a child, or some such like person. Certaine Thebanes craved his advice and opinion touching the sacrifice, divine service, and dolefull moane which was so­lemnely made in the honour of Leucothea; unto whom he answered thus: If you take her for a goddesse, weepe not for her as if she were a woman; if you suppose her to be a woman, sacrifice not unto her as to a goddesse. Unto his citizens who demaunded of him, how they might put backe and repulse the invasions of their enemies? Marie (quoth he) if you continue poore, and 40 none of you do covet to have more than another. Againe, when they would needs know why he would not have their citie to be walled about: Because (saith he) that citie is never without a wal, which is environed and compassed about with valiant men, and not with bricke or stone. The Spartanes also were verie curious in trimming the haire of their heads, alledging for their warrant a certaine speech of Lycurgus as touching that point, who was woont to say: That side­haire made them who were faire more beautifull, and those that were foule, more hideous and terrible. Likewise he gave commaundement, that in their warres, when they had discomfited their enemies and put them to flight, to follow the chase so hardly, untill they were fully assured of the victorie, and then to retire withall speed, saying: That it was no act of a generous spirit, nor beseeming the brave minde of the Greekish nation, to massacre and execute those who had 50 quit the place and were gone; besides, this also would be safe and commodious for themselves, forasmuch as the enemies who knew once their custome, namely, to put those to the sword who obstinately resist and make head, and to spare those and let them escape who flie before them; find by that meanes that flight is better than to stand to fight. A certaine man asked him, for what cause he would not suffer the souldiers to rifle and spoile the bodies of their enemies as they fell dead: For feare (quoth hee) lest while they busie themselves, and stoupe forward to ga­ther [Page 466] the spoiles, they should neglect their fight in the meane time, but rather entend onely with their povertie and want to keepe their range.

The Tyrant of Sicilie Dionysius had sent unto LYSANDER two sutes of womens roabes, that he might choose whether of them he liked better, to carrie unto his daughter; but hee said unto him: That she herselfe knew best which to choose, and what was fittest for herselfe, and so he tooke both away with him. This Lysander was a verie craftie and subtile foxe, who ordered and managed most part of his affaires by cunning casts and deceitfull devices, esteeming justice onely by utilitie, and honestie by profit; confessing in word that truth was better than falshood; but measuring in deed the worth and price as well of the one as the other by commoditie. To them who reprooved and blamed him for conducting the most part of his enterprises by fraud 10 and guile, and not by plaine direct force, a thing unwoorthy the magnanimity of Hercules, hee would laugh and answere: That where he could not atchieve a thing by the lions skin, hee must needes sow thereto a piece of the foxes case. And when others charged and accused him mightily, for that he had violated and broken his oath, which he had made in the citie Miletum, he used to say: That children were to be deceived with cock-all-bones, but men with oaths: Ha­ving defaited the Athenians in a battell by meanes of an ambush, in a certaine place called the Goats-rivers, and afterward pressed them so sore with famine, that he forced them to yeeld the citie unto his mercie, he wrote unto the Ephori thus: Athens is woon. The Lacedaemonians in his time were at some difference with the Argives about their confines; and it seemed that the Argives alledged better reasons, and brought forth more direct evidences for themselves 20 than the other; whereupon he came among them and drew his sword, saying: They that are the mightier with this, plead best for their confines. Seeing the Boeotians as he passed thorow their countrey, hanging in equall ballance, and as yet not resolved and certaine to which side for to range themselves, he sent one unto them for to know whether they would chuse, that he mar­ched thorow their lands with speares and pikes upright, or bending downeward and trailing. In a certaine assembly of the estates of Greece, there was a Megarian who spake bravely and auda­ciously unto him: Thy words my friend (quoth he) have need of a citie; meaning thereby, that he was of too weake and small a citie, as to give such glorious words. The Corinthians rebelled upon a time, whereupon he advaunced with his forces against their walles, which the Lacedae­monians seemed to assaile verie coldly: but at the verie instant there was espied an hare, running 30 crosse over the towne ditch: whereupon he tooke occasion to say: Are yee not ashamed in deed ô yee Spartanes, to feare such enemies, who are so idle and stirre so little abroad, that hares can sleepe quietly, even under their verie walles. When hee was at Samothrace to consult with the oracle there; the priest was in hand with him to confesse what was the most wicked and enormious act that ever hee did in all his life time: whereupon hee asked the priest againe: Whether is it your selfe or the gods that would know thus much, and imposeth this con­fession upon mee? The gods (quoth the priest) would have it so: Why then (quoth he) retire you aside out of my sight, and if they demaund the same of mee, I will answere them. A certaine Persian asked him what kinde of government hee liked best and praised most: Even that (quoth hee) which ordeineth for cowards and hardy men that reward and hire 40 which is meet for them. Another said unto him: That in every place where he came hee was ready to commend and defend him: I have (quoth he againe) in my grounds two oxen, and nei­ther of them speaks a word; howbeit, I know for al that, which is good of deed, and which is idle and lazie at his worke. There was one who let flie at him divers odious and reprochfull words: Speake on good fellow (quoth he) out with it hardly and spare not, vomit up all and leave no­thing behinde, if haply thou canst rid and purge thy heart of all the wicked venim wherewith thou seemest to swell. Some time after, when he was dead, there arose variance betweene the allies of Sparta as touching certaine matters; and for to know the truth and settle all causes among them, Agesilaus went to Lysanders house, for to search certaine papers that might give light and evidence to the thing in controversie; and among other writings he chaunced to 50 light upon an oration or pamphlet penned by him as touching policie & the State; wherein he seemed to perswade the Spartans to take the roialtie and regall dignitie from the houses of the Eurytionida and Agiadae, and to bring it to a free election of the citizens, that they might chuse for their kings out of all the citie those who were approoved and knowen for the woor­thiest men, and not to be obliged for to take and admit of necessitie one of Hercules line; so as the crowne and regall state might be conferred as a reward and honour upon him who in vertue [Page 467] resembled Hercules most, considering that it was by the meanes thereof, that unto him were assigned the honors due unto the gods: now was Agesilaus fully bent to have published this ora­tion before al the citizens, to the end that they might take knowledge how Lysander was another kind of man than he had beene taken for, and withall to traduce those that were his friends and bring them into obloquie, suspicion, and trouble: but by report Lacratidas the principall man, and president of the Ephori, fearing lest if this oration were once divulged & openly read, it might take effect, and perswade that indeed which it pretended; staied Agesilaus and kept him from doing so, saying: That he should not now rake Lysander out of his grave, but rather enterre and burie the oration together with him, so wittily and artificially composed it was, and so effectuall to perswade. Certaine gentlemen there were of the citie, who during his lise were 10 suters to his daughters in mariage; but after his death when his estate was knowen to be but poore, they desisted and cast them off, whereupon the Ephori condemned them in great sines, for that they made court unto them, so long as they esteemed him wealthy; but afterwards when they found by his poore estate that he was a righteous and just man, they made no more recko­ning of his daughters but disdained them.

NAMERTES being sent as embassadour into a forren countrey, there chanced to be one of those parts who said unto him: That he held and reputed him for an happie man, because he had so many friends; unto whom he replied and asked: Whether he knew the true proofe where­by a man might be assured that he had many friends? the other answered: No, but I pray you tell me: Why then (quoth he) it is Or prospe [...] . adversitie. 20

NICANDER, when one brought him, word that the Argives spake ill of him: It makes no matter (quoth he) are they not sufficiently chastised and punished for railing upon good men? One asked of him wherefore the Lacedaemonians wore their haire long of their heads, & suffred likewise their beards to grow side; unto whom he answered: Because a mans owne proper or­nament is of all other the fairest, and costeth least. A certaine Athenian being in communica­tion with him, cast out this word: All you Lacedaemonians ( Nicander) love your ease well, and are idle: You say true indeed (quoth he) but we busie not our selves as you doe in every trifling matter.

PANTHOIDAS, being sent in embassage into Asia, was shewed by the people of those parts a certaine strong citie well fortified with high and goodly wals: Now by the gods (quoth he) 30 my friends, this seemes to be a trim cloister to mue up women in. In the schoole of Academie the philosophers discoursed and disputed as touching many good themes, and after they had made an end, they said unto him: Now good sir ô Panthoidas, how like you these discourses? What should I thinke of them else (quoth he) but that they are goodly and honest in shew, but surely profitable they are not, nor edifie at all, so long as your selves doe not live accordingly.

PAUSANIAS the sonne of Cleombrotus, when the inhabitants of the isle Delos were at de­bate, and pleaded for the proprietie of the said isle against the Athenians, alleaging for them­selves that by an old law (time out of minde) observed among them, there might none of their women beare children within the said island, nor any of their dead be buried there: How then (quoth he) can this isle be yours, if none of you were ever borne or buried there? When cer­taine 40 exiled persons from Athens sollicited him to leade his armie against the Athenians, and for to provoke him rather thereto, said: That they were the onely men who hissed and whistled at the naming of him, when he was declared victor in the solemnitie of the Olympick games: But what thinke you (quoth he) will they doe when we have wrought them some shrewd turne, since they sticke not to hisse at us being their benefactors? Another asked of him, wherefore the Lacedaemonians had enfranchized the poet Tyrteus their denizen? Because (quoth he) we never would be thought to have a stranger or alien our leader and governour. There was a very weak and feeble man of bodie who neverthelesse seemed very earnest and instant to make warre upon the enemies, and to give them battell both on sea and land: Will you (quoth he) strip your selfe out of your clothes, that we may see what a goodly man of person you are, to moove and 50 perswade us for to fight? Some there were who seeing the spoiles that were taken from the dead bodies of the Barbarians after they were slaine in the field, marveiled much at their sumptuous and costly clothes: It had been better (quoth he) that themselves had beene of more valour, and their habilements of lesse valew. After the victorie which the Greeks wan of the Persians be­fore the citie Plateae, he commaunded those about him to serve him up to the table that supper which the Persians had provided for themselves, which being woonderfull excessive and su­perfluous: Now Par-die (quoth he) the Persians are great gourmaunders and greedy gluttons, [Page 468] having so great store of viands come hither among us, for to eate up our browne bread and course bisket.

PAUSANIAS the sonne of Plistonax, unto one who asked him, why it was not lawfull in their countrey to alter any of their auncient statutes, made this answer: Because lawes ought to be mistresses of men, and not men masters of the lawes. Being exiled from Sparta, and making his abode within the citie Tegea, he highly praised the Lacedaemonians; one of the standers by said unto him: And why then staied not you at Sparta, if there be so good men there? why I say fled you from thence? Because (quoth he) physicians doe not use to keepe where folke be sound and whole, but where they are sicke and diseased. One came to him and said: How shall we be able to defait & conquer the Thracians? Mary (quoth he) if we chuse the valiantest man for our 10 captaine. A certaine Physician advised & looked upon him very wistly, & after he had well con­sidered his person, said: Thou ailest nothing, neither is there any evil in thee: I thinke so (quoth he) because I use none of thy counsell & physick. His friends reprooved him for speaking ill of a physician, of whom he had no proofe nor experience, and at whose hands he had received no harme: True indeed (quoth he) I have made no triall of him; for if I had, surely I should not have bene a lives-man at this day. When a Physician said unto him: You are now become old sir: Thou saist trueth (quoth he) because I have not enterteined thee for to minister physicke un­to me. He was wont also to say: That he was the best Physician, who would not let his patients rot above ground, but dispatch them at once, and send them quickly to their graves.

PASDARETUS, when one said unto him: There is a great number of our enemies: Then 20 (quoth he) shall we win greater honour, for kill we may the more of them. Seeing one who by nature was a very dastard and coward, howbeit, commended otherwise by his fellow-citizens for his modestie and mildnesse: I would not have men (quoth he) praised for being like wo­men, nor women for resembling men, unlesse peradventure a woman be driven upon some oc­casion of extremitie to play the man. Having the repulse upon a time, when hee should have bene chosen into the counsell of the three hundred, which was the most honourable degree of State in all the citie, he departed from the assembly all jocund, mery and smiling; and when the Ephori called him backe againe, and demanded of him why he laughed? Because (quoth he) I joy in the behalfe of the citie, that it hath in it three hundred better and more sufficient citizens than my selfe. 30

PLISTARCHUS the sonne of Leonidas, when one enquired of him the cause why they caried not the denomination of their families from the names of their first kings, but of the later? Be­cause (quoth he) those in the olde time Some reade thus: Were compelled of necessitie to be captaines or kings chose rather to be leaders than kings; but their suc­cessors not. There was a certeine advocate at the barre, who in pleading for his client, was full of his jests and frumps, never ceasing to scoffe and move laughter: My friend (quoth he unto him) do you not consider and regard, that in seeming to make others for to laugh, you will cause your selfe to be ridiculous and a laughing stocke? even as those who by wrestling oft become good wrestlers? Report there was made unto him one day of a certeine foule-tongued fellow, who u­sed to slander and back-bite all men, and yet spake all good of him: I wonder much (quoth he) if no man tolde him that I was dead; for surely he cannot for his life affoord any man living one 40 good word.

PLISTONAX the sonne of Pausanius, when a certeine Athenian oratour called the Lacedae­monians, unlettered and ignorant person: Thou saiest true (quoth he) for we alone of all other Greeks, are the men who have learned no naughtinesse of you.

POLYDORUS the sonne of Alcamenes, said unto one who ordinarily did nothing els but menace his enemies: Doest not thou perceive how thou spendest the most part of thy revenge in these threats? He led upon a time the army from Lacedaemon against the citie of Messene; and one demanded of him, whether his heart would serve to fight against brethren? No (quoth he) but I can finde in mine heart to march into that inheritance which is not yet set out and parted by lots. The Argives, after the discomfiture of their three hundred men who fought against so 50 many of the Lacedaemonians, were defaited a second time, all in a ranged battell; by reason whereof, the allies and confederates of the Lacedaemonians were earnest with Polydorus not to let slip so good an opportunitie, but to follow the traine of victory, and to go directly to the op­pugnation of their city walles, and to win it by force; which he might effect right easily, consi­dering that all the men were killed up in the field, and none but women left alive within, to de­send the citie; unto whom he answered: I am well appaied, and take this for my great honour and glory, that I have vanquished mine enemies in battell, fighting on even-hand so many to so [Page 469] many; but being to determine the quarrell by dint of sword for our confines onely, and having exploited that, to proceed forward, and covet to affault and winne their city, I holde it not to be just and equall; for come I am to recover those lands of ours which they occupied, and not to seize upon their home-stalles. Being demanded why the Lacedaemonians exposed themselves so manfully to the hazzard of warre? It is (quoth he) because they have learned to reverence, and not to feare their rulers and captaines.

POLYCRATIDAS being sent with others, in ambassage to the lieutenats of the king of Persia, when they demanded of him & the rest, whether they were come of their own proper mo­tion, or sent by commission from the State? If we speed of that (quoth he) which we demand, then are we come in the behalfe of the common weale; but if we misse, we come of our owne 10 heads.

PUOEBIDAS immediatly before the battell of Leuctres, when some gave out, and said: This day will trie and shew who is a good man: Such a day (quoth hee) is much worth in deed, if it be able to shew a good man.

Sous, as it is reported (being upon a time straightly besieged by the Clitorians, in a place which was very rough and without water) made offer to render into their hands all those lands which he had conquered from them, in case that he and all his company might drinke at a cer­teine fountaine which was neere at hand: the Clitorians accorded thereto, and this covenant was concluded and confirmed by oath betweene them: so hee assembled all his men together, and declared unto them: That if there were any amongst them would abseine from drinke, he 20 would resigne up into his hands all his sovereigne power and roialtie; but there was not one of all his troupe who could conteine and forbeare, so exceeding thirsty they were all; but everie man drunke heartily, himselfe onely excepted, who went last downe to the spring, where he did nothing els but coole and besprinkle his body without, in the presence of his very enemies, not taking one drop inwardly: by which evasion, he would not afterwards yeeld up the foresaid lands, but alledged that they had not all drunke.

TELECRUS when one came unto him & said: That his owne father gave him alwaies hard words; made him this answer: Surely, if there were not cause to use such speeches, he would ne­ver speake so. His brother also was discontented, and complained in this wise; The citizens do not beare mee such favour and kindnesse as they shew in your behalfe; notwithstanding we 30 are the sonnes of one father and mother; but they misuse me most injuriously: The reason is (quoth he) because you know not how to put up a wrong as I doe. Being demaunded why the custome was in their country, that yoong men should rise up from their places where they were set, and do reverence unto their elders: It is (quoth he) to this end, that in doing this honor unto those, who nothing belonged unto them, they might learne so much the more to honour their parents. unto another that asked him of what wealth he was, and how much goods he had? he answered: I have no more than will suffice.

CHARILLUS being asked the question why Lycurgus had given them so few lawes? Because (quoth he) they have no need at all of many lawes who speake but little. Another demaunded of him the cause, why as Sparta they suffered to goe foorth into publick place, virgins with their 40 faces open, but wives vailed and covered: For that (quoth he) maidens might finde them out husbands to be wedded unto, and wives keepe those whom they have maried already. One of the slaves (called Ilotes) behaved himselfe vpon a time over boldly and malapertly with him; un­to whom he said: Were I not angrie, I would kill thee at my foot. One asked him what kind of government he esteemed best? Even that (quoth he) wherein most men, in managing of pub­licke affaires without quarrels and sedition, strive a vie who shall be most vertuous. And unto another who would needs know the reason, why at Sparta the images and statues of the gods were made in armor? he shaped this answer: To the end that the reproches which are fastned upon men for cowardise, might not take hold of them; also that yoong men should never with­out their armes make their praiers unto the gods. 50

The Samiens had sent certaine embassadors unto Sparta, who after audience given, were very [...] of Spartanes and Lacontans, whose names are not ex­pressed. long and somewhat tedious in their orations; but when they had found the way to make an end, THE LORDS OF SPARTA made them this answer; The beginning of your speech we have forgotten, and we conceived not the rest because the beginning was out of our remembrance. The Thebanes upon a time had contested bravely, and contradicted them stoutly in certaine points in question, unto whom they answered thus: Either lesse hearts, or more puissance. There was one asked a Lacedaemonian upon a time why he let his beard grow so long? Because [Page 470] (quoth he) whensover I see my hoary and grey haires, I might be put in minde to doe nothing unbeseeming them. When another highly praised certaine men for most valiant: a Lacedae­monian heard him and said: Oh, such were sometime at Great Troy. Another of them hearing it spoken, that in certaine cities men were forced to drink after supper: And doe they not (quoth he) compell them also to eate? The poet Pindarus in one of his canticles nameth the citie of Athens the prop of al Greece: Thē wil Greece quickly come tumbling down (quoth a Laconian) if it beare but upon so sleight a pillar. Another beheld a painted table, wherin was the pourtrature of the Lacedemonians, how they were killed by the Athenians, and when one that stood by said; Now surely these Atheniās be valiant men: Yea mary (quoth he) in a picture. There was one see­med to take pleasure in hearing certaine opprobrious and slanderous words untruely given out 10 against a Laconian, & to beleeve the same; but the partie thus misused said: Cease to lend your eare against me. Another when he was punished, went crying; If I have don amisse it was against my wil: Why then (answered a Laconian) let it be against thy wil also that thou art punished. An­other seeing men going forth of the countrey, set at their ease within coches: (God forbid (quoth he) that I should sit there where I can not rise up to doe my dutie unto him that is elder than my selfe. Certaine Chians there were, who being come to see the citie of Sparta, chaunced to be well whittled and starke drunke, who after supper went to see also the consistorie of the Ephori, where they cast up their gorges, yea and that which more is, both vomited and discharged their guts, even upon the very chaires where the Ephori was wont to sit: the morrow after, the Lace­daemonians made great search and diligent enquirie at the first, who they were that thus had 20 plaid the slovens and beasts, and namely whether they were any of their owne citie or no: but when they understood that they were these strangers and travellers from Chios, they made open proclamation with sound of trumpet; That they gave the Chians leave thus filthily to abuse themselves. Another Laconian seeing hard almonds sold at the double price: What (quoth he) are stones so geason heere? Another having plucked all the feathers off from a nightingale, and seeing what a little body it had: Surely (quoth he) thou art all voice and nothing else. There was likewise a Lacedaemonian, who seeing the cynick philosopher Diogenes in the mids of win­ter when it was extreme cold, embrasing and clipping a brasen statue very devoutly, asked him if he chilled not for cold? and when the other answered, No; Why then (quoth he) what great matter doe you? A certaine Laconian reproched upon a time one borne in Metapontium, say­ing; 30 They were all cowards and false-hearted like women: If it be so (quoth the Metapontine) how is it that wee hold so much of other mens lands as wee doe? Why then (replied the La­conian) I see that you are not cowards onely, but unjust also. A traveller being come to Sparta for to see the citie, stood upright a long while upon one foore onely, and said unto a Laconian I doe not thinke thou canst stand so long of one leg as I do: Not I indeed (quoth the other) but there is not a goose but can do as much. There was one vaunted greatly what a Rhetorician he was, and namely that he was able to perswade what he would; Now by Castor and Pollux I sweare (quoth a Laconian) there never was, nor ever will be any arte indeed without verity. A certaine Argive boasted much, that there were in their citie many graves & tombes of the Lacedaemoni­ans: And contrariwise (quoth a Laconian) there is not among us one sepulcher of the Argives; 40 giving him thus much to understand, that the Lacedaemonians had many times entred with a puissant armie into the countrey of Argos, but the Argives never into the territorie of Sparta. A Laconian being taken prisoner in warre (when hee should bee sold in port sale, as the crier began with a loud voice to pronounce: Who will buy a Laconian, who) put his hand to the cri­ers mouth and said: Cry for Gods sake who wil buy a prisoner? One of those mercenary soldiers whom king Lysimachus waged, being demanded of him this question; Art thou one of these La­cedaemonian Ilots? Why, thinke you (quoth the other) that a Lacedaemonian will deigne to come and serve for foure obols by the day? After that the Thebans had defaited the Lacedae­monians at the battell of Leuctres, they invaded the countrey of Laconia, so farre as to the verie river Eurotas; and one of them in boasting & glorious maner, began to say; And where be now 50 these brave Laconians? what is become of them? a Laconian who was a captive among them, straight waies made this answer: They are no where now indeed, for if they were, you would ne­ver have come thus farre as you doe. At what time as the Athenians delivered up their owne ci­tie into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, for to be at their discretion, they requested that at leastwise they would leave them the isle Samos: unto whom the Laconians made this answer: When you are not masters of your owne, doe you demand that which is other mens: hereupon arose the common proverbe throughout all Greece:

[Page 471]
Who cannot that which was his owne save,
The Isle of Samos would yet faine have.

The Lacedaemonians forced upon a time a certaine citie, and wan it by assault; which the Ephori being advertised of, said thus: Now is the exercise of our yoong men cleane gone, now shall they have no more concurrents to keepe them occupied. When one of their kings made pro­mise unto them for to rase another citie and destroy it utterly (if they so would) which of­tentimes before had put those of Lacedaemon to much trouble; the said Ephori would not per­mit him, saying thus unto him: Doe not emolish and take away quite the whetstone that gi­veth an edge to the harts of our youth. The same Ephori would never allow that there should be any professed masters, to teach their yong men for to wrestle and exercise other feats of activi­tie: 10 To this end (say they) that there might bee jealousie and emulation among them, not in artificiall slight, but in force and vertue. And therefore when one demaunded of Lysan­der, how Charon had in wrestling overcome him and laid him along on the plaine ground: Even by slight and cunning (quoth he) and not by pure strength. Philip king of Macedonia, before he made entrie into their country, wrote unto them to this effect: Whether they had rather that he entred as a friend, or as an enemie: unto whom they returned this answer; Neither one nor the other. When they had sent an embassador to Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus, having in­telligence that the said embassadour in parle with him, eftsoones gave him the name of King, they condemned him to pay a fine when he was returned home; notwithstanding that hee brought as a present and gratuitie from the said Demetrius, in time of extreme famine, a certain 20 measure of corne called Medimnus, for every poll throughout the whole citie. It hapned that a leud and wicked man delivered in a certaine consultation very good counsell: this advice of his they approoved right well, howbeit receive it they would not comming out of his mouth, but caused it to be pronounced by another who was knowen to be a man of good life. Two brethren there were at variance, and in sute of law together; the Ephori set a good fine upon their fathers head, for that he neglected his sonnes, and suffred them to maintaine quarrell and debate one against another. A certaine musician who was a stranger and a traveller, they likewise condem­ned to pay a summe of money, for that he strake the strings of his harpe with his fingers. Two boies fought together, and one gave the other a mortall wound with a sickle or reaping hooke; & when the boy that was hurt lay at the point of death, & was ready to yeeld up the ghost, other 30 companions of his promised to be revenged for his death, and to kill the other, who thus deadly had wounded him: Doe not so I beseech you (quoth he) as you love the gods, for that were in­justice; and euen I my selfe had done as much for him, if I had beene ought, and could have raught him first. There was another yong lad, unto whom certaine mates and fellows of his (in that season wherin yong lads were permitted freely to filtch whatsoever they could handsomely come by, but reputed it was a shamefull and infamous thing for them to be surprized and taken in the maner) brought a yong cub or little foxe to keepe alive, which they had stollen: those who had lost the said cub came to make search; now had this lad hidden it close under his clothes, & the unhappie beast being angred, gnawed & bit him in the flanke as far as to his very bowels, which he endured resolutely, and never quetched at it, for feare he should be discovered: but af­ter 40 all others were gone and the search past, when his companions saw what a shrewd turne the curst cub had done him; they child him for it, saying: That it had been far better to have brought forth the cub and shewed him, rather than to hide him thus with danger of death: Nay Iwis (quoth he) for I had rather die with all the dolorous torments in the world, than for to save my life shamefully to be detected so, for want of a good heart. Some there were who encountred certaine Laconians upon the way in the countrey, unto whom they said: Happie are you that can come now this way, for the theeves are but newly gone from hence: Nay forsooth (by god Mars we sweare) we are never the happier therefore; but they rather, because they are not fallen into our hands. One demaunded of a Laconian upon a time, what he knew and was skilfull in? Mary in this, to be free. A yoong lad of Sparta being taken prisoner by King Antigonus, and 50 sold among other captives, obeied him who had bought him in all things that he thought meet for to be done by a freeman; but when he commaunded to bring him an urinall or chamber­pot to pisse in; he would not endure that indignitie, but said: Fetch it your selfe for me, I am no servant for you in such ministeries: now when his master urged him thereto and pressed hard upon him, hee ran up to the ridge or roofe of the house, and said: You shall see what an one you have bought; and with that cast himselfe downe with his head forward, and brake his [Page 472] owne necke. Another there was to be sold; and when the partie who was about him, said thus: Wilt thou be good and profitable if I doe buy thee? Yea that I will (quoth he) though you ne­ver buy me. Another there was likewise upon market, and when the crier proclai­med aloud: Here is a slave, who buies him, who? A shame take thee (quoth he) couldst not thou say, a captive or prisoner, but a slave. A Laconian had for the badge or ensigne of his buckler a slie painted, and the same no bigger than one is naturally; whereupon some mocked him and said: That he had mad choise of this ensigne, because he would not be knowen by it: Nay rather (quoth he) I did it, because I would be the better marked: for I meane to approch mine enemies so neere, that they may see how great or little my cognisance is. Another there was, who when there was tendered unto him at the end of a banquet, the harpe to play upon according to the 10 custome of Grecce, refused it and said: The Laconians have not yet learned to play the fooles. One asked a Spartan once, if the way that led to Sparta, were safe or no? but he answered thus: Even according as a man doth goe downe thither: for Otherwise thus: We go forth to [...] hons, but hares we hunt in their har­borroughs. they who goe thither as lions, bee hardly entreated and rue their comming; but hares we hunt from under the shade of their bor­roughs. In wrestling it chanced that a Laconian was caught hold on by the necke, and notwith­standing that he strove what he could to make the other leave his hold; yet hee forced him and made him stoupe groveling downeward to the ground: the Laconian seeing himselfe feeble in the reines of the backe, and at the point to be laide along, bit the others arme who held him so hard, whereupon hee began to crie: What thou Laconian, doest thou bite like women? No (quoth he) but I bite as lions use to do. A certaine Laconian who was maimed and lame of his 20 legge, went to warfare, whereupon some mocked him; but hee said unto them: It is not for those to goe into the warres who are good of foot-manship and can runne away apace; but such as are able to make good their ground and keepe well their ranke. Another Laconian being shot thorow the body with an arrow, when he was at the point to yeeld up his vitall breath, said thus: It never grieves me to leese my life, but to die by the hand of an effeminate archer, before I came to hand-strokes, that is it that troubleth me. Another being come to an hostelrie or inne to be lodged in, gave his hoste that kept the inne, a piece of flesh to dresse for his supper; but hee called for cheese besides and oyle: And what needes that (quoth the Laconian) if I had cheese, do you thinke that I would desire to have any viands more? Another hearing the marchant named Lampis borne in Aegina, highly praised and esteemed happie, for that he was 30 exceeding rich, and had many great ships going at sea: I never (quoth hee) make reckoning of that felicitie, which hangeth by ropes and cords. Another likewise answered unto one who said unto him: Thou liest Laconian: And why not (quoth he) wee are free, as for others that hap­pen to speake untruths, they are wel punish for it and crie out, alas. There was a Laconian who laboured hard to make a dead body stand upright upon his feet; but when he saw that he could not bring his purpose to effect, do what he could: Now by Jupiter (quoth hee) there wanteth somewhat that should bee within. Tynnichus the Laconian, when his sonne Thrasybulus was slaine in the warre, tooke his death verie well and like a man, whereupon was this Epigram made:

Thy body was upon the sheild ô Thrasybulus brought 40
All breathlesse to the armed troup, from place where thou hadst fought:
Seven deadly wounds at Argives hands thou didst receive in fight,
And on the fore part of thy corps, thou shewd'st them all in sight.
Thy father old Sir Tynnichus it tooke with blood beraid,
And putting it in funerall fire, 50 with good cheere thus he said:
Let cowards weepe and waile thy death; but I thy father kinde,
Will shed no teares, nor semblance make of sad and grieved minde:
But thee enterre (my sonne) as doth [Page 473] beseeme thy fathers child,
And as a true Laconian, who loves to die in field.

The master of the baines where Alcibiades the Athenians was woont to bathe and wash him­selfe, powred great store of water upon his bodie more than ordinarily upon others; a Laconi­an being then by said: It seemeth that he is not cleane and neat, but that he is exceeding foule and filthie, that he bestoweth so much water upon him. When King Philip of Macedonia entred with a maine army into Laconia, at what time as it was thought all the Lacedaemonians were kil­led up and dead, he said unto one of the Spartanes: O poore Laconians, what will you do now? what else (quoth the Laconian) but die valiantly like men; for we alone of all other Greeks have 10 beene taught to live free and not to serve in bondage under any others. After that King Agis was vanquished; Antipater the king demaunded of the Lacedaemonians for hostages, fiftie chil­dren of theirs: Eteocles one of the Ephori for the time being, returned this answere: That hee would not deliver into his hands any of their children, for feare they would learne ill manners and lewd conditions; for that they should not be brought up and nourtered in the discipline of their owne countrey, and wanting it they would not proove so much as good citizens; but if he would be so cōtent, he should receive for pledges women or old men, twice as many. And when he menaced hereupon and said: That he would worke him all the despite that possibly he could; they answered all with one accord: If thou impose upon us those conditions which are more grievous than death, we shall die with so much the better will. One old man desirous to see the 20 combats at the Olympicke games, could not get a roome to sit in, but passed along by manie places, and no man would make him roome, but fell to laugh and made good game at him, un­till he came at length to that quarter of the whole theater, whereas the Lacedaemonians were set; and there all the children, yea and many of the men rose up unto him, and offered him their place: all the whole assembly of the Greekes observed well this behaviour of theirs, and with great applause and clapping of hands, approoved and praised the same: then the good olde father

Shaking his head with haires all gray,
His beard also as hoare as they.

and weeping withall: Ah, God helpe (quoth he) what a world is this? that Greeks should all of 30 them know well enough what is good and honest; but the Lacedaemonians onely practise it? Some write, that the same hapned in Athens also, at the festivall solemnitie called Panathenaea; where those of Attica plaied mock-holiday, and made themselves mery with a poore olde man, who they seemed to call unto them (as it were) to give him a place among them; but after hee was come to them, no roome he could have with them, but was well mocked and frumped for his labour: howbeit, when he had passed along by all the rest, at length he came to a place where certeine ambassadours of Lacedaemon were set, and they made him roome, and set him among them: the people there assembled, taking great pleasure to see this act, clapped their hands a­loud, with great acclamation, in token that they approoved it: then one of the Spartans, who there was: By the two twin-gods, Castor and Pollux (quoth he) I sweare, these Athenians know 40 what is good and honest, but they doe not according to their knowledge. A begger upon a time craved almes of a Laconian, who answered him thus. But if I should give thee any thing, thou wouldest make an occupation of it, and beg still so much the more; for verily, whosoever he was that first bestowed almes upon thee, was the cause of this villanous life which thou lea­dest now, and hath made thee so vagrant and idle as thou art. Another Laconian seeing a col­lectour going about, and gathering mens devotions for the gods, said thus: I will now make no more reckoning of the gods, so long as they be poorer than my selfe. A certeine Spartan ha­ving taken an adulterer in bed with his wife, a foule and ilfavoured woman: Wretched man that thou art (quoth he) what necessitie hath driven thee to this? Another having heard an oratour making long periods, and drawing out his sentence in length: Now by Castor and Pollux, what 50 a valiant man his here? how he rolleth and roundly turneth his tongue about, and all to no pur­pose. A traveller passing thorow Lacedaemon, marked among other things, what great honour and reverence yoong folke did to their elders: I perceive (quoth he) there is no place to Sparta, for an olde man to live in. A Spartan was upon a time asked the question, what maner of Poet Tyrtaeus was? A good Poet beleeve me (quoth he) to [...] Some inter­pret cleane countrary, & reade [...] or [...] to allure duty, gently han­dle, or adorne the [...] . whet and sharpen the courages of yoong men to warre. Another having very badde and diseased eies, would needs goe to warfare; and when others said unto him: Wilt thou go indeed in that case as thou art in? what deed thinkest [Page 474] thou to do there? Why (quoth he) if I do no other good els, I wil be sure to dull the brightnesse of mine enemies sword. Buris and Spertis, two Lacedaemonians, voluntarily departed out of their countrey, and went to Xerxes king of Persia, offering themselves to suffer that paine and punish­ment, which the Lacedaemonians had deserved by the sentence of the oracle of the gods, for kil­ling those heralds which the king had sent unto them; who being come before him, were desi­rous that he should put them to death in what maner he would himselfe, for to acquit the Lace­daemonians: the king wondering at this resolution of theirs, not onely pardoned the fault, but earnestly requested them to stay with him, promising them liberall enterteinment: And how can we (say they) live here, abandoning our native soile, our lawes, and those kinde of men, for whose sake to die we have so willingly undertaken this long voiage? and when a great captaine 10 under the king, named Jndarnes, intreated them stil very instantly, assuring them upon his word, that they should be kindly used, and in equall degree of credit and honour, with those who were, in highest favour with the king, and most advanced by him, they said unto him: It seemeth unto us sir, that you full little know what is liberty and freedome; for he that wist what a jewell it were, if he be in his right wits, would not change the same for the whole realme of Persia. A certeine Laconian as he way-fared, came unto a place where there dwelt an olde friend and host of his, who the first day, of purpose avoided him and was out of the way, because he was not minded to lodge him; but the morrow after, when he had either hired or borowed faire bedding, coverings and carpets, received him very stately; but this Laconian mounting up to his beds, trampled and stamped the faire and rich coverlets under his feet, saying withall: I beshrew these fine beds 20 and trim furniture, for they were the cause that yesternight I had not so much as a mat to lie up­on, when I should sleepe and take my rest. Another of them, being arrived at the city of Athens and seeing there the Athenians going up and downe the city, some crying salt-fish to sell, others flesh and such like viands; some like publicanes, sitting at the receit of custome, other profes­sing the trade of keeping brothel-houses, and exercising many such vile and base occupations, esteeming nothing at all foule and dishonest: after he was returned home into his owne coun­trey, when his neighbours and fellow-citizens asked him, what newes at Athens, and how all things stood there? Passing well (quoth he) and it is the best place that ever I came in (which he spake by way of mockerie and derision) every thing there, is good and honest; giving them to understand, that all meanes of gaine and lucre, were held lawful & honest at Athens, and nothing 30 there, was counted villanous and dishonest. Another Laconian being asked a question, answe­red; No: and when the party who mooved the question said: Thou liest; the Laconian replied againe, and said: See what a foole thou art, to aske me that which thou knowest well enough thy selfe! Certeine Laconians were sent upon a time, ambassadours to Lygdamis the tyrant, who put them off from day to day, and hasted with them so, as he gave them no audience; at the last, it was tolde them, that hee was at all times weake and ill at ease, and not in case to be conferred with: the ambassadours there upon said unto him who brought this word unto them: Tell him from us, that we are not come to wrestle, but to parle onely with him. A certeine priest, induc­ted a Laconian into the orders and ceremonies of some holy religion; but before that he would fully receive and admit him, he demanded of him what was the most grievous sinne that ever he 40 committed, and which lay heaviest upon his conscience? The gods know that best (quoth the Laconian: but when the priest pressed hard upon him, and was very importunate, protesting that there was no remedie, but he must needs utter and confesse it: Unto whom (quoth the La­conian) must I tell it, unto you or to the God whom you serve? unto God (quoth the other:) Why then turne you behinde me (quoth hee) or retire aside out of hearing. Another Laco­nian chanced in the night to goe over a church-yard by a tombe or monument, and imagined that he saw a spirit standing before him; whereupon he advanced forward directly upon it with his javelin; and as he ran full upon it, and as he thought, strake thorow it, he said withall: Whi­ther fliest thou from me, ghost that thou art, now twise dead? Another having vowed to fling himselfe headlong from the high Promontorie Leucas, downe into the sea, mounted up the top 50 thereof, but when hee saw, what an huge downfall it was, he gently came downe againe on his feet: now when one twitted and reproched him therefore: I wist not (quoth he) that this vow of mine had need of another greater than it. Another Laconian there was, who in a battell and hot medley, being fully minded to kill his enemie who was under him, and to that purpose had lifted up his sword backe, to give him a deadly wound; so soone as ever hee heard the trumpet sound the retreat, presently stated his hand, and would no more follow his stroake: now when one as­ked him, why he slew not his enemie whom he had in his hands? Because (quoth he) it is better [Page 475] to obey a captaine, than to kill an enemie. There was a Laconian tooke the foile in wrestling at the Olympicke games; and when one cried aloud: Thy concurrent is better than thou, Laco­nian: Better (quoth he?) not so, but in deed he can skil better than I of supplanting and tripping.

THE CVSTOMES AND 10 ORDINANCES AMONG THE LACED AEMONIANS.

THE manner and custome was at Lacedaemon, that when they entred into their publicke halles where they tooke their meats and meales together; the eldest man of the whole companie should shew the doores unto everie one as they came, and say unto them: At these 20 doores there goeth not forth so much as one word. The most ex­quisite dish among them was a messe of broth, which they called Blacke-pottage; insomuch as when that was served up to the table, the elder folke would not care for any flesh meats, but leave all them same for the yoonger sort. And (as it is reported) Denys the Tyrant of Sicily, for this purpose bought a cooke from Lacedamon, and commaunded him to make him such pottage and spare for no cost; but after he had a little tasted thereof, he found it so bad that he cast up all that he had taken of it; but his cooke said un­to him: Sir, if you would finde the goodnesse of this broth, you must be exercised first after the Lacedaemonian manner, all watred, and be well washed in the river Eurotas. Now after the La­conians 30 have eat & drunk soberly at these ordinaries, they returne home to their houses without torch or any light before them: for it is not lawfull for any man at Lacedaemon, to go either from thence or to any place else with a light carried before him in the night; because they should bee accustomed to keepe their way, and goe confidently without feare, all night long in the darke without any light at all. To write and reade they learned for necessitie onely; as for all other forrein sciences and literature they banished them quite out of their coasts, like as they did all strangers and aliens: and in verie truth their whole studie was to learne how to obey their superi­ours, to endure patiently all travels, to vanquish in fight, or to die for it in the place. All the yeere long they went in one single gaberdine without coat at all under it; and ordinarily they were foule and sullied, as those who used not the stouphes & baines, ne yet annointed themselves for 40 the most part. Their boies and yoong men commonly slept together in one dorter, by bands and troupes, upon pallets and course beds, which they themselves gathered, breaking and tearing with their owne hands without any edged toole, the heads of canes and reeds which grew along the bankes of the river Eurotas: and in winter time they strewed and mingled among, a certaine kind of Thistle downe, which they call Lycophanes; for they are of opinion, that such stuffe hath in it (I wot not what) which doth heat them. It was lawfull and permitted among them to love yoong boies for their good minds and vertuous natures; but to abuse their persons wantonly and fleshly, was reputed a most infamous thing, as if such were lovers of the bodie and not of the minde; in such sort, as whosoever was accused and attaint thereof, became noted with infamie, and shame followed him wheresoever he went all his life time. The custome was that elder folke 50 when and wheresoever they met with yoonger, should demaund whither and whereabout they went? yea and checke and chide them, if they were to seeke of a good answere or if they went about to devise colourable excuses: and whosoever he was that did not reproove him that did a fault in his presence, incurred the same reprehension and blame as he did who transgressed; yea and if he chafed and shewed himselfe discontented, when he was reprooved, he sustained re­proch, disgrace and discredit thereby. If peradventure one were surprised and taken tardie in some fault; he must be brought to a certaine altar within the citie, and there forced to go round [Page 476] about it singing a song, made of purpose for his owne reproofe, and conteining naught else, but the blame and accusation of himselfe. Moreover, yoong folke were not onely to honor their owne fathers, and to be obedient unto them; but also to shew reverence unto all other el­der persons; namely, in yeelding them the better hand, in turning out of their way when they met them, and giving them the wall, in rising up from their seats before them when they came in place, and in standing still when they passed by: and therefore everie man had a certaine hand of government, and dispose, not onely (as in other cities) over their owne children, their pro­per servants and goods; but also they had a regard of their neighbours children, servants and goods, as wel as if they had beene their owne: they made use also of them as of things common, to the end, that to each one everie thing might be (as it were) his owne in proprietie. Where­upon, 10 if it fortuned that a child having beene chastised by another man, went to complaine ther­of to his owne father; it was a shame for the said father, if he gave him not his payment againe: for by the ordinarie course of discipline in that countrey, they were assured, that their neighbors would impose nothing upon their children, but that which was good and honest. Yoong lads were used to filtch and steale whatsoever they could come by, for their food and victuals; yea and they learned from their verie infancie, to forelay and lie pretily in ambush for to surprise those who were asleepe, & stood not well upon their guards: but say that one were taken in the maner when he stealeth; this was his punishment, namely, to be whipped and to fast from meat; ex­presly therefore and of very purpose they were allowed verie little to eate, to the end that they might be driven upon verie extreame necessitie to make shifts and expose themselves ventu­rously 20 into any danger, yea and to devise alwaies some cunning cast or other to steale more cleanly: but generally the reason and effect of this their straight diet was, that they should long before accustome their bodies never to be full, but able to endure hunger; for that in deed they were of opinion, that they should be the meeter for souldiarie, if they could take paines and tra­vell without food; yea and that it was a good meanes to be more continent, sober, and thriftie, if they were taught & inured to continue a long time smal cost & expense: to be briefe, per­swaded they were: That to abstaine eating of flesh or fish dressed in the kitchin, or to feed savorly of bread or any other viands that came next to hand, made mens bodies more healthy, & caused them to burnish and grow up; for that the naturall spirits not pressed nor over-charged with a great quantitie of meat, and so by that meanes not kept and depressed downeward, but dispersed 30 and spread in largenesse and breadth, gave libertie for the bodies to shoot up, waxe tall, and per­sonable; yea and made them more faire and beautifull; for that the habitudes and complexions which be slender, lanke and emptie, are more obsequent unto that naturall vertue and facultie which giveth forme and fashion to the limmes; whereas those who be corpulent, grosse, ful, and given to much feeding, by reason of weight and heavines resist the same. They set their minds also to compose and make proper ditties and ballads, yea, and no lesse studious are they to sing the same; having alwaies in these their compositions, a certaine pricke or sting (as it were) to stir up and provoke their courage and stomacke, to enspire also into the hearts of the hearers a con­siderate resolution, and an ardent zeale and affection to doe some brave deed: the ditties were plaine, simple, and without all affectation; containing in manner nothing else, but the praises of 40 those who had lived vertuously, and died valiantly in the warres for the defense of Sparta, as be­ing of all others most happie; as also the blame and reproch of such as for cowardise and faint­heart were affraid to die, whom they accounted to live a wretched and miserable life. Moreover they stood much upon promises of future prowesse or vanteries of present valour, according to the diversitie of their ages who chanted the said songs; for alwaies in their solemne and publike feasts, three quiers or dances there were: one of old folke, and the foreburthen of their canticle was this:

The time was when we gallant weare,
Youthfull and hardy, void of feare.

Next to it came in place a daunce of men in their best age and full strength, who answered them 50 in this wise:

But we are come to proose, and now at best;
Try who that [...] , to fight we are now prest.

And a third followed after of children who chaunted thus:

And we one day shall be both tall and strong,
Surpassing far, if that we live so long.

Now their very notes and tunes to the measures and numbers whereto they daunced and mar­ched [Page 477] in battell against their enemies after the sound of the flute, were appropriate and sitted to incite their hearts to valour, confident securitie, and contempt of death: for Lycurgus did study and endevor to joyne the exercise & practise of militarie discipline with the pleasure of musick, to the end, that warlike and vehement motions being mingled and delaied with sweet melodie, might be tempered with a delectable accord and harmonie: and therefore in battels before the charge and first shock of the conflict, their king was woont to sacrifice unto the Muses, for this entent; that the soldiers in fight might have the grace to performe some glorious and memora­ble exploits. But if any man passed one point beyond this ancient musicke, they would not en­dure him, insomuch as the Ephori set a fine upon the head of Terpander (though otherwise he lo­ved antiquitie well enough, and was the best harper in his time, yea & tooke greatest delight to 10 praise the heroick acts of the renowmed woorthies in times past) and more than that; they hung up his harp upon a stake or post, onely because he had set to it one string more than ordinarie, whereby he might varie his voice the better with more sundry notes; for they allowed no songs nor sonets but such as were plaine and simple; and when Timotheus at the feast Carneia plaied upon the harpe for to winne the prize; one of the Ephori taking a skeine or knife in his hand, as­ked him, on whether side, either above or beneath, he would rather have him to cut a two the strings which were more than seven. Moreover Lycurgus tooke from them al vaine & superstiti­ous feare as touching sepulchers, permitting them to burie their dead within the citie, and to reare their mounments and tombs round about the temples of their gods: he cut off likewise all pollutions of mortuaries, and would not give them leave to enterre any thing with the corps, 20 but onely to enwrap the same within a winding sheet of red cloth, together with olive leaves strewed among, and the same indifferently to all bodies, no more to one than another: sembla­bly he put downe all epitaphes and superscriptions upon graves, unlesse it were for such as lost their lives in battell; forbidding all mourning and dolefull lamentations. Furthermore it was unlawfull for them to make voiages into strange countries, for feare they should learne forrein fashions and uncivill maners, savouring of no good bringing up; and for the same reason, Ly­curgus banished aliens out of the citie, lest if they should thither resort, by reason of their con­fluence, they might teach and shew the citizens their vices. And as for citizens borne, any of them would not suffer their children to be brought up according to the discipline and institu­tion of the citie, they might not enjoy the rights and privileges of free burgessie. Some say also 30 that Lycurgus ordained; If a very alien would yeeld to the observation of his discipline, and be ranged under the policie of the State, he might enjoy one of those portions which from the be­ginning was set out and appointed; but he was not allowed to sell the same. The maner and cu­stome was in Lacedaemon, to make use of their neighbours servants, even as well as of their owne, whensoever they had any businesse or occasion to employ them; as also to make bold with their horses and hounds, unlesse the owners themselves and masters had present need of them. In the countrey also and territorie of Laconia, if they stood in need of any thing that was in their neigh­bours house, they would goe boldly and aske no leave, to their cupboords, presses, coffers, and such places where the thing was, make no more adoo but open them, take out and carie away whatsoever they thought good; so they made fast and shut againe the roome out of which they 40 had taken ought. To warfare they went in red liveries, both for that they thought this colour more decent for a man, as also because it resembled bloud, it strucke the greater feare into those who were not used thereto; besides, there was good use and profit thereof in this respect, that if any of them hapned to be wounded, the enemie could not so perceive it, because that colour looked so like unto bloud. Whensoever they had vanquished their enemies by some strata­gem that their captaines used, their maner was to sacrifice an oxe unto Mars; but if they got a victorie by fine force & open manhood, they sacrificed a cock; by which meanes, they occasi­oned their leaders to be not onely valiant, but also politicke warriors. Among other praiers that they made unto the gods this was ever one. That they might have the power and grace to beare wrongs: but the sunme of all their supplications was this: That the gods would vouchsafe them 50 honour for wel doing, & no more. They [...] the goddesse Venus in her complet armor, and made all the images of their gods, as well female as male, with launces and javelins in their hands, as if they all had militar and martiall vertue in them. Also they used this saying as a com­mon proverbe:

Call upon fortune in each enterprise,
With hand stretcht foorth, wot otherwise.

As if they would say, that we ought when we invocate the gods, to enterprise somewhat our [Page 478] selves, and lay our hands to worke, or else not to call upon them. They used to let their children see the Ilotes when they were drunk, to keepe them by their example from drinking much wine. They neverknocked and rapped at their neighbours doores, but stood without, and called aloud to to those within. The curry-combes that they occupied were not of iron, but of canes and reeds. They never heard any comedies or tragedies acted, because neither in earnest nor in game they would not heare those that any wise contradicted the lawes. When Archilochus the poet was come to Sparta, they drave him out the very same houre that he came, for that they knew he had made these verses, wherein he delivered: That it was better to fling away weapons than to die in the field:

A foole he is, who trusting in his shield,
Doth venture life and limme in bloody field: 10
As for mine owne, I have it flung me fro
And left behind in bushes thick that gro.

Others translate it thus.

Some Saïan now, in that my doubtie shield
Doth take great joy, which flying out of field,
Though full against my mind, I flang me fro
And left behind in bushes thicke that grow.
Although it were right good, yet would not I
Presume to fight with it, and so to dy, 20
Farewell my shield, though thou be lost and gone,
Another day as good I shall buy one.

All their sacred and holy ceremonies were common, as well for their daughters as their sonnes, The Ephori condemned one Siraphidas, to pay a summe of money, for that he suffred himselfe to take wrong and abuse at many mens hands. They caused one to be put to death for play­ing the hypocrite, and wearing sackcloth like a publike penitent, for that the saide sack­cloth was purfled with a border of purple. They rebuked and checked a yoong man as hee came from the ordinary place of exercise, for that hee frequented it still, knowing as he did the way to Pytaea, where was held the assembly of the States of Greece. They chased out of the citie a Rhetorician named Cephisophon, because he made his boast; That he could speak if it were 30 a whole day of any theame proposed unto him; for they said: That speech ought to be propor­tionable to the subject matter. Their children would endure to be lashed & whipped all the day long, yea, and many times even to death, upon the altar of Diana, surnamed Orthia, taking joy and pleasure therein, striving a vie for the victorie who could hold out longest; and looke who was able to abide most beating, he was best esteemed, and caried away the greatest praise: this strife & emulation among them was called the Whippado; and once every yeere they observed such an exercise. But one of the best, most commendable and blessed things that Lycurgus pro­vided for his citizens; was the plentie & abundance that they had of rest & leisure; for they were not allowed at all to meddle with any mechanicall arte; and to trafficke and negotiate painfully for to gather and heape up goods, was in no wise permitted; for he had so wrought that ri­ches 40 among them was neither honored nor desired. The Ilotes were they that ploughed and til­led their ground for them, yeelding them as much as in old time was downe and ordeined; and execrable they esteemed it to exact more of any of them, to the end that those Ilotes for the sweetnesseof gaine which they found thereby, might serve them more willingly, and themselves covet to have no more than the old rate. Forbidden likewise were the Lacedaemonians to he ma­riners, or to fight at sea; yet afterwards for all that, they fought navall battels, and became lords of the sea; howbeit they soone gave that over, when they once saw that the maners and behavior of their citizens were thereby corrupted and depraved; but they changed afterwards againe, and were mutable, as well in this as in all other things: for the first that gathered and hoarded up money for the Lacedaemonians, were condemned to death, by reason that there was an aunci­ent 50 oracle which delivered this answer unto Alcamenes and Theopompus, two of their kings,

Avarice one day (who ever lives to see)
Of Sparta citie will the ruine bee.

And yet Lysander after he had wonne the citie of Athens, brought into Sparta a great masse of gold and silver, which the citizens received willingly, and did great honour unto the man him­selfe for his good service. True it is, that so long as the citie of Sparta observed the lawes of Ly­curgus, and kept the othes which it was sworne by, she was a paragon, yea and the soveraigne of [Page 479] all Greece, in good government and glorie for the space of 300. yeeres: but when they came once to transgresse the said lawes and breake their oathes; avarice and covetousnesse crept in among them by little and little, and they with all their puislance & authoritie decreased, yea and their allies and confederates heereupon began to be ill affected unto them: and yet being as they were in this declining estate, after that king Philip of Macedonia had woon the battell at Chaeronea, when all other cities and states of Greece, by a generall consent, and with one ac­cord had chosen him the generall captaine of all the Greeks, as well for land as sea, yea, and after him his sonne Alexander the Great, upon the destruction of the citie Thebes, onely the Lace­daemonians, notwithstanding their citie lay all open, without any wall about it, and themselves were brought to a very small number by occasion of their continuall warres, which had wasted 10 and consumed them, whereby they were become very feeble, and by consequence more easie to be defeated than ever before, yet for that they had retained still some little reliques of the go­vernment established by Lycurgus, they would never yeeld to serve under those two mightie monarches, no nor other kings of Macedonia their successors, neither would they be present at the generall diets and common assemblies of other states, nor contribute any money with the rest, untill they having utterly cast aside and rejected the lawes of Lycurgus, they were held under and yoked with the tyranny of their owne citizens; namely when they reteined no part of the an­cient discipline, whereby they grew like unto other nations, and utterly lost their old reputation, glory, and libertie of franke speech, so as in the end they were brought into servitude, and even at this day be subject unto the Romane empire, aswell as other cities and states of Greece. 20

THE APOPHTHEGMES, THAT IS TO SAY, THE NO­BLE 30 SAYINGS AND ANSWERS OF LACEDAEMONIAN DAMES.

ARGILEONIS the mother of Brasidas; (after that her sonne was slaine, when certaine embassadors from the citie Amphipolis came to Sparta, and visited her;) demaunded of them, whether her sonne died like a valiant man, and as became a Spartan? now when they 40 praised him exceedinly, saying that he was the bravest man in armes in all Lacedaemon; she said againe unto them: My sonne was indeed a knight of valour and honour (my good friends;) but Lacedaemon hath many others yet more valiant than he was.

GORGO, the daughter of king Cleomenes, when Aristagoras the Milesian was come to Sparta, for to sollicit Cleomenes to make warre upon the king of Persia, in the defence of the Ionians freedome; and in consideration heereof promised him a good round summe of money; and the more that he contradicted and denied the motion, the more he still augmented the summe of money which he promised: Father (quoth she) this stranger heere will corrupt you if you, send him not the sooner out of your house. Also when her father 50 willed hir one day to deliver certaine corne unto a man, by way of a reward and recompence, say­ing withall: For this is he who hath taught me how to make wine good: How now, good father (quoth she) shall there be more wine drunke still, considering that they who drinke thereof be­come more delicate and lesse valorous? When she saw how Aristagoras: had one of his men to put on his shooes: Father (quoth she) heere is a stranger that hath no hands. When she saw a foreiner comming toward her who was wont to goe softly and delicatlie, shee thrust him from [Page 480] her and said: Avaunt idle luske as thou art, and get thee gone, for thou art not so good of deed as a woman.

GYRTIAS, when Acrotatus her nephew or daughters sonne, (from out of a braule and fray that was betweene him and other yoonkers his companions) was brought home with many a wound, insomuch as no man looked for life; seeing his familiar friends and those of his ac­quaintance, waile and take on piteously: What (quoth she) let be this weeping and lamenta­tion, for now hath he shewed of what bloud he is descended; neither ought wee to crie out and bewaile for the hurts of valiant men, but rather to goe about their cure and salve them, if haply we may save their lives. When a messenger comming out of Candia, where he served in the warres, brought newes that the said Acrotatus was slaine in fight: Why (quoth she) what 10 else should he do, being once gone foorth to warre, but either die himselfe or else kill his ene­mies? yet had I rather heare, and it doth me much more good that he died woorthy my selfe, woorthy his native countrey and his progenitours, than that he should live as long as possiblie a man could, like a coward and man of no woorth.

DEMETRIA hearing that her sonne prooved a dastard, and indeed not woorthy to be her sonne, so soone as ever he was returned from the wars, she killed him with her owne hands; whereupon was made this epigram of her:

By mothers hand was slaine one Demetrie,
For that he brake the lawes of chivalrie,
No marvell, she a noble Spartan dame 20
Disclaimd her sonne, unwoorthy of that name.

Another woman of Lacedaemon being given to understand, that her sonne had abandoned his ranke, made him likewise away, as unwoorthy of that countrey wherein he was borne, saying: That he was no sonne of hers: And thereupon this epigram also was composed of her:

Amischiefe take thee wicked impe, be gone in divils name
Through balefull darknesse: Hatredis too good, and earthly shame:
For cowards such of craven kind like hinds, are not to drinke, 30
Nor wash in faire Eurotas streame their bodies, as I thinke.
Avaunt thou cur-dogge whelpe to hell, thou divils limme unmon'd,
Unwoorthy Sparta soile thou art' for thee I never gron'd.

Another, hearing that her sonne was saved and had escaped out of the hands of his enemies, wrote thus unto him: There runneth a naughtie rumor of thee; either stop the course there­of, or else live not. There was another likewise, whose children had fled out of the battell, and when they came home unto her, she welcomed them in this manner: Whither goe you run­ning 40 leawd lozels and cowardly slaves as you are; thinke you to enter hither againe from whence you first came? and therewith plucked up her cloaths, and shewed them her bare belly. Also another espying her sonne new returned from the wars, and comming toward her: What newes (quoth she) how goeth the world with our countrey and common-wealth? and when he answered: We have lost the field and all our men be slaine; she tooke up an earthen pot, let it fly at his head & killed him out-right, saying: And have they sent thee to bring us the newes? There was one brother recounted unto his mother what a noble death his brother died, unto whom his mother answered: And wert not thou ashamed that thou didst not accompanie him in so faire a journey? Another there was who had sent her sonnes (and five they were in number) to the warres, and she stood waiting at the townes end, about the suburbs and hamlets neere unto 50 them, for to hearken what was the issue of the battell: and of the first man whom she encountred from the campe, she asked, what newes, and who had the day; hee told her that her sonnes were slaine all five: Thou leaud varlet (quoth shee) and base slave as thou art, I did not demaund that question of thee; but in what state the affaire of the common-wealth stood: The victorie (quoth he) is ours: Then am I well appaid (saith shee) and contented with the losse of my children. Another there was, unto whom as she buried her sonne slaine in the warres, there came a silly [Page 481] old woman and moaned her, saying: Ah good woman what fortune is this? Why good (quoth she?) by Castor and Pollux I sweare; for I bare him into this world for nothing else, but that he should spend his life for Sparta; and loe this is now hapned. A ladie there was of Ionia, who bare herselfe verie proud of a worke in tapistrie which she herselfe had made, most costly and curi­ously; but a Laconian dame shewed unto her, foure children, all verie well given and honestly brought up: Such as these (quoth she) ought to be the works of a ladie of honour, and herein should a noble woman in deed, make her boast and vaunt herselfe. Another there was, who heard newes, that a sonne of hers behaved himselfe not well in a strange countrey where hee was, unto whom she wrote a letter in this wise: There is blowen a bad brute of thee in these parts, either proove it salfe or else die, I advise thee. Certaine fugitives or exiled persons from Chios, came 10 to Sparta, who accused Paedaretus, and laid many crimes to his charge: his mother Teleuria hearing thereof, sent for them to come unto her; at whose mouthes when she heard the severall points of their imputations, and judging in herselfe that hee was in fault, and had done great wrongs, she sent a letter unto him in this forme: Either do better or tarie there still, and never thinke to save thy selfe here. In like manner another wrote unto her sonne accused of an hai­nous crime, in these tearmes: My sonne quit thy selfe of this imputation, or else quit thy life. An­other accompanying a son of hers upon the way when he went to battell, said unto him: Sonne remember every foot that thou steppest to vertue and prowesse, and fight like a man. Another whose sonne returned out of the field wounded in the foot, and complayning unto her of the great paine which he endured: Sonne (quoth she) if thou wouldst remember vertue and valour, 20 thou shouldest never thinke of thy paine. A certaine Lacedaemonian chanced so grievously to be wounded in a skirmish, that he had much adoe to stand upon his legs, so that he was saine to go with crutches (as it were) upon foure feet; now when he was abashed to see some laugh at him for it, his mother said: Greater cause thou hast (my sonne) to rejoice for this testimonie of thy valour and prowesse, than to be dismaied at their fond and senslesse laughter. Another wo­man when she gave unto her sonne a shield, admonished him to use it well, and do his devoir like a man, and these words she used unto him: My sonne either bring this shield home againe, or let it bring thee dead upon it. Another likewise giving a targuet to her sonne when he tooke his leave of her to go to warre, said unto him: Thy father kept this targuet well from time to time; see thou (for thy part) keepe it as well, or else die with it. Another when her sonne found 30 fault with his short sword, said unto him: Then set foot neerer to thine enemie. A woman hearing that her sonne died valiantly in battell: No marvell (quoth shee) for he was my sonne. Contrariwise, another when she heard that her sonne tooke him to his heeles, and escaped by good footmanship: He was never (quoth she) a sonne of mine. But another hearing that her sonne was slaine fighting in the verie place where his captaine had set him: Remoove him than (quoth she) from thence, and let his brother step into his place. A Lacedaemonian woman being in a solemne and publicke procession, with a chaplet of flowers upon his head, understood that her sonne had wonne a field, but was so grievously wounded, that ready he was to yeeld up his breath; without putting off her chaplet of flowers from her head, but glorying (as it were) in these newes: Oh my friends (quoth she) how much more glorious and honourable is it for a 40 souldier to die with victorie in battell, than for a champion to survive after he hath wonne the prize in the Olympicke games. A brother reported unto his sister, how valiant her sonne died in battell, unto whom she answered againe: Looke how much I joy & take pleasure to heare this of him; so much I am displeased and discontented at you, brother, for that you would not beare him companie in so vertuous a voiage, but tarie behind him. When one sent unto a Lacedae­monian woman to sollicit and sound her, whether she would consent unto him, she made this answere: When I was a maiden, I learned to obey my father, and so I did evermore; and when I was a wife, I did the the like unto my husband; if then that which he demaundeth of me be ho­nest and just, let him acquaint my husband with it first. A poore maiden being asked the questi­on what dowrie she would bring her husband? The pudicitie (quoth shee) and honestie of my 50 countrey. Another Lacedaemonian woman being demaunded, whether she had yet beene with her husband? Not I (quoth shee) but hee hath beene with me. Also another yoong woman chanced secretly to be deflowred and to leese her maiden head; now when by some mishap she fell unto untimely labour, and to slip an abortive fruit; she endured the paines of travell thereto belonging so patiently, without one crie or groane, that neither her father, nor any one about her, perceived any thing at all that she was delivered; for shame and honestie fighting together, overcame all the vehemencie of her paines. A Lacedaemonian woman being sold in the mar­ket [Page 482] for a slave, was asked what she could doe? I can skill (quoth shee) to bee true and faithfull. Another likewise being a captive and demaunded the like question, answered, that she could keepe the house well. Another likewise when she was asked by one whether shee would proove good if he bought her, made answer thus: Yea that I will, although you never buy me. Last of all, a Lacedaemonian woman when she was to be sold in port-sale, and the crier demaunded of her what she had skill in? answered: To be free. Now when he that bought her commaunded her to do some things unbeseeming a free person: You will repent (quoth she) that you envied your selfe so noble a possession; and so she killed herselfe. 10

THE VERTVOVS DEEDS OE WOMEN.

The Summarie. 20

VErtue alwaies deserveth praise wheresoever it is found, but especially when is procee­deth from feeble instruments, and those of small shew; for by that meanes the excellen­cie thereof is so much better seene: our Author therefore in that regard, hath made here a collection of histories, relating the woorthy demeanours of many women who have shewed manly courage in sundry dangers; the consideration whereof, is able greatly to move and affect the reader. In the Preface of this discourse, after he had refuted the opinion of Thucydides, who would confine women (as it were) into a perpetuall ermitage, he proveth by divers reasons, that vertue being alwaies the selfe-same, notwithstanding that it hath objects and subjects 30 different, it were meere injurie and too much iniquitie, either to forget or to de spise those women who for their valour have deserved, that their name and example should continue; to the end that the same might be imitated as occasion requireth in many sorts, not onely by other women, but also by the most part of men. Which done, he describeth the notable exploits of some in generall: and then he commeth to speake of certeine in particular, noting and observing in them divers graces and commendable parts, but especally an extreame hatred of tyrannie and servitude, an [...] love and affection toward their countrey, a singular affection to their husbands, rare honestie, pudicitie, chastitie joined with a generous nature, which hath caused them, both to enterprise and also to execute heroique acts, and well deserving that praise, which hath beene preservedentire for such women, after so many yeeres untill this day, by the meanes of this present historicall fragment; the which conteineth goodly instru­ctions 40 for men and women of name and marke, to induce them to governe themselves in such sort, that in the mids of the greatest confusions, they might take a good courage, and lay their hands to that which their vocation requireth; and to hold this for certeine, that enterprises lawfull and necessarie, will sooner or later have good issue, to the shame and ruine of the wic­ked, but to the repose and quietnesse of all per­sons, who desire, seeke, and procure that which is good. 50

THE VERTUOUS DEEDS of women.

I Am not of Thucydides minde (dame Clea) touching the vertue of women; for he is of this opinon: That she is the best & most vertu­ous, of whom there is least speech abroad, aswell to her praise as her dispraise; thinking that the name of a woman of honour, ought to be shut up and kept fast within, like as her bodie, that it never may 10 go forth. Gorgias yet (me thinks) was more reasonable, who would have the renowme and fame, but not the face & visage of a woman, to be knowen unto men: and it seemeth unto me, that it was an ex­cellent law and custome among the Romans, which imported thus much: That women aswell as men, after their death might be ho­noured publickly at their funerals, with such praises as they had deserved: and therefore imme­diatly after the decease of the most vertuous ladie Leontis, I discoursed with you at large upon this matter; which discourse (in my conceit) was not without some consolation founded upon reason & Philosophy: and now also (according to your request at that time) I send you in wri­ting, the rest of our speech and communication, tending to this point: That the vertue of man 20 and woman is all one and the very same; which appeareth by the proofe and testimony of many and sundry examples, drawen out of ancient histories, collected by me, not upon any intention to please the eare; but if the nature of an example be such, as alwaies, to the periwasive power that it hath to proove, there is joined also a lively vertue to delight. This treatise of mine reje­cteth not the grace of that pleasure, which doth second and favourise the efficacie of a proofe; neither is it ashamed to join Graces with Muses; which (as Eurypides saith) is the best conjuncti­on in the world, inducing the minde most easily to give eare and credit unto good reasons, by meanes of the delectation which it there findeth. For if to proove, that it is all one art, to paint and draw the life of women and men, I should produce and bring foorth such pictures of wo­men as Apelles, Zeuxis or Nicomachus have left behinde them; hath any man reason to finde 30 fault and to charge me, that I aime and intend to delight the eie and content the minde, rather than to verifie my assertion? I suppose that no man will so doe: semblably, if otherwise to shew, that the art of Poetrie, or skill to represent in verse, all things whatsoever, is the same in women and men, and nothing different one from the other, I should conferre the Odes and verses of Sappho with those of Anacreon; or the oracles penned by the Sibylles with those which are set downe by Bacchis; is there any man that could justly blame such a demonstration, for that it draweth the hearer to beleeve with some pleasure and content? no man (I trow) would ever so fay; and yet there were no better way to know either the resemblance, or the difference in the vertue of man and woman, than in comparing lives with lives, and deeds with deeds; as if wee should lay together the works of some noble science, and consider them one by another; even 40 so likewise, to see whether the magnificence of queene Semiramis, hath all one forme and figure with that of king Sesostris; and the wisedome of queene Tanaquil, with that of king Servius; or the magnanimitie of ladie Porcia, with that of Brutus; or of dame Timoclea, with that of Pelopi­das; namely, in that quality which is most principall, and wherein lieth the chiefest point and force of these vertues: for vertue admitteth certeine other differences, as proper and particular colours, according to divers natures, and is in some sort conformable to the maners and condi­tions of those subjects wherein they be, and to the temperatures of their bodies, or to the verie nutriments and divers diets and fashions of their life. For Achilles was after one sort valiant, and Ajax after another; the wisdome of Ulysses was not like unto Nestors; neither were Cato and A­gesilaus just alike; Irene loved not her husband in that maner as Alcestis loved hers; nor Cornelia 50 & Olympias were alike magnanimous; and yet for all that, we say not, that there be many and di­verskinds of fortitude, sundry sorts of prudence and wisdome, nor different justices, in regard of the dissimilitude and varietie which ariseth particularly in ech one person, so as the said peculiar differences, do not exclude any one vertue from the proper definition thereof. As for such ex­amples as are most divulged and published abroad (of which I presume you have already suffi­cient knowledge, and firmely remember their historie, by that which you have read in ancient books) I wil passe them over at this present; unlesse haply there be some acts worthy of remem­brance [Page 484] which they were ignorant of, who before our time have written the common histories and vulgar Chronicles. But for that the women in times past, aswell in common as particular, have performed many memorable deeds, it will not be amisse in the first place to set downe briefly what some of them have done in societie and companie together.

THE TROJANE DAMES.

OF those Trojanes who escaped after the winning and destruction of Troie the Great, the most part went to seeke their fortune, and by force of tempest (the rather for that they had no skill in navigation, and were not acquainted with the seas) were cast upon the coast of Italie, 10 where putting into such baies, ports & creeks as they could meet with, in that very place (whence the river Tybris dischargeth it selfe into the sea) with much adoe and great difficultie they lan­ded, and the men went wandring up and downe the countrey, for to see if they could light upon those that might direct them in their voiage, and give them some light and intelligence of those coasts. Meane while the women communed and devised thus among themselves: That since they had beene the most fortunate and happie nation in the world, it were better for them to settle in any one certaine place whatsoever, than still to wander uncertainely upon the seas, and to make that, their countrey and seat of habitation, since they were not able to recover that native soile which they had lost: to which motion after they had all with one accord agreed, they set fire on their ships, and the first ring-leader in this action was a Ladie (by report) named 20 Roma; which done, they went farther up into the continent to meet with the men afore said, who now by this time were cōming apace to the sea for to succour their ships on fire, & fearing their furious anger, they fell to embrace and kisse them very kindly, some their husbands, others their kinsfolk, and by this means appeased their wrath. Hereupon arose that custom, which con­tinueth at this day among the Romanes, that no men should salute their kinsfolke, and those that be joined in blood to them, by kissing their lips: for the Trojan men seeing (as it should seeme) in what necessitie they stood, were well enough content; and withal, finding the inhabi­tants of the sea-coasts courteous, and ready to receive and entertaine them friendly, approoved that which the women had done, and so remained and dwelt in the same part of Italy among the Latines. 30

THE DAMES OF PHOCIS.

THE woorthy act of the dames of Phocis, whereof we now meane to make mention, no Historiographer of name hath yet recorded and set downe in writing: howbeit there was never a more memorable deed of vertue wrought by women, and the same testified by the great sacrifices, which the Phocians do celebrate even at this day, neere unto the citie Hyampolis, and that according to the ancient decrees of the countrey. Now is the totall historie of this whole action from point to point particularly recorded in the life of Daiphantus; as for that which the said women did, thus stood the case. There was an irreconcilable and mortall warre betweene the Thessalians and those of Phocis, for that the Phocians upon a certaine fore-set day. killed all 40 the magistrates and rulers of the Thessalians, who exercised tyrannie in the cities of Phocis: and they againe of Thessalia had beaten and bruised to death two hundred and fiftie hostages of the Phocaeans, whom they had in custodie; and after that, with all their puissance entred and in­vaded their countrey by the way of the Locrians; having before hand concluded this resolution in their generall counsell, not to pardon nor spare any one that was of age sufficient to beare armes, and as for their wives and children, to leade them away captives as slaves: whereupon Daiphantus the sonne of Bathyllus, one of the three soveraign governours of Phocis, mooved and perswaded the Phocaeans (as many as were of yeeres to fight) for to go forth and encoun­ter the Thessalians; but their wives and children, to assemble all together unto a certaine place in Phocis, & environe the whole pourprise and precinct thereof with a huge quantity of wood, and 50 there to set certaine guards to watch and ward; whom hee gave in charge, that so soone as ever they heard how their countrey-men were defaited, they should set the wood on fire, and burne all the bodies within the compasse thereof: which desseigne when all others had approoved, there was one man among them, stood up and said: It were just and meet, that they had the con­sent also of the women as touching this matter; and if they would not approve and allow of this counsell, to leave it unexecuted, and not to force them thereto: this consultation being come to the eares of the said women, they held a counsell together apart by themselves as touching [Page 485] this entended action, where other resolved to follow the advice of Daiphantus, and that with so great alacritie and contentment, that they crowned Daiphantus with a chaplet of flowers, as ha­ving given the best counsell that could be devised for Phocis. It is reported also, that their verie children sat in counsell hereabout by themselves, and concluded the same: but it fortuned so, that the Phocaeans having given the Thessalians battell neere unto a village, called Cleonae, in the marches or territorie of Hyampolis, defaited them. This resolution of the Phocaeans, was afterwards by the Greekes named Aponaea, that is, A desperat desseigne: and in memoriall of the said victorie, all the people of Phocis to this day do celebrate in Hyampolis, the greatest and most solemne feast that they have, to the honour of Diana, and call it Elaphebolia.

THE WOMEN OF CHIOS. 10

THE men of Chios inhabited sometime the colonie Leuconia, upon such an occasion as this. A gentleman, one of the best houses in Chios, chanced to contract a marriage; and when the bride was to be brought home to his house in a coach, King Hippoclus being a familiar friend unto the bridegroom, & one who was present with others at the espousales and wedding; after he had taken his wine wel, being set upon a merrie pin, and disposed to make sport, leapt up into the coach where the new wedded wife was; not with any entent to offer violence or vilanny, but only to dallie, toy & make pastime in a meriment, as the maner was at such a feast: howbeit the friends of the bridegroome tooke it not so, but fell upon him and killed him outright in the 20 place: upon which murder there appeered unto those of Chios many evident tokens and signes of Gods anger; yea and when they understood by the oracle of Apollo, that for to appease their wrath, they should put all those to death who had murdered Hippoclus; they made answere: That they all were guiltie of the fact: and when the god Apollo commanded them, that if they were all tainted with the said murder, they should all depart out of the citie Chios, they sent away (as ma­nie, as either were parties and principals, or accessaries and privie to the said blood-shed; yea, and whosoever approoved and praised the fact, and those were neither few in number, nor men of meane qualitie and power) as far as to Leuconta; which citie the Chians first conquered from the Coroneans, and possessed by the helpe of the Erythraeans: but afterwardes when there was warre betweene the said Chians and the Erythraeans (who in those daies were the mightiest 30 people in all Ionia) insomuch as the Erythraeans came against Leuconia, with a power intending to assault it: the Chians being not able to resist, grew to make a cōposition; in which capitulated it was & agreed, that they should quit the city, & depart every person with one coat & cassock on­ly, without taking any thing els with them. The women understanding of this agreement, gave them foule words, & bitterly reproched them, for being so base minded as to lay off their armor, & thus to go naked thorow the mids of their enimies: but when their husbands alleaged that they had sworn & taken a corporal oth so to do, they gave them counsel in any wise, not to leave their armes and weapons behind them, but to say; that a javelin was a coat, and a shield the cassocke of a valiant and hardie man. The Chians perswaded hereunto spake boldly to the Erythraeans to that effect, and shewed them their armes, insomuch as the Erythraeans were affraid to see their 40 resolute boldnesse, and there was not one of them so hardie as to come neere for to empeach them, but were verie well content that they abandoned the place, and were gone in that sort. Thus you may see how these men having learned of their wives to be couragious and confident, saved their honours and their lives. Long after this, the wives of the Chians atchieved an other act nothing inferiour to this in vertue and prowesse. At what time as Philip the sonne of De­metrius, holding their citie besieged, caused this barbarous edict, and proud proclamation to be published: That all the slaves of the citie should rebell against their masters, and come to him: for that he would make them all free, and give them libertie to espouse and marie their mi­stresses, even the wives of their former masters. The dames conceived hereof so great choler and indignation in their harts (together with the slaves themselves, who were provoked likewise 50 to anger as well as they, and readie to assist their mistresses) that they tooke heart to mount up­on the walles of the citie, and to carrie thither stones, darts and all manner of shot, beseeching their husbands to fight lustily and with good courage, & eftsoones admonishing and encoura­ging them to quit themselves like men, and do their devoir; which they did so effectually both in word and deed, that in the end they repulsed the enemie, and constrained Philip to raise his siege from before the citie without effecting his purpose, and there was not so much as one slave that revolted from his master unto him.

THE WOMEN OF ARGOS.

THe exploit of the Argive dames against Cleomenes king of Lacedaemon, in defence of the citie Argos, which they enterprised under the conduct and by the perswasion of Telesilla the poëtresse, is not lesse glorious and renowmed, than any action that ever was atchieved by a crew of women. This dame Telesilla (as the fame goeth) was descended of a noble and famous house, howbeit in body she was very weake and sickly; by occasion wherof, she sent out to the oracle for to know how she might recover her health: answer was made, that she shoulde serve, honour and worship the Muses: she yeelding obedience to this revelation of the god, and gi­ving 10 herselfe to learne poesie, and likewise vocall musicke, and skill in song, in short time was delivered from her maladie, and became most renowmed and highly esteemed among women for hir poeticall veine, and musicall knowledge in this kind: in processe of time it fortuned that Cleomenes the king of the Spartans, having in a battell slaine a great number indeed of Argives, but not as some fabulous writers have precisely set downe (seven thousand, seven hundred, seven­tie and seven) advaunced directly to the citie of Argos, hoping to finde and surprize the same void of inhabitants: but the women, as many as were of age sufficient (as it were by some heavenly and divine instinct) put on a resolute minde, and an extraordinary courage, to doe their best for to beate backe their enemies that they should not enter the citie; and in very truth under the leading of Telesilla, they put on armes, tooke weapon in hand, and mounting up the 20 wals stood round about the battlements thereof, and environed them on every side, defending the citie right manfully, to the great wonder & admiration of the enemies: thus they gave Cleo­menes the repulse, with the losse and carvage of a great number of his men. Yea and they chased Democrates another king of Lacedaemon out of their citie, as Socrates saith, who had made en­trance before, and seised that quarter which is called Pamphyliacum: when the citie was thus sa­ved by the prowesse of these women, ordeined it was, that as many of them as chaunced in this service to be slaine, should be honorably enterred, upon the great causey or high-way called Argeia; and unto them who remained alive, graunted it was for a perpetuall monument and memoriall of their prowesse, to dedicate and consecrate one statue unto Mars. This combat and fight (as some have written) was the seventh day, or (as other say) the first of that moneth 30 which at Argos in old time they called Tetartos, but now Hermeus, on which day the Argives do celebrate even in this age, a solemne sacrifice and feast which they call Hybristica (as one would say) reprochfull and infamous; wherein the custome is, that women went clad in soldiers coates and mantels, but men were arraied and attired in womens peticoates, frocks, and veiles. Now to replenish and repeople the citie againe, for default of men who died in the wars, they did not (as Herodotus writeth) use this pollicie, to marrie their slaves to their widdowes, but they gran­ted free burgeosie of their citie, unto the better sort of men who were their neighbors and bor­derers, and granted unto them for to affiance and espouse the said widowes: but it should seeme that these wives disdained & despised (in some sort) these husbands of theirs, as not comparable to their former; for they made a law, that these wives should have counterfeit beards set to their 40 chins whensoever they slept and lay with their husbands.

THE PERSIAN WOMEN.

CYrus (having caused the Persians to rebel against king Astyages & the Medes) hapned to be discomfited & vanquished together, with the Persians: now when the Persians fled amaine toward the city, and their enemies followed hard at their heeles, ready to enter pel-mell with thē; the women issued out of the gates, met them even before the citie, and plucking up their clothes before, from beneath, to their waste, cried unto them: Whither away, and whither doe you flie, the most beastly cowards that ever were? for run as fast as you wil there is no reentrance here for 50 you into that place, out of which you came first into the world: the Persians being ashamed as well to see such a sight, as to heare those words, blamed and rebuked themselves; whereupon they turned againe, and made head at their enemies, sought freshly, and put them to flight: from which time forward, there was a law established: That whensoever the king returneth from some farre voiage, and entreth into the citie, everie woman should receive of him a piece of gold, and that by the ordinance of king Cyrus, who first enacted it. But it is reported, that king Ochus one of his successors (who being bad enough otherwise) was the most covetous prince [Page 487] that ever raigned over them, turned alwaies out of the way, passed besides the citie, and never would come into it after such a journey; whereby the women alwaies were disappointed of that gratuitie and gift which they ought to have had: but king Alexander contrariwise entred the citie twice, and gave to every woman with childe, double so much, that is to say, two such pie­ces of gold.

THE WOMEN OF GAULE.

BEfore that the Gaules passed over the mountaines called Alpes, and held that part of Italy which now they doe inhabit; there arose a great discord and dangerous sedition among 10 them, which grew in the end to a civill warre: but when both armies stood embattailed and ar­ranged, ready to fight, their wives put themselves in the very mids betweene the armed troupes, tooke the matter of difference and controversie into their hands, brought them to accord and unitie, and judged the quarrell with such indifferent equitie, and so to the contentment of both parts, that there ensued a woonderfull amitie, and reciprocall good will, not onely from citie to citie, but also betweene house and house; insomuch that ever after, they continued this custome in all their consultations, aswell of warre as peace, to take the counsell and advice of their wives; yea to compose and pacifie all debates and braules with their neighbours and allies, by the mediation of them: and therefore in that composition and accord which they made with Anniball, at what time as he passed through their citie, among other articles this went for one: 20 That in case the Gaules complained of any wrongs done unto them by the Carthaginians, the Carthaginian captains and governors which were in Spain should be the judges betweene them; but contrariwise, if the Carthaginians pretended that the Gaules had wronged them, the Gaule dames should decide the quarrell.

THE WOMEN OF MELOS.

THe Melians purposing to seeke for another land to inhabit, more large and fertile than their owne, chose for the captaine and leader of that troupe or colonie which was sent forth, a yoong gentleman of singular beautie, named Nymphoeus; but first they had consulted 30 with the oracle, where they received this answere: That they should take the seas, and saile; and looke in what place soever they happened to leese their porters and cariers, there they should rest and inhabit: now it happened as the coasted along Caria, and were set aland, their ships were lost in a tempest and perished; and then the inhabitats of the city Cryassa in Caria, (were it that they had pity of their necessitie, or feared their hardinesse and valour) requested them to make their abode with them, and granted them a part of their territorie to holde and occupie: but af­terwards the Carians seeing, that in a small time the Melians mightily increased and waxed great, they complotted and laid ambushes for to murder them al, at a certeine solemne feast and supper which they prepared for them: but it fell out so, that a yoong damosell of Caria named Cophene (who secretly was in love and enamoured upon Nymphaeus abovesaid, and could not en­dure 40 that her love Nymphaeus should so treacherously be murdered) discovered the said plot and intended desseigne of her countreymen: now when the Cryassians came to call them to the feast abovesaid, Nymphaeus made them this answere: That the custome of the Greeks was not to go unto any great suppers or feasts, unlesse they had their wives with them; which when the Ca­rians heard, they said: Bring your wives with you and spare not, they shall be welcome: thus when he had advertised his countreymen the Melians, what had passed betweene him and the Carians, he gave order that they should themselves come unarmed in their plaine apparell, but every one of their wives should bring with them a skeing or dagger under their clothes, and so ech of them sit close unto her husband: now in the mids of supper, when the signall was given to the Carians for to go in hand with the execution of their desseigne, they Greeks knew thereby 50 incontinently, that the time was now come to execute this feat; and then the women all at once opened their bosoms, and their husbands caught the skeines aforesaid, ran upon the barbarous Carians, and massacred all in the place, insomuch as not one of them escaped with life: and thus being masters of the countrey, they rased the city, and built another, which they called New Cryassa: Cophene then was maried to Nymphaeus, and woon much honour and favor, which she right well had deserved for the great good service that she did: but in my conceit, the prin­cipall matter in this whole action, and that which is most to be commended, was the silence [Page 488] and secrecie of these dames, that being so many as they were, there was not one whose hart fain­ted in the execution of this enterprise, nor perforce and for feare against her will, failed in her dutie.

THE TUSCANE WOMEN.

THere were in times past certeine Tyrrhenians or Tuskanes, who seized upon the isles of of Lemnos and Imbros; yea and ravished certeine Athenian wives out of Brauron, and begat children of them; but afterwards, the Athenians chased that generation out of the said isles, as being mungrels and halfe Barbarians, who fortuning to arrive at the cape or head of Taenarus, did very good service under the Spartans in their wars against the Ilots; and for this cause ob­teined 10 their freedome and burgeosie in Sparta, yea, and were allowed to take wives and marrie among them; onely they were not capable of any office of State or magistracie, nor admit­ted into the counsell of the citie: howbeit, suspected they were in the end, that they con­spired and went about a change and alteration in the government: whereupon the Spartans apprchended their bodies, and cast them in prison, where they kept them very straight, as close prisoners, to see if they could convince them by some proofes and undoubted evidence. Mean­while, the wives of these prisoners came to the goales, and by their earnest praiers and importu­nate sute, wrought so with their keepers, that they suffred them to have accesse unto their hus­bands, onely to visit, salute, and speake unto them: they were no sooner entred in, but they ad­vised 20 and perswaded their husbands, with all speed to put off their owne clothes, and doe on their apparell, and so to get away with their faces vailed and covered; which presently was put in exe­cution, and themselves remained fast shut up in the said prison, prepared and resolute to abide all the miseries and tortures that might be done unto them: thus the goalers let out their hus­bands, taking them to be their wives. No sooner were they at libertie, but immediately they went and seized the mountaine Taygeta, and sollicited withall the Ilots to take armes and rebell; which the men of Sparta much fearing, sent unto them an herald with atrumpet, by whose entercourse they agreed upon these articles of composition. Inprimis, to deliver them their wives. Item, to restore unto them their money and all their goods. Item, to furnish them with ships to passe upon the seas for to seeke their adventure: and when they had found a commodi­ous 30 land, in one place or other, & were provided of a citie to inhabit; that they should be named and reputed kinsfolke to the Lacedaemonians, and a colonie derived and discended from them. The same did the Pelasgians, who tooke for their captaines in this voiage, Pollis, Adelphus, and Crataidas, all three Lacedaemonians; for when one part of them staied in the isle Melos, the greater troupe under the conduct of Pollis arrived in Candie, attending and expecting if those signes which had beene foretold them by the oracles would happen; for answer was given them by oracle: That whensoever they had lost their ankor and goddesse, then they were at an end of their voiage and should build them a citie: being come therefore unto the demie island Cherso­nesus, and their ship lying at ankor in the harbour; there hapned in the night a sudden feare and fright among them without any apparant cause, such as they call Panique Frights, wherewith 40 being woonderfully troubled and scarred, they went a shipboord, without all order, and in a tu­multuous multuous maner, leaving behinde them for haste, the image of Diana upon the land, which had remained a long time among them, and had passed by descent from father to sonne, and by their forefathers had beene first brought unto them from Brauron unto the isle Lemnos, and which they caried with them from thence into all places wheresoever they came: after this sudden fright and tumult was passed, as they sailed in the open sea, they missed the said image, and with­all Pollis also was advertised, that a flouke of an anker was wanting and lost; for that when they came to weigh anker by great force (as commonly it hapneth in such places where it taketh hold of the ground among rocks) it brake and was left behinde in the bottome of the sea; whereupon he said that the oracles were now fulfilled which foretold them of these signes, and therewith 50 gave signall to the whole fleete for to retire backe, and so he entred upon that region to his owne use: and after he had in many skirmishes vanquished those who were up in armes against him, he lodged at length in the citie Lyctus, and wan many more to it. Thus you see how at this day they call themselves the kinsfolke of the Athenians by the mothers side; but indeed by the fa­ther they are a colonie drawne from Lacedaemon.

THE LYCIAN WOMEN.

THat which is reported to have beene done in Lycia, as a meere fable and tale devised of pleasure, yet neverthelesse testified by a constant same that runneth verie currant. For Amisodarus (as they say) whom the Lycians name Isarus, came from about the marches of Zelea, a colonie of the Lycians, with a great fleet of rovers and men of warre, whose captaine or admirall, was one Chimaerus) a famous arch-pirate, a warlike man but exceeding cruell, savage and inhumane) who had for the badges and ensignes of his owne ship, in the prow a lion, and at the poope a dragon: much hurt hee did upon all the coasts of Lycia; inso­much 10 as it was not possible either to saile upon the sea, or to inhabit the maritime cities and townes, neere unto the sea side for him. This man of warre or arch-rover, Bellerophon­tes had slaine who followed him hard in chase with his swift pinnace ( Pegasus) as he fled, untill he had overtaken him, and withall had chased the Amazones out of Lycia; yet for all this, he not onely received no worthy recompence for his good service, at the hands of Iobates king of Ly­cia, but also which was woorse, sustained much wrong by him: by occasion whereof Bellerophon­tes taking it as a great indignitie, went to sea againe, where he praied against him unto Neptune, that he would cause his land to be barraine and unfruitfull; which done, hee returned backe a­gaine: but behold a strange and fearfull spectacle, for the sea swelled & overflowed all the coun­trey, following him everie where as he went, and covering after him the face of the earth: and for 20 that the men of those parts, who did what possibly they could to entreat him for to stay this in­undation of the sea, could not obtaine so much at his hands, the women tooke up their petti­cots before & went to meet him, & shewed their nakednes; wherupon for very shame he retur­ned back, & the sea likewise (by report) retired with him into the former place. But some there be (who more civilly avciding the fabulosity of this tale) say: That it was not by praiers & impreca­tions that he drew after him the sea, but because that part of Lycia which was most sertill, being low and flat, lay under the levell of the sea: there was a banke raised along the sea side which kept it in; and Bellerophon cut a breach thorow it, and so it came to passe that the sea with great vio­lence entred that way, and drowned the flat part of the countrey; whereupon the men did what they could by way of praiers and intrearie with him, in hope to appease his mood, but could not 30 prevaile: howbeit, the women environing him round about by great troups & companies, pres­sed him so on all sides, that he could not for verie shame deny them, & so in favour of them, said downe his anger. Others affirme that Chimaera was an high mountaine, directly opposite to the sunne at noon-tide, which caused great reflections and reverberations of the sunne beames, and by consequence, ardent heats in manner of a fire, in the said mountaine, which comming to be spread and dispersed over the champion ground, caused all the fruits of the earth, to dry, fade, and wither away: whereof Bellerophontes (a man of great reach and deepe conceit) knowing the cause in nature, caused in many places, the superfice of the said rocke or mountaine to be cloven and cut in two, which before was most smooth & even, and by that reason consequently, did send back the beames of the sun, & cansed the excessive heat in the countrey adjoining: now for that 40 he was not well considered and regarded by the inhabitants, according to his demerit, in despite he meant to be revenged of the Lycians; but the women wrought him so, that they allaied his fury. But surely that cause which Nymphus alleageth in his fourth booke as touching Heraclea, is not fabulous nor devised to delight the Reader: for he saith: That this Bellerophontes having kil­led a wilde bore that destroied all the fruits of the earth, & all other beasts within the Xanthiens countrey, had no recompense therefore; whereupon, when he had powred out grievous impre­cations against those unthankfull Xanthiens, unto Neptune, hee brought salt-water all over the land, which marred all and made all become bitter, untill such time as he (being wonne by the praiers and supplications of the women) besought Neptune to let fal his wrath. Loe whereupon the custome arose and continueth still in the Xanthiens countrey: That men in all their affaires 50 negotiate not in the name of their fathers, but of their mothers, and called after their names.

THE WOMEN OF SALMATICA.

ANnnibal of the house of Barca, before that he went into Italic to make warre with the Ro­maines, laid siege unto a great citie in Spaine, named Salmatica: the besieged were at [Page 490] the first affraid, and promised to do whatsoever Annibal would commaund them; yea and to pay him three hundred talents of silver; for securitie of which capitulation to be performed, they put into his hands three hundred hostages: but so soone as Anmbal had raised his siege, they repented of this agreement which they had concluded with him, and would do nothing ac­cording to the conditions of the accord; whereupon hee returned againe for to besiege them afresh: and to encourage his souldiers the better to give the assault, he said: That hee would give unto them the saccage and pillage of the towne; whereupon the citizens within, were won­derfully affraid, and yeelded themselves to his devotion, upon this condition; That the Barbari­ans would permit as many as were of free condition, to goe foorth, every man in his single gar­ment, leaving behind them their armes, goods, money, slaves and the citie. Now the dames and 10 wives of the towne, fearing lest the enemies would search and rifle their husbands as they went forth of the gates, and not once touch and meddle with them, tooke unto them short curtelasses or skeines, hid them under their clothes, and so went forth together with their husbands. When they were all out of the towne, Annibal (having set a guard of Mafaesylians to attend them) staied them at the end of the suburbs: meane while the rest of his armie, without all order put them­selves within the citie, and fell to the spoile and sackage of it: which when the Masaesylians per­ceived, they grew out of all patience, & could not containe themselves, nor looke wel unto their prisoners; but were woonderous angrie, and in the end meant for to have as good a part and share as the rest, of the spoile: hereupon the women tooke up a crie, and gave unto their hus­bands the swords which they had brought with them, yea & some of them fel upon the guard or 20 garrison, insomuch as one of them was so bold, as to take from Banon (the Truchman or interpre­tor) the speare which he had, and thrust at him with it, but he had on a good corps of a cuirace which saved him: but their husbands having wounded some of them, and put the rest to flight, escaped by this meanes away, together in a troupe with their wives; which when Annibal under­stood, he set out immediately after them, and surprised those who were left behind; whiles the rest got away and saved themselves for the present, by recovering the mountaines adjoining; but after they sent unto Annibal and craved pardon, who graciously granted it; yea and permitted them to returne in safetie and reinhabit their owne citie.

THE MILESIAN WOMEN. 30

THE Milesian maidens upon a time, were surprized with a verie strong passionate fit of a fearfull melancholicke humour, without any apparant cause that could be rendred there­of, unlesse it were (as men most conjectured:) that the aire was infected and empoisoned, which might cause that alienation of the mind, and worke a distimperature in their braines, to the overthrow of their right wits; for all on a sudden, every one had a great desire to die, and namely, in a furious rage would needs hang themselves; and in truth many of them secretly knit their neeks in haltars, and so were strangled: no, reasons and remonstrances, no teares of father and mother, no perswasions and comfortable speeches of their friends would serve the turne; but looke what keepers soever they had, and how carefully soever they looked unto them, they 40 could find meanes of evasion to avoide and goe beyond all their devices and inventions; in such sort, that it was thought to be some plague and punishment sent from the gods above; and such as no humaine provision could remedie, untill such time as by the advice of a sage and wise citi­zen, there went foorth a certaine edict, and the same enacted by the counsell of the citie: That if any one more, hapned to hang herselfe, she should be carried starke naked as ever she was borne throw the market place in the view of the whole world: this proclamation being thus ratified by the common-counsell of the citie, did not onely represse for a while, but also staied for alto­ther, this furious rage of the maidens and their inordinate desire to make themselves away. Thus we may see, that the fear of dishonor, shame & infamy, is a great signe & infallible token of good nature and vertue, considering that they feared neither death nor paine, which are the most hor­rible 50 accidents that men can endure; howbeit they could not abide the imagination of vilannie, shame and dishonor, though it hapned not unto them, untill they were dead and gone.

THE WOMEN OF CIO.

THe maner and custome was for the yoong virgins of Cio, to goe altogether unto their pub­lick temples and churches, and so to passe the time al the long day there, one with another: [Page 491] where their lovers who wooed them for marriage, might behold them disport and daunce: and in the evening they went home to each of their houses, in order, where they waited upō their fa­thers and mothers, yea and the brethren, one of another, even to the very washing of their feet. Now it hapned sometimes that many yoong men were enamoured of one and the same maide; but their love was so modest, good, and honest, that so soone as a maiden was affianced and be­trothed unto one, all the rest would give over sute, & so cease to make any more love unto her: In summe, the good order and cariage of these women of Cio might be knowen in this: that in the space of seven hundred yeeres, it was never knowen nor appeered upon record, that anie wife committed adulterie, nor maiden unmaried lost her virgnitie.

THE WOMEN OF PHOCIS. 10

THe tyrants of Phocis, surprized upon a time and seized the citie of Delphos; by occasion whereof, the Thebans made that warre upon them, which was called the Holy warre; at which time it so befell, that the religious women consecrated unto Bacchus, named Thyades, be­ing bestraught and out of their right wits, ranne wandring like vargrants up and downe in the night, and knew not whither, untill ere they were aware, they ranne unto the citie Amphissa, where being wearie (but yet not come againe to their senses) they lay along in the mids of the market place, and couched themselves scattering heere and there to take their sleepe: the wives of Amphissa being advertised heereof, and fearing lest their bodies should be abused by the 20 soldiers of the tyrants (whereof there lay a garrison within the citie, for that Amphissa was of the league, and confederate with the Phocaeans) ranne all thither to the place, standing round about them with silence, and not saying one word, and so long as they slept, troubled them not; but soone as they wakened of themselves and were gotten up, they tooke the charge of them, gave them meat, and each of them looked to one; yea, and afterwards having gotten leave of their husbands, they conveighed and accompanied them in safetie, so farre as to the mountains and marches of their owne territorie.

VALERIA and CLOELIA.

THe outrage committed upon the person of a Roman ladie, named Lucretia, and her vertue 30 together, were the cause that Tarquinius Superbus (the seventh king of the Romanes after Romulus) was deprived of his roiall estate, and driven out of Rome: This dame being married unto a great personage, descended of the bloud roiall, was abused and forced by one of the sons of the said king Tarquin, who was enterteined and friendly lodged in her house: by occasion of which villanous fact, she called all her kinsfolke and friends together about her; unto whom af­ter she had delcared and given them to understand the shamefull dishonour that he had done upon her body, she stabbed herselfe in the place before them: and Tarquin the father (for this cause being deposed from his princely dignitie, and chased out of his kingdome) levied manie warres against the Romans, thinking thereby to recover his state; and among the rest in the end 40 wrought so effectually with Porsena king of the Tuskanes, that he perswaded him to laie siege to the citie of Rome, and to beleaguer it with a puissant power: Now over and besides this hosti­litie, the Romans within, were afflicted also and sore pressed with famine; but hearing that the said Porsena was not onely a valiant captaine in armes, but withall a good and righteous prince, they were willing to make him the indifferent umpire and judge betweene them and Tarquin: but Tarquin standing stiffe in his owne opinion, and highly conceited of himselfe, giving out also, that Porsena if he continued not a fast and constant ally, he would not afterwards be a just & equal judge: whereupon Porsena forsaking him, and leaving his alliance, capitulated and promi­sed to depart in good tearmes of amitie & peace with the Romans, upon condition to recover of them all those lands which they had occupied in Tuskane, & to have away with him those pri­soners 50 whom they had taken in those wars: now for the better assurance of this composition so concluded, there were delivered into his hands as hostages, ten boies, and as many yoong mai­dens; among whom Valeria the daughter of Poplicola the consull was one: which done, pre­sently he brake up his campe and dislodged, yea and gave over preparation of farther warre; notwithstanding that all the articles of the said capitulation were not yet accomplished. These yong virgins before said, being in his campe, went down as it were to bath and wash themselves, unto the river side, which ran a good way from the campe; and by the motion and instigation [Page 492] of one among the rest named Cloelia; after they had wrapped and wreathed their clothes fast about their heads; they tooke the river which ran with a very strong streame and swift current, and by swimming crosse over it, helping one another what they could amid the deepe channell, and surging whirlpoles thereof, untill with much travell, they hardly recovered the banke on the other side. Some report, that this damosell Cloclia, made meanes to get an horse, mounted his backe, and gently by little and little passed overthwart the river, shewing the way unto the rest of hir fellowes, encouraging, yea, and supporting them as they swomme on each side and round about her: but what the reason is of this their conjecture, I will shew anon: when the Romans saw that they were gotten over in safetie, they woondered at their boldnesse and rare vertue; howbeit they were nothing well pleased with their returne, neither could they en­dure 10 to be chalenged and reproched: that in fidelitie and troth, they all should be inferior to one man, and therefore gave commandement that these virgins should returne from whence they came, and sent with them a guard to conduct them; but when they were passed over the river Tybris againe, they escaped very hardly of being surprized by an ambush that Tarquin had laid for them by the way: as for Valeria the consull Poplicolaes daughter, she fled at first with three servants into the campe of Porsena: and the rest, Arnus the sonne of king Porsena, who ran presently to the rescue, recovered out of the hands of the enemies: now when they were all presented and brought before the king; he demaunded which of them it was, who had encoura­ged her companions to swim over the river, and given them counsell so to doe: all the rest fearing lest the king would doe Cloelia some harme, would not speake a word; but she her selfe 20 confessed all: Porsena highly esteeming her valour and vertue, caused one of the fairest horses to be fetched out of his stable, richly trapped and set out with costly furniture, which he bestowed upon her, yea, and that which more is (for her sake and to grace her) curteously and kindly dis­missed all her fellowes, and sent them home. This is the gesse (I say) by which some thinke that Cloelia passed over the river on horse-back: but others say no; who deliver the storie thus. That the king marvelling at this valour and extraordinarie hardinesse, above the proportion of that sex, thought her woorthy of a present, which is woont to be given unto a valiant man at armes and a brave warrior: but how ever it was, for a memoriall of this act, there is to be seene her statue at this daie, to wit, a maiden sitting on horse-backe, and it standeth in the street called Via sacra, which some say, representeth Cloelia, others Valeria. 30

MICCA and MEGISTO.

ARistotimus having usurped tyranny and violent dominion over the Elians, bare himselfe much upon the favor and countenance of king Antigonus, established the same; but so cruelly and excessively he abused this power and authoritie under him, that in nothing he was tolerable; for over and besides that, he was a man by nature given to violence (by reason that he stood in some servile feare, and was glad to please the guard that he had about him of mixt Bar­barians, whom he had gotten together from divers parts, for the defence of his state and person) he suffered them also to commit many insolent parts and cruell outrages upon his subjects; and 40 among the rest, that unhappie indignitie which befell to Philodemnus, who had a faire damosell to his daughter, named Micca, unto whom one of the captaines of the said tyrant, named Luci­us, seemed to make court, not for any true love and heartie affection that he bare unto her, but upon a wanton lust to abuse and dishonour her bodie: so he sent for this maiden to come and speake with him: her parents seeing, that whether they would or no, constrained they should be to let her goe, gave her leave; but the damosell her selfe of a generous spirit and magnani­mous heart, clasped them about and hung upon them, fell downe at their feet, and humbly be­sought them, all that ever she could, rather to kill her out of hand, than to suffer her thus shame­fully to be betraied, and villanously to be despoiled of her maidenhead: but for that she staied longer than was to the good liking of the foresaid Lucius, (who burned all this whiles in lust, and 50 had withall taken his wine liberally) he rose from the table in great choler, and went himselfe to­ward her: when he came to the house, he found Micca with her head upon her fathers knees, and her he commanded to follow him; which she refused to do; whereupon he rent her clothes from her bodie, and whipped her starke naked; and she, without giving one word againe, endu­red for her part with patience and silence all the smart and paine: but her father and mother, see­ing, that with all their piteous praiers and tender teares, they could not prevaile nor boot anie thing with this wretch, turned to call and implore the helpe both of God and man, crying with a [Page 493] loud voice: Out upon such injurious indignity and intolerable villany: whereupon, this barba­rous villaine (growen now to be furious and enraged, partly with choler, and in part with drun­kennesse) killed this silly poore girle, even as she couched her face in the very lap and bosome of her father: howbeit, for all this and such like wicked pranks plaied, the tyrant was nothing at all moved to pitie and compassion, but many citizens he murdered, and more he banished and caused to leave their countrey; in such sort, that (as the speech went) no fewer than eight hun­dred fled to the Aetolians, craving at their hands to make meanes unto the tyrant, that they might have away their wives and little children also. Not long after, the tyrant of his owne ac­cord caused proclamation to be made by sound of trumpet; that as many women as were willing to go unto their husbands, should make them ready and depart, yea, and cary with them as much 10 of their goods as they would: now when he understood, that they all with great joy of this pro­clamation thus published, and that they were assembled together with much contentment of minde, to the number of sixe hundred, he commanded that they should depart, and put them­selves in their journey all together on a certeine day by him prefixed, making semblant against that time, to provide a good convoy for their better security: when the time appointed was come, they flocked thicke to the gates of the city, having brought with them their trusses and fardles of such goods as they meant to have away with them, carying some of their little babes in their armes, taking order for others for to be brought in waggons; and so they staied there, & attended one anothers comming: but suddenly, many of the souldiers and those of the tyrants guard, came running toward them, and crying aloud afarre off: Stay, stay: now when they ap­proched 20 nere, all the women they commanded to go backe againe, but the waines and waggons they turned together with the horses full upon them, and drave them amaine thorow the mids of the troupe and throng of the women, not suffering them either to follow, or to stay or succor their poore little infants, whom they saw to die before their faces: for some of them perished with falling out of the chariots to the ground, others were destroied and trampled under the horse feet; and all this while, these pensioners of the guard, with loud out-cries and with whip­ping, drave the women before them, like as they had bene so many sheepe, and thronged them so hard, that one tumbled upon another; and thus they chased them, untill such time as they had cast them all into prison: but all their bag and baggage was seized upon, and brought unto Ari­stotimus. Now when the men of Elis were were heerewith mightily offended; the religious wo­men 30 consecrated to the service of Bacchus, whom they call the Sixteene (carrying in their hands boughs of olive trees, like suppliants, and chaplets of vine branches about their heads, which they tooke from the god whom they served) went to meet with Aristotimus about the market­place of the citie: his squires and pensioners about him for the guard of his bodie, made a lane for them, and seemed (upon some reverence) to give them way that they might come nere: and the women at first kept silence, doing nought els but in most humble and deuout maner tender unto him their branches, like suppliants: but after that the tyrant understood that it was for the Eliens wives that they came thus to make supplication, and namely, that hee would take some commiseration of them; being wroth & displeased with his guard, he cried out upon them for suffering the said women to approch so neere unto his person; and thereupon commanded 40 them to drive some and to beat others, untill they were all chased out of the market-place; and more than all this, he condemned these religious votaries in a fine of two talents a piece. Du­ring these occurrences, there was within the citie, one of the burgesses named Hellanicus, a man very farre stept in age, who was the authour of a conspiracie and insurrection against the tyrant; one that of all others he least distrusted, and whom he never thought likely to practise against him, both for that he was very aged, and also because but a little before he had buried two of his children: and it fortuned at the very same time, that frō Aetolia the exiles before named, passed into the territorie of Elis, and seized upon a fort called Amymom, situate in a very commodious place for to mainteine warre; where they received and enterteined many other inhabitants of the citie, who immediatly resorted thither, and ran apace: upon these tydings, the tyrant Ari­stotimus 50 much fearing the sequel hereof, went unto their wives in prison; and thinking to com­passe his desseignes better by feare, than favor and love, he commanded them to send unto their husbands, & to write unto them, for to abandon their holde and depart out of the countrey, me­nacing the poore women, that if they did not so, he would cause their children first to be man­gled with whips, and so killed before their face, and then put themselves also to death: all of them were silent a good while, & notwithstanding he importuned them a long time, and urged them to speake at once whether they would doe it or no? they looked one upon another without say­ing [Page 500] a word, giving him thereby to understand, that they stood in no feare, and were not astonied for all his threats: at the last, one of them, named Megisto, wife to Timoleon, and a woman whom the rest regarded and held as their captainesse, aswell in respect of her husbands honour, as her owne vertue, deigned not to rise up from her seat herselfe, nor suffered any of the rest to stand up; but sitting still in her place, thus said: If thou wert a wise man, thou wouldest not deale thus as thou doest, betweene women and their husbands, but rather send unto them, as to those who have the power and authoritie over their wives, and to deliver unto them better speeches than such, whereby thou hast deceived us; now if (being past hope to perswade them) thou thin­kest to circumvent and delude them by the meanes of us, never looke that thou shalt abuse us any more, nor thinke that they will be so ill advised or so base minded, as that for to spare their 10 wives and little children, they will abandon and lose the libertie of their countrey: for surely the losse of us will not be to them so much, considering that they now enjoy us not, as the gaine and benefit, in delivering their countrey and fellow-citizens from such outrageous crueltie. Whiles Megisto enterteined Aristotimus with these speeches, he could no longer endure, but commanded her little sonne to be brought before him, for to murder him before her eies; and when the pensioners about the tyrant searched for him among other little boies that were play­ing & wrestling together, his mother called unto him by name, saying: Come hither to me my boy, that thou maiest be delivered from the crueltie of this tyrant, before thou hast any sense or understanding to know what tyranny is: for a greater griefe it would be unto me another day to see thee for to serve like a slave vnworthily, than to die here presently: hereat Aristotimus through 20 impatience of furious anger, drew his sword upon the woman herselfe, meaning to run her tho­row; but one of his familiar friends, named Cylon (who made semblant to be true & faithful unto him but hated him secretly in his hart, & indeed was of the complices in that conspiracy of Hel­lanicus) stepped before him, and by his effectuall praiers turned his hand, making remonstrance unto him, that it was no generous and manly deed, but a womanish act: neither savoured it of a prince or such a personage as knew how to manage great affaires of State, to deale in that sort, which he forced and pressed so instantly that hardly and with much ado though it were; Aristo­tinus was of a better minde, bethought himselfe and went his way. Now there befell unto him a strange accident, which presaged what mischiefe was toward him; for about high noone it was, when being in his bed-chamber, & reposing himself with his wife, whiles his dinner was now rea­die 30 to be served up, those of his houshold might perceive an eagle soaring round over his house; and she let fal a bigge stone directly upon the very place of the roofe of the said chamber where he lay, as if upon deliberate purpose she had aimed and leveled as it were so to doe, himselfe hearing the noise and rap that the stone gave upon the house top over his head, and withall, the outcry beneath of those who beheld the foule, was mightily affrighted, and demanded what the matter might be? when he understood what it was; hee sent presently for the wizard or sooth­saier, whom he was wont to use in such cases, and all troubled and perplexed in spirit, asked him what this signe might presage? the soothsaier cōforted him, & willed him to be of good cheere, saying unto himselfe: That it was Jupiter who wakened him, & shewed how willing he was to as­sist and succour him; but unto other citizens whom he might trust, he expounded it otherwise, 40 and assured them that it was the vengeance of God, which speedily would light upon the tyrants head: whereupon Hellanicus and his adherents were resolved to deferre the execution of their desseignes no longer, but to set upon the enterprise the next morrow: in the night that came be­tweene, Hellanicus as he slept, dreamed, and in that vision he thought, that one of his sons late deceased stood before him & said: Father, what meane you to lie a sleepe, considering that once to morrow you must be captaine general and sovereigne governor of this citie: Hellanicus won­derfully encouraged by this vision, started up, and went to sollicit the rest of his complices and companions in the said conspiracie. By this time was Aristotimus advertised that Craterus was comming to aide him with a puissant armie, and lay encamped neere to Olympia; in the as­surance and confidence whereof, he presently tooke Cylon with him, and went foorth with­out 50 any guard about his person: Hellanicus seeing the opportunitie now offred, and taking the vantage thereof, gave not the signal and watchword which was agreed upon, with those who first were to set to the execution of their entended enterprise; but stretching foorth both his hands with a loud voice cried out: Now, now, my masters and valiant men, what staie you for? can you desire a fairer theater to shew your valour in, than to fight for the defence of your liber­tie, in the very heart of your native countrey? At which words, Cylon drew his sword first, and smot one of them that followed and accompanied Aristotimus; but Thrasibulus and Lampis [Page 495] came afront, and ran upon the tyrant himselfe, who preventing the venue of their stroake, fled for refuge and sanctuarie into the temple of Jupiter, where they slew him out-right, and drew his dead corps into the market place; and then assembled all the citizens thither, for to recover their freedome: but many of the people could not prevent the women; for they ranne out with the first in great alacritie, weeping and crying out for very joy, and environing their husbands round about, crowned them, and set chaplets of flowers upon their heads: then the multitude of the common people set upon the tyrants house, and assaulted it; his wife having shut her-selfe within her chamber, there hung herselfe, and whereas she had two daughters, virgins as yet, but in the prime and flower of their yeeres, ready for marriage; those they tooke, and by force haled them out of the house, with full intent to kill them; in the end after they had abused their bo­dies 10 first, and then perpetrated all the villanie & shame they could devise unto them; which no doubt they would have put in execution, but that Megisto with other honest matrons of the citie, opposed themselves and came betweene, who cried aloud unto them; that in so dooing they should commit an indignitie unbeseeming them, if considering, that now being in the ve­rie traine and high way of recovering their libertie, for to live from hencefoorth in a popular government, they should perpetrate as violent outrages, as the most bloudy and cruell tyrants are used to commit: the people in good respect and reverence to the honour and authoritie of this vertuous and honest dame, who spake her minde so frankely unto them with teares gushing out of her eies, were reclaimed and advised to offer no abuse nor vilanie unto their persons; but to put unto their choise what death they would die? and when they had brought them both back 20 againe into the house, and intimated unto them, that there was no other remedie but die they must, and that presently; the elder of the twaine named Myro, untied her girdle from about her waste, and with a running noose did it about her owne necke in maner of an halter; then kissing and embracing her yoonger sister, she praied her to marke what she did, and according to her example to doe thereafter: To the end (quoth she) that we may not die basely, unwoorthy the place from whence we are come and descended: but the yoonger desired againe, that she might die first, caught hold of the girdle and snatched it from her; then the elder: Well sister (quoth she) I never yet refused to do any thing that you desired at my hands; & even now content I am to doe so much for you as to endure and suffer that, which will be more greevous unto me than death it selfe, namely, to see my most deere and best beloved sister to die before me; which said, 30 she her selfe taught her how to fit the said girdle to her necke, and to knit it for the purpose, and when she perceived once that the life was out of her bodie, she tooke her downe and covered her breathlesse corps; then addressing her speech unto dame Megisto her selfe, she besought her, that she would not suffer her bodie after she was dead, to lie shamefully above the ground, and not interred: the sight heereof and the words withall were so patheticall, that there was not one present so hard hearted, or so spightfully and malicously bent against the tyrant, but deplo­red their wofull estate, and pitied the generositie and magnanimitie of these two yoong ladies. Now albeit there be infinit presidents of noble deeds, that in old time, women have done in companies together; yet me thinkes these few examples which I have already delivered, may suffice: from hencefoorth therefore I will rehearse the particular vertuous acts of severall wo­men 40 by themselves, as they come scattering into my remembrance: for I suppose that such nar­rations and histories as these, doe not require of necessitie the precise order and consequence of the times.

PIERIA.

OF those Ionians who were come to dwell in the citie of Miletum, some chaunced to be at variance and debate with the children of Neleus; by occasion whereof in the end, they thought the city too hot for them, and constreined they were to remoove and retire themselves into the citie Myus, where they made their abode & habitation; and yet even there also, much 50 molested they were and troubled by the Milesians, who warred upon them, for their revolt and apostasie: howbeit this warre was not so bloudie and mortall, but that they used to send one un­to another, yea and to communicate and negotiate reciprocally in divers things: for even up­on certaine solemne and festivall daies, the wives and women of Myus would repaire boldly un­to Miletum: now among these Myuntines, there was a noble man and of great name, one Py­thes, who had to wife a ladie called Japygia, by whom he was father of a faire daughter, cleped Pieria: when as therefore the great feast unto Diana and a solemne sacrifice called Neleus, was [Page 496] celebrated by the Milesians: Pythes, sent thither unto this solemnitie, his wife and daughter aforesaid, for they had requested leave of him to be partakers of the feast. It fortuned whiles they were there, that one of the sonnes of Neleus (a man of most credit and greatest authoritie in the citie) named Phrygius, cast a fancie to Pieria; and in courting her after the manner of lovers, desired to know of her what it might be, wherein he might gratifie her most, and best content her, unto whom she answered: If Sir you will so bring about, that I my selfe with many more may oftentimes resort hither, you shall doe me the greatest pleasure that you can devise: Phrygius (conceiving presently what her meaning was, namely that there might bee continuall peace and amitie betweene those two cities) wrought so, that he composed the warre on both sides: in regard hereof Pieria was highly esteemed and honoured in both cities; in such wise, 10 that unto this day the Milesian dames do wish ordinarily and pray unto the gods, that they may be as well beloved, as Pieria was of Phrygius.

POLYCRITE.

THere was in times past, warre betweene the Naxians and the Milesians, about Neaera the wife of Hypsicreon, and the same arose upon this occasion. This Neaera was enamoured up­on Promedon, a Naxian, insomuch as she would embarke, take the sea, and saile with him: for why? an ordinarie guest he was of Hypsicreons, and used to lodge in his house whensoever hee came to Miletum: yea and secretly she had him to lie with her, she loved him so well: but 20 in processe of time when shee feared that her husband perceived it, he faire tooke her cleane away with him to Naxos, where he ordained, that she should be a suppliant of Vesta. Hypsicreon sent for her againe; but when the Naxians in favour of Promedon refused to render her, allea­ging for a colourable pretense of their excuse the priviledge and franchises of suppliants: here­upon the warre began between them; in which quarrell the Erythraeans favoured the Milesians verie assectionatly and sided with them, insomuch as it grew to a long and lingering warre, and many miseries and calamities that follow warres, it drew withall, as well to the one part as the other; until at last the quarrel was finally ended by the vertue of one woman, like as it began first by the vice and wickednesse of another. For Diognetus the captaine generall of the Erythraeans, (unto whom was cōmitted the charge of keeping a fort, seated upon a very commodious place 30 to annoy & endamage the Naxians) made rodes and incursions into their territorie, where with many other huge booties that he drave and carried away, he took and led as his prisoners many maidens and wives of good houses and parentage; among whom there was one named Poly­crite, whom himselfe fancied and fell in love with; her he kept and entertained not like a captive or prisoner, but as if she had beene his espoused wife: now it fortuned that the day was come when the Milesians lying in campe, were to solemnize a great feast; by reason where of they fel to drinking freely and making good cheere, inviting one another as the maner was: thon Poly­crite asked captaine Diognetus, whether hee would be offended if she should send certaine tarts, pies, and cakes, provided for that feast unto her brethren? who answered: that he not onely per­mitted, but also willed her so to doe: she taking the opportunitie of good occasion, put within 40 one of these tarts, a little thinne plate of lead which was written upon, charging him expressely who had the carriage thereof, to say unto her brethren, that in any case none but they, should taste of the said cakes or tarts: this message was done accordingly, and when they came to eate the tarts, they found within one, a writing of their sisters; whereby shee advertised and advised them not to faile, but that very night to come and assaile their enemies, for that they should finde them in great disorder, without sentinell and corps-de-guard, without any watch and ward at all, for that they were all drunke by occasion of the good cheere that they had made at that feast: having this intelligence, they presently acquainted the captaines generall of the Naxi­ans armie therewith, praying them to enterprise this service by their direction and with them: 50 thus were the Erythraeans deseized of their strong hold, and a great number of them within, put to the sword: but Polycrite craved Diognetus of her fellow-citizens, and by that meanes saved his life; now when she approched neere unto the gates of Naxos, seeing all the inhabitants com­ming foorth to meet her with exceeding great joy and mirth, putting garlands of flowers upon her head, and chanting songs of her praises, her heart was not able to endure so great joy; for she died at the very gate of the citie, where afterwards she was enterred and entombed; and her monument was called, the Sepulcher of Envie, as if there had beene some envious fortune, which had grudged unto Polycrite, the fruition of so great glorie and honour. Thus the Histo­riographers [Page 497] of Naxos have delivered this narration: howbeit ( Aristotle saith) that Polycrite was never taken prisoner; but Diognetus having had a sight of her by some other meanes, be­came enamoured upon her so farre, that he was ready to give unto her, and to do for the love of her, whatsoever she would: also that she promised to go with him, in case he would agree and graunt one thing, and (as the said philosopher telleth the tale) thereupon she required of him an obligation of his oth; and after he had faithfully sworne unto her, she demaunded that hee should deliver unto her the castle Delio; for that was the name of the fort or piece whereof hee had the charge, otherwise she said that she would never come in bed with him; whereupon he (aswell for the great desire that he had to enjoy her love, as in regard of his foresaid oath, by which he was bound and obliged) quit the place and rendred it into the hands of Polycrite, who 10 presently delivered it up unto her countrey-men and fellow-citizens; by which meanes they be­ing now able once againe to make their parts good with the Milesians, made an accord and con­cluded peace, under what conditions they desired themselves.

LAMPSACE.

IN the citie Phocaea, there were sometimes two brethren twinnes, of the house and family of the Codridae; the one named Phobus, the other Blepsus; of which twaine, Phobus was the first that (according as Charon the Chronicler of Lampsacum doth record) cast himselfe from the high rocks and cliffes of Leucas into the sea. This Phobus being of great puissance and royall 20 authoritie in his countrey, hapned to have some private affaire and negotiation of his owne in theisle of Paros, and thither he went; where he contracted amitie, alliance and hospitalitie with Mandron king of the Bebrycians, surnamed Pityoessenes: and by vertue of this new league he aided them, and in their behalfe made warre with them, against other barbarous people their neighbours, who did them wrong and wrought them much damage: afterwards (when he was upon his departure and returne home) Mandron among many other courtesies and tokens of kindnesse which he bestowed upon him, now ready to embarke and take the sea, offered him the one moitie of his country and city, if he would come & dwel in the citie Pityoessa, with some part of the Phocaeans, for to people the place: whereupon Phobus after he was come home againe to Phocaea, proposed this matter unto the Phocaeans his citizens; & having perswaded them to ac­cept 30 of the offer; he sent his owne brother, as leader and captaine to conduct this colonie of new inhabitants; who upon their first arrivall and comming thither, found themselves as well entrea­ted, & as courteously entertained as they could wish or looke for at Mandron his hands: but in tract of time, after that they had gotten many advantages at the Barbarians hands, their neigh­bours & borderers, wan divers booties from them, and gained much pillage & spoile; they be­gan to be envied first, and afterwards to be dread and feared of the Bebrycians; who being de­sirous for to be rid and delivered of such guests, durst not addresse themselves unto Mandron, whom they knew to be an honest and just man, for to perswade him to practise any disloyaltie or treacherie, against men of the Greek nation; but espying a time when he was absent and out of the countrey; they complotted and prepared to surprize the Phocaeans by a wile, and so to di­spatch 40 them al to once out of the way: but Lampsace (the daughter of Mandron, a maiden yet un­married, having some fore-inkling and intelligence of this forelaied ambush) laboured & dealt, first with her familiar friends to divert them from so wicked an enterprise, shewing and proo­ving unto them, that it was a damnable act before God, and abominable among men, to pro­ceed so treacherously against their allies and confederates, who had beene ready at all times to aid and assist them in their need against their enemies, and besides, were now incorporate with them, and their fellow-citizens: but when she saw that there would no good be done, and that she could not disswade them from it: she acquainted the Greeks under-hand with this treason, which was a warping against them, & advised them to look unto themselves, & stand upon their own guard: so the Phocaeans made a solemn sacrifice & a publick feast, invited the Pityoessenes 50 to come out of the citie into the suburbes to take part therof; & themselves they divided into two troupes, whereof the one seised the wals of the citie, whiles the inhabitants were at the feast, meane time the other were busie in massacring the guests that were bidden to it; and by this meanes they became masters of the whole citie, and sent for Mandron, whom they desired to participate with them in their counsels and affaires: as for Lampsace his daughter, who fortuned to die of sicknesse, they interred magnificently, and in memoriall of that good which she did unto them, called the citie after her name Lampsacum: howbeit Mandron because he would not [Page 498] be suspected to have beene a traitour unto his owne people, would not consent to dwell among them, but required to have of them, the wives and children of them who were dead; whom they sent unto him with all speed and diligence, without dooing any harme or displeasure at all unto them; as for Lamsaca unto whom before they had ordeined heroick honors; they decreed for ever to sacrifice unto her as unto a goddesse, and even to this day they doe continue and observe the same divine worship unto her.

ARETAPHILA.

ARetaphila of Cyrene, was none of them that lived in ancient time, but lately in the daies 10 of king Mithridates; but she shewed vertue, & performed an act comparable to the mag­nanimous counsels and desseignes of the most autike demi-goddesses that ever were: daugh­ter she was to Aeglator, and wife to Phaedimus, both noble men and great personages; faire & beautifull of visage, of deepe conceit and high reach, and namely in matters of estate, & affaires of government well experienced: the publike calamities of her countrey did illustrate her name, and caused her to be well knowne and voiced in the world: for Nicocrates having usur­ped the tyrannie of Cyrene, put to death many of the chiefe and principall men of the citie, and among the rest, one Melanippus the high priest of Apollo, whom he slew with his owne hands, for to enjoy his priesthood: he did to death also Phaedimus the husband of Aretaphila, and not content therewith, married her perforce and against her will: this tyrant over & above an infinit 20 number of other cruelties which he daily committed, set certaine warders at every gate of the city; who when there was caried foorth any dead corps to buriall out of the citie, abused the same, with digging into the soles of their feet, with the points of their daggers and poinards, or else with searing them with red hot irons; for feare that any of the inhabitants should be conveied alive out of the citie, under colour of being borne to the grave as dead: private and particular crosses, had Aretaphila no doubt, which were greevous unto her, and hardly to be en­dured, although the tyrant was otherwise kinde enough unto her, and led her a faire life, letting her have her owne will, for the love he bare unto her; insomuch as the tyrant suffied her to enjoy a great part of his puissance and regall power; for love had enthralled and subdued him unto her; and not one there was but she alone who knew how to use and handle him; for to all the 30 others he was untractable, inflexible, and savage beyond all measure: but it grieved her most of all, to see her native countrey so miserably abused, and so unwoorthily intreated by this tyrant; for there was not one day went over his head, but he caused to be executed one citizen or other, neither was there to be seene any hope of revenge or deliverance out of these calamities on any side; for that the exiled persons and such as fled, being weake and feeble every way, and altoge­ther heartlesse and fearefull, were scattered some in this place others in that: Aretaphila there­fore (building upon her-selfe alone, the onely hope of recovering and raising the State of the common-weale, and proposing the magnanimous and renowmed acts of Theba, the wife of the tyrant Pheres, as examples to imitate; but wanting and destitute altogether of faithfull friends and trustie kinsfolke for to helpe and second her in any enterprise, such as the present times and 40 affaires did affoord unto the other) assaied to make away the tyrant by some poison; but as she was about the provision heereof, and assaied to make proofe of the forces of many strong poi­sons, she could not carrie her desseigne so secretly but it came foorth, and was discovered: now when the thing was averred & evidently proved; by strong presumptions: Calbia the mother of Nicocrates (a bloudy woman, and of nature implacable) thought to have her put to many ex­quisite torments, and then to bring her soone after to her death: but the affection that Nicocra­tes bare unto her wrought some delay in revenge, and dulled the edge of his anger, and withall, Aretaphila, (who constantly and resolutely offered her-selfe to answer all imputations that were laid unto her charge;) gave some colourable excuse unto the passionate affection of the tyrant: but in the end seeing that she was convinced by certaine proofes and evidences, which she knew 50 not how to answer, neither could she denie that she had some drugs in her closet, & did temper certaine medicines; but confessed that indeed she had prepared certaine drugs, yet such as were neither deadly nor dangerous: But my good lord (quoth she unto her husband the tyrant) I am much perplexed and troubled with many things of great consequence, and namely how to pre­serve the good opinion which you have of me, the kinde affection also which of your gracious favour you beare unto me, by meanes wherof, I have this honour, as to enjoy a good part of your power and authoritie jointly with you; this maketh me to be envied of wicked women, at [Page 499] whose hands I (fearing sorceries, charmes, enchantments, and other cunning divellish casts, by which they would goe about to withdraw and distract you from the love that you beare me) re­solved at the length with my selfe for to seeke meanes how to meet, encounter, and prevent their devices; foolish peradventure they may be (as indeed the very inventions of a woman) but in no wise worthy of death; unlesse haply, sir (in your judgement) it be just and reasonable to put your wife to death, for that she mindeth to give you some love drinks, and amatorious cups; or deviseth some charmes, as desirous to be more loved of you than haply it is your pleasure for to love her. Nicocrates having heard these excuses alledged by Aretaphila, thought good, and resolved to put her to torture; whereat Calbia her mother was present, who never relented nor seemed to be touched with her dolorous torments, but remained inexorable: now when 10 she was laid upon the racke, and asked sundrie questions, she yeelded not unto the paines that she sustained, but continued invincible, and confessed no fault in the height of all extemities; untill at lenght Calbia herselfe, even against her will was forced to give over tormenting her any longer: and Nicocrates let her goe, being not fully perswaded, that the excuses alledged by her were true & to be credited, repenting that he had put her to such paine as he did; and it was not long after (so deepely was the passion of love imprinted in his heart) but he returned to her, and affaied to win her grace and good will againe, by all honours, favours, courtesies and kind­nesse that possibly he could shew unto her; but she, who had the power and strength to resist all torments and yeeld unto no paines, would not be overcome with all his flatteries; but joining now unto her former desire of doing some vertuous deed, the animositie for to be revenged and 20 to effect her purpose, assaied other meanes. One daughter she had mariageable, and beautifull she was besides; her she suborned and set as an alluring bait to entrap and catch the tyrants bro­ther, a yong gentleman, easie to be caught with the pleasures & delight of youth: and many are of opinion, that she used certeine charmes and amatorious potions, aswell as the object of her daughters beautie, whereby she enchanted and bewitched the wits and senses of this yong man, whom they called Lander: when he was once enamoured with the love of this yoong damo­fell, hee prevailed so much by praiers and entreatie with his brother, that he permitted him to wed her: no sooner was he married, but his fresh spouse (having instructions before-hand from her mother) began to be in hand with him, and to perswade him for to enterprise the recoverie of freedome unto the citie, shewing by good remonstrance, that himselfe enjoied not libertie, 30 so long as he lived under tyrannie, neither had he power of himselfe, either to wed a wife, or to keepe her when he had her, if it pleased not the tyrant: on the other side, his friends and other of his familiar acquaintance, for to gratific Aretaphila and to doe her pleasure, repaired unto him continually, forging some new matter of quarrels and suspitions against his brother the tyrant: when he perceived that Aretaphila was also of the same minde, and had her hand therein, he resolved to execute the enterprise; and thereupon he set one Daphnis, a servant of his owne, in hand with the businesse, by whose meanes he killed Nicocrates: but after he was thus murdered, Leander would no more be advised by Aretaphila, nor follow her counsell in the rest; but shew­ed incontinently by his deportments and carriage in all action, that a brother indeed hee had murdered, but not-killed a tyrant: for in his owne government, he bare himselfe like a foole, and 40 ruled insolently and furiously: howbeit, unto Aretaphila he shewed alwaies some honour and reverence, conferring upon her some part of his authoritie in management of State affaires; for that she made no semblant at all of discontentment, nor directly and in open maner seemed to warre against him, but privily practised, and cunningly disposed all: for first and formost, she raised warre upon him out of Lybia, by the meanes of a prince there, named Anabus, be­tweene whom and her there passed secret intelligence: him shee sollicited and perswaded to in­vade his countrey, and with a puissant armie to approch the citie Cyrene: then she buzzed into Leanders head, certeine surmizes and suspitions of disloialtie in his peeres, his friends and cap­taines; giving him to understand, that their stood not to this warre, but that they loved peace and quietnesse rather: Which (quoth she) to say a truth, as things now stand, were better 50 for you & for the establishment of your roial state & dominion, in case you would rule in deed, holde under, and keepe in awe, your subjects and citizens: and for mine owne part, I holde it good policie for you to make meanes for a treatie of peace, which I will labour to effect, and for that purpose bring you and Anabus together, to an interview and parle (if you thinke so good) before that you grow to farther tearmes of hostilitie and open warre, which may breed a mis­chiefe, that afterwards will admit no cure nor remedie. This motion she handled and followed with such dexteritie, that Leander condescended thereto; and shee her selfe in person went to [Page 500] conferre with the Lybian prince, whom she requested, that so soone as ever they were met toge­ther to treat of this pretended accord, he should arrest the tyrant as his prisoner; and to doe this feat, she promised him great gifts and presents, besides a good reward in money: the Lybian soone accorded hereto: now Leander made some doubt at first, to go into this parle, and staied a while, but afterwards (for the good respect that he had unto Aretaphila, who promised in his behalfe, that he should come to conference) he set forward, naked, without armes and without his guards: when he approched the place appointed for this interview, and had a sight once of Anabus, his heart misgave him againe; and being much troubled and perplexed, he would not go on, but said, he would stay for his guard: howbeit, Aretaphila who was there present, partly encouraged him, and in part rebuked and checked hin, saying: That he would be taken and re­puted 10 for a base minded coward, and a disloiall person, who made no account of his word, if he should now flinch and start backe: at the last, when they were at point to meet; she laied holde upon him, plucked him forward by the hand, and with great boldnesse and resolution haled him, untill she had delivered him into the hands of the barbarous prince: then immediatly was hee apprehended, and his bodie attached by the Lybians, who kept him bound as a prisoner, and set a straight guard about him, untill such time as the friends of Aretaphila with other citizens of Cirene, were come to the campe, and brought the money and gifts unto her which she had pro­mised unto Anabus. For so soone as it was knowen in the city that Leander was taken prisoner & in sure hold, a number also of the multitude ran forth, to the place appointed of conference; and so soone as they had set an eie on Aretaphila, they went within a little of forgetting all their 20 anger and malice which they bare unto the tyrant, thinking that the revenge and exemplarie punishment of him was but accessarie and by-matter; as being now wholly amused upon ano­ther thing, and supposing the principall fruition of their libertie consisted in saluting and gree­ting her most kindly, and with so great joy, that the teares ran downe their cheeks, insomuch as they were ready to kneele, yea, and cast themselves downe prostrate at her feet, no lesse than before the sacred image and statue of a goddesse: thus they flocked unto her, by troups out of the citie one after another, all day long, insomuch as it was wel in the evening before they could advise with themselves to seize upon the person of Leander, and hardly before darke night did they bring him with them into the citie. Now after they were well satisfied with giving all ma­ner of praises, and doing what honour they could devise unto Aretaphila, in the end they turned 30 to consultation what was best to be done with the tyrants? so they proceeded to burne Calbia quicke; and as for Leander, they put him in a leather poke and sowed it up close, and then cast it into the sea. Then ordeined and decreed it was, that Aretaphila should have the charge and administration of the weale publicke, with some other of the principall personages of the citie joined in commission with her: but she (as one who had plaied many and sundry parts alreadie upon the stage so well, that shee had gotten the garland and crowne of victorie) when shee saw that her countrey and citie was now fully free and at libertie, immediatly betooke her selfe to her owne private house, as it were cloistered up with women onely, and would no more intermeddle in the affaires of State abroad; but the rest of her life she passed in peace and repose with her kinsfolke and friends, without setting her selfe to any businesse, save onely to her wheele, her 40 web, and such womens works.

CAMMA.

THere were in times past, two most puissant Lords and Tetrarches of Galatia, who also were in blood of kinne one to the other, Sinatus and Synorix. Sinatus had espoused a yoong virgin named Camma, and made her his wife; a ladie highly esteemed of as many as knew her, as well for the beautie of her person, as the floure of her age; but admired much more in regard of her vertue and honestie; for she had not onely a tender respect of her owne good name and honour, carried an affectionate love and true heart unto her; but also, was wise, magnani­mous, 50 and passing well beloved of all her subjects and tenants, in regard of her gentle nature, and her debonair and bounteous disposition; and that which made her better reputed and more re­nowmed, was this; that she was both a religious priestresse of Diana (a goddesse whom the Ga­latians most devoutly honour and worship) and also in every solemne procession and publicke sacrifice, she would alwaies be seene abroad most sumptuously set out, and stately adorned. It fortuned so, that Synorix was enamoured of this brave dame, but being not able to bring about his purpose and to enjoy her, neither by faire meanes nor foule, perswade he, or menance what [Page 501] he could, so long as her husband lived: the divell put in his head, to commit a most heinous and detestable fact; for he said waite for Sinatus, and treacherously murthered him: he staied not long after, but he fell to wooing of Camma, and courting herby way of marriage; she made her abode within the temple at that time, and tooke the infamous act committed by Synorix, not piteously, and as one cast downe and dejected therewith, but with a slout heart and a sto­macke mooved to anger, and yet consideratly, waiting the time and opportunitie of revenge: on the other side, Synorix followed his sute verie earnestly, soliciting and intreating [...] nately; neither seemed he to alledge vaine and frivolous reasons, but such as carried some co­lourable pretense of honestie; namely, that he had alwaies shewed himselfe a man of more valor & worth than Sinatus; and whereas he took away his life, induced he was thereto for the [...] 10 love that hee bare to Camma, and not mooved thereto by any malice otherwise. This yoong dame at the first seemed to denie him, but yet her denials were not verie churlish, and such, as he might take for his finall answer; for daily by little and little, she made semblant that she relented and inclined unto him, for that divers kinsfolk and friends also of hers, joined with him to second his sute, who (for to gratifie and doe pleasure unto Synorix, a man of the greatest credit and authoritie in his countrey) perswaded, yea & forced her to yeeld unto this match. To be short, in the end she gave her consent, & Synorix was sent for to come unto her, where she kept her resiance, that in the presence of the said goddesse, the contract of marriage might passe, & the espousals be solemnized: when he was come, she received and welcomed him with an amiable and gracious countenance, lead him unto the very altar of Diana, where rehgiously & 20 with great ceremonie she powred forth before the goddesse, a little of a potion which shee had prepared, out of a boule; the one part thereof she drunke herselfe, & the other she gave unto Sy­norix for to drinke: now this potion was mead mingled with ranke poison: when she saw that he had taken his draught, she fetching a loud and evident groane, doing reverence also unto the goddesse: I protest and call thee to witnesse (quoth she) most powerfull and honourable god­desse, that I have not survived Sinatus, for any other cause in the world, but onely to see this day, neither have I had any joie of my life all this while that I have lived since, but onely in regard of hope that one day I might be revenged of his death, which seeing that now I have effected, I go most gladly and joifully unto that sweet husband of mine; and as for thee (most accursed & wic­ked wretch in the world) give order to thy kinsfolke and friends, in stead of a nuptiall bed, to 30 provide a grave for thy burial: the Galatian (hearing these words, and beginning withal to feele the operation of the poison, and how it wrought & troubled him within his bowels, and all parts of his body;) mounted presently his chariot, hoping that by the jogging and agitation thereof, he might vomit and cast up the poison; but immediately he alighted againe, and put himselfe into an easie litter; but did he what he could, dead he was that very evening: as for Camma, she continued all the night languishing, and when she heard for certaintie that he was deceased, she also with joy and mirth departed out of this world.

STRATONICE.

THe selfesame province of Galatia affoorded two other dames woorthy of eternall memo­rie, 40 to wit, Stratonice the wife of king Deiotarus, and Chiomara the wife of Ortiagon: as for Stratonice, she (knowing that the king her husband was desirous to have children lawfully begot­ten, for to leave to be his successors & inheritors of the crowne, and yet could have none by her) praied and intreated him to trie another woman, and beget a childe of her body, yea and permit­ted that it should be put unto her, and she would take it upon her as her owne: Deiotarus woon­dered much at this resolution of hers, and was content to doe all things according to her mind: wherupon she chose (among other captives taken prisoner in the warres) a proper faire maiden named Electra, whom she brought into Deiotarus bed chamber, & shut them in both together: and all the children which this concubine bare unto him, his wife reared and brought up with as 50 kinde an affection and as princelike, as if she had borne them herselfe.

CHIOMARA.

AT what time as the Romans, under the conduct of Cn. Scipio, defaited the Galatians that inhabit in Asia; it befell that Chiomara the wife of Ortiagon, was taken prisoner with other Galatian women: the captaine whose captive she was, made use of his fortune, did like a sol­dier, [Page 502] and abused her bodie, who as he was a man given unto his fleshly pleasure, so he looked al­so as much or rather more unto his profit and filthie lucre; but so it fell out, that overtaken he was and entrapped by his owne avarice: for (being promised by the woman a good round quan­titie of gold, for to deliver her out of thraldome and set her at libertie;) he brought her to the place which she had appointed for to render her and set her free; which was at a certeine banke by the river side, where the Galatians should passe over, tender him the said monie, and receive Chiomara: but she winked with her eie, & thereby gave a signall to one of her own companie for to kill the said Romane captaine, at what time as he should take his leave of her with a kisse and friendly farewell; which the partie did with his sword, & at one stroke fetched off his head: the head she herselfe tooke up, and wrapped it in the lap of her gowne before, and so gat her away a­pace 10 homeward: when she was come to her husbands house, downe she cast his head at his feet, whereat he being astonied: Ah my sweet wife (quoth he) it is a good thing to keepe faithfull promise: True (quoth she) but it is better, that but one man alive should have my companie. Polybius writeth of the same woman, that himselfe talked with her afterwards in the citie of Sar­dis, and that he found her then to be a woman of an high minde and of woonderfull deepe wit. But since I am fallen to the mention of the Galatians, I will rehearse yet one story more of them.

A WOMAN OF PERGAMUS.

KIng Mithridates sent upon a time for threescore of the principall lords of Galatia, to re­paire 20 unto him upon trust and safe-conduct as friends, into the citie Pergamus: whom be­ing come at his request, he enterteined with proud & imperious speeches, whereat they al took great scorn and indignation, insomuch as one of them named Toredorix (a strong & tal man of his hands, & besides woonderfull couragious, Tetrarch of the Tossepians country) undertooke this one day enterprise, to set upon Mithridates, at what time as he sat in judgement, & gave au­dience from the tribunal seat in the publike place of exercise, and both him and seat together to tumble downe headlong into the pit underneath: but it fortuned that the king that day came not abroad as his maner was, up into that place of open exercise, but commanded al those Gala­tian lords, to come and speake with him at his house: Toredorix exhorted them to be bold and 30 confident, and when they were altogether in his presence, to runne upon him from everie side, to teare him in pieces and make an end of him: this plot was not projected so closely, but it came to Mithridates eares, who caused them al to be apprehended, and sent to chop off al their heads one after another: but immediately after, he called to remembrance that there was one yoong gentleman among the rest, for the flower of his yeeres, for beautie also, and feature of bodie, the goodliest person that he had set eie on in his daies; whom he tooke pitie of, and re­pented that he had condemned him to die with his fellowes, shewing evidently in his counte­nance, that he was mightily greeved and disquieted in his minde, as thinking verily that he was executed already with the first; howbeit, at a very venture he sent in all haste a countermaund, that if he were yet alive, he should be spared and let goe: this yoong mans name was Bepolitanus; 40 and verily his fortune was most strange and woonderfull: for had away hee was to the place of execution in that habit wherein he was attached, and the same was a very faire and rich sute of apparell, which because the butcherly executioner desired to reserve cleane and unsprent with bloud, he was somewhat long about the stripping of him out of it; & whiles he was so doing he might perceive the kings men come running apace toward him, and with a loud voice naming Bepolitanus. See how covetousnesse, which hath beene the death of many a thousand, was the meanes beyond all expectation, to save the life of this yoong gentleman: as for Toredorix, af­ter he was cruelly mangled with many a chop and hacke, his bodie was cast foorth unburied to the dogs; neither durst any of his friends come neere for to enterre it: one woman onely of Per­gamus, whom this Galatian in his life time had knowen, in regard of her fresh youth and beau­tie, 50 was so hardie as to hazard the taking of his dead corps away, and to burie it; which when the warders and watchmen perceived they attached her, and brought her to the king: and it is repor­ted that Mithridates at the very first sight of her, had compassion, for that she seemed to be a yoong thing, & a simple harmelesse wench every way; but when he understood withal that love was the very cause thereof, his heart melted so much the rather; whereupon he gave her leave to take up the bodie, and commit it to the earth, allowing her for that purpose funerall clothes, and furnishing her at his owne charges, wish all other things meet for comly and decent buriall.

TIMOCLIA.

[...] the Theban, carried the like minde and purpose for the defence of his countrey and the common-wealth, as sometimes Epaminondas, Pelopidas, and the bravest men in the world had done; but his fortune was to fall in that common ruine of Greece, when as the Greeks lost that unfortunate battell before Chaeronea; and yet for his owne part he was a victour, and followed them in chase, whom he had disarraied and put to flight; for he it was who when one of them that fled cried out unto him: How farre wilt thou pursue and follow us; answered: Even as farre as into Macedonia: but when he was dead, a sister of his who survived him, gave good te­stimony, 10 that in regard as well of his auncestors vertue, as his owne naturall disposition, he had beene a worthy personage, and worthy to be reckoned and renowmed amongst the most valiant knights in his daies; for some fruit received, and reaped vertue, which helped her to beare and endure patiently as much of the common miseries of her country as touched her; for after that Alexander the Great had woon the citie of Thebes by assault, & the soldiers ran to and fro into al parts of the towne, pilling and ransacking whatsoever they could come by: it chanced that one seised upon the house of Timoclia, a man who knew not what belonged to honour, honestie, or common curtesie and civilitie, but was altogether violent, furious and out of reason; a cap­taine he was of a coronet of Thraciā light horsemen; and caried the name of king Alexander his lord and master, but nothing like he was unto him in conditions: for having filled himselfe 20 with wine after supper, and good cheere, without any respect unto the race and linage of this noble dame, without regard of her estate and calling; he was in hand with her to be his bedsel­low all that night, neither was this all; for he would needs search and know of her, where she had laid up and hourded any gold or silver, one while threatning to kill her, unlesse she would bring him to it, another while bearing her in hand that he would make her his wife, if she would yeeld unto him: she taking vantage of this occasion which himselfe offred and presented unto her: It might have pleased the gods (quoth she) that I had died before this night, rather than remaine alive; for though I had lost all besides, yet my bodie had beene undefiled & saved from all violence and villanie; but since it is my fortune, that heere after I must repute you for my lord, my master, and my husband, and seeing it is gods will to give you this puissance and 30 soveraigntie over me, I will not deprive and disapoint you of that which is yours, and as for my selfe, I see well, that my condition from hencefoorth must be such as you will; I was woont indeed to have about me, costly jewels and ornaments for my bodie; I had silver in plate, yea and some gold in good coine and other ready money; but when I saw that the citie was lost, I willed my women and maid-servants about me to get altogether, and so I cast it away, or rather indeed to say a truth, I bestowed it, and reserved it in safetie within a dry pit, wherein no water is, an odde blinde corner I may say to you, that few or none doe know; for that there is a great stone lieth over the mouth of it, and a many of trees grow round about to shade and cover the same; as for you, this treasure will make you a man, yea, and a rich man for ever, when you have it once in your possession; and for my part, it may serve for a good testimony and sufficient 40 proofe, to shew how noble and wealthy our house was before-time. When the Macedonian heard these words, his teeth so watred after this treasure, that he could not stay untill the mor­row, and attend the day light; but would needs out of hand be conducted by Timoclia, and her maidens to the place; but he commanded her in any wise to shut fast and locke the fore-yard gate after them, that no man might see and know; and so he went downe in his shirt into the foresaid pit: but cursed and hideous Clotho, was his mistresse and guide, who would punish and be revenged of his notorious wickednesse by the hands of Timoclia, who standing above; for when she perceiued by his voice that he was now at the very bottom, she herselfe threw downe a num­ber of stones upon him, & her women also tumbled downe many others, & those very big ones and heavy, after him, untill they had brained him, overwhelmed him, and in manner filled the pit 50 up: which when the Macedonians heard of, they made meanes to draw up his dead bodie, and for that there was a proclamation published before by sound of trumpet throughout the city, that they should not massacre one Theban more, they apprehended Timoclia, & brought her be­fore king Alexander, whom they had already acquainted from point to point in particular, with that audacious act which she had committed: the king judging (by her setled & confident coun­tenance, by her staied gate also and portly pace) that she could not chuse but be of some great and noble house; demanded of her, first, what she was? and she with rare boldnesse and resolu­tion [Page 504] without shewing any signe that she was daunted and astonied; I had (quoth she) a brother named Theagines, who being captaine generall of the Thebans, against you, in the battell of Chaeronea, lost his life fighting manfully, in the defence of the libertie of Greece, to the end that we might not fall into that wofull misery, into which we are at this present fallen; but seeing it is so, that we have suffred those outrages & indignities which be unworthy the place from whence we are descended, for my selfe I refuse not to die, and peradventure it were not expedient for me to live any longer, and trie such another night as the last was, unlesse your selfe impeach and debarre such demeanors: at these words, the noblest and most honorable persons who were present, could not forbeare but weepe; as for Alexander, he thought that the hautie mind and courage of this dame, was greater than to moove pitty and compassion; and therefore highly 10 praising her vertue and commending her speech which he marked, and pondered well enough, gave straight charge and commaundement unto his captaines, to have a good eie, and carefull regard, yea, and to take order presently, that there should no more such abuses be offred in any house of honor and nobilitie: and as touching Timoclia, he ordeined immediately, that she should be set at full libertie, both herselfe, and also all those who were knowne and found any way to be of her bloud and kinred.

ERYXO.

BAttus who was surnamed Daemon, that is to say, Happie, had a sonne whose name was Ar­cesilaus, 20 in nothing at all resembling the maners and conditions of his father; for even du­ring his fathers life (for raising of battlements and pinnacles round about the walles of his owne house,) hee was condemned by his father himselfe in a fine of one whole talent; and after his death, being of a crooked, rough and troublesome spirit, (according as his very name, Calepos, implied), and for that he was governed altogether by the counsell of a minion and favourite of his owne, named Laarchus, a man of no worth nor respect, he proved a tyrant in stead of a king. And this Laarchus aspiring likewise to be tyrant, either chased and banished out of the citie, or els caused to be put to death, the best and principall citizens of all Cyrene; but when he had so done, he derived from himselfe all the blame and imputation upon Arcesilaus; and in the end gave him to drinke a cup of poison, to wit, a sea-hare, whereupon he fell into a lingering and 30 languishing disease, whereby he pined away, and died at the last; by which meanes himselfe u­surped the seignorie and rule of the citie, under a colour of keeping it as Tutour and Lord Pro­tectour, for the behoofe and use of Battus the sonne of Arcesilaus; for a very childe he was, and lame withall; so that in regard aswell of his nonage and minoritie, as the defect and imperfecti­on of his body, he was despised of the people; but many there were, who drew and ranged them­selves unto his mother, and were willing to obey and honour her, for that she was a wise ladie, and of a milde and courteous nature: besides, most of the mightiest men in those parts were knit to her either in bloud and kindred, or els by bond of friendship: by meanes whereof, Laar­chus made court to her, yea, and sued unto her for her good will by way of marriage, offering unto her (if she would be affianced and wedded unto him) to adopt Battus for his owne sonne, 40 and make him partaker of his seigniorie and dominion: but Eryxo (for that was the name of this noble ladie) being advised and counselled thereto before-hand by her brethren, willed Laarchus to impart the matter unto them, for that upon conference with them (if they thought well of this marriage) she would be content and condescend thereto: Laarchus failed not so to do, but went and brake the thing unto her brethren accordingly; and they (as it was complotted before) drew the matter out in length, and drave him off from day to day; but Eryxo sent unto him se­cretly one of her waiting maidens, to give him notice from her, that her brethren in deed for the present did contradict her minde and crossed her will; but were the knot once knit and con­summate in bed together, they would contest and haste no longer, but be willing enough to like and approove thereof as a convenient match: and therefore she advised him (if he thought so 50 good) to repaire by night unto her: for if the thing were once wel begun, the rest no doubt wuld speed accordingly; this message pleased Laarchus, and fitted his humour passing well: being therefore transported wholly besides himselfe with these lovely and sugred words of this dame, he promised to attend her at what houre soever she would appoint. Now was this device com­plotted and laid by the counsell of her eldest brother Polyarchus; and after that she had set downe the just time when they should meet and company together, against that very instant, she tooke order that the said brother should secretly be conueied into her chamber, who brought with [Page 505] him two lustie tall yoong men well appointed with good swords, and who desired nothing more than to revenge their fathers bloud, whom lately Laarchus had caused to be put to death: when all things were now in readinesse, she sent for Laarchus, willing him to come alone without any of his guard about him: no sooner was he entred into the chamber, but these two yoong men charged upon him with their swords, wounded him in many parts of his bodie, that he died in the place: his dead corps they cast over the walles of the house; which done, they brought the yong prince Battus abroad into the publicke place, declared and proclamed him king after the maner and custome of the citie. Thus Polyarchus rendered unto the Cyrenians their ancient government which they had from the beginning. Now there happened to be at the same time in Cyrene many souldiers of Amasis the king of Aegypt, in whom Laarchus reposed his confi­dence, 10 and found them fast & trustie unto him; by whose meanes he became dread and terrible to the Cyrenians: these sent in post with all speed unto king Amasis, messengers of purpose, to charge & accuse Eryxo & Polyarchus for this murder; whereat the king was wroth, and in great indignation intended out of hand to make sharpe war upon the Cyrenians; but as he prepared to set forward this expedition, it fortuned that his mother departed this life: whiles therfore he was busie about her funerals, newes came to Cyrene, how this king was highly displeased and re­solved to levie warre against them: whereupon Polyarchus thought good to addresse himselfe in person to the said king, and to render a reason unto him of this late fact committed upon the bodie of Laarchus: neither would his sister Eryxo tary behinde, but follow him, and expose her owne person to the same perill that he entred into: yea, and the mother of them both, named 20 Critola (very aged though she was) was right willing to goe, and accompanied her sonne and daughter in this journey: now was she a great ladie, and most highly esteemed in this regard e­specially, that shee was the sister in the whole bloud to Battus the first of that name, surnamed the Happie. When they were arrived in Aegypt, all other lords and noble men of the court ap­proved well of that which they had done in this case; and Amasis himselfe infinitely commen­ded the pudicitie and magnanimitie of dame Eryxo; and after he had honoured them with rich presents, and roially enterteined them, he sent them all backe ( Polyarchus I meane, and the two ladies) with his good grace and favour, to Cyrene.

XENOCRITE. 30

XEnocrite a ladie of the citie Cumes, deserveth no lesse to be praised and admired, for that which she practised against Aristodemus the tyrant, whom some thinke to have bene sur­named Malacos, that is to say, Soft and effeminate, in regard of his loose and dissolute carriage: but they are deceived and ignorant in the true originall and occasion of his name; for the Bar­barians gave him this addition Malacos, which in their language signifieth a Yonker: because being a very youth, with other companions of equall age, as yet wearing their haire long, whom in olde time they tearmed Coronistae, (of their blacke locks as it should seeme) he above the rest, in the warres against the Barbarians, bare himselfe so bravely: (for he was not only hardy & cou­ragious in spirit, stout also and tall of his hands, but withall full of wit, discretion and forecast, 40 and so farre excelled all others in singularitie) that hee became right famous and renowmed; whereupon he grew into such credit and admiration among his countreymen and fellow-citi­zens, that incontinently promoted he was and advanced by them to the greatest offices of State and highest dignities in common-weale; insomuch as when the Tuskans made warre upon the Romans in the right and quarrell of Tarquinius Superbus, and namely, to restore him againe to his crowne and kingdome, from which he was deposed; the Cumans made him captaine gene­rall of those forces which they sent to aide the Romans: in which expedition and warfare that continued long, he carried himselfe so remisly among his citizens, (which were in the campe under his charge, and gave them so much the head to do what they would, winning their hearts by courtesies and flatterie, rather than commanding them as their generall) that he put into 50 their heads, and perswaded them (upon their returne home) to run upon the Senate, and to joine with him in expelling and banishing the mightiest persons and best men of the citie. By which practice he set up himselfe as an absolute tyrant: and as he seemed wicked and violent otherwise in all kinde of oppression and extortion; so most of all he was outragious and went beyond him­selfe in villanie toward wives and maidens, to yoong boies also of good houses and free borne: for among other enormities, this is recorded of him: That he forced yoong lads to weare their haire long, like lasses, to have also upon their heads, borders, cawles, and attires with spangles of [Page 506] golde; contrariwise, hee compelled yoong maidens to be rounded, polled, and notted, and to weare short jackets, coats & mandilians without sleeves, after the fashion of springalds: howbe­it, being exceedingly enamored upon Xenocrita the daughter of one of those principall citizens who by him were exiled, her he kept, not having espoused her lawfully, nor woon her good will by faire perswasions, supposing that the maiden might thinke her selfe well appaied, and her for­tune verie happie, to be enterteined (in any sort whatsoever) by him, being by that meanes so highly reputed of and esteemed fortunate among all the citizens: but as for her, all these favors did not ravish and transport her sound judgement and understanding; for besides that she was mightily discontented to converse and keepe companie with him, not espoused, nor affianced and given in marriage by her friends, she had no lesse desire to recover the liberty of her coun­trey, 10 than those who were openly hated of the tyrant. Now it fortuned about the same time, that Aristodemus caused a trench to be cast, & a bank to be raised round about his territory, a piece of worke neither necessarie, nor profitable, which he did onely upon a policie, because he would thereby vexe, out-toile consume & waste his poore subjects; for he tasked every man, to cast up & cary forth by the day a certaine number of measures full of earth. Xenocrita when she saw him at any time comming toward her, would turne aside, and cover her face with the lappet of her gown: but when Aristodemus was passed by & gone, yong men her play-feres, by way of mirth and pastime, would aske her why she muffled and masked her-selfe, as ashamed to see him one­ly, and was not abashed to see and be seene of other men as well; unto whom she would answer demurely, & that in right good earnest say: Iwis I do it of purpose because there is not one man 20 among all the Cumans but Aristodemus: this word touched them all very neere; but such as were of any noble spirit and courage, it galled and pricked for very shame, yea, and gave them an edge to set in hand and enterprise some manly act for to recover their freedome: which when Xenocrita heard, she said by report, that she would rather herselfe carie earth in a basket upon her owne shoulders as other did, for her father if he were there present, than participate in all delights and pleasures, yea, and enjoy great power and authoritie with Aristodemus. These and such like speeches cast out by her, confirmed those who were conspired and ready to rise against the tyrant, of whom the chiefetaine and principall leader, was one Themotecles: unto these con­spiratours Xenocrita gave free accesse and ready entrie unto Aristodemus; who finding him a­lone, unarmed and unguarded, fell many at once upon him, and so quickly dispatched him out 30 of the way. Lo how the citie of Cumes was delivered from tyrannie by two vertues of one wo­man; by the one she first gave the citizens an affection, minde and heart, to begin and enter­prise; and by the other she ministred unto them, meanes to execute and performe the same: for which good service of Xenocrita, those of the citie offred unto her many honors, preroga­tives, and presents; but she refused them all, onely she requested this favour at their hands, that she might enterre the corps of Aristodemus, which they graunted, and more than so, they chose her for to be a religious priestresse unto Ceres, supposing that this dignitie would be no lesse ac­ceptable and pleasing unto the goddesse, than beseeming and fitting the person of this lady.

THE WIFE OF PYTHES. 40

IT is reported moreover, that the wife of rich Pythes, in the daies of Xerxes when he warred upon Greece, was a vertuous and wise dame; for this Pythes having (as it should seeme) found certeine mines of gold, and setting his minde thereon, not in measure, but excessively, and un­satiably, for the great sweetnesse and infinit gaines that arose thereby; both himselfe in person bestowed his whole time therein, and also he emploied all his subjects and citizens indifferently without respect of any person, to digge and delve, to carrie, to purge, and clense the said golde oare; not suffering them to follow any other trade, or exercise any occupation else in the world: upon which unmeasurable and incessant toile, many died, and all were wery, and grum­bled thereat, insomuch as at last, their wives came with olive branches, like humble suppliants 50 to the gate of this lady his wife, for to moove pittie, and beseech her for redresse and succour in this case: she having heard their supplication, sent them away home to their houses with verie good & gracious words, willing them not to distrust and be discomforted: meane while she sent secretly for gold siners, goldsmithes, and other worke-men in gold, such as she reposed most confidence in, & shut them up close within a certeine place, willing them to make loaves, pies, tarts, cakes, pastrie-works, and junkets of all sorts, sweet meats, fruits, all manner of meats and viands, such as she knew her husband Pythes loved best, all of cleane gold; afterwards, when all [Page 507] were made, and he returned home to his house (for as then he was abroad in a forren country:) so soone as he called for supper, his wife set before him a table furnished with all kinds of counter­feit viands made of gold, without any thing at all, either good to be eaten or drunken, but all gold, and nothing but gold: great pleasure at the first tooke Pythes for to see so rich a sight, and so glorious a banquet, wherein arte had so lively expressed nature; but after he had fed his eies sufficiently with beholding these goodly golden works, he called unto her in good earnest for somewhat to eate; but she still whatsoever his minde stood to, brought it him in gold; so that in the end he waxed angrie, and cried out, that he was ready to famish: Why sir (quoth she) are not your selfe the cause of all this? for you have given us foison and store of this mettall, but caused extreame want and scarcitie of meat and all things else, for all other trades, occu­pations, 10 arts, and mysteries are decaied, and their use cleane gone; neither is there anie man that followeth husbandry and tilleth the ground; but laying aside, and casting behind us all thing that should be sowen and planted upon the earth for the food and sustentation of man, we doe nothing else but digge and search for such things as will not serve to feed and nourish us, spending and wearing out both our selves and our citizens. These words mooved Pythes verie much; howbeit, for all this, he gave not over quite the mines and mettall works, but enjoining the fifth part of his subjects to travell therein by turnes, one after another; he gave the rest leave to husband their lands, and plie their other crafts and misteries. But when Xerxes came downe with that puissant armie for to make warre upon the Greeks, this Pythes shewed his magnificence in the enterteinment of him, with sumptuous furni­ture, 20 costlie gifts and presents, which he gave unto the king and all his traine: for which he craved this onely grace and favour at his hands againe: that of many children which he had, he would dispence with him for one of them, that he might not goe to the warres, to the end that the said sonne might remaine with him at home in his house, for to tend and looke unto him carefullie in his old age: whereat Xerxes was so wroth, that he com­maunded that one sonne (whom he requested) to be killed presently, and his dead body to be cloven through in the mids, and divided into two parts; and so dislodged and caused his ar­mie to march betweene them both; the rest of his sonneshe led with him to the warres, who died all in the field; whereupon Pythes being discomforted, and his heart cleane cast downe, did that which those ordinarilie doe, who want courage and wit; for he feared death, and 30 hated life; willing he was not to live, and yet hee had not the power to make an end of his life; what did he then? There was within the citie a great banke or mount of earth, under which there ranne a river, which they called Pythopolites; within this mount he cau­sed his tombe to be made, & turned aside the course of the said river, in such sort, that as it passed, the streame might glide upon this monument of his; which being prepared and done accordingly, hee went downe quicke and alive into the same sepulchre, having resigned over unto his wives hands the citie, and the whole seignorie thereof; injoyning her thus much; that she should not approch herselfe unto this tombe or monument but onely eve­ry daie once send unto him, his supper in a little punt or boat downe the riveret, and to con­tinue this so long untill she saw, that the said punt went beyond the monument, having 40 in it all his victuals whole and untouched; for then she should not need to send him any more, but take this for an assured signe, that he was dead. Thus lived Pythes the rest of his daies; but his wife governed and managed the State prudently, and wrought a great change and alterati­on in the toilsome life of her people. 50

A CONSOLATORIE ORATION SENT UNTO APOLONIUS UPON THE 10 DEATH OF HIS SONNE.

The Summarie.

HOwsoever Plutarch in this treatise hath displaied his eloquence and all the skill and helps that he had by the meanes of Philosophie, yet we see that the same is not sufficient to set the minde and spirit of man in true repose; and that such consolations are (as they 20 say) but palliative cures & no better: wherein also is discovered the want and default of light in the reason and wisdome of man: yet notwithstanding, take this withall, that such discourses doe recommend and shew unto us so much the better, the excellencie of celestiall wise­dome, which furnisheth us with true and assuredremedies, and in stead of leaving the heart afflicted a­mid humane thoughts and considerations, raiseth and lifteth it up unto the justice, wisedome and boun­tie of the true God and heavenly father; it causeth it to see the estate of eternall life; it assureth it of the soules immortalitie, of the resurrection of the bodie, (points of learning wherein the Pagans were altogether ignorant) and of the permanent and everlasting joies above, in the kingdome of heaven. Now albeit as this trueth of God (revealed unto us in his sacred word) hath instructed and resolved us sufficiently, it will not be amisse and impertinent, to learne of our authour and such others, those things 30 which themselves did not well and thorowly understand, neither in life nor yet in death; for that the foundation failed them, and they missed the ground-worke indeed, and in cleaving and leaning to (I wot not what) fortune and fatall destinie, they caused man to rest and stay himselfe upon a vaine shadow of vertue, and willed him (in one word) to seeke for consolation, where there was nothing but desolati­on, for happinesse in misery, and for life in death. As touching the argument and contents of this trea­tise; adorned it is with notable reasons, similitudes, examples and testimonies, the substance whereof is this: That Apollonius (unto whom it is addressed) ought not to be over-pensive and heavie for the death of his sonne, deceased in the flower of his age. To move and perswade him thereto, Plutarch af­ter he had excused himselfe in that he wrote no sooner unto him, and shewed, that space of time com­ming betweene, doth better prepare mens hearts, which sorow and be in anguish, to receive comfort; 40 he condemneth aswell blockish and senselesse folke, as also those that be weaklings and over-tender in adversitie. Which done, he entreth into a generall review of the remedies which be appropriate to cure the miseries and afflictions of man; namely, that hee ought to holde a meane, and to continue alwaies like himselfe; to cast his eie and have regard upon the divers accidents of our life, and in enjoying the blessings thereof; to thinke upon future crosses and calamities; to be armed with reason for to beare all changes; to remember and carefully to thinke upon the estate of this mortall and transitorie life; to consider the evils and miseries of the same; to endure patiently that which can not be avoided and pre­vented with all the cares and lamentations that be; and to compare our owne adversities with other mens. Then he proceedeth unto the particular consolations of those who are heavie and sorowfull for the death of their children, kinsfolke or friends; to wit: That there is no harme nor evill at all in death, 50 but rather that it is a good thing, that the houre of it being uncertaine, it is a comfort unto those whom it summoneth, who no doubt would be cast downe and overthrowen with the apprehension of miseries to come, in case they had any foresight thereof. After this, he proveth at large by three inductions and arguments of Socrates, that there is not any evill in death; which he confirmeth by divers examples: and then returning into his consolations, he mainteineth and holdeth: That whosoever die yoong, are most happie; that the consideration of Gods providence ought to reteine and stay us; that we are not to mourne and lament for the dead, neither in regard of them nor of our selves; that since over-long [Page 509] heavinesse and sorow maketh a man miserable, it were very good for him to be rid and dispatched of that paine quickly. Having finished this point, he resolveth and assoileth certeine difficulties which are presented in these maters: and then taking in hand his purpose againe, he ruleth and reformeth the affections of the living, toward them that are departed; he reclaimeth them from persisting and conti­nuing obstinately in bewailing their absence, willing them rather to bewaile the case of those who are living; and by many reasons doth prove and conclude, that they who die betimes have one marvellous advantage over those that remaine alive in the world. Then he teacheth a man to mainteine and cary himselfe as he ought, in all affaires; refuteth those who can abide no paine and trouble; and knitting up all the premisses in few words, he adjoineth certaine necessarie and profitable counsels in such accidents; and before that he concludeth the whole treatise, he describeth the felicity of those whom death cutteth 10 off in the prime of their yeeres, having a speciall regard herein, to Apollonius the [...] unto whom he writeth, and assuring him by the recitall of the good parts and vertues which were in his sonne lately de­parted, that he was without all question, in that place of repose and rest which the Poets do imagine. Upon which occasion he treateth of the immortalitie of the soule, according to the doctrine of Plato and his followers, which is the very end and closing up of all that had bene delivered before.

A CONSOLATORIE ORA­tion sent unto Apollonius upon the 20 death of his sonne.

IT is not newly come upon me now at this present and not before, to pitie your case and lament in your behalfe (ô Apollonius) having heard long since (as I did) the heavy newes concerning the untime­ly death of your sonne, a yoong gentleman singularly well beloved of us all, as who in that youth and tender yeeres of his, shewed rare examples of wise carriage, staied and modest behaviour, together with precise observance of those devout dueties and just offices, which either perteined to the religious service of the gods, or were 30 respective to his parents and friends; for even from that time have I condoled with you, and had a fellow-feeling of your sorrow: but for me to have come then, and visited you immediatly upon his decease & departure out of this world, to present you with an exhortation to beare patiently and as becommeth a man, that un­fortunate accident, had bene an unseemly part of mine and unconvenient, considering how in that verie instant your minde and bodie both (overcharged with the insupportable burden of so strange and unexpected a calamitie) were brought low and much infeebled; and my selfe be­sides, must needs have moaned you, felt part of your griefe, and sorrowed with you for com­panie: for even the best and most skilfull Physicians, when they meet with violent rhewmes and catarrhes, which suddenly surprise any part of the body, doe not proceed at the first to a 40 rough cure by purgative medicines, but permit this rage and hot impression of inflamed hu­mours to grow of it selfe to maturitie by application onely of supple oiles, mild liniments, and gentle fomentations. But now, that since your said misfortune, some time (which useth to ripen all things) is passed betweene, and given good opportunitie, considering also, that the present disposition and state of your person seemeth to require the helpe and comfort of your friends, I thought it meet and requisit to impart unto you certeine reasons and discourses consolatorie, if happily by that meanes I may ease your anguish, mitigate your pensivenesse, and stay your needlesse mourning and bootlesse lamentation: for why?

If minde be sicke, what physicke then?
But reasons fit for ech disease? 50
A wise man knowes the season when
To use those meanes, the heart to ease.

And according as the wise Poet Euripides saith:

Ech griefe of minde, ech maladie
Doth crave a severall remedie:
If restlesse sorow the heart torment,
Kind words of friends worke much content.
[Page 510] Where folly swaies in every action,
Great need there is of sharpe correction.

For verily among so many passions and infirmities incident to the soule of man, dolor and hea­vinesse be most irkesome and goe neerest into it. By occasion of anguish many a one (they say) hath run mad and fallen into maladies incurable; yea, and for thought and hearts-griefe, some have bene driven to make away themselves. Now to sorow and be touched to the quicke for the losse of a sonne, is a passion that ariseth from a naturall cause, and it is not in our power to avoid; which being so, I cannot (for my part) holde with them, who so highly praise and extoll, I wot not what brutish, hard, and blockish indolence and stupiditie, which if it were possible for a man to enterteine, is not any way commodious and available. Certes, the same would bereave vs of 10 that mutuall benevolence and sweet comfort which we finde in the reciprocall interchange of loving others and being loved againe; which (of all earthly blessings) we had most need to pre­serve and mainteine. Yet do I not allow that a man should suffer himselfe to be transported and caried away beyond all compasse & measure, making no end of sorow; for even that also is like­wise unnaturall, and proceedeth from a corrupt and erronious opinion that we have: and there­fore, as we ought to abandon this excesse as simply naught, hurtfull, and not beseeming vertu­ous and honest minded men; so in no wise must we disallow that meane and moderation in our passions, following in this point sage Crantor the Academick Philosopher: I could wish (quoth he) that we might be never sicke; howbeit, if we chance to fall into some disease, God send us yet some sense and feeling, in case any part of our bodie be either cut, plucked away, or dismem­bred 20 in the cure. And I assure you, that senselesse impassibilitie is never incident unto a man, without some great mischiefe and inconvenience ensuing; for lightly it falleth out, that when the bodie is in this case without feeling, the soule soone after will become as insensible: reason would therefore, that wise men in these and such like crosses, cary themselves, neither void of af­fections altogether, nor yet out of measure passionate; for as the one bewraieth a fell and hard heart, resembling a cruell beast; so the other discovereth a soft and effeminate nature, beseeming a tender woman: but best advised is he, who knoweth to keepe a meane, and being guided by the rule of reason, hath the gift to beare wisely and indifferently, aswell the flattering favours, as the scowling srownes of fortune, which are so ordinarily occurrent in this life; having this forecast with himselfe: That like as in a free State, and popular government of a common wealth, where 30 the election of sovereigne magistrates passeth by lots; the one whose hap is to be chosen, must be a ruler and commander; but the other who misseth, ought patiently to take his fortune, and beare the repulse; even so in the disposition and course of all our wordly affaires, we are to be content with our portion allotted unto us, and without grudging and complaint, gently to yeeld our selves obedient: for surely they that can not so doe, would never be able with wisedome and moderation to weld any great prosperitie: for of many wise speeches and well said sawes, this sentence may go for one:

How ever fortune smile and looke full faire,
Be thou not proud nor beare a loftie mind;
Ne yet cast downe and plung'd in deepe ae spaire, 40
If that she frowne or shew herselfe unkind;
But alwaies one and same let men thee find.
Constant and firme reteine thy nature still,
As gold in fire, which alter never will.

For this is the propertie of a wise man and wel brought up, both for any apparent shew of pros­peritie to be no changling, but to beare himselfe alwaies in one sort; & also in adversitie, with a generous and noble mind, to mainteine that which is decent & beseeming his own person: for the office of true wisdome & considerate discretion is, either to prevent & avoid a mischiefe cō ­ming, or to correct and reduce it to the least & narrowest compasse when it is once come, or els to be prepared and ready to beare the same manfully, and with all magnanimitie. For prudence, 50 as touching that which we call good, is seene and emploied foure maner of waies; to wit, in get­ting, in keeping, in augmenting, or in well and right using the same: these be the rules as well of prudence, as of other vertues, which we are to make use and benefit of in both fortunes, as well the one as the other: for according to the old proverb:

No man there is on earth alive,
In every thing who ay doth thrive.
And verily
[Page 511] By course of nature, unneth it wrought may be,
That ought should check fatall necessitie.

And as it falleth out in trees and other plants, that some yeeres they beare their burden, and yeeld great store of frute, whereas in others they bring foorth none at all; also living creatures one whiles be frutefull and breed many yoong, otherwhiles againe, they be as barren for it; and in the sea it is now tempest, and then calme: semblably in this life there happen many circum­stances and accidents, which winde and turne us into the chaunces of contrarie fortunes; in regard of which varietie, a man may by good right and reason, say thus:

O Agamemnon, thy father Atreus hee,
Alwaies to prosper hath not begotten thee: 10
For in this life thou must have one day joy,
Another, griefe and wealth, mixt with annoy.
And why? thou art by mort all nature fraile,
Thy will against this course cannot prevaile:
For so it is the pleasure of the gods,
To make this change, and worke in man such ods.

As also that which to the same effect the poet Menander wrote in this wise:

Sir Trophimus, if you the onely wight
Of women borne, were brought into this light
With priviledge, to have the world at will, 20
To taste no woe, but prosper alwaies still?
Or if some god had made you such behest,
To live in joy, in solace and in rest?
You had just cause to fare thus as you doe,
And chafe, for that he from his word doth goe,
And hath done what he can not justifie:
But if so be, as truth will testifie:
Under one law this publike vitall aire,
You draw with us, your breath for to repaire;
I say to you (gravely in tragick stile) 30
You ought to be more patient the while;
To take all this in better woorth (I say)
Let reason rule, and stand for finall pay.
And to knit up in few words, Trophimus
Of this discourse the summe; I reason thus:
A man you are, (that is as much to say)
A creature, more prompt and subject ay
To sudden change, and from the pitch of blis,
To lie in pit, where bale and sorow is,
Than others all: and not unwoorthily: 40
For why, most weake by his owne nature, he
Will needs himselfe in highest matters wrap,
Above his reach, secure of after-clap:
And then anon, he falling from on high,
Beares downe with him all good things that were nigh:
But as for you, the goods which heere to fore
O Trophimus you lost, exceeded not, no more
Than those mishaps which you this day susteane
Excessive be, but keepe with in a meane:
Hence foorth therefore, you ought to beare the rest 50
Indifferently, and you shall finde it best.

Howbeit, although the condition and estate of mens affaires stand in these tearmes, yet some there be, who for want of sound judgement and good discretion, are growen to that blockish stupiditie, or vaine overweening of themselves, that after they be once a little raised up, and ad­vanced, either in regard of excessive wealth, and store of gold and silver under their hands, or by reason of some great offer, or for other presidence and preeminence of high place which they hold in the common-weale; or else by occasion of honours and glorious titles which they [Page 512] have acquired, doe menace, wrong and insult over their inferiors, never considering the uncer­taintie and inconstance of mutable fortune, nor how quickly that which was aloft may be flung downe; and contrariwise, how soone that which lieth below on the ground, may be extolled and lifted up on high by the sudden mutations and changes of fortune: to seeke for any cer­taintie therefore in that which is by nature uncertaine and variable, is the part of those that judge not aright of things:

For as the wheele doth turne, one part we see
Of folly high and low in course to bee.

But to attaine unto this tranquillitie of spirit, void of all griefe and anguish, the most soveraigne powerfull, and effectuall medicine, is reason, and by the meanes thereof, a prepared estate and 10 resolution against all the changes and alterations of this life: neither is it sufficient for a man onely to acknowledge himselfe to be by nature borne mortall; but also that he is allotted unto a mortall and transitorie life, and tied as it were unto such affaires as soone doe change from their present estate unto the contrarie: for this also is most certaine, that as mens bodies be mortall and fraile, so their fortunes also, their passions and affections be flitting and momentanie; yea, and in one word, all that belongeth unto them is transitorie; which it is not possible for him to avoid and escape, who is himselfe by nature mortall: but as Pindarus said:

With massie weights of strong necessitie,
Of hell so darke to bottome forc'd are we.

Verie well therefore said Demetrius Phalereus, whereas Euripides the Poet wrote thus: 20

No worldly wealth is firme and sure,
But for a day it doth endure.

Also:

How small things may our state quite overthrow!
It falleth out (as every man doth know)
That even one day is able downe to cast
Some things from height, and others raise as fast.

All the rest (quoth he) was excellently by him written, but farre better it had bene, if he had na­med, not one day, but the minute, moment, and very point of an houre:

For earthly fruits and mortall mens estate 30
Turne round about in one and selfe same rate,
Some live, waxe strong and prosper day by day,
Whiles others are cast downe and fade away.

And Pindarus in another place

What is it for to be but one?
Nay what is it to be just none?
And verily a man is made
To be the dreame even of a shade.

hath declared the vanitie of mans life, by using an Hyperbole or excessive maner of an over-rea­ching speech, both passing-wittily, and also to the purpose most significantly. For what is there 40 more weake & feeble than a shadow? but to come in with the fantasticall dreame of a shadow; surely it is not possible that any other man should expresse the thing that he meant, more lively & in fitter tearmes. And verily, Crantor in good correspondence hereunto, when he comforteth Hippocles for the untimely death of his children, useth these words among the rest: These are the rules (quoth he) that all the schoole thorowout of ancient Philosophie doth deliver and teach; wherein, if there be any point besides, that we can not admit and approove, yet this at leastwise is most undoubted true, that mans life is exceeding laborious and painfull: for say that in the owne nature it be not such; so it is, that by our owne selves it is brought to that corrupti­on: besides, this uncerteine fortune haunteth and attendeth upon us afarre off, and even from our very cradle and swadling bands, yea, and ever since our first entrance into this life accompa­nieth 50 us, for no good in the world.

To say nothing, how in all things whatsoever that breed and budde, there is evermore some portion more or lesse of naughtinesse inbred and mingled therewith; for the very naturall seed (which at the first, when it is at best, is mortall) doth participate this primitive cause, where­upon proceed the untoward inclination and disposition of the minde, maladies, cares and sor­rowes; and from thence there creepe and grow upon us, all those fatall calamities that befall to mortall men. But what is the reason that we are digressed hitherto? forsooth, to this end, that [Page 513] we may know that it is no newes for any man to taste of miseries and calamities, but rather that we are all subject to the same: for (as Theophrastus saith) fortune never aimeth or levelleth at a­ny certeine marke, but shooteth at randon; taking much pleasure, and being very powerfull to turne a man out of that which he hath painfully gotten before, and to overthrow a supposed and reputed felicity, with all regard of any fore-set and prefixed time to worke this [...] . These rea­sons, and many other such like, every one of us may easily consider and ponder within himselfe; yea & besides, lay thereto the sage speeches (which he is ay to heare and learne) of ancient and wise men: among whom, the chiefe and principall is that heavenly and divine Poet Homer, who saith thus:

More weake than man, there is no creature 10
That from the earth receiveth nouriture:
So long as limmes with strength he can advance,
And whiles the gods do lend him puissance,
He thinks no harme will ever him befall,
He casts no doubt, but hopes to outgoe all:
But let them once from heaven some sorrowes send,
Maugre the smart, he heares unto the end.

Also:

Such minds have men, who here on earth do live,
As Jupiter from heaven doth daily give. 20

And in another place:

Why aske you of my bloud and parentage?
Sir Tydeus sonne, a knight magnanimous.
To leaves of trees much like is mans linage:
Leaves some blowen downe by minde outragious
Lie shed on ground, and others, numerous,
Bud fresh in wood, when pleasant spring doth call:
Mens houses so, some rise and others fall.

Now that this similitude or comparison of tree-leaves fitly expressed and represented the transi­torie vanitie of mans life, it appeareth evidently by those verses which he wrote in another 30 place:

You would not say that I were wise, if I did armour take
To fight with you, in wretched mens behalfe and for their sake,
Who much resemble leaves at first, faire in their fresh verdure,
So long as they of earthly fruits do feed for nouriture;
And afterward be like to them, withred and dead againe,
When humour radicall is spent, and no strength doth remaine.

Simonides the Lyricall Poet, when as Pausanias king of Lacedaemon (bearing himselfe high, and vaunting of his brave exploits) bad him (upon a time, by way of mockery) to give unto him some sage precept & good advertisement; (knowing ful well the pride & over-weening spirit of 40 the said prince) counselled him onely to call to minde, and remember: That he was but a man. Philip likewise, king of Macedon, hearing newes in one and the same day, of three severall hap­pie successes: the first: That he had woon the prize, at the great running of chariots drawen with horses, in the solemnitie of the Olympicke games: the second: How his lieutenant gene­rall, Parmenio, had defaited the Dardanians in battell: and the third: That his wife Olympias was delivered safe of a jolly sonne: lifted up his hands toward heaven, and said: O fortune, I be­seech thee to send unto me in counterchange, some moderate adversitie: as knowing full well, that she bare spight and envie alwaies to great felicities. Semblably, Theramenes one of the thirty tyrants of Athens, at what time as the house wherein he supped with many others fell downe, and he alone escaped safe out of that dangerous ruine, when all others reputed him an 50 happie man, cried out with a loud voice: O fortune, for what occasion of misfortune reservest thou me? and verily within few daies after, it hapned that his owne companions in govern­ment cast him in prison, and after much torture, put him to death. Moreover, it seemeth unto me, that the poet Homer deserveth singular praise in this matter of consolation, when hee bringeth in Ahilles speaking of king Priamus (being come unto him for to raunsome and re­deeme the corps of his sonne Hector) in this wise;

[Page 514]
Come on theresore and heere sit downe, by me upon this throne,
Let be all plaints, for beare we thus to weepe, to sigh and grone,
And though our griefe of heart be much, let us the same represse,
For why? no teares will ought prevaile, nor helpe us in distresse.
To live in paines and sorrowes great men areprede stinate
By gods above, and they alone dwell ay in blessed state,
Exempt from cares and discontents, for in the entrie-sill
Of Jove his house in heaven aloft, two tunnes are standing still,
Whereout he doth among men deale, such gifts as they containe,
In one good blessings are bestowed, in th'other curse and paine:
Now be to whom great Jupiter vouchsafes of both to give, 10
Sometime in joy, and otherwhiles in heavinesse shall live:
But if a man be onely from that cursed vessell sped,
With shame, with want, and penurie he is full ill be sted,
He shall be sure upon the earth to wander and to flray,
In much disgrace with God and man untill his dying day.

The poet who came after him both in order of time, and also in credit and reputation, Hesiodus, although he taketh upon himselfe the honour to have beene a disciple of the Muses, having as well as the other included the miseries and calamities of mankind within one tun; writeth that Pandora in opening it, set them abroad in great quantitie, and spred them over all lands and seas, 20 saying in this maner:

No sooner then this woman tooke, the great lid from the tun,
With both her hands, but all abroad she scattered anon,
A world of plagues and miseries; thus mischiefes manifold
She wrought thereby to mortall men on earth both yoong and old:
Hope onely did reniaine behinde, and slew not all abroad,
But underneath the upmost brim and edge it still abode,
For why, before it could get foorth, the lid she clapt to fast:
When other evils infinite were slowen from first to last:
Full was the earth of sundrie plagues, full was the sea likewise, 30
Diseases then and maladies from day to day did rise
Among mankind, and those by night doe walke and crecpe by stealth,
All sodainly without cause knowen, and doe impeach mans health,
Uncald they come, in silence deepe they make not any noise,
For Jupiter in wisedome great, bereft them all of voice.

To these sayings and sentences the comicall poet according well, as touching those who tor­ment themselves by occasion of such misfortunes when they happen, writeth thus,

If teares could cure and heale all our disease,
Or weeping slay at once our paine and griefe,
We would our gold exchange for teares, to ease 40
Our maladies, and so procure reliefe:
But (Master,) now teares with them beare no sway,
Nor ought prevaile, for weepe we, or weepe not,
They hold their course, and still keepe on their way,
So that we see by plaints nothing is got;
What gaine we then? nought, sir, yet give me eare,
Griefe brings foorth teares, as trees their frute doe beare.

And Dyctis when he comforted Danaë, who sorrowed overmuch for the death of her sonne, spake unto her in this maner;

Thinke you that Pluto doth your teares regard, 50
And will for sighes and grones your sonne back send?
No, no, cease you to sob and weepe so hard,
Your neighbours case marke rather and intend:
Harts ease will come, if that you call to minde,
How many men have died in dungeon deepe?
Or waxen old, bereft of children kind,
[Page 515] Or princely state and port who could not keepe,
But fell to basedegree; consider this,
And make right use, it will you helpe iwis.

He giveth her counsell to consider the examples of those who have beene more or lesse unfor­tunate then herselfe, as if the comparing of their condition might serve her turne very well, the better to endure her owne calamitie. And heereto may a man very pertinently draw and applie the saying of Socrates, who was of opinion; that if we laid foorth all our adversities and mis­fortunes in one cōmon heape, with this condition, that each one should carrie out of it an equal portion; most men would wish and be glad to take up their owne and goe away with all. The poet Antimachus also used the like induction, after that his wife whom he loved so entirely. was 10 departed; for whereas her name was Lyde, he for his owne consolation in that sorrow of his, composed an Elegie or lamentable dittie, which he called Lyde: wherein he collected all the ca­lamities and misfortunes which hapued in old time to great princes and kings, making his owne dolour and griefe the lesse, by comparing it with other miseries more greevous: whereby it is apparent, that he who comforteth another, whose heart is afslicted with sorrow and anguish, (gi­ving him to understand that his infortunitie is common to more besides him, by laying before his face the semblable accidents which have befallen to others,) changeth in him the sense and opinion of his owne greevance, and imprinteth in him a certeine setled perswasion, that his mis­fortune is nothing so great as he deemed it to be before.

Aeschylus likewise seemeth with very great reason to reproove those who imagine that death 20 is naught, saying in this wise:

How wrongfully have men death in disdaine,
Of many evils the remedie soveraigne.

For in imitation of him, right well said he whosoever was the authour of this sentence:

Come death to cure my painfull malady,
The onely leech that bringeth remeay;
For hell is th' haven for worlds calamity,
And harbour sure in all extremity.

And verily, a great matter it is, to be able for to say boldly and with confidence:

How can he be a slave justlie, 30
Who careth not at all to die?

As also:

If death me helpe in my hard plight,
No spirits nor ghosts shall me affright.

For what hurt is there in death? and what is it that should so trouble and molest us when we die. A strange case this is, & I can not see how it commeth to passe, that being so well knowen, so or­dinarily, familiar & naturall unto us as it is, yet it should seeme so painfull & dolorous unto us. For what wonder is it, if that be slit or cut, which naturally is given to cleave? if that melt, which is apt to be molten? if that burne, which is subject to take fire? or if that perish & rot, which by nature is corruptible? and when is it that death is not in our selves? for (according as Heraclitus 40 saith) quicke and dead is all one; to awake and to sleepe, is the same; in yoong and olde, there is no difference; considering that these things turne one into another, and as one passeth, the o­ther commeth in place: much after the maner of an imager or potter, who of one masse of clay, is able to give the forme and shape of living creatures, and to turne the same into a rude lumpe, as it was before; he can fashion it againe at his pleasure, and confound all together, as he list: thus it lieth in his power, to do and undoe, to make and marre, as often as he will, one after ano­ther, uncessantly; semblably, nature of the selfe-same matter, framed in times past our ance­stours and grandsires, and consequently, afterwards brought foorth our fathers; then she made us; and in processe of time, will of us ingender others; and so proceed still to father posteritie; in such sort, that as the current (as it were) of our generation will never stay, so the streame also 50 of our corruption will run on still, and be perpetuall; whether it be the river Acheron or Cocitus, as the Poets call them; whereof, the one signifieth, privation of joy, & the other be tokeneth la­mentation. And even so, that first and principall cause which made us to live and see the light of the sunne, the same bringeth us to death and to the darkenesse of hell. And hereof we may see an evident demonstration and resemblance, by the very aire that compasseth us round a­bout; which in alternative course and by turnes, representeth unto us the day, and afterwards the night; it induceth us to a similitude of life and death, of waking and sleeping: and therefore, by [Page 516] good right is life called, a fatall debt, which we must duely satisfie, and be acquit of: for our forefathers entred into it first; and we are to repay it willingly, without grumbling, sighing and groaning, whensoever the creditour calleth for it; unlesse we would be reputed unthankfull and unjust. And verily, I beleeve that nature seeing the uncertainty and shortnesse of our life, would that the end thereof and the prefixed houre of death should be hidden from us, for that shee knew it good & expedient for us so to be; for if it had bene fore-knowen of us, some (no doubt) would have languished and fallen away before, with griefe and sorrow; dead they would have bene before their death came. Consider now the troubles and sorrowes of this life; how many cares and crosses it is subject unto: certes, if wee went about to reckon and number them, wee would condemne it as most unhappie, yea, we would verifie and approove that strong opinion 10 which some have held: That it were farre better for a man to die than to live; and therefore said the Poet Simonides:

Full feeble is all humane puissance:
Vaine is our care and painfull vigilance:
Mans life is even a short passage,
Paine upon paine is his arrivage:
And then comes death that spareth none,
So fierce, so cruell, without pardone:
Over our heads it doth depend,
And threats alike those that doe spend 20
Their yeeres in vertue and goodnesse,
As in all sinne and wickednesse.

Likewise Pindarus:

For blessing one which men obtaine,
The gods ordaine them curses twaine.
And those they can not wisely beare,
Fooles as they be, and will not heare.

Or thus:

They can not reach to life immortall,
Nor yet endure that which is mortall. 30

And Sophocles:

Of mortall men when one is dead,
Doth thine heart groane, and eie teares shead;
Not knowing once what future gaine
May come to him, devoid of paine?

As for Euripides, thus he saith:

In all thy knowledge, canst thou find
The true condition of mankinde?
I thinke well, No: For whence should come
Such knowledge deepe, to all or some? 40
Give eare, and thou shalt learne of me
The skill thereof, in veritie:
All men ordain'd are once to die,
The debt is due, and paied must be:
But no man know's if morow next,
Unto his daies shall be annext:
And whither fortune bend's her way,
Who can fore-see, and justly say?

If it be so then, that the condition of mans life is such indeed as these great clearks have delive­red and described unto us; is it not more reason to repute them blessed and happy, who are freed 50 from that servitude which they were subject to therein, than to deplore and lament their estate, as the most part of men doe, through follie and ignorance? Wise Socrates said, that death re­sembled for all the world, either a most deepe and sound sleepe, or a voiage farre remote into forraine parts, in which a man is long absent from his native countrey; or else thirdly, an utter abolition and finall dissolution both of soule and bodie. Now take which of these three you will, according to him, there is no harme at all in death: for thus he discoursed through them well, and beginning at the first, in this wise he reasoneth: If death (quoth he) be a kinde of sleepe, and [Page 517] those that sleepe feele no ill; we must needs confesse likewise, that the dead have no sense at all of harme: neither is it necessarie to goe in hand to proove, that the deepest sleepe is also the sweetest, and most pleasant; for the thing it selfe is plaine and evident to all the world. To saie nothing of Homers testimonie, who speaking of sleepe writeth thus:

Most sweetly doth a man sleepe in his bed,
When least he wakes, and [...] most to be dead.

The same he iterateth in many places; and namely once in this wise:

With pleasant sleepe she there did meet,
Deaths brother germain, you may weet.

And againe: 10

Death and sleepe are sister and brother,
Both twinnes resembling one another.

Where by the way, he lively declareth their similitude, and calling them twins; for that brothers and sisters twinnes, for the most part be very like: and in another place besides, he calleth death a brasen sleepe; giving us thereby to understand, how sencelesse death is: neither seemeth he unelegantly and besides the purpose, whosoever he was, to have expressed as much in this verse when he said:

That sleepes (who doth them well advise)
Of death are pettie mysteries.

And in very deed, sleepe doth represent (as it were) a preamble, inducement, or first profession 20 toward death: in like manner also the cynick philosopher Diogenes said very wisely to this point, for being surpressed and overtaken with a dead sleepe, a little before he yeelded up the ghost, when the physician wakened him, and demaunded what extraordinary symptome or grie­vous accident was befallen unto him? None (quoth he) onely one brother is come before ano­ther, to wit, sleepe before death: and thus much of the first resemblance.

Now if death be like unto a farre journey or long pilgrimage, yet even so, there is no evill at all therein, but rather good, which is cleane contrary: for to be in servitude no longer unto the flesh, nor enthralled to the passions thereof; which seizing upon the soule, doe empeach the same, and fill it with all follies and mortall vanities, is no doubt a great blessednesse and feli­citie: for as Plato saith: The body bringeth upon us an infinit number of troubles and hinde­rances 30 about the necessarie maintenance of it selfe; and in case there be any maladies besides, they divert and turne us cleane away from the inquisition and contemplation of the truth; and in stead thereof, pester and stuffe us full of wanton loves, of lusts, feares, foolish fansies, imaginations and vanities of all sorts; insomuch, as it is most true which is commonly saide: That from the bodie there commeth no goodnesse nor wisedome at all. For what else bringeth upon us warres, seditions, battels and fights, but the bodie and the greedie appetites and lusts proceeding from it; for to say a truth, from whence arise all warres, but from the covetous desire of money, and having more goods? neither are we driven to purchase and gather still; but onely for to enterteine the bodie, and serve the turne thereof; and whiles we are amused & em­ploied thereabout, we have no time to studie Philosophie: finally (which is the woorst and very 40 extremitie of all) in case we find some leasure to follow our booke, and enter into the studie and contemplation of things, this body of ours at al times & in every place is ready to interrupt and put us out; it troubleth, it empeacheth and so disquieteth us, that impossible it is to attaine un­to the perfect sight and knowledge of the truth; whereby it is apparent and manifest, that if ever we would cleerely and purely know any thing, we ought to be sequestred and delivered from this bodie; and by the eies onely of the mind, contemplate & view things as they be; then shall we have that which we desire and wish; then shall we attaine to that which we say we love, to wit, wisedome, even when we are dead, as reason teacheth us, and not so long as we remaine alive: for if it cannot be, that together with the bodie we should know any thing purely; one of these two things must of necessitie ensue, that either never at all, or else after death we should attaine 50 unto that knowledge; for then and not before, the soule shall be apart, and separate from the bodie; and during our life time, so much neerer shall we be unto this knowledge, by how much lesse we participate with the body, and have little or nothing to doe therewith, no more than ve­ry necessitie doth require; nor be filed with the corrupt nature thereof, but pure and neat from all such contagion, untill such time as God himselfe free us quite from it; and then being fully cleered and delivered from all fleshly and bodily follies, we shall converse with them and such like pure intelligences, seeing evidently of our selves all that which is pure and sincere, to wit, [Page 518] truth it selfe; for unlawfull it is and not allowable that a pure thing should be infected or once touched by that which is impure; and therefore say that death seeme to translate men into some other place, yet is it nothing ill in that respect, but good rather, as Plato hath very well prooved by demōstration; in which regard, Socrates in my conceit spake most heavenly & divinely unto the judges, when he said: My lords, to be affraid of death, is nothing else but to seeme wise when a man is nothing lesse, & it is as much as to make semblance of knowing that which he is most ignorant of; for who wotteth certainly what is death? or whetherit be the greatest felicitie that may happen to a man? yet men doe feare and dread it, as if they knew for certaintie, that it is the greatest evill in the world. To these sage sentences he accordeth well who said thus:

Let no man stand in doubt and feare of death, 10
Since from all travels it him delivereth.

and not from travels only, but also from the greatest miseries in the world; whereto it seemeth, that the verie gods themselves give testimonie: for we reade that many men in recompense of their religion and devotion, have received death, as a singular gift and favour of the gods. But to avoid tedious prolixitie, I will forbeare to write of others, and content my selfe with making mention of those onely who are most renowmed and voiced by every mans mouth: and in the first place, rehearse I will the historie of those two yoong gentlemen of [...] , namely, Cleobis and Biton; of whom there goeth this report: That their mother being priestresse to Juno, when the time was come that shee should present herselfe in the temple, and the mules that were to draw her coatch thither, not in readinesse, but making stay behinde; they seeing her driven to 20 that exigent, and fearing lest the houre should passe, under-went themselves the yoke, and drew their mother in the coatch to the said temple: she being much pleased, and taking exceeding joy to see so great pietie and kindnesse in her children, praied unto the goddesse, that she would vouchsafe to give them the best gift that could befall to man: and they the same night follow­ing, being gone to bedde for to sleepe, never rose againe: for that the goddesse sent unto them, death, as the onely recompense and reward of their godlinesse. Pindarus also writeth as touch­ing Agamedes & Trophonius: That after they had built the temple of Apollo in Delphos, they de­manded of that god, their hire and reward; who promised to pay them fully at the seven-nights end; meane while he bade them be merie and make good cheere; who did as he enjoined them: so upon the seventh night following, they tooke their sleepe, but the next morning they were 30 found dead in bed. Moreover, it is reported that when Pindarus himselfe gave order unto the commissioners that were sent from the State of Boeotia unto the oracle of Apollo, for to demand what was best for man? this answere was returned from the prophetisse: That he who enjoined them that errand, was not ignorant thereof, in case the historie of Agamedes and Trophonius (whereof he was author) were true; but if he were disposed to make further triall, he should him­selfe see shortly an evident proofe thereof: Pindarus when he heard this answer, began to thinke of death, and to prepare himselfe to die; and in trueth, within a little while after changed his life. The like narration is related of one Euthynous an Italian, who was sonne to Elysius of Terinae, for vertue, wealth and reputation, a principall man in that citie, namely, that he died suddenlie, without any apparent cause that could be given thereof: his father Elysius, incontinently there­upon, 40 began to grow into some doubt (as any other man besides would have done) whether it might not be, that he died of poison, for that he was the onely childe he had, and heire appa­rant to all his riches: and not knowing otherwise how to sound the trueth, hee sent out to a cer­teine oracle, which used to give answere by the conjuration and calling forth of spirits or ghosts of men departed; where (after he had performed sacrifices and other ceremoniall devotions ac­cording as the law required) he laied him downe to sleepe in the place, where he dreamed, and saw this vision: There appeared unto him (as he thought) his owne father, whom when he saw, he discoursed unto him what had fortuned his sonne, requesting and beseeching him to be as­sistant with him to finde out the trueth, and the cause indeed of his so sudden death: his father then should answere thus: And even therefore am I come hither; here therefore receive at this 50 mans hands, that certificate which I have brought unto thee, for thereby shalt thou know all the cause of thy griefe and sorrow: now the partie whom his father shewed and presented unto him, was a yoong man that followed after him, who for all the world in stature and yeeres resembled his sonne Euthynous; who being demanded by him, what he was? made this answere: I am the ghost or angell of your sonne: and with that, offered unto him a little scrowle or letter; which when Elysius had unfolded, he found written within it, these three verses:

[Page 519]
[...]
These [...] be unperfect, and it seem­eth that [...] , [...] . [...] . in translating this first verse, read it thus: [...]
[...]
[...]

Which may be done into English thus:

Elysius thou foolish man, aske living Sages read,
Euthynous by fatall course of [...] is dead;
For longer life would neither him nor parents stand in stead.

And thus much may suffice you, both as touching the ancient histories written of this matter, and also of the second point of the foresaid question.

But to come unto the third branch of Socrates his conjecture: admit it were true, that death 10 is the utter abolition and destruction aswell of soule as body; yet even so, it cannot be reckoned simply ill: for by that reckoning there should follow a privation of all sense, and a generall deli­verance from paine, anxietie and angush: and like as there commeth no good thereby, even so, no harme at all can ensue upon it; forasmuch as good and evill have no being, but in that thing onely which hath essence and subsislence, and the same reason there is of the one as of the other: so as in that which is not, but utterly becommeth void, anulled, and taken quite out of the world, there can not be imagined either the one or the other. Now this is certeine, that by this reason the dead returne to the same estate and condition wherein they were before their nativi­tie: like as therefore, when we were unborne, we had no sense at all of good or evill; no more shall we have after our departure out of this life: and as those things which preceded our time, 20 nothing concerned us; so whatsoever hapneth after our death, shall touch us as little,

No paine feele they that out of world be gone:
To die, and not be borne, I holde all one.

For the same state and condition is after death, which was before birth. And do you thinke that there is any difference betweene, Never to have bene, and To cease from being? surely they differ no more, than either an house, or a garment, in respect of us and our use thereof after the one is ruined or fallen downe, and the other all rent and torne, from that benefit which we had by them before they were begun to be built or made; and if you say, there is no difference in them in these regards; as little there is be you sure, between our estate after death, and our condi­tion before our nativitie: a very pretie and elegant speech therefore it was of Arcesilaus the 30 philosopher when he said: This death (quoth he) which every man tearmeth evill, hath one pe­culiar propertie by it selfe, of all other things that be accounted ill; in that when it is present, it never harmeth any man; onely whiles it is absent and in expectance it hurteth folke. And in very truth, many men through their folly and weakenesse, and upon certaine slanderous calum­niations and false surmises conceived against death, suffer themselves to die because sorsooth they would not die. Very well therefore and aptly wrot the poet Epicharmus in these words:

That which was knit and joined fast,
Is loosed and dissolv'd at last:
Each thing returnes into the same,
Earth into earth, from whence it came: 40
The spirit up to heaven anon;
Wherefore what harme heerein? just none.

And as for that which Cresphontes in one place of Euripides, speaking of Hercules said:

If under globe of earth, with those he dwell,
Who being none, have left, laid once in grave:
A man of him might say, and that right well,
That puissance and strength he none can have.

By altering it a little in the end, you may thus inferre:

If under globe of earth with those he dwell,
Who being none, have left, laid once in grave: 50
A man of him might say, and that right well,
That sense at all of paine, he can none have.

A generous and noble saying also was that of the Lacedaemonians:

Now are we in our gallant prime,
Before as others had their time,
And after us shall others floure,
But we shall never see that houre.

[Page 520] As also this:

Now dead are they who never thought,
That life or death were simply ought:
But all their care was for to dy
And live, as they should, honestly.

Right excellent also are those verses of Euripides, as touching them who endure long maladies:

I hate all those by meat and drink,
Who to prolong their daies doe think:
By Magick arte and sorcery,
The course of death who turne awry. 10
Where as they should be glad and faine,
When as they see it is but vaine
Of earth to live upon the face,
For yoongers then to quit the place.

As for Merope in pronouncing these manlike and magnanimous words, she mooveth the whole theater to this consideration of her speeches, when she saith;

I am not th'onely mother left,
Who of faire children am bereft;
Nor yet a widow am I alone,
Who my deere husband have for gone: 20
For others infinite there bee,
Who have felt like calamitiee.

Unto this, a man may very aptly adjoine these verses also:

What is become of that magnificence?
Where is king Craesus with his opulence?
Or Xerxes, he whose monstrous worke it was,
By bridge, the firth of Hellespont to pas?
To Pluto now they are for ever gon,
To houses of most deepe oblivion.

Their goods, and their wealth, together with their bodies are perished; howbeit, beleeve me, 30 some will say; many are mooved perforce to weepe and lament, when they see a yoong person die before due time; and yet I assure you, this hastie and untimely death admitteth so readie consolation, that even the meanest and most vulgar comicall poets have seene into the thing, and devised good meanes, and effectuall reasons of comfort: for consider what one of them saith in this case, to him that mourned and lamented for the unripe and unseasonable death of a friend of his, in these words:

If thou hadst knowne for certaine, that thy friend
Who now is dead, should have beene blesse day,
Throughout that course of life which was behind,
In case the gods had staid his dying day: 40
His death had beene vntimely, I would say,
But if long life, should bring him greefes incurable,
To him haply was death, than now more favorable.

Seeing then uncertaine it is whether the issue and end of this life will be expedient unto a man; and whether he shall be delivered and excused thereby from greater evils, or no; we ought not to take ones death so heavilie, as if we had utterly lost all those things which we hoped for, and pro­mised our selves by his life to enjoy; and therefore me thinks that Amphiaraus in a certaine tragedy of a poet, did not impertinently and without good purpose, comfort the mother of Ar­chemorus, who tooke it to the heart, and grieved excessively, that her sonne a yoong infant died so long before the ordmarie time: for thus he saith unto her: 50

No man there is of womans body born,
But in his dates much travell he doth beare:
Children some die the parents long beforn,
And are by them enterred: then they reare
And get yoong babes, for those that buried were:
Lastly, themselves into the graves doe fall,
This is the course, this is the end of all.
[Page 521] Yet men for them doe weepe and sorrow make,
Whose bodies they on biere to earth doe send,
Although in truth a way direct they take,
As eares of corne full ripe, which downward bend,
As some begin, so others make an end.
Why should men grieve and sigh at natures lore?
What must, shall be, thinke it not hard therefore.

In summe, every man ought both in meditation within himselfe, and in earnest discourse also with others, to hold this for certaine; that the longest life is not best, but rather the most ver­tuous: for neither he that plaieth most upon a lute or citterne, is commended for the cun­nigest 10 musician; no more than he who pleadeth longest, is held the most eloquent orator; nor he that sitteth continually at the helme, is praised for the best pilot; but they that doe best, deserve the greatest commendation: for we are not to measure goodnesse by the length of time, but by vertue, by convenient proportion and measure of all words and deeds: for this is that amiable beautie which is esteemed happie in this world, and pleasing to the gods: which is the reason that the poets have left unto us in writing, that the most excellent worthies or demie gods, and such (as by their saying) were begotten by gods, changed this their mortal life, and de­parted before they were old: for even [...] . he

Who was of mightie Jupiter, and Phaebus loved best,
Permitted was not long to live, and in old age to rest. 20

For this we alwaies see, that ordinarily the maturitie of yeeres, and the same well emploied, is preferred before old age and long life: for thus we repute those trees and plants best, which in least time beare most frute; as also those living creatures which in little space yeeld greatest pro­fit and commodity to mans life: furthermore, little difference you shall finde betweene short time and long, in comparison of eternitie; for that a thousand, yea and ten thousand yeeres ac­cording to Simonides are no more than a very prick, or rather the smallest indivisible portion of a prick, in respect of that which is infinit. We reade in histories that there be certaine living creatures about the land of Pontus, whose life is comprised within the compasse of one day; for in the morning they are bred, by noone they are in their vigor and at best, and in the evening they be old, and end their lives: would not these creatures thinke you, if they had the soule of 30 man, and that use of reason which we have, feele the very same passions that we doe, if the like accidents befell unto them? certes, those that died before noone, would minister occasion of mourning and weeping; but such as continued all day long, should be reputed happy. Well, our life should be measured by vertue, and not by continuance of time; so that we are to esteem such exclamations as these, foolish and full of vanitie: Oh, great pittie, that he was taken waie so yoong; it ought not to have beene that he should die yet: and who is he that dare say; This or that ought? But many things else have beene, are, and shall be done heereafter, which some man might say, ought not to have been done: howbeit, come we are not into this life for to pre­scribe lawes, but rather to obey those lawes which are decreed and set down already by the gods, who governe the world, and the ordinances of destinie and divine providence. 40

But to proceed, those who so much deplore & lament the dead, do they it for love of thēselves, or for their sake who are departed? if in regard of their own selves, for that they find how they are deprived of some pleasure or profit, or els disappointed of support in their old age, which they hoped to receive by those who are departed? surely this were but a small occasion, & no honest pretence of lamentation; for that it seemeth they bewaile not the dead persons, but the losse of those cōmodities which they expected from them: but in case they grieve in the behalf of those that be gone out of this world, soone wil they shake off their sorrow, if they be perswaded and be­leeve, that after death they feele no ill; & obey they wil that ancient & wise sentence, which tea­cheth us to extend as much as we can all good things, but to draw in and restraine those that be ill: now if sorrow is to be counted good, we ought to augment and encrease the same as much as 50 possibly we can; but if we acknowledge it (as it is indeed) to be naught, we are to shorten & dimi­nish it, as much as we may, yea, & to abolish it quite, if it lie in our power: and that this may be easily effected, it appeereth by the precedent, of such a consolation as this: We reade that a cer­taine ancient Philosopher went upon a time to visit queene Arsinoe, who mourned & lamented much for a sonne of hers lately departed this life; & to her he used these or such like words: Ma­dame, at what time as Jupiter dealt among the petie gods, goddesses, & other heavenly wights, certaine honors and dignities, it chaunced that dame Sorow, was not present among the rest: but [Page 522] after that the distribution and dole was made, she also came in place and presented her selfe, cra­ving of Jupiter, her part of honor as well as the other: Jupiter being thus driven to his shifts, for that he had divided and given away all before, not having any thing else to bestow, gave unto her the honor which is done unto those that be departed this life, to wit, teares, plaints, and la­mentations: as other petie gods and goddesses therfore, love those who honor them and none else; even so (good lady) Sorow (if you make not much of her, and give her divine honor) will not come neere unto you; but in case you worship and honor her dutifully with those prerogatives which be allotted unto her, to wit, weeping, wailing, and lamentations, she will affect and love you, she will haunt you, yea, she will alway minister matter unto you, that she may be continu­ally honored by you. This device of the Philosopher, wonderfully wrought with the woman, 10 and perswaded her in such sort, as she staied her plaints, gave over her weeping, and cast off all her sorrow.

In one word, a man may deale in this wise with one that is in sorrow, and demand of him: Whether art thou minded one day to cease this mourning, and make an end of piteous lamen­tation? or to persist still in afflicting and tormenting thy selfe as long as thou livest? for if thou continue all thy life time in this dolourous anguish, thou wilt procure and bring upon thy selfe perfect miserie & infelicitie in the highest degree, through thy effeminate sostnesse and feeble­nesse of heart; but if thou meanest at the length to change this fit, and to lay all mourning aside, why doest not thou beginne betimes, and resolve out of hand, to be delivered from this miserie at once? for looke what reasons and meanes thou art to use hereafter, for to be freed from these 20 paines and perplexities; by the helpe of the same thou maiest presently be quit of this unhap­pie plight and state wherein thou art. And as it fareth in our bodies, the sooner that wee ridde away the crasie indispositions and maladies thereof, the better it is for us; even so it is in the dis­eases and passions of the soule: that therefore, which thou art minded and disposed to yeeld unto long time, give forthwith unto reason, unto literature and knowledge; discharge thy selfe (I say, and that with speed) of these calamities which now environ and compasse thee round a­bout. But haply you will say, I never thought that this would have befallen unto me, neither did I so much as doubt any such thing: yea, but you ought to cast doubts afore-hand; you should long time before have considered and meditated of the vanitie, weakenesse and instabilitie of mans affaires; by which meanes you had not bene surprised as you are, nor taken so unprovi­ded, 30 as by some sudden incursion of enemies. Very well and wisely therefore it seemeth, that noble Theseus in Euripides, was prepared and armed against all such accidents of fortune, when he thus said:

According as a wise man once me taught,
I did in minde all wiseries forecast;
And namely, how I might be overcaught
With bitter spight; and not to sit so fast
In native soile, but forc't to slie at last:
Untimely death of wise, of childe, of friend,
How sonne might hap, full crosse unto my minde. 40
In summe, I did misfortunes manifolde
Est soones propose and set before mine eies,
To th'end that I acquainted thus of olde
With such fore-casts, might sonne learne to de spise,
And set nought by adverse calamities:
For no mischance, or fortune overthwart,
Could now be strange, and nip me to the hart.

But those who are effeminate, base-minded, and not exercised before-hand in such premedi­tations, never plucke up their spirits, nor set their mindes to deliberate and consult as touching any honest or prositable course; but suffer themselves to breake out into extremities and mise­ries 50 remedilesse, afflicting and punishing their harmelesse bodies, and as Alcaeus was woont to say, forcing them to be sicke with them for companie, which ailed nought before. And there­fore Plato (in my conceit) gave a very wise admonition: That in such casualties and mischances as these, we should be quite; aswell, for that it is uncerteine whether it be good or ill for them whose death we seeme to lament; as also, because there can no good ensue unto us by such pen­sivenesse and sorow: for this is certeine: That as sage consultation in a mans selfe (as touching that which is hapned alreadie) doth remove sorrow; so griefe impeacheth wise counsell, which [Page 523] would have a man to employ and accommodate all his affaires and occurrences the best way he can; like as in playing at the tables, to dispose so of his cast and chance whatsoever, as may most serve to win the game.

If it be our hap therefore, to stumble and catch a fall, by the crooked aspect of adverse for­tune, we must not doe as little children, who laying their hands upon that part which is hurt, fall a puling or setting up a crie; but apply our minds presently to seeke for remedie; to set that up­right, which is fallen; to rectifie that which is out of frame, by helpe of good medicines; and in one word, to put away all moanes and lamentations.

Certes, it is reported, that he (whosoever he was) that set downe lawes and statutes to the Ly­cians, ordeined expresly: That whensoever they were disposed to mourne and lament, they 10 should be araied in womans apparell; as giving them thereby to understand, that to weepe and waile, was but a feminine and servile passion, nothing at all befitting grave persons, well descen­ded, or honestly brought up: for (to say a trueth) to weepe and waile thus, is meere womanish, and bewraieth a base and abject minde: and like as women ordinarily be more prone and for­ward thereto than men; so Barbarians rather than Greeks; and the woorse sort of people are gi­ven thereto more than the better: also, if you goe thorow all barbarous nations, you shall not finde those who are most haughtie-minded and magnanimous, or cary any generositie of spirit in them, such as be the Almans or Gaules addicted hereunto; but Aegyptians, Syrians, Lydi­ans, and such other; for some of these (by report) use to go downe into hollow caves within the ground, and there hide themselves for many daies together, and not so much as see the light of 20 the sunne, because (forsooth) the dead partie whom they mourne for, is deprived thereof. In which regard, Ion the Tragicall Poet having (as it should seeme) heard of such fooleries, brin­geth in upon the stage, a woman speaking in this wise;

Come forth am I, now at the last,
Your nourse and childrens governesse,
Out of deepe caves, where some daies past,
I kept in balefull heavinesse.

Others there be also of these Barbarians, who cut away some parts, and dismember them­selves, slit their owne noses, crop their eares, misuse & disfigure the rest of their bodies, thinking to gratifie the dead in doing thus, if they seeme to exceed all measure, & that moderation which 30 is according to nature. There are besides, who reply upon us and say: That they thinke we ought not to waile and lament for every kind of death, but onely in regard of those that die before their time; for that they have not as yet tasted of those things which are esteemed blessings in this life, to wit, the joies of marriage, the benefit of literature and learning, the perfection of yeeres, the management of common weale, honors and dignities; for these be the points that they stand upon, and grieve most who lose their friends or children by untimely death, for that they be disappointed and frustrate of their hopes before the time; ignorant altogether that this hastie and overspeedie death, in regard of humane nature, differeth nothing at all from others: for like as in the returne to our common native countrey, which is necessarily imposed upon al, and from which no man is exempted, some march before, others follow after, and all at length 40 meet at one and the same place; even so in traveling this journey of fatall destinie, those that arrive late thither, gaine no more advantage than they who are thither come betime: now if any untimely or hastie death were naught simply, that of little babes and infants that sucke the brest, and cannot speake, or rather such as be newly borne were woorst; and yet their death we beare verie well and patiently, whereas we take their departure more heavily, and to the heart, who are growen to some good yeeres, and all through the vanitie of our foolish hopes; where­by we imagine and promise to our selves assuredly, that those who have proceeded thus farre, be past the woorst, and are like to continue thus, in a good and certaine estate. If then the prefixed terme of mans life were the end of twentie yeeres, certes, him that came to be sifteene yeeres old we would not judge unripe for death, but thinke that he had attained to a competent age; and 50 as for him who had accomplished the full time of twentie yeeres, or approched neere thereto we would account him absolute happy, as having performed a most blessed and perfect life: but if the course of our life reached out to two hundred yeeres, he who chanced to die at one hun­dred yeeres end, would be thought by us to have died too soone; and no doubt his untimely death we would bewaile and lament. By these reasons therefore, and those which heeretofore we have alledged, it is apparent, that even the death which we call untimely, soone admitteth consolation, and a man may beare it patiently; for this is certaine, that Troilus would have wept [Page 524] lesse; yea even Priamus himselfe, shed fewer teares, in case he had died sooner; at what time as the kingdome of Troy flourished, or whiles himselfe was in that wealthy estate; for which he la­mented so much; which a man may evidently gather by the words which he gave to his sonne Hector, when he admonished and exhorted him to retire from the combat which he had with Achilles in these verses:

Returne my sonne within these wals, that thou from death maist save
The Trojan men and women both, let not Achilles have
Of thee that honour, as thy life so sweet to take away,
By victorie in single fight, and hast thy dying day:
Have pittie yet my sonne of me, thy wofull aged sire,
Ere that my wits and senses faile, whom Jupiter inire 10
Will else one day at th'end of this my old and wretched yeeres,
Consume with miserable death, out-worne and spent with teeres.
As having many objects seene, of sorrow and hearts griefe;
My sonnes cut short by edge of sword, who should be my reliefe;
My daughters trail'd by haire of head, and ravisht in my sight;
My pallace rac'd, their chambers sackt, wherein I tooke delight:
And sucking babes from mothers brests pluckt, and their braines dasht out
Against the stones of pav'ment hard, lie sprawling all about:
When enemie with sword in hand, in heat of bloudy heart
Shall havocke make: and then my selfe at last must play my part: 20
Whom when some one by dint of sword, or launce of dart from farre,
Hath quite bereft of vitall breath, the hungry dogs shall arre
About my corps, and at my gates hale it and drag along,
Gnawing the flesh of hoarie head, and grisled chin among,
Mangling besides the privie parts of me a man so old,
Unkindly slaine, a spectacle most piteous to behold.
Thus spake the aged father tho, and pluckt from head above
His haires milke-white, but all these words, did Hector nothing move.

Seeing then, so many examples of this matter presented unto your eies, you are to thinke 30 and consider with your selfe, that death doth deliver and preserve many men from great & gree­vous calamities, into which without all doubt they should have fallen, if they had lived longer: But for to avoid prolixitie, I will omit the rest, & my selfe, with those that are related already, as being sufficient to proove & shew; that we ought not to breake out beside nature, and beyond measure into vaine sorrowes and needlesse lamentations, which bewray nothing else but base and seeble minds. Crantor the philosopher was wont to say: That to suffer adversitie causelesse, was no small easement to all sinister accidents of fortune: but I would rather say: That innocen­cie is the greatest and most soveraigne medicine to take away the sense of all dolour in adversi­tie: moreover, the love and affection that we beare unto one who is departed, consisteth not in afflicting and punishing our selves; but in doing good unto him so beloved of us: now the pro­fit 40 and pleasure that we are able to performe for them who are gone out of this world, is the ho­nour that we give unto them by celebrating their good memorials; for no good man deserveth to be mourned and bewailed; but rather to be celebrated with praise and commendation: He is not woorthy of sorrow and lamentation, but of an honorable and glorious remembrance; he re­quireth not teares as testimonials of griefe and dolour; but honest offrings, and civill oblations: if it be true, that he who is gone out of this world, doth pertake a more divine and heavenly con­dition of life, as being delivered from the servitude of this bodie, and the infinit cares perplex­ities, and calamities which they must needs endure, who abide in this mortall life, untill such time as they have runne their race, and performed the prefixed course of this life, which nature hath not granted unto us for to be perpetuall, but according to the lawes of fatall destiny hath 50 given to every one in severall proportion. Such therefore as be wise and well minded, ought not in sorow and griefe for their friends departed, to passe beyond the bounds and limits of nature, and in vaine plaints and barbarous lamentations forget a meane, and never know to make an end; expecting that which hath befallen to many before them, who have bene so far gone in heavinesse and melancholie, that before they had done lamenting, they have finished their daies, and ere they could lay off the mourning habit for the funerals of others, they have bene ready themselves to be caried forth to their unhappie sepulture: insomuch as the sorowes which [Page] they enterteined for the death of another, and the calamities proceeding from their owne folly, have bene buried together with them; so as a man might very well and truely say of them as Homer did:

Whiles they their plaints and sorowes made,
Darke-night over-spread them with her shade.

And therefore in such case we are eftsoones thus to speake unto our selves, and reason in this maner: What? shall we make an end once? or rather never cease so long as we live? but still keepe a weeping and wailing as we do? for I assure you, to thinke that sorrow should never end, were a point of extreame folly, considering that often times we see even those, who of all others take on and fare most impatiently in their fits of griefe and heavinesse, become (in processe of 10 time) so well appeased, that even at those tombs and monuments where they piteously cried out and knocke their brests, they met afterwards solemnly to make magnificent feasts, with musicke, minstrelsie, and all the meanes of mirth that might be devised. It is the propertie therefore of a mad man and one bereft of his wits, to resolve and set downe with himselfe to dwell evermore in sorow, and not to give it over: but if men thinke and reckon, that it will cease at length and passe away, by occasion of some thing that may occurre, let them cast this withall, that space of time, will (after a sort) doe it: for that which once is done, can not by God himselfe be undone: and therefore that which now is hapned contrary to our hope and expectation, is a sufficient proofe & demonstration of that which is wont to befall unto many others by the same meanes. How then? is not this a thing that we are able to comprehend by learning and discourse of rea­son 20 in nature? to wit:

The earth is full, and sea likewise,
Of sundrie evils and miseries.

As also:

Such mischiefs ay, and strange calamities,
Are daily one after another sent
To mortall men by fatall destinies;
The skie it selfe is not thereof exempt.

For not onely in these daies, but time out of minde, many men (and those of the wiser sort) have deplored the miseries of mankinde, reputing life it selfe to be nothing els but punishment; 30 and the verie beginning of mans birth and nativitie, to be no better than woe and miserie. And Aristotle saith: That even Silenus, when he was caught and taken captive, pronounced as much unto king Midas. But forasmuch as this matter maketh so well to our purpose, it were best to set downe the very words of the said Philosopher; for in his booke entituled Eudemus or Of the soule, thus he saith: Therefore (quoth he) ô right excellent and of all men most fortunate, as we esteeme the dead to be blessed and happy, so we thinke that to make a lie or speake evil of them, is meere impietie, and an intolerable abuse offered unto them, as being now translated into a far better and more excellent condition than before: which opinion and custome in our coun­trey is so ancient and of such antiquitie, that no man living knoweth either the time when it first began, or the first authour thereof, who brought it in: but from all eternitie this custome hath 40 bene among us observed for a law. Moreover, you know full wel the old said saw, that from time to time hath run currant in every mans mouth: And what is that? quoth he: then the other presently inferred this answere, and said: That simplie it was best, not to be borne at all, and to die better than to live: and hereto have accorded and given testimonie, the very gods them­selves, and namely, unto king Midas, who having in chase and hunting (upon a time) taken Sile­nus, demanded of him what was best for man? and what it was that a man should wish for and chuse above all things in the world? at the first he would make no answere, but kept silence, and gave not so much as a word, until such time as Midas importuned and urged him by all means; so as at length (seeing himselfe compelled even against his will) he brake out into this speech, and said unto him: O generation of small continuance! ô seed of laborious and painfull desti­nie! 50 ô issue of fortune, wretched and miserable! why force you me to say that unto you, which it were better for you to be ignorant of? for that your life is lesse dolorous and irkesome, when it hath no knowledge at all of her owne calamities; but so it is, that men by no meanes can have that which simply is best, nor be partakers of that which is most excellent: for best it had beene for all men and women both, never to have bene borne at all; the next to it, and indeed the prin­cipall and chiefe of all those things that may be effected, (how ever in order it falleth out to be second) as to die immediatly after one is borne. So that it appeareth plainly, that Silenus judged [Page 526] and pronounced the condition of the dead to be better than of the living. For the proofe of which conclusion, ten thousand sentences and examples there be, and ten thousand more upon the head of them, which may be alledged: but needlesse it were, to discourse father of this point, and make more words thereof. Well then: we ought not to lament the death of yong folke, in this regard, that they be deprived of those blessings and benefits which men doe enjoy by long life: for uncerteine it is (as we have shewed often times before) whether they be depri­ved of good things or delivered from bad; considering that in mans life there be farre more so­rowes than joies; and those (as few as they be) we get with much paines, great travell, and many cares; whereas calamities and evils come easily unto us; insomuch (as some men say) they be round and united close, and following aptly one upon another; whereas good things be sepa­rate 10 and disjoined, insomuch as hardly they meet together at the very end of mans life: and therefore it seemeth that we forget our selves; for as Euripides saith:

Not onely worldly goods are not
Preper to [...] when they are got,

but not any thoug els whatsoever; and therefore of all such things we are thus to say:

The gods have all in right full propertie,
And under them, at will we tenants be,
To bold and use the same, some more somelesse,
Untill they please as quite to dispossesse.

We ought not therefore to be grieved and discontented, if they redemand of us that which 20 they have lent and put into our hands, onely for a little while; for even the banquers them­selves (as we were wont oftentimes to say) are not displeased or offended when they be called un­to or constrained to render and give up those stocks of money that have beene committed unto them, if they be honest men, and well minded: for a man may by good right say unto those who are unwilling to redeliver the same: Hast thou forgotten that thou didst receive these monies to repay againe? And the very same may be applied unto all mortall men: for we have our life at Gods hands, who upon a fatall necessitie, have lent and left the same unto us; neither is there any time fore-set or presixed, within which we ought to yeeld the same; no more than the fore­said banquers are limited to some appointed day, on which they are bound to deliver up those stocks of money which be put into their hands; but unknowen and uncerteine it is when they 30 shall be called unto, for to render the same to the owners. He therefore who is exceeding much displeased, & angrie, when he perceiveth himselfe readie to die; or when his children have chan­ged this life; is it not evident that he hath forgotten, both that himselfe is a man, and also that he be got children mortall? for surely it is no part of a man whose understanding is cleere and en­tire, to be ignorant in this point, namely that man is a mortall creature, or that he is borne upon this condition, once to die: and therefore if dame Ntobe, according as fables recount unto us, had beene alwaies furnished with this opinion and setled resolution; That

The sloure of age she should not aie
Enjoy, nor children see alway
About her fresh, in number many, 40
To keepe her ever company:
Nor sweet sun-shine continuallie
Behold, untill that she must die.

she would never have fared so, and fallen into such despaire, as to desire to be out of the world, for the unsupportable burden of her calamitie, and even to conjure the gods for to fetch her away, and plunge her into most horrible destructions. Two rules and precepts there are written in the temple of Apollo, at Delphos, which of all others be most necessarie for mans life: the one is; Know thy selfe: and the other; Too much of nothing: for of these twaine depend all other lessons, and these two accord and sound very well together; for it seemeth that the one doth de­clare the other, and containe the force and efficacie one of the other; for in this rule; know thy 50 selfe, is comprised; Nothing too much: likewise in this, a man doth comprehend the know­ledge of himselfe: and therefore Ion the poet speaking of these sentences, saith thus;

Know thy selfe; a word but short,
Implies a worke not quickly done,
Of all the gods and heavenly sort
None skils thereof but heavenly Jove alone.

And Pindar us writeth in this wise:

[Page 527]
This sentence briefe: Nothing exccssively,
Wise men have prais'd alwaies exceedingly.

Whosoever therefore setteth alwaies before the eies of his minde these two precepts, and holdeth them in such reverence as the oracles of Apollo deserve, he shall be able to apply them easily unto all the affaires and occurrents of humane life, and to beare all things modestly as it becommeth, both having a regard to his owne nature, and also endevouring neither to mount up too high with pride and vain-glorie, for any happie fortune that may befall, nor yet be dejec­ted and cast downe beyond measure, to mourning and lamentation upon infirmitie of fortune, or rather of the minde, or by reason of that inbred feare of death imprinted deepely in our hearts for want of knowledge and good consideration of that which is ordinary, and customably 10 hapneth in mans life, either through necessitie, or according to the decree of fatall destinie. No­table is that precept of the Pythagoreans:

What part thou hast of griefe and woe, which unto man is sent,
By hand of God, take well in woorth, and shew no discontent.

And the tragicall poet Aeschylus said very well:

Wise men and vertuous in all woe and distresse,
Against God will not murmure more or lesse.

As also Euripides:

The man who yeelds unto necessitie,
Well skilled is in true divinitie: 20
And such we count, and not unwoorthily
To beare themselves among men most wisely.

And in another place:

Who knows the way, what ever doth befall
With patience meekely to suffer all;
In my conceit, he may be thought right well,
In vertue and wisedome all men to excell.

But contrariwise, most men in the world complaine and grumble at every thing; and whatso­ever falleth out crosse and contrary to their hope and expectation, they imagine the same to proceed alwaies from the malignitie of fortune and the gods; which is the reason that in all ac­cidents 30 they weepe, waile, and lament; yea, and they blame their owne froward and adverse for­tune: unto whom we may very well and with great reason reply in this maner:

No God it is, nor heavenly wight,
That works thy woe, and all this spight.

but even thine owne selfe, thy folly and errour proceeding from ignoraunce: and upon this false perswasion and erronious opinion it is, that these men complaine of all sorts of death; for if any of their friends chaunce to die in a forreine countrey, they fetch a deepe sigh in his be­halfe, and cry out saying:

Alas poore wretch, wo's me for thee, that neither father thine,
Nor mother deere shall present be, to close thy sight-lesse eien. 40

Dieth he in his owne native soile, and in the presence of father and mother? they mourne and lament, for that being taken out of their hands, he hath left unto them nothing else behind, but a deepe impression of griefe, in seeing him die before their eies: Is it his hap to depart out of this world in silence, and without given any charge of ought concerning him or them? then they cry out amaine, and breake foorth into these words; as he did in Homer:

Alas the while, that no wise speech end lesson thou me gave,
Which while my breath and life doth last, I should remembred have.

Againe, if he delivered any words unto them at the houre of his death, they will evermore have the same in their mouthes to kindle anew and refresh their sorow: went he suddenly, and never bad his friends farewell, when he departed? they lament and say: That he was ravished away and 50 forcibly taken from them: if he languished, and was long in dying, then they fal a complaining, and give out, that he consumed and pined away, enduring much paine before hee died: to be short, every occasion & circumstance whatsoever, is enough to stirre up their griefe, and mini­ster matter to mainteine sorowfull plaints. And who be they who have mooved and brought in all these outcries and lamentations, but Poets, and even Homer himselfe, most of all other, who is the chiefe and prince of the rest, who in this maner writeth:

Like as a father, in the fire of wofull funerals,
[Page 528] Burning the bones of his yoong sonne, sonne after his espousals,
Sheds many teares for griefe of minde, and weepeth bitterly:
The mother likewise (tender heart) bewailes him piteously.
Thus he by his untimely death, both parents miserable,
Afflicts with sorrowes manifold, and woes inexplicable:

But all this while it is not certeine whether it be wel and rightly done, to make this sorrow; for see what followeth afterwards:

He was their onely sonne, and borne to them in their olde age,
Sole heire of all, and to enjoy a goodly heritage.

And who knoweth, or is able to say, whether God in his heavenly providence and fatherly care 10 of mankinde, hath taken some out of the world by untimely death, foreseeing the calamities and miseries which otherwise would have hapned unto them? and therefore we ought to thinke that nothing is befallen them which may be supposed odious or abominable:

For nothing grievous thought may be,
Which commeth by necesitie.

Nothing (I say) that hapneth to man, either by primitive cause immediatly, or by consequence; aswell in this regard, that often times most kinds of death preserve men from more grievous ad­uersities, and excuse them for greater miseries; as also for that it is expedient for some, never to have bene borne, and for others, to die in their very birth; for some, a little after they be en­tred into this life, and for others againe, when they are in their flower, and growen to the verie 20 hight and vigor of their age: all which sorts of death, in what maner soever they come, men are to take in good part, knowing that whatsoever proceedeth from fatall destinie, can not possiblie be avoided; and besides, reason would, that being well taught and instructed, they should consi­der and premeditate with themselves, how those whom we thinke to have bene deprived of their life before their full maturitie, go before us but a little while; for even the longest life that is, can be esteemed but short, and no more than the very minute and point of time, in comparison of infinit eternitie: also, that many of them who mourned and lamented most, within a while have gone after those whom they bewailed, and gained nothing by their long sorow; onely they have in vaine afflicted and tormented themselves: whereas, seeing the time of our pilgrimage here in this life is so exceeding short, we should not consume our selves with heavinesse and sadnesse, 30 nor in most unhappie sorrow and miserable paines, even to the punishing of our poore bodies with injurious misusage; but endevour and strive to take a better and more humane course of life, in conversing civilly with those persons who are not ready to be pensive with us, and fit to stirre up our sorrow and griefe after a flattering sort; but rather with such as are willing & meet to take away or diminish our heavinesse, with some generous and grave kinde of consolation: and we ought to have ever in minde these verses in Homer, which Hector by way of comfort de­livered unto his wife Andromache, in this wise:

Unhappy wight, do not my heart vexe and sollicit still,
For no man shorten shall my daies, before the heavenly will:
And this (I say) Andromache, that fatall destinie, 40
No person good or bad, once borne, avoid can possibly.

And of this fatall destinie the same Poet speaketh thus in another place:

No sooner out of mothers wombe, are bades brought forth to light,
But destinie hath spun the thread for every mortall wight.

These and such like reasons, if we would conceive and imprint before-hand in our mindes, we should be free from this foolish heavinesse, and delivered from all melancholy; and namely, considering how short is the terme of our life betweene birth and death, which we ought there­fore to spare and make much of, that we may passe the same in tranquillitie, and not interrupt it with carking cares and dolefull dumps, but laying aside the marks and habits of heavinesse, have a regard both to cheerish our owne bodies, and also to procure and promote the welfare and 50 good of those who live with us. Moreover, it will not be amisse to call to minde and remember those arguments and reasons, which by great likelihood wee have sometime used to our kinse­folke and friends, when they were afflicted with like calamities, when as by way of consolation we exhorted and perswaded them to beare the common accidents of this life with a common course of patience, and humane cases, humanely. Neither must we shew our selves so far short and faultie, as to have bene sufficiently furnished for to appease the sorrow of others, and not be able by the remembrance of such comforts, to do our selves good: we ought therefore present­ly [Page 529] to cure the anguish of our heart with the sovereigne remedies and medicinable drogues (as it were) of reason; and so much the sooner, by how much better we may admit dealy in any thing els than in discharging the heart of griefe and melancholie: for whereas the common proverbe and by-word in every mans mouth, pronounceth thus much:

Who loves delaies, and his time for to slacke,
Lives by the losse, and shall no sorrows lacke.

Much more dammage (I supose) he shall receive, who deferreth and putteth off from day to day to be discharged of the grievous and adverse passions of the minde. A man therefore is to turne his eies toward those worthy personages who have shewed themselves magnanimous and of great generositie in bearing the death of their children: as for example, Anaxagor as the Cla­zomenian, 10 Pericles and Demosthenes of Athens, Dion the Syracusian, and king Antigonus, besides many others, both in these daies and also in times past: of whom, Anaxagor as (as we reade in historie) having heard of his sonnes death by one who brought him newes thereof, even at what time as he was disputing in naturall philosophie, and discoursing among his scholers and disciples, paused a while, and staied the course of his speech, and said no more but thus unto those who were about him: Well I wist that I begat my sonne to be a mortall man. And Peri­cles who for his passing eloquence and excellent wisedome, was surnamed Olympius, that is to say, divine and heavenly; when tidings came to him that his two sonnes Paralus and Xantippus had both changed this life, behaved himselfe in this manner as Protagoras reporteth of him in these words: When his two sonnes (quoth he) both yoong and beautifull, died within eight 20 daies, one after the other; he never shewed any sad countenance or heavie cheere, but tooke their death most patiently: for in truth he was a man at all times furnished with tranquillitie of spirit, whereby he daily received great frute and commoditie; not onely in respect of this happinesse, that he never tasted of hearts griefe; but also in that he was better reputed among the people; for every man seeing him thus stoutly to take this losse and other the like crosses, esteemed him valiant, magnanimous, and of better courage than himselfe; the one being pri­vie to his owne heart, how he was woont to be troubled and afflicted in such accidents: As for Pericles I say, immediately after the report of both his sons departure out of this world, he ware a chaplet of floures neverthelesse upon his head, after the maner of his country, put on a white robe, made a solemne oration to the people, propounded good and sage counsels to the Athe­nians, 30 & incited them to war. Semblaby Xenophon one of the followers & familiars of Socrates; when he offred sacrifice one day unto the gods, being advertised by certaine messengers retur­ned from the battel, that his sonne Gryllus was slaine in fight; presently put off the garland which was upon his head, and demaunded of them the manner of his death; and when they related un­to him that he bare himselfe valiantly in the field, and fighting manfully lost his life, after he had the killing of many enemies; he tooke no longer pause for to represse the passion of his mind by the discourse of reason, but after a little while, set the coronet of flowers againe upon his head, and performed the solemnitie of sacrifice; saying unto those who had brought those tidings; I never praied unto the gods that my sonne should be either immortall, or long lived, for who knoweth whether this might be expedient or no? but this rather was my praier, that 40 they would vouchsafe him the grace to be a good man, and to love and serve his countrey well, the which is now come to passe accordingly. Dion likewise the Syracusian, when he was set one day in consultation, and devising with his friends, hearing a great noise within his house, and a loud outcry, demaunded what it was? and when he heard the mischaunce that hapned; to wit, that a sonne of his was fallen from the top of the house, and dead with the fall; without anie shew or signe at all of astonishment or trouble of mind, he commanded that the breathlesse corps should be delivered unto women, for to be interred according to the maner of the coun­trey; and as for himselfe, he held on and continued the speech that hee had begun unto his friends. Demosthenes also the oratour is reported to have folowed his steps; after he had buried his onely and entirely beloved daughter, concerning whom, Aeschines thinking in reprochfull 50 wise to chalenger her father, said thus: This man within a seven-night after his daughter was de­pauted, before that he had mourned or performed the due obsequies according to the accusto­med manner; being crowned with a chaplet of flowers, and putting on white robes, sacrificed an oxe unto the gods, and thus unnaturally he made no reckoning of her that was dead, his one­ly daughter, and she that first called him father, wicked wretch that he is: this Rhetorician thus intending to accuse and reproch Demosthenes, used this manner of speech, never thinking that in blaming him after this manner he praised him, namely, in that hee rejected and cast behind [Page 530] him all mourning, and shewed that he regarded the love unto his native countrey, more than the naturall affection and compassion to those of his owne bloud. As for king Antigonus, when he heard of the death of his sonne Alcyoneus, who was slaine in a battell, he beheld the messen­gers of these wofull tidings, with a constant and undaunted countenaunce; but after he had mu­fed a while with silence, and held downe his head, he uttered these words: O Alcyoneus, thou hast lost thy life later than I looked for, ventring thy selfe so resolutely as thou hast done among thine enemies, without any care of thine owne safetie, or respect of my admonitions. These no­ble personages, there is no man but doth admire and highly regard for their constance & mag­nanimitie; but when it commeth to the point and triall indeed, they cannot imitate them through the weakenesse and imbecillitie of mind, which proceedeth of ignorance, and want of 10 good instructions: howbeit, there be many examples of those who have right nobly and vertu­ously caried themselves in the death and losse of their friends and neere kinsmen which we may reade in histories, as well Greeke as Latin; but those that I have rehearsed already may suffice (I suppose) to moove you for to lay away this most irksome mourning, and vaine sorrow that you take, which booteth not, nor can serve to any good: for that yoong men of excellent ver­tue, who die in their youth, are in the grace and favour of the gods, for being taken away in their best time, I have already shewed heeretofore, and now also will I addresse my selfe in this place as briefly, as possibly I can to discourse, giving testimonie of the truth to this notable wise sen­tence of Menander:

To whom the gods vouchsafe their love and grace, 20
He lives not long but soone hath runne his race.

But peradventure (my most loving and right deere friend) you may reply in this maner upon me: Namely, that yoong Apollonius your sonne, enjoied the world at will, and had all things to his hearts desire; yea, and more befitting it was, that you should have departed out of this life, and beene enterred by him, who was now in the flower of his age, which had beene more answerable to our nature, and according to the course of humanitie. True it is I confesse, but haply not agreeable to that heavenly providence and government of this universall world: and verily in regard of him who is now in a blessed estate, it was not naturall for him to remaine in this life longer than the terme prefixed and limited unto him; but after he had honestly perfor­med the course of his time, it was [...] and requisit for him to take the way for to returne un­to 30 his destinie that called for him to come unto her: but you will say, that he died an untimely death; true, and so much the happier he is, in that he hath felt no more miseries of this life: for as Euripides said very well:

That which by name of life we call,
Indeed is travell continuall.

Certes, this sonne of yours (I must needs say) is soone gone, and in the very best of his yeeres and flower of his age, a yoong man in all points entire and perfect, a fresh bacheler, affected, esteemed and well reputed of all those who kept him companie, loving to his father, kinde to his mother, affectionate to his kinsefolke and friends, studious of good literature, and (to say all in a word) a lover of all men; respecting with reverence (no lesse than fathers) those friends, who 40 were elder than himselfe, making much of his equals and familiars, honoring those who were his teachers; to strangers aswell as to citizensmost civill and courteous; gracious and pleasant to all; generally beloved, aswell for his sweet attractive countenance, as his lovely affabilitie. All this (I confesse) is most true; but you ought to consider and take this withall: That he is transla­ted before us in very good time out of this mortall and transitorie life into everlasting eternity, carying with him the generall praise and blessed acclamation of all men for his pietie and obser­vance toward you, as also for your fatherly regard of him; and departed he is as from some ban­quet, before he is fallen into drunkennesse and follie, which hee could not have eschewed, but it would have ensued upon olde age: and if the saying of ancient Poets and Philosophers be true, as it seemeth verily to be, namely: That good men and those that devoutly serve God, whenso­ever 50 they die, have honour and preferment in the other world, and a place allotted them apart, where their soules abide and converse; surely you are greatly to hope very well, that your sonne is canonized and placed in the number of those blessed saints; concerning the state of which happie wights deceased, Pindarus the Lyricke Poet, writeth in his canticles after this maner:

When we have here the shadie night,
The shining sunne to them gives light:
The medowes by their citie side
[Page 531] With roses red are beautified,
Shaded with trees which please the sense,
With golden fruits and sweet incense:
Some, horses ride for exercise,
Disporting in most comely wise;
Others delight in harmonie,
In musicke and in symphonie.
They live where plentie everie houre
Of all delights doth freshly floure;
Where altars of the gods do fume 10
In every coast, with sweet perfume,
Of odors all most redolent,
Burning in fire farre resplendent,
Which is maintein'd continually:
Thus they converse right pleasantly.

And a little after he proceedeth to another lamentable dittie, wherein speaking of the soule, he useth these words:

Happie is their condition,
Whom death from all vexation
[...] hath: all bodies die 20
Perforce, there is no remedie:
The soule, of perpetuitie
The image, from divinitie
Onely deriv'd, doth live alway,
And is not knowen for to decay:
Whiles limmes to wake and worke are prest,
She takes her sleepe and quiet rest,
And doth by many dreames present
To those who sleepe,
the due judgement,
her owne judgement,
Aswell of things which her displease, 30
As of such as do her well please.

Or thus:

Aswell for vertuous deeds well done,
As for soule facts which be misdone.

And as for that divine Philosopher Plato, he hath disputed much, and alledged many reasons in his Called [...] . treatise of the soule, as touching the immortalitie thereof, like as in his books of policie, in the dialogue intituled Menon, in that also which beareth the name of Gorgias, and in divers pla­ces of many others: But as concerning those discourses which he hath expresly made in his di­alogue, I will give you an extract thereof apart by it selfe, according to your request; and for 40 this present I will deliver those points which are to the purpose, and expedient to the matter in hand, to wit, what Socrates said to Callicles the Athenian, a familiar friend and scholar of Gorgias the Rhetorician. Thus therefore saith Socrates in Plato: Give eare then, and listen unto a most elegant speech, which you (I suppose) will thinke to be a meere fable or tale, but I esteeme an undoubted trueth, and as a true report I will relate it unto you: So it was, that (according to the narration of Homer) Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto, parted betweene themselves, the empire which fell unto them from their father: now this law there was concerning men, during the reigne of Saturne (which also stood in force time out of minde, and remaineth even at this day among the gods) That looke what man soever lead a just & holy life, after his death he should take his way directly to certain fortunate islands, there to remain in blisse & happinesse, freed frō all misery 50 and infelicite; but contrariwise, he that lived unjustly, without feare and reverence of the gods, should goe to a certeine prison of justice and punishment, named Tartarus, that is to say, Hell: now the judges who sat judicially, and gave their doome of such persons, aswell in Saturnes daies, as in the beginning also of the reigne of Jupiter, were those men alive, who gave sentence and judgement of other men living, even upon that very day wherein they were to depart this life: by reason wherof there passed many judgements, not good, until such time as Pluto & other procurators or superintendents of those fortunate Isles came and made report unto Jupiter, that [Page 532] there were thither sent such persons as were not woorthy. unto whom Jupiter made this answer: I will take order from hencefoorth, and provide that it shall be so no more: for the cause of this disorder and abuse in judgement is this; that they who are to be tried, come clad and arraied unto the barre, for to receive their doome, whiles they are yet living; yea, & many of them haply having filthie soules, are apparelled (as it were) with faire and beautifull bodies, with nobilitie of birth and parentage, yea, and adorned with riches; and whiles they stand before the tribunall to be judged, many there be who come to depose and give testimonie in their behalfe, that they lived well: the judges therefore (being dazzeled and amazed with these witnesses and depositi­ons, being themselves also likewise arraied) do give sentence, having before, their minds, their cies, eares, teeth, and whole bodie covered; no marvell therefore if these be impediments to 10 impeach sound and sincere judgement, to wit, as well their owne vesture, as the raiment of the judges. First and formost therefore, good heed would be had, that men may know no more be­fore hand the houre of their death; for now they foresee the terme and end of life: whereup­on let Prometheus have first in charge, that from henceforth men may have no fore-knowledge of their dying day; and then all judgements heere after shall passe indifferently of them that be all naked. For which purpose it were requisit that they be all first dead, as well the parties in que­stion, as the judges themselves; so that they come to heare causes and sit in judgement with their soules onely, upon the soules likewise of those who are departed; even so soone as they are se­perated from the bodies, being destitute now and forlorne of all kinsfolke and friends to assist them, as having left behind them upon earth, all the vesture and ornaments which they were 20 woont to have; by which meanes, the judgement of them may passe more just and right: which I knowing well enough, before you were acquainted therewith, have ordained mine owne sonnes to be judges; namely for Asia two, Minos and Rhadamanthus; and one for Europe, to wit, Aeacus: These therefore after they be dead, shall sit in judgement within a meddow, at a quarrefour or crosse-way, whereof the one leadeth to the fortunate isles, the other to hell: Rha­damanthus shall determine of them in Asia; Aeacus of those in Europe; and as for Minos I wil grant unto him a preeminence in judgement above the rest; in case there happen some matter unknowen to one of the other two, and escape their censure, he may upon weighing and exami­ning their opinions, give his definitive sentence, and so it shall be determined by a most sincere and just doome, whether way each one shall goe. This is that O Callicles which I have heard, and 30 beleeve to be most true; whereout I gather this conclusion in the end; that death is no other thing than the separation of the soule from the body. Thus you see (ô Apollonius my most deere friend) what I have collected with great care and diligence, to compose for you sake a consola­torie oration or discourse, which I take to be most necessarie for you, as well to asswage and rid away your present griefe, to appease likewise, and cause to cease this heavinesse and mourning that you make, which of all things is most unpleasant and troublesome; as also to comprise within it that praise and honour which (me thought) I owed as due unto the memoriall of your sonne Apollonius, of all others exceedingly beloved of the gods: which honour in my conceit is a thing most convenient and acceptable unto those, who by happie memorie, and everlasting glorie are consecrated to immortalitie. You shall doe your part therefore, and verie wisely, if 40 you obey those reasons which are therein conteined; you shall gratifie your sonne likewise, and doe him a great pleasure, in case you take up in time and returne from this vaine affliction (wherewith you punish and undoe both bodie and mind) unto your accustomed, ordinarie and naturall course of life: for like as whiles he lived with us he was nothing well appaied, and tooke no contentment to see either father or mother sadde and desolate; even so now, when he con­verseth and so laceth himselfe in all joy with the gods, doubtlesse he cannot like well of this state wherein you are. Therefore plucke up your heart, and take courage like a man of woorth, of magnanimitie, and one that loveth his children well: release your selfe first, and then the mother of the yoong gentleman together with his kinsfolke and friends from this kind of miserie, and take to a more quiet & peaceable maner of life, 50 which will be both to your sonne departed, and to all of us (who have regard of your person, as it becom­meth us) more agreeable.

A CONSOLOTARIE LETTER, OR DISCOURSE SENT UNTO HIS OWNE WIFE, 10 AS TOUCHING THE DEATH OF HER AND HIS DAUGHTER.

The Summarie.

PLutarch being from home, and farre absent, received newes concerning the death of a little daughter of his, a girle about two yeeres old, named Timoxene, a childe of a gentle nature, and of great hope: but fearing that his wife would apprehend such a lesse, too neere unto her heart; he comforteth her in this letter, and by giving testimo­nie 20 unto her of vertue and constancie [...] at the death of other children, of hers more forward in age than she was; he exhorteth her likewise to patience and moderation in this newe. occurrence and triall of hers; condemning by sundry reasons the excessive sorrow, and unwoorthy fa­shion of many fond mothers, [...] withall, the inconveniences, that such excessive heavinesse draw­eth after it. Then continuing his consolation of her, he declareth with what eie we ought to regard in­fants and children aswell before, as during and after life; how happie they be, who can content them­selves and rest in the will and pleasure of God, that the blessings past, ought to dulce and mitigate the calamities present, to stay us also that we proceed not to that degree and height of infortunitie, as to make account onely of the misadventures and discommodities hapning in this our life. Which done, he answereth to certeine objections which his wife might propose and set on foot; and therewith delive­reth 30 his owne advice as touching the incorruption and immortalitie of mans soule (after he had made a medly of divers opinions which the ancient Philosophers held as touching that point); and in the end concludeth: That it is better and more expedient to die betimes, than late: which position of his, he confirmeth by an ordinance precisely observed in his owne countrey, which expresly for bad to mourne and lament for those who departed this life in their childhood.

A CONSOLATORIE LETTER or Discourse, sent unto his owne wife, as tou­ching the death of her and his daughter. 40
PLUTARCH unto his wife: Greeting.

THe messenger whom you sent of purpose, to bring me word as tou­ching the death of our little daughter, went out of his way (as I sup­pose) and so missed of me, as he journeyed toward Athens; howbe­it, when I was arrived at Tanagra, I heard that she had changed this life. Now, as concerning the funerals and enterring of her, I am ve­rily perswaded, that you have already taken sufficient order, so as that the thing is not to doe; and I pray God, that you have perfor­med 50 that duetie in such sort, that neither for the present, not the time to come, it worke you any grievance & displeasure: but if hap­ly you have put off any such complements (which you were willing enough of your selfe to accomplish) untill you knew my minde and pleasure, thinking that in so doing, you should with better will and more patiently beare this adverse accident; then I pray you, let the same be performed without all curiositie and superstition; and yet I must needs say, you are as little given that way as any woman that I know: this onely I would admonish you, [Page 534] deare heart, that in this case, you shew (both in regard of your selfe and also of me) a constan­cie and tranquillitie of minde: for mine owne part, I conceive and measure in mine owne heart, this losse, according to the nature and greatnesse thereof, and so I esteeme of it accordingly; but if I should finde, that you tooke it impatiently, this would be much more grievous unto me, and wound my heart more, than the [...] it selfe that causeth it; and yet am not I begotten and borne either of an oake or a rocke; whereof you can beare me good witnesse, knowing that wee both together have reard many of our children at home in house, even with our owne hands; and how I loved this girle most tenderly, both for that you were very desirous (after foure sonnes, one after another in a row) to beare a daughter, as also for that in regard of that fancie, I tooke occasion to give her your name: now, besides that naturall fatherly affection, which men 10 cōmonly have toward little babes, there was one particular propertie that gave an edge thereto, and caused me to love her above the rest; and that was a speciall grace that she had, to make joy and pleasure, and the same without any mixture at all of curstnesse or forwardnesse, and no­thing given to whining and complaint; for she was of a woonderfull kinde and gentle nature, loving she was againe to those that loved her, and marvellous desirous to gratifie and pleasure others; in which regards, she both delighted me, and also yeelded no small testimonie of rare debonairitie that nature had endued her withall; for shee would make pretie meanes to her nourse, and seeme (as it were) to intreat her to give the brest or pap, not onely to other infants, like her selfe, her play feeres, but also to little babies and puppets, and such like gauds as little ones take joy in, and wherewith they use to play; as if upon a singular courtesie and humanitie 20 shee could sinde in her heart to communicate and distribute from her owne table, even the best things that shee had, among them that did her any pleasure. But I see no reason (sweet wife) why these lovely qualities and such like, wherein we tooke contentment and joy in her life time, should disquiet and troubles us now, after her death, when we either thinke or make relation of them: and I feare againe, lest by our dolour and griefe, we abandon and put cleane away all the remembrance thereof, like as Clymene desired to do, when she said:

I hate the bow so light of Cornel tree:
All exercise abroad, farewell for me.

as avoiding alwaies and trembling at the remembrance and commemoration of her sonne, which did no other good but renew her griefe and dolour; for naturally we seeke to flee all that 30 troubleth and offendeth us. We ought therefore so to demeane our selves, that as whiles she lived, we had nothing in the world more sweet to embrace, more pleasant to see, or delectable to heare than our daughter; so the cogitation of her, may still abide and live with us all our life time, having by many degrees our joy multiplied more than our heavinesse augmented: if it be meet and fit that the reasons and arguments which wee have often times delivered to others, should profit us when time and occasion requireth, and not lie still and idle for any good wee have by them, nor challenge and accuse us, for that in stead of joies past, we bring upon our selves many moregriefs by farre. They that have come unto us, report thus much of you, and that with great admiration of your vertue, that you never put on mourning weed, nor so much as changed your robe, & that by no meanes you could be brought to disfigure your selfe or any 40 of your waiting maidens and women about you, nor offer any outrage or injurie to them in this behalfe; neither did you set out her funerals with any sumptuous panegyricall pompe, as if it had bene some solemne feast, but performed every thing soberly and civilly, after a still maner, accompained onely with our kinsefolke and friends. But my selfe verily made no great woon­der (that you who never tooke pride and pleasure to be seene, either in theater or in publike pro­cession, but rather alwaies esteemed all such magnificence so vaine, and sumptuositie superflu­ous, even in those things that tended to delight) have observed the most safe way of plainnesse and simplicitie, in these occasions of sorrow and sadnesse. For a vertuous and chaste matrone ought not onely to keepe herselfe pure and inviolate in Bacchanall feasts; but also to thinke thus with herselfe, that the turbulent stormes of sorrow, and passionate motions of anguish had 50 no lesse need of continencie to resist and withstand, not the naturall love and affection of mo­thers to their children, as many thinke but the intemperance of the mind. For we allow and graunt unto this naturall kindnesse, a certaine affection to bewaile, to reverence, to wish for, to long after, and to beare in minde those that are departed; but the excessive and insatiable desire of lamentations, which forceth men and women to loud out-cries, to knocke, beat, and mangle their owne bodies, is no lesse unseemely and shamefull, than incontinence in pleasures: howbe­it, it seemeth by good right to deserve excuse and pardon, for that in this undecencie, there is [Page 535] griefe and bitternesse of sorrow adjoined, where as in the other, pleasure and delight: for what is more absurd and sencelesse, than to seeme for to take away excesse of laughter and mirch; but contrariwise to give head unto streames of teares which proceed from one fountain, and to suffer folke to give themselves over to weeping and lementation as much as they will; as also that which some use to doe, namely, to chide and rebuke their wives for some sweet per­fumes, odoriferous pomanders, or purple garments, which they are desirous to have; and in the meane while permit them, to tear their haire in time of mourning, to shave their heads, to put on blacke, to sit unseemely upon the bare ground, or in ashes, and in most painfull maner to crie out upon God and man; yea and that which of all others is woorst, when their wives chastise excessively, or punish unjustly their servants, to come betweene and staie their hands; 10 but when they rigorously and cruelly torment themselves, to let them alone and neglect them in those crosse accidents, which contrariwise had need of facilitie and humanitie? But betweene us twaine, sweet heart, there was never any need of such fraie or combat, and I suppose there will never be. For to speake of that frugalitie which is seene in plaine and simple apparell, or of so­brietie in ordinary diet, and tending of the bodie; never was there any philosopher yet con­versing with us in our house, whom you put not downe and strucke into an extraordinarie amaze, nor so much as a citizen whom you caused not to admire (as a strange and woonderfull sight, whether it were in publicke sacrifices, or in frequent theaters, and solemne processions) your rare simplicitie: semblably, heeretofore you shewed great constancie upon the like con­flict and accident at the death of your eldest sonne; and againe when that gentle and beautifull 20 Charon departed from us untimely, in the prime of his yeeres; and I remember very well that certaine strangers who journeied with me along from the sea side, (at what time as word was brought of my sonnes death) came home with others to my house, who seeing all things there setled, nothing out of order, but all silent and quiet (as they themselves afterward made report) began to thinke that the said newes was false, and no such calamitie had hapned; so wisely had you composed ali matters within house, when as iwis, there was good occasion given that might have excused some disorder and confusion; and yet this sonne you were nurse unto your selfe, and gave it suck at your owne pappe; yea, and endured the painfull incision of your brest, by reason of a cancerous hard tumour that came by a contusian. Oh, the generositie of a ver­tuous dame, and behold the kindnesse of a mother toward her children! whereas you shall see 30 many other mothers to receive their yoong babes at the hands of their nurses, to dandle & play withall forsooth, in mirth & pastime; but afterwards the same women (if their infants chance to die) give themselves over to al vain mourning, & bootlesse sorow, which proceedeth not doubt­lesse from good will indeed; (for surely heartie affectin is reasonable, honest and considerate) but rather from a foolish opinion mingled with a little naturall kindnesse; and this is it that en­gendreth savage, furious, & implacable sorowes. And verily Aesope (as it should seeme) was not ignorant heereof, for he reporteth this narration: That when Jupiter made a dole or distributi­on of honours among the gods and goddesses; Sorrow came afterwards and made sute likewise to be honored, and so he bestowed upon her, teares, plaints, and lamentations; [...] for them onely who are willing thereto, and ready to give her intertainment. And I assure you, this they 40 commonly doe at the very beginning; for everie one of his owne accord bringeth in and ad­mitteth sorrow unto him, who (after she is once entertained, and in processe of time well setled, so that she is become domesticall and familiar) will not be driven out of dores nor be gone, if a man would never so faine; and therefore resistance must be made against her, even at the verie gate, neither ought we to abandon our hold, and quit the fort, renting our garments, tearing or shearing our haires, or doing other such things, as ordinarily happen every day; causing a man to be confused, shamefull, and discouraged, making his heart base, abject and shut up, that he cannot enlarge it, but remaine poore and timorous; bringing him to this passe, that he dare not be merrie, supposing it altogether unlawfull to laugh, to come abroad and see the sunne light, to converse with men or to eate or drinke in companie; into such a captivitie is he brought 50 through sorrow and melancholie: upon this inconvenience after it hath once gotten head, there followeth the neglect of the bodie, no care of annointing or bathing, and generally a retchlessenesse and contempt of all things belonging to this life; whereas contrariwise and by good reason, when the mind is sicke or amisse, it should be helped and sustained by the strength of an able and cheerefull body: for a great part of the soules griefe is allaied, and the edge there­of as it were dulled, when the bodie is fresh and disposed to alacritie, like as the waves of the sea be laid even, during a calme and faire weather: but contrariwise, if by reason that the bodie be [Page 536] evill entreated, and not regarded with good diet and choise keeping, it become dried, rough, and hard, in such sort, as from it there breathe no sweet and comfortable exhalations unto the soule, but all smoakie and bitter vapors of dolour, griefe, and sadnesse annoy her; then is it no easie matter for men (be they never so willing and desirous) to recover themselves, but that their soules being thus seized upon by so grievous passions, will be afflicted and tormented stil. But that which is most dangerous and dreadfull in this case, I never feared in your behalfe, (to [...] ) That foolish women should come & visit you, and then fall a weeping, lamenting, and cry­ing with you; a thing (I may say to you) that is enough to whet sorrow, and awaken it if it were asleepe, not suffring it either by it selfe, or by meanes of helpe and succour from another, to passe, fade, & vanish away; for I know verie well what adoe you had, & into what a conflict you 10 entred about the sister of Theon, when you would have assisted her & resisted other women who came into her with great cries & loud lamentations, as if they brought fire with them, in al haste to maintaine & encrease that which was kindled already. True it is indeed, that when a friends or neighbors house is seene on fire, every man runneth as fast as he can to helpe for to quench the same; but when they see their soules burning in griefe and sorrow, they contrariwise bring more fewel & matter stil to augment or keepe the said fire: also if a man be diseased in his eies, he is not permitted to handle or touch them with his hands, especially if they be bloud-shotten, and pos­sessed with any inflammation; whereas he who sits mourning and sorrowing at home in his house, offereth and presenteth himselfe to the first commer, and to every one that is willing to irritate, [...] , and provoke his passion, (as it were a floud or streame that is let out and set a run­ning) 20 insomuch as where before the grievance did but itch or smart a little, it now beginnes to shoot, to ake, to be fell and angrie, so that it becommeth a great and dangerous maladie in the end: but I am verily perswaded (I say) that you know how to preserve your selfe from these ex­tremities. Now over and besides, endevour to reduce and call againe to mind the time when as we had not this daughter, namely, when she was as yet unborne; how we had no cause then to complaine of fortune; then, see you joine (as it were with one tenon) this present, with that which is past, setting the case as if we were returned againe to the same state wherein we were before: for it will appeere (my good wife) that we are discontented that ever she was borne, in case we make shew that we were in better condition before her birth, than afterwards; not that I wish we should abolish out of our remembrance the two yeeres space between her nativitie and decease; 30 but rather count and reckon it among other our pleasures and blessings, as during which time, we had the fruition of joy, mirth, and pastime, and not to esteeme that good which was but little and endured a small while, our great infortunitie; nor yet seeme unthankfull to fortune, for the favour which she hath done unto us, because she added not thereto that length of life which we hoped and expected. Certes to rest contented alwaies with the gods; to thinke and speake of them reverently as it becommeth; not to complaine of fortune, but to take in good woorth whatsoever it pleaseth her to send, bringeth evermore a faire and pleasant frute: but he who in these cases, putteth out of his remembrance the good things that he hath, transporting and tur­ning his thoughts and cogitations from obscure and troublesome occurrents, unto those which be cleere and resplendent; if he doe not by this meanes utterly extinguish his sorrow, yet at 40 leastwise by mingling and tempring it with the contrary, he shall be able to diminish or else make it more feeble: for like as a sweet odor and fragrant ointment delighteth and refresheth al­waies the sense of smelling, amd besides is a remedie against stinding savours; even so the cogi­tagion of these benefits which men have otherwise received, serveth as a most necessarie and present succour in time of adversitie unto as many as refuse not to remember and call to minde their joies passed, and who never at all for any accident whatsoever complaine of fortune; which we ought not to doe in reason and honestie, unlesse we would seeme to accuse and blame this life which we enjoy, for some crosse or accident; as if we cast away a booke if it have but one blur or blot in it, being otherwise written throughout most cleane and faire; for you have heard it of­tentimes said; that the beatitude of those who are departed, dependeth upon the right and sound 50 discourses of our understanding, and the same tending to one constant disposition; as also; that the chaunges and alterations of fortune beare no great sway, to inferre much declination or ca­sualitie in our life: but if we also as the common sort, must be ruled and governed by externall things without us, if we reckon and count the chaunces and casualties of fortune, and admit for judges of or felicitie our miserie, the base and vulgar sort of people; yet take you no heed to those teares, plaints, and moanes that men or women make who come to visit you at this pre­sent, who also (upon a foolish custome & as it were of course) have them ready at command for [Page 537] every one; but rather consider this with your selfe; how happie you are reputed, even by those who come unto you, who would gladly and with all their hearts be like unto you, in regard of those children whom you have, the house and family which you keepe, & the life that you leade; for it were an evill thing to see others desire to be in your estate and condition for all the sorrow which now afflicteth us, and your selfe in the meane time complaining and taking in ill part the same, and not to be so happy and blessed, as to find and feele (even by this crosse that now pin­cheth you, for the losse of one infaut) what joy you should take, and how thankefull you ought to be for those who remaine alive with you: for heerein you should resemble very well, those Criticks, who collect and gather together all the lame and defective verses of Homer, which are but few in number; and in the meane time, passe over an infinite sort of others, which were by 10 him most excellently made. In this maner (I say) you did, if you would search narrowly, and examine every particular mishap in this life, and finde fault therewith; but all good blessings in grose, let go by, and never once respect the same; which to do, were much like unto the practise of those covetous misers, worldings and peni-fathers, who [...] and care, punish both bodie and minde, untill they have gathered a great deale of good together, and then enjoy no benefit or use thereof; but if they chance to forgo any of it, they keepe a piteous wailing and wofull la­mentation.

Now if haply you have compassion and pitie of the poore girle, in that she went out of this world a maiden unmarried, and before that she bare any children; you ought rather on the con­trarie side, to rejoice and take delight in your selfe above others, for that you have not failed of 20 these blessings, nor bene disappointed either of the one or the other: for who would holde and mainteine; that these things should be great to those who be deprived of them; and but small to them, who have and enjoy the same? As for the childe, who doubtlesse is gone into a place where she feeleth no paine, surely she requireth not at our hands that we should afflict & grieve our selves for her sake: for what harme is there befallen unto us by her, if she her selfe now feele no hurt? And as for the losses of great things indeed, surely they yeeld no sense at all of dolor, when they are come once to this point, that there is no more need of them, or care made for thē. But verily, thy daughter Timoxena is bereft, not of great matters, but of small things; for in trueth, she had no knowledge at all, but of such, neither delighted she in any, but in such: seeing then, that she had no perceivance nor thought of those things, how can she properly and truely 30 be said to be deprived thereof?

Moreover, as touching that which you heard of others, who are woont to perswade many of the vulgar sort, saying: That the soule once separate from the bodie, is dissolved, and feeleth no paine or dolor at all: I am assured, that you yeeld no credit and beliefe to such positions; aswell in regard of those reasons and instructions which you have received by tradition from our an­cestors, as also of those sacred and symbolical mysteries of Bacchus, which we know wel enough, who are of that religious confraternitie, and professed therein. Being grounded therefore in this principle, and holding it firmely for an undoubted trueth: That our soule is incorruptible and immortall; you are to thinke, that it fareth with it, as it doth with little birds that are caught by the fowler alive, and came into mens hands: for if it have bene kept and nourished daintily a 40 long time within the bodie, so that it be inured to be gentle and familiar unto this life, to wit, by the management of sundry affaires and long custome, it returneth thither againe, and reentreth a second time (after many generations) into the bodie; it never taketh rest nor ceaseth, but is in­wrapped within the affections of the flesh, and entangled with the adventures of the world, and calamities incident to our nature: for I would not have you to thinke that olde age is to be bla­med and reproched for riuels and wrinckles, nor in regard of hoarie white haires, ne yet for the imbecillitie and feeblenesse of the body; but the worst and most odious thing in it, is this: That it causeth the soule to take corruption by the remembrance of those things whereof it had ex­perience whiles it staied therein, and was too much addicted and affectionate unto it, whereby it bendeth and boweth, yea, and reteineth that forme or figure which it tooke of the bodie, by 50 being so long devoted thereto; whereas that which is taken away in youth, pretendeth a better estate and condition, as being framed to a gentler habit, more soft, tractable and lesse compact, putting on now a naturall rectitude, much like as fire, which being quenched, if it be kindled a­gaine, burneth out, and recovereth vigor incontinently: which is the cause that it is farre better

Betimes to yeeld up vitall breath,
And soone to passe the gates of death,

before that the soule have taken too deepe an imbibition or liking of terrene things here below, [Page 538] and ere it be made soft and tender with the love of the bodie, and (as it were) by certeine medi­cines and forcible charmes united and incorporate into it. The trueth hereof may appeate yet better, by the fashions and ancient customes of this countrey; for our citizens (when their chil­dren die yong) neither offer mortuaries, nor performe any sacrifices & ceremonies for them, as others are wont to do for the dead: the reason is, because they have no part of earth nor earthly ly affections; neither doe they keepe about their tombs and sepulchres, nor lay forth the dead corps abroad to be seene of men, nor sit neere unto their bodies: for our lawes and statutes doe not permit and suffer any mourning at all for those that so depart in their minoritie, as being a custome not holy and religious; for that wee are to thinke they passe into a better place and happier condition. Which ordinances and customes, since it is more dangerous not to give 10 credit unto, than beleeve, let us carie and demeane our selves according as they command, for outward order; as for within, all ought to be more pure, wise and uncorrupt.

HOW IT COMMETH, 20 THAT THE DIVINE IUSTICE DEFERRETH OTHER-WHILES THE PUNISHMENT OF WICKED PERSONS,

The Summarie.

FOr asmuch as the order of all considerate justice importeth and requireth, that goodmen 30 should be mainteined and cherished, but contrariwise, wicked persons repressed and pu­nished for their leud acts: the Epicureans (drunken & into xicate with false supposals, seeing in the conduct of this worlds affaires, some that be honest and vertuous, distres­sed and oppressed by divers devices and practises; whereas others againe, who be naught and vicious, continue in repose, without any chastisement at all for their misdemeanors) would needs take from God the dispose and government of humane affaires, holding and mainteining this point: That all things roll and run at a venture, and that there is no other cause of the good and evill accidents of this life, but either fortune or els the will of man. Now among other arguments which they have to confirme themselves in this unhappie and impious opinion, the patience and long suffering 40 of the divine justice, is one of the principall; concluding thereby very fondly, that (considering malefa­ctors are thus supported and seene to escape all chastisement) there is no Deitie or Godhead at all, which regardeth men, either to reward them for vertue, or to punish and do vengeance for their iniquity and transgression. Plutarch therefore, having to deale in his time with such dangerous spirits, confu­teth them in this treatise, which of all others is most excellent, and deserveth to be read and [...] over againe in these wretched daies, wherein Epicurisme beareth up the head as high as at any time ever before. True it is (I confesse) that Theologie and Divinitie is able to furnish us with rea­sons and answeres more firme and effectuall (without comparison) than all the Philosophie of Pa­gans whatsoever: howbeit, for all that, there is here sufficient to be found (as touching this point) for to stoppe the mouthes of those who have any remnant of shame, honestie or conscience behinde in them. 50 This present treatise may very well be divided into two principall parts: in the former, Epicurus be­ing brought in to dispute against divine providence, and so departing without stay for answere, other Philosophers deliberate to be resolved of this point in his absence: and before that they resute his obje­ction, two of them doe amplifie and exaggerate the same at large: which done, our outhour taketh the question in hand, and by seven sorcible arguments or firme answeres, refelleth the blasphemie of the Epicureans, proving by sundry arguments, enriched with similitudes, sentences, examples and notable histories, that wicked persons never continue unpunished, but that the vengeance of God accompanieth [Page 539] quickly and continually their misdeeds. In the second part, they debate a certeine question depending of the precedent objection, to wit, Wherefore children be chastised for the sinnes of their fathers and an­cestors? and there was a certeiue Philosopher, named Timon, who handled this matter, taxing after an oblique maner, the justice of God, which Plutarch mainteineth and defendeth; shewing by divers rea­sons, that whatsoever Timon had alledged, was meere false; and that God did no injurie at all unto those children, in withdrawing his grace and favour from them and chastising them so, together with their parents, finding them likewise culpable for their part. But in this place, our authour answereth not sufficiently and to the purpose; as being ignorant of originall sinne, and the universall corruption of Adams children, which enwrappeth them all in the same condemnation, although some are farther gone in sinfull life, according as they be growen to more yeeres, and so augment their punishment; [...] 10 as we may well marvell at this, that a poore Pagan hath so farre proceeded in this point of Theo­logie; and Christians have so much greater occasion to looke unto themselves, in the mids of this light which directeth them, considering how this man could see so cleere in darkenesse, which appeareth suf­ficiently in the end of this discourse; where he intermedleeh certaine fables as touching the state of our soules after they be parted from the bodies.

HOW IT COMMETH, THAT the divine justice deferreth otherwhiles 20 the punishment of wicked persons.

AFter that Epicurus had made this speech (ô Cynius) and before that any one of us had answered him, by that time that we were come to the end of the gallerie or walking place, he went his way out of our sight, and so departed; and we woondering much at this strange fa­shion of the man, stood still a pretie while in silence, looking one upon another, and so we betooke our selves to our walking againe, as before: then Patrocleas began first to moove speech and confe­rence, saying in this maner: How now my masters! if you thinke so 30 good, let us discusse this question, and make answere in his absence, to those reasons which he hath alledged, aswell as if he were pre­sent in place: hereupon Timon tooke occasion to speake, and said: Certes it were not well done ofus, to let him escape so whithout revenge, who hath left his dart sticking in us; for captaine Brasidas (as it appeareth in the Chronicles) being wounded with the shot of a javelin, drew it out of his bodie his owne selfe, and therewith smote his enemie who had hurt him, so as he killed him outright: as for us, we need not so greatly to be revenged of those who have let flie among us, some rash, foolish and false speeches; for it will be sufficient, to shake the same off, and send them backe againe, before our opinion take holde thereof. And what was it, I pray you (quoth I) of all that which he delivered, that moved you most? for the man handled many things con­fusedly 40 together, and nothing at all in good order, but kept a prating and babling against the providence of God, facing and inveighing most bitterly and in reprochfull tearmes, as if he had bene in a fit of anger and rage. Then Patrocleas: That which he uttered as touching the long delay and slacknesse of divine justice in punishing the wicked, in my conceit was a great objecti­on and troubled me much, and to say a truth, their reasons and words which he delivered have imprinted in me a new opinion, so as now I am become a novice, and to begin againe to learne. True it is that long since I was discontented in my heart to heare Euripides speake in this wise;

He putteth off from day to day,
Gods nature is, thus to delay.

For it were not meet and decent, that God should be slow in any action whatsoever, and 50 least of all in punishing sinners; who are themselves nothing slothfull, nor make delaie in per­petrating wicked deeds, but are caried most speedily and with exceeding violence of their passi­ons, pricked forward to do wrong and mischiefe. And verily when punishment ensueth hard af­ter injury and violence committed; there is nothing as ( Thucydides saith) that so soone stoppeth up the passage against those who are most prone and ready to runne into all kinde of wicked­nesse; for there is no delay of paiment that so much enfeebleth the hope, and breaketh the heart of a man wronged and offended, nor causeth him to be so insolent and audacious, who is [Page 540] disposed to mischiefe, as the deferring of justice and punishment: whereas contrariwise the cor­rections, & chastisements, that follow immediately upon leud acts, and meet with the male­factours betimes, are a meanes both to represse all future outrage in offenders, and also to com­fort and pacifie the heart of those who are wronged. For mine owne part the saying of Bias trou­bleth me many times, as often as I thinke upon it, for thus he spake unto a notorious wicked man: I doubt not but thou shalt one day smart for this geere, and pay for thy leudnesse; but I feare I shall never live to see it. For what good unto the Messenians being slaine before, did the punishment of Aristocrates, who having betraied them in the battell of Cypres, was not detec­ted and discovered for his treason in twentie yeeres after, during which time, he was alwaies king of Arcadia, and being at the last convicted for the said treacherie, suffred punishment for 10 his deserts? meane while, those whom he had caused to be massacred, were not in the world to see it. Or what comfort and consolation received the Orchomenians, who lost their children, kinsfolke, and friends, through the treason of Lyciscus, by the maladie which long after seized upon him, eating & consuming al his bodie? who ever as he dipped and bathed his feet in the ri­ver water, kept a swearing and cursing, that he thus rotted and was eaten away, for the treachery which most wickedly he had committed? And at Athens the childrens children of those poore wretches who were killed within the privileged place of sanctuarie, could never see the venge­ance of the gods which afterwards fell upon those bloudie and sacrilegious caitifes, whose dead bodies and bones being excommunicate, were banished, and cast out beyond the confines of their native countrey. And therefore me thinkes Euripides is very absurd, when to divert men 20 from wickednesse he useth such words as these:

Justice (feare not) will not thee overtake,
To pierce thy heart, or deepe wound ever make
In liver thine; nor any mortall wight
Besides, though leud he be, and doe no right.
But slow she goes, and silent to impeach
And chastise such, if ever them she reach.

For I assure you, it is not like, that wicked & ungracious persons use any other perswasions, but even the very same to incite, move and encourage themselves to enterprise any leud and wicked acts, as making this account and reckoning, that injustice will quickly yeeld her frute ripe in due 30 time, and the same evermore certaine: whereas punishment commeth late and long after the pleasure and fruition of the said wickednesse. When Patrocleas had discoursed in this wise, Olym­piacus tooke the matter in hand and said unto him: Marke moreover (ô Patrocleas) what inconve­nience and absurditie followeth upon this slownesse of divine justice, and prolonging the pu­nishment of malefactors? for it causeth unbeliefe in men, and namely, that they are not per­swaded that it is by the providence of God that such be punished; & the calamitie that cōmeth upon wicked ones, not presently upon every sinful act that they have committed, but long time after, is reputed by them infelicitie, and they call it their fortune, and not their punishment; whereupon it commeth to passe, that they have no benefit thereby, nor be any whit better, for howsoever they grieve and be discontented at the accidents which befall unto them, yet they 40 never repent for the leud acts they have before commitred. And like as in punishment among us, a little pinch, stripe, or lash given unto one for a fault or error, presently upon the dooing thereof, doth correct the partie, and reduce him to his dutie; whereas the wrings, scourgings, knocks, and sounding thumps, which come a good while after; seeme to be given upon some occasion beside, and for another cause rather than to teach; and therefore well may they put him to paine and griefe, but instruction they yeeld none; even so naughtinesse rebuked and re­pressed, by some present chastisement, every time that it trespasseth and transgresseth, howso­ever it be painfull at first, yet in the end it bethinketh it selfe, learneth to be humbled, and to feare God as a severe justicier, who hath an eie upon the deeds and passions of men, for to pu­nish them incontinently, and without delay; whereas this justice and revenge which commeth 50 so slowly, and with a soft pace (as Euripides saith) upon the wicked and ungodly persons, by rea­son of the long intermission, the inconstant and wandring incertitude, and the confused disor­der resembleth chance and adventure more than the desseigne of any providence: insomuch as I cannot conceive or see what profit can be in these grindstones (as they call them) of the gods, which are so long a grinding; especially, seeing that the judgement and punishment of sinners is thereby obscured, and the feare of sinne made slight, and of no reckoning. upon the deli­verie of these words, I began to studie and muse with my selfe: then Timon: Would you (quoth [Page 541] he) that I should cleere this doubt once for all, and so make an end of this disputation? or per­mit him first to dispute and reason against these oppositions? And what need is there (answered I) to come in with a third wave for to overflow and drowne at once our speech and discourse, if he be not able to refute the former objections, nor to escape and avoid the chalenges alreadie made. First and formost therefore to begin at the head, and (as the manner is, to say) at the god­desse Vesta, (for the reverent regard and religious feare that the Academick philosophers pro­fesse to have unto God, as an heavenly father) we utterly disclaime, and refuse to speake of the Deitie, as if we knew for certaintie what it is: for it were a greater presumption in us who are but mortall men, to enterprise any set speech or discourse as touching gods or demi-gods, than for one who is altogether ignorant in song, to dispute of musick, or for them who never were in 10 campe, nor saw so much as a battell fought, to put themselves forward to discourse of armes and warfare; taking upon us, (unskilfull as we are, and void of art) a fantasticall knowledge, groun­ded onely upon some light opinion, and conjecture of our owne, as if we were right cunning workemen and artisanes: for it is not his part, who is not studied in the arte of Physick, to gesse at the reason and consideration that the physician or chirurgian had, why he made incision no sooner in his patient, but staied long ere he proceeded thereto? or wherfore he bathed him not yesterday, but to day? semblably, it is neither easie nor safe for a mortall man to speake other­wise of the gods, than of those who knew well enough the due time and opportunitie to minister a meet and convenient medicine, unto vice and sinne; and exhibit punishment to every tres­passe, as an appropriate drouge, or confection to cure and heale ech maladie; notwithstanding 20 that the same measure and quantitie be not common to all delinquents, nor one onely time and the same, is alwaies meet therefore. Now that the physicke or medicine of the soule, which is called Right and Justice, is one of the greatest sciences that are; Pindarus himselfe be­sides an infinit number of others, beareth witnesse; when he calleth the Lord and governour of the world, to wit, God, a most excellent and perfect artificer, as being the author and crea­tour of justice, unto whom it appertaineth to define and determine, when, in what manner, and how far foorth, it is meet and reasonable to chastice and punish each offender. Plato likewise saith: That Minos the sonne of Jupiter (was in this science) the disciple of his father; giving us heereby to understand, that it is not possible for one to carie himselfe well in the execution of justice, nor to judge a right of him that doth as he ought; unlesse he have before learned that 30 science, and be throughly skilfull therein. Furthermore, the positive lawes which men have established, seeme not alwaies to be grounded upon reason, or to sound and accord in all re­spects with absolute equitie and justice; but some of their ordinances be such, as in outward appearance may be thought ridiculous, and woorthy of mockerie; as for example. At Lacedae­mon the high controllers called Ephori, so soone as they be enstalled in their magistracie, cause proclamation to be published by sound of trumpet, that no man should weare mustaches, or nourish the haire on their upper lips; also that willingly every man should obey the lawes, to the end that they might not be hard or grievous unto them. The Romans also, when they affran­chise any slave, and make him free; cast upon their bodies a little small rodde or wande: like­wise when they draw their last wils or testaments, institute some for their heires, whom it plea­seth 40 them, but to others they leave their goods to sell; a thing that carieth no sense nor reason with it. But yet more absurd and unreasonable is that statute of Solons making, wherein it was provided: That what citizen soever, in a civill sedition, ranged not himselfe to a side, nor tooke part with one or other faction, should be noted with infamie, and disabled for being capable of any honorable dignitie. In one word, a man may alledge an infinit number of absurdities be­sides, contained in the civill lawes; who neither knoweth the reason of the lawgiver that wrot them, nor the cause why they were set downe. If then it be so difficult to conceive and under­stand the reasons which have mooved men thus to doe, is it any marvell that we are ignorant of the cause, why God chastiseth one man sooner and another later? howbeit, this that I have said, is not for any pretence of starting backe and running away, but rather for to crave leave and par­don, 50 to the end that our speech having an eie thereto, (as unto an haven and place of refuge;) might be the more hardie, with boldnesse to raunge foorth still in probabilities, to the matter in doubt and question: But I would have you to consider first, that (according to the saying of Plato) God having set himselfe before the eies of the whole world, as a perfect pattern and ex­ample of all goodnesse, doth unto as many as can follow and imitate his divinitie, infuse hu­mane vertue, which is in some sort conformable and like unto him; for the generall nature of this universall world, being at the first a confused and disordered Chaos, obtained this principle [Page 542] and element, for to change to the better, and by some conformitie and participation of the Idea of divine vertue, to become this beautifull frame of the world: And even the verie same man saith moreover: That nature hath raised our eie-sight on high, and lightned the same, that by the view and admiration of those celestiall bodies which moove in heaven, our soule might learne to embrace and be accustomed to love that which is beautifull and in good order, as also to be an enemie unto irregular and inordinate passions; yea, and to avoid doing of things rashly and at adventure, which in truth is the very source of all vice and sinne; for there is nothing in the world wherein a man may have a greater fruition of God, than by the example and imitation of his good and decent qualities, to become honest and vertuous: wherefore if we perceive him to proceed slowly, and in tract of time to lay his heavie hand upon the wicked, and to punish 10 them, it is not for any doubt or feare that he should doe amisse, or repent afterward if he chasti­ced them sooner, but by waining us from all beastly violence, & hastinesse in our punishments, to teach us not immediately to flie upon those who have offended us, at what time as our bloud is most up, and our choler set on a light fire,

When furious yre in hart so leapes and boiles,
That wit and reason beare no sway the whiles.

making haste as it were to satisfie some great hunger, or quench exceeding thirst, but (by imita­ting his clemencie, and his maner of prolonging and making delay) to endevor for to execute justice in all order, at good leisure, and with most carefull regard; taking to counsell Time, which seldome or never is accompanied with repentance: for as Socrates was wont to say: Lesse 20 harme and danger there is, if a man meet with troubled and muddie water, and intemperately take and drinke thereof, than whiles his reason is confounded, corrupt, and full of choler and furious rage, to be set altogether upon revenge, and runne hastily vpon the punishment of an­other bodie, even one who is of his owne kinde and nature, before the same reason be setled againe, clensed and fully purified. For it is nothing so as Thucydides writeth: That vengeance the neerer it is unto the offence, the more it is in the owne kind; but cleane contrary, the farther off it is, and longer delaied, the better it apprehendeth and judgeth of that which is fit and de­cent. For according as Melanthius saith:

When anger once dislodged hath the wit,
Foule worke it makes, and outrage doth commit. 30

even so reason performeth all just and honest actions, when it hath chased and removed out of the way, ire and wrath: and therefore men are mollified, appeased, and become gentle by exam­ples of men, when they heare it reported, how Plato, when hee lifted up his staffe against his page, stood so a good while, and forbare to strike; which hee did (as he said) for to represse his choler. And Architas, when he found some great negligence and disorder at his ferme-house in the countrey, in his houshold servants, perceiving himselfe moved and disquieted therewith, insomuch as he was exceeding angrie, and readie to flie upon them, proceeded to no act, but onely turning away and going from them, said thus: It is happie for you, that I am thus angrie with you. If then it be so, that such memorable speeches of ancient men, and woorthy acts re­ported by them, are effectuall to represse the bitternesse and violence of choler; much more 40 probable it is, that we (seeing how God himselfe, although he standeth not in feare of any per­son, nor repenteth of any thing that he doth, yet putteth off his chastisements, and laieth them up a long time) should be more wary and considerate in such things, and esteeme, that clemen­cie, long sufferance and patience is a divine part of vertue that God doth shew and teach us, which by punishment doth chastise and correct a few, but by proceeding thereto slowly, doth instruct, admonish and profit many. In the second place, let us consider, that judiciall and ex­emplarie processe of justice practised by men, intendeth and aimeth onely at a counter change of paine and griefe, resting in this point: That he who hath done evill, might suffer likewise; proceeding no farther at all: and therefore baying and barking (as it were) like dogges at mens faults and trespasses, they follow upon them, and pursue after all action by tract and footing: 50 but God (as it should seeme, by all likelihood) when hee setteth in hand in justice to correct a sinfull & diseased soule, regardeth principally the vicious passions thereof, if haply they may be bent & wrought so, as they will incline & turne to repentance; in which respect he staieth long before that he inflict any punishment upon delinquents, who are not altogether past grace in­corrigible; for considering withall, and knowing as he doth, what portion of vertue, soules have drawen from him in their creation, at what time as they were produced first and came into the world; as also how powerfull and forcible is the generositie thereof, and nothing weake and fee­ble [Page 543] in it selfe; but that it is cleane contrary to their proper nature, to bring forth vices, which are engendered either by ill education, or els by the contagious haunt of leaud company; and how afterward, when they be well cured and medicined (as it falleth out in some persons) they soone returne unto their owne naturall habitude, and become good againe: by reason heereof, God doth not make haste to punish all men alike, but looke what he knoweth to be incurable, that he quickly riddeth away out of this life, and cutteth it off, as a very hurtfull member to others, but yet most harmefull to it selfe, if it should evermore converse with wickednesse; but to such per­sons in whom (by all likelihood) vice is bred and ingendred, rather through ignorance of good­nesse, than upon any purpose and will to chuse naughtinesse, hee giveth time and respit for to change and amend: how beit, if they persist still, and continue in their leaud waies, hee paieth 10 them home likewise in the end, and never feareth that they shall escape his hands one time or o­ther, but suffer condigne punishment for their deserts. That this is true, consider what great al­terations there happen in the life and behaviour of men, and how many have beene reclaimed and turned from their leaudnesse; which is the reason that in Greeke our behaviour and conver­sation is called partly [...] that is to say, A conversion; and in part [...] the one, because mens maners be subject to change and mutation; the other, for that they be ingendered by use or cu­stome; and the impression thereof being once taken, they remaine firme and sure: which is the cause also (as I suppose) that our ancients in olde time attributed unto king Cecrops a double na­ture and forme, calling him Double; not for that (as some said) of a good, element and gracious prince, he became a rigourous, fell and cruell tyrant, like a dragon; but contrariwise, because 20 (having bene at the first perverse, crooked and terrible) he proved afterward, a milde and gentle lord: and if we make any doubt hereof in him, yet we may be sure (at leastwise) that Gelon and Hiero in Sicilie, yea, and Pisistratus the sonne of Hipocrates, all usurpers (who atteined to their ty­rannicall dominion by violent and indirect meanes) used the same vertuously: and howsoever they came unto their sovereigne rule by unlawfull and unjust meanes, yet they grew in time to be good governours, loving and profitable to the common weale, and likewise beloved and deare unto their subjects; for some of them having brought in and established most excellent lawes in the countrey, and caused their citizens and subjects to be industruous and painfull in tilling the ground; made them to be civill, sober and discreet, whereas before, they were given to be ridiculous, as noted for their laughter and lavish tongues; to be true labourers also, and 30 painfull, who had bene idle and playfull. And as for Gelon, after he had most valiantly warred a­gainst the Carthaginians, and defaited them in a great battell; when they craved peace, would never grant it unto them, unlesse this might be comprised among the articles and capitulations: That they should no more sacrifice their children unto Saturne. In the citie also of Megalopo­lis there was a tyrant named Lydiades, who in the mids of his usurped dominion repented of his tyrannie, and made a conscience thereof, detesting that wrongfull oppression wherein he held his subjects. in such sort', as he restored his citizens to their ancient lawes and liberties, yea, and afterwards died manfully in the field, fighting against his enemies in the defence of his coun­trey. Now if any one had killed Miltiades at the first, whiles he exercised tyrannie in Chersone­sus; or if another had called judicially into question Cimon, enditing him for keeping his owne 40 sister, and so being condemned of incest, had caused him to be put to death; or disfranchised and banished Themistocles out of the citie, for his loose wantonnesse and licentious insolencie shewed publickly in the Common place, as Alcibiades afterwards was served and proscribed, for the like excesse and riot committed in his youth:

Where had bene then that famous victorie
At chieved on the plaines of Marathon?
Where had bene that renowmed chivalrie
Performed neere the streame Eurymedon?
Or at the mount, faire Artemision?
Where Athens youth (as poet Pindare said) 50
Freedome first the glorious ground-worke laid?

For so it is, great natures and high minds can bring foorth no meane matters; nor the vehe­ment force of action which is in them remaine idle, so lively and subtile it is, but they wave to and fro continually, as if they were tossed by tempest and winde upon the sea, untill such time as they come to be setled in a constant firme, and permanent habitude of maners: like as there­fore, he who is altogether unskilfull of husbandrie and tillage, maketh no reckoning at all of a ground which he seeth full of rough bushes and thickets, beset with savage trees, and overspred [Page 544] with ranke weeds; wherein also there be many wilde beasts, many rivers, and by consequence, great store of mudde and mire: but contrariwise, an expert husband, and one who hath good judgement, and can discerne the difference of things, knoweth these and all such signes, to be­token a fertile and plentifull soile; even so great wits and hautie spirits, doe produce and put foorth at the first, many strange, absurd, and leud pranks, which we not able to endure, thinke, that the roughnesse & offensive pricks thereof, ought immediately to be cropt off and cut away: but he who can judge better (considering what proceedeth from thence good and generous) at­tendeth and expecteth with patience, the age and season, which is cooperative with vertue and reason, against which time, the strong nature in such, is for to bring foorth and yeeld her proper and peculiar frute. And thus much may suffice of this matter. 10

But to proceed forward: Thinke you not that some of the Greeks have done well and wisely, to make a transcript of a law in Egypt, which commaundeth; that in case a woman who is attaint and convicted of a capital crime, for which in justice she ought to die, be with childe, she should be kept in prison untill she were delivered? Yes verily, they all answered? Well then (quoth I) Set case there be some one who hath no children conceived in his wombe to bring foorth, but breedeth some good counsell in his head, or conceiveth a great enterprise in his minde, which he is to bring to light, and effect in time, either by discovering an hidden mischiefe, or setting abroad an expedient and profitable counsell, or inventing some matter of necessarie conse­quence: Thinke you not that he did better, who deferred the execution of such an ones punish­ment & stay untill the utilitie that might grow by him were seene, than he who inconsiderately 20 & in all haste proceedeth to take revenge, & prevent the opportunitie of such a benefit? Certes, for mine owne part, I am fully of that minde: and even we no lesse, answered Patrocleas. Well then (quoth I) it must needs be so; for marke thus much: If Dionysius had beene punished for his usurped rule, in the beginning of his tyrannie; there should not one Grecian have remained inhabitant in [...] , for the Carthaiginans would have held the same and driven them al out: like as it must needs have befallen to the citie Apollonia, to Anactorium, and the Chersonese orde­mie island Leucadia, if [...] had suffered punishment at first, and not a long time after, as he did. And I suppose verily that the punishment and revenge of Cassander was put off and prolonged of purpose, untill by that meanes the citie of Thebes was fully reedified and peopled againe. And many of those mercenary soldiers and strangers, who seized and held this temple 30 wherein we are, during the time of the sacred warre, passed under the conduct of Timoleon into Sicilie, who after they had defaited in battell, the Carthaginians, and withall suppressed & aboli­shed sundrie tyrannies, they came to a wretched end, wicked wretches as they were. For God in great wisedome and providence, otherwhiles maketh use of some wicked persons, as of butchers and common excutioners, to torment and punish others, as wicked as they or woorse, whom afterwards he destroieth; and thus in mine opinion he dealeth with most part of tyrants. For like as the gall of the wild beast Hyaena, and the rendles or rennet of the Sea-calfe, as also other parts of venemous beasts and serpents, have one medicinable propertie or other, good to heale sundry maladies of men; even so God seeing some people to have need of bitte and bridle, and to be chastised for their enormities, sendeth unto them some inhumane tyrant, or 40 a rigorous and inexorable lord to whip and scourge them, and never giveth over to afflict and vexe them, untill he have purged and cleered them of that maladie wherewith they were infec­ted. Thus was Phalaris the tyrant a medicine to the Agrigentines: thus Marius was sent as a remedie to cure the Romanes: as for the Sicyonians, even god himselfe Apollo foretold them by oracle: That their citie had need of certaine officers to whippe and scourge them, at what time as they would perforce take from the Cleoneans, a certain yong boy named Teletias, who was crowned in the solemnitie of the Pythian games, pretending that he was their citizen, and borne among them, whom they haled and pulled in such sort, as they dismembred him: But these Sicyonians met afterwards with Orthagoras that tyrannized over them; and when he was gone, they were plagued also with Myron and Clisthenes, and their favorites, who held them in 50 so short, that they kept them from all outrages, and staied their insolent follies: whereas the Cleoneans, who had not the like purgative medicine to cure them, were subverted and through their misdemeanor come to nothing. Marke well therefore that which Homer in one place saith:

His sonne he was, and in all kind of valour did surmount
His father farre, who was (to say a truth) of base account.

And yet this sonne of Copreus never performed (in all his life) any memorable act, beseeming a [Page 545] man of woorth and honour: whereas the ofspring of Sisyphus, the race of Antolycus, and the posteritie of Phlegyas flourished in glorie, and all maner of vertue among great kings and prin­ces. At Athens likewise, Pericles descended from an house excommunicate and accursed: And so at Rome Pompeius surnamed Magnus, that is, the Great, had for his father one Strabo, a man whom the people of Rome so hated, that when he was dead, they threw his corps out of the biere wherein it was caried foorth to buriall, and trampled it under their feet. What absurditie then were it, if as the husbandman never cutteth up or stocketh the thorne or bush, before he hath gathered the render sprouts and buds thereof: nor they of Libya burne the boughes of the plant Ledrom, untill they have gotten the aromaticall gumme or liquor out of it called Ladanum; even so God never plucketh up by the root, the race of any noble and roiall familie (wicked and 10 wretched though they be) before it hath yeelded some good and profitable frute: for it had bene farre better and more expedient for the men of Phocis, that ten thousand beefs and as many hor­ses of Iphitus had died; that the Delphians likewise had lost much more gold and silver by farre, than that either Ulysses or Aesculapius should not have bene borne; or others in like case, whose parents being wicked and vicious, were themselves honest and very profitable to the common­wealth. Are we not then to thinke, that it were far better to punish in due time and maner con­venient, than to proceed unto revenge hastily and out of hand? like as that was of Callippus the Athenian, who making semblance or friendship unto Dion, stabbed him at once with his dag­ger, and was himselfe afterwards killed with the same, by his friends? as also that other of Mitius the Argive, who was murdered in a certeine commotion and civill broile: for it hapned so, that 20 in a frequent assembly of the people, gathered together in the market place, for to beholde a so­lemne shew, a statue of brasse fell upon the murderer of Mitius, and killed him outright. And you have heard (I am sure) ô Patrocleas (have you not?) what befell unto Bessus the Poeonian, and Ariston the Oeteian, two colonels of mercenarie and forren souldiers? No verily (quoth he) but I would gladly know: This Ariston (quoth I) having stollen and caried away out of this temple, certeine jewels and costly furniture of queene Eriphyle, which of long time had there bene kept safe, by the grant and permission of the tyrants who ruled this citie, carried them as a present to his wife; but his sonne being on a time (upon some occasion) displeased and angrie with his mother, set fire on the house, and burnt it with all that was within it. As for Bessus, who had murdered his owne father, he continued a good while not detected, until such time, as being 30 one day at supper with certeine of his friends that were strangers, with the head of his speare he pierced and cast downe a swallowes neast, and so killed the yong birds within it: and when those that stood by, seemed (as good reason there was)to say unto him: How commeth this to passe, goood sir? and what aile you, that you have committed so leud and horrible an act? Why (quoth he againe) doe these birds crie aloud and beare false witnesse against me, testifying that I have murdered mine owne father? hee had no sooner let fall this word, but those who were present tooke holde thereof, and wondering much thereat, went directly to the king, and gave informa­tion of him; who made so diligent inquisition, that the thing upon examination was discove­red, and Bessus (for his part) punished accordingly for a parricide. Thus much (I say) have we related, that it may be held as a confessed trueth and supposition, that wicked men otherwhiles 40 have some delay of their punishment: as for the rest, you are to thinke that you ought to hear­ken unto Hesiodus the Poet, who saith not as Plato did, that the punishment of sinne doth fol­low sinne hard at the heeles, but is of the same time and age, as borne and bred in one place with it, and springing out of the very same root and stocke: for these be his words in one place:

Bad counsell who deviseth first,
Unto himselfe shall finde it worst.

And in another:

Who doth for others mischiefe frame,
To his owne heart contrives the same.

The venimous flies Cantharides are said to conteine in themselves a certeine remedie, made 50 and compounded by a cōtrarietie or antipathie in nature, which serveth for their owne counter­poison; but wickednesse ingendering within it selfe (I wot not what) displeasure and punish­ment, not after a sinfull act is committed, but even at the very instant of committing, it begin­neth to suffer the paine due to the offence: neither is there a malefactour, but when he seeth o­thers like himselfe punished in their bodies, beareth forth his owne crosse; whereas mischievous wickednesse frameth of her selfe, the engines of her owne torment, as being a wonderfull artisan of a miserable life, which (together with shame and reproch) hath in it lamentable calamities, [Page 546] many terrible frights, fearefull perturbations and passions of the spirit, remorse of conscience, desperate repentance, and continuall troubles and unquietnesse. But some men there be, who for all the world resemble little children, that beholding many times in the theater, leaud and naughtie persons arraied in cloth of golde, rich mantles, and robes of purple, adorned also with crownes upon their heads, when they either dance or play their parts upon the stage, have them in great admiration, as reputing them right happie, untill such time as they see them how they be either pricked and pierced with goads, or sending flames of fire out of those gorgeous, cost­ly and sumptuous vestments. For to say a trueth, many wicked persons, who dwel in stately hou­ses, are descended from noble parentage, sit in high places of authoritie, beare great dignities and glorious titles, are not knowen (for the most part) what plagues and punishments they su­steine, 10 before they be seene to have their throats cut, or their necks broken, by being cast downe headlong from on high; which a man is not to tearme punishments simply, but rather the finall end and complishment of. thereof. For like as Herodicus of Selymbria, being fallen into an in­curable phthisicke or consumption, by the ulcer of his lungs, was the first man (as Plato saith) who in the cure of the said disease, joined with other Physicke, bodily exercise, and in so doing, drew out and prolonged death, both to himselfe and to all others who were likewise infected with that maladie; even so may we say, that wicked persons (as many as seeme to have escaped a present plague, and the stroke of punishment out of hand) suffer in truth, the paine due for their sinfull acts, not in the end onely and a great time after, but susteine the same a longer time: so that the vengeance taken for their sinfull life is nothing slower, but much more produced and 20 drawen out to the length; neither be they punished at the last in their olde age, but they waxe olde rather in punishment, which they have endured all their life. Now when I speake of long time, I meane it in regard of our selves; for in respect of the gods, the whole race of mans life (how long soever it be thought) is a matter of nothing, or no more than the very moment and point of the instant. For say, that a malefactour our should suffer the space of thirtie yeres for some hainous fact that he hath committed, it is all one, as if a man should stretch him upon the racke, or hang him upon a jibbet in the evening toward night, and not in the morning betimes; espe­cially, seeing that such an one (all the while that he liveth) remaineth close and fast shut up (as it were) in a strong prison or cage, out of which he hath no meanes to make an escape and get away. Now if in the meane while they make many feasts, manage sundry matters, and enter­prise 30 divers things; if they give presents and largesses abroad; and say they give themselves to their disports and pleasures; it is even as much, and all one, as when malefactours (during the time they be in prison) should play at dice or cockall game, having continually over head the rope hanging, which must strangle them: for other wise, we might aswell say, that [...] con­demned to die, suffer no punishment all the whiles they lie in hard and colde yrons, nor untill the executioner come and strike the head from the shoulders; or that he who by sentence of the judges hath drunke the deadly potion of hemlocke, is not punished, because he walketh stil, and goeth up and downe alive, waiting untill his legs become heavie, before the generall colde and congelation surprise him, and extinguish both sense and vitall spirits, in case it were so, that we esteeme and call by the name of punishment, nothing but the last point and extremity thereof; 40 letting passe and making no reckoning at all of the passions, feares, painfull pangues, expectance of death, pricks and sorrowes of a penitent conscience, wherewith every wicked person is trou­bled and tormented: for this were as much as to say, that the fish which hath swallowed downe the hooke, is not caught, untill we see the said fish cut in pieces, or broiled, roasted and sod­den by the cooke. Certes every naughty person is presently become prisoner unto justice, so soone as he hath once committed a sinfull act, and swallowed the hooke together with the bait of sweetnesse and pleasure, which he taketh in leaudnesse and wrongfull doing; but when the re­morse of conscience imprinted in him, doth pricke, he feeleth the very torments of hell, and can not rest;

But as in sea the Tuny fish doth swiftly crosse the waves, 50
And travers still while tempest lasts, so he with anguish raves.

For this audacious rashnesse and violent insolence (proper unto vice) is verie puissant, forward, and readie at hand, to the effecting and execution of sinfull acts; but afterwards, when the passi­on (like unto a winde) is laied, and beginnes to faile, it becommeth weake, base and feeble, sub­ject to an infinite number of feares and superstitions; in such sort, as that Stesichorus the Poet seemeth to have devised the dreame of queene Clytemnestra, very conformable to the trueth, and answerable to our daily experience, when he bringeth her in, speaking in this maner:

[Page 547]
Me thought I saw a dragon come apace,
Whose
[...] Which some inter­pret: Having a [...]
crest aloft on head
[...] Which some inter­pret: Having a [...]
with bloud was stein'd;
With that anon there did appeare in place
Plisthenides the king, who that time reign'd.

For the visions by night in dreames, the fantasticall apparitions in the day time, the answers of oracles, the prodigious signes from heaven, and in one word, whatsoever men think to be done immediately by the will and finger of God, are woont to strike great troubles and horrors into such persons so affected, and whose consciences are burdened with the guilt and privitie of sinne. Thus the report goeth of Apollodorus, that he dreamed upon a time, how he saw him­selfe first flaied by the Scythians, then cut as small as flesh to the pot, and so boiled; he thought 10 also that his heart spake softly frō out of the cauldron, and uttered these words: I am the cause of all these thy evils: and againe, he imagined in his sleepe, that his own daughters, all burning on a light flaming fire, ran round about him in a circle. Semblably Hipparchus the sonne of Pisistra­tus, a little before his death, dreamed that Venus out of a certaine viall sprinkled bloud upon his face. The familiar friends likewise of king Ptolomaeus, surnamed Ceraunos, that is to say, Light­ning, thought verily in a dreame that they saw Seleucus accuse and indite him judicially before wilde wolves, and greedie geires that were his judges, where he dealt and distribued a great quantitie of flesh among his enemies. Pausanias also at Bizantium, sent for Cleonice, a virgin and gentlewoman free borne, of a worshipfull house; intending perforce to lie with her all night, and abuse her body; but being halfe a sleepe when she came to his bed, he awakened in a fright, 20 and suspecting that some enemies were about to surprise him, killed her outright; whereupon ever after he dreamt ordinarily, that he saw her, and heard her pronounce this speech:

To judgement seat, approch thou neere I say,
Wrong dealing is to men most hurtfull ay.

Now when this vision as it should seeme ceased not to appeere unto him night by night; he embarked and sailed into Heraclea, to a place where the spirits and ghosts of those that are depar­ted be raised and called up, where after he had offered certaine propitiatorie sacrifices, and pow­red foorth funerall effusions, which they use to cast upon the tombes of the dead; he wrought so effectually, that the ghost of Cleonice appeared; and then she said unto him, that so soone as he was arrived at Lacedaemon, he should have repose and an end of all his troubles: and so in very 30 truth, no sooner was he thither come, but he ended his life and died. If therefore the soule had no sense after it is departed out of the bodie, but commeth to nothing; and that death were the finall end and expiration aswell of thankefull recompenses, as of painfull punishments, a man might say of wicked persons who are quickly punished, and die soone after that they have com­mitted any misdeeds; that God dealeth very gently and mildly with them: For if continuance of time, and long life bringeth to wicked persons no other harme; yet a man may at leastwise say thus much of them, that having knowne by proofe, and found by experience, that injustice is an unfrutefull, barren, and thanklesse thing, bringing foorth no good thing at all, nor ought that deserveth to be esteemed after many travels and much paines taken with it; yet the verie feeling and remorse of conscience for their sinnes, disquieteth and troubleth the mind, and tur­neth 40 it upside downe. Thus we reade of king Lysmachus, that being forced through extreame thirst, he delivered his owne person, and his whole armie into the hands of the Getes; and when being their prisoner, hee had drunke and quenched his thirst, he said thus: O what a miseric is this, and wretched case of mine, that for so short and transitorie a pleasure, I have deprived my selfe of so great a kingdome, and all my roiall estate. True it is, that of all things it is an ex­ceeding hard matter to resist the necessitie of a naturall passion; but when as a man for covetous­nesse of money, or desire of glorie, authoritie, & credit among his countrimen and fellow-citi­zens, or for fleshly pleasures, falleth to commit a foule, wicked, and execrable fact, and then af­terwards in time, when as the ardent thirst and furious heat of his passion is past, seeing that there abide and continue with him, the filthy, shamefull, and perilous perturbations onely of in­justice 50 and sinfulnesse; but nothing at all that is profitable, necessarie, or delightsome; is it not very likely and probable, that he shall eftsoones, and oftentimes recall into this thought, and consideration? how being seduced and caried away by the meanes of vain-glory, or dishonest pleasures, (things base, vile, and illiberall) he hath perverted and overthrowen the most beauti­full and excellent gifts that men have, to wit, right, equitie, justice, and pietie; and in stead there­of, hath filed and polluted his life, with shame, trouble, and danger? For like as Simonides was woont to say in mirth: That he found one coffer of silver and money alwaies full; but that other [Page 548] of savors, thanks, and benefits, evermore emptie; even so wicked men, when they come to examine and peruse aright the vice that is in themselves, they finde it presently (for one pleasure which is accomplained with a little vaine and glosing delight) void altogether and de­stitute of hope; but fully replenished with feares, cares, anxieties, the unpleasant remem­brance of misdemeanors past, suspicion of future events, and distrust for the present: much af­ter the manner as we do heare ladie Ino in the theaters, repenting of those foule facts which she had committed, and speaking these words upon the stage:

How should I now, my friends and ladies deere
Begin to keepe the house of Athamas,
Since that all whiles that I have lived heere, 10
Nought hath beene done by me that decent was?

Or thus:

How may I keepe, ô ladies deere alas,
The house againe of my lord Athamas,
As who therein had not committed ought
Of those leud parts which I have done and wrought.

For semblably it is meet that the minde and soule of every sinfull and wicked person should ru­minate and discourse of this point in it selfe after this maner: After what sort should I forget and put out of remembrance the unjust and leud parts which I have committed? how should I cast off the remorse of conscience from me? and from hencefoorth being to turne over a new leafe, 20 & lead another life: for surely with those in whom wickednesse beareth sway, & is predominant, there is nothing assured, nothing firme & constant, nothing sincere and sound; unlesse haply we will say and maintaine; that wicked persons and unjust, were some Sages and wise philosophers. But we are to thinke, that where avarice reigneth & excessive concupiscence, and love of plea­sure, or where extreme envie dwelleth, accompanied with spight and malice; there if you mark and looke well about, you shall finde superstition lying hidden among, sloth and unwillingnesse to labour, feare of death, lightnesse and quicke mutabilitie in changing of minde and affection, together with vaine glory proceeding of arrogancie: those who blame them, they feare, such as praise them, they dread and suspect; as knowing well how they are injured and wronged by their deceitful semblance, and yet be the greatest enemies of the wicked, for that they commend 30 so readily, and with affection, those whom they suppose, and take to be honest: for in vice and sinne (like as in bad iron) the hardnesse is but weak and rotten, & the stiffenesse also brittle & ea­sie to be broken: and therefore wicked men (learning in processe of time, better to know them­selves what they are) after they come once to the full consideration thereof, are displeased, and discontented, they hate themselves, and detest their owne leud life: for it is not likely that if a naughtie person otherwise (though not in the highest degree, who hath regard to deliver again a pawne or piece of money left in his hands to keepe; who is ready to be suretie for his familiar friend, & upon a braverie and glorious minde, hath given largesses, and is prest to maintaine & defend his countrey, yea, and to augment and advance the good estate thereof) soone repent and immediately be grieved for that which he hath done, by reason that his mind is so mutable, 40 or his will so apt to be seduced by an opinion or conceit of his: considering that even some of those who have had the honor to be received by the whole bodie of the people in open theater, with great applause and clapping of hands, incontinently fall to sigh to themselves, and groane againe, so soone as avarice returneth secretly, in place of glorious ambition: those that kill and sacrifice men to usurpe and set up their tyrannies, or to maintaine and compasse some conspira­cies, as Apollodorus did; circumvent and defraud their friends of their goods and monies, which was the practise of Glaucus, the sonne of Epicydes, should never repent their misdeeds, nor grow into a detestation of themselves, nor yet be displeased with that they have done: For mine owne part, I am of this opinion (if it be lawfull so to say) That all those who commit such impie­ties and misdemeanors, have no need either of God or man to punish them; for their owne life 50 onely being so corrupt, and wholy depraved and troubled with all kind of wickednesse, is suffici­ent to plague and torment them to the full: But consider (quoth I) whether this discourse seeme not already to proceed farther, and be drawen out longer than the time will permit. Then Ti­mon answered: It may well so be, if peradventure we regard the length and prolixitie of that which followeth and remaineth to be discussed; as for my selfe, I am now ready to rise as it were out of an ambush, and to come as a fresh and new champion with my last doubt and question, forasmuch as me thinks, we have debated enough already upon the former: for this would I [Page 549] have you to thinke, that although we are silent and say nothing, yet we complaine as Euripides did, who boldly chalenged and reproched the gods, for that

The parents sinne and their iniquitie,
They turne on children and posteritie.

For say that themselves, who have committed a fault, were punished, then is there no more need to chastise others, who have not offended, considering it were no reason at all to punish twise for one fault the delinquents themselves: or be it so, that through negligence they having o­mitted the punishment of wicked persons and offenders, they would long after make them to pay for it who are innocent; surely they doe not well, by this injustice to make amends for the said negligence. Lke as it is reported of Aesopc, who in times past came hither to this city, being 10 sent from king Craesus with a great summe of golde, for to [...] unto god Apollo in magnifi­cent wise, yea, and to distribute among all the citizens of Delphos, [...] foure pounds a piece: but it fortuned so, that he fell out with the inhabitants of the city upon some occasion, and was excee­ding angry with them, insomuch as he performed in deed the sacrifice accordingly, but the rest of the money which he should have dealt among the people, be sent backe againe to the city of Sardis, as if the Delphians had not bene worthy to enjoy the kings liberalitie; whereupon they taking great indignation, laied sacriledge to his charge, for deteming (in such sort) that sacred money; and in trueth, after they had condemned him therof, they pitched him downe head­long from that high rocke, which they call Hyampia: for which act of theirs, god Apollo was so highly displeased, that he sent upon their land sterilitie and barennesse, besides many and sun­dry 20 strange and unknowen diseases among them, so as they were constreined in the end, to goe about in all the publicke feasts and generall astemblies of the Greeks, of purpose, to make pro­clamation by sound of trumpet: That whosoever hee was (kinseman or friend of Aesope) that would require satisfaction for his death, should come foorth, and exact what penaltie he would desire: and thus they ceased not continually to call upon them; untill at length, and namely, in the third generation after, there presented himselfe a certeine Samian, named Idmon, who was nothing at all of kin to Aesope, but onely one of their posteritie, who at the first had bought him for a slave in open market, within the isle of Samos; and the Delphians having in some measure made satisfaction and recompense unto him, were immediatly delivered from their calamities: and it is said, that from that time forward, the execution of sacrilegious persons, was translated 30 from the foresaid rocke olde unto the cliffe of Nauplia. And verily, even those, who of all others most admire Alexander the Great & celebrate his memorial, of which nūber we also con­fesse our selves to be, can in no wise approve that which he did unto the Branchides, when he ra­sed their citie to the very ground, & put all the inhabitants thereof to the sword, without respect either of age or of sex, for that their ancestours in olde time had betraied and delivered up by treason, the temple of Miletum. And Agathocles the tyrant of Syracusa, who laughed and scof­fed at the men of Corphu: for when they demanded of him the occasion why hee forraied their isle, made them this answere: Because (quoth hee) your forefathers in times past, received and enterteined Ulysses. Semblably, when the islanders of Ithaca made complaint unto him of his souldiers, for driving away their sheepe: Why? (quoth he) your king, when he came one time 40 into our island, not onely tooke away our sheepe, but also put out the eie even of our shepheard. Thinke you not then that Apollo dealt more absurdly and unjustly than all these, in destroying the Pheneotes at this day, in stopping up the mouth of that bottomlesse pit that was wont to re­ceive and soake up all the waters which now doe overflow their whole countrey; because that a thousand yeeres agoe (by report) Hercules having taken away from the Delphians, that sacred trefeet, from which the oracles were delivered, brought the same to the citie Pheneum? And as for the Sybarites, he answered them directly: That their miseries should then cease, when they had appeased the ire of Juno Leucadia, by three sundry mortalities. Certes, long agoe it is not, since that the Locrians desisted and gave over sending every yeere their daughters, virgins, un­to Trote, 50

Who there went bare-foot, and did serve all day from morne to night,
In habit of poore wretched slaves, in no apparell dight;
No coife, no caule, nor honest veile, were they allow'd to weare
In decent Wise, for womanhood, [Page 550] though aged now they were:
Resembling such as never rest, but Pallas temple sweepe,
And sacred altar dayly cleanse, where they do alway keepe.

and all for the lascivious wantonnesse and incontinence of Ajax. How can this be either just or reasonable, considering that we blame the very Thracians, for that (as the report goes) they use still (even at this day) to beat their wives in revenge of Orpheus death? Neither do we commend the barbarous people, inhabiting along the river Po, who (as it is said) do yet mourne and weare blacke, for Phaeton his fall. Yet (in my conceit) it is a thing rather sottish and ridiculous, that 10 whereas the men who lived in Phaeton his time, made no regard of his ruine: those that came sive (yea, and ten) ages after his wofull calamitie, should begin to change their raiment for his sake, and bewaile his death: for surely, herein there is nothing at all to be noted, but meere folly; no harme, no danger or absurditie (otherwise) doth it conteine. But what reason is it, that the wrath and judgement of the gods, hidden (upon a sudden) at the very time of some hainous fact committed (as the propertie is of some rivers) should breake out, and shew it selfe afterwards, upon others, yea, and end with some extreame calamities? He had no sooner paused awhile, and staied the current of his speech: but I doubting whereto his words would tend, and fearing lest he should proceed to utter more absurdities and greater follies, presently made this replie upon him: And thinke you, sir, indeed, that all is true that you have said? What if all (quoth he) 20 be not true, but some part thereof onely, thinke you not yet, that the same difficultie in the que­stion still remaineth? Even so peradventure (quoth I) it fareth with those who are in an ex­treame burning fever, who whether they have more or lesse clothes upon them, feele evermore within them the same excessive heat of the ague; yet for to comfort and refresh them a little, and to give them some ease, it is thought good to diminish their clothes, and take off some of them. But if you are not so disposed, let it alone, you may do your pleasure; howbeit, this one thing I will say unto you, that the most part of these examples resemble fables and fictions, de­vised for pleasure: Call to mind therefore and remembrance, the feast celebrated of late in their honour, who sometime received the gods into their houses, and gave them intertainment; also that beautifull & honorable portion set by apart, which by the voice of an herald was published 30 expresly to be for the posterity descended from Pindarus, and record with your selfe how ho­norable and pleasant a thing this seemeth unto you. And who is there (quoth he) that would not take pleasure to see this preeminence and preference of honour so naturall, so plaine, and so auncient, after the maner of the old Greeks, unlesse he be such an one, as (according to the same Pindarus)

Whose heart all black of metall forg'd twis
And by cold flame, made stiffe and hardened is.

I omit (quoth I) to speake of the like solemne commendation published in Sparta, which en­sued ordinarily after the Lesbian song, or canticle in the honor and memoriall of that auncient Terpander: for it seemeth, that there is the same reason of them both: But you who are of the 40 race of Opheltes, and thinke your selfe woorthy to be preferred before all others, not Baeoti­ans onely, but Phocaeans also; and that in regard of your stock-father Daiphantus, have assi­sted and seconded me, when I maintained before the Lycormians and Satilaians (who claimed the priviledge and honor of wearing coronets due by our lawes and statutes unto the progenie of Hercules) That such dignities and prerogatives ought inviolably to be preserved and kept for those indeed who descend in right line from Hercules, in regard of his beneficiall demerites which in times past he heaped upon the Greeks, and yet during his life, was not thought woor­thy of reward and recompence: You have (quoth he) revived the memorie of a most pleasant question to be debated, and the same marvelous well beseeming the profession of Philosophie: But I pray you my very good friend (quoth I unto him,) forbeare this vehement and accusato­rie 50 humour of yours, and be not angry, if haply you see that some because they be borne of leud and wicked parents, are punished; or else doe not rejoice so much, nor be ready to praise, in case you see nobilitie also of birth to be so highly honored: for if we stand upon this point, and dare avow, that recompence of vertue ought by right and reason to continue in the line and po­steritie; we are by good consequence to make this account, that punishment likewise should not stay and cease together with misdeeds committed, but reciprocally fall upon those that are descended of misdoers and malefactors: for he who willingly seeth the progenie of Cimon, ho­noured [Page 551] at Athens, and contrariwise is offended and displeased in his heart, to see the race of Lachares, or Ariston banished & driven out of the citie; (he I say) seemeth to be too soft, tender, and passing effeminate, or rather to speake more properly, over-contentious and quarrelsome, even against the gods, complaining and murmuring of the one side; if the children, & childrens children of an impious & wicked person do prosper in the world: and contrariwise is no lesse gi­ven to blame and find fault, if he doe see the posterity of wicked and ungracious men to be held under, plagued, or altogether destroied from the face of the earth; accusing the gods if the chil­dren of a naughtie man be afflicted even as much as if they had honest persons to their parents: But as for these reasons alledged, make you this reckoning, that they be bulwarks and rampars for you, opposed against such bitter & sharpe accusers as these be. But now taking in hand again 10 the end (as it were) of a clew of thread, or a bottom of yearne, to direct us as in a darke place, and where there be many cranks, turnings and windings to and fro (I meane the matter of gods secret judgements) let us conduct and guide our selves gently and warily, according to that which is most likely & probable, considering that even of those things which we daily manage, and doe our selves, we are not able to set downe an undoubted certaintie: as for example; who can yeeld a sound reason, wherefore we cause and bid the children of those parents who died ei­ther of the phthisick and consumption of the lungs, or of the dropsie, to sit with their feet dren­ched in water, until the dead corps be fully burned in the funeral fire? For an opiniō there is, that by this meanes the said maladies shall not passe unto them as hereditarie, nor take hold of their bodies? as also, what the cause should be, that if a goat hold in her mouth the herbe called Eryn­gites, 20 that is to say, Sea-holly, the whole flocke will stand still, untill such time as the goat-herd come and take the said herbe out of her mouth? Other hidden properties there be, which by secret influences and passages from one to another, worke strange effects, and incredible, as well speedily, as in longer tract of time: and in very truth, we woonder more at the intermission and stay of time betweene, than we doe of the distance of place, and yet there is greater occasi­on to marvell thereat: as namely, that a pestilent maladie which began in Aethiopia, should raigne in the citie of Athens, and fill every street and corner thereof, in such sort, as Pericles died, and Thucydides was sicke thereof; than that when the Phocaeans and Sybarits had commit­ted some hainous sins, the punishment therefore should fall upon their children, & go through their posteritie? For surely these powers and hidden properties have certaine relations and cor­respondences 30 from the last to the first; the cause whereof, although it be unknowen to us, yet it ceaseth not secretly to bring foorth her proper effects. But there seemeth to be verie apparent reason of justice, that publicke vengeance from above should fall upon cities many a yeere af­ter; for that a citie is one entire thing, and a continued body as it were, like unto a living crea­ture, which goeth not beside or out of it selfe for any mutations of ages, nor in tract and conti­nuance of time, changing first into one, and then into another by succession, but is alwaies uniforme and like it selfe, receiving evermore, and taking upon it, all the thanke for well doing, or the blame for misdeeds, of whatsoever it doth or hath done in common, so long as the so­cietie that linketh & holdeth it together maintaineth her unitie: for to make many, yea & in­numerable cities of one, by dividing it according to space of time, were as much as to go about 40 to make of one man many, because he is now become old, who before was a yong youth, & in times past also a very stripling or springall: or else to speake more properly, this resembleth the devises of Epicharmus, wherupon was invented that maner of Sophisters arguing, which they cal the Croissant argument; for thus they reason: He that long since borrowed or tooke up mony, now oweth it not, because he is no more himselfe, but become another: & he that yesterday was invited to a feast, cōmeth this day as an unbidden guest, cōsidering that he is now another man. And verily, divers ages make greater difference in ech one of us, than they do commonly in ci­ties and States: for he that had seene the citie of Athens thirtie yeeres agoe, and came to visit it at this day, would know it to be altogether the very same that then it was; insomuch as the ma­ners, customes, motions, games, pastimes, serious affaires, favours of the people, their pleasures, 50 displeasures and anger at this present, resemble wholly those in ancient time: whereas if a man be any long time out of sight, hardly his very familiar friend shall be able to know him, his coun­tenance will be so much changed; and as touching his maners and behaviour, which alter and change so soone upon every occasion, by reason of all sorts of labour, travell, accidents and lawes, there is such varietie and so great alteration, that even he who is ordinarily acquainted and conversant with him, would marvell to see the strangenesse and noveltie thereof; and yet the man is held and reputed still the same, from his nativitie unto his dying day: and in like case, a [Page 552] citie remaineth alwaies one and the selfe same; in which respect we deeme it great reason, that it should participate aswell the blame and reproch of ancestours, as enjoy their glorie and puis­sance, unlesse we make no care to cast all things in the river of Heraclitus, into which (by report) no one thing entreth twise, for that it hath a propertie to alter all things and change their nature. Now if it be so, that a citie is an united and continued thing in it selfe, we are to thinke no lesse of a race and progenie, which dependeth upon one and the same stocke, producing and brin­ging foorth a certeine power and communication of qualities, and the same doth reach and ex­tend to all those who descend from it: neither is the thing ingendred of the same nature that a piece of worke is, wrought by art, which incontinently is separate from the workeman, for that it is made by him, and not of him; whereas contrariwise, that which is naturally engendred, is for­med 10 of the very substance of that which ingendred it, in such sort as it doth carie about it some part thereof, which by good right deserveth either to be punished or to be honoured even in it selfe. And were it not, that I might be thought to jest & speake in game and not in good earnest, I would aver and pronounce assuredly, that the Athenians offered more wrong and abuse unto the brasen statue of Cassander, which they caused to be defaced and melted; and likewise the dead corps of Dionysius suffered more injurie at the hands of the Syracusians, which after his death they caused to be carried out of their confines, than if they had proceeded in rigor of justice a­gainst their of spring and posterity; for the said image of Cassander did not participate one whit of his nature; and the soule of Dionysius was departed a good while before out of his bodie: whereas Niseus, Apollocrates, Antipater, Philip & all such other, descended from vicious & wicked 20 parents, reteined still the chiefe and principall part which is in them inbred, and remaineth not quiet, idle and doing nothing, but such as whereby they live and are nourished, whereby they ne­gociate, reason and discourse: neither ought it to seeme strange and incredible, that being of their issue, they should likewise reteine their qualities and inclinations. In summe, I say and af­firme, that like as in Physicke, whatsoever is holesome and profitable, the same is also just; and woorthy were he to be laughed at and mocked, that calleth him unjust, who for the Sciatica or disease of the huckle-bone, would cauterize the thumbe; or when the liver is impostumate, sca­rifie the bellie; and if kine or oxen be tender and soft in the clees, anoint the extremities and tips of their hornes; even so he deserveth to be scorned and reproved as a man of a shallow con­ceit, who in chastisement of vice, esteemeth any other thing just, than that which may cure and 30 heale the same; or who is offended and angry, if a medicine be applied, or a course of Physicke used into some parts for curing others; as they do who open a veine for to heale the inflamma­tion of the eies: such an one (I say) seemeth to see and perceive no further than his owne out­ward senses leade him, and remembreth not well, that a schoolemaster often times in whipping one of his scholars, keepeth all the rest in awe and good order; and a great captaine and generall of the field, in putting to death for exemplarie justice, one souldier in every ten, reformeth all besides, and reduceth them to their duetie; and even so there happen not onely to one part by another, but also to one soule by another, certeine dispositions, aswell to worse and impairing, as to better and amendment, yea, and much more than to one body by the meanes of another; for that there, to wit, in a bodie, there must (by all likelihood) be one impression and the same 40 alteration; but here, the soule (which often times is led and caried away by imagination, either to be confident, or distrustfull and timorous) fareth better or woorse accordingly. And as I was going forward to speake, Olympiacus interrupting my speech: By these words of yours (quoth he) you seeme to set downe as a supposall, a subject matter of great consequence and discourse, to wit, the immortalitie of the soule, as if it remained still after the separation from the body: Yea mary (quoth he) & even this have I inferred by that which you do now grant, or rather have granted heretofore; for our discourse hath bene from the beginning prosecuted to this presup­posed point: That God dealeth & distributeth to every of us according as we have deserved. And how (quoth he) doth this follow necessarily, that in case God doth behold all humaneaffaires, & dispose of every particular thing here upon earth, the soules therfore should become either im­mortal 50 & incorruptible, or els continue in their entire estate long after death? O good sir (quoth I) be content; is God (thinke you) so base minded, or imploied in so small & trifling matters, and having so little to do, that (when we have no divine thing in us, nor ought that in any sort resem­bleth him, or is firme and durable, but that we continually decay, fade and perish like unto the leaves of trees (as Homer saith) and that in a small time) he should all on a sudden make so great account of us (like to those women, who cherish and keepe the gardens (as they say) of Adonis within brittle pots and pannes of earth) as to make our soules, for one day to flourish and looke [Page 553] greene within our fleshly body, which is not capable of any strong root of life, and then within a while after, suffer them to be extinguished and to die upon the least occasion in the world? But if you please, let us passe other gods, and consider wee a little this our God onely, him I meane, who is honoured and invocated in this place, namely, whether hee (knowing that the soules of the dead are presenly exhaled and vanished away to nothing, like unto a vapour or smoake, breathing forth of our bodies) doth ordeine incontinently oblations to be offered, and propitiatorie sacrifices to be made for the departed? and whether he demand not great honors, worship and veneration in the memoriall of the dead? or whether hee doth it to abuse and de­ceive those that beleeve accordingly? For I assure you, for my part I will never graunt that the soule dieth, but remaineth stil after death, unlesse some one or other (as by report Hercules did in 10 old time) come first and take away the propheticall stoole or trefeet of Pythius, and destroy the oracle for ever rendring any more answers, as it hath delivered even unto these our daies, such as by report was given in old time to Corax the Naxian in these words:

Impietie great it is for to beleeve,
That soules doe die, and not for ever live.

Then Patrocles: What prophecie (quoth he) was this? and who was that Corax? for surely the thing it selfe, & that very name, be both of them strange and unknowen to me: That cannot be (quoth I) but thinke better of the matter; for it is long of me who have used his surname in stead of his proper name; for I mean him who flew Archilochus in battel, whose name indeed was Cal­londas, but men surnamed him Corax: This mā was at the first rejected by the prophetesse Pythia, 20 as a murderer who had killed a worthy personage consecrated & devoted unto the Muses; but af­terwards having used certaine humble praiers & requests, together with divers allegations of ex­cuse, pretēding to justifie his fact, in the end he was enjoined by the oracle, to go to the house & habitation of Tettix, & there by certaine expiatorie sacrifices & oblations, to appease & pacifie the ghost of Archilochus; now this house of Tettix was the cape or promontory Taenarus; for it is said, that Tettix the Cādian, arriving with his fleet in times past, at the head of Taenarus; there built a citie, & inhabited it, neere unto the place where the maner was to conjure spirits, & raise the ghosts of those that were departed: The semblable answer being made to those of Sparta, namely, that they should make meanes to pacifie the soule of Pausanias, they sent as farre as into Italy for sacrificers exorcists, who had the skil to conjure spirits, & they with their sacrifices cha­sed 30 his ghost out of the temple: This is one reason therefore (quoth I) that doth confirme and proove, that both the world is governed by the providence of God, and also, that the soules of men do continue after death: neither is it possible that we should admit the one, & denie the o­ther: If it be so then that the soule of man hath a subsistence & being after death; it is more pro­bable & soundeth to greater reason, that it should then either taste of paine for punishment, or enjoy honor for reward: for during this life here upon earth, it is in continuall combat in maner of a champion; but after al combats performed & finished, then she receiveth according to her deserts. Now as touching those honors or punishments which it receiveth in that other world, [...] by her-selfe, and separate from the bodie, the same concern and touch us nothing [...] , who remaine alive; for either we know them not, or give no beliefe thereto; but such as 40 be either conferred or inflicted upon their children or posteritie, for that they be apparant and evident to the world, those doe containe and curbe wicked men, that they doe not execute their malicious desseignes: And considering that there is no punishment more ignominous, or that commeth neerer to the quicke, and toucheth the heart more, than for men to see their ofspring, or those that depend upon them, afflicted for their sake & punished for their faults; & that the soule of a wicked person, enemie to God and to all good lawes, seeth after his death, not his images & statues, or any ensignes of honor overthrowne, but his owne children, his friends & kinsfolk ruinate, undone & persecuted with great miseries & tribulations, suffring grievous punishment for it; there is no man I thinke, but would chuse rather to forgoe all the honors of Jupiter, if he might have them, than to become again either unjust or intemperate & lascivious. 50 And for the better testimonie & truth hereof, I could relate unto you a narration which was deli­vered unto me not long since, but that I am afraid you will take it for a fabuolus tale, devised to make sport: In regard wherof I hold it better to alledge unto you nothing but substantial reasons, and arguments grounded upon very good likelihood and probabilitie. Not so (quoth Olympia­cus) in any case; but rehearse unto us the narration which you speake of: And when others also requested the same at my hands: Suffer me yet first (quoth I) to set abroad those reasons which carie some good shew of truth, and then afterwards, if you thinke well of it, I will recite the fa­ble [Page 554] also, if so be it is a fable: As for Bion when he saith, that God in punishing the children of wicked men and sinners for their fathers, is much more ridiculous than the physician, who for the maladie of father or grandsire, goeth about to minister medicine unto the child or ne­phew; surely this comparison faulteth heerein, that things be partly semblable, and in part di­vers and unlike; for if one be cured of a disease by medicinable meanes, this doth not by and by heale the maladie or indisposition of another: For never was there man yet being sicke of a fea­ver, or troubled with bleered and impostumate eies, became cured by seeing an ointment ap­plied, or a salve laid unto another: But contrariwise, the punishment or execution of justice up­on malefactors, is for this cause done publikely before all the world, that justice being mini­stred with reason and discretion, should effect thus much, namely to keepe in, and retaine some 10 by the chasticement and correction of others: But that point wherein the foresaid comparison of Bion answereth to our matter in question, himselfe never understood; for many times it fal­leth out, that a man being fallen sicke of a dangerous disease, how beit not incurable, yet through his intemperance and disorder afterwards, suffreth his bodie to grow into greater weaknesse and decay, untill at last he dieth: whereupon his sonne after him being not actually surprised with the same disease, but onely disposed thereto, a learned physician, some trustie friend, or an ex­pert annointer, and master of exercises, perceiving so much, or rather indeed a kind friend and gentle master & governor, who hath a carefull eie over him, taketh him in hand, bringeth him to an exquisite maner of austere diet, cutteth off all superssuity of viands, deintie cates, & ban­ketting dishes, debarreth him of unseasonable drinkings, and the company of women, purgeth 20 him continually with soveraigne medicines, keepeth his body downe by ordinarie labour and exercise, and so doth dissipate and dispatch the first beginning and small inclination to a dange­rous disease, in not permitting it to have head & to grow forward to any greatnesse: And is not this an usual practise among us to admonish those who are borne of sickly and diseased parents, to take good heed unto themselves, and not to neglect their indisposition, but betimes and even at the very first to endevor for to remoove and rid away the root of such inbred maladies, which they bring with them into the world? for surely it is an easie matter to expell and drive out, yea and to conquer and overcome the same, by prevention in due time: Yes verily an­swered they all. Well then (quoth I) we commit no absurditie, nor doe any ridiculous thing, but that which is right, necessarie and profitable, when we ordeine and prescribe for the children 30 of those who are subject to the falling sicknesse, to madnesse, phrenesie and the gout, exercises of the bodie, diets, regiments of life, and medicines appropriate for those maladies, not when they are sicke thereof, but by way of precaution, to prevent that they should not fall into them: for the bodie ingendred of a corrupt and diseased bodie, neither needeth nor deserveth any pu­nishment, but physicke rather by good medicines and carefull attendance; which diligence and heedfull regard, if any one upon wantonnesse, nicetie and delicacie doe call chastisement, be­cause it depriveth a man of pleasures and delights, or haply inferreth some pricke of dolour and paine, let him goe as he is, we passe not for him. Now if it be expedient to cure and medicine carefully one body issued and descended from another that is corrupt, is it meet and convenient to let go the resemblance of an hereditarie vice, which beginneth to bud and sprout in a yoong 40 man, to stay and suffer it (I say) to grow on still, burgen and spread into all affections, untill it appeare in the view of the whole world? for as Pindarus saith:

The foolish heart doth bring forth from within,
Her hidden fruit, corrupt and full of sin.

And thinke you not that in this point God is wiser than the Poet Hesiodus, who admonisheth us and giveth counsell in this wise:

No children get, if thou be newly come
From dolefull grave or heavie funerall:
But spare not when thou art returned home
From solemne feast of Gods celestiall. 50

as if he would induce men to beget their children, when they be jocund, fresh and mery, for that the generation of them received the impression, not of vertue and vice onely, but also of joy, sad­nesse, & all other qualities: howbeit, this is not a worke of humane wisdome (as Hesiodus suppo­seth) but of God himselfe, to discern & foreknow perfectly either the conformities or the diver­sities of mens natures, drawen from their progenitors, before such time as they breake forth into some great enormities, whereby their passions & affections be discovered what they are: for the yong whelps of beares, wolves, apes & such like creatures, shew presently their naturall inclinati­on, [Page 555] even whiles they be very yong, because it is not disguised or masked with any thing; but the nature of man casting it selfe, and setling upon maners, customes, opinions & lawes, concealeth often times the ill that it hath, but doth imitate & counterfeit that which is good and honest; in such sort as it may be thought either to have done away cleane all the staine, blemish & imperfe­ction of vices inbred with it, or els to have hidden it a long time, being covered with the vaile of craft & subtiltie, so as we are not able, or at leastwise have much adoe to perceive their malice, by the sting, bit & pricke of every several vice. And to say a truth, herein are we mightily deceived, that we thinke men are become unjust then only and not before; when they do injurie; or disso­lute, when they play some insolent and loose part; cowardly minded, when they run out of the field; as if a man should have the cōceit, that the sting in a scorpion was then bred & not before, 10 when he gave the first pricke; or the poison in vipers was ingendred then only, when they bit or stung; which surely were great simplicitie and meere childishnesse: for a wicked person becom­meth not then such an one, even when he appeareth so, and not before; but hee hath the rudi­ments and beginnings of vice and naughtinesse imprinted in himselfe, but hee sheweth and u­seth the same, when he hath meanes, fit occasion, good opportunitie, and might answerable to his minde; like as the thiefe spieth his time to robbe, and the tyrant to violate and breake the lawes. But God, who is not ignorant of the nature and inclination of every one, as who searcheth more into the secrets of the heart and minde than into the body, never waiteth and staieth untill violence beperformed by strength of hand; impudencie bewraied by malepart speech; or intemperance and wantonnesse perpetrated by the naturall members and privie parts, ere he pu­nish: 20 for he is not revenged of an unrighteous man, for any harme and wrong that he hath re­ceived by him; nor angry with a thiefe or robber, for any forcible violence which he hath done unto him; ne yet hateth an adulterer, because he hath suffered abuse or injurie by his meanes; but many times he chastiseth by way of medicine, a person that committeth adulterie; a cove­tous wretch and a breaker of the lawes; whereby otherwhiles he riddeth them of their vice, and preventeth in them (as it were) the falling sicknesse before the sit surprise them. Wee were ere­while offended and displeased, that wicked persons were over-late and too slowly punished; and now discontented we are, & complaine, for that God doth represse & chastise the evill habit and vicious disposition of some, before the act committed; never considering and knowing, that full often a future mischiefe is worse and more to be feared, than the present; and that which is 30 secret and hidden, more dangerous than that which is open and apparent. Neither are we able to comprehend and conceive by reason, the causes wherefore it is better otherwhiles to tolerate and suffer some persons to be quiet, who have offanded and transgressed already; and to prevent or stay others, before they have executed that which they intend: like as (in very trueth) wee know not the reason, why medicines and physicall drogues (being not meet for some who are sicke) be good and holsome for others, though they are not actually diseased, yet haply in a more dangerous estate than the former. Hereupon it is, that the gods turne not upon the chil­dren and posterity, all the faults of their fathers and ancestours: for if it happen, that of a bad fa­ther there descend a good sonne, like as a sickly and crasie man may beget a sound, strong and healthfull childe, such an one is exempt from the paine and punishment of the whole house and 40 race, as being translated out of a vicious familie, and adopted into another: but, that a yoong sonne (who shall conforme himselfe to the hereditarie vice of his parents) is liable to the pu­nishment of their sinfull life, aswell as he his bound to pay their debts by right of succession and inheritance. For Antigonus was not punished for the sinnes of his father Demetrius; nor (to speake of leaud persons) Phileus for Augeas, ne yet Nestor for Neleus his sake; who albeit they were descended from most wicked fathers, yet they prooved themselves right honest: but all such, as whose nature loved, embraced and practised that which came unto them by descent and parentage; in those (I say) divine justice is wont to persecute and punish that which resembleth vice and sinne: for like as the werts, blacke moales, spots and freckles of fathers, not appearing at all upon their owne childrens skinne, begin afterwards to put foorth and shew themselves in 50 their nephews, to wit, the children of their sonnes and daughters: And there was a Grecian wo­man, who having brought foorth a blacke infant, and being troubled therefore, and judicially accused for adultrie, as if shee had beene conceived by a blacke-moore, shee pleaded and was found to have beene hereselfe descended from an Aethiopian, in the fourth degree remooved: As also it is knowen for certaine, that of the children of Python the Nisibian who was descen­ded from the race and line of those old Spartans, who were the first lords and founders of The­bes, the yoongest, and he that died not long since, had upon his body the print and forme of a [Page 556] speare, the very true and naturall marke of that auncient line; so long and after the revolution of so many yeeres; there sprang and came up againe as it were out of the deepe, this resemblance of the stocke and kinred: even so it falleth out many times, that the first generations and descents, doe hide and after a sort drowne those qualities and affections of the minde which are affected and appropriate to some kinred; but afterwards, at one time or other, put them foorth, and drive them outward to appeere in those that follow, and the same doe represent that which is proper to each race, as well in vertue as vice. Now when I had finished this speech, I held my peace; and with that Olympicus smiled and said: Wee would not have you to thinke (quoth he) that we commend you, as having sufficiently proved your discourse by demonstra­tion, lest we might seeme to have forgotten or to neglect the tale or narration which you pro­mised 10 to relate unto us: Mary then will we give our sentence and opinion thereof, when we shall likewise have heard the same. Thus therfore I began againe to enter into speech, and follow my intended purpose. There was one Thespesius. of the city of Soli in Cilicia, a great friend and fami­liar of Protogenes, who sometime here conversed with us, who having led his youthful daies very loosely, within a small time had wasted and consumed all his goods, whereby he was fallen for a certaine space to extreme want and necessitie, which brought him also to a leud life, insomuch as he proved a very badde man; and repenting his former follies and dispense, began to make shifts, and seeke all meanes to recover his state againe; much like unto those loose and lasci­vious persons, who making no account of their lawfull and espoused wives, nor caring at all for them whiles they have them; afterwards, when they have cast them off, and put them away, see­ing 20 them wedded unto others, sollicite them to yeeld their bodies, & give the attempt to force and corrupt them most wickedly: Thus he forbare no leud, indirect, and shamefull practises, so they turned to his gaine and profit, and within a little while, he gat together not great store of goods, but procured to himselfe a bad name of wicked dealing, much shame, and infamie: But the thing that made him famous, and so much spoken of; was the answer delivered unto him from the oracle of Amphilochus, for thither had he sent, as it should seeme, to know whether he should live the rest of his life better than he had done before? Now the oracle returned this an­swer: That it would be better with him after he was dead; which in some sort hapned unto him not long after: For being fallen from an high place with his head forward, without any limme broken, or wound made; onely with the fall, the breath went out of his body, and there hee lay 30 for dead; and three daies after, preparation being made for his funerals, caried foorth he was to be buried; but behold all on a sudden, he revived, and quickly came to himselfe againe; where­upon there ensued such a change and alteration in his life, that it was wonderfull; for by the re­port and testimonie of all the people of Cicilia, they never knew man of a better conscience in all his affaires and dealings, whiles he did negotiate and dwell among them; none more devout and religious to God-ward, none more fast and sure to his friends, none bitterer to his enemies; insomuch, as they who were most inward with him, and had kept his company familiarly a long time, were very desirous & earnest with him, to know the cause of so strange and sudden altera­tion; as being [...] that so great amendment of life (so loose & dissolute as it was before) could not come by meere chaunce and casualtie, (as in truth it did,) according as himselfe made 40 relation unto the said Protogenes, and other such familiar friends of his; men of good woorth & reputation; for thus he reported unto them & said: That when the spirit was out of his bodie, he fared at the first (as he thought himselfe) like unto a pilot, flung out of his ship, and plunged into the bottome of the sea; so woonderfully was he astonished at this chaunge; but afterwards when as by little & little he was raised up againe and recovered, so that he was ware that he drew his breath fully, and at libertie, he looked round about him, for his soule seemed as if it had beene one eie fully open; but he beheld nothing that he was woont to view, onely he thought that he saw planets and other starres of an huge bignesse, distant an infinit way a sunder, and yet for multitude innumerable, casting from them a woonderfull light, with a colour admirable, and the same glittering and shining most resplendent, with a power and force incredible, in 50 such sort, as the said soule being gently and easily caried, as in a chariot, with this splendor and radiant light, as it were upon the sea in a calme, went quickly whether soever she would; but letting passe a great number of things woorthy there to be seene; he said that he beheld how the solues of those that were departed this life, as they rose up and ascended, resembled certaine small firie bubbles, and the aire gave way and place unto them as they mounted on high; but anon when these bubbles by little and little brast in sunder, the soules came foorth of them, and appeered in the forme and shape of men and women, very light and nimble, as discharged [Page 557] from all poise to beare them downe: howbeit, they did not move and bestir themselves all alike and after one sort; for some leaped with a wonderful agilitie, and mounted directly and plumbe upright; others turned round about together like unto bobins or spindles, one while up and an­other while downe, so as their motion was mixt and confused, and so linked together, that un­neth for a good while and with much adoe, they could be staied and severed asunder. As for these soules and spirits, many of them he knew not (as hee said) who they were; but taking knowledge of two or three among them who had bene of his olde acquaintance, hee pressed forward to approch neere and to speake unto them: but they neither heard him speake, nor in deed were in their right senses; but being after a sort astonied and beside them­selves, refused once to be either seene or felt, wandering and flying to and fro apart at 10 the first; but afterwards, encountring and meeting with a number of others disposed like unto themselves, they closed and clung unto them, and thus lincked and coupled together, they mooved here and there disorderly without discretion, and were carried every way to no purpose, uttering I wot not what voices, after a maner of yelling or a blacke-sanctus, not signifi­cant nor distinct, but as if they were cries mingled with lamentable plaints and dreadfull feare. Yet there were others to be seene aloft in the upmost region of the aire, jocund, gay and plea­sant, so kinde also an courteous, that often times they would seeme to approch neere one unto another, turning away from those other that were tumultuous and disorderly; and as it should seeme, they shewed some discontentment, when they were enlarged and hudled close together; but well appaied and much pleased, when they were enlarged and severed at their liberty. A­mong 20 these (by his owne saying) he had a sight of a soule belonging to a kinsman and familiar friend of his, & yet he knew him not certeinly, for that he died whiles himselfe was a very childe; howbeit, the said soule comming toward him, saluted him in these tearmes: God save you The­spesius: whereat he marvelled much, and said unto him: I am not Thespesius, but my name is A­ridaeus: True in deed (quoth the other) before-time you were so called, but from hencefoorth That is to say, Divine. Thespesius shall be your name; for dead you are not yet, but by the providence of God and permission of Destinie, you are hither come, with the intellectuall part of the soule; and as for all the rest, you have left it behinde, sticking fast as an anchor to your bodie: and that you may now know this and evermore heereafter, take this for a certeine rule and token: That the spirits of those who are departed and dead indeed, yeeld no shadow from them; they neither 30 wincke nor yet open their eies. Thespesius hearing these words, began to plucke up his spirits so much the more, for to consider and discourse with himselfe: looking therefore every way a­bout him, he might perceive that there accompanied him a certeine shadowy and darke linea­ture, whereas the other soules shone round about, and were cleere and transparent within forth, howbeit, not all alike; for some yeelded from them pure colour, uniforme and equall, as doth the full moone when she is at the cleerest; others had (as it were) scales or cicatrices, dispersed here and there by certeine distant spaces betweene; some againe, were wonderfull hideous and strange to see unto, all to be specked with blacke spots, like to serpents skinnes; and others had light scarifications and obscure risings upon their visage. Now this kinsman of Thespesius (for there is no danger at all to tearme soules by the names which men had whiles they were living) 40 discoursed severally of ech thing, saying: That Adrastia the daughter of Jupiter and Necessitie, was placed highest and above the rest, to punish and to be revenged of all sorts of crimes and hainous sinnes; and that of wicked and sinfull wretches, there was not one (great or small) who either by force or cunning could ever save himselfe and escape punishment: but one kinde of paine and punishment (for three sorts there be in all) belonged to this gaoler or executioner, and another to that; for there is one which is quicke and speedie, called [...] that is, Penaltie, and this taketh in hand the execution and chastisement of those, who immediatly in this life (whiles they are in their bodies) be punished by the bodie, after a milde and gentle maner, lea­ving unpunihsed many light faults, which require onely some petie purgation; but such as re­quire more ado to have their vices and sinnes cured, God committeth them to be punished after 50 death to a second tormentresse, named Dice, that is to say, Revenge; mary those who are so la­den with sinnes, that they be altogether incurable, when Dice hath given over and thrust them from her, the third ministresse of Adrastia, which of all other is most cruell, and named Erinnys runneth after, chasing and pursuing them as they wander and runne up and downe; these (I say) she courseth and hunteth with great miserie and much dolor, untill such time as she have over­taken them all and plunged them into a bottomlesse pit of darkenesse inenarrable and invisible. Now of these three sorts of punishments, the first which is executed by Paene, in this life resem­bleth [Page 558] that which is used in some barbarous nations: for in Persis, when any are by order of law and judicially to be punished, they take from them their copped caps or high pointed turbants, and other robes, which they plucke and pull haire by haire, yea, and whip them before their fa­ces, and they themselves shedding teares and weeping, crie out piteously and beseech the offi­cers to cease and give over; semblably, the punishments inflicted in this life in bodie or goods, are not exceeding sharpe nor come very nere to the quick, neither do they pierce & reach unto the vice and sinne it selfe, but the most part of them are imposed according to a bare opinion onely, and the judgement of outward naturall sense. But if it chance (quoth he) that any one e­scape hither unpunished, and who hath not bene well purged there before, him Dice taketh in hand all bare and naked as he is, with his soule discovered and open, as having nothing to hide, 10 palliate and maske his wickednesse, but lying bare and exposed to the view thorowout, and on every side, she presenteth and sheweth him first to his parents, good and honest persons (if hap­ly they were such) declaring how abominable he is, how dextenerate and unwoorthy of his pa­rentage; but if they also were wicked, both he and they susteine so much more grievous punish­ment, whiles he is tormented in seeing them, and they likewise in beholding him how he is pu­nished a long time, even untill every one of his crimes and sinnes be dispatched and rid away with most dolourous and painfull torments, surpassing in sharpnesse and greatnesse, all corpo­rall griefs, by how much a true vision indeed is more powerfull and effectuall than a vaine dreame or fantasticall illusion: whereupon, the wales, marks, scarres and cicatrices of sinne and vice remaine to be seene, in some more, in others lesse. But observe well (quoth he) and consi­der 20 the divers colours of these soules of all sorts; for this blackish and foule duskish hew, is pro­perly the tincture of avarice and niggardise; that which is deepe red and fierie, betokeneth cru­elty and malice; whereas, if it stand much upon blew, it is a signe that there, intemperance and loosenesse in the use of pleasures, hath remained a long time, and will be hardly scowred off, for that it is a vile vice: but the violet colour and sweetish withall, proceedeth from envie, a veni­mous and poisoned colour, resembling the inke that commeth from the cuttle fish, for in life, vice when the saile is altered and changed by passions, and withall doth turne the body, putteth foorth sundry colours: but heere it is a signe that the purification of the soule is fully finished, when as all these tincttures are done away quite, whereby the soule may appeare in her native hew, all fresh, neat, cleare and lightsome: for so long as any one of these colours remaineth, 30 there will be evermore some recidivation and returne of passions and affections, bringing certaine tremblings, beatings as it were of the pulse, and a panting in some but weake and feeble, which quickly staieth, and is soone extinguished; and in other more strong, quicke, and vehe­ment: Now of these soules, some there be which after they have beene well and throughly cha­stised, and that sundry times, recover in the end a decent habitude and disposition; but others againe are such, as the vehemence of their ignoraunce, and the flattering shew of pleasures and lustfull desire, transporteth them into the bodies of brute beasts; for the feeblenesse and defect of their understanding, and their sloth and slacknesse to contemplate and discourse by reason, maketh them to incline and creepe to the active part of generation; but then they find and per­ceive them selves destitute of a lascivious organ or instrument, whereby they may be able to 40 execute and have the fruition of their appetite, and therefore desire by the meanes of the bodie to enjoy the same: forasmuch as, here there is nothing at all but a bare shadow, and as one would say, a vaine dreame of pleasure, which never commeth to perfection and fulnesse. When hee had thus said, he brought and lead me away, most swiftly, an infinit way; howbeit, with ease, and gently, upon the raies of the light, as if they had beene wings, unto a certaine place, where there was a huge wide chinke, tending downward still, and thither being come, he perceived that he was forlorne and forsaken of that powerfull spirit that conducted and brought him thither; where he saw that other soules also were in the same case; for being gathered and flocked toge­ther like a sort of birds, they flie downward round about this gaping chawne, but enter into it di­rectly they durst not; now the said chinke resembled for al the world within, the caves of Bacchus, 50 so tapissed and adorned they were with the verdure of great leaves and branches, together with all varietie of gaie flowers, from whence arose and breathed foorth a sweet and milde exhalati­on, which yeelded a delectable and pleasant favour, woonderfull odoriferous, with a most tem­perate aire, which no lesse affected them that smelled thereof, than the sent of wine contenteth those who love to drinke: in such sort as the soules feeding and feasting themselves with these fragrant odors, were very cheerefull, jocund, and merrie; so as round about the said place, there was nothing but pastime, joy, solace, mirth, laughing and singing, much after the manner of [Page 559] men that rejoice one with another, and take all the pleasure and delight that possibly they can. And he said moreover, that Bacchus by that way mounted up into the societie of the gods, and afterwards conducted Semele; and withall, that it was called, theplace of Lethe, that is to saie, Oblivion: Whereupon he would not let Thespesius, though he were exceeding desirous, to stay there, but drew him away perforce; instructing him thus much, and giving him to understand, that reason and the intelligible part of the minde is dissolved, and as it were melted and moiste­ned by this pleasure; but the unreasonable part which savoreth of the bodie, being watered and incarnate therewith, reviveth the memorie of the bodie; and upon this remembrance, there groweth and ariseth a lust and concupiscence, which haleth and draweth unto generation (for so he called it) to wit, a consent of the soule thereto, weighed downe and aggravated with over­much 10 moisture: Having therefore traversed another way as long as the other, he was ware that he saw a mightie standing boll, into which divers rivers seemed to fall and discharge themselves, whereof one was whiter than the some of the sea, or driven snow, another of purple hue or scar­let colour, like to that which appeereth in the raine bow; as for others, they seemed a farre off to have every one of them their distinct lustre, and severall tincture: But when they approched neere unto them, the foresaid boll, after that the aire about was discussed and vanished awaie, and the different colours of those rivers no more seene, left the more flourishing colour, except onely the white: Then he saw there three Daemons or Angels, sitting together in triangular forme, medling and mixing the rivers together, with certaine measures. And this [...] of The­specius soule said morever, that Orpheus came so farre when he went after his wife; but for that 20 he kept not well in minde, that which he there saw, he had sowen one false tale among men; to wit: That the oracle at Delphi was common to Apollo, and the Night, (for there was no com­merce or fellowship at all betweene the night and Apollo) But this oracle (quoth he) is com­mon to the moone and the night, which hath no determinate and certaine place upon the earth, but is alwaies errant and wandring among men, by dreames and apparitions; which is the reason that dreames compounded and mingled as you see, of falshood and truth, of varietie and simplicity, are spread and scattered over the world. But as touching the oracle of Apollo, nei­ther have you seene it (quoth he) nor ever shalbe able to see; for the terrene substance or earth­ly part of the soule, is not permitted to arise & mount up on high, but bendeth downward, being fastened unto the bodie: And with that he approched at once neerer, endevoring to shew him 30 the shining light of the threefeet of three-footed stoole, which (as he said) from the bosome of the goddesse Thenis, reached as farre as to the mount Pernasus: And having a great desire to see the same, yet he could not, his eies were so dazeled with the brightnesse thereof; howbeit, as he passed by, a loud and shrill voice he heard of a woman, who, among other things delivered in metre, uttered also as it should seeme by way of prophesie, the very time of his death: And the Daemon said, it was the voice of Sibylla; for she being caried round in the globe and face of the moone, did foretell and sing what was to come; but being desirous to heare more, he was re­pelled and driven by the violence of the moone as it were with certaine whirle-puffes, cleane a contrarie way; so he could heare and understand but few things, and those very short; namely the accident about the hill Or Lesbius. Vesuvius, and how Dicaearchia should be consumed and burnt by 40 casuall fire, as also a clause or peece of a verse, as touching the emperour who then reigned, to this effect:

Agracious prince he is, but yet must die,
And empire leave by force of maladie.

After this they passed on forward to see the paines and torments of those who were punished; and there at first they beheld all things most piteous and horrible to see to; for Thespesius who doubted nothing lesse, mette in that place with many of his friends, kinsfolke, and familiar companions, who were in torment, and suffering dolorous paines, and infamous punishment, they moned themselves, lamenting, calling and crying unto him; at the last he had a sight of his owne father, rising out of a deepe pit, full he was of pricks, gashes, and wounds, and stret­ching 50 foorth his hands unto him, was (mauger his heart) forced to breake silence, yea and com­pelled by those who had the charge and superintendence of the said punishments, to confesse with a loud and audible voice, that he had beene a wicked murderer of certaine strangers, and guests whom he had lodged in his house; for perceiving that they had silver and gold about them, he had wrought their death by the meanes of poison: and albeit he had not beene detec­ted thereof in his life time, whiles he was upon the earth, yet here was he convicted and had su­steined already part of his punishment, and expected to endure the rest afterwards. Now Thespe­sius [Page 560] durst not make sute nor intercede for his father, so affrighted he was and astonied; but desi­rous to withdraw himselfe and be gone, he lost the sight of that courteous and kind guide of his, which all this while had conducted him, and he saw him no more: but hee might perceive other horrible and hideous spirits, who enforced and constrained him to passe farther, as if it were necessarie that he should traverse still more ground: so he saw those who were notorious malefactours, in the view of every man (or who in this world had bene chastised) how their sha­dow was here tormented with lesse paine, and nothing like to others, as having bene feeble and imperfect in the reasonlesse part of the soule, and therefore subject to passions and affections; but such as were disguised and cloaked with an outward apparence and reputation of vertue a­broad, and yet had lived covertly and secretly at home in wickednesse, certeine that were about 10 them, forced some of them to turne the inside outward, and with much paine and griefe to lay themselves open, to bend and bow, and discover their hypocritall hearts within, even against their owne nature, like unto the scolopenders of the sea, when they have swallowed downe an hooke, are wont to turne themselves outward: but others they flaied and displaied, discovering plainly and openly, how faulty, perverse and vicious they had bene within, as whose principall part of the reasonable soule, vice had possessed. He said moreover, that he saw other souls wound and enterlaced one within another, two, three and more togither, like to vipers and other ser­pents, and these not forgetting their olde grudge and malicious ranker one against another, or upon remembrance of losses and wrongs susteined by others, fell to gnawing and devouring ech other. Also, that there were three parallel lakes ranged in equall distance one from the o­ther; 20 the one seething and boiling with golde, another of lead exceeding cold, and a third, most rough, consisting of yron: and that there were certeine spirits called Daemons, which had the overlooking and charge of them; and these, like unto mettall-founders or smithes, with certeine instruments either plunged in, or els drew out, soules. As for those who were given to filthie Iucre, and by reason of insatiable avarice, committed wicked parts, those they let downe into the lake of melted golde, and when they were once set on a light fire, and made transparent by the strength of those flames within the said lake, then plunged they were into the other of lead; where after they were congealed and hardened in maner of haile, they transported them anew into the third lake of yron, where they became exceeding blacke and horrible, and being crackt and broken, by reason of their drinesse and hardnesse, they changed their forme, and then at last 30 (by his saying) they were throwen againe into the foresaid lake of gold, suffering by the meanes of these changes and mutations, intolerable paines. But those soules (quoth he) who made the greatest moane unto him, and seemed most miserably (of all others) to be tormented, were they, who thinking they were escaped and past their punishment, as who had suffered sufficient­ly for their deserts at the hands of vengeance, were taken againe, and put to fresh torments; and those they were, for whose sinnes their children and others of their posteritie suffered punish­ment: for whensoever one of the soules of these children or nephewes in lineall descent, either met with them, or were brought unto them, the same fell into a fit of anger, crying out upon them, shewing the marks of the torments and paines that it susteined, reproching and hitting them in the teeth therefore; but the other making haste to flie and hide themselves, yet were 40 not able so to doe; for incontinently the tormentors followed after and pursued them, who brought them backe againe to their punishment, crying out, and lamenting for nothing so much, as that they did foresee the torment which they were to suffer, as having experience thereof alreadie. Furthermore, he said that he saw some, and those in number many, either chil­dren or nephewes, hanging together fast, like bees or bats, murmuring and grumbling for an­ger, when they remembred and called to minde what sorrowes and calamities they susteined for their sake. But the last thing that he saw, were the soules of such as entred into a second life and new nativitie, as being turned and transformed forcibly into other creatures of all sorts, by cer­teine workemen appointed therefore, who with tooles for the purpose and many a stroake, for­ged and framed some of their parts new, bent and wrested others, tooke away and abolished a 50 third sort; and all, that they might sort and be sutable to other conditions and lives: among which he espied the soule of Nero afflicted already grievously enough otherwise, with many calamities, pierced thorow every part with spikes and nailes red hote with fire: and when the ar­tisans aforesaid tooke it hand to transforme it into the shape of a viper, of which kind (as Pin­darus saith) the yong ones gnaweth thorow the bowels of the dam to come into the world, and to deuoure it, he said that all on a sudden there shone forth a great light, out of which there was heard a voice giving commandement that they should metamorphoze and transfigure it into [Page 561] the forme of another kinde of beast, more tame and gentle, forging a water creature of it, chan­ting, about standing lakes and marishes; for that he had bene in some sort punished already for the sinnes which hee had committed, and besides, some good turne is due unto him from the gods, in that of all his subjects, he had exempted from taxe, tallage and tribute, the best nation and most beloved of the gods, to wit, the Greeks. Thuse farre foorth, he said, he was onely a spe­ctatour of these matters; but when he was upon his returne, he abid all the paines in the world, for very feare that he had; for there was a certaine woman, for visage and stately bignesse, admi­rable, who tooke holde on him, and said: Come hither, that thou maiest keepe in memorie all that thou hast seene, the better: wherewith she put forth unto him a little rod or wand all sierie, such as painters or enamellers use, but there was another that staied her; and then he might per­ceive 10 himselfe to be blowen by a strong and violent winde with a trunke or pipe, so that in the turning of an hand he was within his owne bodie againe, and so began to looke up with his eies in maner, out of his grave and sepulchre.

THAT BRVTE BEASTES 20 HAVE USE OF REASON; A discourse in maner of a dialogue, named GRYLLUS.

The Summarie. 30

THey who have given out that man is a living creature endued with reason, have in few words expressed that which every one of us ought principally to consider in him: But for want of declaring what this word reason doth import, themselves for the most part have not well understood this definition, but asmuch as in them is, reduced the condition of men to a woorse estate, than that of brute beasts: For albeit mans bodie mooved and governed by his immortall soule, hath many excellent advantages above beasts; yet if reason the guide of the soule have no other helpe than of her selfe, ceries, it may be well and true­ly said; that man is the most miserable creature in the world: And heerein it is, that Philosophers de­stitue of the light of gods word, are become and so remaine farre short, as being ignorant of Adams 40 fall, originall sinne, and the hereditarie source and spring of so many defects and impersections which proceed from the understanding and the will, so much depravate and corrupt in us by sinne, that when we are to raunge and reduce reason, to her true devoir and dutie in deed; namely, to know and serve God, according as he commandeth, she is starke blinde, yea and a very enemie herselfe to that good grace which is offred unto her. By reason therefore, which maketh the difference betweene us and brute beasts, we are to understand the true knowledge of God, for to serve and glorifie him according to the tenour of his word all the daies of our life; this is called true religion, of which if man be desti­tute, according to the sentence of our Saviour: It booteth not him to have gained the whole world, if he lose his owne soule: as also; That it were better for a [...] man, and him by whom offence commeth, never to have bene borne, or at least wise soone exterminate and rooted out: Likewise, that 50 whosoever is proud of himselfe, and forgetteth his God, is no more a man, but resembleth brute beasts, whose soule perisheth together with the bodie. But to enter no farther into this Theologicall disccuse we see in this present dialogue somewhat thereof, & that the intention of Plutarch was to slew that the intelligence and cogitation of God, is the onely true priviledge prerogative and advantage which men have above beasts: how beit, left he hath this worke imperfect, even in that very point, which of all other is hardest, and impossible to be prooved by him or his like: for what sound understanding, apprehension, or conceit could they have of God, who knew not at all true God? So then, it may be [Page 562] said that this parcell or remnant of the disputation, conteineth a forme of processe against all Pagants and Atheists, to proove that brute beasts excell them, and be in more happie estate than they. As touching the discourse it selfe, to the end that it might not be odious, in case he had handled it as his owne invention, he helpeth himselfe with the fabulous tale of Circe, who transformed into beasts the companions of Ulysses: By which allegorie, the Philosophers and Poets implie and teach thus much, that [...] pleasure doth make al persons brutish, save onely the wise, whouse & enjoy goods, honors, & delights, with a staied mind & spirit setled, & which never misseth, nor cōmeth short or wide of the marke that it shooteth at: He bringeth in therefore Ulysses, conferring by the leave and permission of Circe, with a Greeke named Gryllus, transmuted and turned into a swine: and the chiefe point of their disputation is this: Whether the life of man is better to be esteemed than that of beasts? 10 Gryllus for to vphold and maintaine his cause, treateth of sower points principally: First of the ver­rne in generall; secondly of the valor and fcrtitude; in the third place of the temperance; and last of all, the wisedome of beasts; prooving against Ulysses, and that by divers arguments set out and marked in order, that beasts have the start and vantage of men in all these points; and leaving the Reader to make the conclusion; he sheweth sufficiently, that if men have no other approch to rest upon, than a naturall habitude of an earthly vertue, and can assure the repose of their consciences upon nothing but upon humane valliance, temperance, and wisedome, they doe but goe in the companie of beasts, or rather come behind them. Thus you see why our author maketh Ulysses to enter into a discourse as touching the knowledge of God: But whether it were that his other offaires and occupations or the iniquitie of time hath deprived us of the rest, this treatise or dialogue hath beene cut off in that very 20 place, where it deserved and required to be more throughly and lively prosecuted: And this re­maineth and is come unto our hands, may serve all men in good stead for their instruction and learning, not to glory and vaunt themselves, but in the mercy of him, who calleth them to a better life, where­in brute beasts, (created onely for our use, and for the present life, with which they perish for ever) have no part nor portion at all.

THAT BRUTE BEASTES have use of reason.

The personages that discourse in this Dialogue, 30 ULYSSES, CIRCE, GRYLLUS.

ULYSSES.

ME thinks dame Circe that I have sufficiently conceived, and firmely imprinted these matters in my memorie. Now would I gladly aske the question, and know of you, whether among those men which be transformed into wolves and lions, you have any Greeks or no?

CIRCE.

Yes mary have I, and those very many, deere heart Ulysses; but 40 wherefore demaund you this question?

ULYSSES.

Because I am perswaded, it will be greatly for mine honour a­mong the Greeks, if by your gracious favour I may obtaine thus much, as at your hands to receive them men againe, and save them, strangers though they be, as well as my companions; nor so neglect their state, as to suffer them against nature to age & waxe old in the bodies of wilde beasts, leading a life so miserable, ignominous, and infamous.

CIRCE.

See the simplicitie of this man; he would through his folly, that his ambitious minde should 50 procure damage and calamity not to himselfe onely and his friends, but also to those who are meere aliens, and nothing belonging to him?

ULYSSES.

I perceive very well (ô Circe) that you are about the tempering and brewing of another cup and potion of words, to bewitch me; for certainly you should make a very beast of me in deed, if I would suffer my selfe to be perswaded, that it were a detriment or losse to become a man a­gaine of a brute beast.

CIRCE.
[Page 563]

Why? have you not already done woorse for your selfe than so, and committed greater ab­surdities? considering that letting goe a life immortall, and not subject to old age, which you might enjoy if you would make your abode and dwell with me; you will needs goe in all the haste to a woman mortall, and (as I dare well say) very aged by this time, and that through ten thousand dangers, which yet you must endure, promising your selfe, that you shall thereby be better regarded, more honored and renowed from hence foorth, than now you are; and in the meane while you consider not that you seeke after a vaine felicitie, and the image or shadow onely for the thing indeed.

ULYSSES. 10

Well Circe, I am content that it be so as you say; for why should we so often contest and de­bate thus about the same still? But I pray you of all loves, unbinde and let loose these poore men for my sake, and give them me.

CIRCE.

Nay, that I will not, I sweare by Hecate: You shall not come so easily by them; for I tell you they be no meane persons, and of the common sort: But you were best to aske them first if they themselves be willing thereto or no? And if they answer nay? then, like a noble valiant gentle­man as you are, deale with them effectually, and induce them thereto: But in case you cannot with all your reasons bring them to it, and that they be able to convince you by force of argu­ment, let it suffice you that you have advised your selfe and your friends but badly. 20

ULYSSES.

Is it so indeed good lady? and are you about to mocke and make a foole of me? For how can they either yeeld or receive reason in conference, so long as they be asses, swine and lions, as they are.

CIRCE.

Goe to sir, most ambitious man that you are; let that never trouble you; for I will uphold them sufficient both to heare and understand whatsoever you shall alledge unto them, yea, and able to reason and discourse with you: Or rather, I passe not much if one of them for all his fellowes shall both demaund and [...] Lo heare is one, deale with him as it pleaseth you.

ULYSSES. 30

And by what name shall we call him, Circe? or who might he be, when he was a man?

CIRCE.

What matters that? and what maketh it to disputation and question in hand? Howbeit, name him if you thinke good, Grydus: And to the end that you should not thinke, that for to gratifie or doe me a pleasure, he may seeme to reason crosse and against your minde, I will for the time retire my selfe out of the place.

GRYLLUS.

God save you Ulysses.

ULYSSES.

And you also gentle Gryllus. 40

GRYLLUS.

What is your will with me, and what would you demaund of me?

ULYSSES.

I wot well that you and the rest were sometimes men, and therefore I have great ruth and pi­tie to see you all in this estate, but as good reason is, it grieveth me most for the Greeks, that they are fallen into this calamity: But so it is, that even now I requested Circe, to loosen as many of you as be willing thereto, and after she hath restored them to their auncient shape, to give them leave to goe with me.

GRYLLUS.

Peace Ulysses, and say not a word more I beseech you; for we all have you in contempt now, 50 seeing that you have bene taken and named all this whiles for a singular man, and seemed far to surpasse all others in wisedome, whereas there is little or no cause thereof; in that you have bene afraid even of this, to change from the woorse to the better; and never considered, that as chil­dren abhorre the medicines and drogues that Physicians ordeine, and refuse to learne those sciences and disciplines, which of sickly, diseased and foolish, might make them more healthie, sound, & wise; even so you have rejected & east behind you this oportunitie to be transformed and changed from one to another; and even still you tremble and dare not venture to keepe [Page 564] companie and lie with Circe, for dread and feare, lest ere you be aware, she should make of you either a swine, or a woolfe; and you would perswade us, that whereas we live now in abundance, and enjoy the affluence of all good things, we should quit the same, and withall, abandon and forsake her who hath procured us this happinesse, and all to goe away with you, when we are become men againe; that is to say, the most wretched creatures in the world.

ULYSSES.

It seemeth Gryllus that the potion which you dranke at Circes hands, hath not onely marred the forme and fashion of your bodie, but also spoiled your wit and understanding; having in­toxicate your braine, and filled your head with corrupt, strange, and monstrous opinions for ever; or els some pleasure that you have taken by the acquaintance of this body so long, hath 10 cleane bewitched you.

GRYLLUS.

Nay iwis, good sir, it is neither so nor so, if it please you ô king of the Cephallenians; but if you be disposed to argue with reason, rather than to wrangle with opprobrious tearmes, we will soone bring you to another opinion, and proove by sound arguments, upon the experience which we have of the one life and the other, that there is great reason why we should love and embrace this present state above the former.

ULYSSES.

For mine owne part I am readie to give you the hearing.

GRYLLUS.

And I as willing likewise to deliver my minde: But first and formost, begin I will to speake of 20 vertues, upon which I see you stand so much, and in regard whereof, you woondrously please your selves, as who would be thought in justice, in wisedome, in magnanimitie and other ver­tues, to excell and farre surpasse all brute beasts: Answer me therefore I beseech you, the wisest man of all other, to this point: For I have heard say, that upon a time you made relation unto Circe of the Cyclopes countrey, how the soile there is naturally so good and fertill, that with­out plowing, sowing, or planting at all, it bringeth foorth of it selfe all sorts of fruit: Tell me I say, whether you esteeme better of it (so frutefull as it is) or of Ithaca a rough and mountaine re­gion, good onely for to breed goats in, and which hardly and with great labour yeeldeth unto those that till it, small store (God wot) of poore and leane frutes, which will not quit for the cost 30 and paines? But take heed it grieve you not to answer contrarie to your minde, for the love that you beare unto your native countrey.

ULYSSES.

I love verily (for I must not lie) yea, and I imbrace and holde most deare, mine owne coun­trey and place of nativitie: howbeit, I praise and admire that other region of theirs.

GRYLLUS.

Why then belike, the case stands thus, and this we are to say, that the wisest man is of opini­on, that there be some things which are to praise and commend, and other things to chuse and love: and verily, I thinke that your judgement is the same of the soule; for the like reason there is of it and a land or plot of ground, namely, that the soule is better, which without any travell or 40 labour, bringeth forth vertue, as a fruit springing and growing of it selfe.

ULYSSES.

Well: be it so as you say.

GRYLLUS.

You grant then and confesse already, That the soule of brute beasts is by nature more kinde, more perfect and better disposed to yeeld vertue, considering that without compulsion, without commandement, or any teaching, which is as much to say, as without tillage and sowing it bringeth forth and nourisheth that vertue which is meet and convenient for every one.

ULYSSES.

And what vertue is that (my good friend Gryllus) whereof beasts be capable? 50

GRYLLUS.

Nay, what vertue are they not capable of? yea, and more than the wisest man that is. But first, consider we (if you please) valour and fortitude, whereupon you beare your selfe and vaunt so highly, neither are you abashed and hide your selfe for feare, but are very well pleased when as men surname you, Hardie, Bolde, and a Winner of cities; whereas you have (most wicked wretch that you are) circumvented and deceived men, who know no other way of making war, but that which is plaine and generous, and who were altogether unskilfull of fraud, guile and [Page 565] leasing, by your wily shifts and subtill pranks, attributing the name of vertue unto cunning casts, the which in deed knoweth not what deceit and fraud meaneth. But you see the combats of beasts aswell against men as when they fight one against another, how they are performed with­out any craftinesse or sleight, onely by plaine hardinesse and cleane strength, and as it were up­on a native magnanimitie, they defend themselves, and be revenged of their enemies: and nei­ther by enforcement of lawes, nor for feare to be judicially reprooved and punished for cowar­dise, but onely through instinct of nature avoiding the shame and disgrace to be conquered, they endure and holde out fight to the very extremitie, and all to keepe themselves invincible: for say they be in body the weaker, yet they yeeld not for all that, nor are faint-hearted and give over, but chuse to die in fight: and many of them there be, whose courage and generositie, even 10 when they are readie to die, being retired into some one corner of their bodie, and there gathe­ring it selfe, resisteth the killer, it leapeth and fretteth still, untill such time as, like a flame of fire, it be quenched and put out once for all: they can not skill of praying and intreating their ene­mie, they crave no pardon and mercy; and it were strange in any of them, to confesse that they are overcome; neither was it ever seene that a lion became a slave unto a lion, or one horse un­to another in regard of fortitude, like as one man to another, contenting himselfe and willingly embracing servitude as next cousin and a surname appropriate unto cowardise. And as for those beasts which men have surprised and caught by snares, traps, subtill sleights and devices of engins, such if they be come to their growth and perfect age, reject all food, refuse nourish­ment, yea, and endure thirst, to such extremitie, that they chuse to die and seeke to procure their 20 owne death, rather than to live in servitude; but to their yoong ones and whelps, which for their tender age be tractable, pliable, and easie to be led which way one will, they offer so many de­ceitfull baits to entice and allure them with their sweetnesse, that they have no sooner tasted thereof, but they become enchanted and bewitched therewith: for these pleasures, and this deli­cate life, contrary to their nature, in tract of time causeth them to be soft and weake, receiving that degeneration (as it were) and effaeminate habit of their courage, which folke call tamenesse, and in deed but basenesse and defect of their naturall generositie: whereby it appeareth, that beasts by nature are bred and passing well disposed to be audacious and hardie; whereas contra­riwise, it is not kindly for men to be so much as bolde of speech and resolute in speaking their mindes. And this you may (good Ulysses) learne and know especially by this one argument: for 30 in all brute beasts, nature swaieth indifferently and equally of either side, as touching courage and boldnesse, neither is the female in that point inferior to the male, whether it be in susteining paine and travell for getting of their living, or in fight for defence of their little ones. And I am sure you heard of a certeine Cromyonian swine, what foule worke she made, being a beast of the faemale sex, for Theseus, & how she troubled him; as also of that monstrous Sphinx, which kept upon the rocke Phicion, and held in awe all that tract underneath and about it: for surely all her craft and subtilty in devising ridles, and proposing darke questions, had booted her nothing, in case she had not beene withall, of greater force and courage than all the Cadmeians. In the very same quarter was (by report) the fox of Telmesus, a wily and craftie beast. And it is given out, that neere unto the said place, was also the fell dragon which fought in single fight hand to 40 hand with Apollo, for the Seignorie of the oracle at Delphi. And even your great king Agamem­non, tooke that brave mare Aethe, as a gift, of an inhabitant of Sycion, for his dispensation and im­munity, that he might not be prest to the warres: wherein he did well and wisely in mine opini­nion, to preferre a good and couragious beast, before a coward and dastardly man: and you your own selfe ( Ulysses) have seene many times lionesses and she libbards, how they give no place at all to their males in courage and hardinesse, as your lady Penelope doth, who gives you leave to be abroad in warfarre, whiles she sits at home close by the herth, and by the fire side, and dares not doe so much as the very swallowes, in repelling those back who come to destroy her and her house, for all she is a Laconian woman borne: What should I tell you of the Carian or Maeonian women? for by this that hath beene said already, it is plaine and evident, that men 50 naturally are not endued with prowesse, for if they were, then should women likewise have their part with them in vertue and valour: And thereupon I inferre and conclude that you and such as you are, exerercise a kind of valiance (I must needs say) which is not voluntarie nor naturall, but constreined by force of lawes, subject and servile to (I wot not what) customes repre­hensions; and you mediate I say and practise for vain-glorious opinion, fortitude, gaily set out with trim words; you sustaine travels and perils, not for that you set light by them, nor for any hardinesse and confidence in your selves, but because you are afraid lest others should goe [Page 566] before you, and be esteemed greater than you. And like as heere among your mates at sea, he that first riseth to his businesse of rowing, laieth hand and seizeth upon the lightest oare that he can meet with, doth it not, for that he despiseth it, but because he avoideth and is affraid to han­dle one that is heavier: and he that endureth the knocke of a baston or cudgel, because he would not receive any wound by the sword: as also he that resisteth an enemie for to avoid some igno­minous infamie of death, is not to be said valiant in respect of the one, but coward in regard of the other: even so the valour in you, is nothing els but a wise and warie cowardise, and your prowesse and boldnesse, is no better than timerousnesse, accompanied with skill and knowledge how to decline one danger by another. To be briefe, if you thinke your selves to be more har­die and valiant than beasts, how commeth it, that your Poets tearme those who fight manfully 10 against their enemies, [...] that is, wolves for courage; [...] that is, lion-hearted; and [...] that is, resembling the wilde boare in animositie and force: but never doth any of them call a lion, [...] that is, as valiant as a man: or a wild boare, [...] that is, comparable to a man in courage and strength. Yet I wot well, when they would speake excessively in comparison, their maner is, to call men that are swift in running, [...] that is, light-footed like the winde: and those who be faire ad beautifull, [...] that is, angelicall, or to see to, like unto angels: and even so, they compare and resemble brave warriours in the high­est degree, unto beasts, who in that case are much more excellent than men: the reason is this, for that choler and heat of courage is (as it were) the steele, the file, yea, the very whetstone that giveth the edge unto fortitude; and this doe brute beasts bring with them pure and simple unto 20 fight; whereas in you, it being alway mingled and tempered with some discourse of reason, as if wine were delaied with a little water, it is gone and to seeke in the greatest dangers, and faileth at the very point of opportunity, when it is most to be used. And some of you are of opinion, and sticke not to say, that in battell and fight there is no need at all of anger, but that laying aside all choler, we are to employ sober and staied reason; wherein they speake not amisse, and I holde well with them, when the question is of defence onely, and the securing of a mans owne life: but surely, if the case be so, that we are to offend, to annoy and defait our enemie, they talke most shamefully. Is it not a very absurd thing, that ye should reproove and blame nature, for that she hath not set unto your bodies any stings or pricks, nor given you tusks and teeth to revenge your selves with, ne yet armed you with hooked clawes and tallons to offend your enemies; and 30 in the meane while your owne selves take, spoile, and bereave the soule of that naturall weapon which is inbred with it, or at leastwise cut the same short and disable it?

ULYSSES.

What Gryllus! you seeme (as farre as I gesse) to have beene heeretofore some wittie and great oratour; who now grunting out of your stie or frank, have so pithily argued the case, and discoursed of the matter in hand: but why have you not in the same traine disputed likewise of temperance?

GRYLLUS.

Because forsooth I thought that you would first have refuted that which hath already beene spoken; but I see well you desire to heare me speake of temperance, because you are the hus­band 40 of a most chaste wife, and you thinke besides, that your selfe have shewed good proofe of your own continencie, in that you have rejected the love & wanton company of Circe; but even heerein you are not more perfect, I meane in continence, than any one beast, for even they al­so lust not at all to companie or engender with those that are of a more excellent kind than their owne, but take their pleasure with those, and make love to such as be of the same sort, and there­fore no marvell, that as the Mendesian buck-goat in Aegypt, when he was shut up with many faire and beautifull women, never for all that made to any of them, but abhorred to meddle with them; whereas he was raging wood in heat of lust after the does or female goats: So you taking delight in your ordinary love, have no desire at all, being a man, to sleepe or deale carnal­ly with an immortall goddesse: And as for the chastitie and continence of your owne lady Pe­nelope, 50 I tell you there be ten thousand crowes in the world, that after their manner, caing and croking as they doe, will make a meere mocke of it, and shew that it is no such matter to be ac­counted of; for there is not one of them, but if the male or cock chance to die, remaineth a wi­dow without seeking after a make, not for a litle while, but even for the space of nine ages & lives of a man; so that in this respect, your faire Penelope commeth behind the poorest crow or raven that is, and deserveth not the ninth part of her honour for chastitie: But seeing you are ware that I am so eloquent an oratour, I care not much if I observe a methodicall order in this dis­course [Page 567] of mine, and like a clearke indeed, beginne first with the definition of temperance, and then proceed to the division of appetites and lusts, according to their several distinct kinds right formally. Temperance therefore is a certaine restraint, abridgement, or regularitie of lusts, and desires, a restraint I say, and abating of such as are forren, strange, and superfluous, to wit, unne­cessarie, and a regularitie which by election and choise of time and temperature of a meane, doth moderate those that be naturall and necessarie; for you see that in lusts and desires, there be infinit differences: As for example, the appetite to drinke, besides that it is naturall, is also necessarie; But the lust of the flesh, or concupiscence, although nature hath given the begin­ning thereof; yet so it is, that we may live commodiously without it; so as well it may be called naturall, but in no wise necessarie. Now there is another sort of desires, that be neither naturall 10 nor necessarie, but accidentall, and infused from without by a vaine opinion, and upon igno­rance of that which is good, and there be such a number of them, that they goe verie neere to chase away and thrust out, all your naturall appetites, much like as when the aliens and strangers that swarme in a citie, drive out and expell the naturall inhabitants; whereas brute beasts give no entrance nor any communication and fellowship to forren affections for to settle in their soules, but in their whole life, & all their actions be farre remote from vain-glory, selfe-conceit, & fond opinions, as if they abode within the mediterranean parts, distant from the sea: True it is that in their port and carriage, they be not so elegant, so fine & curious as men: howbeit other­wise, for temperance & good government of their affections, which be not many in number, ei­ther domesticall, or strange & forren, they are more precise & woonderfull exact in the obser­ving 20 of them than they; for the proofe and truth heereof, the time was once, when I my selfe no lesse doated and was besotted upon gold than you are now, thinking verily that there was no good nor possession in the world comparabnle to it; I was in love also fo silver and ivorie, and he that had most store heereof, me thought was a right happie man, and most highlie in grace and favour with the gods, whether he were Phrygian or Carian it skilled not, more base minded than Dolon, or infortunate otherwise than Priamus; insomuch as being linked fast and tied to these deires, I reaped and received no pleasure nor any contentment at all from al other blessings; for notwithstanding I was sufficiently furnished with them, yet I tooke my selfe left needie nad destitute of those which I accounted the greatest; and therefore I well remember, when I saw you upon a time stately arraid, with a rich robe in Candie, I wished not to have your 30 wisedome and vertue, but your beautifull cassocke so deintily and finely wrought, your mantell I say of purple, so delicate & soft, the beautie whereof I beheld with such admiration, that I was even ravished and transported with the sight thereof, as for the button or claspe, al of pure gold, belonging thereto, it had in it a singularitie by it selfe, and an excellent workeman hee was no doubt, who tooke delight in the turning and graving thereof; and verily for mine owne part, I followed after you for to see it, as if I had beene enchaunted or bewitched; as women that bee amorous of their lovers: But now being delivered from these vaine and foolish opinions, and having my braine purged from such fantasticall conceits, I passe over gold and silver, and make no more account of them, than I doe of other ordinarie stones; your goodly habilliments, your fine embroidered garments of needle worke and tapistrie, I set so light by, that I make 40 more reckoning I assure you, of a good deepe puddle of soft mire and dirt to walter and wallow in at mine ease, and for to sleepe when my belly is ful, than of them: neither is there any of these appetites comming from without, that hath place in our soule, but our life for the most part we passe in desires and pleasures necessarie; and even those which are meere naturall onely, and not altogether so necessarie, wee use them neither disorderly, nor yet unmeasurably: And of them let us first discourse: As for that familiar pleasure which proceedeth from sweet odours, and such things, as by their sent doe affect the smelling, over and besides the simple de­light that it yeeldeth, which costeth nought, it bringeth therewith a certaine profit and com­moditie, for to discerne nourishment, and make choise of food; for the tongue is named, as it is indeede, the judge of sweet, of sharpe, eager and sowre sapours, namely, when 50 as the juices of those things which are tasted, come to bee mingled and concorporate with the discretive facultie, and not before: But our sense of smelling, before wee once taste those juices or sapours, judgeth of the force and qualitie of every thing, yea, and senteth them much more exquisitely than all the tasters that give essaie before kings and princes: As for that which is familiar and agreeable unto us, it receiveth inwardly, but whatsoever is strange and offensive, it rejecteth and sendeth foorth, neither will it suffer the same once to touch us, or to offend our taste; but it bewraieth, accuseth, and condemneth the evill and noi­some [...] [Page 566] [...] [Page 567] [Page 568] qualitie thereof, before it doth us any harme, and otherwise it troubleth not us at all, as it doth you, whom it forceth to mixe and compound together for perfumes, cinamon, nard, spike, lavander camell, the sweet leafe malabathum, and the aromaticall calamus, or cane of Arabia, medling and incorporating one within another, by the exquisit skilling and cunning of the apothecarie and perfumer, forcing drogues and spices of divers natures to be blended and confected together, and buying for great summes of money one pleasure, which is not be­seeming men, but rather fit for fine wenches and daintie damosels, and nothing at all profitable: And yet being thus corrupt as it is, it mareth not onely all women, but also the most part of you that are men, in so much as you will not otherwhiles, lie with your owne espoused wives, unlesse they be perfumed and besmeared all over with sweet oiles and ointments, or els bestrewed with 10 odoriserous powders, when they come to companie with you: Whereas contrariwise among us, the sow allureth the bore, the doe or she goat draweth unto her the buck, & other females the males of their kinde, by their owne sent and smell, casting from them the pure and neat savour of the medowes, and the verdure of the fields, and so comming together as in marriage for ge­neration, with a kinde of mutuall love and reciprocall pleasure; neither doe the females hold off and make it daintie, disguising and covering (as it were) their owne lust as harlots doe, with looking strange and coie at the matter, pretending colourable excuses, or making semblance of refusall, and all to enchant, entise, and draw on the rather; nor the males when they come unto them, being pricked with the furious instinct of lust to generation, doe buie either for money or for great paine and travell, or for long subjection and servitude, the act of generation; but 20 they performe the same unfeignedly, and without deceit in due time and season, without anie cost, when as nature in the spring stirreth up and provoketh the generative concupiscence of all living creatures, even as it putteth foorth the buds and sprouts of plants, and anon delaieth as it were and quencheth the same; for neither the female after she is once sped and hath conceived, seeketh after the male, nor the male wooeth her any more, nor followeth after her; of so little regard and small price is this pleasure among us; but nature is all in all, and nothing doe wee against it: Heereof also it is, that there hath not beene knowne unto this day, any lust so farre to transpote beasts, as that males should joine in this act with males, or females with females; whereas among you, there be many such examples, even of such as otherwise were accounted great and woorthie personages, for I let those passe who were of no woorth or note 30 to speake of: Even Agamemnon went through all Boeotia, chasing and hunting after Or, Argeus. Argynnus, who sledde sevretly from him; meane while he pretended colourable, yet false excuses of his abode there, to wit, the sea and the windes, and afterwards this faire and goodly knight, bathed himselfe gently in the poole of Copais, as it were there to quench the heat of his love, and to de­liver himselfe from this furious lust. Semblablie Hercules pursuing after a yoong beardlesse Genymade whom he loved, was left behind the other gallants and brave knights that enterpri­sed the voiage for the golden fleece, and so not embarquing with them, betraied the fleet. Like­wise upon a scutchian of the louver or valted roufe of Apollos temple, surnamed Ptoius, there was one of you, who secretly wrote this inscription; Achilles the faire; even after that Achil­les himselfe had begotten a sonne; and I heare say, that these letters remaine there to be seene 40 even at this day: Now if it chaunce that a dunghill cocke tread another cocke, when there is no henne at hand; he is burnt quicke, for that some wizard, soothsaier, or interpreter of such straunge prodigies, will pronounce that it is omenous, and presageth some evill lucke: Thus you see, how men themselves are forced to confesse, that beasts are more continent than they, & that to satisfie & fulfil their lusts, they never violate nor abuse nature; whereas in you it is otherwise: for nature (albeit she have the helpe and aide of the law) is not able to keepe your in­temperance within the limits and bounds of reason; but like unto a violent streame which run­neth forcibly, often times and in many places it worketh much outrage, causing great disorder, scandall and confusion against nature, in this point of carnall love and fleshly lust: for there have bene men who attempted to meddle and deale with shee goats, with sowes and mares; as 50 also women who have bene as wood and raging mad after certeine beasts of the male kinde: and verily, of such copulations as these, are come your Minotaures and Aegipanes; yea, and as I verily thinke, those Sphinxes and Centaures in time past, have bene bred by the same meanes. True it is (I confesse) that otherwhiles, upon necessity and extreame famine, a dogge hath bene knowen to have devoured a man or a woman, yea, and some fowle hath tasted of their flesh, and begun to eat it; but there was never found yet any brute beast to have lusted after man or wo­man, to engender with them; whereas men both in this lust and in many other pleasures, have [Page 569] often times perpetrated outrage upon beasts. Now if they be so unbridled, so disordinate and incontinent in these appetites, much more dissolute they are knowen to be than beasts in other desires and lusts that be necessarie, to wit, in meats and drinks, whereof we never take pleasure, but it is with some profit; but you seeking after the tickling pleasure and delight in drinking and eating, rather than the needfull nourishment to content and satisfie nature, are afterwards well punished for it by many grievous and long maladies, which proceed all from one source, to wit, surfeit and repleation, namely, when you stuffe and fill your bodies with all sorts of flatulent humors & ventosities which hardly are purged & excluded forth: for first & formost, ech sort of beasts hath a severall food and peculiar kinde of nourishment; some feed upon grasse, others upon roots, and some there be againe which live by fruits: as for those that devoure flesh, they 10 never touch any other kinde of pasture, neither come they to take from the weaker and more feeble kind, their proper nouriture, but suffer them to grase & feed quietly. Thus we see that the lion permitteth the stag and hinde to grase; and the wolfe likewise the sheepe, according to na­tures ordinance and appointment: but man (being through his disordinate appetite of plea­sures, and by his gluttonie, provoked to all things, tasting and assaying whatsoever he can meet with or heare of, as knowing indeed no proper and naturall food of his owne) is of all creatures living, he alone that enteth and devoureth all things; for first, he feedeth upon flesh, without a­ny need or necessitie enforcing him thereto, considering that he may alwaies gather, presse, cut and reape from plants, vines and seeds, all sort of fruits, one after another in due and convenient seasons, untill he be weary againe, for the great quantity thereof; and yet for to content his deli­cate 20 tooth, and upon a lothsome fulnesse of necessarie sustenance, he secketh after other victu­als, neither needfull nor meet for him, ne yet pure and cleane, in killing living creatures, much more cruelly than those savage beasts that live of ravin: for bloud and carnage of murdered car­cases is the proper and familiar food for a kite, a wolfe, or a dragon; but unto man it serveth in stead of his daintie dish: and more than so, man in the use of all sorts of beasts, doth not like o­ther creatures that live of prey, which absteine from the most part, and warre with some small nūber, even for very necessity of food; for there is neither fowle flying in the aire, nor (in maner) any fish swimming in the sea, nor (to speake inone word) any beast feeding upon the face of the earth, that can escape those tables of yours, which you call gentle, kinde and hospitall. But you will say, that all this standeth in stead of sauce to season your food: be it so: why then doe you 30 kill the same for that purpose, and for to furnish those your milde and courteous tables?

It seemeth that some­what is here wanting. But the wisedome of beasts, farre different; for it giveth place to no arte whatsoever, that is vaine and needlesse; and as for those that be necessarie, it enterteineth them not as comming from others, nor as taught by mercenarie masters for hire and money; neither is it required, that it should have any exercise to glue (as it were, and joine after a slender maner) ech rule, principle and proposition, one to another; but all at once of it selfe, it yeeldeth them all as na­tive and inbred therewith. We heare say, that all the Aegyptians be Physicians; but surely eve­ry beast hath in it selfe not onely the art and skill to cure and heale it selfe when it is sicke, but also is sufficiently instructed how to feed and nourish it selfe, how to use her owne strength, how to fight, how to hunt, how to stand at defence, yea, and in very musicke they are skilfull, ech one 40 in that measure as is requisit and befitting the owne nature: for of whom have we learned, fin­ding our selves ill at ease, to goe into the rivers for to seeke for crabbes and craifishes? who hath taught the tortoises, when they have eaten a viper, to seeke out the herbe Organ for to feed up­on? who hath shewed unto the goats of Candie, when they be shot into the bodie with arrowes, to finde out the herbe Dictamnus, for to feed on it, and thereby to cause the arrow head to come forth and fall from them? For if you say (as the trueth is) that nature is the schoole-mistresse, teaching them all this, you referre and reduce the wisedome and intelligence of dumbe beasts unto the sagest and most perfect cause or principle that is; which if you thinke you may not call reason, nor prudence, ye ought then to seeke out some other name for it, that is better and more honourable: and to say a trueth, by effects shee sheweth her puissance to be greater and 50 more admirable, as being neither ignorant nor ill taught, but having learned rather of it self, not by imbecilitie and feeblenesse of nature, but contrariwise, through the force and perfection of naturall vertue, letting go, and nothing at all esteeming that beggerly prudence which is gotten from other by way of apprentissage. Neverthelesse, all those things which men either for deli­cacie or in mirth and pastime, do present unto them for to learne and to exercise their conceit and wit withall, howsoever they be against the naturall inclination of their bodies: yet such is their capacitie and the excellencie of their spirit, that they will reach thereto and compasse the [Page 570] same thorowly. I say nothing how whelps follow and trace beasts by the foot, or how colts pra­ctise to set their feet forward in their pace by measures: but how crowes and ravens will talke and prattle, how dogs will leape and dance upon wheeles as they turne round about: also horses and oxen we see in the theaters, how they being taught to couch and lie downe, to daunce, to stand upright on their hinder feet, so woonderfully, that men themselves have much adoo to performe the like dangerous gestures, and yet this they doe after they have once lear­ned it from others, yea, and remember the feat thereof, onely for a proofe, if there were no­thing else, that docible they be and apt to learne whatsoever a man would have them, since that all this serveth for nothing else in the whole world. Now if you bee hard of beliefe, and will not be perswaded that we learne the arts, I will say more than so; namely, that we can teach the same: 10 for the old rowen partridges teach their yoong ones how to runne awaie from before the fowler, and to escape by lying upon their backs, and holding up with their feete a clod of earth to hide themselves under it; and see we not daily upon the tops of our houses, how the old storks standing by their little ones, traine and teach them how to flie; semblablie the nightin­gales instruct their yoong birds in song, insomuch as those which be taken unfledge out of the nest, and are nourished by mans hand, never afterwards sing so well, because they be had away before their time from schoole, and want their master of musick. For mine owne part after that I was entred into this bodie, I marvelled much at those reasons and discourses of sophisters, who mainteined and perswaded me before time, that all living creatures besides man were with­out reason and understanding. 20

ULYSSES.

You are indeed Gryllus now much changed, and you can shew unto us by sound demonstra­tions, that a sheepe is reasonable, and an asse hath wit, can you not?

GRYLLUS.

Yes iwis, good Ulysses, for even by these very arguments, a man may principally collect and gather, that the nature of beasts is not altogether void of the use of reason and intelligence: Like as therefore among trees, there is not one more or lesse destitute of soule, (I meane that which is sensitive) than another, but they be all indifferently & equally void thereof, and not one of them is one jot endued therewith; even so in sensible beasts, there would not be one found more slow and unapt to learne things of wit and understanding than another, if they were not 30 all partakers of reason and intelligence, although some have the same in more or lesse measure than others; and say there be some very blockish and exceeding dull of conceit, consider with­all, how the wily sleights and craftie conceits of others may be put in balance against the same, namely, when you shall compare the fox, the woolfe, or the bees with the sheepe and the asse; it is all one as if you should set Polyphemus to your selfe; or that Homer of Corinth to your grandfather Autolycus: And yet I thinke verily, that there is not so great difference and di­stance betweene beast and beast, as there is ods in the matter of wisedome, discourse of reason, and use of memorie betweene man and man.

ULYSSES.

But take heed of one thing Gryllus, that it be not a strange and absurd position, sounding of no 40 no probabilitie at all, to attribute any use of reason unto those who have no sense or knowledge at all of God.

GRYLLUS.

What Ulysses, shall we not say that you being so wise and excellent as you are, were descen­ded from the race of Sisyphus, &c. 50

WHETHER IT BE LAWFULL TO EAT FLESH OR NO. 10 The former Oration or Treatise.

The Summarie.

ELoquence was highly esteemed in times past among Greeks and Romans, and therefore their children were trained and framed betimes in the schooles to discourse well, in good tearmes, and proper phrases, yea, and with pregnant and sound reasons of divers 20 matters; to the end that when they were come to more yeeres, they might make proofe of their sufficiencie in courts and publike assemblies of cities, in private consultations and familiar conferences, as it appeereth very plainly by the histories of all ages: Now after that yoong children had learned of their schoole-masters the rules and precepts named Progymnasmata, or the first exercises, they were brought into the auditorie of some great prosessor in Rhetoricke; where there were proposed unto them certaine themes, gathered out of poets, historians, or philosophers, upon which they exercised their stile to write Pro & contra, in the defence or confutation of this or that opinion, according to the measure of their spirit and capacitie, more or lesse: Those who were more for­ward, and farther proceeded than the rest, cond by heart that which they had penned, and pronounced the same afterward in the presence of those that came to heare them: Some of them who were growen 30 to a greater measure of knowledge, and as it were in the highest forme of such exercises, were woont to stand foorth and answer to all questions propounded, disputing and discour sing in the praise or dis­praise of one and the same thing, as Gorgias, Carneades, and an infinit number of others, are able to make good and verifie. This maner of exercise, anmed Declamations, was practised in Plutarchs time, as may be collectedout out of divers places of his works: and as these two treatises immediatly fol­lowing, do sufficiently declare, the which are maimed and imperfect at the very beginning, in the mids and toward the end, especially the second: for it may be easily seene that they are fragments of certeine declamations which he wrote for his owne exercise when he was a yoong man. Now albeit they be so corrupt and defective in maner all thorowout, yet the remnant which is left unto us, doth sufficiently discover the honest occupation and emploiment of learned men in those daies, and the carefull industrie 40 that they had to examine & discusse all things thorowly, to the end that by a diligent conference there­of, the trueth might the better appeare and be knowen. And if otherwhiles they mainteined certeine paradoxes and strange opinions, it was not upon any crosse and litigious spirit to defend obstinately all that came into their fant asticall brame, but for to augment and encrease in themselves an earnest de­fire to apprehend and understand things better: And howsoever our author seemeth to be of minde for to defend the opinion of Pythagoras, as touching the transmigration of soules, and the prohibition to eate flesh; yet by other treatises written with more deliberate, mature and staid judgement, he gi­veth us to understand, that he is of a contrarie opinion; but his principall scope that he shooteth at, see­meth to be a cutting off and abridging of the great excesse and superfluitie in purveying, buying, and spending of viands, which in his time began to grow out of all measure; a disorder and inormitie which 50 afterwards encreased much more. For to gaine and compasse this point, hee would seeme to perswade men to the opinion of Pythagoras, which mightily cutteth the wings of all riot and wast full dissolution. Moreover, this ought not to be taken so, as if it favoured and seconded the errour of certeine fantasti­call persons, who have condemned the use of Gods good creatures: for in the schoole of Christ wee are taught good lessons, which refute sufficiently the dreames of the Pythagoreans, and resolve assuredly the good conscience of all those that make use of all creatures (meet for the sustentation of this life) so­berly and with thanks giving, as knowing them to be good, and their use cleane and pure unto those [Page 572] whom the spirit of regeneration hath sanctified, for to make them partakers of that realme which is not shut up and inclosed in meats and drinks. As touching this present tract for the maintenance of Pythagoras his paradox, he alledgeth five reasons: to wit, That the eating of flesh, is a testimonie and signe of inhumanitie; That we ought to forbeare it, considering we are not driven upon necessitie to feed there upon; That it is an unnaturall thing; That it hurteth soule and body: and for a conclusion; That men will never come themselves and converse modestly together, if they learne not first to be pi­tifull and kinde even to the very dumbe beasts.

WHETHER IT BE LAW­full 10 to eat flesh or no. The former Oration or Treatise.

BUt you demand of mee, for what cause Pythagoras absteined from eating flesh? And I againe do marvell, what affection, what maner of courage, or what motive and reason had that man, who first ap­proched with his mouth unto a slaine creature, who durst with his 20 lips once touch the flesh of a beast either killed or dead; or how he could finde in his heart to be served at his table with dead bodies, and as a man may say, very idols, to make his food and nourish­ment of those parts and members which a little before did blea, low, bellow, walke and see. How could his eies endure to beholde such murder and slaughter, whiles the poore beasts were either stic­ked or had the throats cut, were flaied and dismembred? how could his nose abide the smell and sent that came from them? how came it that his taste was not cleane marred and overthrowen with horrour, when he came to handle those uncouth sores and ulcers, or receive the bloud and humours, issuing out of the deadly wounds. 30

The skinnes now flaied, upon the ground did spraule,
The flesh on spits did bellow still and low:
Roast, sod and raw, did crie aswell as craule,
And yeeld a voice of living oxe or cow.

But this, you will say, is a loud lie, and a meere poeticall fiction; howbeit, this was certeinly a strange and monstrous supper, that any man should hunger after those beasts, and desire to eat them whiles they still kept a lowing; to prescribe also, and teach men how they should feed of those creatures which live and crie still; to ordeine likewise, how they ought to be dressed, boi­led, roasted, and served up to the boord.

But he who first invented these monstruosities, ought to be inquired after, and not hee who 40 last gave over and rejected the same. Or a man may well say, that those who at the first began to eat flesh, had all just causes so to do, in regard of their want and necessitie: for surely, it was not by reason of disordinate and enormious appetite which they used a long time, nor upon plentie and abundance of necessarie things, that they grew to this insolencie, to seeke after strange pleasures, & those contrarie to nature. But verily, if they could recover their senses and speech againe, they might well say now, Oh how happie and well beloved of the gods are you, who live in these daies! in what a world and age are you borne! what affluence of all sorts of good things do you enjoy! what harvests, what store of fruits yeeldeth the earth unto you! how commodi­ous are the vintages! and what riches do the fields bring unto you! what a number of trees and plants do furnish you with delights and pleasures, which you may gather and receive, when you 50 thinke good! you may live (if you list) in all maner of delicacie, without once fouling your hands for the matter; whereas our hap was to be borne in the hardest time and most terrible age of the world, when as we could not chuse but incur (by reason of the new creation of all things) a great want and streight indigence of many necessaries: the face of the heaven and skie was still covered with the aire; the starres were dusked with troubled and instable humors, together with fire and tempestuous windes: the sunne was not yet setled and established, having a constant and certeine race to holde his course in,

[Page 573]
From East to West, to make both even and morne
Dinstinct nor by returne from Tropiques twaine;
The seasons chang'd from those that were beforne,
Bedight with leaves, with flowers, with fruits and graine.

The earth suffered wrong by the inordinate streames and inundations of rivers, which had nei­ther certeine chanels nor banks: much of it lay waste and deformed, with loughs, marishes, and deepe bogges; much also remained savage, being over-spred with wild woods and fruitlesse so­rests: it brought forth no fruits ripe and pleasant, neither were there any tooles and instruments belonging to any arte; nor so much as any invention of a witty head. Hunger never gave us case or time of repose; neither was there any expectation or waiting for the yeerely seasons of seed­nesse, 10 for there was no sowing at all. No marvell therefore, if we did eat the flesh of beasts and living creatures even contrary to nature, considering that then the very mosse and barke of trees served for food; & well was he who could find any greene grasse or quicke coich, or so much as the root of the herbe [...] not [...] which is the baike, & who would say, the root of a barke, but Phleos as The­ophraslus re­porteth, is an herbe grow­ing plenteous­ly in the lake Orchomenus in Paeotia, and therefore well enough know­en to Plutarch I take it to be Red-mace or Cats-taile. Phleos: but whensoever men could meet with acornes and mast to taste and feed upon, they would dance and hop for joy about an oake or beech tree; and in their ru­sticall songs call the earth their bountifull mother, and their kinde nourse: and such a day as that onely, they accounted festivall: all their life besides was full of vexation, sorrow and hea­vinesse. But now, what rage, what furie and madnesse inciteth you to commit such murders and carnage? seeing you have such store and plentie of all things necessarie for your life? why belie you the earth, and most unthankfully dishonour her, as if shee could not susteine and 20 nourish you? why doe you violate the divine power of Ceres the inventresse of sacred lawes, and shame sweet and gracious Bacchus, as if these two deities gave you not sufficient whereupon you might live? what! are you not abashed to mingle at your tables pleasant frutes with bloudie murder? You call lions and libards savage beasts; meane while your selves are stained with bloudshed, giving no place to them in crueltie, for where as they doe worie and kill other beasts, it is for verie necessitie and need of sood; but you doe it sor daintie fare, for when wee have slaine either lions or wolves in defence of our selves, we eat them not but let them lie: But they be the innocent, the harmelesse, the gentle and tame creatures, which have neither teeth to bite, nor pricke to sting withall, which we take and kill, although nature seemeth to have created them, onely for beautie and delight: [Much like as if a man seeing Nilus overflowing 30 I see not how this that is included within these marks [ ] agreeth with this place, or matter in hand: I sup­pose therefore it is inserted heere without judgement, & taken out of some other booke. his banks, and filling all the countrey about with running water, which is generative and frute­full, would not praise with admiration the propertie of that river, causing to spring and grow so many faire and goodly fruits, and the same so necessarie for mans life; but if he chance to espie a crocodill swimming, or an aspick creeping and gliding downe, or some venemous flie, hurt­full and noisome beasts all, blameth the said river upon that occasion, and saith that they be cau­ses sufficient, that of necessitie he must complaine of the thing: Or verily, when one seeing this land and champian countrey overspred with good and beautifull frutes, charged also and re­plenished with eares of corne, should perceive casting his eie over those pleasant corne sields, here & there an eare of darnel, choke-ervil, or some such unhappie weed among, should there­upon forbeare to reape and carie in the said corne, and forgoe the benefit of a plentifull harvest, 40 & find fault therewith: Semblably standeth the case when one seeth the plea of an oratour in anie cause or action, who with a full and forcible streame of eloquence, endevoureth to save his cli­ent out of the danger of death, or otherwise to proove and verisie the charges and imputations of certaine crimes; this oration (I say) or eloquent speech of his, running not simplie and na­kedly, but carrying with it many and sundrie affections of all sorts, which he imprinteth in the minds and hearts of the hearers or judges, which being many also, and those divers and diffe­rent, he is to turne, to bend and change, or othewise, to dulce, appease and staie; if he I say should anon passe over and not consider the principall issue, and maine point of the cause, and busie himselfe in gathering out some by-speeches besides the purpose, or haply some phrases impro­per and impertinent, which the oration of some advocate with the flowing course thereof, hath 50 caried downe with it, lighting thereupon, and falling with the rest of his speech.] But we are nothing mooved either with the faire and beautifull colour, or the sweet and tunable voice, or the quicknesse and subtiltie of spirit, or the reat and cleane life, or the vivacitie of wit and under­standing, of these poore seelly creatures; and for a little peece of flesh we take away their life, we bereave them of the sunne and of light, cutting short that race of life which nature had limited and prefixed for them; and more than so, those lamentable and trembling voice which they ut­ter for feare, we suppose to be inarticulate or unsignificant sounds, and nothing lesse than piti­full [Page 574] praiers, supplications, pleas & justifications of these poore innocent creatures, who in their language, everie one of them crie in this manner: If thou be forced upon necessitie, I beseech thee not to save my life: but if disordinate lust moove thee thereto, spare me: in case thou hast a mind simply to eat on my flesh, kill me: but if it be for that thou wouldest feed more delicate­ly, hold thy hand and let me live. O monstrous crueltie! It is an horrible sight to see the table of rich men onely, stand served and furnished with viands, set out by cooks and victuallers that dresse the flesh of dead bodies; but most horrible it is to see the same taken up, for that the re­liques and broken meats remaining, be farre more than that which is eaten: To what purpose then were those silly beasts slaine? Now there be others, who making spare of the viands served to the table, will in no hand that they should be cut or sliced; sparing them when as they be no­thing 10 els but bare flesh; whereas they spared them not whiles they were living beasts: But for­asmuch as we have heard that the same men hold and say: That nature hath directed them to the eating of flesh; it is plaine and evident, that this cannot accord with mans nature: And first and formost this appeereth by the very fabrick and composition of his bodie; for it resembleth none of those creatures whom nature hath made for to feed on flesh, considering they have neither hooked bil, no hauke-pointed tallans, they have no sharpe and rough teeth, nor stomack so strong, or so hot breath and spirit, as to be able to concoct and digest the heany masse of raw flesh: And if there were naught else to be alledged, nature her-selfe by the broadnesse and uni­ted equallity of our teeth, by our small mouth, our soft toong, the imbecillitie of naturall heat, and spirits serving for concoction, sheweth sufficiently that she approoveth not of mans usage 20 to eat flesh, but dissavoreth and disclaimeth the same: And if you obstinately maintaine and de­fend, that nature hath made you for to eat such viands; then, that which you minde to eat first kill your selfe, even your owne selfe (I say) without using any blade, knife, bat, club, axe, or hat­chet: And even as beares, lions, and woolves, slay a beast according as they meane to eat it; even so kill thou a beefe, by the bit of thy teeth; slay me a swine with the helpe of thy mouth and iawes; teare in peeces a lambe or an hare with thy nailes; and when thou hast so done, eat it up while it is alive, like as beasts doe; but if thou staiest untill they be dead ere thou eate them, and art abashed to chase with thy teeth the life that presently is in the flesh which thou eatest; why doest thou against nature eat that which had life? and yet, when it is deprived of life, and fully dead, there is no man hath the heart to eat the same as it is; but they cause it to be boiled, & to be 30 rosted; they alter it with fire, and many drogues and spices, changing, disguising, and quench­ing (as it were) the horror of the murder, with a thousand devices of seasoning; to the end that the sense of tasting being beguiled and deceived by a number of sweet sauces and pleasant con­diture, might admit and receive that which it abhorreth, and is contrary unto it. Certes it was a pretie conceit which was reported by a Laconian, who having bought in his Inne or hostelrie, a little fish, gave it, as it should seeme, to the Inkeeper for to be dressed; but when hee cal­led unto him for vineger, cheese, and oyle to doe it withall: If (quoth the Laconian) I had that which thou demandest of me, I would never have bought this fish. But we contrari­wise, for to please our delicate tooth, are so delighted in slaughter and carnage, that flesh we call our viand; and yet then we have need of other viands for the very dressing of flesh it selfe, mix­ing 40 and adding thereto, oile, wine, honie, the prickle or sauce garum and vineger, embalming (as it were) and burying a dead corps with Syriake spices and Arbicke sauces. And verily, when our flesh meats after this maner be mortified, made tender, and in some sort putrified, our naturall heat hath much adoe to concoct the same, and being not able in deed to digest them perfitly, it ingendereth in us dangerous heavinesse and crudities apt to breed diseases. Diogenes upon a time was so rash, that he durst eat a polype or pourcuttle fish all raw, because he would have taken away the use and helpe of fire in dressing such meats: and there being certeine priests and many other men standing about him, when he covered his head with his cloake, and put the flesh of the said poulpe to his mouth, he said unto them all; For your sake it is that I ha­zard my selfe thus as I doe, and adventure this jeopardie. Now by Jupiter, this was a proper pe­rill 50 in deed, and a doutie danger, was it not? for this Philosopher heere exposed not himselfe to any perillous hazard, as Pelopidas did, for recovery of the Thebans libertie; nor as Armodius and Aristogiton, for the freedome of Athens: who thus wrestled with a raw poulpe fish in his stomacke, and all to make the life of man more beastlike and savage. Well then, plaine it is that the eating of flesh is not onely unnaturall in regard of the bodie, but also by repletion, fulnesse and satietie, it maketh the soule fat and grosse: for the drinking of wine and feeding upon flesh meats to the full, howsoever it may seeme to cause the bodie to be more able and strong, yet [Page 575] surely the minde it doth enseeble and weaken. And lest I should be thought a professed enemie to those who practise the exercise of the bodie named Athleticae, I will use the domesticall ex­amples of mine owne countrey: for the inhabitants of Attica do tearme us of Boeotia, fat-backs, grosse and senselesse, yea, and blockish sots, principally for our ranke and large seeding; like as one said:

Of trueth these men, in judgement mine,
Be nothing els but franked swine.

And as Menander wrote in one place:

With fat their cheeks be puft and swolne:
See, see their chaps how they be bolue. 10

As also Pindarus:

They plie their jawes, they feed amaine,
That even their cheeks do shine againe.

But according to Heraclitus, the drie soule seemeth to be the wisest: for know thus much moreover; that emptie, runnes, pipes, or barrels, resound when they be knocked upon; where­as if they be full, they answer not againe to the knocks or stroaks given them: brasse pannes or coppers which be thin & slender, render sounds, and ring all about untill such time as one come and with his hand seeme to stop and dull the stroke that otherwise went round about: The eie filled with superfluous humiditie, becommeth dim and darke, neither hath it the full strength and power to performe his office. When we behold the sunne through a moist aire, and a num­ber 20 of thick mists, and grosse undigested vapors, we see him not in his owne nature pure, cleere, and bright; but as it were in the bottome of a cloud, all duskish, and casting foorth thicke wan­dring and dispersed beames: And even so through a bodie troubled with vapors, full sedde overcharged with nutriments, of unkind and strange viands, it cannot chuse but all the light and shining brightnesse of the soule which is naturall, should become dusked and troubled, ha­ving radiant setled splendour, able to pierce throughly to the ends and extermities of sub­tile and fine objects, hardly to be discerned, but the same is wandering, unsteadie and dispersed.

But setting all these matters aside, is it not, thinke you, a right commendable thing to be ac­quainted and accustomed to humanitie? for who would ever finde in his heart to abuse & wrong a man, who is affectionate, gentle, and milde, to the very beasts which are of a strange kind from 30 us, and have no communication of reason with us? Three daies agoe, I alledged and cited in my disputation a testimonie of Xenocrates to this purpose; and namely: How the Athenians con­demned him to pay a round fine, who had flaied a quick ramme: And in very truth, he that tor­menteth and putteth to paine one that is living, is not in my conceit woorse than he that taketh the life away and killeth him: Howbeit, as farre as I can see, more sense and feeling we have of such things as be unusuall and against custome, than unnaturall and contrarie unto kinde: But those reasons which I then delivered, smell haply of some grossenesse, and were too triviall; for I feare and am loth to touch and set abroch these my discourses, that great and high princi­ple, that deepe and mysticall cause of this our position: That we ought not to eat flesh; for that 40 I say the hidden secret and original thereof is so incredible to base and timorous persons, as Pla­to saith, and to such as favour of nothing but of earthly and mortall matters; and heerein I fare much like unto the pilot and master of the ship, who in a tempest is afraid to put his ship to sea; or unto a poet, who dareth not set up his fabrick or engin in the theater, all while the stage or pageant is turned and caried round about: And yet peradventure it were not amisse in this place to resound and pronounce aloud those verses of Empedocles, * * *. For under covert tearmes he doth allegorize and give us to understand; that the soules heere, are tied and faste­ned to mortall bodies, by way of punishment, for that they have beene murderers, have eaten flesh, devoured one another, and beene sed by mutuall slaughter and carnage: And yet this seemeth to be an opinion more ancient than Empedocles: for those fictions of Poets as tou­ching the dismembring of Bacchus, and the outragious attempts of the Tyrans against him, and 50 how they tasted of flesh murdred, as also of their punishment, and how they were smitten with lightning, they be meere fables: the hidden mythologie whereof, tendeth to that renovation of birth or resurrection: for surely that brutish and reasonlesse part of our soule which is violent, disordered, and not divine, but divelish and daemoniack, the aun­cient philosophers called Titans; and this is that which is tormented, and suffereth judici­all punishment.

OF EATING FLESH. The second Declamation. 10

The Summarie.

OVr author pursuing in this second Treatise his matter and proposition, which he bro­ched and began in the former declamation; and acknowledging how gourmandise, gluttony, and evill custome be dangerous counsellers; yet granteth and agreeth in the end, that a man may eat flesh, upon certaine conditions which he doth specifie, con­demning withall, the cruell excesse and riot of many in their fare. After this, ha­ving shewed by the example of Lycurgus, that we ought to cut off the first occasions of all super flui­ties, 20 he conferreth the opinions of Pythagoras and Empedocles, with those of other philosophers, and therewith setteth downe his owne conceit and advice. Afterwards when he had in one word tou­ched, from whence, and whereupon men become so bold and hardie to eat flesh; he declareth a fresh and brooveth, that this manner of feeding doth woonderfully prejudice both bodie and soule. And in conclusion, he confuteth the Stoicks, opposite enemies to the doctrine of Pythagoras; leaving this re­futation unperfect, were it that himselfe never finished it, or that the malice and iniquitie of the time hath deprived us thereof: Like as many other fragments missing in these works.

OF EATING FLESH. The second Declamation. 30

REason would, that we should be fresh disposed, and readie in will, in mind and thought, to heare the discourse against this mustie and unsavorie custome of eating flesh: For hard it is, as Cato was woont to say, to preach unto the belly that hath no eares; and besides wee have all drunke of the cup of custome, resembling that of Circe which 40

Compounded is of dolors griefes and paines,
Of sorrowes, woes, and of deceitfull traines.

Neither is it an easie matter for them to cast up againe the hooke of the appetite to eat flesh, who have swallowed it downe into their entrals, and are transported and full of the love of pleasures and delights: But well and happie it were for us, if, as the manner is of the Aegyptians, so soone as men are dead, to paunch them, and when their belly and bowels be taken foorth, to mangle, cut and slice the same against the sunne, and then to fling them away, as being the cause of all sinnes that they have committed: so we would first cut away from our selves all our gourmandise, gluttonie, and murdering of in­nocent creatures, that we might afterwards lead the rest of our life pure and holy; considering 50 that it is not the belly it selfe that by murder defileth us; but polluted it is by our intemperance. But say, it is not in our power to effect thus much, or be it, that upon an inveterate custome, we are ashamed in this point to be innocent and faultlesse; yet let us at leastwise commit sinne in measure, and transgresse with reason: Let us I say eat flesh, but so, as we be driven thereto for ve­rie hunger, and not drawen to it by a licorous tooth, to satisfie our necessitie, and not to feed our greedie and delicate humour: kill we a beast, howbeit with some griefe of heart, with some commiseration and pitty; and not of a proud and insolent spirit, ne yet of a murderous minde; [Page 577] as men doe now adaies, after many and divers sorts: For some in killing of swine or porkets, thrust them in with red hot spits; to the end that the bloud being shed and quenched as it were by the tincture of the sirie iron, running through the body, might cause the flesh forsooth to be more tender and delicate: ye shall have others leape upon the udders and paps of the poore sowes ready to farrow, and trample upon their bellies and teats with their feet, that the bloud, the milke, and the congealed bag of the yoong pigges, knit within the dammes wombe, being all jumbled, coufused and blended together, even amidde the painfull pangs of farrowing (O Jupiter Piacularis) they might make (I would not els) a most deintie dish of meat, and de­voure the most corrupt and putrified part of the poore beast: many there are who have a device to stitch and sowe up the eies of cranes and swannes, and when they have so done, to mew them 10 up in a darke place, and so feed them, cramming them with strange compositions and pastes made of dried figges; but wot you why? because their flesh should be more deintie and plea­sant: whereby it appeareth evidently, that it is not for need of nourishment, nor for want and necessitie; but even for sacietie, wantonnesse, sumptuous curiositie, and superfluous excesse, that of horrible injustice and wickednesse, they make their pleasure and delight: and like as the filthy lecherous person, who is unsatiable in the pleasure of women, after he hath assaied many, runneth on headlong still, roving and ranging every way, and yet his unbrideled and untamed lust is not yet satisfied, but hee falleth to perpetrate such horrible villanies as are not once to be named; even so intemperance in meats, when it hath passed once the bounds of nature, and li­mits of necessitie, proceedeth to outrage and crueltie, searching all meanes how to varie and 20 change the disordinate appetite; for the organs and instruments of our senses, by a fellow see­ling and contagion of maladies, are affected one by another, yea, and runne into disorder and sinne to gether, through intemperance, when they rest not contented with the measure assigned them by nature: Thus the hearing being out of frame and sicke, or not gulded by reason, mar­reth musicke; the feeling when it is degenerate into an effeminate delicacie, seeketh silthily af­ter wanton ticklings, touchings, and frictious handling of women: the same vice of intempe­rance hath taught the eiesight not to be contented with beholding morisks, pyrthick, or warlike dances, nor other law dable and decent gestures, ne yet to see and view faire pictures and good­ly statues, but to esteeme the death and murder of men, their mortall wounds, bloudie fights, and deadly combats, to be the best fights and spectacles that can be devised. And heereupon it 30 is, that upon such excessive fare & superfluity at the table, there ensue ordinarily wanton loves; upon lecherie and filthy venerie, there followeth beastly talke; these baudie ballads and stinking tales, be accompanied commonly with hideous sights, & monstrous shewes: lastly, these horn­ble spectacles have attending upon them, crueltie and inhumane impassibilitie, euen in the cases of verie mankind. Heereupon it was that Lycurgus the divine law giver, in those three or­dmances of his which he called Rhetrae, commanded that the dores, roufes & finials of houses, should be made with the saw & the ax onely, & no other instrument besides thereto emploied; which he did not, I assure you, for any hatred at all that he conceived against augers, wimbles, twibils, or other tooles for joyners or carvers worke; but he knew well inough, that a man would never bring among such simple frames a gilded bedstead, nor venture to carrie into an house 40 so plainly built, silver rables, hangings, carpets and coverings of rich tapestrie died with pur­ple, or any precious stones; and he wist full well, that with such an house, with such bedsteads, tables and cups, a frugall supper and a simple dinner would agree and sort best. For to say a truth, upon the beginning and foundation of a disordinate diet, and superfluous kind of life; all maner of delcacie and costly curiositie useth to follow

Like as the sucking foale, alway
Runnes with the damme, and doth not stay.

What supper then, is not to be counted sumptuous, for which there is evermore killed some living creature or other: for doe we thinke little of the dispense of a soule? and suppose we, that the losse of life is not costly? I do not now say, that it was peradventure the soule of a mother, a 50 father, some friend, or a sonne, as Empedocles gave it out; but surely a soule endued with sense, with seeing, hearing, apprehension, understanding, witte and discretion, such as nature hath given to each living creature, sufficient to seeke and get that which is good for it, and likewise to avoid and shun whatsoever is hurtfull and contrary unto it. Consider now a little, whether those philosophers that teach and will us to eat our children, our friends, our fathers and wives when they are dead, doe make us more gentle and fuller of humanitie, than Pythago­ras [Page 578] and Empedocles, who accustome and acquaint us to be kind and just, even to other creatures. Well, you mock and laugh at him that maketh conscience to eat of a mutton; and shall not we (say they) laugh a good and make sport when we see one cutting and chopping pieces of his fa­ther or mother being dead, and sending away some thereof to his friends who are absent, and inviting such as be present and neere at hand, to come and make merrie with the rest, causing such joints and pieces of flesh to be served up to the table, without any spare at all? But it may be, that we offend now, and commit some fault in handling these books, having not before­hand clensed our hands, mundified our eies, purified our feet, and purged our eares; unlesse perhaps this be their clensing and expiation, to devise & discourse of such things with sweet & pleasant words, which as Plato saith, wash away all falt & brackish hearing: but if a man should 10 set these books & arguments in parallell opposition or comparison one with another; he would judge that some of them were the Philosophie of the Scythians, Tartarians, Sagidians, and Me­lanchlaenians, of whom when Herodotus writeth, he is taken for a liar; and as for the sentences and opinions of Pythagoras and Empedocles, they were the very lawes, ordinances, statutes, and judgements of the auncient Greeks, according to which they framed their lives, to wit: That there were betweene us and brute beasts certeine common rights: who were they then, that afterwards otherwise ordeined?

Even they who first of iron and steele, mischievous swords did sorge:
And of poore labouring ox at plough, began to cut the gorge. 20

For even thus also began tyrants to commit murders; like as at the first in old time, they killed at Athens one notorious and most wicked sycophant, named Epitedeius; so they did by a se­cond, and likewise a third: now the Athenians being thus acquainted to see men put to death; saw afterwards Niceratus the sonne of Nicias murdred; Theramenes also the great comman­der and captaine generall; yea and Polemarchus the philosopher. Semblably, men began at first to eat the flesh of some savage and hurtfull beast, then some fowles and fish were snared and caught with nets, and consequently, crueltie (being fleshed as it were, exercised and inured in these and such like slaughters) proceeded even to the poore labouring ox, to the silly sheepe that doth clad and trimme our bodies, yea, and to the house-cocke: and thus men by little 30 and little augmenting their insatiable greedinesse, never staied untill they came to man­slaughter, to murder, yea, and to bloudie battels. But if a man can not proove nor make de­monstration by sound reasons, that soules in their resurrections and new nativities meet with common bodies; so as that which now is reasonable, becommeth afterwards reasonlesse, and likewise that which at this present is wild and savage, commeth to be by another birth and rege­neration, tame and gentle againe; and that nature transmuteth and translateth all bodies, dis­lodging and replacing the soule of one in another,

And cladding them with robes unknowen,
Of other flesh, as with their owne.

Are not these reasons yet at leastwise sufficient to reclaime and divert men from this unbride­led 40 intemperance of murdring dumb beasts? namely, that it breedeth maladies, crudities, hea­vinesse and indigestion in the bodie, that it marreth and corrupteth the soule, which naturally is given to the contemplation of high and heavenly things? to wit, when we have taken up a woont and custome, not to feast a friend or stranger who commeth to visit us, unlesse we shed bloud; and cannot celebrate a marriage dinner, or make merrie with our neighbours and friends without committing murder? And albeit the said proofe and argument of the transmigration of soules into sundrie bodies, be not sufficiently declared, so as it may deserve to be credited and beleeved; yet surely the conceit and opinion thereof, ought to work some scruple and feare in our harts, and in some sort hold us in & stay our hands. For like as when two armies encoun­ter one another in a night battell; if one chaunce to light upon a man fallen upon the ground, 50 whose bodie is all covered and hidden with armour, and present his sword to cut his throat, or runne him through, and therewith heare another crying unto him, that he knoweth not cer­teinly, but thinketh and supposeth that the partie lying along is his brother, his sonne, his fa­ther, or tent-fellow; whether were it better, that he giving eare and credit to this conjecture and suspicion (false though it be) should spare and forbeare an enemie for a friend, or rejecting that which had no sure and evident proofe, kill one of his friends in stead of an enemie? I suppose [Page 579] there is not one of you all but will say, that the later of these were a most grosse and leud part. Behold moreover Merope in the tragedy when she lifteth up her ax for to strike her own sonne, taking him to be the murderer of her sonne, and saying withall:

Have at thy head, for now I trow,
I shall thee give a deadly blow.

what a stirre and trouble she maketh over all the theater? how she causeth the haire to stand upright upon the heads of the spectators, for feare lest she should prevent the old man who was about to take hold of her arme, and so wound the guiltlesse yoong man her sonne? But if perad­venture in this case there should have stood another aged man fast by, crying unto her: strike 10 hardly, for it is your enemie, and a third contrariwise, saying: Strike not in any wise, it is your owne sonne; whether had beene the greater and more grievous sinne, to let goe the revenge­ment of her enemie for doubt that he was her sonne, or to commit silicide and murder her sonne indeed, for the anger she bare unto her enemie? When as therefore there is neither ha­tred nor anger that driveth us to doe a murder; when neither revenge, nor feare of our owne safetie and life mooveth us, but even for our pleasure we have a poore sheepe lying under our hand with the throat turned upward, a philosopher of the one side should say: Cut the throat, for it is a brute beast, and another admonish us on the other side, saying: Stay your hand and take heed what you doe; for what know you to the contrarie, whether in that sheepe be the soule lodged of some kinsman of yours, or peradventure of some God? Is the danger (before God) all one and the same, whether I refuse to eat of the flesh, or beleeve not that I kill my child or some 20 one of my kinsfolke?

But surely the Stoicks are not equally matched in this fight for the defence of eating flesh: For what is the reason that they so band themselves, and be so open mouthed in the mainte­nance of the belly and the kitchin? what is the cause that condemning pleasure as they doe, for an effeminate thing, and not to be held either good or indifferent, no nor so much as familiar and agreeable to nature, they stand so much in the patronage of those things that make to the pleasure and delight of feeding? And yet by all consequence, reason would, that considering they chase and banish from the table, all sweet perfumes and odoriferous ointments, yea, and al pastrie worke, and banketting junkets, they should be rather offended at the sight of bloud and flesh. But now, as if by their precise philosophicall rules, they would controule our day books 30 and journals of our ordinarie expences, they cut off all the cost bestowed upon our table in things needlesse and superfluous; meane while they sinde no fault with that which savoureth of bloudshed and crueltie in this superfluitie of table furniture: We doe not indeed, (say they) be­cause there is no communication of rights betweene beasts and us; but a man might answer them againe verie well. No more is there betweene us and perfumes or other forraine and ex­oticall sauces, and yet you would have us to absteine from them, rejecting and blaming on all sides, that which in any pleasure is neither profitable nor needfull. But let us I pray you consider upon this point a little neerer, to wit, whether there be any commu­nitie in right and justice, betweene us and unreasonable creatures or no? and let us doe it not subtilly and artificially, as the capti­ous 40 manner is of these sophisters in their disputations; but rather after a gentle and familiar sort, ha­ving an eie unto our owne passions and affections, let us reason and de­cide the matter with our selves. 50

THAT A MAN CANNOT LIVE PLEASANTLY ACCOR­DING 10 TO THE DOCTRINE OF EPICURUS.

The Summarie.

GReat disputations there have beene holden among the Philosophers and Sages of the world, as touching the sovereigne good of man, as it may appeere even at this day by the books that are extant among us; and yet neither one nor other, have hit the true marke whereat they shot, to wit: The right knowledge of God: Howbeit, some of 20 them are a great deale farther out of the way than others; and namely the Epicureans, whom our author doth perstringe in many places, as holding a doctrine cleane contrary unto theirs, according as his writings doe testifie. And forasmuch as Epicurus and his disciples placed and esta­blished this sovereigne good, in pleasure of the bodie: this their opinion is heere examined and confu­ted at large: for in forme of a dialogue Plutarch rehearseth the communication or conference which he had with Aristodemus, Zeuxippus, and Theon, as they walked together immediately after one lecture of his upon this matter, who having shewed in generall tearmes the absurdities of this Epicu­rian doctrine, maint eineth in one word: That it is no life at all for to live according to the same. Then he explaneth and sheweth what the Epicureans meane by this word To live: and from thence procee­deth forward to refute their imagination, and whatsoever dependeth thereupon, and that by sound 30 and weighty arguments, intermingling many pretie conceits and pleasant jests, together with certeine proper similitudes for the purpose: After he had prooved that they were deceived themselves, and se­duced their disciples; he holdeth moreover this point: That even they deprive themselves of the true good, which consisteth in the repose and contentment of the mind, rejecting (as they doe) all Histories, Mathematicall arts and liberall sciences, and among the rest, Poëtrie and Musicke; shewing through­out all this discourse, that such persons are deprived of common sense. Passing forward, he holdeth and mainteineth that the soule taketh joyin a contentment proper to it selfe: and afterwards in discoursing of the pleasure that active life doth bring; he refuteth more and more his adversarie, addressing to this purpose, a certeine conference and comparison betweene the pleasures of bodie and soule; whereby a man may see the miserie of the one, and the excellencie of the other. This point he enricheth with divers ex­amples; 40 the end whereof sheweth: That there is nothing at all to be counted great or profitable in the schoole of Epicurus, whose scholars never durst approove his opinion, especially in death: also: That vertuous men have without all comparison much more pleasure in this world, than the Epicu­reans, who in their afflictions know not how to receive any joy or comfort by remembrance of their plea­sures past. And this is the very summe of the dialogue during the time that the above named persons did walke; who after they were set, began the disputation a fresh, and spake in the first place, of Gods providence, condemning by diversreasons the atheisme of the Epicureans, who are altogether inex­cusable, even in comparison of the common sort given to superstition: continuing and holding on this discourse, he depainteth very lively the nature of the Epicureans, and commeth to represent and set down the contentment that men of honor have in their religion; where also he holdeth this point: That 50 God is not the author of evill; and that the Epicureans are sufficiently punished for their impietie, in depriving themselves of that pleasure which commeth unto us by meditation of the divine wisedome, in the conduct and management of all things. Consequently he sheweth that this their prophane phi­losophie overthroweth and confoundeth all persons, as well in their death, as during their life: Where­upon he proceedeth to treat of the immortality of the soule, and of the life to come; describing at large the misery of the Epicureans: and for a finall conclusion, he compriseth in fower or five lines the summa­ry of all their error, and so shutteth up and concludeth the whole disputation.

THAT A MAN CANNOT live pleasantly according to the do­ctrine of Epicurus.

COlotes one of the disciples, and familiar followers of Epicurus, wrote and published a booke, wherein he endevoured to proove and de­clare: That there was no life at all to speake of, according to the 10 opinions and sentences of other Philosophers. Now as touching that which readily came into my minde for the answere of his chal­lenge and the discourse against his reasons in the defence of other Philosophers, I have before-time put downe in writing: but foras­much as after the lecture and disputation of this matter ended, there passed many speeches in our walke against that sect; I thought it good to collect and gather the same, yea, and to reduce them into a written treatise; if for nothing els, yet for this cause, to give them at leastwise to understand who are so ready to note, censure and correct others, that a man ought to have heard and read with great heed and diligence (and not superficially) the works and writings of those whom he 20 taketh upon him to reprove and refute, and not to picke out one word here & another there, or to take hold of his words delivered by way of talke & conference, and not couched and set down precisely in writing, thereby to repell and drive away the ignorant and such as have no know­ledge of those things. For when as we walked forth, after the lecture (as our maner was) out of the schoole into the common place of exercise, Zeuxippus mooving speech, began in this wise: Me thinks (quoth he) that this discourse hath beene delivered much more mildly and gently, than becommeth franknesse and libertie of speech beseeming the schooles; which is the reason that Heraclides and his followers be departed from us, as discontented and displeased, yea, and much more bitterly nipping and checking us (without any cause given on our part) than either Epicurus or Metrodorus. Then Theon: Why said [...] (quoth he) that Colotes (in compari­son 30 of them) is the most modest and fairest spoken man in the world? For the most foule and reprochfull tearmes that can be devised for to raile and slander withall, to wit, of sacrileges, scur­rilities, vanities of speech, talkative, babbling, glorious and vanting arrogancie, whoremonging, murders, counterfeit hypocrites, cousiners, cursed creatures, heavie headed, brainsicke, tedious and making their braines ake who reade them: these (I say) they have raked up together, and dis­charged as it were haile-shot upon Aristotle, Socrates, Pythagoras, Protagoras, The­raclides, Hipparchus, and whom not of all the most renowmed and principall Philosophers? in such sort, that how well and wisely soever they have carried themselves otherwise, yet in regard of their foule mouthes, slanderous speeches, and beastly backbitings, they deserve to be seque­stred farre off, and put out of the range and number of wise men and Philosophers: for envie, 40 emulation and jealousie ought not to enter into this divine dance and heavenly quire, being so weake and impotent, that they can not dissemble and hide their griefe and discontent. Heereat Aristodemus: Heraclides (quoth hee) who by profession is a Grammarian, in the behalfe of all the poeticall rabble (for so it pleaseth the Epicureans to blason them) and for all the foolish and fabulous vanities of Homer, hath well requited Epicurus; or because Metrodorus in so many pla­ces of his writings hath reviled and abused that prince of poets: but as for them (ô Zeuxippus) let them goe as they are: and whereas it was objected in the beginning of the speech against those men: That there was no living at all after their precepts and rules, why doe not we our selves, alone by our selves, taking unto us Theon for our associat (because this man here is wea­rie) go in hand to prosecute the same thorowly? Then Theon made him this answere: 50

This combat hath before us, beene
Perform'd by others, well I weene.

And therefore propounding to our selves (if it please you) another marke and scope to aime at, let us (for to be revenged of the injurie done unto other philosophers) proceed after this forme of processe, and assay to proove and shew (if it be possible) that according to the doctrine even of these Epicureans, men can not live in joy and pleasure. Say you so? (quoth I then, and laughed heartily withall) now surely, me thinks you are leapt upon their bellies, and be readie to [Page 582] trample then with both your feet: certes, you will enforce these men to fight for their verie owne flesh if you bereave them of pleasure, who doe nothing els but crie out and sing this note:

We are in deed no champions brave,
In fight with fists no grace we have,

neither are we eloquent oratours, wise magistrates or prudent governours and rulers of cities or States,

But for to feast and make good cheere,
To eat and drinke, we have no peere.

We love (I say) to banquet alwaies and make merie, to give our selves contentment and all the 10 delightfull motions and pricks of the flesh, if haply any pleasure and joy thereby may be trans­mitted and sent into the soule: so as you seeme to me not to deprive these men of joy and solace onely, but also of their very life, in case you doe not leave them a pleasant and jocund life. How then? (quoth Theon) if you thinke so well of this subject matter, why do not you set in hand to it at this present. For mine owne part (said he again) content I will be to heare you, and answer againe, if you request so much; but begin you first to set us in the traine thereof, for I will yeeld unto you the superioritie and presidence of this disputation. Now when Theon seemed to pre­tend some small excuse; Aristodemus: O what a compendious, ready, faire & plaine way (quoth he) have you cut us of, for to come unto this point, in not permitting us first to make inquisiti­on unto this Epicurean sect, and to put them to their triall as touching vertue and honestie! 20 for it no easie matter, nay it is impossible to drive these men from a pleasant and voluptuous life, so long as they suppose and set downe this: That the supreame end of all humane felicitie lieth in pleasure; wheras, if we could once have brought this about: That they lived not honest­ly; presently and withall, they had bene put by their pleasant life; for they themselves confesse, and say: That a man can not live in joy, unlesse he be honest; for that the one may not stand without the other. As touching that point (quoth Theon) we will not sticke in the progresse of our discourse, to handle it, but for the present, we will take that which they grant, and make our use of it; this therefore they holde: That the sovereigne good whereof we speake, consisteth in the bellie and the parts thereabout, as also in those other passages and conduits of the bodie, thorow which, pleasure entreth into it; & no pain at all: and they are of opinion that all the fine 30 devices, subtill and wittie inventions in the world were put in triall and practised, for to please and content the bellie, or at leastwise, for the good hope that she should enjoy contentment, ac­cording as the wise Philosopher Metrodorus hath said and written. And verily, by this their first supposition, without going any farther, it is easie to be knowen and seene (my good friend) what a slender, poore, rotten and unsteadie foundation they have laied, to ground upon it their sovereigne good; considering that even those pores & conduits abovesaid (by which they bring in their pleasures) lie aswell open to admit grievous paines; or to say more truely, there be very few waies in the bodie of man, by which, pleasure entreth; whereas there is no part or member thereof, but receiveth dolor and paine. For be it granted, that all pleasures have their seat in the naturall parts, about joints, sinewes, feet and hands; why, even in these very places are bedded 40 and seated also the most cruell and grievous passions that be; to wit, of goutie fluxes and rhew­maticke ulcers, of gangrenes, tettars, wolves, cancerous sores, which corrode, eat, mortifie and putrifie the parts that they possesse. If you present unto the bodie the sweetest odours and the most pleasant savours that be, you shall finde but few places therein (and seeke thorowout) affe­cted therewith mildly and gently to their contentment; whereas all the rest often times are grieved and offended thereby: nay there is no part at all of the body, but subject it is to feele and suffer the smart dolors inflicted by fire, by sword, by sting, biting, scourging and whipping; the ardour of heat, the rigor of colde entereth and pierceth into all parts, like also as doth the fever: but pleasures verily are much like unto pretie puffes and gentle gales of winde, blowing after a smiling maner, some upon one extremitie that beareth out of the bodie, and some upon other, 50 as if it were upon the rocks lying forth in the sea, they passe away, blow over and vanish incon­tinently, their time and continuance is so short: much like unto those meteors or fire-lights in the night, which represent the shooting of starrs as if they fell from heaven, or traversed the skie from one side to the other; soone are the pleasures on a light fire, and as soone againe gone out and quenched at one instant in our flesh; but contrariwise, how long paines and dolors do en­dure, we cannot alledge a better testimony than that of Philoctetes in Aeschylus, who speaking of the paine of his ulcer, saith thus:

[Page 583]
That dragon fell, doth never leave his holde,
By day or night, since first my foot he caught:
The stinging smart goes to my heartfull colde,
By poisoned tooth which from his mouth it raught.

Neither doth the anguish of paine lightly runne over and gilde, after a tickling maner, upon o­ther superficiall parts and externities of the bodie; but contrariwise, like as the graine or seed of the Sea-claver or Trefoile Medica, is writhen and full of points and angles, whereby it taketh hold of the earth and sticketh fast, and there (by reason of those points so rough and rugged) continueth a long time; even so dolor and paine, having many crotchets and hooked spurnes of roots, which it putteth foorth and spreadeth here and there, inserteth and interlaceth it selfe 10 within the flesh, and there abideth, not onely for a night and a day, but also for certeine seasons of whose yeeres, yea, and some revolutions of Olympiades, so that hardly and with much adoe at the last departeth, being thrust out by other paines, like as one naile is driven forth by another stronger than it. For what man was ever knowen to have drunke or eaten so long a time, as they endure thirst who are sicke of an ague, or abide hunger who are besieged? and where is that so­lace and pleasure in the companie and conversation of friends, that lasteth so long as tyrants cause them to abide torture and punishment, who fall into their hands? and all this proceedeth from nought els but the inability and untowardnesse of the body, to leade a voluptuous life; for that in trueth, made it is more apt to abide paine and travell, than to joy in delights and plea­sures; to endure laborious dolors, it hath strength and power sufficient; whereas to enjoy plea­sures 20 and delights, it sheweth presently how feeble and impotent it is, in that so soone it hath e­nough and is wearie thereof: by occasion whereof, when they see that wee are minded to dis­course much as touching a voluptuous life, they interrupt and breake incontinently our pur­pose, confessing themselves; that bodily and fleshly pleasure is very small and feeble, or (to say a trueth) transitorie, and such as passeth away in a moment; unlesse haply they are disposed to lie and speake otherwise than they thinke; like as Metrodorus did, when he said: That often times we spit against the pleasures of the bodie; and Epicurus, when he writeth: That a wise man be­ing sicke and diseased, laugheth and rejoiceth in the middes of the greatest and most excessive paines of his corporall malady. How is it possible then, that they who so lightly and easily beare the anguish of bodily paines, should make any account of pleasures? for admit that they give 30 no place to paines, either in greatnesse or continuance of time, yet they have at leastwise some reference and correspondence unto them, in that Epicurus hath given this generall limitation and common definition to them all; to wit, Indolence or a subtraction of all that which might cause and move paine; as if nature extended joy to the easement onely of dolor, and suffered it not to proceed further in augmentation of pleasure; but when it came once to this point, name­ly, to feele no more paine, it admitted onely certeine needlesse varieties. But the way to come with an appetite and desire to this estate, being indeed the full measure of joy and pleasure, is ex­ceeding briefe and short; whereupon these Epicureans perceiving well, that this place is verie leane and hard, do translate and remove their sovereigne good, which is the pleasure of the bo­die, as it were out of a barren soile, into a more fruitfull and fertill ground, and namely, to the 40 soule, as if therein we should have alwaies orchards, gardens and meddowes covered over with pleasures and delights, whereas according to the saying of Telemachus in Homer:

In Ithaca there is no spacious place,
Affourding plaines at large to runne a race.

And even so in this poore fleshly body of ours, there is no fruition of pleasure united, plaine and smooth, but altogether rugged and rough, intermingled and delaied for the most part, with many agitations that be feverous and contrary to nature. Hereat Zeuxippus taking occasion to speake: Thinke you not then (quoth he) that these men doe very wel in this, that they begin with the body; wherein it seemeth that pleasure engendreth first, & afterwards end in the soule, as in that which is more constant & firme, reposing therein all absolute perfection? Yes I wis (quoth 50 I) and my thinks I assure you that they doe passing well, and according to the direction of na­ture, in case they still search after and find that which is more perfect, and accomplished like as those persons do, who give themselves to contemplation and politicke life; but if afterwards you heare them protest and crie with open mouth, that the soule joieth in no worldly thing, nor fin­deth content and repose, but onely in corporall pleasure, either present and actuall, or els in meere expectation thereof, and that therein alone consisteth their sovereigne good: thinke you not that they use the soule as a receptorie for the bodie, and in thus translating the pleasure [Page 584] of the body into it, they doe as those who powre and fill wine out of one vessell that leaketh and is naught, unto another that is more compact and will hold better, for to preserve and keepe it longer, as supposing thereby, to make the thing farre better, and more honourable; and ve­rily time doth keepe well and mend the wine that is thus powred out of one vessell into another: But of pleasure, the soule receiving the remembrance onely, as the odour and smell thereof, re­teineth nothing else; for that so soone as pleasure hath wrought or boiled as it were one walme in the flesh, it is soone quenched and extinguished, and that remembrance remaining thereof passeth soone away as a shadow, smoke, or fuming vapour; much like as if a man should gather and heape together a number of fansies and cogitations of whatsoever he had eat or drunke be­fore time, and so make his repast and food thereof, for default of other wines and viands fresh 10 and present in place: yet see how much more modestly the Cyrenaick philosophers are affec­ted, although they have drunke out of the same bottle with Epicurus; for they are of opinion, that the wanton sports of Venus should not be exercised openly, and in the day light, but would have the same to be hidden and covered with the darknesse of the night; for feare lest our cogi­tation receiving cleerely by the eie-sight the representations of this said act, might estsoones in­flame and stirre up the lust and appetite thereto: whereas these men contrariwise doe hold, that heerin consisteth the perfection of a wise mans selicitie, for that he remembreth certeinly, and reteineth surely all the evident figures, gestures, and motions of pleasures past. Now whether such precepts and rules as these, be unwoorthy the name of those who make profession of wise­dome, namely thus to suffer such scourings and filthy ordures of their pleasures to remain in the 20 soule, as it were in the sinke and draught of the bodie, I purpose not to discourse at this time. But surely that unpossible it is for such matters to make a man happie, or to live a joious life, may heereby appeere most evidently: For the pleasure of remembring delights past, cannot be very great unto those, who had but a small fruition thereof when they were present; and unto those likewise, who find it expedient for them, to have the same presented in a measure, & soone to retire & withdraw themselves from them, it cannot be profitable to think therupon long after, cōsidering that even with those persons who of al other be most sensual & given to fleshly plea­sures, the joy & contentment abideth not at al after they have once performed the action; only there remaineth with them a certeine shadow, and the illusion (as it were in a dreame) of the pleasure that is slowen away, continueth a while in their minde, for to mainteine and kindle still 30 the fire of their concupiscence: much like unto those who in their sleepe dreame that they are drinking, or enjoying their loves; and verily such imperfect pleasures and imaginarie joies doe nothing els but more egerly whet and provoke lascivious life: neither (I assure you) is the re­membrance of those pleasure which these men have enjoied in times past, delectable; but only out of the small reliques remaining of their pleasure, which are but weake, slender and feeble, the same remembrance doth renew and stirre up againe a furious appetite, which pricketh and provoketh them evidently, and giveth them no rest. Againe, no likelihood there is, that even those who otherwise be sober, honest, and continently given, doe amuse themselves and busie their heads in calling to minde such matters, and to reade and count them out of a journall re­gister or day-booke and Kalender, according as the ridiculous jeast goes of one Carneades who 40 was wont to do so, namely: How often have I lien with Hedia or with Leontum? In what and how many places have I drunke Thasian wine? At how many set feasts at three weeks or twentie daies end, have I bene merie and made, great and sumptuous cheere? For this passionate affecti­on of the minde, and disordinate forwardnesse, thus to call to remembrance and represent de­lights past, doth argue and bewray most evidently an outragious appetite and beastly furious heat after pleasures either present, or expected and looked for: and therefore my concet is this: That even these men themselves perceiving what absurdities doe follow hereupon, have had re­course to indolencie and the good state and disposition of the body; as if to live in joy and hap­pinesse, were to thinke and imagine upon such a complexion, that either shall be or hath beene in some persons. For this firme habit and compact constitution of the flesh (say they) and the 50 assured hope that it will continue, bringeth an exceeding contentment, and a most sound per­manent joy unto as many as can discourse and thinke thereupon in in their minds: For the better proofe hereof, consider first and formost their behaviour, and what they do, namely, how they remove, tosse and transport up and downe this pleasure, indolency, or firme disposition of the flesh, (call it what you will) transferring it out of the bodie into the soule, and againe from the soule to the bodie, for that they cannot holde and stay it, being apt to slide and run from them; whereupon they are forced to tie and fasten it to some chiefe head and principle; and thus they [Page 585] do stay and susteine the pleasure of the bodie with the joy of the minde, and reciprocally deter­mine and accomplish the joy of the minde in the hope and expectation of bodily pleasure. But how is it possible, that the foundation being thus moveable and inconstant, the rest of the buil­ding upon it, should not likewise be unstedfast? or how can the hope be fast, and the joy assured, being founded upon a ground-worke exposed so much unto wavering and to so many mutati­ons as these be, which compasse and environ ordinarily the bodie, subject to a number of neces­sarie injuries, hurts and wounds from without, and having within the very bowels thereof, the sources and springs of many evils and maladies, which the discourse of reason is not able to a­vert and turne away? For otherwise it could not be, that these men (prudent and wise as they are) should have bene afflicted and tormented with the diseases of painfull strangurie or pissing 10 drop-meale, the suppression and difficultie of urine, bloudy-flixes, dysenteries and dolourous wrings in the guts, phthisicks, and consumptions of the lungs or dropsies; of which maladies Epicurus himselfe was plagued with some, Polyenus with others, Nicocles also and Agathobulus had their part and were much troubled therewith, which I speake not by way of reproch unto them; for I know very well, that Pherecides and Heraclitus, two singular personages, were likewise incumbred with grievous maladies: but wee would gladly require and request of them (if they will acknowledge their owne passions and accidents which they endure, and not, upon a vaine bravery of words, to win a popular favour and applause of the people, incurre the crime of inso­lent arrogance, and be convict of leasing) either not to admit the firme and strong constituti­on of the flesh, for the element and principle of all joy; or els not to beare us in hand and affirm, 20 that those who be fallen into painfull anguish and dolourous disease, doe laugh, disport, and be wantonly merie: for well it may be, that the body and flesh may be many times in good plight and in firme disposition; but that the hope should be assured and certeine that the same will so continue, never yet could enter into a man of staied minde and sound judgement. But like as in the sea, according to the Poet Aeschylus,

The night alwaies, even to a pilot wise,
Breeds woe, for feare lest tempests should arise.
So doth a calme —

For why? who knowes what will ensue? and future time is ever uncertaine. Impossible it is there­fore, that a soule which placeth and reposeth her fovereigne good in the sound disposition of 30 the bodie, and in the hope of continuance therein, should hold long without feare and trouble; for that the bodie is not onely subject to stormes and tempests without, as the sea is; but the greatest part of troublesome passions, and those which are most violent, she breedeth in herselfe; and more reason there is for a man to hope for faire weather in Winter, than to promise him­selfe a constitution of bodie exempt from paine and harme, to persever and remaine so, long: for what els hath given Poets occasion and induced them to call the life of man a day-flower, unstable, unconstant and uncerteine; or to compare it unto the leaves of trees, which put out in the Spring season, fade and fall againe in Autumne; but the imbecillitie and seeblenesse of the flesh, subject to infinit infirmities, casualties, hurts and dangers? the best plight whereof, and highest point of perfection, physicians themselves are wont to admonish us for to suspect, feare, 40 diminish, and take downe. For according to the Aphorisme of Hippocrates: The good consti­tution of a body when it is at the height, is dangerous and slipperie: and as Euripides the poet said verie well:

Whose body strong, whose fast and brawny flesh,
Did shew erewhile a colour gate and fresh,
Soone gone he was, and extinct so dainly,
As starre that seemes to shoot and fall from sky.

Nay, that which more is; a common received opinion it is, that those persons who are most faire and in the flowre of their beautie, if they be eie-bitten, or looked wistly upon by a witch­ing or envious eie, sustaine much hurt and damage thereby; because the perfection and highest 50 degree of vigour in the bodie, is most subject to a sudden alteration, by reason of very weake­nesse and frailtie; and that there is small or no assurance at all that a man should leade his life without paine and sorrow, may evidently appeere by that which they themselves doe saie unto others; for they affirme: That whosoever commit wickednesse and transgresse the lawes, live all their daies in miserie and feare; for howsoever they may perhaps live undetected, yet impossi­ble it is that they should promise themselves assured securitie, never to be discovered; insomuch as the doubt and feare of future punishment, will not give them leave to take joy, or assuredly to [Page 586] use the benefit of present impunitie; in delivering these speeches to other, they perceive not how they speake against themselves: For semblably well it may be, that oftentimes they may have their health, and carrie able bodies about them; but to be assured that they shall continue so alwaies, or a long time, is a thing that cannot be performed; for needs they must evermore stand in doubt and distrust of their bodie for the time to come; like as women great with child, are ever gruntling and groning against the time of their travell: otherwise, let them say, why they attend still a sure and confident hope of that which hetherto they never could attaine unto. Moreover, it is not sufficient to worke assured confidence, for a man to forbeare sinne and wrong-doing, or not at all to offend the lawes, considering that to be afflicted justly, and for de­sert, is not the thing to be feared, but simply to endure paine, is fearefull and terrible. For if it 10 be a griefe and trouble to be touched and vexed with a mans owne sinnes and trespasses; he can­not chuse but be molested and disquieted also with the enormities and transgressions of others: And verily if the outragious violence and crueltie of Lachares was not more offensive and trou­blesome to the Athenians; and likewise the tyrannie of Dionysius to the Syracusanes; yet I am sure at leastwise it was full as much as to their owne selves; for whiles they vexed them, tormen­ted they were and molested themselves, and they looked to suffer punishment one time or other for their wrongs and outrages, for that they offered the same before unto their citizens and subjects who fell into their hands. What should a man alledge to this purpose, the furious rage of the multitude, the horrible and bloudie crueltie of theeves and rovers, the mischievous pranks of proud and presumptuous inheritors, plague and pestilence by contagion and corrup­tion 20 of the aire, as also the fell outrage of the angry sea, in a ghust whereof Epicurus himselfe writeth, he had like to have beene swallowed up as he sailed to the citie Lampsacus? It may suf­fice to relate in this place the nature onely of our body and fraile flesh, which hath within it selfe the matter of all maladies, cutting (as we say merrily in the common proverb) out of the verie ox, leather thongs; that is to say, taking paines and torments from it selfe, thereby to make life full of anguish, fearefull, and dangerous, as well to good persons as to bad; in case they have learned to rejoice, and to found the confidence and surety of their joy upon nothing else but the flesh and the hope thereof, according as Epicurus himselfe hath left written, as in many other of his books, so in those especially which hee entituled, Of the sovereigne end of all good things. We may therefore directly conclude, that these men doe hold for the foundation of a 30 joyfull & pleasant life, not a principle that is not onely unsteadie, tottering, and not to be trusted upon, but also base, vile, and every way contemptible; if so be that to avoid evils, be their onely joy and the soveraigne felicitie that they seeke for; and in case they say: That they respect and regard naught else; and in one word: That nature hereselfe knoweth not where else to lodge and bestow the said happinesse, but onely there, from whence is chased and driven away, that which might annoy and offend her; and thus hath Metrodorus written in his treatise against sophisters: so that according to their doctrine, we are to make this definition of sovereigne good, even the avoidance of evill; for how can one lodge any joy, or place the said good, but onely there, from whence paine and evil hath beene dislodged & remooved: To the same effect writeth Epi­curus also, to wit: That the nature of a good thing is ingendred and ariseth from the eschuing & 40 shunning of evill; as also that it proceedeth from the remembrance, cogitation, and joy which one conceiveth, in that such a thing hapned unto him. For surely it is an inestimable and in­comparable pleasure (by his saying) to wit, the knowledge alone that one hath escaped some notable hurt or great danger: And this (quoth he) is certainly the nature and essence of the so­veraigne good, if thou wilt directly apply thy selfe thereto, as it is meet, and then anon rest and stay therein, without wandering to and fro, heere and there, prating and babling I wot not what concerning the definition of the said sovereigne good. O the great felicitie and goodly pleasure which these men enjoy, rejoicing as they doe in this, that they endure none evill, feele no paine, nor suffer sorow! Have they not (thinke you) great cause to glorifie, & to say as they doe, calling themselves immortal, and gods fellowes? Have they not reason for these their grandeurs, and 50 exceeding sublimites of their blessings, to cry out with open mouth, & as if they were possessed with the frantike furie of Bacchus priests, to breake foorth into lowd exclamation for joy, that surpassing all other men in wisedome and quicknesse of wit, they onely have found out the so­vereigne, celestiall, and divine good, and that which hath no mixture at all of evill? So that now their beatitude and felicitie is nothing inferior to that of swine and sheepe, in that they repose true happinesse in the good and sufficient estate of the flesh principally, and of the soule like­wise in regard of the flesh; of hogges I say and sheepe; for to speake of other beasts which are [Page 587] of a more civill, gentle, and gallant nature; the height and perfection of their good, standeth not upon the avoiding of evil, considering that when they are full, and have stored their crawes, some fall to singing and crowing, others to swimming; some give themselves to flie, others to counterfeit all kinds of notes and sounds, disporting for joy of heart and the pleasure that they take; they use to plaie together, they make pastime, they hoppe, leape, skippe, and daunce one with another, she wing thereby, that after they have escaped some evill, nature inciteth and stir­reth them to seeke forward, and looke after that which is good, or rather indeed that they reject and cast from them, all that which is dolorous and contrary to their nature, as if it stood in their way, and hindred them in the pursute of that which is better, more proper & natural unto them: for that which is necessarie is not straight waies simplie good; but surely the thing that in truth 10 is desirable and woorthie to be chosen above the rest, is situate farther, and reacheth beyond the avoidance of evill; I meane that which is indeed pleasant, and familiar to nature, as Plato said; who forbad expresly to call or once to esteeme the deliverance of paine and sorrow, either plea­sure or joy, but to take them as it were for the rude Sciographie or first draught of a painter, or a mixture of that which is proper and strange, familiar and unnaturall, like as of blacke and white. But some there be, who mounting from the bottom to the mids, for want of knowledge, what is the lowest and the middle take the middle for the top and the highest pitch, as Epicurus & Metrodorus have done, who defined the essential nature and substance of the soveraigne good, to be the deliverance and riddance from evill, contenting themselves with the joy of slaves and captives, who are enlarged and delivered out of prison, or eased of their irons, who take it to 20 be a great pleasure done unto them in case they be gently washed, bathed, and annointed after their whipping-cheere, and when their flesh hath beene torne with scourges; meane-while they have no taste at all or knowledge of pure, true, and liberal joyes indeed, such as be sincere, cleane and not blemished with any scarres or cicatrices, for those they never saw, nor came where they grew; for say that the scurfe, scabbe, and manginesse of the flesh, say that the blee­rednesse or gummy watering of rheumatike eies, be troublesome infirmities, and such as na­ture cannot away withall, it followeth not heereupon that the scraping and scratching of the skinne, or the rubbing and clensing of the eies should bee such woonderfull matters, as to bee counted felicities: neither if we admit, that the superstitious feare of the gods, and the grievous anguish and trouble arising from that which is reported of the divels in hell be evill; we are not 30 to inferre by and by that to be exempt and delivered there fro, is happinesse, felicitie, and that which is to be so greatly wished and desired: certes, the assigne a very straight roome and nar­row place for their joy, wherein to turne, to walke, too rome and tumble at ease, so farre foorth onely, as not to be terrified or dismaied with the apprehension of the paines and tor­ments described in hell, the onely thing that they desire. Lo, how their opinion which so farre passeth the common sort of people, setteth downe for the finall end of theri singular wisedome, a thing, which it seemeth the very brute beasts hate even of thēselves: for as touching that firme constitution and indolence of the body, it makes no matter, whether of it selfe or by nature, it be void of paine and sicknesse; no more in the tranquillitie and repose of the soule, skilleth it much, where by the owne industrie or benefit of nature, it be delivered from feare and terror: 40 and yet verily a man may well say, and with great reason, that the disposition is more firme and strong, which naturally admitteth nothing to trouble and torment it; than that which with judgement and by the light and guidance of learning doth avoid it: But set the case, that the one were as effectuall and powerfull as the other; then verily it will appeere at leastwise, that in this behalfe, they have no advantage and preeminence above brute beasts; to wit, in that they feele no anguish nor trouble of spirit, for those things which are reported either of the divels in hel, or the gods in heaven; nor feare at all paines and torments, expecting when they shall have an end. That this is true, Epicurus verily himselfe hath put downe in writing: If (quoth he) the suspicious and imaginations of the meteores and impressions which both are and doe appeare in the aire and skie above, did not trouble us; nor yet those of death and the pangs thereof; we 50 should have no need at all to have recourse unto the naturall causes of all those things, no more than those dumbe beasts who enterteine no evill suspicions or surmises of the gods, nor any opinions to torment them, as touching that which shall befall unto them after death: for they neither beleeve and know, not so much as once think of any harme at all in such things. Furthermore, if in the opinion that they holde of the gods, they had reserved and left a place for divine providence, beleeving that thereby the world was governed, they might have beene [Page 588] thought wise men as they are, to have gone beyond brute beasts for the atteinting of a pleasant and joifull life, in regard of their good hopes; but seeing all their doctrine as touching the gods tendeth to this end, namely, to feare no god, and otherwise to be fearelesse and carelesse altoge­ther, I am perswaded verily, that this is more firmely setled in those, having no sense and know­ledge at all of God, than in these who say they know God, but have not learned to acknowledge him for a punishing God, and one that can punish and doe harme: for those are not delivered from superstition; and why? they never fell into it, neither have they laied away that fearefull conceit and opinion of the gods; and no marvell, for they never had any such: the same may be said as touching hell and the infernall spirits; for neither the one nor the other have any hope to receive good from thence; marie, suspect, feare and doubt what shall betide them after death 10 those must needs, lesse, who have no fore-conceit at all of death, than they in whom this perswa­sion is imprinted beforehand, that death concerneth us not: and yet thus farre forth it toucheth them, in that they discourse, dispute, and consider thereupon; whereas brute beasts are altoge­ther freed from the thought and care of such things as doe nothing perteine unto them: true it is, that they shunne stroaks, wounds and slaughter; and thus much (I say) of death they feare, which also even to these men is dreadfull and terrible. Thus you see what good things wisdome (by their owne saying) hath furnished them withall: but let us now take a sight and survey of those which they exclude themselves sro and are deprived of. As touching those diffusions of the soule, when it dilateth and spreadeth it selfe over the flesh, and for the pleasure that the flesh feeleth, if the same be small or meane, there is no great matter therein, nor that which is of any 20 consequence to speake of; but if they passe mediocritie, then (besides that they be vaine, deceit­full and uncerteine) they are found to be combersome and odious, such as a man ought rather to tearme, not spiritual joies and delights of the soule, but rather sensuall and grosse pleasures of the bodie, fawning, flattering and smiling upon the soule, to draw and entice her to the partici­pation of such vanities: as for such contentments of the minde which deserve indeed and are woorthy to be called joies and delights, they be purified cleane from the contrarie, they have no mixture at all of troublesome motions, no sting that pricketh them, nor repentance that follow­eth them, but their pleasure is spirituall, proper and naturall to the soule; neither is the good therein borowed abroad, and brought in from without, nor absurd and void of reason, but most agreeable and sorting thereto, proceeding from that part of the mind which is given unto con­templation 30 of the trueth, and desirous of knowledge, or at leastwise from that, which applieth it selfe to doe and execute great and honourable things: now the delights and joies aswell of the one as the other, hee that went about to number, and would straine and force himselfe to dis­course how great and excellent they be, he were never able to make an end: but in briefe and few words, to helpe our memorie a little as touching this point: Histories minister an infinit number of goodly and notable examples, which yeeld unto us a singular delight and recreation to passe the time away, never breeding in us a tedious satietie, but leaving alwaies the appetite that our soule hath to the trueth, insatiable and desirous still of more pleasure and contentment; in regard whereof, untrueths and very lies therein delivered, are not without their grace; for even in fables and sictions poeticall, although we give no credit unto them, there is some effe­ctuall 40 force to delight and perswade: for thinke (I pray you) with your selfe, with what heat of delight and affection we reade the booke of Plato entituled Atlanticus, or the last books of Ho­mers Ilias? consider also with what griefe of heart wee misse and want the residue of the tale be­hinde, as if we were kept out of some beautifull temples, or faire theaters, shut fast against us? for surely the knowledge of trueth in all things, is so lovely and amiable, that it seemeth, our life and very being, dependeth most upon knowledge and learning; whereas the most unpleasant, odious and horrible things in death, be oblivion, ignorance and darknesse; which is the reason (I assure you) that all men in a maner sight and warre against those who would bereave the dead of all sense, giving us thereby to understand, that they do measure the whole life, the being also, and joy of man, by the sense onely and knowledge of his minde; in such sort, that even those ve­ry 50 things that are odious and offensive otherwise, we heare other whiles with pleasure; and often times it falleth out, that though men be troubled with the thing they heare, so as the water stan­deth in their eies, and they be readie to weepe and crie out for griefe, yet they desire those that relate the same to say on and speake all: as for example, Oedipus in Sophocles.

THE MESSENGER.
Alas, my lord, I see that now I shall
[Page 589] Relate the thing which is the worst of all.
OEDIPUS.
Woe is me likewise: to heare it I am prest,
There is no helpe; say on, and tell the rest.

But peradventure this may be a current and streame of intemperat pleasure and delight, procee­ding from a curiositie of the minde and will, too forward to heare and know all things, yea, and to offer violence unto the judgement and discourse of reason: howbeit, when as a narration or historie conteining in it no hurtfull and offensive matter, besides the subject argument, which consisteth of brave adventures and worthy exploits, is penned and couched in a sweet stile, with a grace and powerfull force of eloquence; such as is the historie of Herodotus as touching the 10 Greeke affaires, or of Xenophon concerning the Persian acts, as also that which Homer with an heavenly spirit hath endited and delivered in his verses, or Eudoxus in his peregrinations and de­scription of the world, or Aristotle in his treatise of the founding of cities and governments of State, or Aristoxenus who hath left in writing, the lives of famous and renowmed persons; in such (I say) there is not onely much delight and contentment, but also there ensueth thereupon no displeasure nor repentance. And what man is he, who being hungry, would more willing­ly eat the good and delicat meats? or athirst, desire and chuse to drinke the daintie and pleasant wines of the Phoeacians, rather than reade that fiction and discourse of the voiage and pilgri­mage of Ulysses? and who would take more pleasure to lie with a most faire and beautifull wo­man, than to sit up all night, reading either that which Xenophon hath written of ladie Panthea, 20 or Aristobulus of dame Timoclea, or Theopompus of faire Thisbe? These be the pleasures and joies indeed of the minde: but our Epicureans reject likewise, all those delights which proceed from the fine inventions of the Mathematicall sciences: and to say a trueth, a historie runneth plaine, even, simple and uniforme; whereas the delectation that we have in Geometrie, Astro­nomie and Musicke, have besides (I wot not what) forcible bait of varietie so attractive, that it seemeth men are charmed and enchanted by them; so forcibly they allure, and so mightily they holde men with their delineations and descriptions, as if they were so many sorceries, spels and incantations: so that whosoever hath once tasted thereof, so he be practised and exercised there­in, he may go all about well enough, chanting these verses of Sophocles:

The furious love of Muses mine 30
Hath heart and minde possessed mine:
Thus ravished, fast I me hie
To crest and cape of mountaine hie:
Melodious songs, and sound withall
Of pleasant harpe, me forth doth call.

Certes, Thamyras exercised his poeticall head about nothing els; no more verily did Eudoxus, Aristarchus and Archimides. For seeing that studious and industrious painters tooke so great pleasure in the excellency of their works, that Nicias when he was painting Homers Necyia (that is to say, the calling foorth and raising the ghosts of folke departed) being so affectionate to it, forgat himselfe and asked his servitours eftsoones about him, whether he had dined or no: and 40 when Ptolomeus king of Aegypt sent unto him threescore talents for the said picture after it was finished, he refused the same, and would never sell, or part with his handy-worke. What plea­sure reaped (thinke you) and how great delight tooke Euclides in Geometrie and Astrologie, when he wrote the propositions of Perspective; and Philip when he composed the demonstra­tions of the divers formes and shapes appearing in the Moone? Archimedes also, when by the angle called Gonia, he found out, that the Diameter of the Sun is just so bigge a part of the grea­test circle, as the angle is of foure right lines; Apollonius likewise and Aristarchus, who were the inventours of the like propositions: the contemplation and knowledge whereof, even at this day, bringeth exceeding pleasure and woonderfull generositie & magnanimity unto those who can intend to study upon them. And verily those base and abject pleasures of the kitchin and 50 brothell-house, we ought not so much as to compare with these, and thereby to contaminate and disgrace the sacred Muses and their mountaine Helicon,

Where shepheard none durst tend his flocke,
On hill above or vale below:
Nor edged toole was knowen to shocke
Or cut one tree that there did grow.

But these pleasures are indeed the intemperate & undefiled pastures of the gentle bees; whereas [Page 590] those other resemble properly, the itching lusts of swine and goats, which over and besides the bodie, fill with their filthie ordure the sensuall part of the soule, subject to all passions and per­turbations. True it is, that lust and desire to enjoy pleasures, is a passion adventurous and hardie enough to enterprise many and sundrie matters; yet was there never any man found so amo­rous, who for joy that he had embraced his paramour, sacrificed a beefe; nor ever was there knowen so notorious a glutton, who wished in his heart and desired, so he might first fill his bel­lie with delicate viands and princely banketting dishes, to die presently: and yet Eudoxus made this praier, that he might stand nere unto the sunne, for to learne the forme, the magnitude and the beauty of that planet, upon condition to be burnt presently, as Phaëton was, with the beames thereof. Pythagoras for the proofe of one proposition or figure which he had invented, sacrifi­ced 10 an ox, as Apollodorus hath recorded in this Dysticon:

No sooner had Pythagoras this noble figure found,
But solemnly he sacrific'd an ox, even in that stound.

Whether it were that slope line in Geometrie, called Hypotinusa, which answering directly to the right angle of a triangle, is as much in effect as the other two that comprehend and make the said angle; or rather that linearie demonstration or proposition, whereby he measured the plot in a parabolicke section of a Cone or round pyramidall figure. As for Archimedes, he was so intentive and busie in drawing his Geometricall figures, that his servants were faine by force to pull him away to be washed and anointed; and even then he would with the strigill or bath­combe (which served to currie and rub his skin) draw figures even upon his very bellie: and one 20 day above the rest, having found out whiles he was a bathing, the way to know, how much golde the gold-smith had robbed in the fashion of that crowne which king Hiero had put forth to ma­king, he ran foorth suddenly out of the baine, as if he had beene frantike, or inspired with some fanaticall spirit, crying out; Heureca, Heureca, that is to say, I have found it, I have found it, itera­ting the same many times all the way as he went. But we never heard of any glutton so given to gourmandise & belly cheere, who went up and downe crying Bebroca, that is to say, I have eaten, I have eaten; nor of a wanton & amorous person, who having enjoied his love, would set up this note, Ephilesa, that is to say, I have kist, I have kist. Notwithstanding there have beene & are at this day, a thousand millions, even an infinit number of lascivious & loose persons: But contra­riwise, we detest and abhorre those, who upon an affection, braverie and pride, make rehearsall 30 what feasts they have beene at, as persons who highly account of so base and unworthy plea­sures, which men ought indeed to have in contempt. Whereas in reading the works of Eudox­us, Archimtdes, and Hipparchus, we are ravished and transported as it were with some heaven­ly and divine delight; beleeving that saying of Plato to be true, who writeth: That the Mathe­maticall arts, howsoever they be contemned, by those that be ignorant, and for default of know­ledge and understanding neglected; yet for the grace and delight that they yeeld, be more and more in request, even in despight of those blind and blockish persons: All which pleasures so great and so many in number, running alwaies as a river; these men heere doe turne and derive another way, for to empeach and hinder those who approch unto them, and give eare unto their doctrine, that they should not once taste thereof, but command them to set up and spred 40 all their maine sailes, and flie away as fast as they can. Yea, and that which more is, all those of this sect, both men and women, pray and request Pythocles (for Epicurus sake) not to make any account of those arts which we name liberall: And in praising our Apelles, among other singu­lar qualities, that they attribute unto him, they set downe this for one: That from his first begin­ning he had forborne the studie of the Mathematicks, and by that meanes kept himselfe unspot­ted and undefiled: As for histories (to say nothing, how of all other sciences they have neither heard nor seene any) I will cite onely the words Metradorus writing of Poets: Tush (quoth he) be not abashed nor thinke it a shame to confesse that thou knowest not, of whether side Hector was, of the Greeks part or of the Trojans? neither thinke it a great matter if thou be igno­rant what were the first verses of Homers Poeme, and regard thou as little those in the mids. 50

Now for as much as Epicurus wist well inough, that the pleasures of the body (like unto the aniversarie Etesian minds) doe blow over and passe away, yea and after the flower of mans age is once gone, decay sensibly, and cease altogether; therefore he mooveth a question: Whether a wise man, being now farre stept in yeeres, and not able any more to keepe company with a woman, taketh pleasure still in want on touching, feeling or handling of faire and beautifull per­sons: Wherein verily he is farre from the minde and opinion of Sophocles; who rejoiced and thanked God, that hee had escaped from this voluptuous and fleshly love, as from the yoke, [Page 591] chaine, or clogge of some violent and furious master. Yet rather ought these sensuall and vo­luptuous persons, seeing that manie delights and pleasures corporall, doe fade and decaie in old age,

And that with aged folk in this,
Dame Venus much offended is.

(as saith Euripides) to make provision then most all, of other spirituall pleasures, and to be stored before-hand, as it were against some long siege, with such drie victuals as are not subject to pu­trefaction and corruption: Then I say should they hold their solemne feasts of Venus, & good­ly morrow-minds, to passe the time away by reading some pleasant histories, delectable poemes, or pretie speculations of musick or geometrie: And verily they would not so much as 10 thinke any more of those blind feelings and bootlesse handlings (as I may tearme them) which indeed are no more but the pricks and provocations of dead wantonnesse, if they had learned no more but as Aristotle, Heraclides, and Dicaearchus did, to write of Homer and Euripides: But they being never carefull and provident to purvey such victuals, and seeing all the rest of their life otherwise to be unpleasant, and as drie as a kex, (as themselves are woont to say of vertue) yet willing to enjoy still their pleasures continually, but sinding their bodies to say nay, and not able to performe the same to their contentment, they bewray their corruption in committing foule and dishonest acts out of season, enforcing themselves (even by their owne confessions) to awaken, stirre up, and renew the memorie of their former pleasures in times past, and for want of fresh and new delights, making a shift to serve their turne with the old & stale, as if they had 20 beene long kept in salt-pickle, or compast, untill their goodnesse and life were gone; desirous they are to stirre, kindle, and quicken others that lie extinct in their flesh, as it were raked up in dead and cold ashes long before, cleane against the course of nature; and all for default that they were not provided before of some sweet thing laid up in their soule, proper unto her, and delightsome according to her worthinesse: As for other spirituall pleasures wee have spoken of them already, as they came into our minde: but as touching musick, which bringing with it so many cōtentments, & so great delights, men yet reject & flie fro, no man I now would willing­ly passe it over in silence, considering the absured and impertinent speeches that Epicurus giveth out: for in his questions he maintaineth: That a wise man is a great lover of shews & spectacles, delighting above all others to heare and see the pastimes, sports, & sights, exhibited in theatres 30 during the feast of Bacchus; yet wil not he admit any musical problemes, any disputatiōs or witty discourses of Criticks in points of humanitie & learning, so much as at the very table, in dinner and supper time; but giveth counsell unto kings and princes that be lovers & favorers of litera­ture, to abide rather the reading & hearing of military narrations & stratagemes at their feasts & banquets, yea, and scurrill talke of buffons, pleasants, and iesters, than any questions propoun­ded or discussed, as touching musicke or poetrie: for thus much hath he delivered in his booke entituled: Of Royaltie: as if hee had written the same to Sardanapalus or Naratus, who was in times past a great potentate and lord of Babylon. Certes, neither Hiero nor Attalus, ne yet Ar­chelaus, would ever have bene perswaded to remove and displace from their tables such as Erui­ptdes, Simonides, Melanippides, Crates or Diodorus, for to set in their roomes Cardax, Ariantes 40 and Callias, knowen jesters and notorious ribauds; or some parasiticall Thrasonides and Thrasy­leons, who could skill of nothing els but how to make folke laugh, in counterfaiting lamentable yellings, groanes, howlings, and all to move applause and clapping of hands. If king Ptolomeus the first of that name, who also first erected a librarie, and founded a colledge of learned men, had light upon these goodly rules and royall precepts of his putting downe, would not he have exclamed and said unto the Samians:

O Muses faire, ô ladies deere,
What envie, and what spight is heere!

For, beseeming it is not any Athenian thus maliciously to be bent unto the Muses, and be at warre with them: but according to Pindarus; 50

Whom Jupiter doth not vouchsafe
His love and favour for to have.
Amaz'd they stand and quake for feare,
When they the voice of Muses beare.

What say you, Epicurus? you goe early in the morning by breake of day unto the Theater, to heare musicians playing upon the harpe and lute, or sounding shawmes and hautboies: if then it fortune at the table, in time of a banquet, that Theophrastus discourseth of Symphonies and [Page 592] musicall accords? or Aristoxenes, of changes and alteration of tunes? or Aristophanes of Ho­mers works, will you stop your eares with both hands because you would not heare, for that you so abhorre and detest them? Surely, there was more civillity yet and honestie (by report) in that barbarous king of Scythia, Ateas, who when that excellent minstrell Ismenias, being his cap­tive, taken prisoner in the warres, plaied upon the flute before him as hee sat at dinner, sware a great oath, that he tooke more pleasure to heare his horse neigh. Doe not these men (thinke you) confesse and grant (when they be well charged) that they have given defiance to vertue and honestie, proclaming mortall and irreconcilable warre, without all hope of truce, parle, composition and peace? for surely, setting pleasure onely aside, what other thing is there in the world (be it never so pure, holy and venerable) that they embrace and love? Had it not beene 10 more reason, for the leading of a joyfull life, to be offended with sweet perfumes, and to reject odoriferous oiles and ointments, as bettles, jeires and vultures doe, than to abhorre, detest and shun the talke and discourses of Humanitians, Criticks, Grammarians and Musicians? for, what maner of flute or hautboies, what harpe or lute how well soever set, tuned, and fitted for song,

What quire resounding loud and shrill
From pleasant mouth and brest so sweet,
A song in parts, set with great skill,
When cunning men in musicke meet?

so greatly delighted Epicurus and Metrodorus, as the discourses, the rules and precepts of quites 20 and carols, the questions and propositions concerning flutes and hautboies, touching propor­tions, consonances & harmonicall accords would affect Aristotle, Theophrastus, Hieronymus and Dicaearchus? as for example, what is the reason, that of two pipes or flutes (otherwise even and equall) that which hath the straighter and narrower mouth, yeeldeth the bigger and more base sound? also, what might be the cause, that the same pipe when it is lifted and set upward, becom­meth loud in all the tones that it maketh; but holde it downward once, it soundeth as low? so doth one pipe also when it is set close unto another, give a base sound; but contrariwise, if it be disjoined and put asunder, it soundeth higher and more shrill. As also, how it commeth to passe that if a man sow chaffe or cast dust thicke upon the stage or scaffold in a Theater, the people there assembled be deafe and cannot heare the plaiers or minstrels? Semblably, when king Ale­xander 30 the Great was minded to have made in the citie of Pella the forepart of the stage in the Theater, all of brasse; what mooved his workman or Architect not to permit him so to doe, for feare it would drowne and dull the voice of the plaiers? Finally, why among sundry kinds of Musicke, that which is called Chromaticall, delighteth, enlargeth and joieth the heart, whereas the Harmonicall contracteth and draweth it in, making it sad and dumpish? Moreover, the ma­ners and natures of men which Poets represent in their writings, their wittie fictions, the diffe­rence and varietie of their stile, the solution of darke doubts and quaint questions, which (besides a delightsome grace and beautifull elegance) carie with them a familiar and perswasive power, whereout ech one may reape profit; insomuch as they are able (as Xenophon saith) to make a man forget even love it selfe, so effectuall is this pleasure and delight. Howbeit, the Epicureans 40 here have no feeling and experience; nay, which is woorse, they desire to have none, as they say themselves; but imploying the whole contemplative part of the soule, in thinking upon no­thing els but the bodie, and plucking it downward together with sensuall and carnall lusts, as fishers nets with little rols and plummets of lead, they differ nothing at all from horsekeepers or shepherds and other herdmen, who lay before their beasts, hay, straw, or some kinde of grasse and herbs, as the proper fodder & forage for the cattell which they have in charge: for do they not even so intend to feed the soule fat (as men franke up swine) with bodily pleasures; in that they would have her to be glad for the hope shee hath that the body shall shortly enjoy some pleasure, or els in the remembrance of those which it hath enjoied in times past? as for any pro­per delight or particular pleasure of her owne, they suffer her to receive none from herselfe, nor 50 so much as to seeke thereafter.

And verily, can there be any thing more absurd & beside all apparance and shew of reason, than (whereas there be two parts whereof man is compounded, to wit, soule and body, of which the soule is more woorth, and placed in the higher degree) to say and affirme, that there is in the bodie some good thing, proper, peculiar, familiar, and naturall unto it, and none in the soule; but that she sits still tending the bodie, and looking onely to it? that she smileth upon the passions and affections thereof, joying and taking contentment with it onely; having of her­selfe [Page 593] originally no motion, no election, no choise, no desire nor pleasure at all? Now surely they should either by putting off their maske and discovering themselves, have gone roundly to worke, making man flesh, and nothing else but flesh; as some there be who flatly denie, that there is any spirituall substance in him; or else leaving in us two different natures, they ought to have let either of them alone by it selfe, with their severall good and evill; that I say which is familiar or contrarie unto it: like as among the five senses, everie one is destined & appropriat to one object sensible, although all of them by a certaine woonderfull sympathy be affected one to the other. Now the proper sensative organ or instrument of the soule is, the understan­ding; and to say that the same hath no peculiar subject to worke upon, no proper spectacle to behold, no familiar motion, no naturall and inbred passion or affection, in the fruition where­of 10 it should take pleasure and delight, is the greatest absurditie of all others: And verily this is the saying of these men; unlesse haply some ther be, who ere they be aware, charge upon them some slanderous and false imputations. Heereat began I to speake and say unto him: Not so sir, if we may be judges; but I pray you let be, all action of inquirie, and proceed hardly to finish and make an end of your discourse. And why (quoth he) should not Aristodemus succeed after me, if you haply refuse slatly, or be loth to speake? You say true indeed, (quoth Aristodemus) but that shall not be untill you be wearie of speech, as this man is; and for the present, since you are yet fresh and in heart, I beseech you my good friend, spare not your selfe, but use your facultie, lest you be thought for very sloth and idlenesse to draw back and goe out of the lists. Certes (quoth Theon then) it is but a small matter, and the same very easie which is behind; for 20 there remaineth no more but to shew and recount how many joies and pleasures there be in active life, and that part of the soule which is given to action? First and formost, even they themselves in some place graunt and confesse; that it is a greater pleasure to doe good, and to benefit others, than to receive a benefit from another; as for good turnes, a man I confesse may doe them in bare words and sayings; but surely the most and greatest are performed by acts and deeds, and thus much doth the verie word of benefit or weldoing import; and even they themselves testifie no lesse: For but a while since, wee heard this man report, what words and speeches Epicurus delivered; what letters he wrot and sent unto his friends, in extolling, prai­sing, and magnifying Metrodorus; how bravely and valiantly he went downe from the citie of Athens to the port Pyreaeum, for to aid and succour Mythris the Syrian, albeit Metrodorus 30 did no service at all in that sally: What manner of pleasures then, and how great ought wee to esteeme those which Plato enjoied, when Dion a scholar of his & one of his bringing up, rose up to put downe the tyrant Dionysius, & to deliver the state of Sicily from servitude? what content­ment might Aristotle find, when he caused the citie of his nativitie which was ruinate and ra­sed to the ground to be reedified, and his countrimen & fellow-citizens to be called home who were banished? what delights and joies were those of Theophrastus and Phidias, who deposed and overthrew those tyrants who usurped the lordly dominion of their countrey? and for private persons in particular, how many they relieved, not in sending unto them a strike or a bushell of corne and meale, as Epicurus sent unto some; but in working and effecting, that those who were exiled out of their native countrey, driven from their owne houses, and turned out of all their 40 goods, might returne home againe and reenter upon all; that such as had beene prisoners and lien in irons, might be delivered and set at large; as many also as were put from their wives and children, might recover and enjoy them againe: What need I make rehearsall unto you, who know all this well enough? But surely the impudence and absurditie of this man, I can not (though I would) passe over with silence, who debasing and casting under foot the acts of The­mistocles and Miltiades as he did, wrot of himselfe to certeine of his friends in this sort: Right nobly, valiantly, and magnificently, have you shewed your endevour and care of us, in provision of corne to furnish us withall; and againe you have declared by notorious signes, which mount up into heaven, the singular love and good will which you beare unto me. And if a man ob­serve the manner of this stile and writing, he shall find, that if he take out of the misteries of this 50 great philosopher, that which concerneth a little corne, all the words besides are so curiously couched and penned, as if the epistle had beene written purposedly as a thankes giving for the safety of all Greece, or at leastwise, for delivering, setting free, and preserving the whole citie and people of Athens.

What should I busie my head to shew unto you, that for the delights of the bodie, na­ture had need to be at great cost and expences; neither doth the chiefe pleasure which they seeke after, consist in course bisket-bread, in pease pottage, or lentile broth; but the appetites [Page 594] of these voluptuous persons, call for exquisit and daintie viands, for sweete and delicate wines, such as those be of Thasos, for sweet odours, pleasant perfumes, and precious oint­ments, for curious junkets and banketting dishes, for tarts, cake-bread, marchpanes, and other pastrie works, well wrought, beaten and tempered with the sweet liquor gathered by the yellow winged Bee: over and besides all this, their mind stands also to faire and beautiful yoong damosels, they must have some pretie Leontium, some fine Boïchon, some sweet Hedia, or daintie Nicedion, whom they keepe and nourish of purpose within their gardens of pleasure, to be ready at hand. As for the delights and joies of the mind, there is no man but will consesse and say: That founded they ought to be upon the greatnesse of some noble actions, and the beautie of worthy and memorable works, if we would have them to be not vaine, base and chil­dish; 10 but contrariwise, reputed grave, generous, magnificent and manlike; whereas to vaunt and glory of being let loose to a dissolute course of life and the fruition of pleasures and delights, after the maner of sailers and mariners when they celebrate the seast of Venus; to boast also and please himselfe in this: That being desperatly sicke of that kinde of dropsie which the Physici­ans call Ascites, he forbare not to feast his friends still, and keepe good companie, neither spared to adde and gather more moisture and waterish humours still unto his dropsie: and remem­bring the last words that his brother Neocles spake upon his death-bed, melted and consumed with a speciall joy and pleasure of his owne, tempered with teares; there is no man (I trow) of sound judgement and in his right wits, who would tearme these sottish sollies, either sound joies or perfect delights; but surely, if there be any Sardonian laughter (as they call it) belonging also 20 to the soule, it is seated (in my conceit) even in such joies and mirths mingled with teares as these, which do violence unto nature: but if any man shal say, that these be solaces, let him com­pare them with others, and see how farre these excell and go beyond them which are expressed by these verses:

By sage advice I have effected this.
That Spartaes martiall fame eclipsed is.

Also:

This man, ô friend and stranger both, was while he lived heere,
The great and glorious starre of Rome, 30 his native citie decre.

Likewise:

I wot not what I should you call,
An heavenly God and man mortall.

And when I set before mine eies the noble and worthy acts of Thrasibulus and Pelopidas; or be­hold the victories either of Aristides in that journey of Plateae, or of Miltiades at the battell of Marathon, I am even ravished and transported besides my selfe, and forced to say with Herodotus, and deliver this sentence: That in this active life, there is more sweetnesse and delectation, than glorie and honour: and that this is so, Epaminondas will beare me witnesse, who (by report) gave out this speech, that the greatest contentment which ever he had during his life, was this: That 40 his father and mother were both alive to see that noble Trophee of his, for the victorie that he wan at Leuctres, being generall of the Thebans against the Lacedaemonians. Compare we now with this mother of Epaminondas, Epicurus his mother, who tooke so great joy to see her sonne keeping close in a daintie garden and orchard of pleasure, where he and his familiar friend Poly­enus gat children in common, upon a trull and courtisan of Cyzicum: for, that both mother and sister of Metrodorus were exceeding glad of his marriage, may appeare by his letters missive written unto his brother, which are extant in his books; and yet they goe up and downe everie where crying with open mouth: That they have lived in joy, doing nought els but extoll and magnifie their delicate life, faring much like unto slaves when they solemnize the feast of Sa­turne, supping and making good cheere together, or celebrate the Bacchanales, running about 50 the fields; so as a man may hardly abide to heare the utas and yelling noise they make, when upon the insolent joy of their hearts, they breake out into many fooleries, and utter they care not unto whom, as vaine and fond speeches, in this maner:

Why sut'st thou still, thou wretched lout,
Come let us drinke and quaffe about:
The meats upon the boord set are,
Be merie man, and make no spare:
[Page 595] No sooner are these words let flie,
But all at once they hout and crie;
The pots then walke, one filles out wine,
Another bring a garland fine
Of flowers full fresh, his head to crowne,
And decks the cup, whiles wine goes downe:
And then the minstrell, Phoebus knight,
With faire greene branch of Laurell dight,
Sets out his rude and rustie throte,
And sings a filthie tunelesse note: 10
With that one thrusts the pipe him fro,
And sounds his wench and bed fello.

Do not (thinke you) the letters of Metrodorus resemble these vanities, which he wrote unto his brother in these tearmes? ‘There is no need at all, Timocrates, neither ought a man to expose himselfe into danger for the safetie of Greece, or to straine and busie his head to winne a coronet among them, in testimonie of his wisedome; but he is to eat, and drinke wine merily, so as the bodie may enjoy all pleasure, and susteine no harme. And againe in another place of the same letters he hath these words: Oh how joifull was I, and glad at heart! ôh what contentment of spirit found I, when I had learned once of Epicurus, to make much of my bellie, and to gratifie it as I ought! For to say a trueth to you, ô Timocrates, that art a Naturalist: The sovereigne good 20 of a man lieth about the bellie.’

In summe, these men doe limit, set out and circumscribe the greatnesse of humane pleasure within the compasse of the bellie, as it were within center and circumserence; but surely impos­sible it is, that they should ever have their part of any great, roial and magnificall joy, such as in­deed causeth magnanimitie and hautinesse of courage, bringeth glorious honour abroad, or tranquillitie of spirit at home, who have made choise of a close and private life within doores, never shewing themselves in the world, nor medling with the publicke affaires of common weale; a life (I say) sequestred from all offices of humanitie, farre removed from any instinct of honour, or desire to gratifie others, thereby to deserve thanks, or winne favour: for the soule (I may tell you) is no base and small thing, it is not vile and illiberall, extending her desires one­ly 30 to that which is good to bee eaten, as doe these poulps or pourcuttle fishes which stretch their cleies as farre as to their meat and no farther; for such appetites as these, are most quickly cut off with satietie, and filled in a moment; but when the motions and desires of the minde tending to vertue and honestie, to honour also and contentment of conscience, upon vertuous deeds and well doing, are once growen to their vigor and perfection, they have not for their li­mit, the length and tearme onely of mans life: but surely, the desire of honor, and the affection to profit the societie of men, comprehending all aeternitie, striveth still to goe forward in such actions and beneficiall deeds as yeeld infinit pleasures that cannot be expressed; which joies, great personages and men of woorth can not shake off and avoid though they would: for flie they from them what they can, yet they environ them about on every side, they are readie to 40 meet them whersoever they goe, when as by their beneficence and good deeds they have once refreshed and cheered many other: for of such persons may well this verse be verified:

To towne when that he comes, or there doth walk:
Men him behold as God, and so doe talk.

For when a man hath so affected and disposed others, that they are glad and leape for joy to see him, that they have a longing desire to touch, salute, & speak unto him; who seeth not (though otherwise he were blinde) that he findeth great joies in himselfe, and enjoieth most sweet con­tentiment: this is the cause that such men are never wearie of well dooing, nor thinke it a trou­ble to be emploied to the good of others; for we shall evermore heare from their mouths these and such like speeches: 50

Thy father thee begat and brought to light,
That thou one day might'st profit many a wight.

Againe,

Let us not cease, but shew a minde,
Of doing good to all manking.

What need I to speake heere of those that bee excellent men, and good in the highest degree? for if to any one of those who are not extremely wicked, at the very point and instant of death; [Page 596] he in whose hands lieth his life, be he a god or some king, should graunt one howres respit, and permit him to employ himselfe at his owne choise, either to execute some memorable act, or else to take his pleasure for the while, so that immediately after that howre past, he should goe to his death: How many thinke you would chuse rather during this small time, to lie with that courtisane and famous strumpet Lais, or drink liberally of good Ariusian wine, than to kill the tyrant Archias, for to deliver the citie of Thebes, from tyrannicall servitude? for mine owne part verily, I suppose, that there is not one: for this I observe in those sword-fencers, who fight at sharpe a combat to the uttrance, such I meane as are not altogether brutish and savage, but of the Greekish nation, when they are to enter in place for to performe their devoir, notwithstan­ding there be presented unto them many deintie dishes, and costly cates, chuse rather at this 10 very time to recommend unto their friends, their wives and children, to manumise and enfran­chise their slaves, than to serve their bellies and content their sensuall appetites: But admit that these bodily pleasures be great matters, and highly to be accounted of, the same are common also even to those that leade an active life, and manage affaires of State: For as the Poet saith:

Wine muscadell they drinke, and likewise eat
Fine manchet bread, made of the whitest wheat.

They banket also, and feast with their friends, yea and much more merily (in my conceit, after they be returned from bloudie battels or other great exploits and important services; like as Alexander & Agesilaus; Phocion also and Epaminondas were woont to do) than these who are an­nointed against the fire, or carried easily in their litters: and yet such as they, mocke and scorne 20 those, who indeed have the fruition of other greater and more deintie pleasures: for what should a man speake of Epaminondas, who being invited to a supper unto his friends house, when he saw that the provision was greater and more sumptuous than his state might well beare, would not stay and suppe with him, but said thus unto his friend: I thought you would have sacrificed un­the gods, and not have beene a wastefull and prodigall spender: and no marvell; for king Alex­ander the Great refused to entertaine the exquisit cooks of Ada Queene of Caria; saying: That he had better about him of his owne to dresse his meat, to wit, for his dinner or breakfast, early rising and travelling before day-light; and for his supper, a light and hungry dinner. As for Philoxenus who wrot unto him concerning two most faire and beautiful boies, to this effect, whether he should buy them for to send unto him or no? he had like to have lost the place of go­vernment 30 under him, for his labour: and yet to say a trueth, who might have better done it than Alexander? But like as of two paines & griefs (as Hippocrates saith) the lesse is dulled and dim­med (as it were) by the greater; even so, the pleasures proceeding from vertuous and honou­rable actions, do darken and extinguish (by reason of the minds joies, and in regard of their ex­ceeding greatnesse) those delights which arise from the bodie. And if it be so as these Epicu­reans say, that the remembrance of former pleasures and good things, be materiall and make much for a joifull life; which of us all will beleeve Epicurus himselfe, that dying (as he did) in most grievous paines and dolorous maladies, he eased his torments or asswaged his anguish by calling to minde those delights which beforetime he had enjoied? For surely, it were an easier matter to beholde the resemblance of ones face in the bottome of a troubled water, or amid the 40 waves during a tempest, than to conceive and apprehend the smiling and laughing remem­brance of a pleasure past, in so great a disquietnesse and bitter vexation of the body; whereas the memorie of vertuous and praise-worthy actions, a man can not (would he never so faine) chase and drive out of his minde. For how is it possible, that Alexander the Great, should ever forget the battell at Arbela? or Pelopidas, the defaiture of the tyrant Leontiades? or Themistocles, the noble field fought before Salamis? for as touching the victorie at Marathon, the memoriall thereof the Athenians doe solemnize with feasts even to this day; like as the Thebans celebrate the remembrance of the famous fight at Leuctres: and wee verily (as you know well enough) make feasts for the victorie of Daiphantus before the citie Hyampolis; and not onely we, keepe yeerely holiday then, but also the whole country of Phocis (upon that anniversarie day) is full of 50 sacrifices and due honours: neither is there one of us that taketh so great contentment of all that hee eateth or drinketh such a festivall time, as he doth in regard of the remembrance of those noble acts which those brave men performed: we may well gesse and consider therefore, what joy, what mirth, what gladnesse and solace of heart accompanied them all their life time af­ter, who executed these noble feats of armes, considering that after five hundred yeeres and a­bove, the memorie of them is fresh, and the same attended with so great cheere and rejoicing. And yet Epicurus himselfe doth acknowledge, that of glorie there doe arise certeine joies and [Page 597] pleasures; for how could he doe lesse, seeing that himselfe is so desirous thereof, that he is even mad withall, and fareth after a furious maner to atteine thereto; insomuch, as not onely he disa­voweth his owne masters and teachers, contesteth against Or rather [...] Democrates (whose opinions and doctrines he stealeth word for word) upon certeine syllables and nice points, mainteining that there never was any wise man nor learned clearke, setting himselfe and his disciples aside: but also, which more is, he hath bene so impudent, as to say and write; that Colotes adored him as a god, touching his knees full devoutly, when he heard him discourse of naturall causes; and that his brother Neocles affirmed and gave out even from his infancie; that Epicurus had never his like or fellow, for wisdome and knowledge; as also, that his mother was happie and blessed for bearing in her womb such a number of Atomes, that is to say, indivisible small bodies, who con­curring 10 all together, framed and formed so skilfull a personage. Is not this all one with that which Callicratides sometime said of Conon: That he committed adulterie with the sea; even so a man may say that Epicurus (secretly by stealth and shamefully) made love unto Glory, and went about to solicit, yea, force her by violence, not being able to win and enjoy her openly; where­upon he became passionate and love-sicke: for like as a mans bodie in time of famine, for that it hath no food and nourishment otherwise, is constreined even against nature, to feed upon the owne substance; even so ambition and thirst after glorie, doth the like hurt unto the soules of ambitious persons: for being readie to die for thirst of glorie, and seeing they can not have it otherwise, enforced they are to praise themselves. But they that be thus passionatly affected with desire of praise and honour, confesse not they manifestly, that they reject, forgo and neg­lect 20 great pleasures and delights; when through their feeble, lazie and base minds, they flie from publicke offices of State, forbeare the management of affaires, and regard not the favours of kings and following of great persons; from whence Democritus saith; there accrue unto man many ornaments to grace and commend this life? For Epicurus shall never be able to make the world beleeve, that (esteeming so much as he did and making so great account of Neocles his brothers testimonie or the adoration of Colotes) he would not have bene ready to have leapt out of his skin, and gone besides himselfe for joy, if he had beene received by the Greeks at the so­lemnitie of the Olympian games, with joious acclamations and clapping of hands: nay, hee would no doubt have shewed that gladnesse and contentment of heart with open mouth; hee would have bene aloft and flowen abroad, as the Poet Sophocles saith: 30

Like to the Downe, which being light and soft
From thistle olde, the winde doth mount aloft.

And if it be a gracious and acceptable thing, for a man to brute that he hath a good name; it fol­loweth consequently, that grievous it is to be in an ill name: and what is more infamous and o­dious, than to be friendlesse, to want emploiment, to be infected with Atheisme and impietie, to live loosely and abandoned to lusts and pleasures; finally, to be neglected and contemned? and verily (setting themselves aside) there is no man living, but he thinketh al these qualities and attributes to agree fitly unto this sect of theirs. True (will some man say) but they have the grea­ter wrong. Well, the question now, is not, what is the trueth, but what is the common opinion that the world hath of them: and to this purpose I meane not to cite the publicke decrees and 40 acts of Citres, nor to alledge the defamatorie books written against them; for that were too odi­ous: but if the oracles, if divination, if the praescience and providence of the gods, if the naturall love and affectionate kindnesse of parents to their children, if the managing of politike affaires, if the conduct of armies, if magistracie and rule in common-wealth, be matters honourable and glorious, then it must needs be, that they who affirme: That no travell ought to be made for the safetie of Greece, but that we are to eat and drinke, so as the bellie may be pleased, and receive no harme and discontentment, should be infamous, and reputed for wicked persons; and such as are so taken, must needs be odious and in great disgrace, if so be they hold, honour, good name and reputation, to be things pleasant and delectable.

When Theon had made an end of this speech, thought good it was to give over walking: and 50 when (as our custome and manner was) we were set downe upon the seats, we rested a pretie while in silence, ruminating (as it were) and pondering that which had beene delivered, but long this was not; for Zeuxippus thinking upon that which had beene said: And who (quoth he) shall goe through with that which remaineth behind, considering that me thinks we are not as yet come to a full point and finall conclusion? for seeing that erewhile he hath made mention by the way of Divination, and likewise put us in minde of Divine providence two maine points, I may tell you whereupon these men doe greatly stand, and which by their saying yeeld them not [Page 598] the least pleasure, contentment, repose of spirit, and assurance in this life; To wit, in [...] both the one and the other. therefore I hold it necessarie that somewhat were said as touching the same. Then Aristodemus taking the matter in hand: As for the pleasure (quoth he) which they pretend in this case, me thinks (by all in ma­ner that hath beene spoken) that if their reasons should goe for currant, and bring that about which they purpose & intend, well may they free and deliver their spirit of (I wot not what) feare of the gods, and a certaine superstition; butsurely they imprint no joy, nor minister any com­fort and contentment to their minds at all, in any regard of the gods: for to be troubled with no dread of the gods, nor comforted by any hope from them, worketh this effect, and maketh them so affected towards the gods, as we are to the fishes of the Hyrcan sea, expecting neither good nesse nor harme from them. But if we must adde somewhat more to that which hath beene said 10 alreadie; thus much I take it wee may be bold to set downe, as received and granted by them: First and formost, that they impugne them mightily, who condemne and take away all heavi­nesse, sorrow, weeping, sighes, and lamentations for the death of friends: and they assirme, that this indolence tending to a kinde of impassibilitie, proceedeth from another evill, greater and woorse than it, to wit, cruell inhumanitie, or else an outragious and furious desire of vain­glorie and ostentation; and therefore they hold it better to suffer a little sorrow, and to grieve moderately, so a man runne not all to teares and marre his eies with weeping, nor shew all ma­ner of passions as some doe by their deeds and writings, because they would be thought affecti­onate and heartie lovers of their friends, and withall of a gentle and tender nature: For thus much hath Epicurus delivered in many of his books, and namely in his letters where he maketh 20 mention of the death of Hegesianax, writing unto Dositheus the father, and Pyrsos the brother of the man departed: For long it is not since by fortune those letters of his came to my hands, which I perused, and in imitating their maner of arguing, I say: That Atheisme and impietie is no lesse sinne, than the crueltie or vaine and arrogant ostentation abovesaid; unto which im­pietie they would induce us with their perswasions, who take from God both favor and also an­ger: For, better it were, that to the opinion and beliefe which we have of the gods, there were adjoined and engraffed an affection mixed and compassed of reverence and feare, than in fly­ing therefro, to leave unto our selves neither hope nor pleasure, no assurance in prosperitie, ne yet recourse unto the goodnesse of of the gods in time of adversitie: True it is, that we ought to ridde away from the opinion that we have of the gods, all superstition, if it be possible, as well 30 as from our eies all gummie and glutinous matter, offending the sight; but if this may not be, we are not therefore to cut away quite, or to put out the eies cleane of that faith and beliefe, which men for the most part have of the gods; and this is not a severe, feareful and austere con­ceit as these imagine, who traduce and slander divine providence, to make it odious and terri­ble, as folke doe by little children, whom they use to scarre with the fantasticall illusion, Em­pusa, as if it were some infernall furie, or tragicall vengeance seizing upon them: but some few men there be, who in that sort doe feare God, as that it is better and more expedient for them so to doe, than otherwise not to stand in awe of him: for in dreading him as a gracious and propitious lord unto the good, and an enemie unto the wicked, by this one kinde of feare which maketh them that they have no need at all of many others, they are delivered from those baits 40 which many times allure and entice men to evill; and thus keeping vice short, and not giving it head, but holding it neere unto them, and within their reach, that it cannot escape and get from them, they be lesse tormented than those who be so hardie as to emploie the same, and dare put it in practise, but soone after, fall into fearefull fits, and repent themselves: But as touching the disposition toward God in the common sort of men, who are ignorant, unlettered, and of a grosse conceit for the most part; howbeit not very wicked, nor starke naught: true it is, that as together with the reverence and honour that they beare to the gods, there is intermingled a certaine trembling feare, which properly is called superstition; so likewise there is an infinit deale more of good hope and true joy, which causeth them to praie unto the gods continually for their owne good estate, and for happie successe in their affaires, and they receive all prospe­ritie 50 as sent unto them from heaven above; which appeereth evidently by most notable and sig­nificant arguments: for surely no exercises recreat us more, than those of religion and devoti­on in the temples of the gods; no times and seasons are more joious, than those solemne feasts in their honour; no actions, no sights, more delight and joy our hearts, than those which we doe and see our selves, either singing and dauncing solemnly in the presence of the gods, or being assistant at their sacrifices, or the ceremonious mysteries of divine service; for at such times our soule is nothing sadde, cast downe, or melancholike, as if she had to deale with some terrible tyrants, or [Page 599] bloudie but chers; where good reason were, that she should bee heavie and dejected; but looke where she thinketh and is perswaded most that God is present, in that place especially, she casteth behinde her all anguishes, agonies, sorrowes, feares and anxieties; there I say she gi­veth herselfe to all manner of joy, even to drinke wine most liberally, to play, disport, laugh and be merie: As the poet said in love and wanton matters:

Both grey-beard, old and aged trot when they the sports remember,
Of lovely Venus, leape for joy, no cares their heart encomber.

So verily in these solemne pompes, processions and sacrifices, not onely the aged husband and 10 the old wife, the poore man that liveth in low and private estate, but also

The fat legd wench well under laid
Which to the mill bestirs full yerne,
Her good round stumpes, and well appaid
To grinde her griest, doth turne the querne.

the houshold hines and servants, and the mercenarie day-labourers, who get their living by the sweat of their browes, doe altogether leape for mirth and joy of heart: Kings and princes keepe great cheere in their roiall courts, and make certeine roiall and publike feasts for all com­mers; but those which they hold in the sacred temples, at sacrifices and solemnities of the gods, performed with fragrant perfumes and odoriforous incense; where it seemeth that men ap­proch 20 neerest unto the majestie of the gods, & thinke they even touch them, and be conversant with them in all honour and reverence: such seasts (I say) yeeld a more rare joy and singular de­lectation, than any other; whereof he hath no part at all who denieth the providence of God: for it is not the abundance and plentie of wine there drunke, nor the store of roast & sodden meat there eaten, which yeeldeth joy and contentment at such solemue seasts; but the assured hope and full perswasion that God is there present, propitious, favourable and gracious; and that he accepteth in good part the honour and service done unto him. For some feasts and sacrifices there be, where there is no musicke at all of flutes and hautboies, ne yet any chaplets and gar­lands of flowers used at all; but a sacrifice, where no god is present, like as a temple without a sa­cred feast or holy banquet, is [...] profane, unfestivall, impious, irreligious, and without divine in­spiration 30 and devotion; and to speake better, wholly displeasant and odious to himselfe that of­fereth it; for that he counterfeiteth by hypocrisie, praiers and adorations, onely in a shew and otherwise than he meaneth, for feare of the mulutude, and pronounceth words cleane contrary unto the opinions which he holdeth in Philosophie: when he sacrificeth, he standeth by the priest as he would by a cooke or butcher, who cutteth the throat of a sheepe; and after he hath sa­crificed, he goes his way home, saying thus to himselfe: I have sacrificed a sheepe as men ordi­narily do unto the gods, who have no care and regard of me. For so it is that Epicurus teacheth his scholars, to set a good countenance of the matter, and neither to envie nor incurre the ha­tred of the common sort, when they are disposed to be merie, but seeming others in practise, and themselves inwardly in being displeased with things done: for according as Euenus saith: 40

What things are done perforce by us,
Displeasant be and odious.

Hereupon it is, that they themselves do say and holde: That superstitious persons are present at sacrifices and religious ceremonies, not for any joy or pleasure they take there, but upon a feare that they have: and verily, herein no difference is betweene them and superstitious folke, in case it be so, that they doe the same things for feare of the world, which the other do for feare of the gods; nay rather they be in a worse condition than those, in that they have not so much hope of good as they, but onely stand alwaies in dread and be troubled in mind, lest they should be dete­cted and discovered, for abusing and deceiving the world by their counterfeit hypocrisie; in re­gard of which feare, they have themselves written books and treatises of the gods and of deitie, 50 so composed, that they be full of ambiguities; and nothing is therein soundly or cleerely deli­vered, they do so maske, disguise and cover themselves; and all to cloake and hide the opinions which in deed they hold, doubting the furie of the people. Thus much concerning two sorts of men, to wit, the wicked and the simple or common multitude: now therefore let us consider of a third kinde, such as be of the best marke, men of worth and honour, most devout and religious in deed; namely, what sincere and pure pleasures they have, by reason of the perswasion that they hold of God; beleeving firmly, that he is the ruler and director of all good persons, the au­thour [Page 600] and father from whom proceed all things good and honest; and that it is not lawfull to say or beleeve, that he doth evill, no more than to be perswaded that he suffereth evill: for good he is by nature; and looke whatsoever is good, conceiveth no envie to any, is fearefull of none, neither is it moved with anger or hatred of ought: for like as heat can not coole a thing, but al­waies naturally maketh it hot; so that which is good can not hurt or do ill. Now, anger and fa­vour be farre remote one from the other; so is choler and bitter gall much different from mild­nesse and benevolence; as also malice and frowardnesse are opposite unto bountie, meeknesse, and humanitie; for that the one sort ariseth from vertue and puissance; the other from weake­nesse and vice. Now are we not to thinke that the divine power is given to be wrathfull and gra­cious alike; but to beleeve rather, that the proper nature of God is alwaies to be helpfull and be­neficiall; 10 whereas to be angry and to doe harme, is not so naturall; but that mightie Jupiter in heaven, he descendeth from thence first downe to the earth, to dispose and ordeine all things: after him, other gods, of whom the one is surnamed, The Giver; another, Mild and Bounteous; a third, Protectour or Defender: as for Apollo, as Pindarus saith:

Who doth in winged chariot flie,
Amid the starres in a zure skie,
To every man in his affaire,
Reputed is most debonaire.

Now as Diogenes was wont to say, all things are Gods, and likewise among friends, all things are common, and good men are Gods friends; even so, impossible it is, that either he who is de­vout 20 and a lover of God, should not be withall happie; or that a vertuous, temperate, and just man should not likewise be devout and religious. Thinke ye then, that these who denie the go­vernment of Gods providence, need other punishment, or be not punished sufficiently for their impietie, in that they cut themselves from so great joy and pleasure as we finde in our selves, we (I say) who are thus well given and religiously affected toward God? The greatest joy that Epi­curus stood upon and bare himselfe so boldly, were Metrodorus, Polyaenus, Aristobulus and such; and those he was alwaies emploied about, either in curing and tending them when they were sicke, or in bewailing them after they were dead: whereas Lycurgus was honoured even by the prophetesse Pythia in these tearmes:

A man whom Jupiter did love, 30
And all the heavenly saints above.

As for Socrates, who had a familiar spirit about him, whom he imagined to speake and reason friendly with him, even of kindnesse and good will: and Pindarus likewise, who heard god Pan chant one of those canticles which himselfe had composed, thinke wee that they tooke small pleasure and contentment of heart thereby? Or what may we judge of Phormio, when he lodged in his house, Castor and Pollux; or of Sophocles, for enterteining of Aesculapius, as both himselfe was perswaded, and as others beleeved, for the manifest apparitions presented unto them? It were not amisse and beside the purpose, to rehearse in this place, what a faith and beleefe in the gods, Heromogenes had, and that in those very words and tearmes which he setteth downe him­selfe: The gods (quoth he) who know all things, and likewise can doe all, are so friendly unto 40 me, that for the care they have of my person and my affaires, are never ignorant day or night, either of that action which I purpose to doe, or of that way which I entend to goe: and for that they forsee the issue and event of whatsoever I enterprise and undertake; they advertise me thereof before hand, by presage of osses, voices, dreames, auguries and bird-flights, which they send as messengers to me of purpose. Moreover, meet it is, that we should have this opi­nion of the gods, that whatsoever proceedeth from them is good; but when we are perswaded that the goods which we receive from them, be sent unto us, upon speciall favor and grace, this is a woonderfull contentment to the minde, this worketh much confidence, breedeth a mar­vellous courage, and inward joy, which seemeth as it were to smile upon good men: where­as, they who are otherwise minded and disposed, hinder themselves of that which is most sweet 50 in prosperitie, and leave no refuge or retiring place in time of adversitie; for when any misfor­tune lighteth upon them, no other haven or retrait have they than the dissolution or separation of body and soule; nothing I say but the depriving of all sense: as if in a storme or tempest at sea, a man should come and say for the better comfort and assuraunce of the passengers, that neither the ship had a pilot, nor the luckie fire-lights ( Castor and Pollux) appeered to allay the surging waves, or still the boisterous and violent winds, and yet for all that, there was no harme toward, because forsooth the shippe should soone sinke and bee swallowed up of the sea; or [Page 601] that she would quickly turne side, or runne upon some rock for to be split and broken in pie­ces: for these be the proper reasons which Epicurus useth in grievous maladies and extreme perils: Hopest thou for any good at Gods hand with all thy religion? thou art much deceived: for the essence and nature of God being happie & immortall; is neither given to anger, nor yet inclined to pitie: Dost thou imagine a better state or condition after thy death, than thou hast in thy life? surely thou dorest, and art mightily beguiled; for that which is once dissolved, loseth presently all maner of sense; & if it be senselesse, what is that to us? it toucheth not us, whether it be good or ill. But he are you (my good friend:) How is it that you exhort me to eat, to drink, and make good cheere? Marie because the tempest is so bigge, that of necessitie shipwracke must soone ensue, and the extreme perill at hand will quickly bring thee to thy death: and yet 10 the poore passenger (after that the shippe is broken all to pieces, or that hee is flung or fallen out of it) beareth himselfe upon some little hope, that he shall (by one good fortune or other) reach unto the shore and swimme to land; whereas by these mens philosophie, there is no evasion for the soule:

To any place without the sea
With frothing some all hoare and grey.

For that immediatly she is dissolved, perisheth and dieth before the bodie; insomuch as she feeleth excessive joy, by having learned and received this most wise and divine doctrine: That the end of all her adversities and miseries, is to perish for ever, to corrupt and come to nothing. But it were (quoth he, casting his eie upon me) a great follie to speake any more of this matter, 20 (considering that long since we have heard you discourse in ample manner) against those who hold; that the reasons and arguments of Epicurus make us better disposed and ready to die, than all that Plato hath written in his treatise concerning the soule. What of that? (quoth Zeuxip­pus) shall this present discourse be left unperfect and unfinished because of it? and feare we to alledge the oracle of the gods, when we dispute against the Epicureans? No (quoth I againe) in any wise, for according to the sentence of Empedocles:

A good tale twise a man may tell,
And heare it told as oft full well.

And therefore we must intreat Theon againe; for I suppose he was present at the said disputati­on, and being (as he is) a yoong man, he need not feare that yoong men will charge him for 30 oblivion, or default of memorie. Then Theon seeming as if he had beene forced and overcome by constreint: Well (quoth he) since there is no other remedie, I will not do as you Aristodemus did; you were afraid to repeat that which this man had delivered; but I will not sticke to make use of that which you have said: for in mine opinion you have done very well, in dividing men into three sorts; the first, of those, who are leud and wicked; the second of them that bee simple, ignorant, and the common people; the third, of such as be wise, honest, and of good worth. As for those who be wicked & naughtie persons (in fearing the pains and punishments proposed in general unto all) they will be afraid to commit any more sinne, and by this meanes not breaking out, but restraining themselves, they shal live in more joy, & with lesse trouble and disquietnesse. For Epicurus thinketh, that there is no other meanes to divert men from evill do­ing, 40 than, feare of punishment; & therefore he thinketh it good pollicie, to imprint in them the frights occasioned by superstition, to masker them with the terrors of heaven & earth, together with fearfull earthquakes, deepe chinks, and openings of the ground, and generally all sorts of feares and suspicions; that being terrified thereby, they might live in better order, and carie themselves more modestly; for more expedient it is for them, not to commit any hainous fact for feare of torments which they were to suffer after their death, than to transgresse & break the lawes, and thereby, live all their life time in danger, and exceeding perplexitie and distrust: As touching the meane people and ignorant multitude (to say nothing of the feare of that which such men beleeve to be in hell) the hope of eternitie, where of the poets make so great promises, and the desire to live alwaies (which of all other desires is the most auncient and greatest) sur­passeth 50 in pleasure and sweet contentment, all childish feare of hell; insomuch as forgoing and losing their children, their wives and friends, yet they wish rather they should still bee some­where, and continue (though they indured otherwise all maner of paines and calamities) than wholy to bee taken out of the universall world, and brought to nothing: yea, and willing they are, and take pleasure to heare this spoken of one that is dead: How he is departed out of this world into another, or gone to God; with other such like manner of speeches, importing, that [Page 602] death is no more but onely a change or alteration, but not a totall and entire abolition of the soule. And thus they use to speake:

Then shall I call even there to mind,
The sweet acquaintance of my friend.

Also:

What shall I say from you to Hector bold?
Or husband yours, right deere, who liv'd so old?

And herof proceeded and prevailed this errour: that men supposed they are well eased of their sorrow, and better appaied when they have interred with the dead, the armes, weapons, instru­struments and garments which they were wont to use ordinarily in their life time; like as Minos 10 buried together with Glaucus:

His Candiot pipes, made of the long-shanke bones
Of dapple doe or hinde, that lived once.

And if they be perswaded, that the dead either desire or demand any thing, glad they are and wil­ling to send or bestow the same upon them. And thus did Periander, who burnt in the funerall fire together with his wife, her apparell, habilliments, and jewels, for that he thought she called for them, and complained that she lay a cold. And such as these are not greatly affraid of any judge Aeacus, of Ascalaphus, or of the river Acheron; considering that they attribute unto them daunces, theatricall plaies, and all kinde of musicke, as if they tooke delight and pleasure there­in: and yet there is not one of them all, but is readie to quake for feare, to see that face of death, 20 so terrible, so unpleasant, so glum and grizly, deprived of all sense, and growen to oblivion and ignorance of all things; they tremble for very horrour, when they heare any of these words: He is dead, he is perished, he is gone, and no more to be seene: grievously displeased and offended they be, when these and such like speeches are given out:

Within the earth as deepe as trees do stand,
His hap shall be to rot and turne to sand:
No feasts he shall frequent nor heare the lute
And harpe, ne yet the sound of pleasant flute.

Againe: 30

When once the ghost of man from corps is fled,
And pass'd the ranks of teeth set thicke in head;
All meanes to catch and fetch her are but vaine,
No hope there is of her returne againe.

But they kill them stone dead, who say thus unto them:

We mortall men have bene once borne for all,
No second birth we are for to expect,
We must not looke for life that is eternall,
Such thoughts, as dreames, we ought for to reject.

For, casting and considering with themselves, that this present life is a smal matter, or rather in­deed a thing of nought, in comparison of eternitie; they regard it not, nor make any account to 40 enjoy the benefit thereof; whereupon they neglect all vertue and the honourable exploits of action, as being utterly discouraged and discontented in themselves, for the shortnesse of their life so uncerteine and without assurance; and in one word, because they take themselves unfit and unworthy to performe any great thing. For, to say that a dead man is deprived of all sense, because (having bene before compounded) that composition is now broken and dissolved: to give out also, that a thing once dossolved, hath no Being at all; and in that regard toucheth us not: howsoever they seeme to be goodly reasons, yet they rid us not from the feare of death, but contrariwise, they doe more confirme and enforce the same: for this is it in deed which na­ture abhorreth, when it shalbe said, according to the Poet Homers words:

But as for you, both all and some, 50
Soone may you earth and water become.

meaning thereby, the resolution of the soule into a thing that hath neither intelligence nor any sense at all; which Epicurus holding to be a dissipation thereof into (I wot not what) emptinesse, or voidnesse & small indivisible bodies, which he termeth Atomi, by that meanes cutteth off (so much the rather) all hope of immortalitie: for which (I dare well say) that all folke living, men and women both, would willingly be bitten quite thorow and gnawen by the hel-dog Cerberus, [Page 603] or cary water away in vessels full of holes in the bottome, like as the Danaides did, so they might onely have a Being, and not perish utterly for ever, and be reduced to nothing. And yet verily, there be not many men who feare these matters, taking them to be poeticall fictions and tales devised for pleasure, or rather bug beares that mothers and nourses use to fright their children with; and even they also who stand in feare of them, are provided of certeine ceremonies and expiatorie purgations, to helpe themselves withall: by which (if they be once cleansed and pu­rified) they are of opinion, that they shall goe into another world to places of pleasure, where there is nothing but playing and dauncing continually among those who have the aire cleere, the winde milde and pure, the light gracious, and their voice intelligible: whereas the privation of life troubleth both yoong and old: for we all (even every one of us) are sicke for love, and ex­ceeding 10 desirous

To see the beautie of sunnes light,
Which on the earth doth shine so bright,

as Euripides saith: neither willing are we, but much displeased to heare this:

And as he spake, that great immortall eie
Which giveth light thorowout the fabricke wide
Of this round world, made haste and fast did hie
With chariot swift, cleane out of sight to ride.

Thus together with the perswasion and opinion of immortallity, they bereave the common people of the greatest and sweetest hopes they have. What thinke wee then of those men who 20 are of the better sort, and such as have lived justly and devoutly in this life? Surely, they looke for no evill at all in another world, but hope and expect there the greatest and most heavenly blessings that be: for first and formost, champions or runners in a race, are never crowned so long as they be in combat or in their course, but after the combat ended and the victory atchie­ved; even so, when these persons are perswaded that the proofe of the victorie in this world is due unto them after the course of this life, wonderfull it is, and it can not be spoken, how great contentment they finde in their hearts for the privitie and conscience of their vertue, and for those hopes which assure them, that they one day shall see those (who now abuse their good gifts insolently, who commit outrage by the meanes of their might, riches and authoritie, and who scorne and foolishly mocke such as are better than themselves) paie for their deferts, and 30 suffer woorthily for their pride and insolencie. And forasmuch as never any of them who are enamored of learning, could satisfie (to the full) his desire as touching the knowledge of the truth, and the contemplation of the universall nature of this world; for that indeed they see as it were through a darke cloud and a thick mist; to wit, by the organes and instruments of this body, and have no other use of reason, but as it is charged with the humors of the flesh, weake also and troubled, yea, and woonderfully hindered; therefore having an eie and regard alwaies upward, & endevoring to flie forth of the bodie (as a bird that taketh her flight and mounteth up aloft, that she may get into another lightsome place of greater capacitie) they labour to make their soule light, and to discharge her of all grosse passions and earthly affections, such as be base and transitorie, and that by the meanes of their studie in philosophie, which they use for an 40 exercise and meditation of death. And verily for my part, I esteeme death a good thing, so perfect and consumate in regard of the soule which then shall live a life indeed, sound and cer­taine, that I suppose the life heere is not a subsistent and assured thing of it selfe, but resembleth rather the vaine illusions of some dreames. And if it be so (as Epicurus saith:) That the remem­brance and renewing acquaintance of a friend departed out of this life is every way a pleasant thing; a man may even now consider and know sufficiently, of what joie these Epicureans de­prive themselves, who imagine otherwhiles in their dreames; that they reveive and enterteine, yea and follow after to embrace, the very shadowes, visions, apparitions, and ghosts of their friends who are dead, and yet they have neither understanding nor sense at all; and meane while they disappoint themselves of the expectation to converse one day indeed with their 50 deere father and tender mother, and to see their beloved and honest wives; and are destitute of all such hope of so amiable company and sweet societie, as they have, who are of the same opi­nion, that Pythagoras, Plato, and Homer were, as touching the nature of the soule. Certes I am verily perswaded, that Homer (covertly and as it were by the way) shewed, what maner of affecti­on theirs is in this point, when he casteth and projecteth amidde the presse of those that were fighting, the image of Aeneas, as if he were dead indeed; but presently after, hee exhibiteth him marching alive, safe and sound:

[Page 604]
And when his friends saw him so vigorous
And whole of limbs, and with heart generous,
To battel prest, whom earst they tooke for dead,
They leapt for joy, and banished all dread.

leaving therefore the foresaid image and shew of him, they raunged all about him. Let us likewise (seeing that reason prooveth & sheweth unto us; that a man may in very truth converse with those that are departed; that lovers and friends may touch, handle, and keepe companie one with another, having their perfect senses) be of good cheere and shunne those, who can not beleeve so much, nor reject and cast behind, all such fantasticall images and outward barks and rinds onely, in which they do al their life time nothing else but grieve and lament in vaine. 10 Moreover, they that thinke the end of this life to be the beginning of another that is better; if they lived pleasantly in this world, better contented they are to die, for that they looke for to enjoy a better estate in another; and is things went not to their mind heere, yet are they not much discontented, in regard of the hopes which they have of the future delights and pleasures behind: and these worke in them such incredible joies and expectances, that they put out and abolish all defects and offences whatsoever; these drowne (I say) and overcome all discontent­ments otherwise of the minde, which by that meanes beareth gently, and endureth with pati­ence what accidents soever befal in the way, or rather in a short diverticle or turning of the way: where as contrariwise (to those who beleeve, that our life heere is ended and dissolved in a cer­taine deprivation of all sense) death (because it bringeth no alteration of miseries) is dolorous as 20 well to them of the one fortune as the other; but much more unto those who are happie in this present life, than unto such as are miserable; for that as it cutteth these short of all hope of better estate; so from those it taketh away a certeintie of good, which was their present joyfull life: And like as many medicinable and purgative drougs (which are neither good nor pleasant to the stomacke, howbeit in some respect necessarie, howsoever they case and cure the sicke) doe great hurt, and offend the bodies of such as be in health; even so the doctrine of Epicurus unto those who are infortunate and live miserably in this world, promiseth an issure out of their miseries, and the same nothing happie, to wit; a finall end, and totall dissolution of their soule: And as for those who are prudent, wife, and live in abundance of al good things, it impeacheth and hindreth altogether their alacritie & contentment of spirit, in bringing and turning them 30 from an happie life to no life at all, from a blessed estate to no estate or being whatsoever. For first & formost this is certeine: That the very apprehension of the losse of goods, afflicteth and vexeth a man as much, as either an assured expectance, or a present enjoying and fruition there­of rejoiceth his heart: yet would they beare us in hand, that the cogitation of this finall disso­lution and perdition into nothing, leaveth unto men a most assured and pleasant good, to wit, the refutation or putting by of a certaine fearefull doubt and suspicion of infinit and endlesse miseries: and this say they, doth the doctrine of Epicurus effect, in abolishing the feare of death, and teaching that the soule is utterly dissolved. Now if this be a singular and most sweet con­tent (as they say it is) to be delivered from the feare and expectation of calamities and miseries without end, how can it otherwise be but irksome and grievous, to be deprived of the hope of 40 joies sempiternall, and to lose that supreame and sovereigne felicitie? Thus you see it is good neither for the nor the other, but this, Not-being, is naturally an enemie, and quite contra­rie unto all that have Being: And as for those whom the miserie of death seemeth to deliver from the miseries of life, a poore and cold comfort they have (God wot) of that insensibility, as if they had an evasion and escaped thereby; and on the other side, those who lived in all pro­speritie, and afterwards came of a sudden to change that state into nothing: me thinks I see very plainly, that these tarrie for a fearefull and terrible end of their race, which thus shall cause their felicitie to cease; for nature abhorreth not privation of sense, as the beginning of another estate and being, but is afraid of it because it is the privation of those good things which are present. For to say: That the thing which costeth us the losse of all that we have, toucheth us 50 not, is a very absurd speech, considering, that this very cogitation and apprehension thereof concerneth us much already: for this insensibilitie doth not afflict and trouble those who have no more Being, but such as yet are, namely, when they come to cast their account, what detri­ment and losse they receive by being no more, and that by death they shall be reduced to no­thing: for it is not the three-headed-helhound Cerberus, nor the river of teares and weeping, Co­cytus, which cause the feare of death to be infinit and interminable; but it is that menacing inti­mation of Nullity or Not being, & of the impossibility to returne againe into a state of Being, [Page 605] after men once are gone and departed out of this life; for there is no second nativitie nor rege­neration, but that Not-being must of necessitie remaine for ever, according to the doctrine of Epicurus: for if there be no end at all of Non-essence, but the same continue infinit and immu­table, there will be found likewise an eternall and endlesse miserie in that privation of all good things, by a certeine insensibilitie, which never shall have end. In which point Herodotus seem­eth yet to have dealt more wisely, when he saith: That God having given a taste of sweet eterni­tie, seemeth envious in that behalfe, especially to those who are reputed happie in this world; unto whom that pleasure was nothing els but a bait to procure dolor, namely, when they have a taste of those things which they must for goe: for what joy, what contentment and fruition of pleasure is there so great, but this conceit and imagination of the soule (falling continually as it 10 it were into a vast sea of this infinition) is not able to quell and chase away, especially in those who repose all goodnesse and beatitude in pleasure? And if it be true as Epicurus saith: That to die in paine, is a thing incident to most men; then surely there is no meane at all to mitigate or allay the feare of death, seeing it haleth us even by griefe and anguish to the losse of a sove­reigne good: and yet his sectaries would seeme to urge and enforce this point mainly, to wit, in making men beleeve that it is a good thing to escape and avoid evill; and yet forsooth, that they should not thinke it evill, to be deprived of good. They confesse plainly, that in death there is no joy nor hope at all, but what pleasure and sweetnesse soever we had, is thereby and then cut off; whereas contrariwise, even in that time, those who beleeve their soules to be immortall and incorruptible, looke to have and enjoy the greatest and most divine blessings; and for certeine 20 great revolutions of yeeres, to converse in all happinesse and felicity, sometime upon the earth, otherwhiles in heaven, untill in that generall resolution of the universall world they come to burne together with Sun and Moone, in a spirituall and intellectuall fire.

This spacious place of so many and so great joies, Epicurus cutteth off and abolisheth cleane, in that he anulleth all hopes that we ought to have in the aide and favour of the gods; whereby both in contemplative life he exstinguisheth the love of knowledge and learning; and also in the active, the desire of valourous acts of winning honour and glory; restraining, driving and thrusting nature into a narrow roome, of a joy which is very strait, short and unpure, to wit, from the soules delight to a fleshly pleasure; as if she were not capable of a greater good, than the a­voiding of evill. 30

WHETHER THIS COM­MON MOT, BE WELL SAID: 40 LIVE HIDDEN: OR, SO LIVE, AS NO MAN MAY KNOW THOV LIVEST.

The Summarie.

THis precept was first given by Neocles the brother of Epicurus, as saith Suidas: and (as if it had bene some golden sentence) it went currant ordinarily in the mouthes of all the Epicureans, who advised a man that would live happily, not to intermeddle in 50 any publike affaires of State: but Plutarch considering well how ill this Emprese soun­ded, being taken in that sense and construction which they give unto it, and foreseeing the absurd and dangerous consequences ensuing upon such an opinion, doth now confute the same by se­ven arguments or sound reasons, to wit: That therein such foolish Philosophers discover mightily their excessive ambition: That it is a thing dishonest and perillous for a man to retire himselfe apart from others; for that if a man be vicious, he ought to seeke abroad for remedie of his maladie: if a lover of goodnesse and vertue, he is likewise to make other men love the same. Item: That the Epicureans [Page 606] life being defamed with all or dure and wickednesse, it were great reason in deed, that such men should remaine hidden and buried in perpetuall darknesse. After this, he sheweth that the good proceeding from the life of vertuous men, is a sufficient encouragement for every one to be emploied in affaires: for that there is nothing more miserable than an idle life, and that which is unprofitable to our neigh­bors: That life, birth, generation, mans soule, yea, and man himselfe wholly as he is, teach us by their de­finitions and properties: That we are not set in this world, for to be directed by such a precept as this: and in conclusion: That the estate of our soules, after they be separate from the bodie, condemneth and overthroweth this doctrine of the Epicureans, and prooveth evidently, that they be extreame mise­rable, both during and after this life. All these premisses well marked and considered, instruct and teach them that be of good calling in the world, and in higher place, to endevor and straine themselves 10 in their severall vocations to flie an idle life, so farre forth, that they take heed withall, they be not over curious, pragmaticall, busie and stirring, nor too ready and forward to meddle in those matters which ought to be let alone as they be; for feare lest whiles they weene to raise and advance themselves, they fall backe, and become lower than they would.

WHETHER THIS COMMON Mot, be well said: Live hidden: or, So live, as no man may know thou livest. 20

LOe how even himselfe, who was the authour of this sentence, would not be unknowne, but that al the world should understand, that he it was who said it; for expresly he uttered this very speech, to the end that it might not remain, unknowen that he had some more under­standing than others, desirous to winne a glorie undeserved and not due unto him, by diverting others from glory, and exhorting them to obscurity of life. I like the man well verily, for this is just accor­ding to the old verse:

I hate him who of wisdome beares the name, 30
And to himselfe cannot performe the same.

We reade that Philoxenus the sonne of Eryxis, and Gnatho the Sicilian, (two notorious gluttons given to bellie-cheere, and to love their tooth) when they were at a feast, used to snite their noses into the very dishes and platters with meat before them; thereby to drive those in their messe, and who were set at the table, from eating with them, and by that meanes to engorge themselves, and fill their bellies alone with the best viands served up: Semblably, they who are excessively and out of all measure ambitious, before others as their concur­rents and corrivals, blame and dispraise glorie and honour, to the end that they alone with­out any competitours might enjoy the same: And heerein they doe like unto mariners sitting at the oare in a bote or gally; for howsoever their eie is toward the poupe, yet they labour to 40 set the prow forward, in that the flowing of the water by reciprocation, caused by the stroke of the oares, comming forcibly backe upon the poupe, might helpe to drive forward the vessell; even so, they that deliver such rules and precepts, whiles they make semblant to flie from glory, pursue it as fast as they can; for otherwise if it were not so: what need had he (whosoever he was) to give out such a speech? what meant he else to write it, and when he had written it, to publish the same unto posteritie? If I say he meant to be unknowne to men living in his time, who desi­red to be knowne unto those that came after him? But let us come to the thing it selfe: How can it chuse but be simply naught? Live so hidden (quoth he) that no man may perceive that ever you lived; as if he had said: Take heed you be not knowne for a digger up of sepulchres, & a defa­cer of the tombs & monuments of the dead: But contrariwise, a foule & dishonest thing it is to 50 live in such sort, as that you should be willing that we al, know not the maner thereof: Yet would I for my part say cleane contrary: Hide not thy life, how ever thou do, and if thou hast lived bad­ly, make thy selfe knowne; bewiser, repent & amend: if thou be endued with vertue, hide it not, neither be thou an unprofitable member; if vicious, continue not obstinate there, but yeeld to correction, & admit the cure of thy vice; or rather at (leastwise sir) make a distinction, & define who it is, to whom you give this precept? If he be ignorant, unlearned, wicked, or foolish, then it is as much as if you said thus: Hide thy feaver; cloke & cover thy phrēsie; let not the physician [Page 607] take notice of thee; goe and put thy selfe into some darke corner, where no person may have a sight of thee, or of thy maladies and passions; go thy way aside with all thy naughtinesse, sicke as thou art of an incurable and mortall disease; cover thy spight and envie; hide thy superstiti­on; suppresse and conceale (as it were) the disorderly beatings of thine arteries; take heed & be afraid how you let your pulse be felt, or bewray your selfe to those who have the meanes, & are able to admonish, correct, and heale you. But long ago, & in the old world, our ancestors were wont to take in hand and cure openly in publike place, those that were diseased in body: in those daies, everie one (who had met with any good medicine, or knowne a remedie, whereof he had the proofe, either in himselfe being sicke, or in another cured thereby) would reveale and com­municate the same unto another that stood in need thereof: and thus they say: The skil of Phy­sick 10 arising first, and growing by experience, became in time, a noble and excellent science. And even so, requisit it is and necessarie, to discover and lay open unto all men, lives that be diseased, and the infirmities of the soule, to touch and handle them, and by considering the in­clinations of every man, to say thus unto one: Subject thou art to anger, take heed thereof; unto another: Thou art given to jealousie and emulation, beware of it, doe thus and thus; to a third: Art thou amorous and full of love? I have beene so my selfe otherwhiles, but I repent me thereof. But now a daies it is cleane contrarie; in denying, in cloaking, covering, and hi­ding, men thrust and drive their vices inwardly, and more deepely still into their secret bowels. Now if they be men of woorth and vertuous, whom thou counsellest to hide themselves, that the world may take no knowledge of them, it is all one as to say unto Epaminondas: Take no 20 charge of the conduct of an army: or to Lycurgus: Amuse not your head about making lawes: and to Thrasibulus: Kill no tyrants: to Pythagoras: Keepe no schoole, nor teach in any wise: to Socrates: See you dispute not, nor hold any discourses of philosophie: and to your selfe Epicu­rus first of all: Write not to your friends in Asia; enroll and gather no soldiors out of Aegypt; have no commerce nor negotiate with them; do not protect and defend as it were with a guard from villanie and violence, the yoong gentlemen of Lampsacum; send not your books abroad to all men and women alike, thereby to shew your learning; finally, ordeine nothing about your sepulture. To what tended your publicke tables? what meant those assemblies that you made of your familiar friends and faire yoong boies; to what purpose were there so many thou­sands of verses written and composed so painfully by you in the honour of Metrodorus, Ari­stobulus, 30 & Chaeredemus, to the end that after death they should not be forgotten? Was all this because you would ratifie and establish vertue by oblivion; arts by doing nothing, philosophy by silence; and felicitie by forgetfulnesse? Will you needs bereave mans life of knowledge, as if you would take away light from a feast, to the end that mē might not know that you & your fol­lowers do all for pleasure, & upon pleasure? then good reason you have to give counsell, & saie unto your selfe: Live unknowne. Certes, if I had a minde to leade my life with Haedia the har­lot, or to keepe ordinarily about me, the strumpet Leontium; to detest all honestie; to repose all my delight and joy in the tickling pleasures of the flesh, and in wanton lusts: these ends verilie would require to be hidden in darknesse, and covered with the shadow of the night; these be the things that would be forgotten, and not once knowne: But if a man in the science of naturall 40 philosophie, delight in hymnes and canticles to praise God, his justice and providence; or in morallknowledge, to set out and commend the law, humane societie, and the politike govern­ment of common-weale; and therein regard honour and honestie, not profit and commodity; what reason have you to advise him for to live obscurely? Is it because he should teach none by good precept? is it for that no man should have a zealous love to vertue, or affect honestie by his example? If Themistocles had never bene knowne to the Athenians, Greece had not given Xerxes the foile and repulse; likewise if Camillus had beene unknowne to the Romanes, perad­venture by this time Rome had beene no city at all; had not Dion knowne Plato, Sicilie should not have beene delivered from tyrannie. But this is my conceit; that like as light effecteth thus much, that we not onely know one another, but also are profitable one unto another; even so 50 in my judgement, to be knowne abroad, bringeth not onely honor and glorie, but also meanes of emploiment in vertue: Thus Epaminondas unknowne unto the Thebanes, untill he was for­tie yeeres old, stood them in no stead at all; but after that they tooke knowledge of him once, and had committed unto him the leading of their armie, he saved the citie of Thebes, which had like to have been lost, and delivered Greece, being in danger of servitude; shewing in renowme and glorie (no lesse than in some cleere light) vertue producing her effects in due time: For ac­cording to the poet Sophocles; By use it shineth

[Page 608]
Like iron or brasse, that is both faire and bright
So long as men doe handle it aright.
In time also, an house goes to decay,
And falleth downe, if dweller be away.

Whereas the very maners & natural conditions of a man be marred & corrupted, gathering as it were a mosse, & growing to age in doing nothing, through ignorance & obscurity. And verily a mute silence, a sedentarie life, retired a part in idlenesse, causeth not onely the bodie, but the mind also of man to languish & grow feeble: & like as dornant, or close & standing waters, for that they be covered, overshadowed, & not running, grow to putrifie; even so, they that never stirre, nor be emploied, what good parts soever they have in them, if they put them not foorth, 10 nor exercise their naturall and inbred faculties, corrupt quickly, and become old. See you not how when the night commeth on & approcheth neere, our bodies become more heavie, lum­pish, and unfit for any worke, our spirits more dull and lazie to all actions, and the discourse of our reason and understanding more drowsie and contracted within it selfe? like unto fire that is ready to goe out; and how the same by reason of an idlenesse and unwillingnesse comming up­on it, is somewhat troubled and disquieted with divers fantasticall imaginations; which obser­vation advertiseth us daily after a secret and silent manner, how short the life of man is:

But when the sunne with light some beames
Dispatched hath these cloudy dreames,

after he is once risen (and by mingling together the actions and cogitations of men with his 20 light; awakeneth and raiseth them up (as Democritus saith) in the morning, they make haste jointly one with another upon a forren desire, as if they were compunded and knit with a cer­taine mutuall bond, some one way, and some another, rising to their serverall works and busi­nesse. Certes, I am of advice that even our life, our very nativity, yea & the participation of man­kind is given us of God to this end: That we should know him; for unknowne he is and hidden in this great fabricke and universall frame of the world, all the while that hee goeth too and fro therein by small parcels and piece-meale: but when hee is gathered in himselfe, and growen to his greatnesse; then shineth hee and appeereth abroad, where before he lay covered; then is he manifest and apparent, where before he was obscure and unknowen; for knowldege is not the way to his essence, as some would have it; but contrariwise, his essence is the way to know­ledge; 30 for that knowledge maketh not each thing, but onely shewth it when it is done; like as the corruption of any thing that is, may not be thought a transporting to that which is not, but rather a bringing of that which is dissolved to this passe, that it appeereth no more: Which is the reason that according to the auncient lawes and traditions of our countrey, they that take the sunne to be Apollo, give him the names of Delius and Pythius; and him that is the lord of the other world beneath, whether he be a god or a divell, they call Ades; for that when we are dead and dissolved, we goe to a certeine [...] obscuritie, where nothing is to be seene:

Even to the prince of darknesse and of night
The lord of idle dreames deceiving sight.

And I suppose that our auncestors in old time called man, Phos, of light, for that there is in 40 every one of us, a vehement desire and love to know and be knowen one of another, by reason of the consanguinitie betweene us. And some philosophers there be, who thike verily, that even the soule in her substance is a very light, whereupon they are ledde as welby other signes & arguments, as by this, that there is nothing in the world that the soule hateth so much as igno­rance, rejecting all that is obscure and unlightsome; troubled also when she is entred into dark places, for that they fill her full of feare and suspicion: but contrariwise, the light is so sweet and delectable unto her, that she taketh no joy and delight in any thing; otherwise lovely and de­sireable by nature, without light or in darknesse; for that is it which causeth all pleasures, sports, pastimes, & recreations to be more jocund, amiable, & to mans nature agreeable; like as a com­mon sauce that seasoneth and commendeth al viands wherewith it is mingled: whereas he that 50 hath cast himselfe into ignorance, and is enwrapped within the clouds of mistie blindnesse, ma­king his life a representation of death, and burying it as it were in darknesse, seemeth that he is wearie even of being, and thinketh life a very trouble unto him: and yet they are of opinion, that the nature of glorie and essence, is the place assigned for the soules of godly, religious, and vertuous folke:

To whom the sunne shin's alwaies bright
When heere with us it darke night:
[Page 609] The me dowes there, both faire and wide,
With roses red are beautified:
The fields all round about them dight
With verdure, yeeld a pleasant sight:
All tapissed with flowers full gay,
Of fruitfull trees, that blossome ay:
Amid this place the rivers cleere
Runne soft and still, some there, some heere.

Wherein they passe the time away, in calling to remembraunce and recounting that which is past, in discoursing also of things present, accompanying one another, and conversing toge­ther. 10 Now there is a third way, of those who have lived ill, and be wicked persons, the which sendeth their soules headlong into a darke gulfe and bottomlesse pit:

Where, from the dormant rivers bleak
Of shadie night, thick mists doe reak,
As blacke as pitch continually
And those all round about doe flie.

ensolding, whelming, and covering those in ignorance and forgetfulnesse, who are tormented there and punished: for they be not greedy geiers or vultures, that evermore eat and gnaw the liver of wicked persons laid in the earth; and why? the same already is either burned or rotted: neither be there certeine heavie fardels, or weightie burdens that presse downe and overcharge 20 the bodies of such as be punished:

For such thin ghosts and fibres small,
Have neither flesh nor bone at all.

yet are the reliques of their bodies who be departed, such as be capable of punishment, for that belongeth properly to a bodie that is solid and able to resist; but the onely way and true manner of chastising and punishing those, who have lived badly in this world, is infamie, igno­rance, an entire abolition, and totall reducement to nothing, which bringeth them from the ri­ver Lethe, that is to say, Oblivion, into another mournfull river, where there is no mirth, no joy, nor cheerefulnesse, & from thence plungeth them into a vast sea, which hath neither shore nor bottom, even idlenesse and unaptnesse to all good, which can doe nought else but draw af­ter 30 it a generall forgetfulnesse and buriall (as it were) in all ignorance and infamous obscuritie.

RVLES AND PRECEPTS 40 OF HEALTH IN MANER OF A DIALOGUE.

The Summarie.

THe conjunction of the soule with the bodie being so straight, as every man knowes it is, I can not see how it is possible that the one should commit any disorder or excesse, but the other must needs be grieved there with immediatly: And if there be any thing that ought to be deplored and lamented, it is the losse of time, especially and above all, 50 when the same is occasioned by our own intemperance; for that at such a time when as we should attend upon our dutie, we become and continue unprofitable, hurting many times both our selves and many others. Now for that the study of good literature requireth a soule well composed and governed in a sound, heathfull, and vigorous bodie; it is not without good cause, that Plutarch in ter­mingleth among philosophicall discourses certeine rules & precepts as touching health. For in truth a vaine endevor & enterprise this were, and hardly could a man have his mind disposed to good things, in case the bodie be ill affected and misgoverned: But fearing lest it would be thought, that he who [Page 610] made profession of philosophie onely, proceeded farther than in reason hee ought, and brake the limits and bounds of sciences, in medling with physick heere: Before that he entreth into the Dialogue, when he had touched the occasion of this conference and talke; he sheweth: that the studie of physick is agree­able to philosophie: which done, he representeth certeine questions proposed by a third person, which serve in stead of a preface to those precepts and lessons, by him set downe afterwards; not following heerein any exact or exquisit method, but making choise of that which he thought to be most meet for the time, and suting best to those persons, for whose sake this Dialogue was written. He speaketh first therefore of the use of meats, especially such as are sweet and pleasing to the tooth: also what a man is to take heed of in this behalfe: Then he treateth of the pleasures of the bodie, declaring what measure therein we ought to keepe, and discovering by a certeine similitude, the pernicious indiscretion of those 10 who love to keepe good cheere and mainteine dainty fare. Consequently heereupon, he forbiddeth us to use bodily pleasures unlesse we be in good and perfect health; condemneth fulnesse and overmuch repletion, which is the cause of most diseases that are incident to mans body, and this he enricheth and amplifieth by another proper similitude. He is desirous also that maladies were foreseene and preven­ted, setting downe a speciall remedie therefore, and prooving; that the body cannot enjoy any delight whatsoever, either in eating or drinking, in case it be not healthy. From this he proceedeth to make mention of diet, and of the prognostikes of diseases breeding and roward. Item, how, and wherewith the maladies of our friends ought to serve and stead us; adding thus much moreover; that for the better maintenance and preservation of health, a man is not to feed to satietie; that he ought to tra­vell and not spare himselfe; also that he is to save his naturall seed: upon this he discourseth of the ex­ercise 20 and nouxishment of students and scholars, desciphring particularly whatsoever in this point is most woorth the noting and observation, and so cleereth this question, namely; Whether it be holsome for the body to dispute either at the table, or presently upon meat: After all this, he treateth of walking, of sleepe, of vomiting, of purgations of the belly, of diets over exquisit and precise; condemning ex­presly idlenesse, as a thing contrary to the good disposition of the body. Furthermore, he sheweth when a man ought to be at quiet and rest; as also the time that he may give himselfe to pleasure: but above all, he requireth of every man; that he learne to know his owne nature and inclination, as also the meats and drinks that be agreeable unto his stomack: exhorting in the end all students to spare their bodies, to looke unto them, and make much of them, that they may have the better meanes to proceed and goe forward in the knowledge of good letters, whereby they might another day be profitable members of 30 the common-wealth, and doe more good to the societie of men.

RULES AND PRECEPTS OF health in maner of a dialogue.

The personages speaking in this dialogue: MOS­CHION and ZEUXIPPUS. 40

MOSCHION.

ANd did you then indeed, (my friend Zexippus) turne away Glaucus the physician yesterday, who was desirous to conferre with us in philosophie?

ZEUXIPPUS.

No iwis, (good Moschion) neither did I put him away; desirous was he to doe as you say: But this was it that I avoided and feared, namely: To give him any advantage or occasion to fasten upon 50 me, and take hold on me, knowing him as I doe to be litigious and quarrelsome: for in physick, if I may use the words of Homer:

He may well stand for many a one,
Although he be but one alone.

As for philosophie, he is not wel affected thereto, but alwaies provided of some shrewd & bitter tearmes against her in all his disputations, and as then especially; for I observed how he came directly against us, crying out upon us a farre off with a loud voice, & charging us; that we had [Page 611] to enterprise a great matter, and the same not very civill & honest, and in that we had broken the bounds, and pluckt up (as a man would say) the very limit-marks of sciences, laying all cōmon, and making a confusion of them, in disputing as we did of holsome diet, and of the maner how to live in good health. For the confines and frontiers (quoth he) of Physicians and Philoso­phers, are (as we use to say in the vulgar proverbe, as touching Mysians and Phrygians) farre different, and remooved a sunder: Moreover, he had readily in his mouth certeine speeches and sentences of ours, which we delivered by way of pastime onely, and yet for all that, were not impertinent or unprofitable, and those he would seeme to controule, reproove, and scorne.

MOSCHION.

But I for my part (ô Zeuxippus) could be very well content, yea, and most desirous to heare, 10 even those speeches that mocked, as others beside, which yee had concerning this matter, if so be it might stand with your pleasure to rehearse the same.

ZEUXIPPUS.

I thinke no lesse (ô Moschion) for that you are enclined naturally to philosophie, and thinke now well of that philosopher who is not well affected to physicke, but are displeased and offended with him; in case (I say) he suppose it more meet and beseeming for him to be seene studying Geometrie, Logicke, or Musicke, than willing to enquire and learne

What rule at home in house, what worke there is,
How things doe stand, what goes well, what amis?

When I say, at home, I meane in his owne body; and yet a man shall see ordinarily, what a 20 number more there be of spectators at Theaters, where there is some publick dole or free distri­bution of money to those that are assembled to see the games and pastimes, as the manner is at Athens, than otherwise. Now of all the liberall sciences, Physicke is one, which as it giveth place to none whatsoever, in beautie, in outward shew, and in pleasure or delight; so it alloweth a great reward and salarie unto those that love it, even as much as their life and health comes to; and therefore we are not to accuse and charge Philosophers, who discourse and dispute of matters concerning like regiment of health, for passing beyond their bounds and confines: but rather we ought to blame them, if they thinke that they should plucke altogether, and take away those land-marks, to labor (as it were) in some common field betweene them and Physici­ans, in the study & contemplation of things good and honest, aiming & seeking in al their dis­putations 30 and discourses, after that which is both pleasant to know & necessarie to understand.

MOSCHION.

But let us I pray you (ô Zeuxippus) leave Glaucus to himselfe, who for the gravity which he ca­rieth, would be accounted a man in all points accomplished without anie need at all of Philo­sophies helpe; and recount unto me (if you please) all those speeches which you had, especially at first, those I meane which you said were not spoken in earnest, and yet were scorned and re­prooved by Glaucus.

ZEUXIPPUS.

I will, and that right willingly. This friend of ours therefore delivered thus much; how he heard one say: That to have ones hands alwaies warme, and never suffer them to be cold, was 40 no small meanes to the preservation of health: but contrariwise, to have ordinarily the [...] parts of the body cold, drove heat inwardly into the center of the body, and brought us to a cer­teine familiaritie and acquaintance with a feaver; as also, to turne and drive with out foorth together with heat the matter thereof, and to distribute the same equally throughout the whole bodie, was an holsome thing; as we see by experience, that if we occupie our hands, and doe some worke with them, the verie motion exciteth and stirreth up, yea, and maintaineth natu­rall heat: but if we have no such businesse or imployment for them, but hold them still and idle, yet for all that we are not to admit or enterteine cold in those extreme parts of the bodie: This (I say) was one of the points that Glaucus laughed at. The second (as I take it) was touch­ing the meats that yee use to give unto sicke persons: For that hee counselled men (in time of 50 health) to taste the same by little and little; so as they might bee acquainted therewith, to the end that they should not abhorre and lothe them (as little children use to doe) nor hate such a kind of dier; but make the same in some sort after a gentle manner, familiar unto their appetite; that (when soever it hapned they were sicke) such viands might not go against their stomacks, as if they were Physicke drougues or medicines, out of the apothecaries shoppe: also, that we should not be offended and discontent, otherwhiles to feed upon one single dish and no more, and the same without any sauce to draw it on, or fine dressing and handling by cooks crast, to [Page 612] commend it. For which cause he would not have men thinke it strange, to come now and then to the table, without being at the baine or hot-house before; nor to drinke sheere water, when wine is upon the bourd, nor to forbeare to drinke our drinke hot in summer time, although there be snow set before us to coole it. Provided alwaies, that this abstinence proceed not from any ambitious ostentation and vain-glory, or because we would vaunt and make our boast there­of afterward; but that we doe it apart by our selves, making no words thereof, and accustome by little and little our appetite to obey reason willingly, and to be ruled by that which is good and profitable, by weaning our mindes (long before) from that scrupulous curiositie, daintie nicenesse, and waiward complaints, about these matters in time of sicknesse; when common­ly we are ready to whine and lament, for that wee misse those our former pleasures, and great 10 delights, which we were woont to enjoy, and see our selves brought to a more base kinde of diet, and a straighter rule of life. For a good saying it was: Chuse the best life simply that is; use and custome will make it pleasing and agreeble unto thee: the which by good proofe and ex­perience hath beene found profitable in all things, but principally in the regard and care of our bodies (as touching diet,) which in time of best health ought to be ordered so by use and cu­stome, that the same may become kinde, familiar, and agreeable to our nature; and namely by calling to minde that which others are woont to doe and say in their sicknesse, how they fume and chafe, how they fare and goe to worke when hot water is brought unto them for to drinke, or warme brothes to be supped, or drie-bread to be eaten; how they call these, untoward, naugh­tie, and unsavorie victuals, yea and name those, cursed and odious persons, who would seeme 20 to force the same upon them for to eat or drinke. Manie there have beene, who had their bane by baines, such as ailed not much at the first, and were not very sicke at the beginning; onely they had brought themselves to this passe, that they could neither eat nor drinke, unlesse they were first bathed, or had sweat in a stouph: among whom, Titus the emperour of Rome was one, as they were able to testisie who had the cure of him when he lay sicke. It was said more­ver: That alwaies viands most simple, and such as cost least, were holsomest for the bodie; also that above all things, men ought to beware of repletion, of drunkennesse and voluptuous life; especially, when there is some festivall day toward, wherein they use to make exceeding cheere; or when they purpose to invite their friends to a great dinner, or otherwise looke to be bidden themselves to some roiall feast of a king or lord generall, or else to a banket, where they shall be 30 put to quaffe and carrouse in their turne, which they may not refuse to do: against such times (I say) they ought to prepare their bodies beforehand, as it were whiles the weather is calme and faire, and make it more fresh and lightsome, yea, and better able to abide the storme and tem­pest toward: for a very hard matter it is in such assemblies, and feasts of great lords or deere friends, for a man to stay himselfe in a meane, and mainteine his accustomed sobrietie; but he shall be thought uncivill, unmanerly, insociable, too austere and odious to all the company. To the end therefore that we should not put fire to fire (as they say) lay gorge upon gorge, sur­set upon surset, and wine and wine, good it were to imitate and follow in good earnest that which was sometime merily done by king Philip, and that was this: A certaine man invited him upon a time to a supper, into the countrey, thinking that hee would come with a small compa­ny 40 about him; but seeing that he brought a great traine and retinue with him, and knowing wel that he had prepared no more then would serve for a few guests; he was woonderfully troubled; Philip perceiving it, sent underhand to every one of his friends that came with him, this word: That they should keepe a roome in their stomacks for a deintie tart or cate that was comming: they beleeving this message in good sadnesse, made spare of other viands that stood before them, looking evermore when this deintie should be served up, in such sort, as that the meat provided was sufficient for the whole compaine; even so we ought before-hand to be prepared against the time that we are to be at such great feasts and meetings aforesaid, where we shall be put to it perforce, to drinke round in our turne, and to answer every ones chalenge, to reserue (I say) a place in our bodies, both for meats and also for fine cates, and junketting dishes: yea and 50 beleeve me, if need be, for drunkennesse, and thither to bring an appetitie fresh and readie for such things. But if peradventure such constreints and compulsions surprise us upon a sudden, when we are either full and heavie, or ill at ease, for that we have a little before over-eaten and drunk our selves; in case (I say) some great lords be come to us, or in place unexpected, or haply a friend or stranger take us at unawares, and unprovided, so that we be forced for shame to keepe others company, who are well enough disposed in body, and prepared for to drinke and make merty; then must we be especially well armed against foolish bashfulnesse, and to meet with [Page 613] such bad shamefastnesse is the cause of so many evils among men; and namely, by alledging and saying these verses of king Creon in a tragedie of Euripides:

Better it were for me, you to displease
My friend, than at this time, for your contnent,
To give my selfe to pleasure and mine ease,
But after, with great sorrow to repent.

For to cast a mans selfe into a pleurisie or phrensie, for feare to be held and reputed rustical and uncivill, is the part of a rude clowne in deed, and of one who hath neither wit nor judgement, ne yet any skill or speech to enterteine and keepe companie with men, unlesse they may be drun­ken and engorge themselves like gluttons: for the very refusall it selfe of eating and drinking, if 10 it be handled with dexteritie and a good grace, will be no lesse acceptable to the companie, than drinking square and carrowsing round. And if the man who maketh a feast, absteine him­selfe, though he sit at the table (as the maner is at a sacrifice whereof he tasteth not) entertein­ing his guests with a cheerefull countenance and a friendly welcome, and whiles the cups and trenchers walke about him, be disposed to mirth and cast out some pretie jests of himselfe, he shall no lesse content and please his guests, than he that will seeme to be drunken for companie, and cram his bellie with them, till it be readie to cracke. To this purpose he made mention of certeine ancient examples; and namely (among other) of Alexander the Great, who after he had drunke well and liberally, was abashed and ashamed to denie the challenge of Medius, one of his captaines, who had invited him to supper; and thereupon (falling againe to drinke wine 20 afresh) died thereof. And of those who lived in our daies, he spake of one Riglis, a notable Pan­cratiast or champion at all feats of activitie, whom Titus Caesar the emperour, sent for one day betimes in the morning to come and bathe with him, who came indeed, and after he had bathed and had drunke a great draught, was (by report) surprised with an Apoplexie, whereupon he di­ed immediatly. All these matters, our Physician Glaucy mocked and reprooved, calling them discourses of schoolemasters to children their scholars: and as he was not very willing to heare more, so were not we greatly discourse to relate and discourse farther unto him; for that he had no mind to consider ech thing accordingly that was delivered. Socrates verily, who was the first that debarred us from eating those meats which drew us on to eat more still when we were not hungry nor had a stomacke thereto; and from drinking such drinks which caused us to drinke, 30 although we were not drie and thirstie; forbad us not simply to use meats and drinks, but taught us rather to use them onely when we had need of them, joining the pleasure of them with their necessitie; like as they do, who employ the publicke money of cities (which before was wont to be spent at Theaters, in exhibiting plaies and shewes) about the charges of mainteining souldi­ers for the warres: for that which is sweet, so long as it is a part of our nourishment, we hold to be proper and familiar to nature; and we ought all the whiles that we be hungry, to use and en­joy necessarie nourishment, as sweet and pleasant; but otherwise not to stirre and provoke other new and extraordinarie appetites apart, after that we are delivered from those that be common and ordinarie: for like as unto Socrates himselfe, dancing was no unpleasant exercise; even so he who maketh his whole supper or meale of junkets and banketting dishes, catcheth lesse harme 40 thereby: but when a man hath taken alreadie as much as is sufficient to content nature, and wherewith he is well satisfied, he ought to beware as much as in any thing els, how he putteth forth his hands to any such dainties. And we are to flie and avoid in these things, follie and am­bition, no lesse than friandise or gluttonie: for these two vices induce us likewise often times to eat some thing when we are not hungrie, and to drinke also when we be not athirst; yea, and they suggest and minister unto us certeine base and extravagant imaginations, to wit, that it were great simplicitie, and a very absurd thing, not to feed liberally of a rare, deere and geason dish, if it may be had; as for example: That which is made of a sowes pappes when she is newly farrowed, Italian mushroomes, Samian cakes, or snow out of Aegypt; for these toies and imagi­nations smelling somewhat of vain-glorie as the sent of meat comming out of a kitchin, maine 50 times set our teeth a watering and our stomacke on edge to use them, forcing the bodie (which otherwise would not seeke after them) to participate thereof, onely because they be much spo­ken of and hard to come by; to the end that we make our report and recount unto others, what wee have done, and be reputed by them right happie and fortunate; for that wee have enjoied things, so deere, so singular and so geason. The like affection they cary to women also of great name and reputation: for it falleth out, that having their owne wives in bedde with them, and those faire and beautifull dames, such also as love them deerely, they lie still and stirre not; but [Page 614] if they meet with any courtisan, such as Phryne or Lais was, unto whom they have paied good silver out of their purse, though otherwise their bodies be unable, dull and heavie in performing the worke of Venus, yet doing they will be, what they can, and straine themselves upon a vaine­glorious ambition, to provoke and stirre up their lascivious lust unto fleshly pleasure: where­upon Phryne herselfe, being now old and decaied, was woont to say: That she sold her lees and dregs the deerer, by reason of her reputation.

A great thing it is and wonderfull, that if we receive into our bodies as many pleasures as na­ture doth require or can well beare; or rather, if upon divers occasions and businesses, we resist her appetites, and put her off unto another time, and that we be loth and hardly brought to yeeld unto her necessities, or (according as Plato saith) give place, after that she hath by sine force 10 pricked and urged us thereto, we should not suffer for all that, any harme thereby, but goe away freely without any losse or detriment: but on the other side, if we abandon our selves to the de­sires that descend from the soule to the bodie, so farre foorth as they force us to minister unto the passions thereof, and rise up together with them, impossible it is, but that they should leave behinde them exceeding great losses and damages, in stead of a few pleasures, and those feeble and small in appearance, which they have given unto us: and this above all things would be considered, that we take heed how we provoke the body to pleasures, by the lusts of the minde; for the beginning thereof is against nature. For like as the tickling under the arme-holes, pro­cureth unto the soule a laughter, which is not proper, milde and gentle, but rather troublesome and resembling some spasme or convulsion; even so all the pleasures which the bodie receiveth 20 when it is pricked and provoked by the soule, be violent, forced, turbulent, furious and unnatu­rall. Whensoever therefore any occasion shall present it selfe to enjoy such rare and notable delights, it were better for us to take a glorie in the abstinence, rather than in the fruition there­of, calling to minde that which Simonides was woont to say: That he never repented any silence of his, but often times he beshrewed himselfe for his speech; and even so we never repent that we have refused any viands, or drunke water in slead of good Falerne wine. And therefore we ought not onely, not to force nature, but if other-whiles we be served with such cates and meats as she craveth, we are to divert our appetite from the same, and to reduce it to the use of simple and ordinary things many times, even for custome and exercise:

If right and law may broken be, for any earthly thing, 30
The best pretense is for to win a crowne, and be a king.

So said Eteocles the Thebane, though untruely: but we may better say: If we must be ambitious and desirous of glorie in such things as these, it were most honest and commendable to use con­tinence and temperance for the preservation of health. Howbeit, some there be, who upon an illiberall pinching and mechanicall sparing, can restraine and keepe downe their appetites when they be at home in their owne houses; but if it chance they be bidden foorth to others, they gorge and fill their bellies with these exquisit and costly viands; much like to those, who in time of warre and hostilitie, raise booties, and prey upon the lands of their enemies what they can; 40 and when they have so done, they goe from thence ill at ease, carrying away with them for the morrow (upon this their fulnesse and unsatiable repletion) crudity of stomacke and indigestion. Crates therefore, the philosopher thinking; that civill warres and tyrannies arise and grow up in cities, aswell by reason of superfluity and excesse in dainty fare, as upon any other cause what­soever, was woont by way or mirth, to give admonition in these tearmes: Take heed you bring us not into a civill sedition, by augmenting the platter alwaies before the Lentil: that is to say, by dispending more than your revenues will beare. But in deed, every man ought to have this command and rule of himselfe, as to say: Augment not evermore the platter before the Lentil, nor at any time passe beyond the Cresses and the Olive, even to fine tarts and delicate fishes, lest you bring your bodie into a domesticall dissention afterwards with it selfe; namely, to painfull 50 colickes, lasks, and fluxes of the bellie, by over-much fulnesse and excesse of feeding: for simple viands and ordinarie, conteine the appetite within the bounds and compasse of nature; but the artificiall devices of cooks and cunning fellowes in pastry, with their curious cates of all sorts, with their exquisit sauces and pickles (as the comicall Poet saith) set out and extend alwaies the limits of pleasure, encroching still beyond the bounds of utilitie and profit. And I wot not ve­rily, how it comes about, that considering we so much detest and abhorre those women, who give love-drinks, and can skill of charmes and forceries to bewitch and enchant men with, we be­take [Page 615] thus as we do, unto mercenarie hirelings or slaves, our meats and viands, to be medicined (as it were) and no better than poisoned for to enchant and bewitch us. And admit, that the say­ing of Arcesilaus the Philosopher, against adulterers and other lascivious persons, may seeme somewhat with the bitterest; namely: that it made no great matter, which way one went about that beastly worke, whether before or behinde, for that the one was as bad as the other; yet im­pertinent it is not, nor beside the subject matter which we have in hand. For to say a trueth, what difference is there betweene eating of Ragwort, Rogket, and such hot herbs, for to stirre up the lust of the flesh, and to provoke the taste and appetite to meat by smelles and sauces? like as mangie and itching places have alwaies need of rubbing and scratching. But peradventure it would be better, to reserve unto another place, our discourse against dishonest fleshly pleasures, 10 and to shew how honest and venerable a thing in it selfe, is continence: for our purpose at this present, is to debarre many great pleasures, otherwise in their owne nature honest: for I assure you, our diseases doe not put us by so many actions, so many hopes, voiages or pastimes, as they deprive us of our pleasures, yea, and marre them quite; and therefore they who love their delights and pleasures most, had least need of any men in the world, to neglect their health. For many there be, who for all they be sicke, have meanes to studie philosophy, and discourse there­of: neither doth their sicknesse greatly hinder them, but that they may be generals in the sield to leade armies, yea, and kings (beleeve me) to governe whole realmes.

But of bodily pleasures and fleshly delights, some there be which during a maladie will never breed; and such as are bred already, yeeld but a small joy, and short contentment, which is 20 proper and naturall unto them, and the same not pure and sincere, but confused, depraved and corrupted with much strange stuffe, yea and disguised and blemished as it were, with some storme and tempest: for the act of Venus is not to any purpose performed upon gourmandise and a full belly, but rather when the bodie is calme, and the flesh in great tranquillity; for that the end of Venus is pleasure, like as of eating also and of drinking; and health unto pleasures, is as much as their faire weather and kinde season, which giveth them secure and gentle breeding, much like as the calme time in winter affoords the sea-fowles called Alcyones, a safe cooving, sitting and hatching of their egges. Prodicus is commended for this pretie speech: That sire was the best sauce: and a man may most truely say: That health is of all sauces must divine, hea­venly and pleasant: for our viands how delicate soever they be, boiled, rosted, baked or stewed, doe 30 no pleasure at all unto us, so long as wee are diseased, drunken, full of surfet, or queasie sto­macked, as they be who are sea-sicke; whereas a pure and cleane appetite causeth all things to be sweet, pleasant, and agreeable unto sound bodies, yea, and such as they, will be ready to snatch at, as Homer saith. But like as Demades the oratour, seeing the Athenians without all reason, desirous of armes and warre, said unto them: That they never treated and agreed of peace, but in their blacke robes, after the losse of kinsfolke and friends; even so wee never remember to keepe a spary and sober diet, but when we come to be cauterized, or to have cataplasmes and plasters about us: we are no sooner fallen to those extremities, but then we are ready to con­demne our faults, calling to minde what errours we have committed in times past; for untill then, we blame one while the aire, as most men doe; another while the region or countrey, as 40 unsound and unholsome; we finde fault that we are out of our native soile, and are woonder­full loth to accuse our owne intemperance and disordinate appetites. And as king Lisymachus being constreined and enforced within the country of the Getes for very thirst to yeeld himselfe prisoner, and al his armie captivate unto his enemies; after he had taken a draught of cold water, said: Good God, what a great felicitie have I forgone and lost, for a momentarie and transitory pleasure! even so we may make use thereof, and apply the same unto our selves when wee are sicke, saying thus: How many delights have we marred quite? how many good actions have we fore-let? what honest pastimes have we lost? and all by our drinking of cold water, or bathing unseasonably, or else for that we have over-drunke our selves for good fellowship: for the bite & sting of such thoughts as these, toucheth our remēbrance to the quicke, in such sort as the scarre 50 remaineth still behind, after that we are recovered, and maketh us in time of our health more staied, circumspect, and sober in our diet: for a bodie that is exceeding sound and healthy, ne­ver bringeth foorth vehement desires, and disordinate appetites, hardly to be tamed or with stood; but we ought to make head against them, when they beginne to breake soorth and [...] out for to enjoy the pleasures which they are affected unto; for such lusts, some complaine, pule, and crie for a little, as wanton children doe, and no sooner is the table taken awaie, but they be quiet and still; neither finde they fault and make complaint of any wrong or injurie [Page 616] offred unto them: but contrariwise, they be pure, jocund, and lightsome, not continuing hea­vie, nor readie to heave and cast, the next day to an end: like as by report, captaine Timothe­us, (having upon a time beene at a sober and frugall scholars supper, in the academie with Plato) said: That they who supped with Plato were merry and well appaied the next day after. It is re­ported also, that king Alexander the Great when he turned backe those cooks which queene [...] sent unto him, said: That he had about him all the yeere long better of his owne, namely, for his breakfast or dinner, rising betimes, and marching before day light; and for his supper, eating little at dinner. I am not ignorant that men otherwhiles are very apt to fall into an ague upon extreme travell, upon excessive heats also and colds: but like as the odors and sents of [...] he weak & seeble of themselves; whereas if they be mixed with some oile, they take force 10 [...] , even so fulnesse and repletion is the ground, which giveth (as a man would say) bodie [...] unto the outward causes, and occasions of maladies; and of a great quantity of [...] humours there is no danger, because all such indispositions and crudities are soone [...] dissipated, and dissolved, when some fine or subtill bloud, when some pure spirit (I [...] their motion: but where there is a great repletion indeed, and abundance of [...] , (as it were a deepe and mirie puddle all troubled and stirred) then there arise from [...] many maligne accidents, such as be dangerous and hard to cure: and therefore we are [...] to doe like some good masters of ships who never thinke their vessels bee fully fraught and charged throughly; and when they have taken in all that ever they can, doe nothing else but worke at the pumpe, void the sinke, and cast out the sea water which is gotten in; even so 20 when we have well filled and stuffed our bodies, fall to purge and cleanse them with medicines and [...] : but we ought rather to keepe the bodie alwaies neat, nimble, and light, to the end, that if it chaunce otherwise at any time to be pressed and held downe, it might be seene above for lightnesse like unto a piece of corke floting aloft upon the water: but principally we are to beware of the very [...] indispositions, which are forerunners of maladies: for all disea­ses walke not (as Hesicdus saith) in silence and say nothing when they come,

As whom wise Jupiter hath berest
Of voice, and toong to them none left.

But the most part of thē have their vant-curreurs as it were, their messengers, & trumpets; name­ly crudities of stomack, wearinesse and heavinesse over all the bodie. According to the [...] 30 of Hippocrates; lassitudes and laborious heavinesse of the bodie, comming of themselves without any evident cause, prognosticate and fore-signifie diseases; for that as it should seeme, the spirits that should passe unto the nerves and sinewes, are obstructed, stopped, and excluded, by the great repletion of humors: and albeit the bodie it selfe tendeth as it were to the contra­rie, and pulleth us to our bedde and repose, yet some there be, who for very gluttony and dis­ordinate lust, put themselves into baines & hot-houses, making haste from thence, to drinking square with good fellowes, as if they would make provision before-hand of victuals against some long siege of a citie, or feare that the feaver should surprise them fasting, or before they had taken their full dinner: others somwhat more honest, yea & civill than they, are not this way [...] , but being ashamed (fooles as they are) to confesse that they have eaten or drunke over­much, 40 that they feele any heavinesse in head or cruditie in stomacke, loth also to be knowen for to keepe their chamber all the day long in their night gownes, whiles their companions goe to tennis and other bodily exercises abroad in publicke place, and call them foorth to beare them companie, rise up and make them ready to goe with them, cast off their clothes to their naked skinne, with others, and put themselves to doe all that men in perfect health are to performe. But the most part of these (induced and drawen on, by hope perswaded) are bold to arise, and to doe hardly after their wonted maner, assisted by a certaine hope, grounded upon a proverbe; [...] an advocate to desend gourmandise, and wanton life, which adviseth them that they should [...] wine with wine; drive or digest one surfeit with another. Howbeit, against all such hope, [...] are to oppose the warie and considerat caution, that Cato speaketh of (which as that wise 50 [...] saith) doth diminish and lessen great things; and as for small matters it reduceth them to nothing: also that it were better to endure want of meat, and to keepe the bodie emptie and in [...] , than so to hazard it, by entring into a baine, or runne to an high ordinarie to dine and [...] : [...] be some disposition to sicknesse, hurtfull it will be that we have not taken heed, nor conteined our selves, but beene secure: if none, dangerous it will not be that we have held [...] restrained our selves, and by that restraint made our body so much more pure and cleare. But that [...] foole whosoever he be, that is afraid to let his friends and those of his owne [Page 617] house know that he is amisse or ill at ease, for that he hath eaten overmuch, or surfeited with strong drinke, as being ashamed to confesse this day his indigestion, shall be forced to morrow even against his will, to bewray either an inordinate catarrh and fluxe, or an ague, or else some wrings and torments of the belly: thou takest it for a great shame to be knowen that thou didst want or were hungry: but farre greater shame it is to avow crudity and rawnesse, to bewray hea­vinesse, proceeding from full diet, and upon repletion of the bodie to be drawen neverthelesse into a baine, as if some rotten vessell or leaking shippe, that would not keepe out water, should be shot into the sea. Certes such persons as these, resemble some sailers or sea-faring men, who in the tempestuous time of winter, be ashamed to be seene upon the shore doing nothing: but when they have once weighed anker, spred saile, and launched into the deepe, and open sea, 10 they are very ill appaied, crying out piteously, and ready to cast up their gorge: even so, they that doubt some sicknesse, or finde a disposition of the bodie ready to fall into it, thinke it a great shame and discredit, to stand upon their guard, one day to keepe their beds and forbeare their ordinarie table and accustomed diet: but afterwards with more shame, they are faine to lie by it many daies together, whiles they be driven to take purgations, to applie many cataplas­mes, to speake the physicians faire, and fawne upon them, when they would have leave of them to drinke wine or cold water; being so base minded, as to doe absurdly, and to speake many words impertinently, feeling their hearts to faile, and be ready to faint, for the paine they en­dure alreadie, and the feare they are in to abide more. Howbeit, very good it were to teach and admonish such persons (as otherwise cannot rule and conteine themselves, but either yeeld, or 20 be transported and carried away by their lusts) that their pleasures take the most and best part of the bodie for their share. And like as the Lacedaemonians after that they had given vinegar and salt to the cooke, willed him to seeke for the rest in the beast sacrificed; even so in a bodie which one would nourish, the best sauces for the meat are these, which are presented unto it, when it is sound in health and cleane. For that a dish of meat is sweet or deere, is a thing by it selfe, without the bodie of him who taketh it, and eateth thereof: but for the pleasantnesse or contentment thereof, we ought to have regard unto the body that receiveth it; also for to de­light therein, it should be so disposed as nature doth require; for otherwise, if the body be trou­bled, ill affected, or overcharged with wine; the best devices and sauces in the world will lose their grace, and all their goodnesse whatsoever: and therefore it would not be so much looked 30 unto, whether the fish be new taken, the bread made of pure and fine flowre, the bathe hot, or the harlot faire and beautifull; as considered precisely, whether the man himselfe have not a lothing stomacke, apt to heave and vomit, be not full of crudities, error, vanity, and trouble: else it will come to passe, that she shall incurre the same fault and absurditie that they doe, who after they are drunken, will needs goe in a maske, to plaie and daunce in an house, where they all mourne for the death of the master thereof lately deceased: for in stead of making sport and mirth, this were enough to set all the house upon weeping, and piteous wailing. For even so, the sports of love or Venus, exquisit uiands, pleasant baines, and good wines, in a bodie ill disposed and not according to nature, doe no other good, but stirre, trouble fleame and and choler in them, who have no setled and compact constitution, and yet be not altogether 40 corrput; as also they trouble the body, and put it out of tune more than any thing else, yeelding no joy that we may make any reckoning of, nor that contentment which wee hoped and ex­pected. True it is, that an exquisit diet observed streightly and precisely according to rule, and missing not one jot, causeth not onely the bodie to be thinne, hollow, and in danger to fall into many diseases; but also dulleth all the vigor, and daunteth the cheerefulnesse of the verie mind, in such sort, as that she suspecteth all things, and feareth continually to stay long as well in de­lights and pleasures, as in travels and paines; yea, and generally in every action enterprising no­thing assuredly and with confidence whereas we ought to deale by our body, as with the saile of ship; (that is to say) neither to draw it in & keepe it down too straight in time of calme & faire [...] , nor to spred and let it out over slacke and negligently, when there is presented some [...] 50 of a tempest; but as occasion shall require, to spare it, and give some ease and remissi­on, that afterwards it may be fresh and lightsome, as hath beene said already, and not to slacke the time, and stay untill we sensibly feele, crudities, laskes, inflamations; or contrariwise, stupi­dities and mortifications of members, by which signes (being as it were messengers, and ushers going before a feaver, which is hard at the dore) hardly wil some be so much moved, as to keepe in, and restraine themselves, (no not when the very accesse and fit is readie to surprise them) but rather long before to be provident, and to prevent a tempest:

[Page 618]
So soone as from some rocke we finde
The puffing gales of northern winde.

For absurd it is, and to no purpose, to give such carefull heed unto the crying wide throates of crowes, or to the craing and cackling of hennes, or to swine, when in a rage they tosse and fling straw about them (as Democritus saith) thereby to gather presages, & prognostications of wind, raine, and stormes; and in the meane time not to observe the motions, troubles, and fiering indispositions of our bodie, nor prevent the same, ne yet to gather undoubted signes of a tem­pest ready to rise and grow even out thereof. And therefore we ought, not onely to have an eie unto the bodie, for meat and drinke, and for bodily exercises, in observing whether we fall un­to them more lazily and unwillingly than our manner was before time; or contrariwise whe­ther 10 our hunger and thirst be more than ordinary; but also wee are to suspect and feare, if our sleeps be not milde, and continued, but broken & interrupted: we must besides, regard our very dreames; namely, whether they be strange and unusuall: for if there be represented extraordi­narie fansies and imaginations, they testifie and shew a repletion of grosse, viscuous or slimy hu­mours, and a great perturbation of the spirits within. Otherwhiles also it hapneth, that the mo­tions of the soule it selfe, doe fore-signifie unto us, that the body is in some neere danger of disease: for many times men are surprised with timorous fittes of melancholy, and heartlesse distrusts without any reason or evident cause, the which suddenly extinguish all their hopes: you shall have some upon every small occasion apt to fall into cholerick passions of anger; they become eager and hastie, troubled, pensive and offended with a little thing, insomuch as they 20 will be ready to weepe and runne all to teares, yea and languish for griefe and sorrow: And all this commeth, when evill vapours, sowre and bitter fumes ingendred within, doe arise and steeme up, and so (as Plato saith) be intermingled in the waies and passages of the soule. Those persons therefore who are subject to such things, ought to thinke and consider with them­selves; that if there be no spirituall cause thereof, it cannot chuse but some corporall matter had need either of evacution, alteration, or suppression.

Expedient also it is and very profitable for us, when we visit our friends that be sicke, to en­quire diligently the causes of their maladies, not upon a cavilling curiosity or vaine ostentation, (to dispute sophistically, and discourse thereof only, or to make a shew of our eloquence, in tal­king of the instances, the insults, the intercidences, communities of diseases, and all to shew 30 what books we have read, & that we know the words & tearmes of physick;) but to make search and enquirie in good earnest, and not slightly or by the way, as touching these slight common and vulgar points, namely; whether the sicke partie be full or emptie? whether he overtravelled himselfe before, or no? and whether he slept well or ill? but principally, what diet he kept? and what order of life he followed, when he fell (for examples sake) into the ague: then (according as Plato was woont to say unto himselfe, whensoever he returned from hearing and seeing the faults that other men committed:) Am not I also such an one? so you must compose and frame your selfe to learne by the harmes and errours of neighbours about you, for to looke well unto your owne health, and by calling them to mind, to be so wary & provident, that you fall not in­to the same inconveniences, and forced to keepe your bed, and there extol & commend health, 40 wishing & desiring (when it is too late) for to enjoy so pretious a treasure; but rather (seeing an­other to have caught a disease) to marke and consider well, yea, and to enterteine this deepe im­pression in your heart; how deere the said health ought to be unto us, how carefull we should be to preserve, and chary to spare the same. Moreover, it would not be amisse for a man, afterwards to compare his owne life with that of the foresaid patient: for if it fall out so, that (notwithstan­ding we have used over-liberall diet both in drinks and meats, or laboured extreamly, or other­wise committed errour in any excesse and disorder) our bodies minister unto nature no suspiti­on, nor threaten any signe of sicknesse toward; yet ought we neverthelesse, to take heed and pre­vent the harme that may ensue; namely; if we have committed any disorder in the pleasures of Venus and love-delights; or otherwise bene over-travelled, to repose our selves and take our qui­et 50 rest; after drunkennesse or carrowsing wine round for good fellowship, to make amends and recompense with drinking as much colde water for a time; but especially, upon a surfeit taken with eating heavie and grosse meats, and namely, of flesh, or els feeding upon sundry and divers dishes, to fast or use a sparie diet, so as there be left no superfluitie in the bodie: for even these things, as of themselves alone (if there were no more) be enough to breed diseases; so unto o­ther causes they adde matter and minister more strength. Full wisely therefore was it said by our ancients in old time, that for to mainteine our health, these three points were most expedi­ent: [Page 619] To feed without satietie: To labour with alacritie: and To preserve and make spare of naturall seed. For surely lascivious intemperance in venerie of all things, most decaieth and enfeebleth the strength of that naturall heat, whereby our meat and food which we receive is concocted, and so consequently is the cause of many excrements and superfluities engendred, whereupon corrupt humours are engendered and gathered within the body.

To begin therefore to speake againe of every of these points; let us consider first the exerci­ses meet and agreeable to students or men of learning: for like as he who first said: That he wrot nothing of Teeth to those that inhabited the sea coasts, taught them (in so saying) the use of them; even so a man may say unto scholars and men of learning: That he writeth nothing unto them as touching bodily exercises; for that the daily practise of the voice by speech and pro­nuntiation, 10 is an exercise woonderfull effectuall, not onely for health, but also for strength, I meane not such as is procured to wrestlers and champions by art, which breedeth brawnie car­nositie, and causeth the skin to be firme and fast without forth (like unto an house which to the outward shew is rough-cast or thick coated with lime or plaster;) but that which maketh a tough constitution and a vigorous firmitude and strength indeed, in the noblest parts within, and the principall instruments of our life. Now, that the spirits augment & confirme the powers of our bodie, the anointers of mens bodies in the place of publicke exercise know full well, when they give order and command the wrestlers and such like, when their limmes are rubbed, to with­stand such frictions in some sort, in holding their winde, observing precisely, and having an eie to ech part of the body that is handled or rubbed. The voice therefore (being a motion of the 10 spirit (fortified, not superficially and by starts, but even in the proper fountaines and springs which are about the vitall bowels) encreaseth naturall heat) doth subtiliat the blood, cleanseth the veines, openeth all the arcteries, not suffering any obstruction, oppilation or stopping by superfluous humours to grow upon us or remaine behinde (like unto dregs or grounds) in the bottome of those vessels which receive and concoct those viands whereof we are nourished: by reason whereof, they have need to use ordinarily this exercise, and make it familiar unto them, by speaking in publicke place and discoursing continually. But if haply they doubt that their bodies be but weake, and not able to support and endure so much travell, yet at least wise they are to reade with a loud voice; for looke what proportion there is betweene gestation or carriage of the body, and the exercise thereof upon the very ground, the same is betweene simple reading 30 and discoursing or open disputation: for this reading doth gently stirre and mildly carrie the voice by the chariot (as it were) and litter of another mans speech; but disputation addeth ther­to a certeine heat and forcible vehemence; for that the minde and the bodie conspire and con­curre together in that action: howbeit, in this exercise we must beware of over-loud vociferati­ons and clamours; for such violent strainings of the voice, and unequall extensions and inten­sions of the winde, many times cause some rupture of veines, or inward spasmes and convulsi­ons. Now when a student hath either read or discoursed in this maner, good it is for him be­fore he walke abroad, to use some uncteous, warme and gentle frictions, to handle and rub the skinne and flesh after a soft and milde maner; yea, and as much as he can, to reach into the very bowels within, that the spirits may be spread and distributed equally thorowout, even to the ve­rie 40 extremities of the bodie. In these rubbings and frictions, this gage & measure would be ob­served; that he continue them so long and so often, as he findeth them to agree sensibly with his bodie, and bring no offence with them. He that in this wise hath appeased & settled the trouble or tension of the spirits in the center of the bodie, if haply there should remaine some superflui­tie behinde, it would do him no great harme: for say, that he should forbeare walking, for want of leasure or by occasion of sudden businesse, it is all one, and it maketh no matter; for why, na­ture hath had already that which is sufficient, and standeth satisfied therewith. And therefore a man is not to pretend colourably for to excuse his silence, or forbearance of reading either na­vigation, when he is accompanied with other passengers at sea in one ship, or his abode and so­journing 50 in an hostelrie or common inne, although all the companie there should mocke him for it: for as it was no shame nor dishonest thing, to eat before them all; no more unseemly is it to exercise himselfe in their presence by reading. But rather more undecent it were, to be afraid or stand in awe of mariners, muliters or inne-keepers, when they laugh at you, not for playing at ball alone, or fighting with your own shadow, but for speaking before thē in your speech, either teaching, or discoursing, or els learning by [...] and rehearsing some good thing for your exer­cise. Socrates was woont to say: That for him who would moove and stirre his bodie by way of dancing, a little roome (that would receive seven settles or seats) was sufficient & big enough; [Page 620] but him that mindeth to exercise his body either by singing or saying, every place wil serve, whe­ther he stand, lie or sit. Only this must we take heed of, that we straine not our voice nor set out an open throat, when we are privie to our selves that we have eaten or drunke liberally, ne yet pre­sently after the company of a woman, or any other wearisome travel whatsoever; as many of our orators & great masters of rhetoricke use to do; who enforce and give themselves to declaime and pronounce their orations too loud, even aboue the strength of their bodie; some for vaine­glory and ambition, because they would put forth themselves; others sor reward and to get a fee, or els upon emulation to their concurrents. Thus did Niger, (a friend of ours) who professed rhetoricke in Galatia: this man having swallowed downe a fish-bone which stucke still in his throat (when another rhetorician travelling that way, chanced to make a publike oration; for 10 that he was ashamed to be thought his inferior, and yet durst not deale with him in that facultie) would needs shew himselfe in open place, and declaime, whiles the said bone remained still in his throat: but by this meanes there ensued a dangerous and painfull inflamation; and being no longer able to endure the dolorous anguish thereof, he suffered himselfe to be launced with­out forth, and to have a deepe incision and a wide orifice made, whereby the bone indeed was plucked out, but the wound was so grievous, and oppressed besides with a descent and defluxion of thewmaticke humours thither, that he died thereof. But haply, better to the purpose it were, to speake of this hereafter. Well, after exercise to go presently into the bath, & to wash in colde water, were the part of a lusty wild-braine and a giddy-headed youth, who will needs in a bravery shew what he can do, rather than holsome any way: for all the good that such cold baths bring, 20 is this, that they seeme to harden the body, and confirme it so, as it is lesse subject to take offence by the qualities of the aire without; but surely they do more harme within, by a great deale; for that they enclose and shut up the pores of the body, causing the humors and fumosities which would evaporate and breathe foorth continually, to become thicke and grosse. Furthermore, needfull it is for them that love to bathe thus in colde water, to fall into the subjection of that o­ver-straight and exquisit diet (which we would avoid) having evermore an eie upon this, not to breake the same in any point whatsoever, for that the least fault and smallest errour in the world, is presently sore chasticed and costeth full deere: whereas contrariwise to enter into the baine, and wash in hote water, pardoneth us, and holdeth us excused sor many things; for it doth not so much diminish the strength and force of the bodie, as it bringeth profit another way for the 30 health thereof; framing and applying most gently and kindly the humors to concoction and in case there be some which can not well and perfitly be digested, (so they be not altogether cruide and raw, nor float aloft in the mouth of the stomacke) it causeth them to dissolve and ex­hale without any sense of paine; yea, and withall, it doth mitigate and cause to vanish and passe away the secret lassitudes of the musculous members. And yet as good as banes be, if we per­ceive the bodie to be in the naturall state and disposition, firme and strong enough, better it were to intermit and for-let the use of baths; and in stead thereof, I holde it holsomer to anoint and rub the bodie before a good fire, namely, if it have need to be chafed and set in an heat; for by this meanes there is dispersed into it as much heat as is requisit, and no more; which cannot be against the sunne; for of his heat a man can not take more or lesse at his owne discretion, 40 but according as he affecteth or tempereth the aire, so he affourdeth his use. And thus much may serve for the exercise of students.

To come now unto their food and nouriture: if the reasons and instructions before delive­red, by which we learne to restraine, represse and mitigate our appetites, have done any good, time it were to proceed forward to other advertisements; but in case they be so violent, so un­ruly and untamed, as if they were newly broken out of prison, that it is an hard piece of worke to range them within the compasse of reason; and if it be a difficult piece of worke to wrestle with the bellie, which (as Cato was wont to say) hath no eares; we must worke another feat and device with it; namely, by observing the quality of the viands, to make the quantity more light and lesse offensive: and if they be such as be solid and nourish much; as for example, grosse flesh meats, 50 cheese, drie figges, and hard egges, they must feed of them as little as they can; for to re­fuse and forbeare them altogether were very hard; but they may be more bold to eate hear­tily of those that be thinne and light, such as are the most part of worts, or pot-herbes, birdes, and fishes, that be not fatte & oileous: for in eating of such meats, a man may at once both gra­tifie his appetite, and also never overcharge his bodie: but above all, take heed they must of cru­dities and surfeits, proceeding from liberall eating of flesh-meats; for besides that they lode the stomacke presently as they are taken, there remaine afterwards behind naughtie reliques: and [Page 621] therefore it were verie well, that they accustomed their bodies never to call for flesh, conside­ring that the earth it selfe bringeth foorth other kinds of food, sufficiently not onely for the necessitie of nourishment, but also for pleasure and the contentment of the appetite; for some of them are ready to be eaten without any dressing, or the helpe of mans hand, others be min­gled and compounded after divers sorts to make them more savorie and toothsome. But for as­much as custome (after a sort) is a second nature, or at leastwise not contrarie to nature; we must not accustome our selves to feed on flesh, for to fulfill our appetites, after the maner of wolves, & lions, but use it onely as the foundation and ground of other viands; which being once laid, we are to make our principall nourishment of other cares and dishes, which as they are more ap­propriate to our bodies, and sutable to nature, so they doe incrassate and dull lesse the vigor 10 and subtilitie of the spirit, and the discoursing reasonable part of the soule, which is kindled, mainteined, and set to burne cleere, by a more delicate and light matter. As touching liquid things, they must use milke, not as an ordinarie drinke, but as a strong meat that nourisheth exceeding much: but for wine, we are to say to it, as Euripides did to Venus:

Welcome to me in measure and in meane,
Too much is naught: yet doe not leave me cleane.

for of all drinks it is most profitable, of medicines most pleasant, and of daintie viands most harmelesse; provided alwaies that it be well delaied and tempered with opportunity of the time, rather than with water. And verily water (not that onely wherewith wine is mingled, but also which is drunke betweene whiles, apart by it selfe) causeth the wine tempered therewith to doe 20 the lesse harme: in regard whereof, a student ought to use himselfe to drinke twice or [...] every day a draught of sheere water, for that it will enfeeble the headinesse of the wine, & make the usuall drinking of pure water, more familiar to the stomacke: and this I would have to be done, to this end, that if they be driven perforce to drinke faire water, they might not thinke it strange, nor be ready to refuse it. For many there be, who oftentimes have recourse to wine, when iwis, they had more need to runne to the water; and namely, when they be over-heat with the sunne: yea, and contrariwise, when they be stiffe frozen with cold, or have streined them­selves to speake much, or studied and sitten hard at their booke; and generally, after that they have travelled sore, till they be wearie, or have performed some vehement exploit, or violent exercise; then (I say) they thinke, that they ought to drinke wine; as if nature herselfe requi­red 30 and called for some contentment and refreshing of the bodie, and some change and alte­ration after travels: but nature verily is not desirous to have any good done to her in this sort, if you call such pleasure a doing of good; but she demaundeth onely a reducement to a meane betweene labour and rest: and therefore such persons as these, are to be cut short and abridged of their victuals, and either to be debarred quite of all wine, or else enjoined to drinke it well delaied with water: for wine being of it selfe of a violent and stirring nature, augmenteth and maketh more unquiet the stormie perturbations arising within the body, it doth irritate and distemper more and more the parts therein already offended and troubled; the which had much more need to be appeased and dulced; to which purpose water serveth passing well: for if we otherwise being not a thirst, drinke hot water after we have laboured, or done some painfull ex­ercise, 40 in the exceeding heats of the summer; we finde a notable cooling, refreshing, and ease­ment in our inward bowels; the reason is; because the humiditie of water is kinde and milde, procuring no debate or disquietnesse at all; whereas the moisture of wine hath a vehement force, which never is at quiet and repose, but maketh a deepe impression, nothing agreea­ble nor fit to appease the indispositions that are a breeding. Now if one doe feare the sowre and sharpe acrimonies, and the bitter tastes which (by the saying of some) hunger and want of food engender in our bodies, or as little children use to do, thinketh much not to sit at the table for to eat, a little before the fit of an ague, or when he suspecteth it comming: the drinking of water is as it were a confine and frontier betweene both, very fit to remedie the one and the other: and many times we offer unto Bacchus himselfe certeine sacrifices called Nephalia, for 50 that there is no wine used therein; accustoming our selves wisely thereby not to be alwaies de­sirous sor to drinke wine. Minos tooke away from sacrifices, the flute, and the chaplets used to be worne on mens heads, in regard of griefe and sorrow: and yet we know full well, that the heavie and sorrowfull minde, is neither by flutes nor flowers, passionate; whereas there is [...] the bodie of a man, (how strong and stout soever he be) but if it be stirred, troubled, and [...] , will take more harme and offence by wine if it be taken or powred into it. It is recorded in the Chronicles; that the Lydians in time of a great dearth and famine, did eat but once in [Page 622] two daies, and spent the time betweene, at dice-play, and other such games and pastimes: and even so it were well beseeming a student and lover of the Muses and his booke, at such a time as he had need to make a late and short supper, to have before him, the sigure serving for some Geometricall proposition, or some little booke, some harpe or lute; this will not suffer him to be ledde as prisoner to his owne belly, but by diverting and turning ordinarily his mind from the boord, to these honest pastimes and recreations; will chase away from the Muses the greedy appetite of eating and drinking, as if they were so many ravenous fowles and harpies: For a shame it were that a Scythian whiles hee is drinking, should estsoones take his bow in hand readie bent, and twang the string, and by the sound thereof, awaken and quicken his cou­rage, which otherwise would become drowsie, loose, and dull by wine: and that a Grecian 10 should be ashamed or afraid of a flout or mocke, in assaying gently to refraine and bridle an un­reasonable, violent, and greedie appetite, by the meanes of bookes and writings: for much af­ter the same manner in a comedie of Menander, when there was a baud, who for to tempt cer­teine yoong men suting at supper together, brought in amongst them certeine pretie yoong wenches, very faire, & richly arraid; every one of the said yoong men (because they were afraid & unwilling to looke those beautifull damosels in the face) made no more adoe, but as he saith,

Cast downe the head, and like good merrie mates,
Fall to their junkets hard, and deinty cates.

Moreover, men that are addicted to their studie, and to learning, have many other proper and pleasant meanes to turne away their eies, and divert their minds, if otherwise they be not able 20 to looke off; and to stay or hold in, this violent and dogge-like greedy appetite, when the meat standeth before them upon the bourd. For as touching the speeches of some masters of wrest­lers, or the words of certeine schoole-masters, who goe up and downe, saying: That to reason, argue, and discourse at the table upon points of learning; causeth the meat to corrupt within the stomacke, and breedeth head-ach, or heavinesse of the braine: we may indeed feare some­what; if we will needs (while we be at our repast) fall to resolve such a sophisticall argument, as the Logicians call Indos: or if wee be disposed to reason and dispute about the masterfull so­phisme [...] Which some [...] , the braines of the [...] : but this bird [...] so rare as that it is thought for a [...] thing, I see not how this propertie should be ob­served in the braines there­of named Kyriton: It is said, that the crowne or upmost tuft growing upon the date tree, called the braine thereof, is exceeding sweet and pleasant to the taste, howbeit, hurtfull to the head: howbeit, these prickie and intricate disputations in Logicke at supper time; are no 30 pleasant banketting dishes, but offensive to the braine, tedious, and irksome, nothing more. But if those men will not permit us to discourse, to heare, reade, or talke of other matters in sup­per time, which together with honestie and profit, have an attractive pleasure and sweetnesse joined therewith: we will desire them to let us alone, & not trouble us, but to arise from the ta­ble, and goe their waies into their galleries and hals for wrestling, and there to hold and main­taine such positions among their scholars and champions, whom they withdraw and turne away from the study of good letters; and accustoming them to spend their time all the day long in scoffes and scurrile speeches, they make them in end (as gentle Ariston said) as witlesse, and without sense (yet glib and well greased) as the stone pillers which support those galleries, and places of exercise where they use to converse and keepe schoole. But we contrariwise being 40 ruled by the physicians, who advise us alwaies to interpose some competent time betweene sup­per and sleepe, are not presently to go unto it, after we have filled our bellies with viands, and stuffed our spirits, even whiles the morsels of meat bee all raw, or beginning now to be con­cocted, thereby to hinder and staie digestion; but give some space and breathing time be­tweene, untill the meat bee well setled in the stomacke. And as they who give us counsell to moove and stirre the bodie after meales, will us, not to runne our selves out of breath, nor to ex­ercise our selves so, as that we put all the parts of our bodie to the triall, after the manner of the Pancratiasts; but either to walke faire and softly, or to daunce after a gentle and easie manner; semblably, we are to thinke, that we ought to exercise our wits and minds after a dinner or sup­per, not about any affaires of deepe studie, and profound meditation, nor in sophistical disputes, 50 tending to the ostentation of a quicke and lively spirit, or which bee litigious, and breed con­tention; but there be many questions besides of naturall philosophie, pleasant to be discussed, and easie to be decided; many pretie tales and narrations there are, out of which a man may draw good considerations and wise instructions, for to traine and frame our manners; and these conteine that grace & facilitie in them, which the poet Homer calleth Menocikes, that is to say, yeelding to anger, and in no wise crosse and resistant: Heereupon it is, that some doe pleasant­ly teame this exercise of moovoing, propounding & resolving historicall or poetical questi­ons; [Page 623] the second course or the service of banketting dishes, for students and learned men. More­over, there be other sorts of pleasant talke besides these, and namely; to heare and recite fables, devised for mirth and pleasure; discourses of playing upon the flute, harpe, or lute, which ma­ny times give more contentment and delight, than to heare the flute, harpe, or lute it selfe plai­ed upon. Now the very precise time measured as it were and marked out to be most proper and meet for such recreations; is when we feele that our meat is gently gone downe, and setled qui­etly in the bottome of the stomacke, shewing some signe of concoction, and that naturall heat is strong, and hath gotten the upper hand.

Now forasmuch as Aristotle is of opinion, that walking after supper doth stirre up and kin­dle (as one would say) our naturall heat: and to sleepe immediately after a man hath sup­ped, 10 doth dull and quench it: considering also, that others be of a contrary minde, and hold; that rest and repose, is better for concoction; that motion so soone after, troubleth and impea­cheth the digestion and distribution of the meats, which is the cause that some use to walke af­ter supper, others sit still and take their ease: me thinks a man may reconcile and satisfie verie well after a sort these two opinions; who cherishing and keeping his bodie close and still after supper, setteth his mind a walking, awakeneth it, suffering it not to be heavie & idle at once by and by; but sharpneth and quickneth his spirits, as is before said, by little and little, in discour­sing, or hearing discourses of pleasant matters and delectable, such as be not biting in any wise, nor offensive and odious.

Moreover, as touching vomits or purgations of the bellie by laxative medicines, which are 20 the cursed and detestable easements and remedies of fulnesse and repletion; surely they would never be used but upon right great and urgent necessitie: a contrary course to many men, who fill their gorges and bodies with an intent to void them soone after; or otherwise, who purge and emptie the same for to fill them againe, even against nature; who are no lesse troubled, nay much more offended ordinarily, by being fedde and full, than fasting and emptie: insomuch as such repletion is an hinderance to the contentment and satisfying of their appetites and lusts; by occasion whereof, they take order alwaies, that their bodie may be evermore emptied; as if this voidance were the proper place and seat of their pleasures. But the hurt and dammage that may grow upon these ordinary purgations and vomits, is very evident; for that both the one and the other, put the body to exceeding great straines and violent disturbances. As for vomi­ting, 30 it bringeth with it one inconvenience by it selfe, more than the former, in that it procureth & augmenteth an unsatiable greedinesse to meat: for ingendered there is by that meanes a vio­lent & turbulent hunger (like as when the course or stream of a river, hath bene for a while stop­ped & staid) snatching or greedy at meat, which is evermore offensive, & not a kind appetite in­deed, when as nature hath need of meat; but resembling rather the inflammations occasioned by medicines or cataplasmes. Hereupon it is that the pleasures proceeding from thence, paste and slippe away incontinently, as abortive and unperfect, accompanied with inordinate pan­tings and beatings of the pulse, great wrings in the enjoying of them, and afterwards ensue dolorous tensions, violent oppressions or stoppings of the conduits & pores, & the reliques or retensions of ventosities; which staie not for naturall ejections and evacuations, but runne up 40 and downe all over our bodies, like as if they were shippes surcharged, having more need to bee eased of their burden, than still to be loden with more excrements. As for the troublesome motions of the belly and guts, occasioned by purgative drougues, they corrupt, spill and resolve the natural strength of the solide parts, so that they engender more superfluties within than they thrust out and expel. And this is for al the world, like as if a man, being discontented to see with­in his native citie a multitude of naturall Greekes inhabitants, should for to drive them out, fill the same with Scythians or Arabian strangers. For even so, some there be, who (greatly mis­counting and deceiving themselves) for to send foorth of their bodies the superfluous humors which are in some sort domesticall and familiar unto them, put into them I wot not what, Gui­dian graines, Scammoni and other strange drougues fet from farre countries, such as have no 50 familiar reference to the bodie, but are meere wilde and savage, and in truth have more need to be purged and chaced out of the body themselves, than power and vertue to void away and expell that wherewith nature is choked and overcharged. The best way therefore is, by sobrietie and regular diet, to keepe the bodie alwaies in that moderate measure of evacuation and reple­tion, that it may be able by proportionable temperature, to maintaine it selfe, without any out­ward helpe. But if it fall out otherwhiles, that there be some necessitie of the one or the other; vomits would be provoked without the helpe of strange physicall drogues, and not with much [Page 624] adoo and curiositie, that they disquiet & trouble no parts within, but onely for to avoid cruditie and indigestion, reject and cast up that gentlie which is too much, and cannot be prepared and made meet for concoction. For like as linnen clothes that bee scoured and made cleane with sopes, ashes, lees and other abstersive matters, weare more and fret out sooner than such as be washed simply in faire water; even so, vomites provoked by medicines, offend the body much more, and marre the complexion. But say, the belly bee bound and costive, there is not a drougue that easeth it so mildly, or provoketh it to the siege so easily, as doe certaine meats, whereof the experience is familiar unto us, and the use nothing dolorous and offensive. Now in case the body be so heard, that such kinde viands will not worke and cause it to be sollible, then a man ought for many daies together, to drinke thinne and cold water, or use to fast, or 10 else take some clister, rather than purgative medicines, such as disquiet the body, and over­throw the temperature thereof. And yet many there be, who ever and anon are ready to run un­to them; much like unto those lewd and light wanton women, who use certeine inedicines to cause abortion, or to send away the fruit which they have newly conceived; to the end that they might conceive soone againe, and have more pleasure in that fleshly action. Now is it time to say no more, but to let them goe that perswade such evacuations.

As for those on the contrarie side, who interject certaine exact, precise, and criticall fastings, observed too straightly according to just periods and circuits of daies: surely they teach nature, (wherin they doe not well) to use astriction before it have need; and acquaint her with a ne­cessarie abstinence of food, which in it selfe is not necessarie, even at a prefixed time, which 20 calleth for that then, whereto it is accustomed. Better yet it were, for a man to use these cha­sticements of his body, freely and at his owne liberty, without any foreknowledge of suspition: and as for other diet, (as hath beene said before) to order it so, that it may frame and be obse­quent to all manner of occurrences & changes that shall come betweene, and not to be tied and bound to one forme and manner of life, exactly to keepe certaine daies, just numbers, and set circuits, without failing or missing in any jot. For this course is neither sure, nor easie; it is not civill nor yet agreeable to humanitie: it resembleth rather the life of an oister, or some stocke of a tree; to captivate himselfe, and be so subject and thrall, that he cannot change or alter his viands; he may not once varie in his fastings and abstinencies, in his motions or repose, but continue alwaies close and covert in a shadie kinde of life, idle, private to himselfe, without 30 conversing with friends, without participation of honors, farre remote from the administration of weale publicke, which were to shut himselfe up as it were a close prisoner; a life I assure you which I cannot like nor allow: for wee cannot buie our health with idlenesse and doing naught, which two are the principall inconveniences incident unto diseases: and all one this were, as if a man would thinke to preserve his eies, by not employing them to see; or his voice, by speaking not at all; thus to be perswaded, that for the preservation of health it were necessa­rie to have continuall repose, without doing ought: for a man in health, cannot doe better for to mainteine the same, than to be emploied in many good duties, and commendable offices of humanitie. An absurd error therefore it is, to thinke idlenesse to be either healthy or holsome, considering that it destroieth the very end of health, which is emploiment: neither is it true, 40 that the lesse men doe, the more healthfull they be. For Xenocrates had not his health better than Phocion; nor Theophrastus than Demetrius: and as for Epicurus and all the crew of his sectaries, they had no benefit at all for the atteining of that contentment and tranquillitie of the bodie which they make so great reckoning of, and praise so highly; by flying and avoiding all State affaires, and medling in no publicke and honorable office. Other meanes therefore and provision would be made, to enterteine and keepe that disposion and habitude of the bodie, which is according to nature: for this is certeine; that all sorts of life be capable, as well of sicknesse as of health. Howbeit, polititians (quoth he) and States-men are to be admonished to doe cleane contrarie unto that which Plato advertised his yoong scholars to doe. For Plato ever as he went out of the schoole, was woont thus to say unto them: Goe to my sonnes, see 50 you employ that leasure which you have, in some honest sports and pastimes. But we may ex­hort and put in minde those who deale in the administration of common-wealth, to bestow their labour and travell in honest and necessarie things, and not to overtoile and spend their bodies in small matters of little or no consequence; as the manner is of most men, who trou­ble and torment themselves about just nothing, overwatching, running to and fro, heere and there, up and downe about things which many times are neither good nor honest; but onely because they would disgrace and shame others, either upon envie that they beare unto them, [Page 625] or upon obstinate and wilfull selfe-conceit, or else to pursue and maintaine some vaine and foo­lish opinions that they have taken. For I thinke verily it was in regard of such persons especial­ly, that Democritus said: If the body should call the soule judicially into question upon an acti­on of injurie or wrong done, and for to make satisfaction of losse and damage; she were not a­ble to answer it, but must needs confesse the action, and be condemned. And Theophrastus peradventure said well and truely; when speaking by a metaphor or allegorie; he affirmed, that the soule paid a deere rent for her dwelling within the body. For (I assure you) the bodie may thanke the soule for many harmes that it sustaineth; when as she useth it not with reason, nor in­treateth it according as it is meet and convenient; and looke when she hath any proper and pe­culiar passions of her owne, or some enterprises and actions to be performed, she maketh no 10 spare of the poore bodie. As for the tyrant Jason, hee was wont (I wot not upon what reason or ground) to say: That he ought to deale unjustly in small matters, who would be just in the grea­test affaires; and even so, wee may well advise a man of State and government, to make no reckoning of trifling things, but disport, play, and solace himselfe in repose with them; if he would not have his bodie over-spent, dull, or lazie, against the time that he should emploie it in great and important causes: much like to an old shippe which hath beene drawen up to land, for to be newly calked and trimmed, after hath rested a time, is fit to doe new service at sea; for even so, the bodie upon repose and ease, whensoever the soule shall put it to any affaires, will be ready to follow

And runne with her, as sucking fole doth go 20
Hard by the damme, and never parts her fro.

And therefore when occasions will permit and give leave, wee are to refresh and recreat our selves, not envying the bodies naturall sleepe, or usuall repose and refection of dinner, ne yet easement and recreation, which is of a middle nature betweene pleasure and paine, nor obser­ving a strict rule; which many men doe keepe, and in keeping it, spill and spend the bodie by sudden mutations; like as iron that is often made hot and quenched againe: for whensoever the body is foiled and tired with travels, then they will even melt and dissolve it in excessive and un­measurable pleasures: and all upon the sudden againe, when it is weakned & enfeebled with the delights of Venus, or by drinking out of course, they will draw and drive it presently to the seri­ous travels of the common hall or the court, to the solliciting and following of some affaires 30 of great importance, which requireth earnest attendance and hot pursute. Heraclitus the phi­losopher, being fallen into a dropsie, willed his physician to make drought of great raine. But most men ordinarily doe fault heerein exceeding much: now when they be wearied, toiled, and foiled with painfull labours and wants, yeeld their bodies to be melted and spent quite with vo­luptuous pleasures; and afterwards againe, wrest and straine them as it were upon the teinters, immediately upon the fruition of some pleasures. For nature verily neither liketh nor requireth these alterations and sudden changes by turnes: but it is the incontinencie and illiberall Iascivi­ousnesse of the soule, and nothing else, that abandoneth her-selfe inordinately unto pleasures and delights, so soone as it is out of laborious exerciese; like as mariners and sailers doe at sea. And contrariwise, immediately after sports & pleasures, betaketh it selfe to the eager pursute of 40 gaine, & to the management of great affaires; giving no time and space of rest to nature, to en­joy repose and quiet tranquillitie, wherof it hath need, but setteth it out of frame, and distem­pereth it mightily, by reason of this inequalitie. But wise and discreet persons are verie wary and carefull in this behalfe; never presenting such pleasures to their bodies when they be out-wea­ried with labour and travell, for need thereof they have none at all; and besides, they doe not regard nor thinke upon them, having their mindes continually intentive upon the honestie and decency of the action or thing whereabout they are; dulling or dimming as well the joy, as the earnest solicitude and care of their minde, by the meanes of other desires and appetites; as it is written of Epaminondas, that he should say in game and meriment, of a certaine valiant man, who about the time of the Leuctrique warre, died of sicknesse in his bedde: O Hercules, how 50 had this man any leasure to die, amidde so many important affaires! even so it may be said tru­ly and in good earnest of a great personage, who hath in his hand the managing of some weigh­tie affaires in matter of government, or treatise of philosophie: How should such a man as he have time either to be drunken, or to surfeit with gluttonie, or given himselfe to fleshly plea­sures of the body? But wise men indeed, when they be freed from important matters of action, can finde a time to rest and repose their bodies, discharging them of needlesse and unprofitable [Page 626] travels, but much more of superfluous and unnecessarie pleasures, flying and shunning them as enemies and contrarie to nature.

I remember that upon a time I heard, how Tiberius Caesar was wont to say: That a man be­ing once above three-score yeres of age deserveth to be mocked and derided, if he put forth his hand unto the physician for to have his pulse felt. For mine owne part, I take this speech of his to bee somewhat too proud and insolent; but me thinks this should be true: That every man ought to know the particularities and properties of his owne pulse, for there bee many diversi­ties and differences in each one of us: also that it behooveth no man to be ignorant in the seve­rall complexion of his owne bodie, as well in heat as in drinesse: also to be skilfull what things be good for him, and what be hurtfull, when he useth them: for he that would learne these parti­cularities 10 of any other than of himselfe, or goeth to a physician to know of him, whether he be better in health in summer time than in winter; or whether hee stand better affected in taking dry things rather than moist; also whether naturally he have a strong pulse or a weake, a quicke or a slow; surely hath no sense or feeling of himselfe, but is as it were deafe and blinde, a stran­ger he is dwelling in a borrowed body, and none of his owne: for such points as those, are good to be knowen and easie to be learned; for that we may make proofe thereof every hower, as ha­ving the body with us continually.

Also meet it is, among meats and drinks, to know those rather which be good and holsome for the stomack, than such as be pleasant to the tooth; and to have experience of that which doth the stomacke good, more than of that which is offensive thereto; as also of those things that do 20 not trouble and hinder concoction, than which content and tickle the taste. For to demand of a physician, what is easie of digestion, and what not; what doth loose, and what bindeth the belly; me thinks is no lesse shamefull than to aske him, what is sweet; what bitter; what sowre, tart or austere. But now we shall have many folke, that know well how to find fault with their cooks and dressers of meat, for seasoning their broths, or making sauce to their viands, being able to di­scerne which is sweeter than it ought to be; which is over-tart or too much salted: and yet they themselves are not able to say, whether that which is put into the bodie and united therewith, be light or no; and whether it be harmlesse, not offensive, or profitable. Hereupon it is, that their pottage misseth not often, the right seasoning; whereas contrariwise, for want of well seasoning their owne selves, but daily faulting therein, they make much worke for physicians: for they e­steeme 30 not that pottage best, which is the sweetest, but they mingle therewith many sharpe jui­ces and sowre herbs, to make it somewhat tart withall; but contrariwise, they send into the bodie all maner of sweet and pleasant things, even untill it cry, Ho; partly being ignorant, and in part not calling to minde and remembrance, that nature adjoineth alwaies unto things that be good and holsome, a pleasure not mingled with displeasure and repentance. Moreover, we are like­wise to remember and beare in minde, all those things that be fit and agreeable to the bodie; or contrariwise, in the changes of the seasons in the yere, in the qualities and properties of the aire, and other circumstances, to know how to accommodat and apply our diet accordingly: for as touching all the offences proceeding from nigardise, avarice and pinching, which the com­mon sort doe incurre about the painfull inning and laborious bestowing or laying up of their 40 corne and fruits; who by their long watchings, by their running and trudging to and fro, disco­ver and bewray what is within the bodie, rotten, faulty & ulcerous: we are not to feare, that such accidents will befall to learned persons or students, ne yet to States-men and polititians, unto whom principally I have addressed this discourse; but they ought to beware and eschue another kinde of more eager covetousnesse and illiberall nigardise in matter of studie and literature, for­cing them to neglect and not regard their owne poore bodies, which often times being so tra­velled and outwearied, that they can doe them no more service, yet they spare them never the more, nor give them leave to be refreshed and gather up their crummes againe; but force that which is fraile and mortall, to labour a vie with the soule, which is immortall; that (I say) which is earthly, to hold out with the spirit, that is heavenly. Well, the ox said unto the camell 50 his fellow-servant, who would not ease him a little of his burden: Thou wilt not helpe me now to beare somewhat of my charge; but shortly thou shalt carie all that I carie, and me besides: which fell out so indeed, when the ox died under his burden; semblably it hapneth to the soule, which will not allow the sillie bodie (wearied and tired) some little time of rest and repose: for soone after comes a fever, head-ach, dizzinesse of the braine, with a dimnesse of the sight, which will compell her to lay aside all books, to abandon all good letters, disputations and studie; and [Page 627] in the end is driven to languish and lie sicke in bed together with it for company. And therfore Plato wisely admonisheth us, not to move and exercise the body without the soule, not the soule without the body, but to drive them both together equally, as if they were two steeds drawing at one spire of a chariot; and especially at such a time, when as the body is busied with the soule, and laboureth together with her, we ought to have the most care of it, and to allow it that atten­dance & cherishment, which is meet and requisit, to the end, that thereby we may requite it with good and desireable health; esteeming this to be the greatest benefit and most singular gift that proceedeth thereupon, in that neither the one nor the other (for default of good disposition) is impeached or hindered in the knowledge of vertue and the practise thereof, aswell in literature as in the actions of mans life. 10

OF THE ROMANS FORTUNE. 20

The Summarie.

IF ever there were any State politike, in the rising, growth and declination whereof, we are to see & acknowledge the admirable providēce of God, together with the strength and wisdome of man, certes the Romane empire ought to be set in the formost range. The causes of the foundation and advancement of this great Monarchie, are otherwise considered by those whom the heavenly trueth (revealed in the holy Scripture) doth il­luminate, than by the Pagans and Sages of this world, guidedonely by the discourse of their reason, cor­rupted with sinne and ignorance of the true God. For when the question is, as touching the govern­ment of the universall world, although the sovereigne Lord thereof, use often times, the spirituall and 30 corpor al vigor both of mortall men, for to execute his will; yet we may behold above it, and before any exploit of visible instruments, this great and incomprehensible wisdome of his; who having decreed in himselfe all things, executeth every moment his deliberations; so that in regard of him, there is no­thing casuall, but all keepe a course according to his determinate and resolute will: but in respect of us, many things be accident all; for that the counsels of that eternall and immutable wisedome are hidden from us, and appeare not but by little and little. Infidels and miscreants, who are not able to compre­hend this secret, have imagined and set downe for governesses of mans life, Fortune and Vertue; mean­ing by Fortune, that which the common saying compriseth in these few words: In this world there is nothing els but good lucke and bad; but so, as if any man could skill how to manage his owne fortune, he might make it of bad, good and commodious: and this they meant by the word Vertue, which is an 40 habitude or disposition of the mind and body; by the meanes whereof, he that is indued therewith, might prevent and overthrow quite all the assaults of Fortune. Some there be, who abuse the word Fortune, for to abolish the providence of God; and others have attributed so much unto Vertue, that they have set man out of those limits, in which his owne proper nature, and above all the divine trueth, placed him. Others againe, have ascribed some thing unto Fortune, and yet they neither understand nor declare what it importeth, but have given out (although very irresolutely) that Fortune cannot give the check to a vertuous man. If we had this treatise following entire and perfect, all the ancient philosophie and learning, as touching this question, had bene manifestly discovered unto us. But the principall part of this discourse is lost, in such sort, as Plutarch (having brought in Fortune and Vertue disputing upon this point: Whether of them should have the honour of the foundation and maintenance of the Romane 50 empire?) hath left unto us nothing but the plea of Fortune; who by divers reasons and proofs holdeth that the wisdome & valour of the people of Rome, was not the cause of their grandence; but Fortune, that is to say (as he expresly sheweth in one place) the guidance and helpe of God, who hath so raised this estate for many others, and for to hold one good part of the world jointly in one body, under such a chiefe and sovereigne. As concerning the reasons alledged in the favor and maintenance of Fortune, they be marked in order, and drawen out well at large: whereas those of Vertue are omitted, or peradventure reserved to the judgement and discretion of the reader, for to invent, devise, and apply them by him­selfe, [Page 628] and of them all to collect and gather one conclusion, tending to this, for to shew the great wonders of Gods providence in susteining the Romane empire, and the notable aid of an infinit number of in­struments, which the said divine providence emploied in planting, raising up, and pulling downe so mighty and renowmed a dominion.

OF THE ROMANS FORTUNE.

VErtue and Fortune have fought many great combats, and those of­tentimes one against the other: but that which presenteth it selfe unto us at this time, is the greatest of all the rest; to wit: the de­bate 10 plea which they had together as touching the empire of Rome, namely; whether of them twaine wrought that worke? and which of them brought foorth so mightie a puissance? For this wil be no small testimonie on her side who shall gaine the victorie, or rather a great apologie, against the imputation charged upon the one and the other. For Vertue is accused, in that she is honest, but unprofitable: and fortune, that she is uncerteine, but yet good: and it is commonly said, that as the former is fruitlesse for all her paines; so the other is faithlesse and untrustie in all her gifts. For who will not say, if the greatnesse of Rome be adjudged and a­warded to one of them, that either Vertue is most profitable, in case she could doe so much for 20 good and honest men. or Fortune most firme and constant, if she have preserved and kept so long, that which she once hath given? Iön the poet in those works of his which he composed without verse, and in prose, saith: That Fortune and Wisedome (two most different things, and farre unlike one to the other) produce neverthelesse most like and semblable effects: both the one and the other indifferently make men great and honorable; they advance them in digni­tie, puissance, estate and authoritie. And what need I (for to draw out this matter at length) re­hearse and reckon up a number of those whom they have preferred, considering that even na­ture herselfe who hath borne us, and brought foorth all things; some take to be Fortune, and others Wisedome. This present discourse therefore, addeth unto the citie of Rome a great and admirable dignitie, in case we dispute of her as our manner is of the earth, the sea, the heaven 30 and the starres, namely, whether it were by Fortune or by providence, that she was first founded and had her being? For mine owne part, I am of this opinion, that howsoever Fortune and Ver­tue have alwaies had many quarrels and debates otherwise, yet to the framing and composition of so great an empire and puissance, it is very like they had made truce and were at accord; that by one joint-consent also, they wrought both together, and finished the goodliest piece of work that ever was in the world. Neither think I that I am deceived in this conjecture of mine; but am perswaded, that like as (according to the saying of Plato) the whole world was not made at first, of fire and earth, as the two principall and necessarie elements, to the end that it might be visi­ble and palpable, considering that as the earth gave massinesse, poise and firmitude; so fire con­ferred thereunto, colour, forme, and motion. Besides, the other two natures and elements which 40 are betweene these two extremes (to wit, aire and water, by softning, melting, tempering and quenching (as it were) the great dissociation and dissimilitude of the said extremes) have drawen together, incorporate and united by the meanes of them, the first matter; even so, time and God together, intending such a stately piece of worke as Rome, tooke Vertue and Fortune, and those they tempered and coupled in one, as yoke-fellowes; to the end, that of the thing which is proper both to the one and the other, they might found, build, and reare a sacred temple in­deed, an edifice beneficiall and profitable unto all, a strong castle seated upon a firme ground-worke, and an eternall element, which might serve in stead of a maine pillar, to susteine the decaying state of the world, readie to reele and sinke downward; and finally, as a sure anker­hold against turbulent tempests, and wandering waves of the surging seas, (as Democritus 50 was woont to say.) For like as some of the naturall philosophers hold: That the world at the first was not the world, and that the bodies would not joine and mingle themselves together, for to give unto nature a common forme, composed of them all: but when the said bodies, (such as yet were small and scattered heere and there,) slid away, made meanes to escape and flie for feare they should be caught and interlaced with others; such also as were more strong, firme, and compact, even then strove mainly one against another, and kept a foule coile and stirre to­gether, in such manner, as there arose a violent tempest, a dangerous ghust and troublesome [Page 629] agitation, filling all with ruine, error, and shipwracke, untill such time as the earth arose to greatnesse by the tumultuarie concourse of those bodies that grew together, whereby she her­selfe began first to gather a firme consistence; and afterwards yeelded in her-selfe, and all about her a [...] seat and resting place for all other. Semblably, when the greatest empires and poten­tacies among men, were driven and caried to and fro, according to their fortunes, and ranne one against another, by reason that there was not one of that grandence and puissance as might command all the rest, and yet they all desired that sovereignty: there was a woonderfull confu­sion, a generall destruction, a strange hurliburly, a tumultuary wandering, and an universall mutation and change throughout the world, untill such time as Rome grew to some strength and bignesse, partly by laying and uniting to her-selfe the neighbour nations and cities neere 10 about her; and in part, by conquering the seignories, realmes, and dominions of princes sarre of, and strangers be yond sea: by which meanes the greatest and principall things in the world began to rest, and be setled as it were a firme foundation and sure seat, by reason that a generall peace was brought into the world, and the maine empire thereof reduced to one round circle, so firme as it could not be checked or impeached: for that indeed all vertues were seated in those who were the founders and builders of this mightie State; and besides, Fortune also was ready with her favour to second and accompany them; as it shall (more plainly) appeere and be shewed in this discourse ensuing. And now me thinks I see from this project, as it were from some high rocke and watch tower; Vertue and Fortune marching toward the pleading of their cause, and to the judgment and decision of the foresaid question propounded: but vertue in 20 her part and maner of going, seemeth to be milde & gentle, in the carriage also of her eie, staied and composed; the earnest care likewise and desire she hath to mainteine and defend her ho­nor in this contention, maketh her colour a little to rise in her face, albeit she be farre behinde Fortune, who commeth apace, and maketh all the haste she can: now there conduct her, and attend upon her round about in manner of a guard, a goodly traine and troupe

Of worthies brave, who martiall captaines were,
In bloudy warres, and bloudy armours beare.

All wounded in the fore-part of their bodies, dropping with bloud and swet mingled to­gether, leaning upon the truncheons of the launces & pikes halfe broken, which they hud won from their enemies. But would you have us to demand and aske who they might be? They say, 30 that they be the Fabricii, the Camilli, the Lucii surnamed Cincinnati, the Fabii Maximi, the Clau­dii Marcelli, and the two Scipioes: I see also C. Marius all angry, and chasing at Fortune. Mucius Scaevola likewise is amongst them, who sheweth the stump of his burnt hand, crying aloud with­all: And will you ascribe this hand also to Fortune? And Marcus Horatius Cocles that valliant knight, who fought so bravely upon the bridge, covered all over with the shot of Tuskan darts, and shewing his lame thigh, seemeth to speake (from out of the deep whirle-pit of the river into which he leapt) these words: And was it by chance & Fortuue that my legge became broken, & I lame upon it? Loe, what a company came with vertue to the triall of this controversie and matter in question!

All warriours stout, in complet armour dight: 40
Expert in feates of armes, and prest to fight.

But on the other side, the gate and going of Fortune seemes quicke and fast, her spirit great, and courage proud, her hopes high and haughtie: she over-goeth vertue, and approcheth nere at hand already; not mounting and lifting up her selfe now, with her light and flight wings, nor standing a tiptoe upon a round ball or boule, commeth she wavering and doubtfull; and then goeth her way afterwards in discontentment and displeasure: but like as the Spartiates de­scribe Venus, saying; That after she had passed the river Eurotas, she layd by her mirrors and look­ing glasses; cast aside her daintie jewels, and other wanton ornaments, and threw away that tissue and lovely girdle of hers; and taking speare and shield in hand, sheweth her selfe thus pre­pared and set out, unto Lycurgus; euen so Fortune having abandoned the Persians and Assyri­ans, 50 flew quicklie over Macedonia, and soone shooke off Alexander the great: then travailed she a while through Aegipt and Siria, carying after her kingdomes as she went; and so having ruined and ouerthrowen the Carthaginians state, which with much variety and change she had oftentimes upheld; she approched in the end to mount Palatine, and when she had passed over the river Tiber, even there (as it should seeme) she cast off her wings; then she put off her flying patins; her boule so inconstant turning and rolling to and fro she forsooke, and so entred Rome as to make her stay and abode there: and in this guise and maner sheweth she her selfe [Page 630] now, and maketh her apparance for to heare justice, & have this quarrell decided: Not as a base, unknowne, and obscure person (as Pindarus saith) nor guiding and resting with her hand two helmes; but rather as the sister of Eunomia, that is to say Aequitie; and of Peitho, that is to say Perswasion; and the daughter of Promethia, that is to say Providence, according as Alcinus the poet deriveth her genealogie and pedigree. Moreover she holdeth betweene her hands that plentifull Horne of all aboundance, so much celebrated and renowmed, and the same filled, not with store of frutes alwaies fresh and verdant which Autumue yeeldeth, but brim full of all those pretious and exquisite commodites

Which any land or sea doth breed, or out of rivers spring: 10
Which in deepe mines by delfe are found, or hauens by vessels bring.

And those powreth she foorth aboundantly, and giueth abroad in great largesse. There are about her also to be seene in her traine, a number of most noble and right excellent personages, to wit: Numa Pompilius descended from the Sabines; Tarquinius Priscus from the citie Tar­quinii; whom being aliens and meere strangers she enstalled kings, and enthronized in the roi­all seat of Romulus. Also Paulus Aemilius, who brought backe his armie safe and sound from the defaiture of Perseus and the Macedonians, where he atchived so fortunate a victorie, that there was not seene one Romane with a weeping eye, for the losse of any friend in that warre­and when he returned in triumph magnified Fortune. Even so did that good olde knight, Cae­cilius 20 Metellus, surnamed Macedonicus, aswell in regard of his brave victories, as of this rare fe­licitie of his, that he was caried unto his sepulture by foure of his owne sonnes, who had bene all consuls; namely, Quintus Balearius, Lucius Diadematus, Marcus Metellus, and Caius Caprarius: there attended also upon his corps, two sonnes in law of his, that married his daughters, both consular men, and as many nephewes, his daughters children; men of marke and name all, both for great prowesse in feats of armes, and also for their high place which they held in govern­ment of State and commonweale. Aemilius Scaurus likewise (who being of a low degree and condition of life, yet came from a stocke more base than it, a new upstart and of the first head) was raised and advanced by her, and by the meanes of her favour, made a great lord and prince of that high court and honourable counsell, called the Senate. Cornelius Sylla likewise, whom 30 she tooke out of the lap & bosome of Nicopolis a courtisan, for to exalt him above all the Cun­bricke Trophees and Laureat Triumphs; yea, and the seven consulships of Marius, to raise him to that high pitch and sovereigne degree of an absolute monarch in the world, and a dictatour; he (I say) openly and directly gave himselfe (as it were) by way of adoption unto Fortune, and attributed his whole estate and all his actions to her favour, crying with a loud voice with Oedi­pus in Sophocles:

To Fortunes court I owe all sutes,
And her good sonne my selfe reputes.

Insomuch as in the Romane language he surnamed himselfe Felix, that is to say, Happie: and unto the Greeks, he wrote thus in their tongue: [...] that is to say: 40 Lucius Cornelius Sylla, beloved of Venus and the Graces. And verily those trophees of his, which are to be seene in our countrey of Chaeronea, in regard of those noble victories which he gained against the lieutenants generall of king Mithridates, have the like inscription, and that right worthily. For it is not the night (as Menander saith) but Fortune, that is best acquainted and in greatest favour with Venus. Should not he therefore (who is desirous to plead the cause of Fortune) doe very well to lay this for a good ground of his plea, and in the forefront and Ex­ordium of his oration, bring in very fitly and properly for his witnesses to depose, the Romans themselves, who have ascribed more unto Fortune than to Vertue? Certes, late it was among them, & after many ages, ere Scipio Numantinus builded a temple to Vertue: & after him, Mar­cellus caused to be built that chapel bearing the name, Virtutis & Honoris, that is to say, Of Ver­and 50 Honour: like as Aemilus Scaurus gave order for another to be reared by the name of Men­tis, that is to say, of understanding; even about the time of the Cunbricke warre: in which age, (when literature, and professors of learning & eloquence, flocked thicke, as it were, and resorted to the citie of Rome) they beganne to have in price and reputation, such matters: and yet to this very day there is not one chapell of Wisdome, Temperance, Patience & Magnanimitie, ne yet of Continence; whereas of Fortune there be temples so stately, so glorious, and so ancient withall, that a man would take them to have bene edified even in maner when the first foundati­ons, [Page 631] of the citie were laid. For first and formost, Ancus Martius the nephew or daughters sonne of king Numa, and the fourth king of Rome after Romulus, founded one in the honour of For­tune. And peradventure he it was that surnamed Fortune, Virilis, and derived it of Fortis; for that Virility, that is to say, Manhood, and Fortitude, that is to say Prowesse and Valour, have most helpe by Fortune, to the atchieving of victorie. As for that temple of Feminine Fortune, named otherwise Muliebris, they built it also before the daies of Camillus, at what time as Mar­tius Coriolanus (who led under banners displaied, against the city of Rome, a puislant power of the Volscians) was turned backe and retired, by the meanes and intercession of certeine noble dames that encountered him: for those ladies went in a solemne ambassage toward him, accom­panied with his wife and mother; and so earnestly intreated and effectually perswaded with him, 10 that in the end they prevailed, insomuch, as for their sakes he pardoned and spared the citie, and so withdrew the forces of that barbarous nation: and then it was (by folks sayings) that the sta­tue or image of Fortune at the dedication thereof, pronounced these words: You have (good Romane dames) according to the ordinance of the citie, consecrated me right devoutly. And verily Furius Camillus (at what time as he had quenched the flaming fire of the Gaules, and re­covered the city of Rome out of the very scoles of the balance where it was to bee weighed in counterpoise against a certeine quantitie of golde) erected a temple, neither to Good counsell nor to Valour, but unto To Aius [...] as som thinke; to the goddesse [...] as O others. Fame and Rumour, even in that very place by the new street, where (by report) Marcus Caeditius as hee went by the way, heard in the night a voice, that gave war­ning and advertised, that shortly after they should looke for the Gaules to warre upon them. 20 As for that temple (upon the banke of the river Tyber) of Fortune surnamed Fortis, that is to say, Strong, Martiall, Valiant, and Magnanimous, for that to her belonged generositie and the forcible power to tame and overcome all things, they built a temple to the honour of her, with­in the orchards and gardens that Caesar (by his last will and testament) bequeathed unto the people of Rome; as being perswaded that himselfe (by the gracious favour of Fortune) became the greatest man of all the Romans, as himselfe doth testifie. As concerning Julius Caesar, I would have bene abashed and ashamed to say, that through the favour of Fortune he was lifted up to that rare greatnesse, but that his owne selfe beareth witnesse thereof: for being departed from Brindois the fourth day of Ianuary, and imbarked for to pursue Pompeius, even at the verie height and in the heart of Winter, he crossed the seas most safely, as if Fortune had held in, the 30 tempestuous weather of that season; and when he found Pompeius strong and puissant aswell by sea as land, as having all his forces assembled together about him in a set and standing campe, being himselfe but weake and accompanied with a small power; for that the companies which Antonius and Sabinus should have brought, lingered and staied behinde, he adventured to take sea againe; and putting himselfe into a small frigat, sailed away unknowen both to the master, and also to the pilot of the said barke, in simple habit, as if he had bene some meane and ordina­ry servitor: but by occasion of a violent returne of the tide, ful against the current of the river, & withall, of a great tempest that arose, seeing that the pilot was readie to alter his course, and turne abaft backe, he plucked away his garment from his head where with he sat hoodwinked, and dis­covered his face, saying unto the pilot: Holde the helme hard (good fellow) and be not afraid 40 to set forward: be bolde (I say) hoise sailes, spred them open to the winde at aventure, and feare not, for thou hast aboord, Caesar and his Fortune. So much perswaded was he, and confidently assured, that Fortune sailed with him, accompanied him in all his marches and voiages, assi­sted him in the campe, aided him in battell. conducted and directed him in all his warres: whose worke indeed it was, and could proceed from nothing els but her, to command a calme at sea, to procure faire weather and a Summer season in Winter; to make them swift and nimble, who otherwise were most slow and heavie; to cause them to be couragious, who were grearest cow­ards and most heartlesse; and that which is more incredible than all the rest, to force Pompey to flie, and Ptolemeus to kill his owne guest, to the end that Pompey might die, and yet Caesar be not stained with his bloudshed. What should I alledge the testimonie of his sonne, the first empe­rour 50 surnamed Augustus, who for the space of fiftie yeeres and foure, was absolute commander both by sea and land of the whole world? who when he sent his nephew or sisters sonne to the warres, praied and wished at Gods hands for no more, but that he might prove as valiant as Sci­pio, and as well beloved as Pompey, and as fortunate as himselfe; ascribing the making of himselfe as great as he was, unto Fortune; as if a man should intitle some singular piece of worke with the name of the workeman or artificer: which Fortune of his, was the cause that he got the start and vantage of Cicero, Lepidus, Pausa, Hirtius, and Marcus Antonius, by whose counsels, brave [Page 632] exploits and prowesses, expeditions, victories, voiages, armadoes, legions, campes, and in one word, by these warres, as well by sea as by land, she made him ever chiefe and principall, lifting him on high still, and putting them downe by whom hee was mounted and advanced; untill in the end, hee remained alone, and had no peere nor second. For it was for his sake that Cicero gave counsell: Lepidus ledde an armie; Pansa vanquished the enimie; Hirtius lost his life in the sield; and Antonius lived riotously in drunkennesse, gluttonie, and lecherie: for I reckon Cleopatra among the favors that Fortune did to Augustus, against whom, as against some rock, Antonius so great a commaunder, so absolute a prince, and mightie triumvir, should runne him­selfe, be split, and sinke; to the end that Caesar Augustus might survive and remaine alone. And to this purpose reported it is of him; that there being so inward acquaintance and familia­rity, 10 as there was among them, that they used often to passe the time away together in playing at tennis, or at dice, or seeing some prety sport of cocks and quailes of the game, which were kept for the nonce to sight: when Antonius went evermore away with the worst, and on the loo­sing hand; one of his familiar friends, (a man well seene in the art of divination) would manie times frankly say unto him by way of remonstrance and admonition: Sir, what meane you to meddle or have any dealing with this yoong gentleman, (meaning Augustus) Fly and avoid his company, I advise you; more renowmed and better reputed you are than he; his elder you are, you have a greater commaund and seignorie than he, more expert in feats of armes, and of better experience and practise by farre: but good sir, your Genius or familiar spirit is afraid of his, your Fortune, which by it selfe apart is great, flattereth and courteth his, and unlesse 20 you remoove your selfe farre from him, it will forsake you quite and goe unto him.

Thus you see what evidences and proofes Fortune may alledge for herselfe, by way of testi­monie. But we are besides to bring foorth those which are more reall, and drawen from the things themselves, beginning our discourse at the very foundation and nativitie as it were of Rome city. In the first place therefore, who will not say and confesse, that for the birth, the pre­servation, the nouriture, rearing, and education of Romulus, well might the excellencies of Ver­tue be the hidden ground-worke, and first foundation; but surely it was Fortune alone that rai­sed the same above ground, and built all up? For to beginne at the verie generation and pro­creation, even of those, who first founded and planted the citie of Rome, they seeme both to proceed from a woonderfull favour of rare Fortune: for it is said, that their mother lay with 30 god Mars, and was by him conceived: and like as the report goeth, that Hercules was begot­ten in a long night, by reason that the day extraordinarily, and besides the course of nature was held backe, and the sunne staied in his race and rising; even so we finde it recorded in histories, that when Romulus was gotten, and conceived, the sunne became ecclipsed, by reason of his ful conjunction indeed with the moone, like as Mars being a very god, medled with Sylvia a mortall woman: also that the same hapned againe unto Romulus, just upon the very same day when hee was translated out of this life: for they say, that even at the very instant when the sunne entred into the ecclipse, he also departed out of sight, and was no more seene; which fell out to be upon the day called Nonae Capratinae: upon which day, the Romans doe still at this present celebrate a solemne feast. Now when these first founders were in this manner bred and 40 borne; after that the tyrant sought to make them away, by good fortune it hapned, that the mi­nister to take them and execute the deed, was neither a barbarous nor a mercilesse cruell slave, but a gracious and pitifull servitour, who would in no wise murder the silly babes: but find­ing a convenient place, upon the banke by the river side, adjoyning hard to a faire greene meddow, and shadowed with pretie trees growing low by the ground; there he bestowed the infants, neere unto a wilde sigge tree, which they called afterwards Ruminalis; for that a teat or pappe in Latin is called Ruma: which done, it chaunced that a bitch-woolfe having newly whel­ped her litter, and feeling her pappes bestruct with milke, and so stiffe by reason that her yoong ones were dead, that they aked againe, and were ready to burst, seeking to be eased and to dis­charge her-selfe thereof; came gently to these babes, stooped downe, and seemed to winde a­bout 50 them, put unto them her teats, desirous & labouring to be delivered of her milk, as if it had beene a second litter: And then (see the fortune of it) a certeine bird (consecrated to Mars, which thereupon men name in Latine Picus Martius, that is to say, a Speght or Wood-pecker) chaunced to approch neere, and having alighted gently upon the tips of her toes fast by them, & softly opened with one of her clees the mouthes of these infants, one after another, she con­veied into them certeine morsels, minced small, even of her owne food & provision. That this is true, the said wilde fig tree at this day is named Ruminalis of the woolves teat, called in Latine [Page 633] Ruma, which she held unto the babes for to suckle them, doth testifie. And long time after, the inhabitants about that place have observed this custome; not to expose and cast foorth any thing that is bred and borne amongst them; but to reare and nourish all, in a venerable memo­riall of this happe and resemblance of the accident which befell unto Romulus and his brother Remus. Now that these two fondlings were nourished and brought up afterward in the citie of Gabii, unknowen to all the world that they were the children of Sylvia, and the nephewes or daughters children of Numitor the king; may seeme to be a craftie theevish cast, and deceit­full sophistrie, proceeding from Fortune; to the end that they shold not perish before they had done some woorthy exploit, by reason of their noble birth, but be discovered by their ve­ry deeds and effects; shewing their vertue as a marke of their nobilitie. And heere I call to 10 minde a certeine speech which Themistocles (a brave and wise captaine) upon a time gave to some other captaines, who after him, and in a second place, were in great name at Athens, and much esteemed, howbeit pretending to deserve more honour than he: The morrow-mind (quoth he) quarrelled and contended upon a time with the feast or holi-day, which went before it, saying: That she was [...] full of labour and businesse, and never had any rest; whereas in her there was nothing but eating and drinking that, which before hand had beene prepared and provided with great paine and travell; unto whom the feast made this answer: Certes, true it is, that thou saiest; but if I had not bene, where hadst thou bene? Even so (quoth Themistocles) if I had not conducted the Medians warre, what good would you have done now? and where had your imploiment bene? Semblably, me thinks that Fortune saith the same unto the Vertue 20 of Romulus: Thy acts are famous, and thy deeds renowmed; thou hast shewed by them indeed, that descended thou art from divine bloud and some heavenly race; but thou seest againe, how farre short thou art of me, how long after me it was, ere thou didst come in place; for if I had not (when time was) shewed my selfe kinde, gracious and courteous unto those poore infants, but had forsaken and abandoned them silly wretches, how could you have had any being, and by what meanes should you have bene so gloriously seene in the world? in case (I say) a female wilde beast, even a shee-wolfe, had not come in the way, having her bigs swollen, enflamed and aking with the plentie of milke, flowing (as it were) a streame unto them, seeking rather whom to feed, than by whō she should be fed? or if she had bene altogether savage indeed & hunger­bitten; these roiall houses, these stately temples, these magnificent theaters, these faire galleries, 30 these goodly halles, palaces and counsell-chambers, had they not bene at this day, the lodges, cottages and stalles of shepherds and herdmen, serving (as slaves) some lords of Alba and Tus­can, or els some masters of the Latine nation? The beginning, in all things, is chiefe and prin­cipall, but especially in the foundation and building of a city; and Fortune is she who is the au­thour of this beginning and foundation, in saving and preserving the founder himselfe: for well may Vertue make Romulus great, but Fortune kept him untill he became great.

It is for certeine knowen and confessed, that the reigne also of Numa Pompilius, which conti­nued long, was guided and conducted by the favour of a marvellous Fortune: for to say that the nymph Aegeria, one of the Wood-Fairies, called Dryades, a wise and prudent goddesse, was ena­moured of him, and that lying ordinarily by his side, taught him how to establish, governe and 40 rule the weale-publicke, peradventure is a meere fabulous tale; considering that other persons, who are recorded to have bene loved by goddesses (and to have enjoied them in mariage; as for example, Peleus, Anchises, Orion & Emathion) had not for all that (thorowout their life) content­ment and prosperitie, without some trouble and adversitie: but surely it seemeth that Numa in very trueth had good Fortune for his domesticall and familar companion, and to reigne jointly with him; which Fortune of his (receiving the citie of Rome, as in a boisterous and troublesome tempest, or in a turbulent sea, to wit, in the enmitie, envie and malice of all the neighbor-cities and nations bordering upon it; and besides disquieted within it selfe, and troubled with an infi­nit number of calamities and seditious factions) quenched all those flames of anger, and alaied all spightfull and malicious grudges, as some boisterous and contrary windes. And like as men 50 say, that the sea, even in mid-winter receiveth the yong brood of the birds Halcyones, after they be newly hatched, and giveth them leave to be nourished and fed in great calme and tranquili­tie; even so Fortune (spreading and drawing round about this people newly planted, and as yet ready to wag and shake every way, such a quiet and still season, void of all busie affaires, without warres, without mortalitie, without danger or feare of danger) gave good meanes unto the citie of Rome to take root and set sure footing, growing still in repose with all securitie, and without any hinderance and impeachment whatsoever. Much like therefore, as a great carraque, hulke [Page 634] or gallie, is framed, wrought and set together by many a knocke and stroke, and that with great violence; whiles it feeleth the blowes of sledges and hammers, is pierced with spikes and great nailes, cut with sawes, axes and hatchets; and when it is once made and finished by the ship­wright, ought to rest quiet and in repose, for a competent time, untill the braces be well setled and fastened, and the joints firmly knit and compact: for otherwise, he that should stirre it, and shoot it into the sea, whiles yet the junctures and commissures be yet greene, fresh, loose, and not well consolidate, all would chinke, cleave and open, when it came to be never so little shaken and tossed by the boisterous billowes of the sea, so that she would leake & take in water thorow­out; even so, the first prince, authour and founder of the city of Rome, having composed it of rusticall peisants and herdmen, as it were, of rough-hewen planks and posts of tough and stub­burne 10 oake, had much adoe, and tooke no small paines, but engaged himselfe farre into sundry warres, and exposed his person and estate to manifold and great dangers, being of necessity en­forced to encounter and fight with those who opposed themselves, and withstood the nativitie (as it were) and foundation thereof, before he could bring his worke to an end; but the second king receiving the same at his hands, gave it good time and leasure to gather strength, and to confirme the growth and augmentation thereof by the favour of happie Fortune, who affoor­ded him the meanes to enjoy great peace and long repose. But if at that time, some such as king Porsenna, had come against it, pitching his campe before it, and leading a strong armie of Tuskans to give assault thereto, whiles the walles were yet greene, soft, and ready to shake with every small thing; or if some puissant prince and potentate, or woorthy warriour from among 20 the Marsians, upon apostasie and revolt; or els some Lucan, for envie or upon a troublesome spirit and desire of contention, a busi-headed person, factious and quarelsome, such an one as afterwards Mutius or stout Silon was, surnamed the Bolde; or last of all, Telesinus, with whom Sylla scuffled, an found himselfe somewhat to do; him I meane, who (as it were) with one signall could make all Italie rise and take armes: if one of these (I say) had come and given the al­arme, environing and assailing with sound of trumpets this Sage-like prince and philosopher Numa, whiles he was at sacrifice, or in his devotions and praiers to the gods; surely the citie in that infancy of hers and first beginnings, had never bene able to have held out and withstood so great a storme and tempest, neither had it growen up as it did, to so goodly a number of lustie and serviceable men: whereas, it seemeth that the long peace which continued under this king, 30 served in stead of a provision of furniture and all sorts of munition for innumerable warres en­suing; and the people of Rome, much like unto a champion who hath to fight a combat, having bene exercised and enured at leasure, in a peaceable time, for the space of three and forty yeeres after the warres which they had fought under Romulus, became strong enough, and sufficient to make head against those that afterwards assailed them: for it is for certeine recorded, that du­ring all that time, there was neither pestilence nor famine, no unkinde barrennesse of the earth, nor unseasonable distemperature of Winter or Summer, to afflict or trouble the city of Rome, as if there had beene no humane providence, but onely a divine Fortune which tooke the care and government of all those yeeres. In those daies likewise it was, that the two-leaved doores of the temple of Janus were shut up and locked fast, those (I meane) which they call the gates of 40 warre, for that they were set open in the time of warre, and kept shut when it was peace. No soo­ner was king Numa dead, but these gates were opened for the Albane warre, which brake out sud­denly and with great violence, and so stood open still, during an infinit number of other warres ensuing continually one after another thereupon: but in processe of time, namely, about foure hundred and foure score yeres after, they were shut againe, when the first Punicke warre was en­ded, and peace concluded with the Carthaginians, even that yeere, wherein C. Attilius and Titus Manlius were consuls. After this, they were set open by occasion of new warres, which lasted untill the very time that Caesar Augustus wan that noble victorie under the Promontory Actium. Then had the Romans a cessation or surcease of armes, but the same continued not long; for that the tumultuous stirres of the Biscains, the Galatians and Germains comming all together, 50 troubled the peace. And thus much may serve out of histories, for testimonies in behalfe of the felicity and good Fortune of king Numa.

But the Kings also that raigned in Rome after him, highlie honoured Fortune, as the chiefe patronesse, nourse, and the prop or piller, as Pindarus saith, which supported and upheld the citie of Rome; as we may judge by the reasons and arguments following. There is at Rome, I wot well, the temple of Vertue highlie honored: but founded it was and built of late daies, even by Marcellus, who forced and won the citie of Syracusa. There was another also in the honor of [Page 635] reason, understanding, or good advice, which they called by the name of Mentis: but Aemilius Scaurus was the man who dedicated it; about the time of the Cimbricke warres. For that by this, the learning, the artes and pleasant eloquence of the Greekes were crept already into the citie: but, to wisdome there is not yet to this day so much as one temple or chappell; neither to temperance, not patience; ne yet to magnanimitie, wheras of Fortune there be many churches and temples verie auncient, and those much frequented; and to speake in one word, celebrated with all kinds of honor; as being founded and erected amid the noblest parts, and most conspi­cuous places of the citie. For there is the temple of Masculine Fortune called; Fortuna virilis, which was built by Martius Ancus the fourth king of Rome, and by him so called; for that he thought that Fortune availed as much as Fortitude to the obtaining of victorie. As for the o­ther, 10 entituled by the name of Fortune Feminine; otherwise called Fortuna Muliebris, everie man knoweth that they were the dames of the citie, who dedicated it, after they had averted and turned backe Martius Coriolanus, who was come with a puisant power of enemies, and pre­sented himselfe before the citie. And Servius Tullius who augmented the puissance of the peo­ple of Rome. and brought it unto a goodlie and beautifull maner of government, no prince so much, having set downe and established a good order for the giving of suffrages and voices at the elections of magistrates, and enacting of lawes: and besides instituted the order of mil­litarie discipline; having been himselfe the first censour of mens maners, and the controller or overseer of every mans life and behaviour; who seemed also to have been a right valiant prince, and most prudent withall: this man I say, whollie avowed himselfe the vassaile of For­tune, 20 and did homage to her, acknowledging all principalitie to depend upon her; in such sort as men say Fortune her selfe used to come & lie with him, descending downe by a window into his chamber; which now the call the gate Fenestella. He founded therefore within the Capi­toll one temple to the honor of Fortune, called Primigenia, which a man may interpret, first be­gotten; and another to Fortune obsequens, which some take to be as much as obeisant; others, gratious and fauourable. But not to stand any longer upon the Romaine names and appella­tions; I will leave them, & endevour to reckon up and interpret in Greeke the meaning and sig­nification of all these temples, founded and dedicated in the honor of Fortune. For in the mount Palatine there standeth one chappell of private Fortune, and another of gluing Fortune: which tearme may haplie seeme to be ridiculous; howbeit, by way of a metaphor it carieth a 30 signification verie important, as if we were to understand thus much by it: That it draweth unto it, and catcheth those things which be farre off, and holdeth fast whatsoever sticketh and clea­veth to it. Moreouer, neere unto the fountaine called Muscosa, that is to say, mossie; there is another chappell of Fortune the virgin: as also in the mount Esquiltus, another of Aduerse For­tune; upon the streete called the Long Way, an altar there is erected to Fortune Good­hope; or, as it were Hope: and neere adjoining unto the altar of Venus Epi-talaria, that is is to say, Foote-winged Venus, a chappell and image of Fortune, Masculine: besides a thou­sand honors and denominations more of Fortune, which Servius for the most part instituted and ordeined; as knowing full well, that in the regiment of all humane things, Fortune is of great importance, or rather can doe all in all. And good reason he had therefore, considering 40 that himselfe by the beneficiall favor of Fortune, being descended as he was by birth from a captive, and that of an enemie nation, was raised and advaunced to royall dignitie. For when the citie of the Corniculanes was won forciblie by the Romanes, a certaine young damsell na­med Ocrisia, being taken prisoner (who notwithstanding her infortunate captivitie; was neither for beauty of face, nor comely behaviour blemished or stained) was given unto queene Tana­quil, the wife of king Tarquin, to serve her, and afterwards bestowed in marriage upon one of the reteiners or dependants to the king; such as the Romans call Clientes: and from these two came this foresaid Servius. Others say, that it was nothing so; but that this maiden Ocrisia ta­king ordinarily certaine first-frutes or assaies as it were, both of viands and wine from the kings table, carried the same to the hearth of the domesticall altar; and when one day above the rest 50 she cast these primicies or libaments aforesaid (as her usuall manner was) into the fire upon the hearth; behold all on the sudden when the flame went out; there arose out of the said hearth, the genitall member of a man; whereat the yoong damosell being affrighted, reported what a strange sight she had seene, unto queene Tanaquil alone: who being a wise and wittie la­die, appparelled and adorned the maiden like a bride in every respect, and shut her up with the foresaid apparition; taking it for a divine thing, presaging some great matter. Some say, that this was the domesticall or tutelar god of the house, whom they call Lar; others Vulcane, who was [Page 636] enamored of this yoong virgine: but whatsoever it was, Ocrisia was thereupon with childe, and so was Servius borne. Now whiles he was but an infant, there was seene a shining light, much like unto the flash of lightning, to blaze out of his head round about. But Valerius Antias re­cordeth this narration otherwise: saying, that Servius had a wife named Gegania, who hapned to die; by occasion of whose death, hee grew into a great agonie and passion of sorrow, in the presence of his mother, untill in the end for very heavinesse and melancholy, hee fell a sleepe, and as he slept, the woman of the house might perceive his head shining out in a light fire; a sufficient argument and testimonie, that engendred he was of fire; yea, and an assured presage of a kingdome unlooked for; which he attained unto after the decease of Tarquinius, by meanes of the port and favour that Tanaquil graced him with. For otherwise, of all the kings that were 10 of Rome, he seemed to bee the man that was unlikest to reach unto a monarchie, and least intended, or minded to aspire thereunto: considering that when he was king, he determined to resigne up the crowne; though hee was empeached and staied for so doing: because Tanaquil upon her death-bed conjured and bound him by an oath to continue in his roiall estate and dig­nitie, and in no case to give over the politike government of the Romans, wherein hee was borne. Lo, how the regall power & kingdome of Servius may be wholly ascribed unto Fortune, seeing that as hee came unto it beyond all hope and expectation, so hee held it even against his will.

But to the end it may not be thought, that we withdraw our selves and retire, flying unto an­tiquitie, as it were into a place obscure and darke, for want of more cleere and evident proofes, 20 let us leave the historie of the kings, and turne our speech unto the most glorious acts of the Romans, and their warres, which were of greatest name and renowme: wherein I will not deny; and who is there but must confesse? there did concurre

Both boldnesse stout and fortitude, with martiall discipline,
In warre which aie cooperant with vertue doth combine.

according as Timotheus the poet writeth? but the prosperous traine and happy course of their affaires, the violent streame also, & current of their progresse into such puissance & growth of greatnesse, sheweth evidently unto those who are able to discourse with reason, and to judge aright, that this was a thing conducted neither by the hands nor counsels, ne yet by the affecti­ons 30 of men, but by some heavenly guidance and divine direction, even by a fore-winde and gale of Fortune blowing at the poupe, and hastening them forward. Trophees upon trophees by them were erected, one triumph met with another continually; the former bloud upon the weapons not yet cooled, but still warme was washed away by new bloudshed comming upon it: they reckoned and numbered their victories, not by the multitude of enemies slaine and heapes of spoiles, but counted them by realmes subdued, by nations conquered and brought to subjection, by isles and firme lands of the continent reduced into servitude and bondage, and all to augment the greatnesse of their empire. In one battell king Philip was chased out of Macedonia: one blow and one conflict caused Antiochus to abandon and forgoe Asia: by 40 one defaiture the Carthaginians lost Lybia: one man alone in one expedition, and by the power of one armie, All this is to be understood of Pompeius Magnus. conquered unto them Armenia, the kingdome of Pontus, the sea Euximus, Syria, Arabia, the Albanians, the Iberians, all the nations even as farre as the mountaine Cau­casus, and the Hircanians, yea and the very ocean sea which environeth the world round about; saw the same man thrise victor and conquerour: the Nomades in Affricke he repressed and vanquished, even to the coasts of the south sea: he subdued Spaine which revolted and rebelled with Sertorius, as far as to the atlantike sea: the kings of the Albanians he pursued, & never left the chase until he had driven them to the Caspian sea. Al these brave exploits and glorious con­quests he atchieved, so long as he used the publique Fortune of the citie, but afterwards he was overthrowen and came to ruine by his owne private desires. Now that great Daemon and tute­lar 50 god of the Romans, did not second them for a day as it were and no more; neither in a short time did his best and came to the height and vigor of his gracious favour, as that of the Mace­donians; nor gave them his assistance upon the land onely, as he who was the patron of the La­cedemonians; or at sea alone, as the Athenians god; ne yet was long ere he would stirre, as he whom the Colophonians trusted upon; no, nor gave over quickly, as the Persians patron did: but even from the very nativitie and foundation of the citie; it began, it grow up, waxed, and went forward as it did, it managed the government of it, it continued firme and sure with it, by [Page 637] land, by sea, in warre, in peace, against Barbarians, and against the Greeks: He it was that when Anniball the Carthaginian overspred all Italy, in manner of a land- [...] , or violent brooke, wrought it so, that partly through envie, and in part through the malice of his spight­full fellow-citizens, no succours and supplies were sent to feed and mainteine him; and so by that meanes wasted, spent, and consumed him to nothing in the end: he it was that dispersed and kept the armies and forces of the Cimbrians, & Teutonians a great way, and a long time a­sunder, so as they could not meet; to the end that Marius might be furnished and provided suf­ficiently to fight with them, and to defait them both, one after another: hee empeached the joining together of three hundred thousand sighting men at one time, all invincible soldiers, and appointed with armes insuperable, that they might not invade and over-runne all Italy. 10 For this cause, and by the meanes of this protector, Antiochus sat still, and stirred not to aid Philip, all the whiles that the Romans made sharpe warre upon him: likewise, when Antiochus was in distresse and danger of his whole estate, Philip being discomfited before, durst not hold up his head, and died the while: he, and none but he procured, that whiles the Marsians warre set all Rome and Italy on a light fire, the Sarmatian, and Bastarnianwarre held king Mithridates oc­cupied. Finally, through his procurement, king Tigranes, when Mithridates flourished, and was in his ruffe most puissant, upon suspition, envie, and distrust, would not joine with him; and af­terwards when the said Mithridates had an overthrow, combined and banded with him, that in the end he might also lose his life and perish with him for company.

What! in the greatest distresses and calamities that lay heavie upon the citie; was it not the 20 Romane Fortune that redressed all, and set it upright againe? As for example: When as the Gaules were encamped round about the mount Capitoll, and held the castle besieged:

A plague she sent, the souldiers soone fell sicke,
Throughout their host, whereof they died thicke.

Fortune also it was, & meere chance, that revealed their comming in the night, & gave adver­tisement thereof, when no man in the world either knew or doubted thereof: and peradventure it would not be impertinent and besides the purpose, in this place to discourse of it more at large. After the great discomfiture and overthrow that the Romans received neere the river Allia; as many as could save themselves by good foot-manship, when they were come to Rome, filled the whole citie with a fright and trouble; insomuch, as the people woonderfully a­mazed 30 with this fearefull newes, fledde scattering heere and there, excepting onely a few, who put themselves within the castle of the Capitoll, resolved to keepe that piece, and abide the ex­tremitie of the siege: others who escaped after that unfortunate battell and defeiture, assem­bled themselves immediately in the citie Veii; and chose for their dictator Furius Camillus, a man, whō the people (proud & insolent upon their long prosperitie) had before time rejected, and sent away into banishment, condemning him for robbing the common treasure; but then being humbled by his affliction, and brought to a low ebbe; called him backe againe, after that discomfiture; committing and putting into his hands, the absolute power and soveraigne au­thoritie; but to the end it might not be thought, that it was by the occasion of the iniquitie and infortunity of the time, and not according to order of law, that the man excepted of this high 40 magistracie, and that in a desperate state of the citie, without all hope that ever it should rise againe, he was elected by the tumultuary suffrages of a broken armie, dispersed and wandring heere and there: his will was, that the senators of Rome who had retired themselves within the Capitoll aforesaid, should be made acquainted and advertised thereof, and that by their uni­forme consent, they might approove and confirme that election of him, which the souldiors and men of warre had decreed. Now among the others, there was one named Caius Pontius, a valiant and hardy man, who undertooke, and promised in his owne person to goe and carry the newes of that which had beene determined, unto those who abode within the Capitol: and ve­rily he enterprized a thing exceeding dangerous, for that hee was to passe through the middes of the enemies, who then invested the Capitoll with trenches, and a strong corps-de-guard: 50 when he was come to the river side by night, he fastened just under his brest certeine broad pie­ces of plates of corke, and so committing his body to the lightnesse of such a barge, hee bare himselfe thereupon, and hulled with the course of the water, which was so good and favoura­ble unto him, that it carried him over, and set him gently upon the banke on the other side of the river, without any danger at all; where he was no sooner landed, but hee went directly to­ward that place which he saw was without all light, conjecturing by the darknesse and silence withall, that he should not light upon any of the watch or ward there: thus he began to climbe [Page 638] up the steepe rocke, whereas he could find any way to set sure footing upon the stones that stuck out, or wheresoever he found a place to yeeld better accesse and ascent than another; so fetch­ing a compasse, and catching hold with his hand upon the rough cragges, and bearing him­selfe as well as possibly he could, he made such shift, that in the end he crawled up to the toppe thereof; and there those Romans that kept watch and ward, and were foremost of the corps-de­guard, having espied him, helped to pull him up: then declared hee unto those within the place, what had beene set downe and agreed upon by them who were without, from whom hee had no sooner received their assent and approbation of the foresaid ordinance concluded, but the verie same night he made his returne the way that he came, unto Camillus: the next mor­ning, one of the barbarous enemies, as hee walked about that place, thinking of no such thing, 10 perceiving by very chaunce, partly the print of a mans tiptoes, together with the marks of un­steady footing, and partly the grasse and weeds crushed and broken, which grew heere and there in such places, where they had some little earth to mainteine them; as also the tracts and traces where he had leaned and wrestled with his bodie, either in clambring up, or striving over­thwart; went straight waies and related unto his fellow-souldiors what he had seene; who ta­king it thus, that the enemies themselves shewed them the way, and trode it out before them, [...] presently to doe the like, and to gaine the toppe of the rocke. In the night time there­fore having observed where the place was most solitary, and void of watchmen, they mounted up, without being descried and discovered, not onely by the men who were in guard and sen­tinell, but not so much as by the dogges, which were set a front before, for to assist the watch, 20 so sleepie they were all, both the one and the other. Howbeit, the good Fortune of Rome wanted no voice to bewray so imminent a danger, and to give warning thereof; for there were within the Capitoll certeine geese consecrated unto the goddesse Juno, kept at the cities charges, in the honour of her, close under her temple: now is this creature of all others by nature very timo­rous, and at every little noise that is made, ready to be affrighted; and at that time especially, by reason that there was within the place great scarcitie of victuals, they were neglected, and for that they were kept somewhat hungry, slept not so soundly as they were wont to doe; by rea­son whereof, at the first, being aware of the enemies comming, even so soone as they had got­ten over the battlements of the wals, they came ful but upon them, & being affrighted besides to see their bright armour, set up such a gagling note after their manner, that all the court of the 30 castle rung with their violent and disonant noise: whereat the Romans were awakened, and suspecting deepely what the matter was, ranne incontinently to the wall, gave the enemies the repulse, and turned them downe with their heads forward: in memoriall of which accidents and occurrents, Fortune goeth as it were in triumph even at this day. For at Rome they are woont upon a certeine set day of the yeere in a solemne procession, to have a dogge carried in a shew, crucisied; and a goose borne in a gorgeous litter upon a rich cushion, most sumptuous­ly dight and set out: which spectacle representeth and sheweth unto us the puissance of For­tune, and the great meanes that she hath to effect all those things with ease and facilitie, which in mans reason seeme unpossible; considering that she giveth a kinde of wittie perceivance and understanding, to brute beasts, otherwise foolish and voide of reason; yea and infuseth 40 bold courage and strength to those which by nature are fearefull, weake, and cowardly. For what man is there, unlesse he be altogether deprived of naturall sense and affection, who would not be astonied and ravished againe with a woonderfull admiration, to consider and discourse af­ter a sort with himselfe, comparing the heavie cheere and mournefull condition of this ci­tie in those daies, with the felicitie and statelie port thereof at this present; to looke up (I saie) to the Capitoll, and behold the riches there, the sumptuositie and magnificence of the monuments and oblations there to bee seene; the excellent pieces of worke, wrought by most cunning artificers, striving who might doe best; the presents of cities, contending who should bee most bounteous and liberall; the crownes sent by kings and princes, and what precious things soever the earth, the sea, the islands, the firme lands of the continent, 50 the rivers, trees, beasts, champain fields, mountaines and metall-mines doe affoord; and in one word, the first fruits and choise parcels of all things in the world, which seeme all to strive one with another, to embelish, grace, adorne, enrich and beautifie this onely place? and withall, to looke backe unto those times past, and consider how it went within a very little, that all this should never have beene, or at least-wise not extant at this day; seeing that all being within the power of mercilesse fire, fearefull darknesse of the mirke night, cruell and barbarous swords, and most bloudy minds and inhumane hearts of these Gaules; the poore contemptible beasts, foo­lish, [Page 639] reasonlesse and timorous, made the overture to save all, and were the principall instruments of preservation; also, how those brave gallants, valourous knights, and great captaines and com­manders, the Manlii, the Servii, the Posthumii and Papyrii, the ancestours and progenitours of so many noble houses afterwards, were very neere and at the point to have beene undone for ever, and come to nothing; had not these silly geese awakened and started up to fight for their countrey, and to defend the god, patron, and protectour of the city. And if it be true that Poly­bius writeth in the second booke of his historie, as touching those Gaules, who at that time sur­prised the city, and were lords of Rome: That when newes came suddenly unto them, how cer­teine of their barbarous neighbous neere at hand, were entred in armes within their owne countrey, and won all before them as they went; they had returned in hast backe, and made peace 10 with Camillus, certes, without all doubt, Fortune even then had bene the cause also of the cities safetie, in distracting the enemies, or rather in withdrawing them another way contrary to all hope and expectation of man. But what need we to stand thus upon these old histories, where­in there is no certeintie to build upon delivered; considering that the state of Rome was then ruinate, and all their annales, records, registers and memorials either perished or confounded, according as Livie himselfe hath left in writing; seeing that the affaires of the Romans which happened afterward, and cary more light and perspicuitie with them, declare and testifie suffici­ently the love and indulgence of Fortune? For mine owne part, I count this for one singular favor of hers, to wit, the death of Alexander the Great, a prince of incomparable courage, and spirit invincible, who being lifted up by many great prosperities, glorious conquests and happy 20 victories, lanced himselfe in maner of a starre volant in the aire, leaping out of the East into the West, and beginning not to shoot the flaming beames and flashing raies of his armour as farre as into Italie; having for a pretense and colourable cause of this enterprise and expedition of his, the death of his kinsman Alexander the Milossian, who together with his army, was by the Brutians and Lucanians (neere unto the citie Pandaesia) put to the sword and cut in pieces: al­though (in trueth) that which caried him thus against all nations, was nothing els but a desire of glory and sovereignty, having proposed this unto himselfe upon a spirit of zeale and emulati­on, to surpasse the acts of Bacchus and Hercules, and to go with his armie beyond the bounds of their voiages and expeditions. Moreover, he had heard say, that he should find the force and valour of the Romans, to be as it were a gad of steele, to give edge unto the sword of Italie; and 30 he knew well enough (by the generall voice and report abroad in the world, which was brought unto him) that famous warriours they were, and of greatest renowme, as being exercised and hardened like stout champions in warres and combats innumerable,

And verily, as I do weene.
A bloudy fight there would have beene,

if the undanted and unconquered hearts of the Romans, had encountred in the field with the in­vincible armies of the Macedonians: for surely the citizens of Rome were no fewer at that time in number, by just computation, than a hundred and thirty thousand fighting men, able all to beare armes, and hardy withall:

Who expert were on horsebacke for to fight, 40
And when they saw their time, on foot to light.

The rest of this discourse is lost, wherein we misse the reasons and arguments that Vertue alledgeth for herselfe in her plea. 50

THE MORALS OR 10 MISCELLANE WORKS OF PLUTARCH. The second Tome.

THE SYMPOSIAQVES OR 20 TABLE-QUESTIONS. The first Booke.

The Summarie.

1 WHether we may discourse of learning or philosophie at the table.

2 Whether the master of the feast ought himselfe to place his guests, or suffer them to sit and take their places at their owne discretion. 30

3 What is the cause that the place at the boord, called Consular, is held to be most ho­nourable.

4 What maner of person the Symposiarchor master of the feast ought to be.

5 What is meant by this usuall speech: Love teacheth us poetrie or musicke.

6 Whether Alexander the Great were a great drinker.

7 How it is, that old folke commonly love to drinke meere wine undelaied.

8 What is the cause, that elder persons reade better afarre-off than hard-by.

9 What might the reason be that clothes are washed better in fresh & potable water than in sea water.

10 Why at Athens, the dance of the tribe or linage Aeantis, is never adjudged to the last place. 40

THE SYMPOSIAQUES OR Table-questions.

THE FIRST QUESTION.

Whether we may discourse of learning and philosophie at the table.

SOme there be (sir Sossius Senerio) who say that this ancient pro­verbe in Greeke, [...]

At banquet, wine, or any fest, 50
I hate a well remembring guest.

was meant of Some were called in La­tine, Reges & [...] . hosteliers or rulers at feasts, who ordinarily are odi­ous, troublesome, uncivill, saucy, and imperious at the table. For the Dorians who in old time inhabited Italie (as it should seeme) were wont to call such an one, [...] Others againe, be of opinion, that this proverbe admonisheth and teacheth us to forget all that hath beene done and said at the boord, and among our cuppes, when we [Page 642] have beene mery together. Heereupon it is, that in our countrey, men commonly say: That both oblivion and also the palmar, or the plant Ferula, that is to say, Fenel-giant, be consecra­ted unto Bacchus; which giveth us to understand, that the errours and faults which passe at the table, are either not to be remembred at all, or els deserve to be chasticed gently as children are. But seeing you also are of the same minde that Euripides was, namely: That howsoever

Bad things and filthie to forget,
Indeed, is counted wisdome great,

yet the oblivion generally of all that is spoken at the boord and when we drinke wine, is not only repugnant to this vulgar saying: That the table makes many a friend; but also hath divers of the most renowmed and excellent philosophers to beare witnesse to the contrary, to wit, Plato, 10 Xenophon, Aristotle, Speusippus, Epicurus, Prytanis, Hieronymus and Dion the Academique, who all have thought and reputed it a thing woorth their travell, to put downe in writing, the talke that had bene held at meat & drinke in their presence. And for that you have thought it meet, that I also should collect and gather together the principall and most memorable points of learned discourses, which have passed sundry times and in divers places, both here and there; I meane aswell at Rome among you, as also with us in Greece, when we were eating and drinking together among our friends; I setled my selfe unto it willingly; and having sent unto you three books heretofore, conteining every one of them ten questions, I will shortly send you the rest, if I may perceive that these which you have already, were not altogether thought unlearned, im­pertinent, and without good grace. 20

The first question then, which I have set abroad, is this: Whether it be a seemly and decent thing, to philosophize, that is to say: To speake and treat of matters of learning at the table? for you may remember very well, that this question being moved upon a time at Athens after supper: Whether it were befitting those who are come to make good cheere, for to enter into speech, or mainteine discourse, as touching philosophicall matters or no? and if it were: How far-forth it might be allowed, and within what bounds it ought to be limited? Ariston, one of the company there present: What (quoth he) and are there any persons indeed (tell me for the love of God) who denie philosophers and learned men a roome at the boord? Yea mary are there (my good friend, quoth I againe) who not onely doe so, but also in good earnest and great gravitie (after their ironicall maner) give out and say: That philosophie, which is (as it 30 were) the mistresse of the house, ought not to be heard speaking at the boord, where men are met to make merry; who commend also the maner of the Persians for good and wise, who ne­ver would seeme to drinke wine merily, and untill they were drunke, nor yet to daunce with their wedded wives, but in the company of their concubines: for semblably, they would have us at our feasts and banquets, to bring in musicke, dances, plaies, masks and counterfeit pleasures, but in no wise meddle with philosophie; as if she were never meet for mirth and play, nor we at such a time fit and disposed for serious study. For even so the oratour Isocrates (say they) could never be brought to make any other answere to those that earnestly intreated him, and were very urgent, that he should make some good speech before them, when he and they were drinking wine, but this: The time fitteth not now for those matters which I professe, and have skill in; 40 and of such things as this present time requireth, I am altogether unskilfull. Then Crato crying out with a loud voice: Now so god Bacchus helpe me (quoth he) I con the man thanke, and commend him highly, for refusing and (as it were) forswearing talke at table, in case he meant those long clauses and tedious traines or periods of sentences of his, wherewith he should have driven away all the Graces from the feast. But, in my conceit, it is not all one, to bauish from the boord an affected speech or rhetorical language; & to chase away a philosophical discourse; for certeinly, philosophie is a farre different thing, which being the arte professing to teach us how we are to live, there is no reason to shut the doores against her, at any game, sport, or plea­sant pastime for our recreation whatsoever: for she ought to stand by, and be present at all, for to instruct us what time, what measure and meane we should observe: unlesse by the same rule, 50 we will say, that we must not admit to our feasts, either Justice or Temperance, or other vertues, as scorning and scoffing (forsooth) their venerable gravitie. Now, if we were to eat and drinke some where in a solemne judiciall hall or publike place of justice, as the maner is of those who feasted Orestes, and enterteined him with all silence; somewhat it were, and peradventure it might serve for some pretense or excuse (though the same were but an untoward and unhappie precedent) to colour and cloake our ignorance and incivilitie: but in case, Bacchus be by right surnamed Lysius or Lydius, that is to say, the Deliverer and Setter-free of all things, and princi­pally [Page 643] of the tongue, from which it taketh away the bit and bridle, giving all libertie to the voice; I suppose it were meere folly and sottishnesse indeed, to deprive that time (which commonly is most talkative and fullest of words) of the best speeches and most fruitfull discourses: It were ab­surd (I say) to dispute in schoole, what duties are to be observed at a feast; what is the office of a guest; how a man should be have himselfe at the table; & in what sort he ought to drinke wine; and then afterwards wholly bereave all banquets and feasts of philosophy, as if she were not able to confirme that by deed, which she prescribeth and teacheth in word. And when thereupon, you inferred and said: That it was unmeet and bootlesse to goe about for to contradict Crato in these points, but it behooved rather to studie what limits to appoint, and what prescript forme to set downe of philosophicall discourses at the table, to avoid that jest (which usually and not 10 unpleasantly is cast foorth at them, who are given litigiously to cavill, argue and dispute, when they should eat) taken out of this verse of Homer:

For this time now to supper goe yee,
That soone twixt us a combat may bee.

and with all exhorted and animated me to speake mine advice, I entred into speech and said. That first and formost I thought it a point especially to be considered, what manner of persons are meet at a feast, and what the company is? for if there be more in number of learned men than of others at the boord, such as the table was of Agathon, of Socrates, of Phaedrus, Pausa­nias, Eryximachus, Calhias Charmidas, Antisthenes, Hermogenes and others like unto them, suffer them we will to have philosophicall talke, tempering and mixing Bacchus, (that is to saie 20 wine) no lesse with the muses than with the Nymphes, (that is to saywaters;) for that, as these make him to enter and goe downe into the bodie milde and gentle; so the other may cause him to be as kinde, curteous, and acceptable to the minde. For if so bee there are some few igno­rant and unlettered persons, among many learned and skilfull clearks, yet will they like unto mute letters, and consonants betweene vowels, participate with them in a kinde of voice, not al­together inarticulate and unsignificant, yea, and learne somewhat by those meanes, of their skill and knowledge: but say there be a sort of rude guests, such as can abide to heare either the crowing and singing of any bird whatsoever, or the sound of any string or piece of wood, it skils not what it be, rather than the toong of a philosopher: then were it good to practise that which Pisistratus did; who being at some debate and difference with his owne children, and 30 perceiving that his enemies were well enough contented therewith, and laughed thereat in their sleeves; called a solemne assemblie, wherein hee delivered this speech unto the people: That desirous he had beene indeed to have drawen his children to his owne opinion, but since it would not be, and seeing how obstinate they were bent, he meant to be ruled by them, and to follow their minde; even so a learned man and a philosopher being matched with other guests, that have no list at all to give eare unto his sage sawes and wise words, will raunge himselfe to their side, and change his owne conceit, he will I say, daunce after their pipe, and take pleasure in their pastimes, so long as they exceed not the bounds of honestie and civilitie; as know­ing thus much: That men cannot shew and exercise their eloquence but in speaking, but they may declare and practise their philophie even in silence and saying nothing; yea, and 40 indisporting themselves with others, giving and taking pretie scoffes interchangeably. For it is not onely a point (as Plato saith,) of extreme injustice, when a man is unjust, to make a sem­blance and shew of justice, but also a kind of soveraigne & principal wisdome to philosophie, & yet to seeme no philosopher, & by way of game & mirth, to doe the serious offices of those that are in good earnest, studious: for like as the frantike women in Euripides called Bacchae, without armes or any weapon of iron and steele, onely smiting with their little javelits or ferula-stems, wounded those that set upon them; even so the pleasant words of true philosophers indeed, cast out by way of jest, yea, and the very laughters of wise men are able to moove and correct in some sort, such as are not altogether incorrigible, nor so hard as nothing will pierce and en­ter into them. Moreover, I suppose there be certeine narrations fit to be related at a feast where 50 men are assembled, whereof some be drawen out of written histories, others, present occasions and occurrences do daily yeeld, and those conteine examples to incite and provoke men partly to the study of philosophie, and in part to pietie, religion & devotion toward the gods: some in­duce us to imitate generous & magnanimous acts, others ingender a fervent zeale to performe the works of bountie and humanitie: which precedents, he that can closely and with dexterity use as documents and instructions to those that be drinking with them, so as they perceive him not, shall discharge the time which they drinke, of many vices, and those not the least, which [Page 644] are imputed unto it: some there be, who put leaves of burrage into their wine, others be­sprinkle the floores and pavements of parlours and dining-chambers with water, wherein they have infused or steeped the herbes vervain & maiden-haire; having an opinion, that these devices procure some joy and mirth in the hearts of those who are at a feast; and all to imi­tate ladie Helene, who, as Homer reporteth, with certaine spices and drougues that she had me­dicined and charmed (as it were) the wine that her guests should drinke; but they doe not per­ceive, that this tale being fetched from as farre as Aegypt, after a great way and and long circuit, endeth at the last in honest discourses, fitted and accommodated to time and place: for that the said Helene recounteth unto them as they drunke with her at the table, the travels of noble Ulysses, and namely, 10

What things this valiant knight had done, and what he had indured;
What wrongs also he wrought himselfe, to which he was inured;

For this was that Nepenthes (if I be not deceived) a medicine which discusseth and charmeth al sorrow and paine, even a discreet speech, framed aptly and in season to the affections and occa­sions which are presented: but men considerate, well advised, and of good judgement, howso­ever they may seeme to deale in philosophie, yet they carrie their words, and place them so, that they are effectuall, rather by a gentle way of perswasion, than by force and violence of de­monstration. For thus you see how Plato also (in the treatise called, His banquet; where hee dis­courseth 20 of the finall end of humane actions, of the soveraigne good of man, and in one word, treateth of God and heavenly matters, like a divine and theologian) doth not enforce and stretch the proofe of his demonstration, nor bestrew and powder as it were with dust his adver­sarie, according to his wonted manner, otherwise to take surer hold, that hee might not possi­bly struggle out of his hands; but induceth and draweth on the hearers his guests, by a weaker kinde of arguments and suppositions, by pretie examples, and pleasant sictions. Moreover, the very questions and mattes at such a time and place propounded, & not only their reasons, ought to be somewhat easie, the problemes and propsitions plaine and familiar; the interro­gations also and demaunds probable, and carying a resemblance of truth, and nothing darke or intricate; lest they doe perstringe and dazzle their eies, who are not quicke sighted, suffo­cate 30 such as are but weake spirited, and in one word, turne them cleane away, who are but shal­low witted and of a meane conceit. For like as there is a custome allowable, to remoove and stirre (when a man will) the guests at a feast, by urging them either to daunce alone, or in a ring; but he that should force them to rise from the table, for to put on armour and fight in complet harneis, or to fling the barre, or cast a sledge, doth not onely make the feast un­pleasant and nothing acceptable to his guests, but also hurtfull unto them; even so, easie and light questions, exercise mens spirits handsomely, and with great fruite and commoditie; but we must reject and banish all disputations of matters litigious, intricate, and snarled (as Democri­tus saith) to wit, knottie questions & hard to be undone, such as both busie themselves, who pro­pose them, and trouble those that heare them. For thus it ought to be, that as the wine is all one 40 and common throughout the table; so the questions propounded at a feast or banquet, to be talked of, should be intelligible unto all, for otherwise, they who broch matters so darke and mysticall, were as unreasonable, and should have as little regard of the common benefit of their company, as the crane, and fox in Aesops fables, had one of the others good. For the fox ha­ving invited the crane to dinner, set before her a good messe of fattie broth, of beanes and pease, which he had powred upon a broad shallow stone vessell, in such sort, as the poore crane was made a foole and laughing-stocke by this meanes, for that with her long and small bill she could get none of it up, but it went still besides, it was so thinne and glibbe withall: the crane a­gaine, because she would be quit and meet with the fox, bad him to dinner, and presented unto him good victuals within a bottle, that had a long and narrow necke, at which she her-selfe could 50 easily convey & thrust her bill to the very bottome; but Reinardwas not able to take out his part with her; even so, when learned men at a table plunge and drowne themselve (as it were) in subtile problemes and questions interlaced with logicke, which the vulgar sort are not able for their lives to comprehend and conceive; whiles they also againe for their part come in with their foolish songs, and vaine ballads, of Robin-hood and little John, telling tales of a tubbe, or of a roasted horse and such like; enter into talke of their trafficke and merchandise, of their markers and such mechanicall matters; certes all the fruite and end of such an assemblie at a [Page 645] east is utterly lost, and were injurie done to god Bacchus: for like as when Phrynicus & Aeschy­lus first brought a tragedie (which at the beginning was a solemne song, in the honour of Bac­chus) to fables and narrations patheticall, arose this proverbe: And what is all this I pray you to Bacchus? even so it comes many times into my minde to say thus unto one that draweth by head and shoulders into a feast, that sophisticall and masterfull syllogisme called [...] My good friend, what is this to Bacchus? Haply there is some one who singeth certain of these ordi­narie songs at feasts, called Some thinke they were so called, [...] that is to say, by the [...] : for that they were plaine and easie. Scotia, as a man would say oblique or crooked, when the great stan­ding cuppe of wine is set in the middes of the table before all the company, and the chaplets of flowers divided & dealt among the guests, which that god Bacchus putteth upon our heads, to signifie, that hee giveth us all liberty: but surely this is neither good nor honest, ne yet 10 beseeming that freedome which should bee at feastes, howsoever some say, that those sonners are not darkly composed, as the word Scotia seemeth to implie, which signifieth croo­ked; but that they tooke the name, because in old time the guests, at first sung altogether with one voice and accord, one song in the praise of Bacchus, and afterwards every one in his turne chanted another apart; giving one to another in order from hand to hand, a branch or garland of a myrtle tree; which I suppose they called Or rather [...] Asaron; for that he who tooke the said branch was to sing in his course: and to the same purpose, a lute there was, or an harpe that went round about the table; and looke who could skill to play upon it, tooke it in hand and sung thereto in measures; but those who had no knowledge at all in musicke, and refused the said in­strument, gave occasion of the name Scotion, because such maner of singing was not common 20 or easie unto all: others there be who say: That the said branch of myrtle went not round about to all the guests in order, but passed from table to table, or from bedde to bedde; for when he that sat for most at the first table, had sung, he sent it to the principall or first man of the second, and he to the chiefe person of the third; and so consequently, the second did by the second; by reason whereof, and in regard of this crosse and overthwart varietie in the oblique revolution thereof, the song was called Scotion.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

Whether the master of the feast ought himselfe to assigne unto every guest his place, or suffer 30 them to sit as they will themselves?

MY brother Timon having upon a time invited many persons to a feast, willed every one of them as he entred in, to take his place, and sit where he thought good himselfe, for that there were among them, strangers, citizens, neighbours, familiars, friends, and kinsfolke, and in one word, all that were bidden were not one mans children, but a medley and mixt number of all sorts and conditions. Now, when as they were for the most part, come already, and had ta­ken their places, a certeine stranger well appointed, like an amourous gallant in some comedie, all in his purple, excessive otherwise in curious and costly apparrel, attended besided, with a traine of lacquies and pages following at his heeles; and in one word, better guarded than regarded, 40 came to the doore of the hall or dining-chamber, who after he had cast his eie round about, and viewed all the companie how they sat at the table, would not enter in, but flung away immediat­ly, and stayed not. Many there were who ranne after him, requesting him to returne and beare them company; but in no wise would hee, saying. That he saw never a place left, woorthy his person; which when they who were set already, understood, (and many of them had taken their drinke well, and had in maner their full load) they being right glad, tooke up a great laughter, and with this note:

Now farewell he, since needs he will be gone,
Better his roome, than company (quoth ech one.)

but after that supper was done, my father addressing his speech unto me who sat a great way off: 50 Timon and I (quoth he) have chosen thee for a judge, to decide a matter of some question and difference betweene us: for I blamed and reprooved him a pretie while since, about this stran­ger; for if at the first, he had ordered the matter well, according as I would have had him, and bestowed every man in his owne place, we should not have bene condemned for our oversight and disorder in this behalfe, especially by such a person who hath the skill

Horsemen to range in comely battellray,
And targatiers on foot, to leade the way.

[Page 646] For it is reported that Paulus Aemilius (him I meane, that defaited Perseus king of Macedonie, after that glorious victory) made many great and magnificent feasts; wherein (besides the won­derfull furniture and provision that he ordeined) he observed in all points a singular order & dis­pose, saying: That to one & the same man belonged the knowledge, aswel how to set out a most friendly and merry feast, as to range a most terrible battell; for both the one and the other requi­red great discretion and good order: which was the reason that Homer the poet was wont (when he spake of right valiant warrious and most roial personages, deserving best the highest place of command) to tearme them [...] that is to say, the disposers and setters of the people in order. Yea, and you that are philosophers, doubt not to say and affirme: That the great God of heaven (in making and creating the world) did nothing but change disorder into good order, 10 without putting to or taking away ought that was before, by disposing and setting every thing in place, meet and convenient; and so, by giving a most beautifull forme to that confused masse or Chaos in nature, which had no forme at all, wrought this admirable piece of worke, which we call the World. As for these great & high points indeed of doctrine, we learn them of you; but we our selvesare able to see and observe thus much; that how sumptuous soever a feast be other­wise, yet if it want good order, there is no grace or pleasure at all in it. A very ridiculous thing it is therefore, and a meere mockerie, that cooks, clearks of the kitchin, and sewers, should be so carefull what dishes ought to be served first, second, in the middle, or in the last place; yea, and (beleeve me) to looke unto it very diligently, that there be a convenient place ordeined for per­sumes and sweet odours, when they are to be brought in; for chaplets also, and garlands, that are 20 to be distributed & dealt about; and last of all, for a minstrell wench (if any be there) to sing & play, where she may be best heard; & in the mean while the master of the feast, suffer those who are bidden to all this, for to sit pell-mell at the table at a venture, as if they came onely to fill and cram their bellies, without giving (either to age, or to dignity, or to any matter of like qualitie) that ranke and order which is fit, decent, & meet for every one: in the keeping of which discreti­on, the best man in the place hath his due honor in sitting highest; he that is second & inferior, is by use and custome acquainted and well contented to sit accordingly; and the huisher, who hath the ordering of the matter, is well exercised, to distinguish and judge that, which is befit­ting every one according to his estate and degree. For it can not stand with any reason, that in the Counsell-house there should be a place knowen, either of sitting or standing, more or lesse 30 honourable, according to the quality and dignity of the person; and that for setting men at the table, there should be the like order observed. And is it meet, that the host or master of the feast should drinke to one before another, and yet have no regard at the first, in placing of his guests? putting no difference nor observing any distinction at all? making of a feast, even in the verie beginning, one myconos (as they say in the common proverbe) which is as much as a mish-mash and confused mingle-mangle of all. And thus much of the reasons and allegations of my fa­ther, for his plea. But Timon my brother, on the contrary side, answered: That he was not wiser than sage Bias; and considering, that he refused alwaies to be arbitratour or umpire betweene two of his owne friends, though they requested him; why should himselfe become a judge at once, among so many kinsefolke and friends, yea, and other persons besides? especially, where 40 the question is not about money and goods, but as touching preeminence and superiority; as if he had sent for them all, not to be merry and make good cheere, but to disquiet them, and set them out one with another, who were good friends before? For if (quoth he) Menelaus in olde time, committed one great absurdity, insomuch as there grew upon it, a proverbe and by-word, in that he intruded himselfe unsent for, into the counsell of Agamemnon? far greater reason there is, that he should be thought more absurd, who constituteth and maketh himselfe, of a courteous host and civill master of a feast, an austere judge and precise censurer of those that re­quire no such matter, nor willingly desire, that one should determine and judge of them, who is the better man or the worse; seeing they are not cited peremptorily to a judiciall court for triall of a controversie, but invited friendly to a good supper, for to mak merry? Over and besides, no 50 easie matter it is, to make distinction aright; for that some go before in age, others, in degree of kinred and linage; and therefore, he that should take such a taske or charge in hand, ought e­vermore to be studying upon the degrees of comparison, or els of the argument in logicke, A comparatis, that is to say, drawen from comparison; and to have alwaies in his hand, either the Topiques of Aristotle, or els the Precedences of Thrasymachus, a booke which he entituleth Hy­perbollontes, wherein a man should doe no good at all; but contrariwise much harme, by trans­ferring the vain-glorie about higher place, from judiciall courts, common halles and thea­ters, [Page 647] to sitting at feasts; and when he hath endevored to abate and represse other passions of the soule by good fellowship and company keeping, now stirre up and set on foot, pride and arro­gance; of which in mine advice, we ought to studie more for to cleanse out soules, than to wash and scoure away the dirt and silth from our feet: to the end that wee may converse familiarly and fellowlike at the table, with all mirth and singlenesse of heart. But now, when we goe about and do what we can with one hand, to take away from our guests all rancor and enmitie, bred ei­ther upon anger, or some worldly affaires that they have had together, in making them eat at one table, and drinke one to another, wee doe as much as lies in us, with the other hand to fret an old sore, and kindle a new fire of grudge and malice by ambition, in debasing one, and exalting another: but if withall, according to the preference which wee have made in the pla­cing 10 of them, we take the cuppe also and drinke oftner, or set better meat and daintier dishes to some than to others; if I say we make more of this man than of that, cheere one up, and speake unto him after a more familiar manner than to another; surely, in stead of a feast of friends and familiars, it will be a stately assembly altogether of lords and potentates. But if in all things else we are carefull and precise in our feasts, to observe and maintaine equalitie of persons; why be­ginne we not at the first, in the placing of our guests, to accustome and acquaint them for to range themselves, and take their seats simply and familiarly one with another? considering at the first entrance into the hall or great chamber, they see that they were nor summoned aristo­cratically to a senate house of lords and great States, but invited democratically and after a po­pular manner to supper, where the poorest may take his place with the richest, like as in the 20 state of a citie and common-wealth, called Democratie. After these opposite reasons were al­ledged, and that all the company there present demaunded my sentence, I said: That taking my selfe chosen as an arbitrator, and not as a judge, I would deale indifferently, and with an equall hand in the middle betweene both: As for those (quoth I) who feast yoong men their equals, all friends and of familiar acquaintance, they ought to accustome them (as Timon saith) to carie themselves so void of pride and arrogance, that they may take contentment in a­ny place whatsoever that falleth out unto them; and to think this facilitie & singlenesse of heart, to be a singular meanes and provision for the feeding and nourishing of amity: but in case the question be of enterteining strangers, or worshipfull personages of high calling & great place in common-weale, or of elder persons; I feare me, that as wee shut out at one dore in the fore­front 30 pride and arrogance, so we let it in at another backe-gate behinde, by our indifference and making no distinction. Heerein therefore we ought to give somewhat unto use and custome, or else we must altogether forbeare all manner of cheering up, drinking to, and saluting of our guests, which fashions we use not without judgement and discretion hand over head, to such as we meet with or see first; but with as great regard and respect as we can, honoring them accor­ding to their woorth and qualitie:

With highest place, with viands of the best,
With most cups full, and those not of the lest.

as said Agamemnon that great king of the Greeks, putting as you see the seat in the first and cheefe place of honor. We commend also king Alcinous, for that he placed the stranger who 40 came in, next unto himselfe,

And caus'd his sonne Laodama, a gallant, for that guest
To rise, who close to father sat, and whom he loved best.

For to displace a best beloved sonne, and in his roome to set an humble suppliant, was a singu­gular example of rare courtesie, and humanitie. And verily the gods themselves doe observe this distinction of place, and of sitting: for Neptune although he came last into the assemblie of the gods in counsell,

Yet tooke his owne place for all that, 50
And in the mids of them he sat.

as being the seat which of right apperteined unto him. And Minerva seemeth alwaies to cha­lenge as proper and peculiar to her above all others, the very next place to Jupiter: which the poet Homer doth after a sort covertly insinuate unto us, speaking of dame Thetis in this maner:

By Jupiter she sat, of speciall grace
And favour; For Minerva gave her place.

But Pindarus signifieth as much in expresse tearmes when he saith:

[Page 648]
To lightning next that flasheth fire
Sat Pallas, close unto her sire.

Howbeit, Timon said: That we ought not to take from others, for to gratifie and pleasure one; and take he doth away, who maketh that vulgar and common, which by right is proper; & proper there is nothing, more than that which is meet and be fitting the dignitie of each per­son: moreover, in giving that superioritie and preeminence to running fast, and making most haste, which is done unto vertue, kinred, magistracie, and such other qualities, in seeming to avoid the opinion of being odious or offensive, to his bidden guests, he draweth upon himself, so much more trouble and heart-burning of others; for he offendeth them in depriving everie one of that honour which he deserveth, or is woont to have. For mine owne part, I doe not 10 thinke if so hard a piece of worke to make this distinction, as hee would have it to be: for first and formost, it is not ordinarie nor often seene, that many men of like degree and dignitie, are bidden to one and the same feast; besides, being as there are, many honorable places, a man of judgement and discretion, hath good meanes to dispose of them accordingly, among manie, if there be occasion: for one of them he may content in setting him highest and above the rest; another he may please with a place in the middest; to one he may doe the favour, as to set him next unto himselfe; another he may gratifie by placing him close to some friend or familiar of his, or else fast by his master and teacher: in this order, I say, he may satisfie many of them who seeme to be of better reputation, in distributing the places also which are of more respect a­mong them; as for the rest, I leave them meanes also for their contentment; namely certeine 20 gifts, savors, curtesies, and kindnesses, which may in some sort make amends for the want of some honorable place. But say, that their deserts and dignities be hard to be distinguished, or the persons themselves not easie to be pleased; marke what a device I have in such a case to serve the turne: My father (if he be present) I take by the hand, and set him in the most honourable place of all; if not, I do the same by my grand-sire, my wives father, or mine uncle by the fathers side, or my colleague and companion in office, or els my fellow-senatour and brother-alder­man, or some one of those who hath some speciall and inward prerogative above others of ho­nour and account, with the master of the feast himselfe, that biddeth the guests; taking this for a rule in the cases borowed out of the books of Homer, which are presidents of dueties, and shew what is beseeming every man to do; and namely, in that place where Achilles seeing Menelaus 30 and Antilochus debating the matter very hotly, about the second prize for horse-running, and doubting how farre-forth their anger and contention might proceed, would needs give the said prize in question, to a third man; pretending in word, that he tooke pitie of Eumelus, and that he was minded to doe him some honour; but indeed and trueth, it was to take away the ocasion of difference and quarrell betweene the other two. As I was thus speaking, Lamprias, who was set close in an odde corner of the chamber, upon a low pallet, thundering out his words after his wonted maner, demanded of the assistance or companie, in this wise: My masters, pleaseth it you to give me leave for to reprove and rebuke a little, this sottish judge here? and when everie one made answer, saying: Good leave have you, speake your mind freely, & spare him not: And who can (quoth he) forbeare that philosopher, who setteth out and disposeth of the places at a 40 feast, like as he would do in some theater, namely, according to birth and parentage, wealth and rilches, estate and authority in common wealth? yea, and as if he ordeined the seats and sitting places, for to opine or give voice in that solemne assembly of the States of Greece, called Amphi­ctyones? to the end, that even at the very table, where as wee are met to drinke wine and be mer­rie, we should not be rid of ambition, nor shake off the foolish desire of glory: for surely, the places at a feast ought not to be distributed so, as respective to honour, but rather to the ease and pleasure of the guests that are to sit in them; neither is the dignity of ech one by himselfe in his degree to be regarded, but rather, the affection, disposition and habitude of the minde one to another, how they can sort and frame together; like as our maner is to doe in some other things which are to meet in one common conjunction: for a good architect or mason wil not (I trow) 50 lay his first worke or forefront of the house, with Atticke or Lacedaemonian marble, before the Barbarian stone, because the same is in some sort of a noble kinde, and comming from the wor­thier place; neither will a cunning painter dispose his richest and most costly colour in the principal place of his picture; nor the carpenter or shipwright, employ before all other timber in the stem of his ship, either the pine tree wood of Pathmos in Peloponnesus, or the cypresse of Candie: but so they order and distribute, their stone, their colours and their timber, that being [...] and sitted well together one with another, the common worke arising of them all, may [Page 649] be more firme and strong, faire and beautifull, good and commodious. And thus you see, God himselfe, whom our poet Pindarus calleth the best workeman and principall artisan, doeth not place the fire alwaies aloft, nor the earth below, but according as the use of bodies compounded doth require; like as Empedocles testifieth in these verses:

The oisters, murets of the sea, and shel-fish every one,
With massie coat, the tortoise eke with crust as hard as stone,
And vaulted backe, which arch-wise he aloft doth hollow reare,
Shew all, that heavie earth they do above their bodies beare. 10

not in that place which nature ordeined for it in the first constitution and framing of the uni­versall world, but in that which the composition of a new worke requireth: for disorder and con­fusion is bad enough in all things; but when it commeth among men, especially when they are drinking and eating together, it sheweth her badnesse most of all, by insolencie, outrasges and other enormities that can not be numbred; which to foresee and remedie, is the part of a man industruous, well seene in policie, good order and harmonie. And that is well said of you (an­swered we) but why envie you to this company that science of order, proportion and harmonie, and doe not communicate it unto us? Surely there is no envie at all (quoth he) in the way, in 20 case ye will beleeve me and be ruled by me, in that which I doe change and alter in the order of the seast, like as you would be directed by Epaminondas, if he should range a battell in good or­der, which before was in disarray. We all agreed and gave him leave so to do: then he voiding first out of hall or dining-place all the boies and lackies, cast his eie upon every one of us in the face, and said: Hearken and give eare, how I meane to range and sort you one with another; for I would advertise you of it before-hand, because I am of this minde, that the Theban Pammenes, justly and upon good reason reprooved Homer, saying that he had no skill at all in [...] love-mat­ters, for that he ranged together in battell those who were of one and the same nation, and min­gled such as were of the same race, linage and bloud; whereas he should have joined the lover, and the beloved, to the end that the whole battell might be incited by one spirit, and draw in the 30 same line, as linked by a lively bond. Semblably, will I doe in this feast of ours, not coupling at the table, one man with another; nor matching a yoong man with a yoong man; ne yet setting a magistrate or a ruler just by another; no, nor two friends together: for surely such an ordering as this, hath no life in it, no vigor and power at all, either to breed and imprint, or to nourish and augment the heat of mutuall benevolence and affection of one to another; but framing and applying to that which hath need, the thing that is sit and proper thereto, I would have a student to sit next unto a learned man; a milde and gentle person, unto one that is hard to be pleased; to an old prating fellow who loves to heare himselfe speake, a youth who is desirous to heare, I would place a boasting and glorious bragger, with a drie childe and soothing companion; with a testie and clerike man, one who is silent or of few words: if I see a rich or mighty personage, 40 and withall, bountifull and free of gift, I will fetch out of one corner or other, some poore honest body to be his next-neighbour, to the end that from him (as out of a full cup) there might over­flow some goodnesse, into another which is void and emptie: but I will be very wary and cir­cumspect, that I doe not sort two oratours or professed rhetoricians together, nor match one poet with another; for according to the proverbiall verse:

Abegger can no begger well abide,
And chanter one by another is envied.

Howsoever these two heere Sosicles and Modesus, confirming in alternative course the speeches one of another:

Blow not the coles that ready are to dy, 50
But just accord together most friendly.

I sever also a sunder busie and trouble some persons, such as take one another by the throat, in­jurious folke, testie and cholericke men; interposing alwaies some milde and modest nature betweene, as a emollisive of their hardnesse, for feare they should crush and bruse one another: contrariwise, I bring together, such as love wrestling and other exercises of the bodie, hunters also, and those that professe husbandry: for of similitudes and resemblances, two sorts there be; the one quarrellous and given to fight, as that of cocks; the other loving and amiable, as that of [Page 650] jaies or dawes. Also those that be good companions, and can drinke well, I use to set and match close together; yea and amorous folke:

Not onely those who feele hot fanfies pricke
To boies, and of love masculine are sicke.

As Sophocles saith, but such also as are pinched with the love of wives and maidens; for that be­ing heat and enchaufed with the same fire, they will catch and take hold the sooner one of ano­ther; like as pieces of iron that cleave and be united together, when they bee red hot; provided alwaies, that their love doe not settle in one place, whether it be male of semale.

THE THIRD QUESTION. 10

What is the reason, that the place at the table named Consular, is held honorable?

AFter this, there arose a question as touching the places of sitting at a table; for that some are reputed honorable in one conntrey, and some in another. Among the Persians, the middle place is accounted best; for therein sitteth the king: In Greece the first is held chiefe and principall: and the Romans make most regard of the last in the middle pallet or table; and this commonly is called the Consular place; whereas contrariwise, certeine Greeks that inhabit the country about Pontus, & namely those of Heraclea, reckon the first of the said middle pallet, the highest place of honor: but we made most doubt of the the said place called Consular: for 20 the same was in our time also counted honorable; but not in regard, that it was either the formost or the middes; and besides, of the accidentall qualites observed therein, some were not proper and peculiar to it alone, and others seemed to be of no importance at all: howbeit, three rea­sons alledged there were, which seemed somewhat to moove and induce us above the rest: the first was this: That the consuls having deposed and expelled the kings of Rome, and chaunged all into a more popular estate, withdrew themselves from the roiall place in the middes, to a lower roome, to the end, that by quitting and forgoing the place which to them apperteined, they might avoid all occasions of making their power and authoritie odious unto those that conversed with them. Secondly, that seeing the two first tables or pallets being destined and ap­pointed for the guests invited, the third, and namely the first place thereof, belonged properly 30 to him who made the feast; for there sitteth he most commodiously, in manner of a coach­man in a chariot, or pilot in a shippe; to see the whole order of the service: neither is he farre from other tables, but that he may cheere up & welcome al the company: for, of the places nere unto him, that underneath is appointed usually for his wife or children; and that above, ordi­narily and by good right, was allowed for the most honorable personage of all them that were bidden, to the end, that he might sit neere unto the master of the feast. Thirdly, this place see­med to have this propertie by it selfe, that it was thought commodious for such as were em­ploied and had any affaires in hand. For the Roman consull was nothing like unto Archias sometime the captaine generall of the Thebans; who if there had beene brought unto him any letters, newes, or advertisement of importance, in the middes of supper time; or if there fell 40 out any serious occasions, would cry out aloud and say: To morrow morning will we thinke of earnest matters; the pacquet of letters he laid aside, and in stead thereof, tooke a boule of wine in hand: the Roman consull (I say) was not such an one, but even at these times especi­ally he is most vigilant, and looketh circumspectly about him, for not onely according to the common proverbe in Aeschylas:

The night alwaies even to a pilot wise
Breeds wo, for feare lest tempest; should arise.

But also amidde all pleasures, feasts, and pastimes, is is requisite in a wise captaine, and man of government, that he alwaies stand upon his guard, and carrie a watchfull eie about him; to the end therefore that he might evermore be ready to understand all occurrents, to command also, 50 direct, signe., or subscribe if need required: this place was allotted unto him of purpose a­bove the rest: wherein, by reason that the second table stood close joined to the first, the cor­ner within the turning, leaveth a space open, or void distance, giveth roome and meanes very handsomely for a secretary, a notarie, a sergeant, or apparitar, a pencioner, or one of the guard, yea & to any messenger or pursevant comming from the campe, to approch neere unto the consull, to declare his message, to aske any question, or to commune & confer with him, & that without troubling any body, or being molested by any person there met at the feast or ban­quet: [Page 651] for both his hand is his owne and at commaund, and also his voice at liberty, to say and doe whatsoever he would.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

What manner of man he ought to be, who is chosen master of the feast?

CRato my sonne in law, and Theon our familiar friend, being with us at a certeine feast; where there beganne some misrule and disorder, upon large drinking of wine, which not­withstanding was soone appeased, tooke occasion thereby, to speake of the masterie and presi­dency 10 of such feasts observed in old time, being of this opinion, and saying (withall to me) That I ought to weare a chaplet of flowers on my head, and not suffer the auncient custome of crea­ting a king or governour of the feast, who is to give order in all things, and to see there bee no misrule, by disuse and discontinuance to be utterly neglected and abolished; but rather that I ought to bring that laudable order up againe, and put it in practise. Of the same minde was the whole company, and liked very well of the motion; insomuch as they all with a loud voice and one accord, requested me to take the thing upon me: Seeing then (quoth I) that you be all of this minde, I am content to chuse my selfe president, and master of this feast: and heere to beginne withall, I give commaundement to all the rest, that for this present they drinke at their owne discretion, and as it pleaseth themselves: as for Crato and Theon, who were the first that 20 set this matter on foot, I will by vertue of my office and place, enjoine them summarily and in few words, to declare heere before us, what manner of person ought to bee chosen for the pre­sident, and master of such a feast, and what he must aime at, when he is elected; as also how he is to carry himselfe towards those who have made choice of him; and this charge I laie upon them two, permitting them to divide it betweene them, and to handle it according to their good discretion. At the first, they made some semblance of refusal, praying me to hold them ex­cused: howbeit when they saw the whole company crying upon them for to obey the president; Crato began first & said: That as the captaine of the guard or watch, ought himselfe especially to be a most diligent & vigilant warder, according to the saying of Plato; even so should he who hath the command of guests met together for to make merrie, be himselfe of all other a right 30 good fellow, and a cheerefull companion; and such an one he shall be, in case hee be neither one that will quickly be cup-shotten, and overseene with wine; nor yet untoward and unwilling to drinke liberally; much like as Cyrus wrote sometime unto the Lacedaemonians: That as in al other points he was more woorthy to be a king than his brother; so in this respect especially, that he would take his wine in greater measure, and beare the same better than he: for hee that will bee soone drunke, groweth insolent, unseemely, and outragious in his drunkennesse: and he againe, who is too too sober, and abstinent altogether, becommeth unpleasant and un­sociable, meeter indeed to be a schoole-master, and to have the bringing up of boies, than a president of a feast, to order guests. Pericles, so oft as he was chosen captaine generall of the A­thenians; no sooner put on his mantle of estate, and was ready to set forward, but before any 40 thing else, used thus to say unto himselfe, as it were to refresh his memorie by way of admoni­tion: Looke about thee now Pericles; thou hast the commaund of free men; thou commaun­dest now the Greeks; nay thou art commaunder of the Athenians; even so should our master of a feast reason thus within himselfe: Thou hast the rule now of friends; to the end that he nei­ther permit them to doe any unseemely or dishonest thing; nor bereave them of their de­lights and pleasures; for as he ought to be friendly affected unto them in their serious occasi­ous, so he must be no enemie to their sports and pastimes, but framed indifferently, and as it were well tempered for the one and the other; & yet by his naturall disposition, he should, like good wine, be somwhat more inclined unto a kind of hardnesse or austeritie: for by this meanes the wine which he drinketh, will reduce his maners and behavior to a meane or mediocrity, by 50 moistning as it were and softning it, that it may be more gentle and pliable: for as Xenephon said: That the sadde cheere, heavy and rusticall severitie otherwise of Clearchus, seemed to be more lightsome and pleasant in battel and conflict, by reason of his resolute confidence; even so, he who is by nature not bitter nor crabbed, but onely grave and severe, by drinking, becommeth more remisse, and not so straight laced; and by that meanes more lovely and amiable also. And thus much of his owne person.

Moreover, he ought above all things, to know by experience, every one of the guests: what [Page 652] alteration there is wrought in them by drinking? into what accidents or passions they bee ready to fall; and how they can beare strong wine? for wee are not to thinke, but if there bee a proper temperature and severall mixture with water fit for every sort of wine; which kings ta­sters, and cup-bearers know well inough, and in that regard can discerne and distinguish, when they are to use more or lesse water to the delaying of wines; there is more reason that there should be a temperature likewise of man and wine, which our master or president of a feast ought to know, and when he knoweth it, to observe; that like an expert musician, by stretching as it were & setting up one, a note higher, in making him to drinke largely, and letting downe a­nother by causing him as much to spare, he may bring and reduce different natures unto an uni­forme equalitie & consonance, not measuring the same by waight & measure, pintes or quarts, 10 not by so many cups or glasses, but going by a certeine rule of time and age, as also by the shength of the bodie, giving to each one that which is meet and convenient. Now if perad­venture this seeme an hard piece of worke, namely, to know al these particularities; yet meet it is at least wise that he should be skilful in generalitie, as touching severall complexions & ages: as for example; that old folke are sooner and more easily made drunke than yoong persons; those that be stirring and continuall motion, rather than such as be in repose and rest; sadde, hea­vie, pensive, and melancholike men, more than those who are jocund and merry; lastly, those who are chaste, or use women modestly, much more than such as be dissolute or excessively gi­ven that way. He that is thus farre foorth acquainted with these circumstances, may be a mee­ter and fitter person a great deale to mainteine decencie, order, and agreement at a feast, than 20 he who is ignorant therein. Furthermore, what is he who knoweth not very well, that the ma­ster of a feast ought to be well affected, and to carrie a loving minde unto all those who are invi­ted to a feast; to carrie neither open malice, nor secret grudge to any one of them: for other­wise, if he commaundeth ought, it will not be well taken; if hee distribute and deale amongst them, he shall not be thought equall and indifferent; last of all, if he be disposed to mirth and jolitie, he shall hardly escape a rebuke and blame. Lo, Theon, what maner of president and ma­ster (quoth Crato) I have framed unto you by words, as if he were wrought out of waxe, and him I deliver into your hands. Then answered Theon: And I receive him from you so much the rather, as one shaped and fashioned indeed for a right governour of a feast, and a good compa­nion besides: but whether I shall ever use him or no, or whether in so doing I shall shame my 30 selfe; I wot not: howbeit, this I am assured of, that if hee be such an one as you have descri­bed, he will know how to order & governe a feast, & not suffer that one while it seeme a solemn assembly of a citie, another while a schoole of rhetoricke, now a knot of dice-plaiers or chea­ters met together, and anon a scaffold forsooth for dauncers and singers, or a stage for plaiers and commedians: this I say, for that you see ordinarily some making orations, and pleading at the table, as it were in the court, or at the barre before judges; others exercising themselves how to speake in publike, or else rehearsing and reading certeine of their owne compositions; and others againe taking upon them like judges of dauncers and stage plaiers, who doe best for to winne the prise; and yet this is not the worst: for Alcibiades and Theodorus made of Politions feast, a very place of divine misteries, representing there the solemne carying of torches and 40 other ceremonies, at the shewing of some sacred reliques; which I would not have a good ma­ster and president of a feast to be so carelesse as to abide; but to allow place and time for such talke, such spectacles, sights, plaies, and pastimes onely, which tend to that end for which feasts be made; that is to say, to breed and augment amitie betweene them that are present, by the meanes of the delight they take in eating together; for that in truth, a feast is nothing else but a pleasant recreation at the table, aiming at this marke, to contract friendship by the en­tercourse of mutuall drinking one to the other.

But for as much as in all things, varietie is very pleasing, and nature joieth in nothing more than in diversitie and change; but contrariwise, a simple uniformity alwaies, one and the same, is hurtfull, and bringeth tediousnesse with it incontinently; whereas the mixture of divers 50 things applied in time and place with measure, taketh that away which is offensive to pleasure, and hurtfull to profit: therefore the master of a feast must devise for his guests, and exhibit un­to them some mixed sport to passe away the time whiles they be drinking. I have heard many men say, that to walke by the sea side, as also to saile along the shore, is most pleasant; and even so a man must joine alwaies sport with serious affaires, and profit with pleasure, to the end that those who play, may in some sort be in good earnest; and likewise, when they be busie in serious matters, find some recreation; like as those who are sea-sicke, and ready ever & anon to cast up [Page 653] their stomacke, recover their spirits and are revived, when they see how they be neere the land; even so a man may profit in mirth and laughter; he may likewise laugh and be merry in profit, and make his serious affaires pleasant enough; for as the old proverbe goeth:

With calthrop thistles, and among the pricky rest-harrow,
The violets and soft walflowers are alwaies wont to grow.

But as for all other sports & plaies, which without any profit at al, leape impudently into feasts, he shall command his guests expresly, to forbeare, lest ere they be aware, they become outragi­ous and furious, like as those who have taken the juice of henbane: they also abuse their power, & go too far in their commandements, (for so they be called at the wine) who enjoine stutters, stammerers and mafflers to sing, or bald-pates to kembe their heads, or lame creeples to go up­right 10 on their feet without halting. Thus upon a time at a certeine merry meeting and feast, where Agamesor the Academicke philosopher was, who had a withered legge, and nothing left thereof but skin and bone, all the company (by way of mockerie) insulted upon him, and made a law among themselves, that they should stand all upon their right leg, and every one drinke his boule of wine, or els pay a certeine piece of money, as a forfeiture: now when it came to Aga­mesors turne, by right to command, he charged them all to drinke in that sort and maner, as they saw him to drinke: then called hee for an emptie earthen pitcher with a narrow mouth, to be brought into the place; into which when he had thrust his poore consumed legge aforesaid, he drunke up his cup of wine; and when all the rest had assaied, and found they could not do as he did, were all forced to pay the forseit. Heerein was Agamesor to be commended: for after his 20 maner, the master of a feast ought to be revenged, in a kinde of mirth and gentle sort; also to ac­custome himselfe to such commandements, as tend to pleasure and profit both, charging ech one to doe those things which be proper, possible and easie for him, and yet may commend the doer: as for example, to impose upon them who have good voices, and be professed musicians, to sing; oratours and rhetoricians, to declame; philosophers, to assoile darke questions, and cleere ambiguities; and poets, to pronounce some of their verses; for every one of these, joieth and taketh pleasure, to be put to that

Wherein he knoerd he can do well,
And other men farre doth excell.

There was some a king of the Assyrians, who by voice of heralds, and sound of trumpet, 30 proclamed a great prize and reward to him that could devise a new kinde of pleasure: but the king and governour of a feast, should doe very well, to propose an honourable reward unto him, that could invent an honest game or pastime, wherein were no insolencie, some delight or di­sport profitable, and procure laughter not accompanied with wanton reproofe and scornefull reproch, but such as carieth a grace and pleasure with it: for this is it wherein most part of feasts suffer shipwracke, namely, when they are misgoverned, or not ordered as they ought to be. But the part it is of a wise and prudent man, to know how to avoid enmity and anger in the market­place, gotten by avarice; in the publicke halles of bodily exercises, by contention and emula­tion; in bearing offices and suing for them, by ambition and vain-glory; and last of all, in feasts and banquets, by such plaies and pastimes. 40

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

What is meant by this common proverbe: Love teacheth musicke and poetrie.

THe question was mooved one day in Sossius Sesnerius house, after certeine verses of Sappho were chanted, how this saying of Euripides should be understood:

Love teacheth musicke, marke when you will,
Tough one before, thereof had no skill.

considering that the poet Philoxenus reporteth, how Cyclops Polyphemus the giant, cured his love by the sweet tongued muses? Whereupon it was alledged, that Love is of great power to 50 moove a man for to be bold, hardy and adventurous, yea, and ministreth a readinesse to attempt all novelties, according as Plato named it, the enterpriser of all things; for it maketh him talka­tive and full of words, who before was silent; it causeth the bashfull and modest person, to court it, and put himselfe forward in all maner of service; it is the meanes that an idle carelesse lub­ber, and a negligent, becommeth diligent and industrious; and that which a man would most marvell at, a miching hard-head and mechanicall penifather, if he fall once to love, doth relent and waxe soft as iron in the fire, and so prooveth more liberall, courteous and kinde, than ever [Page 654] before: so that this pleasant and merry proverbe, seemeth not to be altogether ridiculous & im­pertinent, namely: that Loves purse is tied & knit up with a leeke or porret blade. Moreover, it was there spoken: That Love resembled drunkennesse, for that the one aswell as the other, doth set folke in a heat; it maketh them cheerfull, merry and jocund; and when as men be come once to that, they fall soone to sing, to rime, and make verses. And it is said, that the poet Aeschylus composed his tragedies, when he had well drunken, and was heat with wine. I had a grandfather also my selfe, named Lamprias, who seemed alwaies more learned, witty, and fuller of inventi­ons, yea, and to surpasse himselfe in that kinde, when he had taken his cups liberally; and he was wont to say: That at such a time he was like unto incense, which being set on fire, rendereth the 10 sweet odour that it hath. Moreover, they that take exceeding great pleasure to see their loves, are no lesse affected with joy when they do praise them, than in looking upon them: for love, as it is in every thing a great pratler, and full of words; so especially and most of all, in praises: in­somuch, as lovers would willingly perswade others to that, wherein they are themselves perswa­ded first; namely, that they love nothing but that which is perfect in goodnesse and beautie; and others they would have to be witnesses with them of it. This was it, that induced the Lydian king Candaules, to draw and traine Giges into his bed-chamber, for to see the beautie of his wife naked: for why? such are willing to have the restimonie of others. Loe, what the reason is, that if they write the praises of that which they love, they embelish and adorne the same with verses, songs and meeter, like as images with golde; to the end that the said praises might be heard more willingly, and remembred better by more people: for if they bestow a fighting-cocke, an 20 horse, or any other thing whatsoever, upon those whom they love, their minde is principally, that this their present should be faire and beautifull in it selfe; afterwards, that it be most gal­lantly and in best maner set out; but above all, in case they be disposed to flatter them in words or writings, their chiefe care is, that the same run roundly and pleasantly, that they be also glori­ous and beautified with fine figures, such as is ordinarily the stile of poets. Then Sossius appro­ving well of these reasons, said moreover: That it were well, if some would take in hand to draw and gather arguments out of that which Theophrastus left in writing, as touching musicke: For long it is not (quoth he) since I read over that booke; wherein he delivereth thus much after a divine maner: That three principall causes or roots there be of musicke, to wit, paine or griefe, pleasure or joy, and the ravishment of the spirit; of which three, every one doth bend and turne 30 the voice a little out of the ordinary tune: for griefs and sorrowes, usually bring with them, moanes and plaints, which quickly run into song; which is the reason that we see oratours in the perorations or conclusions of their speeches, the actours also in tragedies, when they come to make their dolefull lamentations, bring their voices downe gently to a kinde of melodie, and by little and little tune them (as it were) thereto. Also the great and vehement joies of the minde do lift up all the body, of them especially, who are any thing lightsome by nature, yea, and pro­voke the same to leape, skip, and clappe their hands, observing a kinde of motion according to number and measure, if they can not dance:

And otherwise in furious sort,
Like frantike folke they do disport; 40
They shake, they wag, they set out throat,
And send out many a foolish note.

according as Pindarus saith. But in case they be somewhat more grave and staied, than others, when they finde themselves moved with such a passion of joy, they let their voice onely go at li­berty, speaking aloud and singing sonnets. But above all, the ravishment of the spirit, or that di­vine inspiration, which is called Enthusiasmus, casteth bodie, mind, voice and all, far beyond the ordinary habit; which is the cause, that the furious and raging priests of Bacchus, called Bacchae, use rime & meeter; those also, who by a propheticall spirit, give answeres by oracle, deliver the same in verse; and few persons shall a man see starke mad, but among their raving speeches, they sing and say some verses. This being so, if you would now display love, and view it well, being 50 unfolded and laied open abroad, hardly shall you meet with another passion, which hath either sharper dolours, or joies more violent or greater exstasies and ravishments of the spirit, lying (as it were) in a trance; so that a man may discover in amorous persons, a soule much like unto that city which Sophocles describeth:

Full of songs and incense sweet,
Of sighs and groanes in every street.

No marvell is it therefore, nor a strange thing; if love (conteining & comprehending in it selfe [Page 655] all those primitive causes of musicke, to wit, dolour, joy, and ravishment of spirit, be likewise in all other things diligent, industrious, talkative, and namely, inclined to making of verses and chanting songs as much or rather more, than any other passion which can enter into the heart of man.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

Whether king Alexander of Macedonie were a great drinker.

THere was some speech upon a time, as touching king Alexander the Great, to this effect: 10 That he dranke not so much, as sat long at his meat, and passed the time away, in devising and talking with his friends: but Philinus shewed by certeine scroles, papers, and day-books of the said kings house, that they who held that opinion, knew not well what they said; for that this particular instance was ordinarily and usually found in those records: That such a day the king slept all day long, upon his liberall drinking of wine; yea, and other-whiles it appeareth, that he slept the morrow after likewise; which is the reason, that hee was not so forward in venerous matters, nor given much to women, though otherwise he was hastie, quicke and couragious; great arguments of an inward heat of bodie: and it is to be seene upon record: That his flesh yeelded from it, and breathed a passing sweet smell; insomuch as his shirts and other clothes were full of an aromaticall sent and savour, as if they had bene perfumed; which seemeth also to 20 be an argument and signe of heat. For we see, that those be the hottest & driest countries, which bring foorth cynamon and frankincense, according as Theophrastus saith: That a sweet odour proceedeth of perfect concoction and digestion of humours; namely, when by naturall heat, all superfluous moisture is quite chased and expelled. And by all likelihood, this was the princi­pall cause, that Callisthenes grew into disgrace, and lost the kings favour; for that he was unwil­ling to sup with him, in regard that he would impose upon him to drinke so much. For it is re­ported, that upon a time, the great boule or goblet, surnamed, Alexanders boule, having passed round about the table thorowout, untill it came to Callisthenes, he refused it, and put it backe; saying withall: I will not drinke in Alexander, for to have need of Aesculapius. And thus much was said then concerning king Alexanders much wine-bibbing. 30

Moreover, king Mithridates, he who warred against the Romans, among other games of prise which hee exhibited, ordeined one for those who could drinke best and eat most; and by mens saying, himselfe performed them both so well, that he won the prize in the one and the o­ther: for he could eat and drinke more than any man living in his time: by occasion whereof, he was commonly surnamed Dionysus, that is to say, Bacchus. But as touching the reason of this surname, wee say it is an opinion rashly received: for when hee was a very infant lying in the cradle, the lightning caught the swadling clothes, and set them on fire, but never touched or hurt his body, save onely that there remained a little marke of the fire upon his forehead, which notwithstanding the haire did cover that it was not greatly seene, so long as he was a childe: a­gaine, when he was a man growen, it chaunced that the lightning pierced into the bed cham­ber 40 where he lay asleepe; and for his owne person it was not so much as singed therewith; but it blasted a quiver of arrowes that hung at his bed-side, went through it, and burnt the arrowes within; which (as the soothsaiers and wise men out of their learning did intepret) signified, that one day he should be puissant in archers and light armed men. But most men affirme, that hee gat his surname of Bacchus, or Dionysus, in regard of the resemblance and likenesse of such acci­dents of lightning, and blasting, as many times befall.

After these words passed, they entred into a speech as touching great drinkers; among whom was reckoned also one Heraclides, a famous wrestler, or champion, whom the men of Alexan­dria in our fathers daies, pleasantly called little Hercules. This good fellow when he could not meet with a companion able to set foot to his, and drinke with him continually; used to invite 50 some to breake their fast with him in a morning; others to beare him company at dinner; some he would bidde to supper; and intreat others last of all to sit with him at his collation or ban­quet after supper: now when the first were gone, came in the second immediatly; then you should have the third succeed them in place; and no sooner were they departed, but in steps the fourth crew, without any interruption; and he himselfe sat it out still, and making no intermissi­on, was able to hold out with all, and beare those fower repasts and refections, one after ano­ther. Among those who were familiarly acquainted with Drusus, sonne to the emperour Tibe­tius, [Page 656] a physician there was, who in drinking would chalenge and defie all the world: but obser­ved it was by some that spied and looked neere unto him: That to prevent drunkennesse, he used to take alwaies five or sixe bitter almonds before every cuppe that he drunke: and when he was once debarred of them, and not suffered so to doe, he was not able to beare his drinke nor re­sist the least headinesse and strength thereof. And verily some there be who say, that these al­monds have an abstersive propertie to bite, to clense and scoure the flesh, in such sort, as that they will take away the spottes and freckles of the visage; by reason of which qualitie, when they be taken afore drinke, with their bitternesse they fret the pores of the skinne, and leave the impression of a certeine biting behinde them, by meanes whereof, there ensueth a certaine revulsion downward from the head of those vapours which flie up thither, and so evaporate 10 away through the said pores. But for mine owne part, I am of this opinion rather, that their bitternesse hath a vertue to dry up and spend humors: which is the reason that of all vapours, the bitter is most unpleasant and disagreeable to the taste: for that indeed as Plato saith, consuming moisture (as it doth) by meanes of the drinesse which it hath, it doth unnaturally binde and draw in, the little veines of the toong, which of themselves be soft, and spungeous: after the same manner men use to restraine such wounds or ulcers which be moist, with medicines, or salves composed of bitter drougues, according as the poet Homer testisieth in these verses:

A bitter roote he bruis'd with hands, and laid upon the sore,
To take the anguish cleane away, that it might ake no more: 20
And so, applied when it was, all paines were soone allaid,
The running ulcer dried anon, and flux of bloud was staid.

He said well and truly, of that which is in taste bitter: That it hath a vertue & propertie to drie. And it should seeme also, that the powders which women strew upon their bodies for to represse diaphoneticall and extraordinarie sweets, be by nature bitter and astringent; so forcible is their bitternesse to binde and restreine; which being so, great reason there is, (I say) that bitter al­monds should have power to withstand the strength of meere wine, considering they drie the 30 body within, and will not permit the veines to bee full, upon the tention and commotion whereof (they say) drunkennesse doth proceed: and for evident proofe of this, there may be a good argument gathered from that which befalleth foxes; who having eaten bitter almonds, is they drinke not presently upon them, die therewith, by reason that all their humors sudden­ly are spent and consumed.

THE SEVENTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that old folke take greater delight in pure and strong wine, than others.

THere arose a question about old persons, what the reason might be, that they loved better 40 to drink wine without water, or at the leastwise delaied but a little? Some alledged the habit of their bodies, being cold, and hard to be set into an heat: in regard whereof, the strength of wine was meet and agreeable to their temperature: a reason very common and ready at hand; but surely, neither sufficient for to bee the cause of such an effect, nor yet simply true; for the same hapueth to their other sences, as being hard to be mooved and affected; yea and nothing easie to be stirred, for to apprehend the qualities thereto belonging, unlesse the same be passing strong and vehement; whereof the true cause indeed is this: that their temperature being weake, dull, and feeble, loveth to be put in minde by knocking upon; and this is the cause, that for their taste they delight in such sapours as be biting; their smelling likewise standeth even so 50 to odors that be strong, for affected it is with more pleasure in such as be not tempered nor de­laied: as for the sense of touching, they feele no great paine of ulcers and sores; and if it hap­pen that they be wounded, their hurt and harme is not so great: the same befalleth to their hearing, for their eares be in manner deafe: and heereupon it is that musicians as they grow in yeeres and waxe aged, straine and raise their voice in singing so much the higher and lowder, as if they stirred up the organs of hearing by the vehement force of the sound; for looke what is steele to the edge and temper of iron for cutting; the same is spirit to the bodie, for sense and [Page 657] feeling: and when it beginnes once to slacke, faile, and decay, the sense likewise and the instru­ments thereof become dull, heavie and earthly, having need of some such quicke thing to pricke it in good earnest as strong wine is.

THE EIGHTH QUESTION.

How it comes to passe, that olde folke reade better afarre off than neere at hand.

AGainst those reasons which wee devised and alledged upon the subject matter and point in hand, it seemed that there might be opposed the eie-sight; for that elder persons, for 10 to reade any thing the better, remoove the letters farther from their eies; and in trueth can not well reade neere at hand: which the poet Aeschylus seemeth covertly to implie, and shew unto us in these verses:

Know him thou canst not, if neere he stand to thee,
A good olde scribe thou maist much sooner be.

And Sophocles more plainly testifieth as much, when he writeth of old folke in this wise:

The voice to them arrives not readily,
And hardly thorow their eares the way can finde,
Their eies do see farre off confusedly,
But neere at hand, they all be very blinde. 20

If then it be so, that the senses of aged persons, and the instruments serving thereto, are not wil­lingly obeisant to their proper objects, unlesse the same be strong and vehement; what should the cause be, that in reading, they can not endure the reverberation of the light from letters, if they be neere? but setting the booke farther off from their eies, they do by that meanes enfeeble (as it were) that light, for that it is spread and dissipate in the aire, like as the strength of wine when it is tempered with water? To this probleme, some answered thus: That they remoove books and letters farre from their eie-sight, not because they would make the saide light more milde or lesse radiant; but contrariwise, for that they are desirous to catch and gather more splendor, and to fill the meane intervall (which is betweene the eie and the letter) with lightsome and shining aire. Others accorded with those, who holde, that the eies do send out of them, cer­teine 30 raies; for by reason that aswell from the one eie as the other, a pyramidal beame doth is­sue, the point whereof is in the sight of the eie, and the basis doth comprehend the object that is seene; probable it is, that both these pyramides goe forward apart one from the other a good space and distance, but after they be a great way off, and come to encounter one another, and be confounded together, they make but one entire light: and this is the reason, that albeit the eies are twaine, yet every thing that we see, appeareth one, and not two; for that (in trueth) the mee­ting and shining together of those two pyramides in common, do make of two sights, but one. This being presupposed and set downe, olde men approching neere to letters, comprehend the same more feebly, in regard that the pyramidall beames of their eies are not yet joined and met together, but ech of them reach to the objects apart; but if they be farther off, so that the said py­ramides 40 may be intermingled, they see more perfectly; much like to them, who with both hands can claspe and hold that, which they are not able to do with one alone.

Then my brother Lamprias opposed himselfe against all this; and as one who had not read the booke of Hieronymus, but even upon the pregnancy and quickenesse of his wit, seemed to render another reason; namely: That we see by the meanes of certeine images arising from the objects or visible things, which at the first be big, and for that cause trouble the sight of old folke, when they regard them neere and hard-by, being indeed but hard and slow of motion: but when the said images be advanced and spread farther into the aire, and have gained some good di­stance, the grosse and terrestriall parts of them breake and fall downe; but the more subtill por­tions reach as farre as to the eies, without any paine or offence unto them, and do insinuate and 50 accommodate themselves equally and smoothly into their concavities: so that the eies being lesse troubled, apprehend and receive them better. And even so it is with the odours of flowers, which are very sweet to smell unto a good way off; whereas if a man come over-neere unto them, they yeeld nothing so kinde and pleasant a sent: the reason is, because that together with the savour, there goeth from the flower, much earthly matter, grosse and thicke, which corrup­teth and marreth the fragrant sweetnesse of the odour, if it be smelled to very neere; but in case the same be a prety way off, that terrestriall vaparation is dispersed round about, and so falleth [Page 658] away, but the pure and hot part thereof, continueth behinde, and pierceth forward still, by reason of the subtiltie that it hath, untill it be presented unto the nostrils. But we, receiving and admit­ting the principle of Plato, affirme & hold: That there passeth from the eies an illuminate spirit, which intermingleth it selfe with the cleerenesse and light that is about the bodies of visible ob­jects; by which meanes there ariseth an united composition from them twaine, according in every point one with another, but concorporate they be by measure and proportion; for nei­ther the one nor the orher, ought to perish, as being surmounted by his fellow, but of twaine contempered together in just proportion, there is made one puissance and meane facultie be­tweene. Seeing then, that the thing which passeth thorow the eie-sight of those persons who be farre stept in yeeres, be it some fluxion, lightsome spirit, or bright beame, (call it what you 10 will) is in them, weake and feeble, there can not be a mixture and composition of it, with the shi­ning aire abroad, but rather an extinction and suffocation, unlesse they remove the letters a pre­tie way off from their eies, and by that meanes temper and resolve the exceeding brightnesse of the light, so as the same hit not upon their sight, so long as it is too radiant and resplendant, but measured and proportioned to the feeblenesse of their eies. This also is the cause of that which befalleth to those living creatures which see best in the darke, and feed themselves by night; for their eie sight being naturally weake, is offuscate and darkened by the great light of the day; for that such weak raies proceeding from so tender a source or fountaine, will not well sort & agree with so strong and forcible light; but their eies do send forth beames sufficient and proportion­able, to be mingled with a light more dim and duskish, like as the light of a starre in the night 20 season appeareth best: and thus being incorporate with it, it is cooperative to the performance of sense.

THE NINTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that clothes be better washed in fresh water than that of the sea?

THeon the grammarian, upon a time when wee were feasted by Metrius Florus, demaun­ded of Themistocles the philosopher, how it came to passe that Chrysippus having made mention in many places of strange positions and paradoxes, which seemed to goe 30 against all reason;) as for example: That salt fish, or powdred flesh, if it bee watered or washed in sea water, becommeth more sweet: also fleeces of wooll are lesse pliable, if they bee pluck­ed forcibly, than if they be gently handled, toosed and drawen in sunder. Item, that they who have fasted long, chew their meat, and eat more slowly at first, than after they have eaten a little;) rendreth no reason of the one nor the other: Unto whom Themistocles answered: That Chrysippus proposed them by the way onely, and as it were for example sake to advertise and ad­monish us; for that we are ever ready to beleeve, even without all reason, any thing that cari­eth with it some small likelihood and probability, and contrariwise to discredit that which at the first sight seemeth unlikely: But what reason I pray you (quoth he) my good friend have you to search & enquire into these matters? For if you be so contemplative and inquisitive in find­ing 40 out the causes of naturall things, you need not to goe farre from that which belongeth to your profession: but tel me why Homer bringeth in Nausicaa, washing her clothes in the river, & not in the sea which was so neere unto her; notwithstanding that salt sea water being hotter, more transparent, & abstersive than fresh water of the river, seemeth by all apparance better for to wash withall? As touching this probleme (quoth Theon) long since hath Aristotle resolved it, referring all to the terrestrity of the sea; for that in sea water there is mingled much earthlie substance, which causeth it to be so salt, by reason whereof, it beareth them up better who swim therein; also it carieth a greater and heavier burden than fresh water, the which yeeldeth and giveth way, as it is more subtile, lighter, and feebler, as being more simple and pure: in which regard it pierceth sooner, and by this penetrative facultie, it scoureth and clenseth awaie 50 all staines and spottes better than sea water: and thinke you not that this reason of Aristotle carieth great apparence of truth? Yes verily (quoth I) there is apparence and probabilitie in­deed thereof, but no truth at all: for this I see ordinarily that the maner is to incrassate fresh wa­ter with ashes or gravel stones; or if there be none to be had, even with very dust, as if the rough­nesse of terrestriall substaunce were more meet and apt, to clense all filthinesse, which simple and cleere water cannot doe so well, by reason of the thinne subtiltie thereof, and because it is very weake: and therefore it is not well and truely said, that the thicknesse of the sea water hin­dreth [Page 659] his effect. But the true cause is, for that it is penetrant and piercing; for this acrimonie doth unbinde and open the small pores, and so draweth foorth the ordure outwardly; whereas contrariwise, that which is grosse and thicke, is never good and meet for to wash withall, but ra­ther it maketh spots & steines: now is the sea fattie and oileous, which may be a principal cause why it is not good to wash withall: and, that sea water is uncteous, Aristotle himselfe beareth witnesse; for even salt it selfe hath a certeine fattinesse and unctuosity in it; by reason whereof, it causeth those lampes to burne more cleere wherein it is put: yea and sea water if it be sprin­kled or dropped upon the flame, will likewise be of a light fire and burne withall; neither is there any water that burneth so much as that of the sea; and in this regard I am of opinion, that it is of all other water hottest: howbeit there may bee another reason yeelded: for considering 10 that the end and consummation of washing, is to drie; those things wee hold most neat and cleane which are driest; and therefore the moisture that doth wash, must goe away together with the ordure; like as the root of Ellebore is sent out of the body with the melancholike hu­mour: as for the humiditie which is sweet and fresh by reason of the lightnesse thereof, the sunne draweth it up very quickly; whereas the saltnesse of sea water sticketh fast to the small pores, & by reason of the asperitie thereof is hard to be dried. Then Theon: This (that you say quoth he) is nothing, but very false; for Aristotle in the same booke affirmeth, that those who wash in the sea, are sooner dry than they that wash in fresh water, if they stand in the sunne. He saith so indeed (quoth I) but I thought that you would sooner beleeve Homer, who holdeth the contrarie. For Ulysses after he had suffred shipwracke mette with ladie Nausicaa: 20

All terrible and fearefull to be seene
For that in sea all plunged she had beene.

Yea and himselfe said unto her women and waiting maidens:

Retire a side and stand you farre from me,
Faire damosels, untill such time you see,
That I have washt from off my shoulders twaine
The filth of sea, that now my skinne doth staine.

And when he had thus said, he went downe into the river,

And there anon, he scowr'd cleane away,
The salt sea-fome, upon his head that lay. 30

In which place, the poet hath marvelous well observed and expressed that which ordinarilie hapneth in such a case: for that, when they who come foorth of the sea stand drying them in the sunne; his heat doth presently dissipate the most subtile and lightest substance of the humiditie, and then, that which is most foule and filthy, remaining behinde, sticketh to, is baked and felted to the skinne, in manner of a falt crust, untill it be washed off with fresh and potable water.

THE TENTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that at Athens they never judged nor pronounced the daunce of the tribe Aeantis to be the last? 40

AT the solemne feast which Serapion made for the victory of the daunce, which the tribe or linage Aeantis obteined, by his leading and conduct: to which feast we were bidden, as being of that tribe; for that the people had endued us with the priviledge and right of bour­geosie in the same; much talke there was occasioned by the great emulation and strife which had beene for the honour of that present daunce: and indeed followed it was with much zeale and heat of affection, by reason that king Philopappus himselfe in person, was a most honourable and magnificent president thereof, having defraied the charges belonging to the daunces of every tribe; who being present also with us, invited guests to this stately supper (as hee was a prince no lesse courteous and full of humanitie, than studious and desirous and desirous of knowledge) had 50 both the proposing and also the hearing of many antiquities. Now there was propounded and put to discourse, such a matter as this, by Marcus the Grammarian, namely: that Neanthes the Cyzicene wrote in his fabulous narrations of this citie, that the tribe Aeantis had by especiall honour, this speciall priviledge above the rest, that their daunce was never adjudged to the last place. That writer (quoth the king) is not sufficient to authorize an history; but supposing that this were true, let us make it the subject-matter of our discourse at this present, and search the cause thereof. But admit (quoth our friend Milo) that this were a false tale. What then? [Page 660] (quoth king Philopappus) there were no great matter in it, if the like befall unto us for love of learning, as sometime did to the wise philosopher Democritus; who feeding one day (as it should seeme) upon a coucumber, when he perceived the juice and liquor thereof to be verie sweet, and to taste of honie; demanded of his maid-servant who attended upon him, where she bought it: who named a certeine garden: whereupon he rose from the boord, and would needs have her to bring him thither, and to shew him the very place where it grew: but the wench woondering at her master, and asking him the reason what he meant to be gone in such haste: Why (quoth he) I must needs finde out the cause of this extraordinary sweetnesse, and finde it I shall, when I have well viewed and considered the place: hereat the maiden smiling: Sit you still, good sir (quoth she) and let this thing trouble your head no farther; for the trueth is this 10 I chanced before I was aware, to put this coucumber into a vessell that had honie in it. Then Democritus seeming to be offended and displeased with her: Thou angrest me to the heart with thy prittle-prattle, I will (I tell thee) go forward in this my intended purpose, and search into the cause hereof, as if this sweetnesse were naturall and came of the coucumber it selfe; and even so we will not pretend this readinesse and facilitie of Neanthes in delivering some matters incre­dible, as an evasion or excuse, to avoid this present disputation: for if none other good wil come of our discourse, yet I am sure it will serve well to whet and exercise our wits the while. Then all the companie at once with one accord, fell to praise the said tribe Aeantis, relating and colle­cting what commendable acts soever and glorious feats of armes had beene performed by that tribe. And here they failed not to rehearse the famous battell of Marathon, which is a State be­longing 20 to the tribe Aeantis. They forgat not to alledge likewise, how Harmodius and Aristo­gtton were Aeantides, borne in Aphidne, a towne of that tribe. Also Glaucias the oratour affir­med, that the right wing or point of that battell of Marathon, was assigned to them of that tribe, proving the same by the Elegies or verses which the poet Aeschylus had composed in the praise of their good service, having himselfe in person fought valiantly in the said conflict. Moreover, he shewed that Callimachus the high marshall of the field, being one of that linage, both bare himselfe right bravely that day, and was one of the principall authors (after captaine Miltiades) of that fought field, gave his voice with him, and perswaded to strike this battell. Unto this alle­gation of Glaucias, I my selfe added moreover, and said: That the decree or commission, by ver­tue whereof Miltiades led foorth the Athenian armie with banner displaied, into the field, was concluded at what time as the tribe Aeantis was president of the counsell at Athens; as also 30 that the same tribe in the battell of Platea, carried away the praise and prise for their brave ser­vice above the rest: and heereupon it is, that this tribe of Aeantis solemnizeth every yeere a stately sacrifice, for that victorie, as being commanded and appointed so to doe by the oracle of Apollo, upon the mount Cithaeron, and the same performed by nymphes or maidens Sacrisicers. Spha­gitides: for the celebration of which solemnity, the city furnisheth them with beasts and other things needfull for the same sacrifice. But yet you see (quoth I) that all the rest of the tribes may as well alledge for themselves many valiant act by them atchieved; and namely, Leontis; from which my selfe am descended, which in glorious renowme, giveth place to none what­soever. Consider therefore my masters, whether it bee not very like and more probable, that 40 this was attributed unto it, for to appease and comfort that woorthy person who gave the name unto this tribe; I meane Ajax the sonne of Telamon, who had not the patience to endure the overthrow in judgement, and losse of Achilles armour, but was so farre inflamed with envie, emulation, and wrath, that he spared nothing, nor cared for the ruine of all: to the end therefore that he might not fall into another fit of furie, and be implacable; thought good it was to ease him of the thing which might of all things offend and vexe him most, in that disfavour and disgrace, to wit: That the tribe which beareth his name, should never be thrust downe 50 into the lowest and last place.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE SYMPOSIAQUES. 10

The Summarie, or severall Chapters thereof.

1 WHat be those things which Xenophon saith, that men are better contented to be asked of at the table, yea, and to be scoffed at for, than otherwise no.

2 What is the reason that we have better stomacks to our meat, and eat more in Au­tumne, than in any other season of the yeere.

3 Whether the hen was before the egge, or the egge before the hen.

4 Whether wrestling was of all the sacred exercises and games of prize, most ancient.

5 Why Homer among all the combats of prize, putteth evermore in the first place, the fight at buf­fets; next to it, wrestling; and last of all, running the race. 20

6 What is the cause that the pine, sapin or pitch tree, and other like, yeelding rosin, can not be graffed by way of inoculation or the scutisian.

7 Of the stay-ship fish Remora.

8 How it commeth to passe, that the horses Lycospades are said to be more courageous and better spi­rited, than any others.

9 How is it, that the sheepe worried by wolves, yeeld flesh more sweet and tender, but wooll more sub­ject to breed lice than others.

10 Whether our ancestours did better in old time, to eat every man his owne part divided by himselfe at the boord, or the men now living, who feed in common, of viands set before them all together.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF 30 the Symposiaques.

THE FIRST QUESTION.

What be the things whereof Xenophon saith: That men love better to be asked and to be scof­fed at for when they sit at the boord, than otherwise no?

OF those things (ô Soissus Senecio) which are provided to furnish The Preface, 40 and set out feasts and banquets, some are to be raunged as altoge­ther necessarie; namely, bread, wine, viands, meats, both flesh and fish, benches, stooles, formes, and tables; others be but accessaries and may be spared, devised onely for pleasure, and not upon any ur­gent necessitie; as plaies, shewes, and pastimes brought in, either to be heard or seene; some pleasant buffon also or mery jester to make folke laugh, such an one as Philip in Kallais his house, which disports men are delighted in otherwhiles, if they be presented, and if they be not, they are not greatly missed, nor much cared for, nei­ther 50 is the feast thought defectuous for want thereof. The same may be said of table talke: for one kinde there is which modest and civill men doe embrace and enterteine, in regard of their proper use fitting and agreeable for meales and meat indeed; another sort they admit, and al­lowas conteining some gentle speculation, and the same beseemeth rather the time imploied in hearing musicke, of flute, hautboies, lute and viall. And of both these, our first booke con­teined certaine miscellane examples one with another; as namely, of the first sort were these questions: Whether it be good and commendable, to treat and dispute of philosophicall mat­ters [Page 658] at the table or no? Also, whether it be better, that the master of the feast himselfe place his guests, at the boord, or permit them to sit at their owne discretion? Of the second kind be these; whereupon arose this common saying: That love teacheth musicke or poetrie? as also the que­stion concerning the tribe Aeantes and such like. For mine owne part, I would call the former Sympotica, as properly belonging to a feast; the other by the generall name Symposiaca, as be­seeming rather a banquet after the feast is done: howbeit set downe they are by me pell-mell, and not distinctly, but according as every one of them came into my minde and remembrance: neither must the readers marvell if I collect and gather certeine speeches for to dedicate unto you, which have beene haply held heeretofore by others, or by your owne selfe: for albeit our learning is not alwaies a calling to remembrance, yet oftentimes it falleth out, that to remem­ber 10 and to learne, concurre and meet together in one subject matter. Moreover, having dige­sted in every booke ten questions, the first of this second is one, that Xenophon a disciple of So­crates, hath in some sort proposed unto us, when hee writeth: That Gobryas being upon a time at supper with Cyrus, as he praised many other fashions of the Persians, so he commended them especially in this: That they demaunded one of another such questions, wherewith they stood better pleased, than if they had not beene asked at all; and betweene whiles, let flie such pleasant scoffes and jestes, as that the parties so scoffed at, liked thereof better, than otherwise if they had beene let alone. For if it be so, that other men, even with their praises many times offend us, why shold we not greatly admire the seemely grace and wittie conceit of those, whose scoffes and jests yeeld pleasure and contentment to those who seeme to be mocked therewith? This is the 20 reason why Sopater having one day invited us to a feast at Patrae, mooved this talke and saide: Gladly would I know what kinde of questions and interrogatories they were? of what nature, and what the manner of them was? For no small part it is (quoth hee) of our entercourse and mutuall communication one with another, to have the dexteritie and skill, both to know and also to observe the decencie and congruitie in such pleasant demaunds and facete jests. Nay, (quoth I againe) a great matter it is; but marke, if Xenophon himselfe as well in the Symposium or banquet of Socrates, as in those of the Persians, giveth not us to understand what was the order thereof: and if you thinke good that we enter into this discourse, and that I should adde somewhat of mine owne. First and formost this is mine opinion: That men are well enough pleased to be asked those questions, to which they are able easily to answere, and 30 namely of such things as they have best skill and experience of: for if one should demaund of them, matters that they know not, either they be offended and grieved if they can say nothing unto them (like as those who are called upon to pay debts which they are not able to discharge) or if they bring out crosse, impertinent, and untoward reasons, they are much troubled, dis­maied, and perplexed: whereas if their answers bee not onely readie and easie, but also wittie and exquisite, so much the more pleasant and agreeable it is to the answerers: now those I count wittie and exquisite, which carie somewhat with them, that the common multitude knoweth not, or which few men have heard of; such as be the points of astrologie or logicke, especially if they be well seene therein, and have as it were the habit of them: for everie man is well pleased and appaied, not onely in practising and spending his time, as Euripides saith: 40

Whereby he may quit him so well,
That even himselfe he may excell.

but also in reasoning and discoursing of that wherein he hath best skill and knowledge. For men take great contentment when they be asked questions of that which they have an insight in, and knowing so much by themselves as they doe, loth they bee to have their cunning hid­den, and to be thought of others ignorant therein: therefore those who have beene great tra­vellers, and sailed in many voiages, cannot be better pleased, than when others enquire of them as touching farre countries, strange seas, the manners, fashions, and customes of barbarous nations; and you bring them to bedde (as they say) when you put them to discourse of such matters; as being most willing to describe and draw upon a table the coasts, places, straigths, 50 and gulfes by which, and through which they have passed, reputing it to be no small frute of all their travels, and an easement of the paines which they have endured: in one word, looke whatsoever we of our selves are woont, without the demaund and intreatie of others to recount and relate willingly; the same are we desirous that men should aske us questions of, and how­soever we seeme to doe pleasure unto the company, yet indeed we have much adoe to hold, and with great paine forbeare to utter the same. This is a very maladie incident to sailers and sea­men above all other. As for those that be of a more modest and civill nature, they are desirous [Page 663] to be asked those things, which they are willing enough to utter, but that they be abashed, and in reverent regard of them that be present, passe over in silence those exploits which they have performed happily and with great honour: and therefore good olde Nestor in Homer did very wisely, who knowing well the ambitious humour and desire of glory which was in Ulysses, spake unto him:

Ulysses, flower of noble chivalrie,
Renowmed knight, and all the Greeks glorie,
To tell us now, I pray (good sir) begin,
How ye both twaine did those great horses win.

For unwilling men are to heare those who praise themselves or recount their owne worthy acts, 10 if there be not one or other of the company that is urgent with them so to do, or unlesse they be in maner forced unto it; and therefore they are glad, when they be asked concerning the ambas­sages wherein they have beene imploied; of their acts during the time of their government of State, especially, if they have performed some great and honourable service therein; and with­all, perceive that it is not for envie nor malice, that such demands be made: for otherwise, such as be envious or malicious, weepe at those reports, and be ready to put them by, not willing to give place unto any narrations, nor to minister occasion or matter of talke, that may turne to the honor and commendation of him that delivereth the same. Moreover, this is another meanes to gratifie those who are to answere; namely, to move question of such things as they wot well enough, that their enemies and ill-willers are loth to heare. And verily, Ulysses said to Alcinous 20 in this wise:

A minde you have, to heare me tell my wofull miserie;
That I might still sigh, groane and waile for my hard destinie.

Even so Oedipus in Sophocles answered thus to the company of the Chorus:

Awoe it is (my friend) to raise and wake
A griefe that long hath slept and rest doth take.

But contrariwise, Euripides wrote after this sort:

How sweet is it to one for to remember 30
The paine now past, which sometime he did suffer!

True it is, but not to those who still wander, and (being tossed in troublesome seas) do yet meet with new misfortunes and calamities. But to returne againe to our former purpose; we ought to beware how wee demand ill newes: for men are grieved at the heart, to make report either how they have bene cast & condemned in any sute, or that that they have buried their children, as also, how infortunate they have bene in their traffique either by sea or land: contrariwise, they are well pleased to rehearse and repeat often times (if they be asked the question) how they have had good audience given them from the publike place of making orations, and obteined whatsoever they there demaunded; how they have beene saluted and honourably entreated by some king and potentate; and how, when other passengers and travellers with them, have beene 40 plunged into dangers of tempest or theeves, they onely escaped the perill: and for that in the bare relation, they seeme (as it were) to enjoy the thing it selfe, they can not be satisfied with the discourse and remembrance thereof. Also men rejoice and take delight, when they be as­ked as touching their friends, who are fortunate and doe prosper in the world, or of their owne children that profit well in learning and good literature, or have sped well in pleading causes, or otherwise are of credit in the court and with princes: semblably, they be very well content and pleased, to be moved for to relate, and so are more willing to make report of the losses or shame­full disgraces of their enemies and ill-willers, whom either they have overthrowen at the barre and caused to be condemned, or who otherwise are fallen into any disastrous calamity; for of themselves, loth they are, unlesse they be required thereto, to recount such things, lest they 50 might be reputed malicious, and glad to heare of other mens harmes. A hunter loveth very well, to have speech and question mooved unto him as touching hounds; so doth a champion, and one that delighteth in bodily exercises, to be trained to talke of gymnasticall pastimes and seats of activitie, like as an amorous lover, of such persons as be faire and beautifull; a devout and religious man discourseth ordinarily of dreames and visions that hee seeth, and what good successe he hath had in his affaires, by observing the direction of oracles, the presages of augu­rie and osses, by doing sacrifice, and generally, by the grace and especiall favour of the gods: and [Page 664] such be well pleased for to be asked questions as concerning these matters. As for old folke, you shall do them a high pleasure, if you put them to it, for to make any discourse whatsoever; for al­though the narration concerne them nothing at all, nor be to any purpose, yet if one aske them questions, he tickleth them in the right veine, and scratcheth them (as they say) where it itcheth. This appeareth by these verses out of Homer:

O Nestor, sonne of Neleus, tell me in veritie,
How Agamemnon, elder sonne of Atreus, did die?
Where was his yoonger brother then, sir Menelaus hight? 10
Lives he or no, in Achaea, at Argos citie bright?

Here you see Telemachus asketh him many questions at once, giving him occasion and matter of much speech, not as some do, who restreining olde folke to answere to the point only which is necessarie, and driving them within a narrow compasse, bereave them of that which is their greatest pleasure. In sum, they that would rather please and delight, than displease and trouble, propose such questions, the answeres whereunto, draw with them, not the blame and reproofe, but the praise and commendation; not the hatred and spight, but the amitie and good will of the hearers. And thus much may serve for interrogatories and demands. 20

As touching scoffes and merry jests, he that knoweth not how to use and handle them with dexterity, good discretion and skill, according to time and place convenient, I would advise him altogether to forbeare them. For like as if men be in a slippery or ticklish ground, they that touch them never so little in running by, are able to overturne and lay them along; even so at the table, when we are drinking, in danger we be upon every small occasion in the world offered (by a word not well placed, or untowardly delivered) to fall into choler; yea, and many times, more mooved we are with a scoffe or pleasant gibe, than with a reprochfull taunt or meere slan­der; for that ordinarily it is seene; that a reprochfull word proceedeth from a violent fit and sud­den passion of anger, even against his will that giveth it; but we take more to the heart, a mocke or scornfull flout, as comming from a prepensed malice, and a voluntary minde set upon mis­chiefe, 30 without any necessitie at all enforcing thereto; and to be briefe, we are in generall more offended with those that can give a drie frumpe in good sadnesse, than such as cast foorth words at randon. And this we hold for certeine, that every one of such frumps biteth sore, and seem­eth to be an artificiall kinde of reproch devised and thought upon of purpose before-hand: as for example, if one call another salt-fish-monger, by that word he gives him openly a plaine re­proch; but if he say, we remember well, that you are woont to wipe or snuffe your nose upon your sleeve, he mocks him covertly, and calles him as much by craft. The like frumpe it was, that Cicero used to one Octavius, who supposed to be an Affrican borne: for when he seemed to excuse himselfe that he heard not what Cicero spake: And that is a great woonder (quoth Cice­ro againe) considering that you have an hole bored through your eare. And Melanthius being 40 flouted and made a mocking stocke by a comedie maker: You have (quoth he) given me a re­ward that I never deserved, and paid me that which you owed me not: such gibes therefore and mocks as these, doe pricke worse, and much like to arrowes with barded heads, sticke longer by them who are thus flouted; and for their wittinesse more delight those who are present, than for any other pleasure else, seeme to winne credit unto him that useth them. For to speake a truth, a scoffe or mocke is nothing else but a covert and dissimuled reproch for some fault, according to Theophrastus: so as he that standeth by and heareth it, can make construction thereof, and ghesse how to adde more unto it, as knowing and beleeving all the rest behinde to be true. For no doubt he that laugheth heartily as if he were tickled, when he heareth the answer of Theocri­tus to one, who being named for a common stripper of men out of their garments, as they went 50 late in the streets, asked him if he went foorth to supper? Yes mary doe I (quoth hee) but I meane to lie there all night: such an one (I say) seemeth to confirme the opinion of the fore­said crime, for which the partie was suspected; insomuch as hee that mocketh and scoffeth im­pertinently and without grace, possesseth the standers by and hearers with malice, as if they insulted over the partie mocked, and were abbetters themselves, as being glad that hee is thus derided or reproched. But in that noble citie Lacedaemon, among other good disciplines in times past there taught, men learned also to jest at others without biting, and not to count them­selves [Page 665] nipped, when themselves were jested with: and if peradventure a man shewed himselfe discontented with some broad jest, and could not beare it well, the other partie presently gave over and was quiet. How then can it chuse but be an hard matter, to finde that kinde of scoffe or taunt which may content and please the party mocked? considering that it is a point of no smal atte, nor meane experience and dexteritie to bee able for to discerne and judge, what it is that in the feat of mockerie which is not offensive. Howbeit to open a little the meanes thereto: First and formost it seemeth, that as these jestes touch and sting them most who know them­selves to be guilty of those vices for which they be mocked: so the same frumps if they note men for such faults of which they be most cleere, must needs in some sort be pleasant and accepta­ble unto them upon whom they be discharged. Thus Xenophon jesting pleasantly with that 10 foule and ilfavoured fellow above all others, all hairy, and as rough as a beare; said: He was the minion and love of Sambaulas. You may call to minde also Quintus a good friend of ours, who when he lay sicke in bedde, complained that his hands were cold: But you brought them warm enough not long since (quoth Aufidius Modestus,) when you returned out of the province: which quippe being banded upon him, an honest and upright praetor, ministred occasion of mirth, contentment, and laughter; the same if it had light upon a proconsull that had used ex­tortion or oppression, would have beene a girding and nipping reproch. This is the reason that when Socrates chalenged Critobulus the fairest yoong man then living, to compare their beauties, jested merrily with him, but scorned and derided him not. And Alcibiades himselfe was pleasantly disposed with Socrates, when he said: That jealous he was of faire Agathon. And 20 even kings and great princes verily otherwhiles joy and take pleasure when they be spoken of, as if they were poore or private persons; like as one of these pleasants or parasiticall jesters, when king Philip seemed to gird and scoffe at him, returned upon him againe this word: What sir, know you not who I am, do not I keepe & mainteine you? For in reproching such persons with vices and defects, as which are not in them, they doe after an oblique manner give them to un­derstand, and doe make knowen the vertues and perfections which they have. But heere wee must take heed and be sure in any wise, that such good parts they be indued withall indeed, and without all doubt; otherwise that which is spoken to the contrary, buzzeth in their heads, and breedeth a doubtfull suspicion in themselves: for hee that saith unto a rich and great monied man, that he will be his broker, and helpe him to some usurers of whom he may take up mony at 30 interest; or unto a sober person, who drinketh nothing but water, that he is a drunkard, or hath taken his wine too liberally; or he that calleth a liberall man, well knowen to spend magnificent­ly, and ready to pleasure all men, a base mechanicall kumbix, and a pinching peni-father; or he who threatneth a famous advocate or counsellor at the barre, who hath a great name for lawe and eloquence in all courts of plea, and besides for policie and government is in high authori­tie, that he will bring him to a non-sute, or overthrow him judicially, he (I say) ministreth mat­ter of good spirit and laughter unto the partie whom he seemeth so to chalenge or menace. Af­ter this manner king Cyrus became very lovely and gracious, by his singular courtesie, in that he would seeme to provoke his familiars for to performe those feats, wherein he knew himselfe inferior to them: and when Ismenias the famous musician plaid one day upon his flute, during 40 the time of sacrifice, but so, as for all his musicke there appeered no good prognosticks and signes, in the beast sacrificed, testifying that the gods were propice and well pleased; another mercenary minstrell, taking the instruments in his hand, kept a foolish and ridiculous tooting, full untowardly; and when all the company there in place reprooved him for it: To sound an instrument (quoth he) to the contentment of the gods, is an heavenly gift: whereat Ismenias laughed a good, and made this answer: You take the matter amisse (quoth he) and cleane con­trary, for whiles I plaied, the gods tooke so great pleasure in my musicke, that they intended it onely, & had no while to accept of the sacrifice; but when thou begannest to meddle with the pipes, they received it immediately, and made haste to be ridde and delivered of thy absurd pi­ping. Moreover, they who call such things as bee simply good, by odious and opprobrious 50 names, and that in mirth, if they doe the same with a good grace; please more than those who directly praise the same; like as they doe nippe and bite more shrewdly, who give reproches under faire and lovely tearmes, as for example: such as call wicked persons, Aristides, or base cowards, Achilles: after the manner of Oedipus in Sophocles, when he said:

Creon who had beene alwaies kind
And even at first her faithfull friend.

Another kinde there seemes to be of ironicall praise, opposite unto the former; namely, when [Page 666] semblant is made of blame and reproofe: which maner of praise, Socrates often used; as for ex­example, when he called the industrious meanes that Antisthenes practised to reconcile men and make them friends, as also to gaine good will and favour, broakage, bauds-craft, entisement and allurement: as also, for that the philosopher Crates, had a good grace with him wheresoever he went, and because he was ever welcome, honourably received, and kindly enterteined into what house soever he came, he was commonly named Thyrepanoecles, as one would say; The doore opener. Furthermore, that mockerie is pleasing, which goeth in maner of a complaint, and yet carrieth with it a kinde of gratitude and thankefulnesse. Thus Diogenes speaking of his master and teacher Antisthenes,

Who clad me in a cloake thred-bare, 10
And made me ragged clothes to weare;
Who forced me to beg my food,
And houselesse for to walke abroad.

For nothing so good a grace it would have had, in case he had used these words: He who made me wise, contented, and happy. Also a certeine Laconian, who making a shew, that he blamed the warden of the publicke stouphes and halles of exercises, for giving him wood so drie, that it would not so much as smoake, said thus of him: Heere is one, by whose meanes we can not be suffered to shed a teare. Semblably, if a man should call him who kept a bountifull table, and feasted him every day, a tyrant and taker of men perforce, saying withall, that he would not suffer him to eat his meales at home, nor to see so much as once his owne table in so many yeeres 20 space: like as if one should complaine of the king, for making him, of a poore man, rich and wealthy, in these tearmes: That he had laied wait for him to doe him a shrewd turne, in taking from him his repose and leasure, and bereaving him of his sleepe and naturall rest: or as if some man having gathered plenty of good wine, turning againe upon the gods Cabeiri in Aeschilus, should accuse them, for that they had caused him to have scant of vineger in his house, as they themselves in bourd and mirth had menaced to doe. For these kinds of covert, secret and dissi­muled praises, enter farther, carrying with them a greater grace and more effectuall by farre, in such sort, as they who in this wise perceive themselves to be commended, are nothing offended thereat, nor take it in ill part.

Over and besides, it behooveth him who would give a frumpe or scoffe with a grace and dex­teritie, 30 to know also the difference of a defect and imperfection, from studies and recreations whereto men are given: as namely, to distinguish betweene avarice or a contentious humour, and the love of musicke or of hunting: for as men can not abide to be twit by those, so they are very well contented to be scoffed at for these; as Demosthenes the Mitylenaean plaied in this kinde pleasantly upon a time: for when he went to visit a familiar friend of his, who loved mu­sicke passing well, and was much addicted to play upon the harpe; after that he had knocked at the doore, and the other hearing that it was he, willed him to come in: But first (quoth he) I would have you tie up your harpe. But the parasiticall bassau of king Lysunachus, contrariwise rejoined in this sort as rudely and uncivilly; for when the king had throwen a counterfeit scor­pion made of wood, upon his coat, whereat he first started and was afraied; but when he percei­ved 40 once that the king was merrily disposed, and did but make sport, came upon him againe: And I will fright you, sir king, aswell (quoth he;) come on, and give me a talent from you. The like regard ought to be had, and the same difference made, as touching the defects or imperfe­ctions of the bodie, at least-wise in many of them: for if men be jested at, for that they be long­nosed and hawked, or otherwise have short snut-noses, they will but laugh thereat. Thus one of the minions of Cassander, was nothing offended with Theophrastus, when he said: I woonder at your eies, that they fall not a singing, and make good musicke, considering your nose is set and hidden within them: meaning, that he had a nose so flat and sunke [...] his head. And Cyrus see­ing one with a long nose and hawked withall, willed him to marrie a wife with a short and flat nose: For then (quoth he) you would match well, and make a good medly betweene you. But 50 in case we jest and make game at those whose nostrils stincke, or who have a strong and unfavo­ry breath, they take it not well at our hands, but are displeased. On the other side, if they be plai­ed upon for their bald-pates, they can abide it well enough, and put it up; but say a man mocke them for having but one eie; or being blinde, they will not endure it. In deed king Antigonus would jest pleasantle with himselfe for the losse of one eie; as namely, when there was presented unto him a supplication written in great capitall letters: Why (quoth he) a man may see this, if hee were starke blinde, and had never an eie in his head: but Theocritus of Chios his prisoner, he [Page 667] put to death, for that, when one to comfort him, came and said: That if the kings eies once had a sight of him, he should be pardoned, and save his life: Why then (quoth he) God have mercie upon me; for impossible it is for me to escape death: which he said, because king Antigonus had but one eie. Leo the Bizantine, when Pasiades objected unto him his bleered eies, saying: Mine eies before with looking upon yours: Goe to (quoth he) you twit and reproch me, for a bodily infirmity that I have, and never looke your selfe upon a sonne of your owne, who carrieth the vengeance of God upon his shoulders: now this Pasiades had a sonne, who was crumpt-shoul­dred and bunch-backed. Likewise Archippus, who in his time bare a great sway in Athens, as being one of the oratours who led the people, and ruled the State, was very angry with Melan­thius, who alluding to his bunch backe, and scoffing thereat, used these tearmes: That he did not 10 stand manfully upright in the defence of the citie, but Graid, medium stouped and bended forward, as if he had suffered it likewise to leane, reele, and sincke downward. And yet some there be, who can carrie these broad jests patienly, and with good moderation; as one of the minions of king Antigo­nus, who having craved of him a talent in free gift, and seeing that he was denied it, required at the kings hands, that he would allow him a good strong guard to accompanie him: For feare (quoth he) that I be forlaied by the way, and risled by him, who enjoined me to carrie a talent of silver at my backe. See, how men are diversly affected in these externall things, by reason of the inequallitie of their maimes, some after one sort, and some after another. Epaminondas sit­ting at a feast with his companions and colleagues in government, dranke wine as sharpe as vineger, and when they asked him why he did so, and whether it made for his health? I know 20 not that (quoth he) but well I wot this, that good it is to put mee in minde of my home diet. And therefore in casting out of jests and pleasant taunts, regard would be had of mens natures and dispositions, for that some have broader backs to beare scoffes than others: and endevour we must, so to converse with men both in bourd and in earnest, that wee offend no person, but be acceptable unto all.

As for love, a passion very divers it is, and passing variable, as in all other things, so in jests and gibes especially: for that some will take offence and be soone angry, others will be merrie and laugh it out, if they be touched in that point; and therefore above all things the opportu­nitie of the time would be well observed: for like as when a fire is newly kindled and but weake at the first, the winde will put it quite out, but when it hath gotten strength and burneth foorth, 30 it mainteineth, feedeth, and augmenteth the flame; even so love, when it is a breeding, and whiles it lieth secret, and sheweth not it selfe, quickly taketh displeasure and offence against those that discover it; but when it is once broken foorth, and is made apparent and knowen to all, then nourished it is, and taketh delight to be blowen (as it were) and enflamed more with scoffes and merry jestes: and that which pleaseth lovers best is this, when they be jested with, in the presence of those whom they love, and namely in love matters, otherwise not; and if the case stand so, that they be woonderfully enamoured upon their owne wedded wives, or yoong laddes by the way of honest and vertuous love, then they joy exceedingly, they glory and take a pride, in being scoffed at for the love of them. Heereupon Arcesilaus being upon a time in his schoole; when one of these professed lovers and amorous persons, chaunced in commu­nication, 40 to give him these words: Me thinks this that you have said toucheth none of this com­panie, replied thus and said: No more than you are touched and mooved; and withall, shewed him a faire and well favoured youth in the prime of his yeeres sitting by him. Furthermore, good regard and consideration would be had, who they be that are present and in place, for otherwhiles, men are disposed to take up a laughter at merry words which they heare among friends and familiars, who would not take it well, but be offended thereat, if the same were delivered before wife, father, or schoole-master, unlesse it were some thing that agreed ve­ry well with their humour: as for example, if one should mocke a companion of his before a philosopher, for going bare-footed, or sitting up at his booke all night long, studying and writing; or in the presence of his father for being thristie, and spending little; or in the hearing 50 of his owne wife, that he cannot skill of courting and loving other dames, but is altogether de­voted and serviceable unto her alone: thus Tigranes in Xenophon, was mocked by Cyrus, in these tearmes: What and if your wife, should heare say that you made a page of your selfe, and caried your bedding and other stuffe upon your owne necke? She shall not (quoth he) heare it, but be an eie witnesse thereof, and see it in her presence. Furthermore, when they who give out such merrie taunts as these, be partakers therein, and in some sort doe include themselves with­all; lesse blame-woorthy they are, and nothing so much to be reproved; as for example: when [Page 668] a poore man glaunceth against povertie, or a new upstart and gentleman of the first head, a­gainst meane parentage, or an amorous person girdeth at the wantonnesse of another lover; for it may seeme thereby, that there was no meaning and intent to offend or offer wrong, but that all was merrily spoken, seeing they participate in the like defects, for otherwise it might nippe very much, and go too neere to the quicke. Thus one of the affranchised or freed men of the emperour, growen up on a sudden to be exceeding rich, bare himselfe very proud, and dis­dainfull to certeine philosophers, who sat at the table and supped together with him, insulting very insolently over them, and in the end comming out with this foolish question: How it came to passe that the broth or pottage made of beanes, whether they were blacke or white, looked greene alike? Aridices one of the philosophers there in place, asked him presently a­gaine, 10 what the reason was, that the wales or marks of stripes and lashes, were all red indiffe­rently, whether the whippes were made of white or blacke leather thongs? at which reply, the other was so dashed, and disquieted, that he rose from the boord in a pelting chafe, and would not tarie. But Amphias of Tarsis (supposed to be no better than a gardiners sonne) having by way of scorn scoffed at one of the familiar friends of the lord deputie there, for his meane birth, taking himselfe immediately with the maner: But why say I so? for we (quoth he) are come of no better seeds; made the party and all the company to laugh heartily. Semblably, there was a minstrell or professed musician, who kindly and with a very good grace, repressed the presump­tuous curiositie and unskilfulnesse of king Philip, who forgat himselfe so much, that hee would needs reade a lecture as it were unto the said minstrell, how he should finger and strike; finding 20 fault with him in certeine accords of musicke: Ah, God forbid, (quoth he) my good leege lord that it should go so heard with your grace, as to be more skiful in this art than my selfe; for thus whiles he seemed to mocke himselfe, he told the king of his fault without offence: and this see­meth to be a device that comicall poets otherwhiles practise, to allay the bitter gall of their quips & taunts, namely, to scoffe at themselves, as Aristophanes used to make sport with his own bald pate: and Cratinus noted himselfe, that he loved wine so well, in that comedie which he inti­tuled Pytine, that is to say, a bottle or flagon of wine: but above all, this regard and considera­tion would be had, that all such scoffes and merrie jestes, come from a man extempore, and readily, either by way of answer to a present demaund, or occasioned upon some other sud­den scoffe, and in no wise to seeme farre fetcht, as a thing premeditate & studied on before: for 30 like as men beare and endure with more patience, the anger and debates among themselves, a­rising now and then at the table, whiles they be in the middes of their cups; but if another stran­ger should come in place, and offer abuse to any of the guests, and so trouble the compa­ny, hee should be reputed an enemie, and for very hatred they would thrust him out of the dores by head & shoulders; even so, we can find in our harts, easily to pardon a scoffe, a frump, or broad jest, if it proceed from some matter, at the present deliverie, or seeme to come na­turally, unforced, and without all art; but in case it be not occasioned presently, nor respective to the purpose, but drawen (as one would say) violently by the haire of the head from elswhere; then it resembleth some ambush fore-laied afarre off, for to wrong and do injurie to one person or other; like to that jest of Timagenes, which he discharged upon the husband of a woman, who 40 was wont ordinarily to cast up her gorge, in this maner:

With musicke bad you doe begin,
Thus
[...] which soun­deth all one with [...] that hath a faire disse­rent sense: reade accor­ding to the former, it sig­nisieth mu­sicke: after the later, it betokeneth vomiting. This equivocation in Greeke, carrieth that grace with it, which I can not so aptly expresse in English.
vomiting to bring her in.

As also the demand proposed unto the philosopher Athenodorus, whether the love of parents to their children, be [...] some reade [...] that is to say, naturall. How ever it be, you must understand it of wanton love, which is neither naturall nor harmonicall. For this Athencdorus was noted for incest with one of his daughters. musicall. For surely, such unseasonable cuts and taunts as these, not ac­commodate to time and place, nor fitted to the present occasion, doe bewray a malicious minde, and a deliberate purpose, to offer wrong and abuse: and therefore such persons as delight in these biting girds, many times for a word, which is the lightest thing in the world, as Plato saith, have paied a most heavie and grievous price; whereas contrariwise, they that know how to place their words in due time, in meet place, and aptly to the purpose, do verifie the testimo­nie 50 of the same Plato, who saith: That it is an assured signe of a mans good bringing up, and the point of liberall nurture and instruction, to know how to jest with a decent grace, and without the offence of any person.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

Why men be more hungrie, and eat better in Autumne, than in any other quarter of the yeere?

IN the borough Eleusine, after the ceremonies of sacred mysteries were performed, whē as the solemnitie (celebrated with so frequent concourse of people) was at the highest, we were fea­sted by Glaucias the oratour in his house; where when others had made an end of supper, Xeno­cles his brother, began after his maner, to cavill and scoffe at my brother Lamprias, twitting him with his large feeding, and indeed hitting in his teeth and reproching him with the voracitie of 10 the Boeotians, who are taken to be good trencher-men: whereupon I (in the defence of my brother, and to be revenged of Xenocles) tooke occasion out of the doctrine of Epicurus, and said unto him: What (good fir) all men do not define and determine the utmost point and per­fection of pleasure, to be indolence or the privation of paine, as your good master Epicurus doth: and besides, my brother Lamprias, who honoureth and esteemeth more the walking galle­ries of the Peripateticks, and the schoole of the Stoicks, called Lyceum, than he doth the garden of Epicurus, must of necessitie and in effect, beare witnesse to Aristotle, who affirmeth: That there is no man, but he eateth more in Autumne, than in any other season of the yeere: and a reason he giveth thereof, although it be now out of my head. So much the better (quoth Glaucias) for we our selves will see if we can finde it out after supper is done. Now when the tables were taken 20 away, Glaucias and Xenocles both, imputed the cause thereof to the sundry fruits of that season, and that after a divers sort. For one said, that new fruits do make the bellie soluble, and so by e­vacuation of the bodie, engender alwaies fresh appetites to meat. The other, to wit, Xenocles, af­firmed, that these fruits (for the most part) carrie with them a certeine piercing and mordicant quallitie, yet pleasant withall, whereby they provoke and quicken the stomacke to appetite, more than any viands or sauces whatsoever; insomuch as those who be sickly, and have lost their sto­macks, recover the same many times, by eating some of those fruits new gathered. But Lamprias alledged, that our familiar and naturall heat, by which we are nourished in Summer time, is di­spersed, and becommeth more feeble and resolved: but contrariwise, upon the entrance of Au­tumne, it gathereth it selfe together inwardly againe, and is fortified by the meanes of the colde 30 ambient aire, which knitteth, constreineth, and closeth up the pores of the bodie. Then I (be­cause it should not be thought that I would be one to participate in this conference without contributing somewhat of mine owne, when my course came to speake) declard, that in Sum­mer time, by reason of the excessive heat of the weather, we are more thirstie, and in regard of the same heat and drought, take in more moisture and liquid nourishment: Now therefore, na­ture (quoth I) by reason of the change of the aire and the season, seeking (as her maner is) for the contrary, causeth us to be more hungry in Autumne, than at other times, and for the tempe­rature of the bodie, tendereth unto it as much drie food, as it had taken moisture in Summer time: and yet a man can not well say, that the cause of this effect dependeth nothing at all of the viands which we eat, consisting much of new and fresh fruits, not onely thicke gruels and 40 pottage, but also of pulset wheat-bread, and flesh, reared the same yeere, which being more sa­vory than those of the yeeres past, do by consequence provoke those that use to fee upon them, for to eat better.

THE THIRD QUESTION.

Whether was before, The hen or the egge?

THis long time I absteined from eating egges, by reason of a certeine dreame which I had, being desirous to make that experience in an egge, which is made in an heart, by occasion 50 of a vision which hath evidently appeard unto me many times in my sleepe. And heereupon, when I was one day at a feast which Sossius Senecio made unto us, the companie conceived an opinion or suspition of me, that there were entred into my head, the fantasies and superstitions of Orpheus & Pythagoras, and that I abhorred to eat an egge, like as many do forbeare the heart and the braine of a living creature; for that I beleeved it to be the principle and fountaine of generation: insomuch as Alexander the Epicurean, by way of a jest, and to move laughter, al­ledged these verses:

[Page 670]
I count all one, to make of * beanes, our meat,
As if the heads of parents we did eat.

As who would say, that the Epicureans by this word [...] that is to say, beanes, meant aemg­matically and covertly, egges, because that the breeding of yoong, or conception, in Greeke, is called [...] as if there were no difference at all, but they thought it all one to eat egges and the living creatures which lay them. Now if I had alledged my dreame unto them, for my defence, as the very cause of mine abstinence, certes, mine answere would have seemed more absurd and ridiculous, than the dreame it selfe, especially, to this Epicurean: and therefore I stood not greatly upon excusing my selfe unto the said Alexander, playing upon me so merrily, but suffered him to feed and mainteine that opinion conceived of me: for surely, a pleasant man he 10 was, honest, civill, and well learned. Howbeit, he tooke occasion heereupon, to set on foot that doubtfull question of the egge and the bird, which had busied and amuzed the heads so much of great naturallists, and searchers into the causes of naturall works, and namely to know, whether of the twaine was before? Whereat Sylla our familiar friend said: That with this little question of the henne and the egge, as with a small lever, screw, or such like engine, we shaked the great frame and weightie fabricke of the generation of the whole world, and therefore wil­led him to surcease and proceed no farther, to speake thereof. But when Alexander laughed at it, and made no more reckoning of it, than of a ridiculous question of no importance, nor consequence at all depending thereof; my sonne in law Firmus began in this wise: I must heere borrow (quoth he) the indivisible elements of Epicurus, and make use of those motes or attomi 20 of his; for it be true which he supposeth and laieth for a ground: That small principles should assoord beginning to great bodies; it soundeth by all likelihood to great reason, that the egge was before the henne: for as farre foorth as by our senses we are able to judge, it is more simple, whereas the henne is a body mixt and compounded; and to speake in generalitie, the principle or element is ever first: the seed is a principle, and the egge full of seed, and lesse, than the chicke or living creature that is hatched of it: for like as the progresse and proceeding unto vertue is of a middle nature, betweene the first disposition and the finall habit and perfection thereof; even so it should seeme, that the egge is a certeine processe and advancement forward of nature, ten­ding to make a living creature of the seed disposed thereto: moreover, as in a beast or such a li­ving creature it is commonly said and received, that the arteries and veines bee formed first; 30 semblablie, good reason there is to hold, that the egge was before the bird, as the continent before the thing conteined within: for so it is with very arts, which make the first draught of their works grosly without forme & fashion; but afterwards give distinct sigure and shape to every part thereof, according to that which Polycletus the famous imager was woont to saie: That their workemanship in potterie was then most difficult and hard, when the claie and the finger naile mette together: that is to say, when the worke was at the point to be finished: and therfore it standeth well to good reason, that the matter yeelding and obeying but slowly unto nature at the beginning, when she mooveth and frameth by little and little, produceth at the first, rude lumpes and masses, not as yet brought into shape and fashion, such as egges be; but as the same grow to receive the impression of some forme, there is afterwards wrought out and framed a living creature within: for like as there is engendred first a grub, which in time grow­ing 40 hard by reason of drinesse, cleaveth and openeth in the end, and putteth foorth another lit­tle winged flie, which we call Nympha, before it is a perfect bee; after the same manner, the egge heere is the first subsistent matter of generation; for necessarie it is, that in every change and transmutation, that must precede and have a being first, which is to be altered and turned into another: see you not how cankers or catterpillers are bred in trees, and wormes in wood, ei­ther by the putrefaction, or concoction of humiditie? and will any man deny that the said moi­sture went before; and that by order of nature, that which ingendreth is more auncient than that which is ingendred? for as Plato saith: The matter in all things that breed, serveth in stead of mother & nource; and that is to be counted the matter, whereof the thing is composed, & con­sisteth 50 which is bred. And now for that which remaineth (quoth he, and therewith he laughed) I will sing unto those that be skilfull and of understanding, one holy and sacred sentence, taken out of the deepe secrets of Orpheus, which not onely importeth thus much, that the egge was before the henne, but also attributeth and adjudgeth unto it, the right of eldership and priori­ry of all things in the world: as for the rest, let them remaine unspoken of in silence (as Herodo­tus saith) for that they be exceeding divine and mysticall; this onely will I speake by the way: That the world conteining as it doeth, so many sorts and sundry kinds of living creatures, there [Page 671] is not in manner one I dare well say, exempt from being ingendred of an egge, for the egge bringeth foorth birds and foules that flie; fishes an infinit number that swimme; land creatures, as lizards; such as live both on land & water, as crocodiles; those that be two footed, as the bird; such as are footlesse, as the serpent; and last of all, them which have many feet, as the unwinged locust. Not without great reason therefore is it consecrated to the sacred ceremonies and my­steries of Bacchus, as representing that nature which produceth and comprehendeth in it selfe all things.

When Firmus had discoursed in this wise, Senecio opposed himselfe and said: That the last similitude and comparison which he brought, was that, which first and principally made against him: For you marke not ô Firmus (quoth he) how ere you were aware, you opened the world 10 like a gate, as the proverbe saith, even upon your selfe; for that the world was before all other things, as being most perfect, and reason would, that whatsoever is perfect, should precede the unperfect; the entier and sound goe before that which is wanting and defectious; and the whole before the part, for that there can be no parcell, but the whole thereof went before: for no man useth to speake thus: The seeds-man, or the egges henne; but cōtrariwise we say: The mans seed, and the hennes egge, as if both generative seed and egge did succeed and follow them, taking their owne generation in them first, and afterwards paying againe (as it were a debt unto nature) a successive generation from them: for need they have of that which is proper and familiar un­to them, and thereupon are endued with a naturall desire and inclination, to produce such ano­ther thing as that was from whence they came: and heereupon it is, that seed is thus defined, to 20 be a geniture or thing bred, having need and desire of new generation. Now there is nothing that either standeth in need or hath an appetite to that which is not, or hath no being: and wee may plainly see, that egges have their totall essence and substance, from that compact knot and composition which is gathered within the body of a living creature, and faileth heerein onely, that it hath not such organes, instruments, and vessels as they have; which is the reason that you shall never finde written in any historie, that an egge was ingendred immediately of the earth; for even the poets themselves doe say: That the egge out of which sprang Castor and Pollux, fell from heaven; whereas the earth even at this day produceth many complet and per­fect creatures; as for example, mice in Aegypt, and in many other places, serpents, frogges, and grashoppers, by reason that the principle and puissance generative, is infused and inserted in­to 30 it from without. In Sicilie during the time of the Servile warre, much carnage there was, and a great quantitie of bloud shedde and spilt upon the earth, many dead bodies corrupted and pu­trified above ground, lying unburied; by occasion whereof, an infinit number of locusts were engendred, which being spred over the face of the whole island, spoiled and destroied all the come in the countrey: all these creatures therefore are bred and fedde of the earth; and of their nourishment they yeeld a generall superfluitie, apt to ingender the same kind, and that is called, seed; and for to be discharged thereof, by meanes of a certeine mutuall pleasure, the male and the female match and couple together; and so some according to their nature, breed and lay egges; others bring foorth yoong ones alive; whereby it is evidently seene, that the primitive generation came first and immediatly from the earth, but afterwards, by a certeine conjunction 40 of one with another; in a second sort, they breed their yoong. In summe, to say that the egge was before the hen, is as much as if the matrice were before the woman; for looke what relation there is betweene the said matrice and the egge, the semblable hath the egge unto the chicken that is ingendered and hatched within it. So that, to demand how birds were made when there were egges, is all one, as to aske how men and women were created, before the naturall parts and genetall members of the one sex and the other were made? And verily the members for the most part, have their subsistence and being together with the whole; but the powers and facul­ties come after those members; the functions succeed the faculties, and consequently, the ef­fects or complements follow upon the said functions and operation: now the accomplished worke or perfection of that generative facultie in the naturall parts, is the seed or the egge: so 50 that we must of necessitie confesse, that they be, after the generation of the whole. Consider moreover, that, as it is not possible that there should be concoction of meats or any nourish­ment, before the living creature be fully made and compleat, no more can there be any seed or egge; for that both the one and the other, is made by certeine concoctions and alterations: neither is it seene, how before the full perfection of a living creature, there should be any thing that hath the nature of the superfluity or excrement of nutrition; and yet I must needs say, that naturall seed otherwise, in some sort, may go for the principle and beginning of life; whereas the [Page 672] egge in no proportion answereth to such a principle, for that it hath not a subsistence first, nor any reason or nature of the whole, because it is imperfect. And hereupon it is, that we never say, that a living creature had any being or subsistence, without an elementarie beginning: but we affirme, that there was a principle of generation, to wit, the power or facultie generative, by which the matter was transmuted, and wherein there was imprinted a generall temperature; and that the egge afterwards, is as it were a certein supergeneration, much like unto the bloud & milke of a living creature, after nourishment & concoction: for never shall you see an egge en­gendred of mud; for that an egge hath the generation and concretion within the bodie onely of a living creature; whereas there be an innumerable sort of creatures procreated & bred of mud and within mud. And to seeke no surther for allegation of other examples to prove this, there 10 be taken every day an infinit number of eeles, and yet never saw any man one eele, either milter or spawner, or that had any row in it. And more than that, if one let out all the water forth out of the poole, and cleanse it from all mud and mire, yet after the water is returned thither againe in­to the place, there will be eeles soone engendred. And therefore we may conclude necessarily, that whatsoever in generation hath need of another, can not chuse but be after it; and that which otherwise may be of it selfe, and without the other, must of necessitie precede and goe be­fore in generation: for this is that prioritie whereof I speake. To prove this, marke how birds do build and make their nests before they lay egges; women also provide cradles, clouts, beds, and swadling-clothes for their little babes, before they crie out, or be delivered; and yet you will not say (I trow) that either the nest was before the egge, or the swadling cloths before the infant. 20 For (as Plato saith) the earth doth not imitate a woman, but a woman the earth; and consequent­ly, all other females. And very like it is, that the first procreation out of the earth, was performed entire, and accomplished by the absolute vertue and perfection of the Creatour, without need of such instruments, vessels, or secondines, which nature deviseth now, and frameth in parents, by reason of their imbecillity and weaknesse.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

Whether wrestling were of all the exercises and games of prise, most ancient or no?

WE made a feast in the honour of Sosicles the Coronean, for joy of the victorie which hee 30 obteined at the Pythicke games, over all other poets. And when the time drew neere at hand, wherein the Gymnicke masteries and feats of activity, were to be performed; the greatest talke was at table, as touching the wrestlers; for that many of them resorted thither, and those the most renowmed champions of all Greece. In our company was Lysimachus, one of the agents or procuratours of the high commissioners, called Amphictyones, who moved speech, and said, how not long before, he heard a Grammarian say: That wrestling was the most ancient combat of all those exercises that were named Gymnicke, for that they were performed by men naked; and he added moreover: That the very name thereof in Greeke, imported no lesse; for [...] al­ludeth neere unto [...] which is as much as [of olde] or [in times past.] And it may seeme 40 (quoth he) that ordinarily, the things that be moderne and newly devised, borrow the names im­posed upon those that be of more antiquity: for so we say that [...] that is to say, the fluit or hautboies, is turned, borrowing the tearme of [...] which is a psalterie or stringed instrument: and we call even at this day, [...] i. the playing upon the pipe or hautboies, by the name of [...] that is to say, striking with the fingers, which no doubt is a tearme fetched from the harpe or lute. And even so, the very place where they do exercise, who performe all feats of acti­vitie naked, is named [...] of [...] that is to say, wrestling; which (no doubt) was a denomi­nation given to it at the first, and time out of mind, howsoever it be reteined still, and extendeth to other exercises invented since, & taken up long after. Then began I, and said: That this argu­ment and testimonie, was not sufficient to conclude thereupon: For admit (quoth I) that Palae­stra 50 was derived of [...] which signifieth wrestling, yet it was not because of all others it was most ancient, but for that it is the only exercise that requireth cley, called [...] dust also and ceroma, which is a composition of oile and waxe, wherewith wrestlers be anointed. For surely, in these places, called Palaestrae, there is practised neither running a race, nor fist-fight or combat with buffets, but only wrestling, called [...] and Pancration, wherein they go to it with hand and foot, yea, and by the very teeth and all: for that in these two exercises, the champions lie along o­ther-whiles, and wallow in the dust and mire, named [...] And evident it is, that Pancration [Page 673] is a mixt exercise of wrestling and fist-fight. Againe: What likelihood or reason is there (quoth I) that wrestling, which of all combats is most wittie and artificiall, should likewise be of greatest antiquitie? for need and necessitie produceth that first, which is simple, plaine, and without arte; performed rather by fine force and maine violence, than by rule and method. When I had thus delivered my conceit, Sosicles seconding my words: True it is (quoth he) that you say, and the better to confirme your opinion; it seemeth unto me, that [...] is derived of the verbe [...] that is to say, to overthrow or lay one along by craft and deceit. Nay rather (quoth Philinus) it tooke the name of [...] that is to say, the flat palme of the hand, because this part especially of both the hands is most emploied by them that wrestle; like as those, who go to buffets, use their two fists or hands clutched together; whereupon, that maner of fight is 10 called [...] that signifieth, a fist; and the other, [...] of [...] that is to say, the broad palme of the hand. Howbeit, forasmuch as the poets use this verbe [...] for [...] and [...] that is, to strew and sprinckle dust, which we see wrestlers for to practise more than any other champi­ons, it may be very well, that the word [...] was derived from [...] Consider yet moreover (quoth he) how the curriers or runners in a race, do all that lies in them, to leave their concur­rents a great way behind, and be as farre before them as possibly they can; those also that fight at buffets, though other-whiles they be very desirous to buckle and close together, yet the war­dens and judges of the games will not permit them once to catch hold: but we see that wrest­lers onely doe claspe about, and imbrace one another with their armes; and the most part of their striving one against another, whether it be performed by taking hold either directly or in­directly, 20 by tripping, by coping and tugging, doe all bring them together, and enterlace them: so that it is not unlike, that by reason they approch so as they do, and be neerest one to another, their wrestling was first called [...] of [...] which signifieth neere at hand.

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

What is the reason that Homer among the combats of prize, setteth alwaies in the first place: The fight at buffets; in the second, wrestling; and last of all, running the race?

WHen these words had passed to and fro, and after that wee had commended Philinus, 30 Lyssmachus began againe, saying: And which of all the games of prize should a man say was first performed? The race or carriere, as at the Olympique solemnities: for heere at the Pythique games, the manner is to bring in certeine champions at every severall game or plaie: first boies to wrestle, and after them, men-wrestlers also; then those that performe fist-fight, one after another; and likewise the champions called Pancratiastae: but there, after that chil­dren have atchieved all their combats, the men growen were called in: Mary, this I would have you to consider well (quoth he) whether Homer hath not done very expresly, to shew the order which was observed in his time? for alwaies in his poëmes the fight with fist among all the Gymnick combats, standeth first; wrestling second; and the running of a course last: Heere­at Crates the Thessalian, woondring (as if he had beene amazed) O Hercules (quoth he) what 40 a number of things are we ignorant of! but I beseech you, that if you have readily under your hand any of his verses, you would not thinke much to call them to our remembrance, and recite them: Why (quoth Tunon then) it is well knowen in manner to all the world, and none there is but his eares resound againe with this; that in the honorable funerals of Patroclus, the same or­der of combats was precisely observed; and the poet keeping the same order still, and never missing it, hath brought in Achilles speaking unto good Nestor in this manner:

Heere father old, I give to thee,
This gift of meere gratuitee:
For now with fist thou maist not fight:
To wrestle still thou hast no might: 50
Thou canst no more the javelin launce,
Nor in the race thy selfe advaunce.

And anon he inferreth the aged grey-beard, answering with along traine of words, as the maner is of these old folke, after this sort:

The time was when at buffet fight, the prize I wonne in field,
[Page 674] And with my first made Clitomede sir Oenops sonne, to yeeld:
Ancaeus the Pleuronien in wrestling gave me place,
And Iphiclus by foot-manship, I overranne in race.

Afterwards in another place he speaketh of Ulysses, challenging the Phaeocians to combat in this wise:

At buffets dry with good hard clutched fist,
At wrestling, or at running, if you list.

But of Alcinous making a kinde of excuse, and in sort condemning himselfe, in these words: 10

At buffets hard we fight not well,
Ne yet in wrestling doe excell:
But swift of foot, and light we are,
And runne a course with you we dare.

Thus you may see his order, he changeth not upon any occasion or occurrence presented, neither rashly, and as it came into his head, now in one sort, and then in another; but folowing from point to point, as it were by a certeine rule and prescript, what was the use in those daies, and what was done then; he keepeth himselfe to the same method, according as they likewise observe still in the said auncient order. After that my brother had finished his speech, I said: 20 That in mine advice he had spoken very well and truely to the point; but yet for all that, I could not conceive the reason of the said order: and some other were there present, who thought it unlikely, and were not perswaded, that in case of combat and atchieving feats of activitie for victorie, either fighting with fists, or wrestling, should goe before running: and therefore they requested me to search farther into the matter, and to fetch the reason thereof from the verie original: whereupon I set in hand presently and extempore, spake to this effect: That I thought all these combats to be the very representations and exercise of warfare; for proofe whereof, the custome was and is at this day, after that these combats be performed, to bring into the place a foot-man in complet harneis, and armed at all pieces, as it were to witnesse, that this is the end whereunto tend all these exercises of the body, the contentions also and aemulations, 30 for to gaine the prize, and the priviledge graunted unto the victours when they returned with triumph to those cities where they were borne; namely, to make some breach in the walles, and to throw downe some part thereof: the mystery and meaning whereof is thus much; that the walles of a citie serve in small stead, if there be no men in it who are able to fight, and know how to winne the victorie. In Lacedaemon they that once had gained the prize at these sacred and crowned games; by a speciall priviledge of honour, were allowed a certeine place in the bat­tell, to be raunged neere unto the kings person, and there to fight: and of all living creatures, there is none but the horse onely that can obteine the crowne in such games; for that he alone of all beasts, is by nature framed, and by discipline trained to accompany men in battels, and with them to fight: now if this be true, and to the purpose: We observe moreover (quoth I) 40 that the first and principall worke of those who fight in the field, is to strike the enemie, and to ward his blowes; the second is, when they be come to close and to grapple with hand-gripes, to thrust and assay how to overturne and lay one another under-foot: which by report was the vauntage, that our countrimen being well practised in the feat of wrestling, had over the Spar­tans, at the battel of Leuctres, whereby they overthrew them, & bare them to the ground: this al­so was the causethat Aeschylus the poet in one place, speaking of a valiant warrior, nameth him:

A wrestler stout, and tried in field,
To fight it out with sword and shield.

And Sophocles in one of his tragedies speaking likewise of the Trojanes, reporteth thus much of them in these tearmes: 50

They love great horses for to sit, as valiant men at armes;
Bowes borned at both ends they bend, and draw with strength of armes;
They fight so close, they catch such hold, and gripe fast with hands twaine,
[Page 675] That in their wresiling, all their shields resound and ring againe.

The third is this, when all is done, either to flie and runne away apace, if they be vanquished, or else to follow hard in chase, if they be conquerors. By good right therefore, the fight with fists goeth first; wrestling followeth in the second place; and running commeth in the last; for that buffetting representeth the charging of the enemie, and the avoiding of his recharge; wrestling may be compared with the violent buckling and conflict pel-mell in the medly; and by running, they learne how to pursue, or to escape by good footmanship.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

10

Why the pine, sapine, or pitch tree, and such other as yeela rosin, will not abide to be grassed in the scutchion, or by way of inoculation.

SOclarus feasting us upon a time within his orchards, which were well watered, and environed all about with the river Cephisus, shewed unto us trees carying armes and braunches of sun­dry sorts, after a very strange manner, and all by the meanes of a kinde of grassing in the budde, called inoculation: for there saw wee olive boughes growing out of lentiske or mastick trees; pomgranats out of myrtles; oakes there were which put foorth faire pirries or peare-trees; and plane-trees that admitted and adopted apple trees; figge-trees also which were grafted with 20 mulbery impes and coins; other mixtures there were besides of wilde plants, so ramed and made gentle, that they bare frute: whereupon some other of the guests began to jest and be merry with Soclarus, saying: That he nourished certeine kinds of beasts, more monstrous than the fabu­lous Sphinges or Chimaeraes of the poets. But Craton proposed this question: What the cause might be, that those trees onely which be oileous and full of rosin, admit not any such mixtures and compositions? For never shall you see pine tree that beareth the nuts, cypres tree, pitch tree or sapine, to mainteine or feede the graffe of a tree different in kinde. Then Philo, there is (quoth he) one maxime or principle held among the learned, and the same confirmed by the experience of husbandmen: That oile is an enemie to all plants; and there is not a readier way to kill what tree soever a man will, than to rubbe or besmeare it with oile; like as bees also by 30 that meanes are soone destroied: so it is therefore, that all those trees which have beene na­med, are of a fattie substance, and have a soft and uncteous nature, insomuch as there distilleth and droppeth from them pitch and rosin; and if a man make a gash or incision in any of them, they yeeld from within, a certeine bloudie liquor or gumme, yea, and there issueth from the tortch staves made of them, an oileous humour, which shineth againe, because they are so fattie & unguinous: This is the reason why they will not joine and be concorporate with other trees, no more than oile it selfe be mingled with other liquors. When Philo had done with his speech, Crato added thus much moreover: That in his opinion, the nature of their rinde or barke, made somewhat for the said matter; for the same being thinne and drie withall, yeeldeth neither a sure seat & socket as it were to the impes or buds (which there dies) to rest in, nor meanes to get 40 sappe and nutriment for to incorporate them; like as all those plants which have barks verie tender, moist, and soft, whereby the graffes may be clasped, united, and soddered with those parts that be under the said barke. Then Soclarus himselfe said: That whosoever made these rea­sons, was in the right, and not deceived in his opinion; to thinke it necessarie, that the thing which is to receive another nature, should be pliable and easie to follow every way; to the end, that suffring it selfe to be tamed and over-come, it might become of like nature, and turne the owne proper nutriment, into that which is set and graffed in it. Thus you see, how before wee sow or plant, we eare and turne the earth, making it gentle, soft, and supple, that being in this manner wrought to our hand, and made tractable, it may be more willing to apply it selfe, for to embrace in her bosome whatsoever is either sowen or planted; for contrariwise, a ground 50 which is rough, stubborne, and tough, hardly will admit alteration: these trees therefore con­sisting of a light kinde of wood, because they are unapt to be changed and overcome, will ad­mit no concorporation with others: And moreover (quoth hee) evident it is, that the stocke in respect of that which is set and graffed into it, ought to have the nature of a ground which is tilled; now it is well knowen, that the earth must be of a female constitution, apt to conceive and beare; which is the cause that we make choise of those trees for our stocks to graffe upon, which are most frutefull; like as we chuse good milch women that have plenty of milke in their [Page 676] brests, to be nurses for other children besides their owne, who we put unto them: but we see plainly, that the cypresse tree, the sapin, and all such like, be either barren altogether, or else beare very little frute: and like as men and women both who are exceeding corpulent, grosse and fatte, are for the most part unable either to get or beare children; for spending all their nourishment as they doe in feeding the body, they convert no superfluitie thereof into gene­tall seed; even so, these trees employing all the substance of their nouriture to fatten as it were themselves, grow indeed to be very thicke and great; but either they beare no frute at all, or if they doe, the same is very small, and long ere it come to maturitie and perfection: no marvell therefore that a stranger will not breede or grow there, whereas the owne naturall issue thriveth but badly. 10

THE SEVENTH QUESTION.

Of the stay-ship fish, Echeneis.

CHaeremonianus the Trallien, upon a time when divers and sundry small fishes of all sorts were set before us, shewed unto us one with a long head, and the same sharpe pointed, and told us that it resembled very much the stay-ship fish, called thereupon in Greeke Echeneis, and he reported moreover, that he had seene the said fish, as he sailed upon the Sicilian sea, and marvelled not a little at the naturall force and propertie that it had, so sensiblie in some sort to 20 stay and hinder the course of a shippe under saile, untill such time as the marriner who had the government of the prow or foredecke, espied it sticking close to the outside of the ship. up­on the relation of this strange occurrent, some there were in place at that time, who laughed at Chaeremonianus; for that this tale and fiction, devised for the nonce to make folke merry, and which was incredible, went currant with him, and was taken for good paiment: againe, others there were, who spake very much in the defence of the hidden properties, and secret antipathies or contrarieties in nature. There you should have heard many other strange passions and acci­dents; to wit, that an elephant being enraged and starke mad, becommeth appeased immediatly, upon the sight of a ram; also, that if a man hold a branch or twig of a beech tree close unto a vi­per, and touch her therewith never so little, she will presently stay and stirre no farther; likewise, 30 that a wilde bull, how wood and furious soever he be, will stand gently and be quiet, in case he be tied to a fig-tree; semblably, that amber doth remoove and draw unto it all things that be drie and light withall, save onely the herbe basill, and whatsoever is besmeered with oile; Item, that the Magnet or Lode-stone, will no more draw iron, when it is rubbed over with garlicke: the proofe and experience of which effects, is well knowen, but the causes thereof difficult, if not impossible to be found out. But I for my part, said: That this was rather a shift and evasion, to avoid a direct answere unto the question propounded, than the allegation of a true cause perti­nent thereto: for we daily see that there be many events and accidents concurring, reputed for causes, and yet be none; as for example, if one should say or beleeve, that the blowming of the withie called Chast-tree, causeth grapes to ripen, because there is a common word in every 40 mans mouth.

Loe how the chast-trees now do flower,
And grapes wax ripe even at one hower.

or that by reason of the fungous matter seene to gather about the candle-snuffes or lamp-weeks, the aire is troubled, and the skie overcast; or that the hooking inwardly of the nailes upon the fingers, is the cause, and not an accident, of the ulcer of the lungs or some noble part within, which breedeth a consumption. Like as therefore, every one of these particulars alledged, is a consequent of divers accidents, proceeding all from the same causes; even so I am of this mind (quoth I) that one and the same cause, staieth the shippe, and draweth the little fish Echeneis to sticke unto the side thereof; for so long as the ship is drie, or not overcharged with moisture 50 soaking into it, it with great reason, that the keele glideth more smoothly away, by reason of the lightnesse thereof, and cutteth merrily thorow the waves, which yeeld and give way wil­lingly unto it, all the while it is cleane and void of filth; but after once (by being long dren­ched and soaked in the water, it hath gotten about the keele a deale of mosse, reits, kilpe, and tangle, wherewith it is overgrowen and furred; then the wood of the said keele or bottome, be­commeth more dull, and not able to cut the waves so easily; and the water beating upon the mosse and filth there engendred, resteth there still, and passeth not so easily away. The mariners [Page 677] therefore, seeing this, use to cleanse the sides of the ship, and to scrape off this mosse, reits, and such like baggage, from the planks and ribbes thereof, unto which it is like that the said fish wil­lingly cleaveth, as being a matter soft and tender: so that we may very well thinke, that by rea­son of it, as the principall cause the ship is staied, and that it is not a consequent or accessorie of that which causeth the slownesse thereof.

THE EIGHTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that the horses named Lycospades, be more couragious, and fuller of slomacke, than others? 10

SOme are of opinion, that these horses Lycospades tooke their denomination of certeine rough and hard bits, called in Greeke, [...] by meanes whereof, being so stomakefull other­wise, and hard to be ruled, they were woont to be tamed and restrained: but my father, who was not a man so prompt and ready of speech as others be, and given to speake rashly and without advisement, howbeit, one who had not the least skill in horsemanship, and loved alwaies to keepe the best horses that might be come by, said: That those horses (which being but colts) were set upon and assaulted by wolves, and yet were rescued, escaped the danger of them, proved good mettall, and swift of pace; and there upon were named Lycospades. And for that many approoved this reason of his, and gave testimonie with him that he spake a trueth, occasion was 20 ministred thereby, to search into the cause thereof; and namely, how and by what reason such an accident as this might make horses more generous and better spirited; and verily, the most part of the company there present, were of opinion, that the said occurrent bred cowardise in horses, rather than stomacke and generositie; and so, by reason that they became timorous thereby, and apt to be frighted upon every occasion, therefore their motions were more quicke and lively; like as other wild beasts also, when they chance to be entangled within net and toile: but I my selfe inferred, and said: That it would be well and thorowly considered, whether it were not cleane contrary to that which appeared at the first sight, and which they opined; for colts become not more swift and fleet of foot for avoiding the perill of being worried and devoured by wolves that set upon them, but rather, if they had not bene nimble and full of courage before, 30 naturally, they could never have gotten away cleere, as they did, from the wolfe; no more than Ulysses proved a wise man, because he avoided the danger of that giant Cyclops Polyphemus; but for that he was by nature prudent and wise, he found meanes to save himselfe.

THE NINTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that the flesh of those sheepe which have beene wolfe-bitten, is tenderer, but their wooll more subject to breedlice and vermin, than others?

VPon the former discourse of horses, inferred there was a speech also, concerning sheepe 40 that had bene bitten by the wolfe; for that it is a received opinion, that this biting of theirs maketh their flesh more delicate in the eating, but their wooll apt to ingender lice. As for the reason that my sonne in law Patrocles yeelded, as touching the sweetnesse of their flesh, it seem­ed to be true; for thus he argued: That this beast by meanes of his biting, caused the flesh to eat more short and tender, for that his breath is so ardent and fierie-hot, that it is able to resolve and digest within his stomacke, the hardest bones that be; which is the reason (quoth he) that such flesh as the wolfe hath bitten, is sooner mortified, and doth putrifie more quickly than others: mary, for the wooll we were not so well resolved, as supposing that the same did not breed lice, but rather draw them forth, and let them out to be seene, by a certeine incisive or abstersive fa­cultie that it hath; as also through the heat thereof, whereby it openeth the pores of the skinne; 50 which propertie is infused into the wooll of a sheepe, by meanes of the tooth and breath of the wolfe, which altereth not onely the flesh, but even the very wooll and shag-haire of the beast which he hath worried and killed. And this reason is confirmed by experience and example; for it is well knowen unto us all, that hunters, butchers, and cooks, sometimes with one blow knocke downe their beasts, and lay them along soone dead and breathlesse in a moment; others againe, hardly and with much ado are able to kill them, after many a stroake; and that which yet is more woonderfull than so, some of them infuse together with the axe or knife of iron, where­with [Page 678] with the beast is slaine, such a qualitie that the same putrifieth presently, and will not last sweet one day to an end: others againe, though they be not longer about the killing of a beast than the other, yet the flesh of beasts so slaine, doth not so soone corrupt, but continueth sound and sweet a good while after. And that true it is, that the varietie & alteration occasioned by the sun­dry sorts of death, and killing of beasts, passeth and extendeth as farre as to their very skin, their haire, nailes, houses and clees; Homer himselfe doth testifie, who of their hides and skinnes is wont thus expresly to write:

The hide it was of stur dyox.
Sticked with knife, or brain'd by knocks.

For the skinne of those beasts which die not for age, nor of long maladie, but are killed violent­ly, 10 is more sirme, fast, and tough: and true it is, that of those tame-living creatures, which have beene bitten by wilde beasts, the houfes, clees, and nailes turne blacke, the haire sheadeth, and the skinnes become riveled, soone teare and fall a pieces.

THE TENTH QUESTION.

Whether our auncestors did better, who when they were at supper, fedde every man by himselfe, and knew his owne part, than we in these daies who eat our victuals all together, and feed in common?

THat yeere wherein I was head magistrate in my countrey, and bare that provostship 20 whereof the yeere tooke name, most of the suppers were private repasts of sacrifices, where every man had his part and portion set out; where with some were woonderfully well plea­sed; but others blamed the manner thereof, as uncivill, unsociable, and illiberall, saying: That so soone as the garland or coronet of the beast sacrificed was taken off his head, and laid down, we ought to reduce our tables to the auncient order and old accustomed fashion againe: For it is not I suppose (quoth Agias) for to eat and drinke simply, that we invite one another, but for to eat and drinke together for companie and good-fellowship; whereas this parting and divisi­on of flesh and other viands into portions, doth abolish all communication & societie, making indeed many severall suppers, and many men to sit at supper apart, but not one supping with 30 another, or fellow-guest in one messe; when every man takes as it were from the butchers stall his own joint of meat, or a piece of flesh by just waight, or at a certeine size, & so sets his part before him. For is not all one I pray you, and what difference is there I would faine know, to allow ech one of the guests at table his owne cup by himselfe, & to fill every man his Congious or gallon of wine, yea, and to allow him his table apart from others? like as by report the linage of Demophon sometime served Orestes, and so to bid them drinke without any regard or heed of others? what diversitie (I say) is in this, and the manner of these our daies; namely, to set be­fore every man his lofe of bread, and piece of flesh, for to feed by himselfe, as it were at his owne manger? Surely all the oddes is, that we have no commaundement to keepe silence and say ne­ver a word when we are at our meat, as those had who interteined and feasted Orestes, and verilie 40 even this haply ought to provoke and bring us that are met, to the communion & participation of al things at a feast or banquet; namely: that we talke there one to another, that we be partakers together of one song of a minstrell wenches musicke delighting us all, and one as well as ano­ther, with her playing upon a psalterie or pipe, & singing thereto. Moreover, that standing cup of amitie and good-felowship, which is set in the very middes of the company, for to drinke out of it, one to another, and that without any limitation or restreint to certeine bounds, stan­deth as it were a source and lively fountaine of love and good will, and hath no other stint and measure, but the thirst and disposition of every one, to drinke at his pleasure: not like to this most unjust distribution of bread and flesh to every one, which masketh it selfe with a false co­lour of equality among those who are unequall; for even that, as even and equall as it seemeth 50 and in manner all one, is too much for him that needs but a little, and too little for him, who hath need of much. Like as therefore (my good friend) he is a ridiculous and foolish leech, who to many and sundrie patients, sicke of diverse and different diseases, exhibiteth and giveth medicines just of one weight, and exactly of the same measure; even so were the master of a feast woorthy to be laughed at, who having invited to his table sundry persons who are not hungry or thirsty alike, would enterteine and serve them all indifferently after one order, mea­suring the equalitie of his distribution, by proportion arithmeticall and not geometricall. True [Page 679] it is (I confesse) that we go or send al of us to the taverne for to buy our wine, by one & the same measure just, which is allowed and set downe by the publicke State; but to the table, every man brings his owne stomacke, the which is filled not with an equall quantitie of meat or drinke, to all others, but with that which sufficeth ech one. As touching those [...] banquets that Homer speaketh of, wherein every man had his part cut out; to what purpose should we bring them hi­ther from military discipline, and the custome of a campe, to the manner and fashion of these daies? but more reason it is that we resolve and propose unto our selves, for to imitate heerein the humanity & courtesie of those in old time, who highly honored, not only those who lodged ordinarily, and made their abode with them under one roufe, but also such as drunke of the same cuppe, eat of the same meat, and fedde out of one dish with them, insomuch as they entertei­ned 10 and reverenced their societie in all things. Away therefore (I pray you) with those short meales and slender pittances of Homer; which in my conceit are somewhat too scantand pin­ching, and as a man would say, over hungry and thirstie; as having kings and princes for the masters and makers of them, who be more sparing of their purses, and looking more neerely to their expences, than those good hoasts and keepers of ordinaries in Italy; as who being in armes and arranged in batell raie, and ready to joine in conflict with the enemie, could remem­ber precisely, how many times ech one of their guests who dined or supped with them, tooke the cuppe and dranke. Yet commend me to those banquets and feasts which Pindarus writeth of, for surely they are much better; in which, as he saith:

Full oft a prince, and person honorable, 20
Among them all, sat at some stately table.

For why? such feasts had the communication of all things together: and verily this was the felowship and knot indeed of true friends, whereas the other was a distraction and separation of persons, who made semblance to be the greatest friends, and yet could not agree and com­municate together, so much as in the feeding of one dish of meat. Agias had good audience given him, and was well commended for the reasons which he alledged; and then we set one of the company to come upon him in this manner, saying: That Agias thought it very strange and was offended that he should have an equall portion which others allowed him, carying as he did before him such a grand-paunch; and in truth, a great eater he was, and given exceeding much to belly cheere: For a common That is to say, if a fish be eaten in common, it is not knowen how much one hath ea­ten of it more than his sel­lowes, by the bones lying upon his tren­cher. fish (as Democritus was wont to say) hath no bone. And 30 yet this is that (quoth I) which especially and above all induceth us to the use of these portions, and not without good reason, considering that we acknowledge fatall necessitie by the name of [...] for according as the old lady Jocasta said in Euripides:

That which uniteth cities and great States,
And knits in league confederates.

is nothing els but equalitie: and nothing in the world hath so much need thereof, as the societie and communion at the table; which is grounded upon nature, and law of necessitie, nothing so much; the usage whereof, is not newly taken up, nor drawen in, as needful, by opinion of others, but right necessarie in it selfe. For at an ordinary or common repast, where folke feed together of one dish; if one eat more than his fellowes, certes, he that can not plie his teeth so fast, and 40 commeth short of him, doth maligne and repine at him for it; like as that galley which maketh way, and skuddeth before others, is spighted by those that come dragging behinde. For mee thinks it is not an auspicate beginning of a feast, nor agreeable to amitie and good fellowship, to snatch or lurch one from another, to have many hands in a dish at once, to crosse one ano­ther with the elbow, and to be with hand or arme [...] his fellowes way, striving a vie who should be more nimble with his fingers; but surely, all these fashions are absurd, unseemely, and (as I may say) dog-like, ending many times in snarling, jarring, bitter taunts, revilings, and cholericke brawles, not onely of the guests one with another, but also against those that furnished the boord, and the masters of the feast, But so long as these wise faeries, [...] and [...] that is to say, portion and partition, had the ordering of suppers, dinners and great feasts, dispensing and 50 setting out an equalitie for to mainteine the societie there, a man should never see any [...] or mechanicall disorder: for in those daies, suppers were called [...] guests at the table, [...] the carvers serving at the table, [...] for that they divided, cut our, and gave to everie one their due portions. And verily, the Lacedaemonians had among them certeine distributers of flesh, whom they called [...] and those were no meane men of the vulgar sort, but princi­pall persons of the State, insomuch as Lysander himselfe was by king Agesilaus ordeined and created [...] in Asia, that is to say, an officer for the distribution flesh-meat in the campe [Page 680] there. But downe went these distributions and divisions, when superfluities and costly cates crept into feasts, and were served up to the table; for they could not then (as I suppose) so hand­somely cut into even portions, their pie-meats, pasties, tarts, marchpaines, and such devices of pastrie; they might not so well divide ther flawnes, custards, egge-pies, florentines, and daintie puddings, going under the name of [...] and [...] ne yet their blamangers, jellies, chaw­dres and a number of exquisit sauces, and delicate junkets of all sorts, sent up and brought to the boord: but being overcome with the pleasure of such lickorous viands, they tooke to them, an abandoning of all equall distribution of parts and portion. A good argument and sufficient proofe hereof, a man may gather by that which we see yet at this day; namely, that the feasts at sacrifices, and some publike banquets, are made after the antique maner, and served up by even 10 portions, to shew the simplicity and pure feeding that was in olde time: so that I suppose, who­soever would bring up againe that distribution, should withall revive the ancient frugalitie. But some man haply, will say: That where private proprietie is in place, publicke communitie is turned out of doores. True indeed, in case that propriety reteine not equalitie: for it is not the possession of a mans owne, and of a thing in proper; but the usurping of another mans right, or the covetous encroching upon the common, that hath brought injustice, debate and trouble into the world; which enormities, the lawes do represse, by the bounds, limits and mea­sure of that which a man holdeth as proper & his owne, and thereupon they be called in Greeke, [...] of the power and authoritie which they have to part equally unto every one, that which was common among all. For otherwise, if you admit not this distribution, you have no more rea­son 20 to allow that the master of the feast should deale among his guests, to every one his coronet or chaplet of flowers, nor his owne place to sit at the boord. Nay, if any one peradventure, bring with him his shee-friend and sweet-heart, or a minstrell wench to play and sing, they must be common to him and his friends, that all our goods may be huddled pell-mell, and made [...] that is to say, one, according as Anaxagoras would have all. But if it be so, that the challenge in pro­prietie of this or that, is no trouble nor hinderance of societie and communion, considering, that other matters of principall regard and greatest importance, are allowed for to be common, (I meane conference in talke, courtesies and kindnesses of drinking one to another, and mutuall invitings) let us surcease and give over, thus to despise, discredit and condemne this laudable maner of portions, and the lotterie in partage, which (as Euripides saith) is the daughter of 30 [...] some [...] that is, the sould: o­thers [...] that is, silence. Fortune, which giveth not the prerogative and preeminence, either to riches, or credit and no­bilitie; but going (as it happeneth) aswell one way as another, cheereth up the heart of a poore and abject person, and depriveth no sort and condition whatsoever, of libertie; but by acquain­ting the great, wealthy and mighty person with an equalitie, so as he repine not and grudge thereat, reclaimeth him unto temperance and moderation. 40

THE THIRD BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-QUESTIONS.

The Contents, or Chapters thereof. 50

1 WHether it be commendable to weare chapless of flowers upon the head, at a table.

2 Of the Ivie, whether it be hot or cold by nature.

3 What the reason is that women be hardly made drunke, but old men very soone.

4 Whether women by their naturall constitution and complexion, be hotter or colder than men.

5 Whether wine of the owne nature and operation be colde.

6 Of the meet time and season to company with a woman.

[Page 681] 7 What is the cause that Must or new wine, doth not easily overturne the braine, or make one drunke.

8 How it commeth to passe, that those who be thorow drunke indeed, are lesse troubled in the braine, than such as are but in the way unto it, and as it were halfe drunke.

9 What is the meaning of this old proverbe: Drinke five or three, but never foure.

10 Why flesh-meats corrupt and putrife sooner in the moone shine, than in the sunne.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-questions.

The Preamble or Proëme. 10

SImonides the poet, ô Sossius Senecio, seeing upon a time a stranger at the table, sitting still, and saying never a word, when others were merrie, and dranke liberally, said unto him: My friend, if you be a foole, you doe wisely; but if you be a wise man, you do as foolish­ly: for it is a great deale better for a man (as Heraclitus was woont to say) to hide his own folly and ignorance, than to discover the same; and that iwis is a very hard matter to doe; when we are set upon a 20 merrie pinne, and drinking wine lustily: for as the poet Homer said very well:

Wine makes a man, were he both wise and grave,
One while to sing, and other whiles to rave:
To sport, to play, and laughfull wantonly
To leape, to daunce, and foot it deintily:
Words to let fall, and secrets to reveale
Which better were to hold in and conceale.

In which verses, the poet if I be not deceived, doth covertly and by the way imply a difference betweene liberall drinking of wine, or being somewhat cup-shotten, and drunkennesse indeed: 30 for to sing, to laugh, and to daunce, be ordinarie matters, incident to those who have taken their liquor well, and be heat with wine, but to prate like a foole, and [...] not [...] as the Latine [...] seemeth to reade. blurt out that, which bet­ter had beene kept in, be the effects and acts of such as have powred in too much, and be starke drunken; and herefore Plato said: That the affections and conditions of the vulgar sort of men, be discovered farre better in drinking than otherwise. And when Homer saith:

They had not yet by wine and words,
Knowen one another at their bords.

it is evident that he wist well enough of what power and force wine was; namely, to engender and multiply many words: for surely, we come not to the knowledge of men and their maners, by eating and drinking, in case they eat and drinke and say nothing. but for that drinke induceth 40 and draweth on folke to speake much; and much speech detecteth and layeth open many things, which otherwise would have lien hidden; therefore by good consequence, drinking together giveth a great light and knowledge one of another: and therefore wee may by good right re­proove Aesope in this wise: What meane you good sir, to seeke for those windowes, through which one man might looke into another, and see into his neighbours heart? for wine set­teth the dores wide enough open unto us, and bewraieth what we have within; not suffering us to be still and silent, but taking from us the maske and visour of all dissimulation, and shewing what we are in our colours, as if we stood in no feare at all of law, but were a great way out of the sight of our tutors and schoole-masters that kept us in awe. Wine then is enough for Ae­sope, for Plato, and for all those who search after meanes to discover the secrets of mens hearts: 50 but such as desire not in this wise to trie and sift one another; but rather be willing to converse together with mirth and recreation, these men (I saie) are wont to propose questions, and en­terteine such discourses when they meet; whereby the ill parts and imperfections of the soule, if they have any, may be concealed and hidden; but the best gifts thereof, and that which sa­voureth most of civilitie and erudition, may appeere and gather more strength, as being con­ducted and trained by the guidance of learning and good literature, to the faire meddowes and pleasant pastures wherein she taketh delight to walke and feed; in which regard, I have for your [Page 682] sake compiled this third Decade of banquet-questions and table discourses; whereof the first concerneth chaplets of flowers:

THE FIRST QUESTION.

Whether it be commendable to we are upon the head, flower-garlands at the table.

THere was a solemne feast or banquet one day at Athens, which Eraton the professour in musicke made, having sacrificed before unto the muses: and to this feast he invited many; among that faire company, certaine questions were mooved, and much good talke passed 10 as touching chaplets of flowers: for by occasion that after supper was done, many such coro­nets of all sorts went about, and were dealt round among the guests; Ammonius beganne to scosse and laugh at us; who in stead of laurell chaplets, did set upon our heads rose-garlands: For that (quoth hee) these chaplets of flowers be girlish gaudes, and more meet indeed for plaifull maidens and yoong women, than the assemblies of philosophers and learned men: And I woonder much at this Eraton, that reprooving and detesting as he doth the flower-works, (as it were in song and musicke, and blaming faire Agathon; who by report first brought up the Chromaticke musicke; and when he set out the tragaedie of the Mysians, inserted it within other plaine musicke) should himselfe as you see, heape upon us at this feast a number of wreathes, garlands, and chaplets of flowers, filling the whole place with sweet smels and plea­sant 20 favours; and when he shutteth up the dore of our eares, against the delights and pleasures of musicke; should in the meane while set open the windowes of our eies and nosethrils, giving entrance thus another way unto them, for to pierce unto the soule, making a coronet and gar­land to serve for pleasure and loosenesse; which should be a matter of religion and devotion: and yet I must needs say, that these oiles and perfumes yeeld a sweeter savour, and more exqui­sit pleasant odour, than these chaplets of flowers, that fade and wither in the hands of the gar­land makers: howbeit, for all that, they are allowed no place in banquets and assemblies of phi­losophers; being an idle pleasure, not accompanied with any profit whatsoever, nor arising from any source of naturall necessitie or appetite: for like as those who come as shadowes to a feast, being brought thither by some friends, who are themselves bidden guests, according to 30 the ordinarie custome of courtesie, finde who themselves no lesse welcome and well intreated than the rest, as Aristodemus was, whom Socrates brought with him to a feast, which Agathon made; but if one goe of himselfe presumptuously, not invited nor brought thither by a friend; he is wel woorthy to have the dore shut upon him; even so the pleasures of eating and drinking, which necessitie hath invited, and doe accompanie the naturall appetite, are admitted and have place among wise men: but as for others which come before they bee bidden or sent for, and presse to get in without any reason, onely upon a disordinate lust, are to be kept out and ex­cluded.

At these words of Ammonius, certeine yoong men who were not as yet acquainted with his fashions, being dismaied and abashed; began gently, and without more a doe to plucke off 40 and pull in sunder their coronets. But I (who knew well inough that he mooved this talke one­ly by way of exercise, and because hee would draw us on to debate the matter) addressed my speech unto Tryphon the physician in this wise: Of all loves Tryphon, be so good as lay downe as wel as we, this goodly chaplet which you have upon your head, so fragrant & flagrant, both of most beautifull red roses; or else declare presently as you are woont to do emany times among us, the profit and commodity that this flower garland doth conferre unto our drinking of wine so freely. But here Eraton interposing himselfe: How is it ordeined (quoth he) that we receive no pleasure free, but it bringeth alwaies one salarie or other with it; & ever as we solace our selves and be merie, we are displeased and discontented, in case wee enjoy not our delights with some hire or reward to cheere the same: as for sweet smels or costly oiles, and compound perfumes, 50 there is some reason peradventure why we should be somewhat ashamed of them; as also for the rich purple colours we may be abashed, in regard of the affected curiositie and superfluous expence thereof; which we are to reject, as being odours deceitfull, and fraudulent robes and colours; as sometime said that barbarous Scythian: but colours and odours such as be natu­rall, are simple, pure, and sincere, not differing in that respect from the fruits of trees which nature bringeth foorth. Were it not then meere folly to gather the juice and liquor of such fruits, and in the meane time reject and condemne the fairer colours and sweet savours, that the [Page 683] seasons of the yeere do yeeld, onely for the delightsome aspect and pleasure that floweth (as it were) out of them, if they affoord not otherwise some vertue and propertie which is good and profitable? It seemeth rather yet, that we should do the contrary; namely, if it be true as you philosophers say, that nature doth nothing in vaine and for no purpose, that she hath created and produced these things, for the pleasure onely of man, as serving to no other purpose, but onely for to cheere up our spirits, and content our outward senses. Marke this moreover and besides, how unto trees and plants that prosper and grow, nature hath given leaves, to save and defend their fruits; as also that under their covert, themselves (one while warmed and another while cooled and refreshed) might be able the better to endure the injuries of the aire, and change of seasons. As for flowers, they yeeld no commoditie at all, by their tarrying upon the 10 plant, unlesse it be this, that we have delight in smelling, and pleasure in beholding them for a time, in that there exhale and breathe from them, woonderfull sweet savors; and they discover unto us an infinit sort of tinctures and colours, by no art of man imitable. And therefore, when we strip trees of their leaves, they seeme displeased and grieved thereat; they feele (as it were) the smart and paine of a wound; and there is left (by that meanes) a hurt and sore like an ulcer; and being thus despoiled of their naturall beauty and heart, they are ill-favoured to see to, and desormed: so that we ought not onely (as Empedocles saith)

The leaves of laurel wholly to forbeare,
And to abstaine her branches for to teare.

but also we are to spare the leaves and boughs of all other trees, and not by their deformitie to 20 adorne our selves, robbing and spoiling them perforce and against nature; whereas, if we ga­ther and crop their flowers, we do them no hurt nor wrong at all. For this maner of dealing with them, resembleth vintage and gathering grapes from the vine; and if they be not plucked in due time, they shed of their owne accord, all faded and withered. Like as therefore, they be barba­rous people, who clad themselves with the felles and skinnes of sheepe, in stead of making cloth of their wooll, to apparell their bodies; even so me thinks, that they who twist and plait their chaplets, of leaves, rather than flowers, doe not use plants so well as they ought to doe. Thus much I thought good to deliver unto you, in defence of those that make and sell flower gar­lands; for Grammarian I am not, nor much read in poets, to alledge testimonies out of their poems; wherein it is to be found, that in olde time, the victors who wan the prize of the sacred 30 games, were crowned all with chaplets of flowers; howbeit, thus much I will be bold to avouch out of them: That the rose-garland was peculiarly destined and appropriat to the muses; for so I remember, I have read in one place of Sappho the poetresse, where speaking of a great rich wo­man, yet altogether ignorant, unlettered, and a meere stranger to the muses, she writeth thus:

All dead thou shalt intombed lie,
And leave no name nor memorie:
For roses none thou could'st come by,
That flower on mountaine Pierie.

But now it is time to heare what testimonie Tryphon will alledge out of his physicke. Then Tryphon taking in hand the matter in question: Our ancients (quoth he) in alder time, were not 40 ignorant of all these points; neither forgat they to treat thereof, as having exceeding great use of plants in the practise of physicke. For proofe whereof, there remaine at this day, most evident arguments; for the Tyrians offer unto Agemonides, and the Magnesians unto Chiron (who were the first that professed and practised physicke in those parts) the primices and first gatherings of those herbs and roots wherewith they were wont to cure and heale their patients; and prince Bacchus, not onely for the invention of wine (a most puissant medicine, I may say to you, and a pleasant) was esteemed a sufficient physician; but also for that he taught those who were surpri­sed and ravished with Bacchanal furie, to crowne their heads with ivie, and brought that plant into honour and reputation by that meanes; for that it hath a propertie in nature repugnant and contrary unto the qualitie of wine, repressing and quenching the coldnesse which it hath, 50 the predominant heat thereof, that men might take lesse harme thereby, and so withstand drun­kennesse. And verily, the names of certeine plants, do plainly shew the great industrie and care­full diligence of our forefathers in this behalfe. For the walnut-tree they called in Greeke Of [...] the head, or [...] drow­finesse. [...] for that it sendeth from it a certeine heavie and somniferous vapour, which hurteth the head of those who lie under the shade and boughts thereof, whereby it causeth them to be drowsie. The daffodil likewise, seemeth to have taken the name [...] be­nummed­nesse. Narcissus, because it benummeth the sinewes, and ingendreth a heavie sleepinesse or stupefaction: which is the reason that Sophocles tearmed [Page 684] it the ancient coronet of the great gods, meaning thereby the gods terrestriall. Moreover, it is said that the herbe Rue had the denomination in Greeke [...] of the vertue which it hath; by reason that with the drinesse wherewith it is endued, and the same occasioned by excessive heat, it is so astringent, that it [...] knitteth, bindeth and hardeneth the naturall seed of man, and is a great enemie to conception and women with childe. As for the [...] & [...] wine. Amethyst, aswell the herbe as the stone of that name, they who thinke that both the one and the other is so called, because they withstand [...] drunkennesse, miscount themselves, and are deceived; for in trueth, both are named so of the colour: and as for the leafe of the herbe, it hath no fresh and lively hew, but re­sembleth a [...] winelesse weake wine, as one may say, that either drinketh flat and hath lost the co­lour, or els is much delaied with water. Many other plants may be alledged to this purpose, 10 whose properties and naturall vertues have imposed their names: but these examples may suf­fice to shew the studious industrie and great experience of our ancestours; in regard whereof, they used to weare chaplets of leaves and flowers upon their heads, whiles they sat drinking wine; for strong wine and pure of it selfe, having begun to assaile the head, and to enervate or enfeeble the whole body, by seizing upon the originall fountaine of the nerves and senses, to wit, the braine, doth mightily trouble and disquiet a man: for the remedie of which inconveni­ence, the sent and smell, breathing from flowers, serveth marvellous well, for that the same doth defend and fortifie as with a rampar, the castle and citadell (as it were) of the head, against the assaults and impressions of drunkennesse. For these flowers, if they be hot, gently unstop and open the pores, and in so doing, make way and give vent for the heady wine to evaporate and 20 breathe out all fumosities; and contrariwise, if they be temperatly colde, by closing gently the said pores, keepe downe and drive backe the vapours steaming up into the braine. And of this vertue are the garlands of violets and roses, which by their smell and comfortable sent, represse and stay both ache and heavinesse of head. As for the flower of [...] or [...] as the French translation. Privet, Saffron and Baccaris, that is to say, Our Ladies gloves, or Nard Rusticke, bring them sweetly to sleepe, who have drunke freely: for these send from them a milde aire, breathing after a smooth and uniforme manner; the which doth softly comprise and lay even, the unequall distemperatures, the trou­blesome acrimonies and disorderly asperities, arising in the bodies of those who have overdrunk themselves; whereupon there ensueth a calme, and thereby the strength of the headie wine is either dulled, or else rebated. Other sorts of flowers there be, the odours whereof being spred 30 and dispersed about the braine, purge mildly the pores and passages of the senses and their or­ganes, subtiliat and discusse gently, withour trouble and offence, with their moderate heat, the humors and all moist vapours, by way of rarefaction, and warme the braine comfortably, which by nature is of a cold temperature: and for this cause especially those pettie garlands or poesies of flowers which they hung in old time about their necks, they called [...] as if one would saie suffumigations, and they annointed all their brest-parts with the oiles that were expelled or extracted from them. Alcyus also testifieth as much, where hee willeth to powre sweet oile upon his head that had suffered much paine, and upon his brest all grey; for even so such odors are directed up as farre as to the braine, being drawen by the sense of smelling. So it was not because they thought that the soule, which the Greeks call [...] was seated and kept residence 40 within the heart, that they called these wreathes and garlands about their necks [...] as some would have it, for then more reason it had beene to have tearmed them [...] but it was as I said before, of the exhalation or evaporation upward from the region of the breast, a­gainst which they were worne pendant: neither are wee to woonder, that the exhalations of flowers should have so great force; for we finde it written in records, that the shadow of The Yewgh tree as I take it. Smi­lax especially when it is in the flower, killeth them that lie a sleepe under it; also from the Pop­pie there ariseth a certeine spirit, when the juice is drawen out of it, which they call Opium, and if they take no better heed, who draw the same, it causeth them to swoone and fall to the ground: there is an herbe called Alysson, which whosever hold in their hands, or doe but looke upon it, shall presently be ridde of the yexe or painfull hickot; and they say, it is very good also for 50 sheepe and goates, to keepe them from all diseases, if the same be planted along their cotes and folds: the Rose, also named in Greeke [...] was so called, for that it casteth from it an [...] odori­ferous smell, which is the reason that it quickly fadeth, and the beautie passeth soone away; cold it is in operation, although it carie the colour of fire, and not without good cause; for that the little heat that it hath, flieth up to the superficies of it, as being driven outwardly from with­in, by the native coldnesse that it hath.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

Whether Ivie of the owne nature be cold or hot.

THis speech of Tryphon we greatly praised: but Amonius smiling: It were not meet (quoth he) to kicke and spurne againe, nor to overthrow so beautifull and gay a discourse as this was, embelished and adorned with as great varietie as the garlands whereof it treated, and which he undertooke to defend and mainteine: but that I cannot tell how it is come to passe that the Ivie is enterlaced in the chaplet of flowers, and said by the naturall coldnesse that it is to have a 10 vertue and propertie to extinguish and quench the forcible heat of new wine: for contrariwise, it seemeth to be hot and ardent, and the frute which it beareth being put into wine, and infused therein, giveth it power to inebriat and make drunke, yea, and to trouble and disquiet the bo­die by the inflammation that it causeth: by reason of which excessive heat, the very body there­of groweth naturall crooked, after the manner of wood that curbeth and warpeth with the fire; also the snow which oftentimes cōtinueth and lieth many daies upon other trees, flieth in great haste from the Ivie tree; or to speake more properly, is presently gone, thawed and melted, if it chance to settle upon it, & that by reason of the heat; and that which more is, (as Theophra­stus hath left in writing) Harpalus the lieutenant generall under Alexander the Great, in the province of Babylon, by expresse order and direction from the king his master; endevoured 20 and did what he might to set in the kings orchard there, certaine trees and plants which came out of Greece, and such especially as yeelded a goodly shade, caried large leaves, and were by na­ture cold; for that the countrey about Babylon is exceeding hot and scorched with the burning heat of the sunne; but the ground would never enterteine nor abide the Ivie onely; notwith­standing that Harpalus tooke great paines, and emploied most carefull diligence about it: for plant it as often as he would, it dried and died immediatly; and why? hotte it is of the owne nature, and was planted in a mould farre hotter than it selfe, which hindered it for taking root; for this is a generall and perpetuall rule: that all excessive enormities, of any object, destroy the force and powers of the subject: in which regard, they desire rather their contraries; in such sort, as that a plant of cold temperature requireth an hot place to grow in; and that which is 30 hot demaundeth likewise a cold ground: and this is the reason, that high mountaine countries, windie, and covered with snow; beare ordinarily trees that yeeld torch-wood and pitch, as pines, cone trees, and such like: And were it not so, my good friend Tryphon, yet this is certeine; that trees which by nature are chill and cold, shedde their leaves every yeere; for that the small heat which they have, for very penurie retireth inwardly, and leaveth the outward parts naked and destitute: whereas contrariwise, heat and uncteous fattinesse, which appeereth in the olive, lau­rell and cypresse trees, keepe themselves alwaies greene, and hold their leaves, like as the Ivie also doth for her part. And therefore good father Bacchus hath not brought into use and re­quest the Ivie, as a preservative and present helpe against the encounter of drunkennesse, nor as an enemie to wine, who directly calleth wine [...] and surnameth himselfe [...] thereup­on: 40 but in mine opinion, like as they who love wine, if they cannot meet with the liquor of the grape, use a counterfet wine or barley broth, called beere & ale, or els a certeine drinke made of apples, named cydres or els date-wines; even so, he that gladly would in winter season weare a chaplet of vine branches, seeing it altogether naked and bare of leaves, is glad of the Ivie that resembleth it; for the body or wood thereof is likewise writhed and crooked, and never groweth upright, but shutteth out heere and there, to and fro at a venture; the soft fattie leaves also after the same maner grow dispersed about the branches without all order; & besides all this, the very berries of the Ivie growing thick & clustered together like unto greene grapes, when they begin to turne, doe represent the native forme of the vine: and yet albeit the same yeeldeth some helpe and remedie against drunkennesse; we say, it is by occasion of heat, in opening the pores 50 and small passages in the body, for to let out the fumes of wine, and suffer them to evaporate and breathe forth, or rather by her heat helpeth to concoct and digest it, that for your sake (good Tryphon) Bacchus may still continue a physician. At these words, Tryphon staied a while, and made no answere, as thinking with himselfe, and studying how to reply upon him. But Eraton calling earnestly upon every one of us that were of the yoonger sort, spurned us forward to aide and assist Tryphon our advocate, and the patton of our flower-chaplets, or els to plucke them [Page 686] from our heads, and weare them no longer. And Ammonius assured us (for his part) that if any one of us would take upon him to answere, he would not recharge againe, nor come upon him with a rejoinder. Then Tryphon himselfe moved us to say somewhat to the question. WHere­upon I began to speake and said: That it belonged not to me, but rather unto Tryphon, for to proove that Ivie was colde, considering that he used it much in physicke to coole and binde, as being an astringent medicine: but as touching that which ere-while was alledged; namely, that the Ivie berie doth inebriat, if it be steeped in wine; it is no found to be true; and the accident which it worketh in those who drinke it in that maner, can not well be called drunkennesse, but rather an alienation of the mind and trouble of the spirit; like to that effect which henbane wor­keth, & many other plants, which mightily disquiet the braine, and transport our senses and un­derstanding. 10 As for the tortuositie of the bodie and branches, it maketh nothing to the pur­pose and point in hand; for the works and effects against nature, can not [...] from faculties and powers naturall; and pieces of wood do twine and bend crooked, because fire (being neere unto them) draweth and drieth up forcibly, all the native and kindly humour; where as the in­ward and naturall heat, would rather ferment, enterteine and augment it. But consider better upon the matter and marke rather, whether this writhed-bunching forme of the Ivie wood (as it groweth) and the basenesse, bearing still downward and tending to the ground, be not an argu­ment rather of weaknesse, and bewray the coldnesse of the bodie, being glad (as it were) to make many rests and staies; like unto a pilgrim or wayfaring traveller, who for wearinesse and faint­nesse sitteth him downe and reposeth himselfe many times in his way, and ever and anon riseth 20 againe and beginneth to set forward: in regard of which feeblenesse, the Ivie hath alwaies need of some prop or other to stay it selfe by, to take hold of, to claspe about and to cling unto, being not able of her owne power to rise, for want of naturall heat, whose nature is to mount aloft. As touching Snow, that it thaweth and passeth away so soone, the cause is, the moisture and soft­nesse of the Ivie leafe; for so wee see that water dispatcheth and dissolveth presently, the laxitie and spongeous raritie thereof, being (as it is) nothing els but a gathering and heaping of a num­ber of small bubbles couched & thrust together: and hereof it commeth, that in over-moist pla­ces, sobbed and soaked with water, snow melteth assoone as in places exposed to the sun. Now for that it hath leaves alwaies upon it, and the same (as Empedocles saith) firme and fast, this pro­ceedeth not of heat, no more than the fall and shedding of leaves every yeere, is occasioned by colde. And this appeareth by the myrtle tree and the herbe Adiantum, that is to say, Maiden­haire, 30 which being not hot plants, but colde, are alwaies leaved and greene withall: and there­fore some are of opinion, that the holding of the leaves, is to be ascribed to an equality of tem­perature: but Empedocles (over and besides) attributeth it to a certeine proportion of the pores, thorow which the sap and nourishment doth passe and pierce qually into the leaves; in such fort, as it runneth sufficiently for to mainteine them: which is not so in those trees which lose their leaves, by reason of the laxitie or largenesse of the said pores and holes above, and the straightnesse of them beneath; whereby, as these doe not send any nourishment at all, so the o­ther can hold and reteine none, but that little which they received, they let goe all at once: like as we may observe in certeine canals or trenches, devised for to water gardens and orchards, if they be not proportionable and equall; for where they be well watred and have continuall nou­rishment, 40 and the same in competent proportion, there the trees hold their owne, and remaine firme, alwaies greene, and never die. But the Ivie tree, planted in Babylon, would never grow, and refused there to live. Certes, it was well done of her, and she shewed great generositie, that being (as she was) a devoted vassaile to the god of Boeotia, and living (as it were) at his table, she would not goe out of her owne countrey, to dwell among those Barbarians; shee followed not the steps of king Alexander, who entred alliance, and made his abode with those strange and forren nations, but avoided their acquaintance all that ever she could, and withstood that trans­migration from her native place: but the cause thereof, was not heat, but colde rather; because shee could not endure the temperature of the aire, so contrary to her owne: for that which is 50 semblable and familiar, never killeth any thing, but receiveth, nourisheth and beareth it, like as drie ground, the herbe thyme, how hot soever the soile be. Now for the province about Baby­lon, they say, the aire in all that tract is so soultrie hot, so stuffing, so grosse, and apt to stifle and stop the breath, that many inhabitants of the wealthier sort, cause certeine bits or bagges of lea­ther to be filled with water, upon which, as upon featherbeds, they lie to sleepe and coole their bodies.

THE THIRD QUESTION.

What the cause is, that women hardly are made drunke, but olde men, very soone?

FLorus one day seemed to marvell, that Aristotle having in his treatise of drunkennesse, set downe this position: That olde men are soone surprized and overseene with wine, but con­trariwise, women, hardly and very seldome; rendred no reason thereof, considering that his ma­ner otherwise, is not to propose any such difficulties, but hee doth decide and cleere the same. And when he had made this overture, he mooved the companie to inquire into the cause there­of, 10 and a supper it was, where familiar friends were met together. Then Sylla said: That the one was declared by the other: for if we comprehend the cause aright, as touching women, it were no hard matter to finde our a reason for old men; considering that their natures and constituti­ons be most opposit and contrary, in regard of moisture and drinesse, roughnesse and smooth­nesse, softnesse and hardnesse: for first and formost, suppose this of women undoubtedly, that their naturall temperature is very moist, which causeth their flesh to be so tender, soft, smooth, slieke and shining; to say nothing of their naturall purgations every moneth: when as therefore wine meeteth with so great humiditie, being overcome by the predominancy thereof, it loseth the edge and tincture (as it were) together with the force that it had, so as it becommeth dull, every way discoloured and waterish. And verily to this purpose, somewhat may be gathered out 20 of the words of Aristotle; for he saith: That those who make no long draught when they take their wine, nor drinke leasurely, but powre it downe at once (which manner of drinking they cal­led [...]) are not so subject to drunkennesse as others; for that the wine maketh no long stay within their bodies, but being forcibly thrust foorth, soone passeth thorow: and ordinarilie we may observe, that women drinke in this manner; and very probable it is, that their bodies by reason of continual attraction of humours downward, to the nether parts for their monethly termes, is full of many conduits and passages, as if they were divided into chanels, pipes, and trenches, to draw foorth the said humours; into which the wine no sooner falleth, but away it passeth apace, that it cannot settle nor rest upon the noble and principall parts, which if they bee once troubled and possessed, drunkennesse doth soone ensue. Contrariwise, that old men 30 want naturall humiditie, their very name in Greeke seemeth to implie sufficiently, for called they are [...] not because they are [...] that is to say, inclining and stouping down­ward to the earth, but because they are already in their habitude of bodie [...] and [...] that is to say, earthly: Moreover, their stiffenesse and unpliable disposition, the roughnesse also of their skinne, argueth their dry nature and complexion: it standeth therefore to good reason, that when they liberally take their wine, their bodies which are rare and spungious within, by occasion of that drinesse, quickly catcheth and sucketh up the same, and then by long staying there, it worketh up into the head, causeth the braine to beat, and breedeth heavinesse there; & like as land-flouds gently glide over those fields which be solide & hard, washing them onely aloft, and making no mire & dirt; but if the ground be light and hollow they enter and soke far­ther 40 in; even so wine being soone caught, and drawne by the drinesse of old mens bodies, staieth there the longer time: and were not this so, yet we may observe that the verie nature of old men admitteth the same symptomes and accidents which drunkennesse maketh. Now these accidents occasioned by drunkennesse, are very apparent, to wit, the trembling and shaking of their limbes, faltering in their toong, and speaking double, immoderate and lavish speech, pettishnesse and aptnesse to choler, forgetfulnesse and alienation of the minde and understan­ding; the most part whereof being incident to old men, even when they are best in health and in most sober, a little thing God wot will set them cleane out, and any small agitation whatso­ever will doe the deed: so that drunkennesse in an old man engendreth not new accidents, but setteth on foot and augmenteth those which be already common and ordinary with them. To 50 conclude, there is not a more evident argument to proove and consirme the same than this; that nothing in the world resembleth an old man more, than a yoong man when hee is drunke.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

Whether women by their naturall complexion be colder or hotter than men?

WHen Sylla had delivered his minde to that effect; Apollonides an expert professour and well seene in raunging a battel in array, seemed by his words to approove well of that which had bene alledged as touching old men; but he thought, that in the discourse of women, the onely course was left out and overslipt, to wit, the coldnesse of their constitution, by meanes whereof, the hottest wine is quenched, and forgoeth that fierie flame which flieth up to the 10 head, and troubleth the braines: and this was received as a very probable and sufficient reason, by all the company there in place. But Athryilatus the physician, a Thasian borne, interjected some staie of farther searching into this cause: For that (quoth hee) some are of opinion that women are not cold, but hotter than men; yea, and others there be, (and that is a greater mat­ter) who hold, that wine is not hotte at all but cold. Florus woondering, and amazed heereat: This discourse and disputation (quoth he) as touching wine I reser to him there; and with that pointed at me; for that not many daies before wee had disputed together about that argument: But as for women (quoth Athryilatus) that they bee rather hot than cold, they argue thus: First and formost, they are smooth, and not hairie on their face and bodie, which testifieth their heat, which spendeth and consumeth the excrement and so, erfluitie that engendreth haire. 20 Secondly, they proove it by their abundance of bloud, which seemeth to be the fountaine of heat in the body; and of bloud women have such store, that they are ready to be inflamed, yea, to srie and burne withall, if they have not many purgations, and those quickly returning in their course to discharge and deliver them thereof. Thirdly, they bring in the experience ob­served at funerals, which sheweth evidently, that womens bodies be farre hotter than mens; for they that have the charge of burning and enterring of dead corses, doe ordinarily put into the funerall fire one dead body of a woman to tenne of men: For that one corps (say they) hel­peth to burne and consume the rest; by reason that a womans flesh conteineth in it I wot not what unctuositie or oileous matter, which quickly taketh fire, and will burne as light as a torch, so that it serveth in stead of drie sticks to kindle the sire, and set all a burning. Moreover, if this 30 be admitted for a truth, that whatsoever is more frutefull and apter for generation, is also more hot: certeine it is, that yoong maidens be ripe betimes, readier for marriage, yea and their flesh pricketh sooner to the act of generation, than boies of their age; neither is this a small and fee­ble argument of their heat; but for a greater and more pregnant proofe thereof, marke how they endure very well any chilling cold, and the injurie of winter season, for the most part of them lesse quake for cold than men doe, and generally need not so many clothes to weare.

Heereat Florus began to argue against him and said: In my conceit, these very arguments will serve well to confute the said opinion; for to beginne with the last first, the reason why they withstand cold better than men, is because every thing is lesse offended with the like: besides, their seed is not apt for generation, in regard of their coldnesse, but serveth in stead of matter 40 onely, and yeeldeth nourishment unto the naturall seed of man. Moreover, women sooner give over to conceive, and cease child-bearing, than men to beget children: and as for the burning of their dead bodies, they catch fire sooner I confesse, but that is by reason that commonly they be fatter than men; and who knoweth not, that fatte and grease is the coldest part of the bodie; which is the cause that yoongmen and those that use much bodily exercise, are least fatte of all others: neither is their monthly sicknesse & voidance of bloud, a signe of the great quantity and abundance, but rather of the corrupt qualitie and badnesse thereof; for the crude and uncon­cocted part of their bloud being superfluous, and finding no place to settle and rest, nor to ga­ther consistence within the bodie by reason of weaknesse, passeth away, as being heavy and trou­bled, altogether for default and imbecillitie of heat to overcome it: and this appeereth mani­sestly 50 by this, that ordinarily when their monthly sicknesse is upon them, they are very chill, & shake for cold, for that the bloud which then is stirred and in motion, ready to be discharged out of the bodie, is so raw and cold. To come now unto the smoothnesse of their skinne, and that it is not hairie; who would ever say that this were an effect of heat? considering that we see the hottest parts of mans bodie to be covered with haire? for surely all superfluities and excre­ments are sent out by heat, which also maketh way, boring as it were holes through the skinne, [Page 689] and opening the passages in the superficies thereof. But contrariwise wee may reason, that the sliecknesse of womens skinne is occasioned by coldnesse, whilch doth constipate and close the pores thereof. Now that womens skinne is more fast and close than mens; you may learne and understand by them (friend Athryilatus) who use to lie in bedde with women, that annoint their bodies with sweet oiles, or odoriferous compositions; for even with sleeping in the same bed with them, although they came not so neere as to touch the women, they finde themselves all perfumed, by reason that their owne bodies which be hot, rare, and open, doe draw the said ointments or oiles into them: Well, by this meanes (quoth he) this question as touching wo­men hath beene debated pro & contrà, by opposit arguments right manfully.

THE FIFTH QUESTION. 10

Whether wine be naturally cold of operation?

But I would now gladly know, (quoth Florus still) whereupon your conjecture and suspici­on should arise, that wine is cold of nature? why? And doe you thinke (quoth I) that this in an opinion of mine? Whose then (quoth the other?) I remember (quoth I) that not of late, but long agoe, I light upon a discourse of Aristotle as touching this probleme: and Epicurus himselfe in his Symposium or banquet, hath discussed the question at large, the summe of which disputation (as I take it) is thus much: For (he saith) that wine is not simplie of it selfe hot, but 20 that it conteineth in it certeine atomies or indivisible motes causing heat, and others likewise that engender cold; of which some it casteth off and loseth when it is entred into the bodie, others it taketh unto it, from the very bodie it selfe wherein it is; according as the same petie bodies be of nature and temperature, fitted and agreeable unto us; in such sort, as some when they be drunke with wine, are well heat; others againe contrariwise, be as cold. These reasons (replied Florus) directly bring us by Protagoras into the campe of Pyrrho, where we shall meet with nothing but incertitude, and be still to seeke, and as wise as we were before: for plaine it is, that in speaking of oile, milke, honie, and likewise of all other things, we shall never grow to any particular resolution of them, what nature they bee of, but still have some evasion or other, saying: That they become such, according as ech of them is mixed and tem­pered 30 one with another: But what be the arguments that your selfe alledge, to prove that wine is cold? Thus I see well (quoth I) that there be two of you at once, who presse and urge mee to deliver my mind extempore, and of a sudden: the first reason then that commeth into my head is this, which I see ordinarily practised by physicians upon those who have weake sto­macks: for when they are to corroborate and sortifie that part, they perscribe not any thing that is hot; but if they give them wine, they have present ease and helpe thereby; semblablie, they represse fluxes of the belly, yea, and when the bodie runneth all to diaphoreticall sweats, which they effect by the meanes of wine, no lesse, nay much more than by applying snow, con­firming and strengthening thereby the habit of the bodie, which otherwise was ready to melt away and resolve: now if it had a nature and facultie to heat, it were all one to applie unto the 40 region of the heart, as fire unto snow: furthermore, most physicians do hold, that sleepe is pro­cured by cooling; and the most part of soporiferous medicines which provoke sleepe, be cold; as for example, Mandragoras and poppie Juice: but these I must needs confesse, with great force and violence doe compresse, and (as it were) congeale the braine to worke that effect; whereas wine cooling the same gently, with ease and pleasure represeth and staieth the motion thereof; so that the difference onely betweene it and the other, is but in degree, according to more and lesse. Over and besides, whatsoever is hot, is also generative and apt to ingender seed; for howsoever humiditie giveth it an aptitude to run and flow, it is spirit, by the meanes of heat, that endueth it with vigor & strength, yea, and an appetite to generation: now they that drinke much wine, especially, if it be pure of it selfe, and not delaied, are more dull and slow to the act of 50 generation, and the seed which they sow, is not effectuall, nor of any force and vigor to ingen­der, their medling also and conjunction with women, is vaine, and doth no good at all, by rea­son that their seed is cold and feeble: furthermore, all the accidents and passions which colde worketh, doe befall unto those that be drunke; for they tremble and shake, they are heavie and dull of motion, and looke pale; the spirit in their joints and members, is unquiet, and mooveth disorderly; their tongues falter, stut and be double; last of all, their sinewes in the extremities of the bodie, are drawen up in maner of a crampe, and benummed; yea, and in many, drunkennesso [Page 690] endeth in a dead palsie or generall resolution of all parts; namely, after that the wine hath ut­terly extinguished and mortified their naturall heat. Physicians also are woont to cure these symptones and inconveniences procured by excessive drinke and surset, by laying the pati­ents presently in bedde, and covering them well with clothes, for to bring them to an heat; the next morrow they put them into the baine or hot-house, and rub them wel with oile; they nou­rish them with meats which do not trouble the masse of the body; and thus by this cherrishing, they gently fetch againe and recover the heat which wine had dissipated and driven out of the bodie. And forasmuch as (quoth I) in things apparent and evident to the eie, we search for the like faculties which lie hidden and secret, how can we doubt what drunkennesse is, and with what it may be compared? for according as I have before said, drunken folke resemble (for all the 10 world) old men: and therefore it is, that great drunkards soone wax old, many of them become bald before their time, and grow to be grey and hoarie ere they be aged; all which accidents seeme to surprize a man for defect of heat.

Moreover, vineger (in some sort) resembleth the nature and propertie of wine: now of all things that are powerfull to quench, there is none so repugnant and contrarie to fire, as vineger is; and nothing so much as it, by the excessive coldnesse that it hath, overcommeth and repres­seth a flame. Againe, we see how physicians use those fruits to coole withall, which of all others be most vinous, or represent the liquor of wine; as for example, pomgranates and other orch­ard apples. As for honie, do they not mix the substance thereof with raine-water and snow, for to make thereof a kinde of wine, by reason that the cold doth convert the sweetnesse for the affi­nitie 20 that is betweene them, into austeritie, when it is predominant and more puissant? what should I say more? have not our ancients in olde time, among serpents, dedicated the dragon? and of all plants, consecrated Ivie to Bacchus, for this cause, that they be both of a certeine colde and congealing nature? Now if any doe object for proofe, that wine is hot; how for them that have drunke the juice of hemlocke, the sovereigne remedie and counterpoise of all other, is to take a great draught of strong wine upon it; I will replie to the contrary, and turne the same ar­gument upon them; namely, that wine and the juice of hemlocke mingled together, is a poison incurable, & presently killeth those who drinke it, remedilesse. So that there is no more reason to prove it hot, for resisting hemlocke, than colde, for helping the operation of it; or els we must say, that it is not coldnesse whereby hemlocke killeth those that drinke it so presently, but rather 30 some other hidden qualitie and propertie that it hath.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

Of the convenient time for a man to know his wife carnally.

CErteine yoong men, who were new students, and had lately tasted of the learning contei­ned in ancient books, were ready to teare Epicurus in pieces, and inveighed mightily a­gainst him as an impudent person; for proposing and moving speech which was neither seem­ly nor necessarie, in his symposium or banquet, as touching the time of meddling with a wo­man: 40 for that an ancient man, well stept in yeres as he was, should make mention & begin talke of venerous matters, and namely, at a banquet, where many yoong men were in place, to parti­cularize and make question in this sort: Whether it were better for a man to have the use of his wife, before supper or after; seemed to proceed from a lascivious minde, and incontinent in the highest degree. Against which, some there were, who alledged the example of Sec [...] in the end of his Symposium or banquet. Xenophon, who after his supper or banquet, brought his guests (not on foot, but on horse-backe, riding a gallop away home) to lie with their wives. But Zopyrus the physician, who was very well seene and con­versant in the books of Epicurus, said: That they had not read diligently and with advisement, his booke called Symposium, that is to say, The banquet: For he tooke not this question (quoth he) to treat of at the beginning, as a theame or subject matter expresly chosen and of purpose, 50 whereto all their talke should be directed, and in nothing els to be determined and ended: but having caused those yoong men to rise from the table for to walke after supper, he entred into a discourse, for to induce them to continence and temperance, and to withdraw them from disso­lute lust of the flesh, as being at all times, a thing dangerous, and ready to plunge a man into mischiefe, but yet more hurtfull unto those who use it upon a full stomacke, after they have eat and drunke well, and made good cheere at some great feast. And if (quoth Zopyrus) he had ta­ken for the principall subject, the discourse of this point, is it pertinent and beseeming a philoso­pher, [Page 691] not to treat and consider at all of the time and houre proper and meet for men to embrace their espoused wives? or much better so to doe, in due season and with discretion? and is it (I pray you) not discommendable, to dispute thereof elswhere and at other times? and altoge­ther dishonest, to handle that question at the table or at a feast? for mine owne part, I thinke cleane contrary; namely, that we may with good reason reprove and blame a philosopher, who openly in the day time, should dispute in publicke schooles, of this matter, before all commers, and in the hearing of all sorts of people; but at the table, where there is a standing cup set before familiars and friends, and where other-whiles it is expedient to vary and change our talke, which otherwise would be but lewke warme or starke colde for all the wine, how can it be unseemely or dishonest, either to speake or heare ought that is holsome and good for men, as touching the 10 lawfull company with their wives in the secret of marriage? for mine owne part, I protest unto you, I could wish with all my heart, that those Partitions of Zeno, had beene couched in some booke entituled, Abanquet or pleasant treatise, rather than bestowed (as they are) in a composi­tion so grave and serious, as are the books of policie and government of State. The yoong men at these words, were cut over the thumbs; and being abashed, held their tongues, and sat them downe quietly. Now when others of the company requested Zopyrus to rehearse the words and reasons of Epicurus, as touching this point. I am not able (quoth he) in particular, to decipher, and precisely to set them downe as he delivered them; but I suppose the philosopher feared those violent concussions and motions, which are felt in the time of that conjunction; for that our bodies by that meanes, be woonderfully stirred and disquieted, in regard especially of the 20 wine, which being of it selfe stirring and causing much turbulent agitation, it setteth the bodie ordinarily out of quiet repose: if then the full masse thereof, being in such an agitation, meet not with a setled calme and rest, by sleepe, but runneth on still headlong to other troublesome motions, caused by the sports of Venus, so that the cords and ligaments, which are wont to hold our bodies entire, and mainteine them firme and strong, be slacked and loosed, great danger there is, that the foundation being thus shaken, the whole edifice wil fall to the ground; for sure­ly at such a time, the very genitall seed is not so apt and ready to passe away with ease, being so pent and constipate (as it is) by reason of repletion; so that it must be fetched away perforce, all troubled and confused. In which regard (quoth Epicurus) a man is to goe about this busi­nesse, when the bodie is at quiet and well setled; namely, after that the concoction and digesti­on 30 both, of our food, is perfectly finished, which all that time runneth to and fro, and willingly avoideth all such disquietnesse; untill (I say) the bodie have need of new nourishment. And for to confirme this opinion of Epicurus, a man may adjoine a reason out of physicke; namely: That the opportunity of the morrow-morning, when the concoction is thorowly performed, is most safe and sure; whereas to struggle or meddle with a woman immediatly after supper, is ne­ver without danger: for who can tell (before the meat be well concocted) whether after the pan­ting agitation by the act of Venus, there will not ensue another cruditie and indigestion, so as a double inconvenience and surfet upon surfet may follow thereupon? Then Olympicus taking his turne to speake and opine: As for me, I am (quoth he) infinitly well pleased with that sen­tence of Climas the Pythagorean; who being demanded the question, when the best time was 40 to embrace a woman? Marie (quoth he) when thou art minded to do thy selfe most harme: for that which Zopyrus said even now of the fit time, carrieth some reason with it: and as for the o­ther, it hath (I see well) many and sundry difficulties and inconveniences, and is altogether un­seasonable for this purpose. Like as therefore, Thales the wife, being importuned by his mo­ther (who pressed hard upon him) to marrie; pretily put her off, shifting and avoiding her cun­ningly, with words: for at the first time, when she was in hand with him, he said unto her: Mo­ther, it is too soone, and it is not yet time: afterwards, when he had passed the flower of his age, and that she set upon him the second time, and was very instant: Alas mother, it is now too late, and the time is past; even so, it were good for every man to carry and governe himselfe in these amatorious games of Venus, that when he goes to bed at night, he say to himselfe: It is not yet 50 time; and when hee riseth in the morning: Now there is no time left. Heereupon Soclarus: These be indeed (quoth he) Olympicus, the parts of champions, and require such as would en­ter combat for to win a prize at the sacred games: these matters (I say) altogether, are for those to performe, who can drinke wine freely, and make a game of it, yea, and eat flesh as lustily: but surely, this speech of yours, little befitteth this time and place; for heere are a sort of fresh and lustie yoong men newly married,

[Page 692]
By whom, wot well, the works, in some degree,
Of love and Venus, must performed be.

Neither is dame Venus as yet, retired and fled altogether from us; for we stil in chanting hymnes unto the gods, pray devoutly other-whiles unto her, in this wise:

O Venus, ladie deere and goddesse faire,
Hold backe olde age, keepe from us hoarie haire.

But let us consider now (if you thinke it good) whether Epicurus hath done well and decently, as he ought to doe, in taking away Venus from the night season; or whether he hath not rather offended against all right and reason in so doing; considering that Menander, a man well seene in love-matters, saith: That shee is acquainted with her above all other gods and goddesses: for 10 in mine opinion, well ordeined was this vaile and shade of darkenesse, to cover those that are minded to performe these acts, and in some sort to hide the pleasure from them, and not to come unto this game by day-light, thereby to chase from out of their eie-sight all shame and to give meanes unto laseivious wantonnesse, for to be bold and confident; and finally, to imprint the memorie of the act so lively, that it may remaine long after in the minde, for to kindle and revive still, new lusts and fleshly desires: For the eie-sight (as Plato saith) passeth most swiftly thorow the fleshly affections of the body into us, that is to say, into our soule, and evermore a­wakeneth and raiseth fresh and new concupiscence, representing with great force and vehemen­cie, the images of pleasure, and putting us in minde to pursue the same; whereas contrariwise, the night taking away the greatest part of such acts as be most furious, lulleth nature asleepe, and 20 bringeth her (as it were) to bed, in such sort, as it doth not exorbitate or breake forth by meanes of the sight, into lascivious loosenesse. But over and besides all this, what reason or sense is there in this, that a married man, returning all jolly, fresh and merry, from a festivall supper, and per­adventure with a gay chaplet of flowers upon his head, yea, and perfumed with sweet and odori­ferous oiles, should come home, go to bed, turne his backe unto his wife, pull the clothes about him round, and so lie to sleepe all night; and the morrow after, in broad day-light and in the mids of houshold occasions and other affaires, send for his wife out of the nourserie or womens roome, for to come unto him about such a matter; or in the morning, turne unto her and im­brace her in his armes, at such a time as the cocke treads his hennes? for the even tide (my good friend Olympicus) is the end and repose of all out day-labours past, and the morning is the be­ginning 30 of new travels. Of the evening, god Bacchus is the superintendent and president, who is surnamed Lysius or Liber, for that he freeth us from all paines-taking; and accompanied he is in this presidencie of his, with the muses, to wit, faire Terpsichore, who loveth daunces, and plea­sant Thalia, who delighteth in feasts and banquets; whereas the morning riseth betimes by the breake of day, to do service unto Mynerva, surnamed Ergane, the work-mistresse or patronesse of artisans; to Mercurie likewise, the master of merchants and occupiers: and therefore upon the evening, attend songs, musicke, minstrelsie, plaies, daunces, weddings,

Masques mommeries, feasts and banquets,
Noise of hauthoies, fluits, and cornets.

In the morning a man shall heare nothing but the thumping sounds of the smithes hammer 40 and sledges, beating and knocking upon the anvill; the grashing noise of sawes; the morow­watch of Publicans, Customers and Toll-gatherers, crying after those that come in or go forth; the ajournements of serjeants and criers, calling for apparance in the court before the judges; publications of edicts and proclamations; summons to attend and be ready to make court, and to do duetie unto some prince, great lord or governour of State; at which time, all pleasures be gone and out of the way.

Of Venus then there is no talke,
The slaves of Bacchus do not walke
With Ivie dight: the gamesome sport
Of gallant youths, is all-a-mort: 50
For why? as day growes on apace,
Cares and troubles come in place.

Moreover, you shall never reade, that the poet Homer reporteth of any woorthy prince and demi-god, that in the day-time he lay either with wife or concubine; onely he saith, that Paris, when he fled out of the battell, went and couched himselfe in the bosome and lap of his Helena; giving us thereby to understand, that it is not the part of an honest minded husband, but the act of a furious and wanton-given adulterer, to follow such pleasures in the day-time. Neither doth [Page] it follow (as Epicurus saith) that the bodie takes more harme by performing this duetie of mar­riage after supper, than in the morning, unlesse a man be so drunke or overcharged with meats, that his bellie is ready to cracke; for certeinly, in such a case it were very hurtfull and dangerous indeed: but if one have taken his meat and drinke sufficiently, be wel in health, and in some mea­sure cheerefull; if his bodie be apt and able, his minde well disposed thereto; if hee interpose some reasonable time betweene, and then fall to clip and imbrace his wife; he shall not thereby incurre any great agitation that night, nor feare the heavie load and repletion of meat; neither will this action worke him any dammage, or coole him too much, ne yet disquiet and remoove out of their place, the atomies (as Epicurus saith); but if hee compose himselfe afterwards to sleepe and repose, he shall soone supplie againe that which was voided, and replenish the vessels 10 with a new afflux of spirits, which were emptied by the said evacuation. But of all things, espe­ciall heed would be taken, not to play at this game of Venus in the day time; for feare lest the body and minde both, being troubled already with the cares and travels of sundry affaires, be by this meanes more exasperat and inflamed, considering that nature hath not a sufficient and competent time betweene, to repose and refresh her selfe: for all men (my good friend) have not that great leasure which Epicurus had, neither are they provided for their whole life-time, of that rest and tranquillity, which he said, that he got by good letters and the study of philosophy: nay, there is not one in maner, but every day he finds himselfe amused and emploied about ma­ny affaires and businesses of this life, which holde him occupied; to which, it were neither good nor expedient for a man to expose his body, so resolved, enfeebled and weakened with the furi­ous 20 exploit of concupiscence. Leaving him therefore to his foolish opinion of the gods, that being immortall and happy, they have no care of our affaires, nor busie themselves therewith, let us obey the lawes, maners and customes of our owne countrey, as every honest man ought to do; namely, to be sure in the morning to go into the temple, and to lay our hands upon the sacrifice, if haply a little before, we have done such a deed. For in trueth, well it were, that inter­posing the night and our sleepe betweene, after a sufficient time and competent space, we should come to present our selves pure and cleane, as if wee were risen new men with the new day, and purposing to leade a new life, as Democritus was woont to say.

THE SEVENTH QUESTION. 30

What is the cause that Must or new wine doth not inebriate or make folke drunke?

THe maner was in Athens, to give the assay, and to taste new wines the eleventh day of the moneth [February] which day they named Pithaegia: and verily in olde time, they obser­ved this ceremonie, to powre out the first drawing thereof unto the gods, before they dranke of it, making their praiers devoutly, that the use of this medicinable drinke might be holsome and healthfull, not noisome nor hurtfull unto them. But in our countrey this moneth is called [...] the sixt day of which moneth, the manner was to pierce their vessell first, and taste new wines, after they had sacrificed to good Fortune, and good Daemon, and that the westerne 40 winde Zephyrus had done blowing; for of all windes, this is it that most troubleth, disquieteth, and turneth wine: and looke what wine may escape this season, great hope there is that it will hold and continue good all the yeere after: according to which custome my father upon a time sacrificed as his maner was; and after supper finding that his wine was good & commen­dable, he proposed this question unto certeine yoong men that were students with mee in phi­losophie: How it came to passe that new wine would not make a man drunke: the thing see­med at the first unto many a very strange and incredible paradox: But Agias said: That this new sweet wine was every way offensive unto the stomacke, and quickly glutted it; by reason whereof a man could hardly drinke so much of Must, as were sufficient to overturne his braines: for that the appetite is quickly dulled and wearied, for the small pleasure that it taketh, so soone 50 as it feeleth no more thirst. Now that there is a difference betweene sweet and pleasant, the po­et Homer knew well enough and gave us so much to understand when he said:

With cheese and hony that is sweet:
With pleasant wine, a drinke most meet.

For in truth wine at the first is to be counted sweet, but in the end it becommeth pleasant, name­ly, after it hath age, and by the meanes of working, ebullition and concoction, passed to a cer­teine harshnesse and austeritie. But Aristaenetus of Nica said: That he well remembred how he [Page 694] had read in a certeine place in some books: That Must mingled with wine staieth & represseth drunkennesse; he added moreover and said: That there were physicians who ordeined for them that had overdrunke themselves; to take when they went to bed, a piece of bread dipped in hony and to eat it? If then it be so, that sweet things doe mittigate and dull the force of wine: good reason it is, that newe wine should not inebriate, untill the sweetnesse thereof be turned into pleasantnesse. We approoved greatly the discourse of these two yoong men, for that they fell not upon triviall and common reason, but had devised new: for these be they that are alledged by every man, and ready at hand, to wit; the heavinesse of Must or new wine, as Aristotle saith, which maketh the belly soluble, and so it breaketh thorow the quantitie of flatilent and muddy spirits that abide therein, together with the waterie substance, of which the ventosities direct­ly 10 get foorth, as expelled by force; but the aquositie by the owne nature enfeebleth the strength of the wine: like as contrariwise age augmenteth the power thereof, for that the watrie sub­stance is now gone; by reason whereof, as the quantitie of the wine is diminished, so the qua­litie and vertue is encreased.

THE EIGHT QUESTION.

What the reason is, that they who be throughly drunke, are lesse braine-sicke than those who are but in the way of drunkennesse.

SEeing then (quoth my father) that we have begun already to disquiet the ghost of Aristotle. 20 it shall not be amisse to trie what we can say of our selves, as touching those whom wee call [...] that is to say, who are wel heat with wine, but not yet starke drunk: for howsoever Ari­stotle was ordinarily very quicke and subtile in resolving such questions, yet in mine opinion he hath not sufficiently and exactly delivered the reason thereof; for as farre as I can gather out of his words (he saith) That the discourse of reason in a man who is sober, judgeth aright and ac­cording to the truth of things as they be: contrariwise, his sense and understanding who is cleane gone, & as they say dead drunke, is done and oppressed altogether: as for the apprehen­sion and imagination of him who hath taken his wine well, and is but halfe drunke, is yet sound, mary his reason and judgement is troubled already and crackt: and therefore such judge indeed, 30 but they judge amisse, for that they follow their phantasies onely: but what thinke you of this? For mine owne part (quoth I) when I consider with my selfe his reason, it seemeth sufficient­ly to have rendred a cause of this effect; but if you would have us to search farther into the thing, and devise some speciall new matter? marke first, whether this difference which hee maketh be­tweene them, ought not to be referred to the bodie: for in these that have well drunke, there is nothing but the discourse of reason onely troubled; because the bodie being not yet thorow­ly drenched and drowned in wine, is able to doe service unto the will and appetite; but if it be once off the hookes, (as they say) or utterly oppressed, it forsaketh and betraieth the appetites, and breaketh day with the affections, being so farre shaken and out of joint, that it can serve no more, nor execute the will: whereas the other having the bodie still at commaund, and ready 40 to exorbitate together with the will, and to sinne with it for companie, are more seene and dis­covered, not for that they be more foolish, and have lesse use of reason, but because they have greater meanes to shew their follie. But if we should reason from another principle, and go another way to worke (quoth I) he that will consider well the force of wine, shall finde no let, but that in regard of the quantitie, it altereth and becommeth divers, much like unto the fire, which if it be moderate, hardeneth and baketh the tile or pot of claie; but in case it bee very strong, & the heat excessive, it meltethe & dissolveth the same: and on the otherside; the spring or summer season at the beginning breedeth fevers and setteth them on fire, which in the progresse and middes thereof being growen to their heights, decline and cease altogether. What should hinder then, but the minde and understanding which naturally is disquieted and troubled with 50 wine, after it is once off the wheeles, and cleane overturned by the excessive quantitie thereof should come into order [...] againe, and be setlet as it was before? Much like therefore as Ellebore beginneth his operation to purge, by overturning the stomacke, and disquieting the whole masse of the body; and if it be given in a lesse dose or quantitie than it should be; well it may trouble, but purge it will not: also as wee see some, who take medicines for to provoke sleepe, under the just and full quantitie which is prescribed, in stead of sleepe and repose, finde them­selves more vexed and tormented than before; and others againe, if they take more, sleepe [Page 695] soundly; even so it standeth to good reason, that the brain-sicknesse of him who is halfe drunk, after it is growen once to the highest strength and vigour, doth diminish and decay; to which purpose now wine serveth very well, and helpeth much: for being powred into the body with great abundance, it burneth and consumeth that spice of madnesse which troubleth the minde and use of reason; much after the maner of that dolefull song, together with the heavy sound of hautboies in the funerals of dead folke, at the first mooveth compassion, and setteth the eies a weeping, but after it hath drawen the soule so to pittie and compassion, it proceedeth farther, and by little and little it spendeth and riddeth away all sense of dolour and sorrow; semblably a man shal observe, that after the wine hath mightily troubled, disquieted the vigorous & coura­gious part of the soule, men quickly come to themselves, & their minds be setled in such sort as 10 they become quiet, and take their repose when wine and drunkennesse hath passed as farre as it can.

THE NINTH QUESTION.

What is the meaning of the common proverbe: Drinke either five, or three, but not fower?

WHen I had thus said; Ariston crying out aloud as his maner was: I see well now (quoth he) that there is opened a reentrance, and returne againe of measures into feasts and banquets, by vertue of a most just and popular decree: which measures by meanes of (I wot not 20 what) sober season, as by a tyrant have beene this long time banished from thence: for like as they who professe a canonicall harmonie in sounding of the harpe, doe holde and say: That the proportion Hemiolios or Sesquialterall, produceth the symphonie or musicall accord Dia­penta, of the duple proportion ariseth that Dia pason: but as for the muchlike or accord called Diatessaron, which of all others is most obscure and dull, it consisteth in the proportion Epi­tritos; even so, they that make profession of skill in the harmonies of Bacchus, have observed, that three symphonies or accords there are, betweene wine & water, namely, Diapenta, Diatri­on, & Diatessaron, singing and saying after this manner: Drinke five, or three, and not fower; for the fift standeth upon the proportion Hemiolios, or Sesquialterall to wit, when three parts or measures of water be mingled with two of wine; and the third conteine the duple pro­portion; 30 namely when two parts of water be put to one of wine; but the fowrth answereth to the proportion of three parts of water powred into one of wine; and verily this measure or pro­portion Epitritos, may fit some grave and wise senatours sitting in parliament; or the Archou­res in the counsell chamber Prytaneum for to dispatch waightie affaires of great consequence: and it may beseeme well enough some logicians that pull up their browes, when they are busie in reducing, unfolding, and altering their Syllogismes; for surely it is a mixture or tempera­ture sober and weake enough: as for the other twaine, that medley which carieth the propor­tion of two for one, bringeth in that turbulent tone of the Acrothoraces before said; to wit, of such as are somewhat cup-shotten and halfe drunke:

Which stirs the strings and cords of secret hart, 40
That mooved should not be, but rest apart.

For it neither suffereth a man to bee fully sober, nor yet to drench himselfe so deepe in wine, that hee bee altogether witlesse and past his sense: but the other standing upon the propor­tion of two to three, is of all others the most musicall accord, causing a man to sleepe peace­ablie, and to forget all cares, resembling that good and fertile corne-field which Hesiodus spea­keth of,

That doth from man all eares and curses drive,
And children cause to rest, to feed and thrive.

It appeaseth and stilleth all proud, violent, and disordred passions within our heart, in­ducing in the stead of them a peaceable calme and tranquillitie. These speeches of Ariston no 50 man there, would crosse or contradict; for that it was well knowen he spake merily: but I willed him to take the cup in hand, and as if he held the harpe or lute, to tune and set the same, to that accord and consonance which he so highly praised, and thought so good. Then came a boy close unto him, and powred out strong wine; which he refused, saying, (and that with a laugh­ter) That his musicke consisted in reason and speculation, and not in the practise of the instru­ment. But my father added thus much to that which had beene said: That as hee thought, the auncient poets also had to great reason feigned; that whereas Jupiter had two [Page 696] nurses, to wit, Ida and Adrastia; Juno one, namely, Euboea; Apollo likewise twaine, that is to say, Alethia, and Corythalia; Bacchus had many more; for that he was suckled and nursed by many nymphes, because this god forsooth had need of more measures of water, signified by the nymphs to make him more tame, gentle, wittie, and wise.

THE TENTH QUESTION.

What is the reason that any killed flesh will be naught and corrupt sooner under the raies of the moone, than in the sunne? 10

Enthydemus of Sunium, feasted us upon a time at his house, and set before us a wilde bore, of such bignesse, that all wee at the table woondred thereat; but he told us that there was another brought unto him farre greater; mary naught it was, and corrupted in the cariage, by the beames of the moone-shine: whereof he made great doubt and question, how it should come to passe; for that he could not conceive, nor see any reason, but that the sunne should ra­ther corrupt flesh, being as it was, farre hotter than the moone. Then Satyrus: This is not the thing (quoth he) whereat a man should marvell much in this case; but rather at that which hun­ters practise; for when they have strucken downe either a wilde bore, or a stagge, and are to send it farre into the citie, they use to drive a spike or great naile of brasse into the body, as a preser­vative against putrefaction. Now when supper was done, Enthydemus calling to minde his 20 former question, was in hand withall againe, and set it now on foot: And then Moschion the physician shewed unto them, that the putrefaction of flesh was a kinde of eliquation and run­ning all to moisture; for that corruption bringeth it unto a certeine humiditie, so as whatso­ever is sappie corrupted, becommeth more moist than it was before: Now it is well knowen (quoth he) that all heat which is mild and gentle, doth stirre, dilate, and spred the humours in the flesh: but contrariwise, if the same be ardent, fierie, and burning, it doth attenuate and re­streine them: by which appeereth evidently the cause of that which is in question; for the moone gently warming bodies, doth by consequence moisten the same; whereas the sunne by his extreme heat catcheth up and consumeth rather that humiditie which was in them: unto which Archilocus the poet alludeth like a naturall philosopher when he said: 30

I hope, the dogge starre Sirius,
In firie heat so furious
With raies most ardent will them smite,
And numbers of them dry up quite.

And Homer more plainly spake of Hector, over whose body lying along dead: Apollo (quoth he) displaied and spred a darke and shadowy cloud:

For feare lest that the scorching beames, of sunne aloft in skie,
Should on his corps have power, the flesh andnerves to parch and dry. 40

Contrariwise, that the moone casteth weaker and more feebler raies; the poet [...] sheweth, saying:

The grapes doe finde no helpe by thee, to ripen on the vine,
And never change their colour blacke, that they might make good wine.

These words thus passed: And then all the rest (quoth I) is very well said, & I approove thereof; but that al the matter should lie in the quantity of heat, more or lesse cōsidering the season, I see not how it should stand; for this we find, that the sunne doth heat lesse in winter, & corrupteth more in summer: whereas we should see contrary effects, if putrefactions were occasioned by 50 the imbecillity of heat; but now it is far otherwise, for the more that the suns heat is augmented, the sooner doth it putrifie & corrupt any flesh killed: and therefore we may as wel inferre, that it is not for default of heat, nor by any imbecillitie thereof; that the moone causeth dead bodies to putrifie, but we are to referre that effect to some secret propertie of the influence proceeding from her: for that all kinds of heat have but one qualitie, and the same differing onely in de­gree, according to more or lesse: that the very fire also hath many divers faculties, and those not resembling one another, appeareth by daily & ordinary experiences: for gold-smiths melt [Page 697] and worke their gold with the flame of light straw and chaffe: physicians doe gently warme (as it were) in Balneo those drougues, and medicines which they are to boile together most all with a fire made of vine cuttings; for the melting, working, blowing, and forming of glasse, it seemeth that a fire made of Tamarix is more meet than of any other matter what­soever; the heat caused by olive-tree wood, serveth well in drie stouphs or hot houses, and disposeth mens bodies to sweat; but the same is most hurtfull to baines and baths; for if it bee burned under a furnace, it hurteth the boord-floores and seelings; it marreth also the verie foundations and ground-workes: whereupon it commeth, that Aediles for the State, such as have any skill and understanding, when they let to ferme the publicke baines unto Publicans and Fermers, except ordinarily olive-tree wood, forbidding expresly, 10 those that rent them at their hands, not to use the same; as also not to cast into the fur­nace or fire with which they give an heat unto them, the seed of Darnell; for that the smoaks and fumes which ariseth from such matters, ingender head-ach and heavinesse of the braine, together with a dizzinesse and swimming in the head, in as many as wash or bathe in them. And therefore, no marvell it is, that there should be such a difference betweene the heat of the sunne and of the moone, considerig that the one by his influence doth drie, and the other by her pow­er dissolveth humors, and in somebodies (by that meanes) causeth rhewmes: and therefore dis­creet and carefull nourses take great heed how they expose their sucking babes against the raies of the moone, for that such infants (being full of moisture, like to sappy-greene wood) will (as it were) warpe, twine, and cast at-one side by that meanes. And an ordinary thing it is to be seene, 20 that whosoever sleepe in the moone-shine, be hardly awakened, as if their senses were stupefied, benummed, and astonied: for surely, the humors (being dissolved and dilated by the influence of the moone) doe make bodies heavie. Moreover, it is said, that the [...] or [...] as some inter­pret it. full-moone (by relaxing and resolving humors in this wise) helpeth women in travell of child-bearing, to easie delive­rance. Whereupon, in my judgement, Diana, which is nothing els but the very moone, is cal­led Lochia or Ilithyia, as having a speciall hand in the birth of children; which Timotheus direct­ly testifieth in these verses:

Thorow azure skie, with starres beset, by moone that giveth speed
Of child-birth, and doth ease the paine of women, in their need. 30

Moreover, the moone sheweth her power most evidently even in those bodies, which have nei­ther sense nor lively breath; for carpenters reject the timber of trees fallen in the ful-moone, as being soft and tender, subject also to the worme and putrifaction, and that quickly, by reason of excessive moisture; husbandmen likewise, make haste to gather up their wheat and other graine from the threshing-floore, in the wane of the moone, and toward the end of the moneth, that being hardened thus with drinesse, the heape in the garner may keepe the better from being fustie, and continue the longer; whereas corne which is inned and laied up at the full of the moone, by reason of the softnesse and over-much moisture, of all other, doth most cracke and burst. It is commonly said also, that if a leaven be laied in the full-moone, the paste will rise and 40 take leaven better; for although it have but a little leaven, & lesse in quantitie than ordinary, yet it faileth not by the sharpnesse thereof (by meanes of rarefaction) to make the whole masse and lumpe of dow to swell and be leavened.

To returne now unto flesh that is caught, and beginneth to putrifie, it is occasioned by no­thing els but this, that the spirit which mainteineth and knitteth the same fast, turneth into moi­sture, and so by that meanes, it becommeth over-tender, loose, and apt to runne to water: an ac­cident, which wee may observe in the very aire, which resolveth more in the full of the moone, than at any other time, yea, and yeeldeth greater store of dewes: which the poet Alcman signi­fieth aenigmatically and covertly unto us, when he saith in one place, that dew is the daughter of the aire and the moone; for these be his words: 50

What things on earth, the dew as nourse doth feed,
Whom Jupiter and moone betwixt them breed.

Thus evident testimonies we have from all parts, that the light of the moone is waterish, and hath a certeine propertie to liquisie, and by consequence, to corrupt and putrifie.

As for the brasen spike or naile above mentioned, if it be true (as some hold and say) that be­ing driven into the body, it preserveth the flesh for a time from rottenhead and putrifaction: it seemeth to worke this effect, by a certeine astrictive qualitie and vertue that it hath; for the [Page 698] flower of brasse, called Ver-de-gris, physicians doe use in their astringent medicines: and by re­port, those that frequent mines, out of which brasse-ore is digged, finde much helpe thereby for bleered and rheumaticke eies; yea, and some thereby have recovered the haire of their eie-lids, after they were shed and fallen off: for the small scales or fine powder in maner of flowre, which commeth and falleth from the brasse-stone [...] , getting closely into the eie-lids, staieth the rhewme, and represseth the flux of weeping and waterie eies: and thereupon it is said, that the poet Homer hath given these attributes and epithites unto brasse, calling it I suppose Homer used the words in a farre other sense, by Mos­chions leave be it spoken, who was a better physi­cian, than a grammarian, as it should seeme. [...] and [...] Besides, Aristotle saith, that the wounds inflicted by speares and lances with brasen heads, by swords also made of brasse, are lesse painfull, and be sooner healed, than those which are given 10 by the same weapons of iron and steele; for that brasse hath a kinde of medicinable vertue in it, which the said weapons doe leave behinde them immediatly in the wounds. Moreover, that a­stringent things be contrary unto those that putrifie; and that preservatives or healing matters, have an opposit facultie to such as cause corruption, it is very plaine and evident; so that the reason is manifest of the said operation: unlesse haply some one will alledge, that the brasen spike or naile in piercing thorow the flesh, draweth unto it the humours thereof, considering that there is evermore a flux in that part which is hurt and wronged. Over and besides, it is said, that there appeareth alwaies some marke or spot, blacke and blew, about that very place of the flesh, bewraying (as it were) some mortification; a probable argument, that all the rest remain­eth sound and entire, when the corruption runneth and floweth thither as it doth. 20

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR 30 BANQUET-QUESTIONS.

The Contents or Summarie.

1 WHether the food consisting of many and sundrie viands, is easier of digestion, than the simple.

2 Why it is thought that Mushromes are ingendred by thunder; wherein also the que­stion is made, wherefore it is a necessarie opinion, that those who lie asleepe, are not smitten with lightning.

3 What is the reason that to a wedding supper, many guests were invited. 40

4 Whether the viands which the sea affoordeth, be more delicate than those of the land.

5 Whether the Jewes in a religious reverence that they have of swine, or upon an abomination and ab­horring of them, forbeare to eat their flesh.

6 What god the Jewes worship.

7 Why the dayes of the weeke, bearing the names of the seven planets, are not disposed and reckoned according to the order of the said planets, but rather cleane contrary; where, by the way, there is a discourse as touching the order of nailes.

8 What is the cause that rings and signets were worne especially upon the fourth finger, or that, next from the middle.

9 Whether wee ought to carrie in our seale-rings, the images of the gods engraven, or of wise perso­nages. 50

10 What is the reason that women never eat the middle part of a Lectuce.

THE FOURTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-questions.

The Proëme.

POlybius in times past (ô Sossius Senecio) gave unto Scipio Africa­nus this good advertisement: Never to depart out of the market or common place, where citizens daily assembled about their af­faires, 10 untill he had gotten one new friend or other, more than he had before. Where you must understand this name of friend, not precisely as the Stoicks doe, nor after the subtile acceptation of the word, according to curious Sophysters; namely, for him that con­tinueth firme, fast for ever and immutable; but after a civill and vul­gar maner, for a wel willer, as Dicaearchus meant, when he said: That we ought to make all men our well-willers, but honest men onely our friends: for surely, this true friendship and amitie can not be gotten and purchased, but in long time, and by vertue; whereas that good-will of civill persons, may be gained by affaires and dealings one with another, by conference and conversing and other-whiles, by playing and ga­ming 20 together; namely, when opportunitie of time and place meeteth therewith, which help­eth not a little to the winning of humane affection and favour among men. But consider now, whether that lesson and precept of Polybius may be fitted, not onely to the market and common place aforesaid, but also to a feast or banquet; namely, That a man ought never to rise from the table, nor to depart from the company met at a feast, before he know, that he hath acquired the love and good affection of some one of those there assembled; and so much the rather, because men repaire ordinarie to the publike place of the citie about other negotiations and businesse; but to a feast, wise and discreet persons come as much to get new friends, as to do pleasure unto those whom they have already: and therefore (as it were) a base, absurd and illiberall part, to seeme to carry away from a feast or banquet any thing whatsoever; so to goe from thence with 30 more friends than he brought thither at his entrance, is a delectable, honest and honourable thing: like as on the contrary side, he that is negligent and carelesse in this behalfe, maketh that meeting and fellowship unpleasant and unprofitable unto himselfe, and so he goes his way as one that had supped with his bellie, and not with his minde and spirit; for he that commeth as a guest to supper among others, commeth not onely to take his part with them, of bread, wine, meats and junkets, but to communicate also in their discourses in their learning, yea, and their pleasant courtesie, tending all in the end, to good will and amitie. For wrestlers to catch and take fast hold one of another, had need of dust strewed upon their hands; but wine at the table, especially when it is accompanied with good talke, is that which giveth meanes to lay holde up­on friends, and to knit them together. For [...] rather [...] wine. speech doth transfuse and derive by discourse and 40 communication, as it were, by conduits and pipes, courtesie and humanity, from the bodie to the mind; for otherwise, dispersed it is, and wandreth all over the bodie, and doth no other good at all, but onely fill and satisfie the same. And like as marble taketh from iron red-hot, the fluxi­ble moisture, by cooling it, and maketh that softnesse to become hard and stiffe, whereby it is more apt to reteine the impression of any forme received; even so honest discourse and talke at the table, suffereth not the guests that are eating and drinking together, to run endlong still, and be carried away with the strength of wine; but staieth them, and causeth their mirth and jollitie (proceeding from their liberall drinking) to be well tempered, lovely, well beseeming, yea, and apt to be fealed (as it were) with the signet of amity and friendship, if a man know with dexteritie, how to handle and manage men, when they are thus made soft and tender, yea, and 50 capable of any impression, through kinde heat, by the meanes of wine and good cheere.

THE FIRST QUESTION.

Whether the food consisting of sundry sorts of viands, be easier of digestion, than the simple?

THe first question then, of this fourth Decade of Table discourses, shall be concerning di­versitie of meats: for by occasion of the solemne feast That is to say, The [...] killing. Elaphebolia, for the celebration [Page 700] whereof we went to the city Hyampolis. Philon the physician invited us, who (as it should seeme) had made great preparation of good cheere, to enterteine us magnificently; and seeing with Philinus a yoong lad his sonne, feeding heartily upon drie bread without calling for any other meat to it, tooke occasion to breake out into this admiration: O Hercules, now surely here is the common proverbe verified indeed!

They fought in place all full of stone,
But from the earth could lift up none.

and therewith he leapt forth, and ran into the kitchin to fetch some good victuals for them: and after he had staied a pretie while away, he came againe and brought nothing with him, but a few drie figs and some cheese; which when I saw: This is (quoth I) the ordinary fashion of those, 10 who having made provision of rare and exquisit things, which also be costly and sumptuous, do neglect [...] which be good and necessarie, whereof afterwards, they finde a misse and want. I never remembred (quoth Philon) that our Philinus heere, seemeth to feed after the maner of [...] [...] , Sostratus, who never (by report) did eat or drinke any thing, all his life time, but onely milke: but as for him, very like it is, that upon some change of minde, he began this maner of diet, and that he had not alwaies lived so; but this Philinus here, like another Chiron, feedeth his sonne (like as Achilles was brought up from his very infancie) with such meats as have no bloud in them, that is to say, of the fruits of the earth. And thinke you not, that by this certeine demonstration, he verifieth that which is written of the grashoppers; namely, that they live of the aire and dew? I never thought upon a supper (quoth Philinus) or a feast of an hūdred beasts killed for sacrifice, 20 as they were when Aristomenes feasted his friends; for otherwise, I would have come from home well provided before-hand of simple viands, which be holsome and healthfull, as preservatives hanging about our necks, against these sumptuous, surfetous & feaverous feasts; for that I have heard many times physicians say: That simple viands are easier of digestion, than varietie of meats, like as they be also readier at hand, and sooner provided. Then Marcion directing his speech unto Philo: This Philinus heere (quoth he) marres all your provision of good cheere, frighting as he doth your guests, and (what lies in him) withdrawing them from eating thereof: but if you will request me, I shall answer in your behalfe, I will pawne my selfe also and be their warrant, yea and proove unto them afterwards, that the diversitie of meats is more easie to bee concocted and digested, than their simplicitie and uniformitie, to the end that they may in the 30 meane time be the bolder and better assured to fall unto their victuals, & make merry with that plentifull fare that you have ordeined for us: Then Philo entreated Marcion so to doe.

Now after that we had supped, we called upon Philinus to set in hand with the accusation of this multiplicitie of sundry and divers viands: Why (quoth he againe) I am not the author of this position; neither is it I that have said so; but this good host of ours Philo heere, who ever­more telleth us: First and formost, that those beasts which feede upon a simple kinde of meat, and the same alwaies one, live more healthie than men; whereas they that be kept up and cram­med in coupes, cages, mewes, & bartons, or otherwise franke-sed & fatted, are in greater danger to fall into diseases, & more subject to crudities, for that their meat is set before them mingled, compounded, and in some sort delicately condited. Secondly, there was never yet any physici­an 40 so bold and venterous in making new experiments, who durst offer unto his patient sicke of an ague, any meat or nourishment so compounded of divers sorts; but ordeined there is for them alwaies the simplest that can be had, & least smelling of the kitchin and cooks craft; as that which is most easie to be concocted in the stomacke: for in truth our meats should suffer alte­ration, and be wrought by the naturall faculties within us: and like as the colours which are most simple doe strike the deepest die, and give the best tincture; and among oiles that which hath no sent at all, taketh best the aromaticall drougues and odors of the perfumes, and sooner tur­neth or chaungeth than any other; even so the simplest nourishment is that, which most easily is altered and concocted by the vertue digestive: whereas if there be many and sundry qualities, and those of a contrary operation, they corrupt soonest; for that they fight and runne one a­gainst 50 the other, and so hinder concoction; much like as in a citie, the confused multitude of many nations hudled together from all parts, hardly will ever grow to any agreement, & con­sistence well united and accordant; for that ech partie leaneth to their owne rites, striveth to draw all to their owne commoditie, and followeth their private affections against others, hard­ly or never agreeing and framing well with strangers. Moreover, we may have a most evident and infallible argument of this by the familiar example of wine, for nothing there is that so doth inebriate, as varietie and change of wines; and it seemeth that drunkennesse is nothing els [Page 701] but the indigestion of wine: and therefore our great professed drinkers avoid all that ever they can, mixt and brewed wines; yea & they that are the brewers and minglers thereof, doe it as se­cretly as it is possible; like to those that lie in ambush: for surely every change brings with it inequallity, and a kinde of extasie, putting all out of frame; which is the cause likewise that musicians are very wary how they stirre or strike many strings together, & yet there is no other harme at all to be suspected but the mixture and varietie. This I dare be bold to affirme, that a man will sooner beleeve & consent to a thing where contrary reasons be alledged, than make good concoction, and digestion of divers and sundry faculties: but because I would not bee thought to speake in jest, leaving these prooves, I will come to the reasons of Philo: for wee have heard him oftentimes say: That it is the quality of the meat that causeth difficultie of di­gestion, 10 and that the mixture of many things is pernicious, and engendreth strange accidents: and therefore we ought to take knowledge by experience, what is friendly and agreeable to na­ture, that we may use the same, and rest contented therein; and if peradventure there bee no­thing of the owne nature hard to be concocted, but that it is the quantitie alone that troubleth and hurteth our stomacke, and there corrupteth, so much the rather in mine advice we ought to forbeare divers sorts of viands, wherewith Philoes cooke exercising his art cleane contrarie to his masters, hath even now empoisoned and bewitched us, by diversifying our appetite and by novelties and change, not suffring it to bee wearie, and to refuse any thing, feeding it still with one thing after another, and causing it by this varietie to passe the bonds of contentment in reason; much like unto the foster-father of lady Hypsipyle: 20

Who being set in meddow gay,
Flower after flower did crop away:
And yet his minde so childish was,
And in desire so farre did passe,
That bootie none would him content,
Vntill the flowers most part off went.

In this case therefore it were good withall to remember the wise instruction of Socrates, who giveth us counsell to take heed and beware of those viands which draw men on to eat, when they are not hungry, wherein his meaning was this and none other; that we should avoid and feare the diversitie and pluralitie of meats: for this is it that causeth us to exceed the bounds of suffi­sance, 30 farther than needfull is, and reteineth our pleasure in things that content the eie and the eare, in venereous matters, in plaies, games, and all kindes of sport, being continually refreshed and renewed still with a singularitie and superfluitie that hath many heads: whereas in simple and uniforme pleasures, the attractive delight never exceedeth the necessitie of na­ture. To be short, of this minde I am: That a man would better endure a musician, who com­mended a confusion of many strings discordant; or a master of wrestlers who praised the an­nointing of bodies for exercise, with sweet oiles and perfumed ointments; than a physitian who recommended this multiplicitie and varietie of viands; for surely such alterations and changes from one dish to another, must needs force and drive us out of the right way to health. 40

After that Philinus had thus said: I am of this minde (quoth Marcion) that not onely they who disjoine and sever profit from honestie, incurre the malediction of Socrates, but also those who distinguish pleasure and health a sunder, as if pleasure forsooth were repugnant, or an e­nimie unto it, and not rather a friend and companion thereof: for seldome and even against our wils (quoth he) doe we make any use of paine, as being an instrument too boisterous and violent, whereas no man, would he never so faine, can chase pleasures away, and banish them, but they will present themselves alwaies in our feeding, in sleeping, in washing, bathing, swea­ting, and annointing our bodies; they enterteine, foster, and cherish him that is over-travailed and wearie, putting away quite by a certeine familiar propertie, agreeable unto nature, whatso­ever is strange and offensive: for what manner of paine, what want, what poison is there how 50 strong soever it be, that riddeth or dispatcheth a maladie so soone or so presently, as the bath in due time; or wine given to those that have need, and when their heart doth faint? Our meat go­ing downe into the stomacke merily, and with pleasure, dissolveth incontinently all wambles, re­ducing and restoring nature againe into her owne estate; as if faire weather and a calme season were come againe; whereas on the contrarie side, the succors and remedies which are procu­red by dolorous and painfull meanes, by little and little, hardly & with much adoo are brought about and effected, even with wrong and injurie offered unto nature: let not Philinus there­fore [Page 702] set himselfe in opposition against us, in case we doe not hoise up and spred all our sailes, to flie away from pleasures: but endevour and studie wee rather to draw delight and health toge­ther, for to make a marriage betweene them, for which we have more reason than some philo­sophers, to match pleasure with honesty. For first and formost ( Philinus) mee thinks in the very entrance of your discourse, that you are greatly deceived; setting downe this supposall for a ground: That brute beasts feed more simply than men, and in that regard live more healthful­ly; for neither the one nor the other is true: and as for the former, disprooved plainly it is by the testimonie of the goates, of whom the poet Eupolis writeth, who highly commend and praise their pasture, as being mingled, and consisting of the varietie of all plants and herbes; who sing and say in this manner: 10

We feed in plenty everie where
Upon the plants which earth doth beare;
The statly Firre we bark and bruse
The Holme likewise with mightie bowghes;
The tender crops of Arbute tree
Which beares a frute like Strawberie;
Do yeeld us foode, and many mo
Which both on hilles and dales do grow;
As namly sweet tree Trifolie
On which we love to eate daily; 20
The Juniper with fragrant smell,
The Yewghlay-greene and leav'd as well;
Wilde Olives and fruitfull Lentisk,
Which yeelds the holsome gumme Mastick,
Ash, Figge-tree, Okes that high doe grow,
Ivie, Lings which creepes as low;
Whins, Tamarix, Gorse and Broome,
Chaste-tree, Brambles, all and some,
Mollein, Longwoort, Asphodell,
Ladan shrub that sweet doth smell: 30
Beechtrees, with triangled Mast,
Thyme and Sav'ry, be our repast,

For even these trees, shrubbes, and herbes, heere reckoned up, have no doubt infinit differen­ces in taste, juice, savour, sent, & vertue; and yet there be a number more besides these left out unnamed. And as for the second point, Homer refuteth it by an evident experience, shewing that murrens and pestilent contagions, seized first upon brute beasts: besides, their short life witnesseth sufficiently how diseased they be, and subject to many accidents and infirmities; for there is not one of them to speake of, that liveth long, unlesse haply some man will give in­stance of the raven and the crow, which we know and see to eat much, and to feed of all sorts of victuals. Moreover, mee thinks that reasoning from the diet of sicke-persons, you have not 40 gone by a right rule to discerne the meats which be of easie or heavie digestion; for labour and exercise, yea and to cut and chew the meat well, serve much for concoction; but for all that they agree not to those who are in a feaver: furthermore, I suppose, that you feare without just occasion, the repugnance and contrarietie of divers and sundry meats: for set the case that either nature doth out of different and dislike meats, chuse and take that which is agreeable un­to it; the divers nourishment transmitting many and sundry qualities, into the masse and bulke of the body, distributeth unto every part that which is meet and fit for it: so as that commeth to passe which Empedocles delivered in these verses:

Sweet will to sweet, and therewith loves to joine;
The bitter runnes to that which bitter is; 50
Looke what is sharpe with sharpe doth well combine,
With saltish parts salt sorteth not amisse.

This goeth one way, and that another, ech one to that which is sutable thereto, after that the mixture by the he at which is seated in the spirits is dilated and spred abroad, the like alwaies fol­low their owne kinde: for a body mingled and compounded of so many things assembled toge­ther as ours is, by all reason doth contract, enterteine and accomplish the temperature there­of by varietie of matter, rather than by a simple uniformitie thereof; or if it were not so, but that [Page 703] the conconction so called, be it which hath force to alter and change our viands; yet the same will both sooner and also better be performed in sundry and divers meats, than in that which is one and simple: for never will the like receive any passion or alteration by the like; but contra­rietie and repugnancie is that, which sooner turneth and changeth the qualities being enfee­bled by the mixture of their contrarie: and if you resolve once (ô Philinus) to condemne all that which is mixed and compounded; do not reproove and revile this Philo heere, for inter­teining onely his friends at the table with so costly fare and varietie of deintie dishes? but also, yea and so much the rather, whensoever he compoundeth and mixeth those roiall confections, and those cordiall electuaries that be counter-poisons, which Erasistratus was woont to cal: The very hands of the gods; condemne them (I say) of vanitie, curiositie, and absurditie, who con­found 10 and mixe together minerals, herbs, theriacall trochists, made of the parts of venemous serpents, for the composition of their treacles; yea and in one word, whatsoever land or sea af­foordeth: for by your advice, good it were to abandon al these mixtures, and reduce all physick to plaine ptisans, thinne barley water, cucumber seeds, all simple, or at the most to oile and wa­ter mingled together: yea, but this pluralitie and diversitie of viands, doth by your saying, ra­vish, transport, and enchant our appetite as it were, besides it selfe, insomuch as it hath no more mastry of it selfe: I answer my good friend: That the same draweth after it puritie and neat­nesse; it maketh a good stomacke; it causeth a sweet breath; and in one word, procureth cheerefulnesse in us, and a disposition both to eat more, and to drinke better: for otherwise why take we not course branne in stead of the fine flower of meale to thicken our pots? or why 20 dresse wee not and prepare [...] cives and golden thistles, as well as wee doe the tender crops and heads of garden sperage? why reject wee not this odoriferous, fragrant, and delicate wine of ours, to drinke some savage and hedge drinke; as cyder made of apples, even out of the tubbe which resounds with the consort and musicke of gnats and flies round about? for you will say (I am sure) that an healthfull diet is not the flying and avoiding of pleasure altogether; but rather a moderation and temperature of pleasures, making use of that appetite which is obedient to profit: for like as pilots and masters of ships have many devices and meanes to escape a bluste­rous and violent winde when it is aloft, but when the same is allaied and downe, there is no man able to raise and set it up againe; even so to withstand the appetite, and to represse the same when it doth exceed, is not so hard and difficult a matter; but to stirre up, to provoke, & corro­brate 30 the same when it is lost, & decaied before due time; or to give an edge unto it, being dull, and faint, is a mastrie indeed, and a piece of worke (my friend, I may say unto you) not so easily done: whereby it appeares, that the nouriture of divers viands, is better than the simple food, and that which by reason is alwaies of one sort, doth soone satisfie and give one enough, by how much more easie it is to stay nature, when she is too speedie and hastie, than to set her for­ward, being weary and drawing behinde: and whereas some haply there bee, who say, that re­pletion and fulnesse is more to be feared and avoided than inanition and emptinesse, that is not true; but rather the contrary: in deed, if repletion and surfet grow to corruption or to some maladie, it is hurtfull; but emptinesse (if it bring and breed none other harme els) is of it selfe adverse and contrary to nature. Let these reasons therefore be opposed, as it were, dissonant 40 and sounding of a contrary string, against those which you ( Philinus) have phylosophically dis­coursed: as for others of you heere, that for saving money, and to spare cost, sticke to salt and [...] some reade [...] that is to saie beanes. cumin; you are ignorant for want of experience, that varietie is more pleasant, and the more delectable that a thing is, the more agreeable it is to the appetite, (provided alwaies that you shunne excesse and gourmandise) for surely it cleaveth quickly to the body which is desi­rous of it, going, as one would say before, and ready to meet it halfe-way for to receive it, having the eie-sight to prepare the way: whereas contrariwise, that which is lothsome or not pleasing to the appetite, floteth and wandereth up and downe in the bodie, and findeth no entertein­ment, in such sort, as either nature rejecteth it quite, or if she receive it, the same goes against her heart, & she doth it for pure need, and want of other sustenance: now when I speake of diversitie 50 & variety of viands; note thus much and remember, that I meane not these curious works of pa stry; these exquisit sawces, tarts, and cakes, which go under the name of Aburtacae, Canduli, & Carycae; which are but superfluous toies and vanities: for otherwise Plato himselfe alloweth va­rietie of meats at the table, to these generous and noble-gentlemen his citizens, whom he de­scribeth in his common-wealth, when hee setteth before them, bulbs, scalions, olives, salade herbes, cheese, and al manner of deinties that woorth would affoord; and over & above al these, he would not defraud nor cut feasts short of their junckets & banquetting dishes at the end of al.

THE SEGOND QUESTION.

What is the reason of this opinion so generally received, that Mushromes be engendred of thun­der? and that those who lie asleepe are not thought to be smitten with lightning?

AT a certeine supper, where we were in the city Elis, Agemachus set before us Mushromes of an exceeding bignesse; whereat when the companie seemed to woonder, one who was there present, smiled and said: Certes, these may beseeme well the great thunders that we have lately had within this few daies; by which words he seemed pleasantly to scoffe at this vulgar o­pinion: 10 That Mushromes should breed of thunder. Now some were there, who said: That thun­der caused the earth to chinke and open, using the meanes of the aire, as it were a wedge to cleave it, and withall, that they who seeke for Mushromes, by those crevices guesse where they are to be found; whereupon arose this common opinion: That they were engendred of thunder, and not shewed thereby; as if a man should imagine that a showre of raine breedeth snailes, and not ra­ther cause them to creepe foorth and be seene abroad. But Agemachus seemed then in good earnest to confirme the said received opinion, by experience, praying the company, not to con­clude by & by that a thing was incredible, because it was strange and wonderfull: For (quoth hee) there be many other effects of thunder, lightning, and other meteores or celestial impres­sions right admirable; whereof it were very hard, if not altogether impossible, to comprehend 20 the causes and the reasons. For this ridiculous round root called the Bulb, which maketh us so good sport, and is growen into a by-word, little though it be, escapeth not by that meanes from thunder, but because it hath a propertie cleane contrary unto it; like as the figge tree also, and the skin of the seale or sea-calfe, and of the beast Hyena, with whose skinnes, mariners and sailers are wont to clothe the ends of their crosse-saile yards, whereupon they hang their sailes: gar­deners also and good husbandmen, call those showres that fall with thunder, [...] that is to say, good to water their grounds, and so they thinke them to be. In summe, it were great sim­plicity and meere folly to woonder heereat, considering that we doe see before our eies, things more admirable than this, and indeed of all other, most incredible; namely, out of moist clouds, fire to flash, and from the same (soft as they be) so great cracks and horrible claps of thunder: 30 Well, I am (quoth he) in these matters somewhat talkative and full of words, because I would sollicit and move you to be more willing to search into the cause, for that I meane not to deale hardly otherwise with you, and seeme to presse you every one to lay downe your part toward the paiment for these my great Mushromes. Why (quoth I) Agemachus himselfe seemeth in some sort to have pointed with his very finger to the reason hereof; for I assure you, at this present I can not thinke of any one, more probable than this; namely, that together with thunder, there falleth downe many times a certeine genitall water, apt to ingender; and the cause thereof, is heat mingled among: for, that pure, light, & piercing substance of the fire, being now converted into lightning, is gone and passed away; but the more weightie, grosse and flatilent part re­maining behinde, enwrapped within the cloud, altereth and taketh quite the coldnesse away, and 40 drinketh up the moisture, making it more flateous and windie, in such sort, as by this meanes e­specially, these raines gently and mildly enter & pierce into plants, trees and herbs, upon which they fall, causing them within a while to thrive in bignesse, and infusing within them a particu­lar temperature and a peculiar difference of juice. As we may observe otherwise, that the dew maketh the grasse to be better seasoned (as it were) and fitter to content the appetite of sheepe and other cattell: yea, and those clouds upon which that reflexion is made, which we call the rain-bow, fill those trees and wood upon which they fall, with a passing sweet and pleasant odor; wherof, the priests of our countrey be not ignorant, but acnowledge as much, calling the same Irisiseepta, as if the rain-bow did rest or settele upon them. Much more probable it is, that when these waters and raines together with their ventosities & heats, occasioned by thunders & light­nings, 50 come to pierce deepe into the earth, it turneth and rolleth round, and by that meanes are ingendred therein such like nodosities and knobs, soft and apt to crumble, which we call Mush­romes; like as in our bodies there breed and arise certeine flatuous tumors, named Kirnels or Glandules, formed by occasion of I wot not what bloudy humors and heats withal: for a Mush­rome seemeth not to be a plant, neither without rain & moisture doth it breed, having no root at all, nor any sprout springing from it; it is wholly entire of selfe round about, and holding upon nothing, as having the consistence onely of the earth which hath bene a litle altered & changed. [Page 705] And if you thinke this reason to be but slender, I say unto you more, that the most part of those accidents which follow upon thunder and lightning, are of the like sort; and therefore it is espe­cially, that in these effects there is thought to bee a certeine divinitie. Then Dorotheus the ora­tour who was in the companie: Truth it is (quoth he) that you say, for not onely the vulgar sort of simple and ignorant people are of that opinion, but some also of the philosophers; and for mine owne part I know as much by experience, that the lightning which of late fell upon our house, wrought many strange and woonderfull things: for it emptied our sellers of wine, and never did hurt unto the earthen vessell wherein it was; and whereas there lay a man a sleepe, it flew over him, yea, and flashed upon him, without any harme at all to his person, or sienging so much as his clothes; but having a certeine belt or pouch wherein were certeine pieces of brasse 10 money, it melted and defaced them all so confusedly, that a man could not know by the forme or impression, one from another: the man went thereupon to a certeine Pythagorian philoso­pher, who as happe was so journed there, and demaunded of him what the reason might bee thereof, and what it did presage? But the philosopher, when hee had cleered and assoiled his minde of scrupulous feare and religion, willed him to ponder and consider of the matter apart by himselfe, and to pray unto the gods. I heare say also, that not long since there was a souldi­our at Rome, who keeping the Centinell, upon one of the temples of the citie, chaunced to have a flash of lightning to fall very neere unto him, which did him no hurt in the world in his body, but onely burnt the latchets of his shoes: and whereas there were certeine small boxes and cru­ets of silver within wooden cases, the silver within was found all melted into a masse in the bot­tome, 20 and the wood had no injurie at all, but continued still entire and sound. But these things a man may chuse whether he will beleeve or no. Howbeit, this passeth all other miracles, which we all, (I suppose) doe know very well; namely, that the dead bodies of those who have beene kil­led by lightning, continue above ground and putrifie not: for many there be who will neither burne nor enterre such corses, but cast a trench or banke about, and so let them lie as within a rampar; so as such dead bodies are to be seene alwaies above ground uncorrupt; convincing Clymene in Eurypides of untruth, who speaking of Phaethon said thus:

Beloved mine, but see where dead he lies,
In vale below, and there with putrifies.

And heereupon it is, (as I take it,) that brimstone taketh the name in Greeke [...] for the re­semblance 30 of that smell which those things yeeld that have beene smitten with lightning, which no doubt have a fierie and piercing sent: and this may bee the reason likewise in my conceit, that dogges and fowles of the aire forbeare to touch any dead bodies, which in this sort are striken from heaven. Thus farre foorth have I laid the first stone for a ground-worke of this cause, as also of the Bay-tree: Now let us intreat him heere to finish and make out the rest, for that he is well acquainted with Mushromes, lest haply that befall unto us which some­times to the painter Androcydes did; for whē he painted the gulfe Scylla, he portraied more natu­rally & to the life, the fishes all about, than any thing else besides; whereby men judged that hee shewed more affection therein, than cunning of his art, for that naturally he loved to feed upon good fishes; and even so some one might say; that we have discoursed so much of Mushromes, 40 the breeding and generation whereof is so doubtfull, as you see, for the pleasure and delight that we take in eating of them. Considering now that in these points our discourse seemed to carrie some probabilitie, and that everie man was perswaded well enough that the cause and reason thereof was cleere; and withall my selfe began to speake and advise, that it was now time as the manner was in comedies, to set up those engins devised for to counterfet thunder; so to inferre a disputation at the table of lightning; to which motion all the company condescended, but passing over all other points, very desirous and earnest they were to heare a discourse as tou­ching this one: What the reason might be that men a sleepe be never smitten or blasted with lightning. Now albeit I saw well enough, that I should gaine no great praise, in touching a cause, whereof the reason was common, yet I beganne to set to it and said: That the fire of 50 lightning was fine and subtill, as that which tooke the originall and beginning from a most pure, liquid, and sacred substance, which if there had beene in it any moisture or terrestriall grosenesse mingled among, the celeritie of motion is such, that it would have purged and cast it foorth: Nothing is smitten with lightning (quoth Democritus) that cannot resist the fire from heaven; and therefore solide bodies, as iron, brasle, silver, and gold, be corrupted and melted therewith, by reason that they hold out, and withstand it: contrariwise, such as bee rare, full of holes, spungious, soft, and lux, lightning quickly pierceth through, and doth them no harme; [Page 706] as for example, clothes or garments, and drie wood; for such as is greene will burne, because the moisture within maketh resistance, and so catcheth fire withall. If then it be true, that those who lie a sleepe be never stricken dead with thunder and lightning, surely wee must search heere for the cause, and never goe farther; for the bodies of men awake, are stronger, more firme and compact, yea, and able to make more resistance, as having all their parts full of spi­rits, by which ruling, turning, and welding the naturall senses and holding them together as it were with an engine, the living creature becommeth strong, fast; knit, and uniforme: whereas in sleepe it is slacke, loose, rare, unequall, soft, and as it were all resolved, by reason that the pores be open, for that the spirit hath forsaken and abandoned them; which is the cause like­wise that voices, odors, and savours, passe through them, unheard and unsmelled: for why? that 10 which should resist, and in resistance suffer and take impression, meeteth not with those objects, that are presented unto it, and least of all, when they pierce with such swiftnesse and subtilitie, as the fire of lightning doth; for that which of it selfe is lesse firme & strong for to resist offensive things, nature doth desend, fortifie, and furnish with remedies against that which offendeth, by putting before them hard and solide munitions; but looke what things bee of incomparable force, and invincible, they lesse offend and hurt that which yeeldeth, than that which maketh head and resistance: adde moreover heereunto, that they who lie a sleepe are lesse affraid, affrigh­ted, or astonied, by occasion whereof and of nothing else, many have died; onely (I say) for feare of death, without any harme at all done unto them: and this is the very cause that shep­heards teach their sheepe to runne and gather round together, into a troupe when it thun­dreth, 20 for that they which are dispersed and scattered a sunder, for very feare take harme, and cast their yoong ones in time of thunder: yea and an infinit number have beene knowen to lie dead on the ground, by reason of thunder, without any marke or stroke, wound, scorch or burne seene upon them, whose life and soule for very feare hath flowen out of their bodies, like a birde out of a cage: for according as Euripides saith:

The very blast of some great thunder-clap,
Hath many a one strucke stone-dead with a flap.

And forasmuch as otherwise the sense of hearing, is of all others most subject to suffer violent passions, and the fearefull frights occasioned by sounds and noises, worke greatest troubles in the minde: against it, the privation of sense is a sure bulwarke and rampar to a man that lieth a­sleepe; 30 where as they who are awake, be many times killed with feare of the thing before it com­meth: for a fright (to say a trueth) knitting, closing, and compressing the body fast, giveth more strength a great deale to the stroake when it comes, for that it findeth more resistance.

THE THIRD QUESTION.

Why at a wedding or bride-supper, men use to invite more guests, than at other times?

AT the wedding of my sonne AutobulusSossius Senecio) one who came frō Chaeronea, was with us to solemnize the feast; & a great nūber there were besides of other honorable per­sonages; which gave unto him occasion for to demand this question: What the cause might be, 40 that ordinarily we invite more guests to such a marriage supper, than to any other feast? conside­ring that even those law-givers who impugned most, the superfluitie and riot of feasts, have pre­cisely & expresly set downe the number of those persons, whom they would have to be bidden guests to a wedding: For of the ancient philosophers (quoth he) the man that treated of this argument and the cause thereof, to wit, Hecataeus of Abdera, hath written nothing in my judge­ment worth ought, not to the purpose; for thus he saith: That they who marry wives, bid many persons to their wedding, to the end that many may take knowledge and beare witnesse, that be­ing free borne and of free condition, they take wives likewise of like free birth and condition. For the comicall poets, cleane contrary, mocke and laugh at those, who make proud and sump­tuous feasts at their marriage, setting out the same with great pompe and magnificence, as if that 50 were no sure bond nor linke to be trusted unto, wherewith they would seeme to knit wedlocke; like as Menander said to one, who willed the bridegrome to make a strong rempar all about, of pots, pannes and platters;

When that is done on every side,
What is all this to your new bride?

But lest we might not seeme to finde fault with others at our pleasure, for that we have nothing of our owne to say, which is the easiest matter in the world; I shewed first and formost, that there [Page 707] was no occasion of feasting, so publike nor so much divulged and celebrated, as marriage: for say that we sacrifice unto the gods, or feast a friend for his farewell when he is to goe a long voi­age, or enterteine a traveller and stranger that passeth by our house, or commeth of purpose to visit us, we may do all without the privitie of kinsefolke & friends: but a nuptiall feast (where the wedding-song and caroll of [...] is chanted aloud; where the torches are to be seene light­burning; where the hautboies and pipes play merrily and resound; where (as Homer saith) the very women and maidens stand woondering at their doores, to see and heare) is notoriously knowen and proclaimed to the whole world; in regard whereof, because there is none ignorant of these espousals and festivall solemnities, men being ashamed to leave out any, invite general­ly, all their kinsefolke, familiar friends and acquaintance, as whom in some sort it doth concerne, 10 and who have an interest in the thing. When we all had approoved this, Theon taking in hand the question: Surely all this (quoth he) may goe for currant, for it carrieth great probabilitie therewith; but you may adde moreover (if you please) thus much: That these marriage feasts are not onely for friends, but also for kinsefolke and allies; for that a whole kindred, race and generation, come to have another new alliance to be incorporated into them: and that which more is, when two houses in this wise be joined together; both he who receiveth the woman, thinketh that hee ought to enterteine and feast the kindred and friends of him that giveth her; and he who giveth her, likewise taketh himselfe bound to doe as much reciprocally, by the knise­folke and friends of the receiver; whereby the feast and number of them who are bidden, grow­eth double. Now forasmuch as many marriage complements, and (to say a trueth) the most 20 part in maner all, are performed at weddings by women, surely where the goodwives be, great reason there is, that of necessitie their husbands also should be welcome for their sakes, and so thereby the companie still doth increase.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

Whether the viands which the sea affoordeth, be more delicate than those of the land?

GAlepsus a town in Euboea, where there be baths naturally of hot waters, is a proper seat and place fitted by nature, for sundry honest pleasures, beautified with many faire houses and 30 lodgings, in such sort, as it is reputed the publike hostelrie of all Greece: and albeit there be great game there, of hunting and hawking, and woonderfull plentie aswell of fowle as other venison, yet is the market no lesse served from the sea, nor their tables lesse furnished [...] daintie fish; for that indeed along the coast, the sea is very deepe, and the water faire, nourishing an infinit number of excellent fishes. This towne flourisheth more in the mids of Spring, than at any o­ther season of the yeere; for much concourse there is thither at that time, who converse famili­arly one with another, feasting mutually, and taking the benefit of that great [...] of victu­als, and abundance of all good things; where having nothing els to doe of great importance, they passe the most part of the time in devising and discoursing together of good letters and matters of learning: but whensoever Callistratus the professour of thetoticke is at home, hard­ly 40 may a man sup any where els but at his house; for, a man so full of courtesie he is and hospita­litie, that there is no saying of him nay. Now for that willingly he used to bring those together who were learned and professed scholars, his company was so much more pleasant and delecta­ble; for many times he would seeme among other ancient persons of olde time, to imitate Ci­mon, making his whole and onely pleasure, to feast many in his house, and those from all parts: but most of all, and in maner continually, he followed the example and steps of Celeus, of whom it is written, that he was the first who daily assembled to his house, a number of honourable per­sons, and of good marke, which assembly he called Prytanium. The speeches ordinarily at these meetings in Callistratus his house, was sorting well and sutable to such companie: but one day above the rest, when the table stood furnished with all maner of dishes that a mans heart could 50 wish for, it ministred matter and occasion to enquire as touching viands, whether were better, those of the land or those of the sea? And when all others in maner with one accord and voice, commended them which the land did yeeld, as being of so divers and sundry sorts, yea and those innumerable; Polycrates calling Symmachus by name: You sir, (quoth hee) who are (as one would say) a water-animall, bred and fed within so many seas, environing round about your sacred citie Nicopolis, will not you mainteine and defend your tutelar god Neptune? Yes that I will (quoth Symmachus) I heartily pray and beseech you to joine with me in this cause, whom I [Page 708] take for mine adjoint and assistant; considering that you enjoy the benefit of the sweetest and most pleasant coast of all the sea. Beginne we then (quoth Polycrates) our discourse with our usuall custome and manner of speech: For like as among so many poets as there be, wee give but one by way of excellencie, simply the name of poet; to wit Homer, for that of all others he is the principall; so there being in the world many daintie cates, and exquisit viands, yet use of speech hath caried it so, that fish alone, or especially is named [...] that is to say, meat, for that indeed it is the chiefe and very best: heereupon it comes, that we call those gluttons that love belly cheere so well, [...] and [...] not for that they love beefe so well as Hercules did: who as the poet saith:

When that he had fedde well of flesh, 10
Did eat greene new figges gathered fresh.

Neither doe wee name such an one [...] that is to say, a lover of figges, as Plato was, or [...] that is to say, one that loveth grapes as well, like as Arcesilaus did; but such as haunt ordinarily the fish stalles, and have a quicke eare, to heare the market bell, or listen to the clock, that giveth warning when the fish-market is open: And Demosthenes when hee objected unto Philocrates: That with the money that hee received for betraying his countrey, hee bought whoores, & fishes; reproched the man no doubt for his lecherie and gluttony: and it is pretily said of Ctesiphon, when as one of these gluttons and bellie-gods, in the court or counsell house cried out: That he should cracke and burst in the middes: Doe not so (quoth hee) my good friend in any case, make us not a bait heere, for to be devoured of fishes: and he that made these 20 little verses:

Thou liv'st of capers as thy meat,
When as of
[...] if it were not a stargeon, it was some de­licate fish.
Sturgeon thou maist eat.

What was his meaning thinke you? or what meaneth this common word of the people, when they speake one to another, for to be merry and make good cheere: Come, shall wee to the strond or shore to daie? Is it not as much as if they meant; that to suppe by the water side had no fellow for pleasure and delight, as in truth it hath not; for surely their purpose is not to goe unto the shore for the love that they have to see the billowes of the sea, or the gravell stones and sands cast up; why then? because they would eat some good pease pottage there, or make their meales with capers? no forsooth; for who goes thither for that purpose? but it is because they that dwell along the banke by the water-side, are provided alwaies of foison and store of good 30 fish, & the same fresh & sweet. Moreover, sea-fish carieth an higher price beyond al reason, than other meat that commeth to the market: insomuch as Cato declaming and inveighing openly before the people against the superfluitie and excesse in Rome citie, brake out into this speech, not hyperbolically and over-reaching the truth, but as it was indeed: That a fish at Rome was deerer sold than a fatte oxe: for they sell a little barrell of fish at such an high price, as an hun­dred oxen would not cost so much, at a solemne sacrifice, where they goe before bores, goates, and other beasts, yea and the strewing of sacred meale. Certes, the best judge of the vertue and strength of medicinable drougues and spices, is the most expert physician; likewise no man is able so well to judge of song and harmonicall measures, as the best and most experienced musician; and consequently we may inferre, that the meetest judge as touching the goodnesse 40 and deintinesse of meats, is he who loveth them best: for we must not take to arbitrate and de­termine such a controversie and question as this, Pythagoras or Xenocrates; but rather Anta­goras the poet, Philoxenus the sonne of Eryxis, and Androcydes the painter; who being to make a picture for to represent the gulfe Scylla, drew even the fishes about it most emphatically with a kinde of affectionate minde unto them; and in one word, more lively and naturally than all the rest, because he loved fish so well, and fedde upon them with such contentment. Antago­ras the poet was upon a time in the campe of king Antigonus, who finding him verie busie all untied & unbuttoned, in seething of congers in a pan, came close unto him, & rounding him in the eare: Sirha, (quoth hee) thinkest thou that Homer thy master, when hee described the 50 noble acts of Agamemnon, was busie about boiling of congers: unto whom Antagoras tur­ned againe, and replying in this wise presently: And thinke you sir (quoth he) that when Aga­memnon exploited those brave feats of armes, he went up and downe in his campe spying, pee­ping, and prying into every corner so busily as you doe, for to see if he could find one feething a conger? Thus much Polycrates: and to conclude and knit up his speech: For mine owne part (quoth he) this I thought good to say in the behalfe of fishes, induced thereto as well by the proofe of testimonies as custome and usuall speech.

[Page 709] But I (quoth Symmachus) will handle this matter soberly, and in good earnest, going more subtilly and liker a logician to worke, in this manner: For if that be counted dainty and deli­cate which seasoneth meat, and giveth it the most pleasant taste; we must needs confesse, that simply to be the best, which mainteineth the appetite, and giveth an edge to the stomacke that continueth longest: like as therefore those philosophers surnamed Elpistiques affirme: That there was nothing that mainteined life, and held bodie and soule longer together than Hope; for that without hope which doth mittigate and allay all travels, it is unpossible to live; even so so we must needs graunt and yeed, that to keepe and preserve appetite best, without which all other viands be lothsome and odious: but nothing shall you finde of that propertie and effect, comming out of the earth; but such a thing the sea affoordeth, and that is salt, without which 10 nothing to speake of is savorie, nothing toothsome nor to be eaten: for even our very bread is not pleasing to our taste, if there be no salt within it: which is the reason that Neptune and Ce­res be alwaies worshipped together in one temple: In summe, salt is as it were the sauce of sau­ces, and that which seasoneth all the dainties whatsoever. And heereupon it was that those wor­thies and demi-god princes, who encamped before Troy, and made profession of sparie and simple diet, as religious votaries, and who cut off all curious superfluitie and excesse, over and above necessarie food, insomuch as they did not eat once of fish; notwithstanding they had a standing legier, hard upon the straights of Hellespont, could not endure to beserved at the table without salt; witnessing thereby, that it is the onely viand which cannot be rejected or left out: for like as colours of necessitie require light; even so all those sapours and juices with­in 20 meats, have need of salt, to stirre up the sense of taste, and to provoke appetite, otherwise they are but flat, unpleasant to the tongue, and lothsome: for dead carrions (as Hercules saith) would be cast foorth, rather than dung and ordure: and what is the flesh that wee eat, but a dead thing, and part of a dead carcase? but when the strength of salt is put thereto, it is in stead of life, to give a grace and commendable taste unto it: and this is the reason, that before other food, we take those things that be sharpe and saltish, and in one word, whatsoever do stand most of salt; for such be allectives of the appetite, which being drawen on, and entised as with a bait, by the meanes of these vantcurriers and preparatives, it commeth more fresh, and with a better edge, ready to set upon other meats; whereas, if we should begin with them first, our stomacke would quickely be done and gone. I will yet say more than so; namely, that all the kinds of salt, serve 30 not onely to give a good relish to our meats, but also draw on our drinks, and cause us to make a quarrel to the cup. As for that oinion which Homer talketh of, and praiseth for a speciall dainty to commend drinke, it was more meet indeed for mariners & rowers at the oare, than kings and and princes: but in trueth, those meats that be powdred or corned a little with salt; for that they be savoury in the mouth, give all wines a pleasant verdure to please the taste, and to goe downe the throat merrily; the same make any water potable and delightsome, having besides, no such ranke and strong sent, as the onion leaves behinde it. That which more is, such meats doe rarefie other viands, and prepare them for concoction and digestion, in such sort, as salt be­ing eaten, imparteth unto the bodie the delight of a deintie viand, and the might of an holsome medicine. 40

To come now unto other meats, wherewith we are furnished from the sea: besides, that they are passing sweet, they be also of all others most harmlesse; for albeit they be of a fleshly sub­stance, yet they lie not heavie upon the stomacke, they be easily concocted, and soone passd downward: witnesse hereof, our Zeno here, yea and beleeve me, Crato, who so soone as men be sicke or ill at ease, before all other directions, betake them to fish diet. Furthermore, it sound­eth to good reason, that the sea breedeth and feedeth for us, living creatures, more holsome than any others, by how much they be more exercised, considering that the very aire which doth breathe and send forth, for the purity and simplicitie thereof is most agreeable unto us. Well said of you (quoth Lamprias) and fully to the point; howbeit, somewhat will I adde more out of my phylosophicall learning: My grandfather (I remember) was woont ordinarily to say of the 50 Jewes by way of mockerie, that they absteined from the eating of that flesh, which of all other deserved most justly to be eaten; even so may we say, that man hath not so great right and rea­son to feed upon any viands whatsoever, as those that come out of the sea: for, say that there were no other communion and fellowship betweene us and these land-creatures; yet at least­wise, thus much there is, that many of them eat of the same food with us, draw in the same aire, wash and drinke as we doe, yea, and otherwhiles we are abashed, and take pity of them, when we kill them for our food, making a lamentable crie as they do: and for that we have made some of [Page 710] them familiar unto us, insomuch as they can do many things answerable to the education which they had; whereas the fishes in the sea and rivers, are altogether strangers unto us, as being bred, nourished and living in another world; no voice of theirs, no aspect of countenance, nor service at all which either they have done or can doe for us, can exempt them or crave mercy at out hands, for to have their lives saved. For what use should we make of those creatures which we can not keepe alive with us? or what charitable affection can we beare toward them? the place where we live, is to them no lesse than hell; for no sooner come they into it, but dead they are immediatly.

THE FIFTH QUESTION. 10

Whether it is upon any reverent and religious opinion of swine, that the Jewes absteine from their flesh, or because they detest and abhorre them?

AFter these speeches thus passed, some there were, who prepared and addressed themselves to dispute in opposition against that which had beene said: but Callistratus breaking off and puting by all further disputation of this argument: What thinke you (quoth he) of that by­speech, discharged against the Jewes by Lamprias; namely, that they forbeare to eat of that flesh which deserveth most justly of all others to be eaten? For my part (quoth Polycrates) I thinke it passing well spoken; but this moreover and besides, troubleth my head, and maketh me doubt, 20 whether this nation, upon any honour or reverent regard of swine, or for meere abomination and hatred of the beast, doth absteine from their flesh? as for that which themselves alledge, it resembleth fables and devised tales; unlesse haply they have some other serious and secret rea­sons, which they are loth to deliver before the face of the world. To say what I thinke (quoth Callistratus) I am verily perswaded, that the swine is in some honour among them: for admit that it be a foule and ilfavoured beast, what then? that it be filthie besides, what of that? I can not see that it is more ugly in shape to see to, or more untoward of nature to be endured, than the bettill, the crocodile, or the cat; which notwithstanding, the Aegyptian priests do honour and reverence as most holy creatures, some in one place and some in others: and as for the hogge, it is said, that they regard and honour it by way of thanksgiving, as gratefull persons, acknowled­ging 30 a benesit received from that beast, in that it sheweth them the maner how to til and eare the ground, breaking up the earth, digging and rooting (as he doth) into it with his snout: and with­all, what say you to this, that he hath shewed the making of a plough-share, which some thinke, thereupon tooke the name [...] as derived of the word [...] that is to say, a swine. And verily, the Aegyptians at this day, such as inhabit the low-countrey and the flats along the river Nilus, have no need of other plough than the swines snout; for when the river is returned againe with­in his banks, after he hath watered the plaines & champian field sufficiently, the peasants of the countrey doe no more but follow presently with their seed, and put in all their hogges after it, who partly trampling with their feet, and in part turning up the soft earth with their noses, cover the seeds which the husbandmen have cast upon the ground. No marvell therefore, if there be 40 some nations, who in this respect forbeare to eat swines flesh, considering there be other beasts, who for as small matters as these, yea, and some that be meere ridiculous and to be laughed at, have had right great honours done unto them, by barbarous nations: for it is said, that the Aegyptians make a god of the silly blinde mouse Mygate: and why so? because darkenesse was before light, and is of greater antiquitie: also they have an opinion, that this creature is ingen­dred of mice in the fifth generation, or at the fifth time that they breed, and that in the verie change of the moone; also, that the liver of it doth decrease, as the moone is in the wane, and doth decay with her light.

Moreover, they consecrate the lion unto the sunne, for that it is the onely foure-footed beast having crooked clawes, which bringeth forth whelps that can see: also, for that the lion is verie 50 wakefull, and sleepeth passing little, and whiles he sleepeth, his eies do shine againe. Moreover, they set lions heads gaping for the spouts of their fountaines, because (forsooth) the river Nilus bringeth new waters into their fields, and corne-grounds, when the sunne passeth thorow the signe Leo in the Zodiacke: and as for the blacke storke Ibis, which they likewise honor, they say, that when it is first hatched, she weigheth two drammes, that is to say; just as much as the heart of a yoong infant newly borne doth peise; also that of the two legs and the bill stretched foorth one from the other, and resting upon the ground, is made the true proportion of a tri­angle [Page 711] with three equall sides: And why should the Aegyptians be blamed and condemned [...] so great folly and absurditie, seeing that by report, the very Pythagoreans themselves [...] and worshipped a white cocke; and among other sea fishes they absteined from the [...] and the nettle fish; considering also that the Magicians, who were of the sect of Zoroastres, [...] nored above all living creatures upon earth the urchin or hedghogge, but hated water-mice; saying: That he should doe best service, and most acceptable to the gods, yea and be right bles­sed and happie himselfe, who could kill the greatest number of them.

This giveth me occasion to thinke, that if the Jewes had held swine hatefull, and abomina­ble creatures, they would have killed them, like as the Magicians did the said mice; where as contrariwise they are as well forbidden to kill them, as to eat them: and peradventure there is 10 good reason, that as they honour the asse, for that sometime in a great drought he shewed them a place wherein was a fountaine of water; even so they reverence the swine, for teaching them how to sowe and till the ground. And verily some man haply might say, that this people abster­neth likewise from eating the hare, hating and abhorring the same, as an impure and uncleane beast: It is not without some cause (quoth Lamprias, taking the word out of his mouth) that they forbeare eating of the hare, for the resemblance that it hath to the astle, whom they mysti­cally doe worship; for the colour of them both is all one; the eares be long and bigge withall; their eies great and shining; in which respects there is a marvellous similitude betweene them, in such sort, that of a great and small beast, there is not to be found such a resemblance againe in any other; unlesse peradventure among other similitudes, they imitate heerein the 20 Aegyptians, who esteeme the swiftnesse of this beast divine, yea, and the exquisit perfec­tion of some naturall senses, admirable: for the eies of hares be so vigorous and indefatigable, that they will sleepe open eied, and their hearing so quicke, that the Aegyptians having them in such admiration therefore, when they would signifie in their Hieroglyphick characters, per­fect hearing, doe paint and pourtrey hares: as for swines slesh, the Jewes have in great abho­mination, for that barbarous nations do of all other diseases abhorre saint Magnus evill, or the white leprosie most, as well for that they suppose, that these maladies may be engendred, by feeding upon their flesh, as also because, looke what persons they do assaile, them they doe ear & consume in the end; and this we doe see ordinarily, that a swine under his belly is full of a kind of leprosie, and covered all over with a white scurffe, called Psora; which infection seemeth to 30 proceed from some evill habit, and inward corruption within the body, bewraying it selfe in the outside of the skinne: to say nothing of the filthinesse of this beast, both in feeding and other­wise, which must needs impart some evill qualitie to the flesh; for there is not another beast againe, that taketh such pleasure in durt and ordure, loving to wallow and welter in the most mirie and stinking places that be, as it doth; unlesse they be such as breed and bee nourished in those places: furthermore, it is said, that the sight of their eies is so bent and fixed downe­ward, that they can see nothing on high, no, nor once so much as looke up to the skie, unlesse they be cast upon their backs with their feet upward; so that the balles of their eies by this means be turned quite contrary to the course of nature: and verily this beast howsoever otherwise or­dinarily it be given to cry and grunt exceeding much, yet if the feet be turned upward (as is be­fore 40 said) it will be silent and still; so much astonied and amazed it is to see the sace of heaven, which it is not woont to doe, and so for feare of some greater harme, it is thought that it gi­veth over crying: Now if wee may come in with poeticall fables to make up our discourse; it is said, that faire Adonis was killed by a wilde bore: and Adonis is thought to be no other than Bacchus himselfe; which opinion may be confirmed by many ceremoniall rites, in sacrisicing both to the one and the other, which are the very same: although some hold that Adonis was the minion whom Bacchus loved, as appeereth by Phanocles the poet, a man well seene in love­matters, in these verses:

Bacchus who tooke so great delight
The hilles and forrests for to range: 50
Of faire Adonis had once a sight,
And him to ravish made it not strange.

Symmachus marvelling at this last speech of his above the rest: How now (quoth he) will you Lamprias indeed insert and transcribe the tutelar god of your country:

Bacchus I meane surnamed Evius,
Who women doth to rage incite:
[Page 712] And in such service furious,
And franticke worship takes delight.

among the secret ceremonies of the Hebrewes? Or doe you not thinke there is some reason that he is the very same god whom they love. Then Meragenes: Let Lamprus alone (quoth he) as for my selfe who am an Athenian, I answer & say unto you assuredly, that he and Bacchus are both one: but the most part of the arguments and conjectures which proove it, may not be ut­tered and taught, but unto those who are professed in the absolute religion and confraternitie trietericall, of Bacchus in our country: howbeit, that which we are not forbidden to speake among friends, and namely at the table, amidde our cuppes, and when we take pleasure in the gifts and benefits of this god, (if it pleaseth the cōpany) ready I am to deliver: and when they all willed & 10 requested him so to doe: See the blindnesse and [...] of there pagans: who for want of the true light out of holy [...] on still in duk­nesse, caried with the wings onely of humane wit and [...] . First and formost (quoth he) the season and whole manner of their principall and greatest feast, is altogether proper and convenient unto Bacchus; for that which they call their fast, they celebrate in the very middes and heat of vintage, at what time as they bring tables abroad, and furnish them with all kinds of fruit: they sit under tents or boothes, which are made principally of vine branches and ivie, wrought, twisted, & interlaced one within another, and the even or day before it, they call the feast of tabernacles or pavilions: within a few daies after, they celebrate another feast, and the same is not under a figure, and covertly, but openly, and directly in the name of Bacchus: there is a third solemnitie yet among them, na­med Cradephoria, of carying vine braunches and Thyrsophoria, ofbearing jevelins dight with ivie, and in that manner enter they into their temple, but what they doe within we know not: 20 howbeit very probable it is, that they performe there certeine Bacchanales or rites in the honor of Bacchus; for they use little trumpets to invocate upon their god, such as the Argives have in their Bacchanale solemnitie; then come others playing upon harpes and lutes, whom they call in their language Levites, a denomination haply derived of Lycius, the surname of Bacchus, or rather of Evius: It seemeth also to me, that their feasts of Sabbats is not altogether disagreea­ble with Bacchus; for there be many places yet in Greece even at this day, where they call the priests Baccht, by the name of Sabbi: who in their Bacchanales and ceremoniall sports, est­soones reiterate these voices, Euoi and Sabboi, as appeareth in the oration of the crowne which Demoslhenes made against Aeschines; as also in the poet Menander. And this name, Sabbat, if a man should say, it was imposed upon thus feast of [...] that is to say, of the inordinate moti­on 30 and turbulent agitation of the priests of Bacchus, it were not altogether absurd and without reason; for even they themselves testifie no lesse: for they solemnize and honor the Sabbat with mutuall feasting and inviting one another to drinke wine, untill they be overseene therewith, un­lesse some great occasion do [...] that hindereth them; and even then, they thinke yet that they must needs, taste strong wine. Howbeit, some man may haply say, that these arguments be but bare conjectures and presumptions, that cary with them some little probablitie: but verily, that which is done among them, is a forcible & necessarie proofe. First and formost, their high priest shewing himselfe abroad, and going before with a miter upon his head, at these feasts, ar­gueth no lesse, who also is clad in a vesture of Stags skinne, wrought richly with golde; arraied beside, in a long robe, downe to his feet, and wearing buskins; besides, there be many little belles 40 pendant round about the border and skirt of his robe, which gingle and ring as he goeth, like as also among us: this maner of resounding they use still in their sacrifices, and they surname the nourses of their god, Cholcodrytae: and besides, there is a Thyrse or Javelot with tabours to be seene expresly printed aloft, against the walles of their temple; all which ceremonies, cer­teinly can agree to no other god, but unto Bacchus.

Moreover, in none of all their oblations do they offer honie, for that they thinke it marreth and corrupteth wine when it is mingled with it; and yet this was the liquor which they used in olde time, to serve God withall in their libaments; and whereof they dranke untill they were drunke, before the vine-tree was knowen: and even at this day, those barbarous nations, who drinke no wine, use a certeine drinke made of honie, correcting the exceeding sweetnesse there­of 50 with certeine tart and austere roots resembling (in some sort) the verdure of wine: these oblations, the Greeks present unto their gods, and those they call Nephalia and Melesponda, as one would say, Sober and confected with honie: for that honie hath a natural propertie adverse and contrary unto wine. To conclude, that this is the same God which they worship, a man may collect by this one argument, which is of no small force; namely, that among many pu­nishments which they have, this is the most shamefull and ignominious, when they are forbid­den [Page 713] to drinke wine; wo are punished even so long as it pleaseth him to set downe, who is the judge, and hath power to impose the penaltie; and those who are thus punished, * * * *

The end of this discourse is wanting, as also the discussing and de­ciding of the other five questions proposed in the forefront of this fourth booke. 10

THE FIFTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR TABLE-QUESTIONS.

The Contents or Summarie. 20

1 WHerefore we willingly heare and see them who counterfeit those that be either angry or sorowfull; but such as be wroth or heavie inded, we love not either to heare or see.

2 That there was an ancient game of prize, performed in Poetrie.

3 Why the [...] Pitch-tree is consecrated to Neptune and Bacchus; also that in the be­ginning, men used to crowne with brances of the said tree, those who wan the prize at Isth­micke solemnitie of sacred games; afterwards, with a garland of [...] some take it for parsley. smallach; and now againe, they begin to take up the crowning of them with Pitch-tree. 30

4 What is the meaning of these words in Homer: [...]

5 Of those that invite many to supper.

6 What is the cause of sitting pent and with streight roome at the beginning of supper, but at large af­terward, toward the end.

7 Of those who are said to eie-bite or to bewitch.

8 What is the reason that the poet called an Apple-tree, [...] and why Empedocles named Apples, [...]

9 What is the reason, that a Fig-tree being it selfe in taste most sharpe and biting, bringeth foorth a fruit exceeding sweet.

10 Who are they that are said in the common proverbe to be [...] 40

THE FIFTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or table-questions.

The Proëme.

WHat your opinion is at this present (ô Sossius Sinecio) as touching the pleasures of the soule and bodie, I wot not;

For that now many a mountaine high, 50
And shady forest stand betweene;
The roaring seas likewise do lie,
So as to part us, barres they beene.

for you seemed not greatly, long agoe, to approove and allow their sentence, who holde: That there is nothing properly and particu­larly delightsome, nothing pleasant unto the soule, nothing at all that it desireth, or joieth in, of it selfe; but that it liveth onely accor­ding [Page 714] to the life of the bodie, laughing (as it were) and sporting with it in the pleasant affections thereof; and contrariwise, mourning at the heavie passions afflicting it: as if the soule were no other thing, but a very matter apt to take the impression of sundry formes, or a mirror to receive the images and resemblances of those objects which are presented unto the flesh and body: for as by many reasons, a man may easily refute the blind and illiberall falsitie of this opinion; so, by this especially; that after the table is taken away, and supper done, men of learning and know­ledge incontinently fall to discourse and devise together (as it were) at a banquet, delighting and solacing one another with pleasant talke, wherein the bodie hath no part at all, unlesse it be very little and a farre off: which experience beareth witnesse, that this is the provision of daintie cates, and delicate pleasures laid up peculiarly for the soule; and that these be the onely de­lights 10 indeed of the minde, whereas those other be but bastards and strangers infected with the societie of the bodie: like as therefore nurses whiles they give pappes and panades unto their little babes, have some small pleasure in feeding them, by tasting the same in their owne mouthes before; but after they have filled their infants bellies, and brought them a sleepe, so as they crie no more, then they goe themselves to their owne refection, meet for them, they eate and drinke and make good cheere; even so the soule doth participate with the desires and appetites of the bodie, in manner of a nurse attending upon it, serving it, and framing herselfe in some sort to do it pleasure, and satisfie the necessities thereof: but after that the body is suffici­ently served, laied at rest and repose, then being delivered of her obsequious service and bu­sinesse about the bodie, she betaketh herselfe from thenceforward unto her owne pleasures 20 and delights; making her repast, and taking her solace in discourses of learning, in good let­ters, in sciences and histories, and in seeking to heare somewhat, and know more still of that which is singular. What should a man say any more of this? considering and seeing as he doth, that even base mechanicall and unlettered fellowes, after supper, ordinarily withdraw their minds, and employ the same upon other pleasures and recreations, farre remooved from the body, proposing darke riddles aenigmaticall questions, and intricate propositions of names comprised under notes of certeine numbers, hardly to be assoiled or gessed at? and after all this, come in banquets, which make way unto plaiers, jesters, counterfet pleasants, giving roome to Menander, and the actours of his comedies: all which sports and pastimes are not devised for to ease and take away any paine of the body, ne yet to procure some gentle moti­on 30 and kinde contentment in the flesh; but onely for that the speculative and studious part of the minde, which naturally is in every one of us, doth demaund & call for some particular plea­sure and recreation of her owne, when wee are once discharged of the businesse and offices whereabout we are emploied for the body.

THE FIRST QUESTION.

What is the cause that willingly we heare and see those who counterfet them that be angrie, or sorrowfull; but love not to heare or see the parties themselves in those passions? 40

OF such matters there passed many discourses, when you were present with us at Athens, at what time as the comedian actor Strato flourished; for hee was then in so great name and reputation, that there was no talke but of him. But one time above the rest, wee were invi­ted and feasted by Boëthus the Epicurean, and with us there supped many more of that sect: now after supper, the fresh remembrance of the comedie which we had seene acted, gave occa­sion unto us, being students and lovers of learning, to fall into a discourse and question about the cause, why we cannot abide but are greatly discōtented, to heare the voices of those who are angrie, sorrowful, timorous, or affrighted? and contrariwise, what the reason is, that they who counterfet these passions, and represent their words, their jestures and behaviour, doe much de­light and please us? And verily, all in manner there in place, opined the same, and were in one 50 song; for they gave this reason and said: Inasmuch as he who counterfeiteth those pastimes, is better than he who suffereth them indeed; & in regard that he who is not affected himselfe, ex­celleth the other; we knowing so much, take pleasure and are delighted: but I, albeit, that I set foot (as men say) in the daunce of another, said thus much: That we being naturally framed for to discourse by reason, and to love things that savour of wit, and be artificially done, affect and esteeme those who have a dexteritie therein, if a thing succeed accordingly: for like as the Bee delighting in sweetnesse, flieth from flower to flower, seeking busily where shee may [Page 715] finde any matter that will affoord substance for hony; even so a man by nature ingenious, stit­dious also of arts, and elegancie, is woont to cherish, love, and embrace every action, and worke, where he knoweth there was wit and understanding emploied in the finishing of it: if then one come and present unto a yoong childe, a little loafe of bread indeed, and withall ten­der unto him a prety puppie or bulkin, or heighfer made of paste or dough; you shall see that he will run rather to these counterfet devices, than to the other: and even so it is also in other things; for if one offer him a piece of silver in the masse unwrought; and another tender unto him a little beast or a cup made of silver, he will much sooner make choise of that which he seeth to have some artificiall workmanship joined with it, and to savour of wit and cunning: and therefore it is, that children at this age take more delight, both to heare such covert speeches as 10 shew one thing and meane another; as also those plaies and pastimes which have some wittie matters contrived, or ambiguous difficulties interlaced therein: for that which is smoothly polished and curiously wrought, draweth and allureth unto it mans nature of the owne ac­cord, as being proper unto it, and familiar, although it be not taught to imbrace it. Forasmuch as therefore, hee who is angry or grieved in good earnest, sheweth nothing else but common and ordinary passions; but in representing and counterfeiting of the same, there is a certeine dexteritie and subtiltie of wit to be seene, especially if it speed well and take effect; therefore we delight to behold the one, and are displeased to see the other. For the proofe heerof, marke how we are affected, semblaby in other objects, shewes, and sights, presented unto us: for with griefe and sorrow of heart we looke upon those who are either dying or lie grievously sick: 20 contrariwise, with joy we behold, yea and admire either Philoctetes painted in a table; or queene Jocasta portraied in brasse; upon whose visage it is said; that the workman tempered a little silver with the brasse, to the end that this mixture of mettals together, might represent naturally, and to the life indeed, the face and colour of one ready to faint, and yeeld up the ghost: And this (quoth I) my masters, (to you I speake who are Epicureans) is an evident argument on the Cyrenaiques side against you; to proove that in pastimes and sports, presented to the eie and the eare, the pleasure consisteth not in seeing or hearing, but in the understanding: for an odious and unpleasant thing it is, to heare a henne keepe a creaking or cackling, and a crow un­towardly and untunably crying; and yet hee that can well and naturally counterfet either the cackling of an henne, or the crying of the crow, pleaseth and contenteth us woonderfull well: 30 semblably, to looke upon those who are in ptisicke or consumption, is but a lovelesse sight; and yet we joy and take delight to see the pictures or images of such persons; for that our un­derstanding is pleased and contented with the imitation & resemblance of them, as a thing pro­per and peculiar unto it: for otherwise, what joy and contentment have men, or what outward occasion have they so much to admire and woonder at Parmenons sow? insomuch as it is growen to be a common by-word: This Parmenon was by report, one that counterfeited pas­sing well, the grunting of an hogge; for which his singular grace and gift therein, his concur­rents upon an envious humour, would needs assay to doe as much in despight of him: but men being already forestalled with a prejudicate opinion of him, would say thus: Well done; but nothing to Parmenons hogge: and therefore, one of them having gotten a little porket indeed 40 under his arme, made it for to squeake and crie; but the people hearing the noise of a swine in­deed: All this (say they) is nothing to Parmenons hog; whereupon the partie let the said live hog run among them all, for to convince them of their corrupt judgement, caried away with an opinion, and not grounded upon trueth and reason. Whereby it appeareth evidently, that one and the same motion of the sense, doth not affect the minde alike, when there is not an opinion, that the action was performed wittily and with artificiall dexterity.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

That there was in old time a game of prize for poets. 50

AT the solemnitie of the Pythicke games, there was some question and talke upon a time, about the cutting off, and putting downe of certeine plaies and pastimes, foisted in, to the others that were ancient and of the first institution: for whereas at the first, there were but three onely that plaied their prizes; to wit, the Pythian plaier of flute or pipe, the harper, and the sin­ger to the harpe: after they had once admitted the actour of tragedies, no sooner was this gate (as one would say) set open, but they were not able to resist and keepe out an infinit number of [Page 716] other plaies and sports, that rushed and thrust themselves in after him: by occasion whereof, there was much varietie and a frequent concourse at this solemnitie, which I must needs say, was no unpleasant sight to beholde: but surely it reteined not the ancient gravity and dignitie be­seeming the Muses indeed; for by this meanes, the judges and umpires were much troubled; besides, there grew many quarrels and enmities, which could not otherwise be; for where there are so many contending for the prize, there can not chuse but be a number of mal-contents, that missed the garland. But among all others, it was thought good by the judges, to remoove and banish from the solemnitie, a number of those who penned orations, and all the sort of poets that came thither to versifie for the best game; which they did not (I assure you) for any hatred unto learning and good letters, but for that they who present themselves to these learned com­bats, 10 be ordinarily the most notable persons of all others; the judges before-said, reverenced them, and in some sort, pitied their case, esteeming them all worthy men, and well deserving of good letters, howbeit, not able all to gaine the victory. We therefore, being at this councell, la­bored to dehort those who went about to change and alter setled customes, and who blamed in any of these sacred games, multiplicity and variety, as if they found fault with many strings in an instrument, or a consort of voices in vocall musicke. Now, in supper time when we were in Pe­traeus his house, who was the president and governour of the said solemnitie, and courteously had invited us, the question was revived and set on foot a fresh; and we tooke upon us to defend the cause of the Muses, shewing, that poetrie was no moderne profession, nor entred but lately among the combats of sacred games, but that of ancient time it had won the victorie, and gai­ned 20 the crowne. There were in the company, some who thought by these words of mine, that I meant to alledge old testimonies, and to cite stale and triviall examples for proofe of the cause; to wit, the funerals of Oeolycus the Thessalian, and of Amphidamas the Chalcidian, at which, Ho­mer and Hesiodus made verses one against another for the victorie, as stories make mention: but casting by and rejecting all these evidences so much tossed and divnlged already by Grammari­ans; and namely, the funerall obsequies and honours done to Patroclus in Homer, where they read not [...] that is to say, launcers of darts, but [...] that is to say, makers of orations and e­loquent oratours, as if Achilles had proposed rewards and prizes for orations; leaving (I say) these matters, I affirmed: That when Acastus celebrated the funerals for his father Pelias, he ex­hibited a combat of poets for the best game, wherein Sibylla went away with the victory. Hereat 30 many stood up, and opposed themselves against me, demanding a reall caution at my hands for to make good that which I had averred, for that it seemed unto them a very strange narration and incredible: but as good hap was, I called to remembrance, that I had read so much in the Chronicle of Lybia, cōpiled by Acesander, where the story is put downe: And this booke (quoth I) is not in every mans hand to reade; howbeit, I thinke verily, that the most of you have beene carefull to peruse those records which Polemon the Athenian, a diligent writer and a learned an­tiquarie, who hath not beene idle and sleepie in seeking out the antiquities and singularities of Greece, hath set downe in writing, as concerning the treasures of the city Delphos: for there you shal find written, that in the treasurie of the Sicyonians, there was a golden booke, given and de­dicated by Aristomache the poetresse of Erythraea, after she had obteined the victorie, & gotten 40 the garland at the solemnitie of the Isthmicke games: Neither have you any reason (quoth I) to esteeme Olympia, and the games thereof, with such admiration above the rest, as if it were an­other fatall desteny immutable, and which can not be changed nor admit alteration in the plaies there exhibited: as for the Pythian solemnitie, three or foure extraordinarie games it had, re­spective unto good letters and the Muses, adjoined and admitted to the rest: the Gymnicke exercises and combats performed by men naked, as they were at first ordeined, so they continu­ed for the most part still, and hold on at this day; but at the Olympian games, all, save onely run­ning in the race, were taken up afterwards, and counted as accessories: likewise, there have bene many of them which at first were instituted, since put downe and abolished; namely, [...] that is to say, an exercise and feat of activitie, when the concurrent mounted on horsebacke, in the 50 mids of his course leapeth downe to the ground, taketh his horse by the bridle, and runneth on foot with him a full gallop: as also another, called [...] which was a course with a chariot drawen by two mules: moreover, there is taken away now, the coronet ordeined for children that atchieved the victorie in Pentathlus, that is to say, five severall feats: to be short, much in­novation, change and altering there hath beene in this festivall solemnitie, from the first institu­tion; but I feare me, that you will call upon me againe for new pledges and cautions, to proove and justifie my words, if I should say, that in olde time at Pisae, there were combats of sword-fen­cers, [Page 717] fighting at the sharpe to the uttrance, man to man, where they that were vanquished or yeelded themselves died for it; and if my memorie failed mee that I could not bring out mine author, and name him unto you; I doubt, you would laugh and make a game of mee, as if I had overdrunke my selfe, and taken one cup to many.

THE THIRD QUESTION.

What is the cause that the pitch-tree is held consecrated unto Neptune and Bacchus: And that [...] take it [...] the [...] : and in truth the word [...] to both [...] in the beginning the victours at the Isthmian games were crowned with a garland of pine­tree branches, but afterwards with a chaplet of smallage or parsley, and now of late, with 10 the foresaid pitch-tree?

THere was a question propounded upon a time: Why the manner was to crowne those with pine or pitch-tree branches, who gained the prize at the Isthmick games? For so it was, that during the said festivall solemnity, Lucanius the high priest made a supper at Corinth, at his owne house, and feasted us: where Praxiteles the geometrician, a great discourser, told us a poeticall tale, and namely; that the body of Melicerta was found cast up, & driven upon the body of a pine-tree, by the sea at a full tide; for that there was a place not farre from Megara, named Cales Dromos, that is to say, the race of the faire lady; whereas the Megarians doe re­port, that dame Ino carrying her yoong babe within her armes, ranne and cast her-selfe head­long 20 into the sea: But it is a common received opinion (quoth he) that the pine is apropriat for the making of coronets, in the honour of Neptune: whereupon when as Lucanius the high­priest added moreover and said: That the said tree being consecrated unto Bacchus, it was no marvell nor absurditie if it were dedicared also to the honour of Melicerta. Occasion was taken to search into the cause; wherefore the auncients in old time held the said tree sacred unto Bac­chus and Neptune both? For mine owne part I saw no incongruitie therein; for that these two gods be the lords and rulers over one genetall principle, or element, to wit, humidity or moi­sture, considering also that they generally in manner all, sacrifice unto Neptune, under the sur­name [...] as one would say, protectour of plants; and unto Bacchus likewise, by the name or addition [...] that is to say, the president over trees: and yet it may be said, that the pine 30 more particularly apperteineth not to Neptune; not as Apollodorus is of opinion, because it is a tree that loveth to grow by the sea-side, or for that it delighteth in the windes as the sea doth: (for some there be of this minde) but especially in this regard; that it affoordeth good timber, and other stuffe for building of ships; for both it, and also other trees, which for their affi­nitie may goe for her sisters, to wit, pitch-trees, larike-trees, and cone-trees, furnish us with their wood, most proper to flote upon the sea, and with their rosin also and pitch, to calke and calfret; without which composition, be the joints never so good and close, they are to no pur­pose in the sea: as for Bacchus they consecrated the pitch-tree unto him, for that pitch doth give a pleasant seasoning unto wine: for looke where these trees doe naturally grow, the vine there by report yeeldeth pleasant wine; which Theophrastus imputeth to the heat of the soile; 40 for commonly the pitch tree groweth in places of marle or white clay, which by nature is hot, and so by consequence helpeth the concoction of wine; like as such kinde of clay yeeldeth wa­ter, of all others most light and sweet: besides, if the same be blended with wheat, it maketh the greater heape, for that the heat thereof doth cause it to swell, and become more full and tender: moreover the vine receiveth many commodities and pleasures more from the pitch tree, for that it, with those things which be, is good & necessarie, both to commend and also to preserve wines; for it is an ordinary thing with all men, to pitch those vessels into which they put up their wines, yea, and some there be who put rosin even into the wine: as for example, those of Eubaea in Greece, and Italy, the inhabitants by the Po side; and that which more is, from out of Gaule by Vienna, there is brought a certeine pitch-wine, called Pissites, which the Romanes set 50 much store by, because it giveth it not onely a delectable sent, but also a better strength, taking from it in a small time the newnesse and the watery substance thereof, by the meanes of a milde and kinde heat. This being saied, there was an oratour there, a man of great reading a sin­gular scholar, and an excellent humanitian, who cried out in this manner: And is it so indeed? as who would say, it were not very lately, and but the other day, that the pine tree yeelded gar­lands and chaplets at the [...] games? for heeretofore the victors there, were crowned with [Page 718] wreathes and coronets made of smalach leaves: and this appeereth by that which we may heare out of a certeine comedie, a covetous miser speake in this wise:

These I shmique games I gladly would part fro,
For price that smallach wreaths in market go.

And [...] the historiographer writeth; that when the Corinthians marched in battell ray un­der the conduct of Timoleon against the Carthaginians, for the defence of Sicily, they encoun­tred in the way certeine folk, who carried bunches of smallach: now when many of the souldiors tooke this occurrence for an ill presage (because smallach is taken to be an unluckie herbe; inso­much as when we see one lie extreame sicke, & in danger of death, we say: That he hath need of nothing else but smallach) Timoleon willed them to be of good cheere, and put them in minde 10 of the victorious chaplets of smallach at the Isthmian games, wherewith the Corinthians crowned the winners, Moreover the admirall galley of king Antigonus was called Isthura, for that without any sowing or setting, there grew smallach of it selfe about the poupe thereof: and this obscure & aenigmaticall epigram under darke and covert words, signifieth plainly, earthen vessels stuffed and stopped with smallach: and in this manner it goeth:

This Argive earth which ere while was full soft,
Now baked hard with fire, the bloud deepe-red
Of Bacchus hides within, but loe aloft,
It Istmick branches beares in mouth and head.

Certes, they have not read thus much, who vaunt so greatly of the Pitch-tree chaplet, as if it were not a moderne stranger and new commer, but the ancient, proper, and naturall garland, be­longing 20 to the Isthmian games. Which words of his, mooved the yoonger sort not a little, as being delivered by a man who had seene and read much; and Lucanius the high-priest himselfe, casting his eie upon me, and smiling withall: Now by Neptune (quoth he) I sweare, what a deale of learning is heere! howbeit, others there were, who bearing themselves (as it should seeme) upon mine ignorance and want of reading, were perswaded of the contrary, and avouch­ed, that the Pitch-tree branches were the ancient garlands in the Isthmicke solemnitie, as natu­rall unto that countrey; and on the other side, the coronet of Smallach was a meere stranger, brought from Nemea thither upon an emulation, in regard of Hercules, whereby it had indeed the name, for a time; insomuch as it supplanted the other, and woon the credit from it, as being counted a sacred herbe, and ordeined for this purpose; but afterwards, the Pine-garland flouri­shed 30 againe and recovered the ancient reputation, so at this day it is in as great honour, as ever it was. Heereupon I suffered my selfe to be perswaded, and gave so good care, that many testi­monies for confirmation of this opinion I learned, yea, and some of them I bare away and re­membred; and namely, that out of them, Euphorion the poet, who spake of Melicerta, much af­ter this maner:

The yoong man dead, they did bewaìle, and then his corps they laid
Upone greene branches of Pine-tree, whereof the crownes were said 40
To have beene made, those to adorne with honour glorious,
Who at the sacred Isthmicke games were deem'd Victorious:
For why? as yet the murdering hand, sir Charon hadnot slaine,
The sonne of Neme, wofull dame, where as with streame amaine
Asopus runnes: since when, began the wreathe of Smalach greene, 50
To binde the head of champions, all bravely to be seene.

Also out of Callimachus, who hath expressed this matter more plainly, where he bringeth Her­cules in, speaking after this maner:

And it, though much inferiour, and more terrestriall,
[Page 719] Employ they shall in Isthmicke games, when in memoriall
Of god Aegaeon they with crownes the victours brave do decke,
According to Neme [...]n rites, and thereby give the checke
To chaplets made of Pine-tree faire, wherewith the champion
For victorie, sometime was dight at games Corinthian. 10

Over and besides, if I be not deceived, I have light upon a certeine commentarie of Procles, writing of the Isthmian solemnitie; namely, that at the very first institution thereof, ordeined it was: That the victorious coronet should be made of Pitch-tree branches; but afterwards, when these games were accounted sacred, they translated thither from the Namaeam solemnities, the chaplet of Smallach: now this Procles was one of the scholars in the Academie, what time as Xe­nocrates taught and flourished.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

What is the meaning of these words in Homer: [...] 20

SOme of the companie where I supped upon a time, thought Achilles ridiculous, in that he willed his friend Patroclus For so he in­terpreteth [...] to fill out purer wine, and lesse delaied, giving a reason withall, saying:

For now are come to visit me for love,
My deerest friends, and whom I best approve.

But Niceratus the Macedonian, a familiar friend of ours, opposed himselfe directly, and said: That [...] in this place of Homer, signifieth not meere wine of it selfe, without water, but hot wine, as if the primitive word [...] were derived [...] that is to say, vitall heat and ebullition: And therefore meet it was (quoth he) that (seeing his good friends were in place) 30 there should be filled out for them, a cup of fresh wine, new drawen, and full of life and spark­ling spirits; like as we our selves use to do, when as we powre out and offer unto the gods, our sa­cred libations: but Sosicles the poet, calling to minde, and alledging a sentence of Empedocles, whose words be these, speaking of the generall mutation of the universall world,

What thing before most simple was and pure,
Became now
[...]
mixt by compound temp'rature.

said: That the philosopher meant by the word [...] as much as [...] that is to say, well tem­pered: Neither see I (quoth he) any thing to the contrary, but that Achilles might bid Patroclus to prepare and dresse a cuppe of wine, so tempered as it should be drunke: neither must you thinke it a strange phrase or maner of speech, if he said, [...] for [...] for we are wont like­wise, 40 to put [...] in stead of [...] as also [...] for [...] for received now it is, by ordinarie custome, to use the comparatives of some words for the positives. Then Antipater, a friend of ours there present, said: That in olde time they were woont to call the yeere by the name of [...] and [...] in composition with other words, signifieth as much as the greatnesse of a thing, so that olde wine, that had lien many yeeres in this place, Achilles called [...] As for my selfe, I in­ferred thus much, and put them in mind: That some thinke [...] signfieth [hotter,] and by hotter, the meane quicker, sooner, or with more speed; for in that sense other-whiles we bid our servants to bestirre themselves more hotly about their worke, meaning they should make more haste, and dispatch their businesse. But in the end, I declared unto them, that their disputation and arguing about this point, was but childish, in case they were afraid to confesse, that [...] 50 betokened that which was more pure and of it selfe, without tempering or delaying; as if (for­sooth) Achilles had committed here, some incongruitie or absurditie, as Zoilus the Amphipo­litane would seeme to tax him; who considered not first and formost: that Achilles saw Phaenix and Ulysses, two ancient personages, who tooke no great pleasure to have much water in their wine, no more than all other olde men, who love to drinke it meere and pure; in regard of whose age, he gave commandement to delay it lesse for them: againe, having beene (as he was) the scholar of Chiron, and learned of him, the regiment of health, as one not ignorant what diet [Page 720] was meet for mens bodies, he thought thus with himselfe, that those bodies which are at repose and ease, having beforetime beene used to travell, required a more remisse, soft and tender tem­perature, as that which is fitter and meeter for them; for so he caused among other forrage and provender, his horses to be served with smallach; for that steedes standing idle in the stable, and doing nothing, will be troubled with the paines in their feet; for which infirmitie this smallach is a sovereigne remedie: neither should yee find (and read the Ilias throughout) that smallach or any such kinde of fodder was given to other horses than to those who stood still, and la­boured not. Achilles therefore being well seene in physicke, was both carefull about his horses to provide for them, as the time required, and also considerat and respective to his owne body, for to ordeine the lightest diet, (as most holsome) for himselfe who tooke his ease, and was not 10 emploied in bodily exercise; whereas he did not in that manner interteine those personages, who all the day had beene in the field, and performed martiall exploits, and warlike service, but gave order to powre out for them, stronger wine and lesse delaied. Now that Achilles other­wise of himselfe greatly loved not wine, for that he was by nature sower and implacable, appee­reth by these verses of the same poet:

For gentle nature he had none, he was not soone appeas'd,
But irefull, fierce, and violent, and once mov'd hardly, pleas'd.

And in one place, speaking liberally of himselfe, he said: 20

That many nights he slipt no winke,
Of sundry matters he did so thinke.

Now who knoweth not, that short sleepes agree not to those that drinke meere wine, neither will they serve their turne: also when as he contested with Agamemnon, and reviled him, at the first word hee gave him the tearme [...] wine-bibber or drunkard; as if drunkennesse and wine-bibbing were the vice which his heart abhorred most: And therefore to conclude, consi­dering all these circumstances, great reason he had, that seeing right honourable personages were come unto him, and those of good yeeres, he should be well advised to take order, not to temper wine for them, as his manner was for himselfe; because the same had beene too small, and not agreeable for their persons. 30

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

Of those who invite many guests to supper.

VPon my returne from Alexandria, all my friends one after another feasted me, for my wel­come home, and to beare me company, they invited with me, as many as they thought, in regard of kindred or friendship, were any way toward me; in such sort, as by reason of the multitude of guests, our meetings were ordinarily more tumultuous, and sooner dissolved than they had woont to be: the disorder therefore of sitting at such feasts, gave us occasion to dis­course 40 much of that matter. But One sicrates the physician when hee feasted me in his turne, as other did; bad not very many, but those onely whom he knew to be my speciall friends, and most familiar with me: whereupon I called to minde a sentence written by Plato, as touching a citie, and thought with my selfe, that it might very well be applied unto a feast: for like as a ci­tie which still groweth and augmenteth, in the end becomes no more a citie; for that there is a certeine bignesse prefixed & limited unto it, which it must not outgrow; even so there is a just, proportion in the greatnesse of a feast, within the which it is still a feast; but if it passe and ex­ceed the same, (I meane) in the number and multitude of guests, so as they cannot salute and speake one to another conveniently, they have no meanes to cheere up and drinke one to ano­ther reciprocally, nor exercise their mutuall knowledge kindly; surely it is no more to be cal­led 50 a feast: for there should not be at a feast, as in a campe, messengers and curriers betweene; nor after the manner of a great galley, speciall servitors, going from one to another, to cheere them up, and bidde them be merie; but the guests ought to speake and talke one with another; for that a feast must be disposed after the maner of a daunce, so as he who sits lowest may heare him that is highest. After I had thus much said, my grandfather Lamprias began to speake, and that with so loud a voice and so strong, that all the companie might heare him: There is then (quoth he) a kinde of meane and moderation, whereof we had need, not onely in eating and [Page 721] drinking at a feast, but also in the bidding and inviting of guests; for surely there may be an ex­cesse in unmeasurable curtesie and humanitie, when it cannot omit nor leave out any of those with whom a man heeretofore hath feasted or made merrie, but draweth all of them, as if the case were to goe for to see a plaie, behold solemne sights, or to heare musicke: and for mine owne part I thinke that the good man of the house, or master of a feast, is not so much woorthy to be blamed or laughed at, for being at a fault of bread or drinke for his guests; as when hee hath not roome enough to place them; of which he ought to make provision with the largest, not onely for those who are formally invited, but also for commers in, and such as bid them­selves; for strangers also that passe by: moreover, if there chaunce to be some want of bread or wine, the fault may be laid upon the servants, as if they had made it away, or plaied the theeves; 10 but if there be no roome left, it cannot chuse but be imputed to the negligence and indiscre­tion of him who invited the guests: Hesiodus is woonderfully much commended for writing thus:

At first no doubt it was so cast,
That there might be a Chaos vast.

For in the beginning of the world, requisit is was that there should bee a void place for to re­ceive and comprehend all those things that were to be created: Not (quoth hee) as my sonne yesterday made a supper, according to that which Anaxagaras said: All things were hudled and jumbled together pell-mell, confusedly: and admit that there bee place and roome enough, yea, and provision of meat sufficient, yet neverthelesse, a multitude would be avoided, 20 as a thing that bringeth confusion, and which maketh a societie unsociable, and a meeting un­meet and not affable: certes, lesse harme it were, and more tolerable a great deale, to take from them who are bidden to our table, their wine, than their communication and felowship of talk; and therefore Theophrastus called (merrily) barbars shops, dry banquets without wine; for the good talke that is betweene a number of persons sitting there one by another: but they who bring a sort together into one place, thrumbling them one upon another, deprive them of all conference, and discoursing reciprocally, or rather indeed they bring it so to passe, that but ve­rie few can commune & converse together; for by that meanes they sort themselves apart, two by two, or three by three, for to have some talke: as for those who are set farder of, hardly they can not discerne, no nor know them, being distant and remooved a sunder, as a man would say 30 the length of an horse race:

Some, where Achilles tents are pight close for to make their stay:
And some, where Ajax quarter is, as farre another way.

Thus you shall see how some rich men heereby, otherwhiles shew their foolish magnificence to no purpose, in building halles, and dyning chambers, conteining thirtie tables a piece in them, yea, and some of greater capacitie than so: and verily this manner of preparation for to make suppers and dinners, is for folke that have no amitie nor societie one with another, when there is more need of some provost of a field to marshal thē, than an vsher of an hall to see good 40 order among them: but these men may in some sort well bee pardoned for doing so; because they thinke their riches no riches, but that it is blinde, deafe, lame also, or shut up, that it can­not get forth, unlesse it have a number of witnesses, like as a tragedie, many spectators: but as for us, this remedie we have of not assembling so many at once together; namely to bidde often, and to make divers suppers; to invite (I say) our friends and well-willers at sundrie times, by few at once, and so by this meanes wee may make amends for all, and bring both ends toge­ther: for they that feast but seldome, and as they say [...] that is to say, by the cart loades, are forced to put in the roll all those that any way belong unto them, either by kinred, friend­ship or acquaintance whatsoever: whereas they who ordinarily picke out three or sower at a time, and doe so oft, make their feasts as it were little barks, to discharge their great hulkes, and 50 the same to goe light and nimble: moreover, when a man considereth continually with him­selfe the cause why he inviteth his friends; it maketh him to observe a difference and choise in that great multitude of them: for like as for every occasion & businesse that we have, we assem­ble not all sorts of people, but such onely as be meet for ech purpose; for if we should have need of good counsell, we call for those who be wise; if we would have a matter pleaded, we send for eloquent oratours; if a voiage or journey performed, wee seeke for such as will take up with short meales, and who have little else to doe, and be best at leisure; even so in our invitations [Page 722] and feasts, we must have regard ever and anon to chuse those who are meet, and will sort well to­gether: meet men I call these for example sake: if he be a prince or great potentate whō we in­vite to supper, the fittest persons to beare him company, be the head officers, the magistrates and principall men of the citie, especially if they be friends, or already acquainted: if we make a marriage supper, or a feast for the birth of a childe, those would be bidden who are of kin­dred and affinitie; and in one word, as many as are linked together by the bond of Jupiter Ho­moginos, that is to say, the protectour of consanguinitie: and in all these feasts and solemnities, we ought evermore to have a carefull eie to bring them together who are friends or well willers one to another: for when we sacrifice unto some one god, we make not our praiers to all others, although they be worshipped in the same temples, & upon the same altars; but if there be three 10 cups or boules brought full unto us, we powre libations out of the first to some, the second we offer to others, and the last we bestow likewise upon a third sort: for there is no envie abideth in the quire ordaunce of the gods: semblably, the daunce and quire of friends is divine, in some sort, if so be a man know how to distribute and deale his courtesie and kindnesse decently among them, and as it were to goe round about with them all.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that guests at the beginning of a supper sit close together at the table, but af­terwards more at libertie? 20

THese words thus passed, and then immediately a new question was mooved; namely. What the cause might be, that men commonly at the beginning of dinner or supper, sit at the table very streight and close, but toward the end more at large; whereas it should seeme by all reason, that they should doe cleane contrary, for that then their bellies be full? Some of the company attributed this unto the forme and positure of their bodies, as they sit; for that ordinarily men sit to their meat, directly at their full breadth, groveling forward, and put their right hands streight foorth upon the table; but after they have well supped, they turne themselves more to a side, & sit edge-wise, taking up no place now, according to the superficies of the body, not sitting (as a man would say) by the squire, but rather by the line and the plumb: 30 like as therefore the cockal bones occupie lesse roome when they fall upon one of their sides, than if they be couched [...] ; even so every one of us at the first sitteth bending forward, and fronteth the table with his mouth and eies directly upon it; but afterwards hee chaungeth that forme, from front to flanke, and turneth sidelong to the boord. Many there were who ascribed the reason of this, to the yeelding of the couch or bed, whereon men sit at their meat; for being pressed downe with sitting, is stretched broader and wider, like as our shooes with wearing and going in them, grow more slacke and easie for us by little and little, untill in the end they be so large, that we may turne our feet in them. Then the good old man spake merrily and said: That one and the same feast had alwaies two presidents and governors different one from another: at the beginning hunger, which cannot skill of keeping any good order; toward the end, Bacchus, 40 and him all men know very well, and confesse to have beene a very sufficient captaine, and an excellent leader of an armie: like as therefore Epaminondas (when as other captaines by their ignorance and unskilfulnesse had brought the armie of the Thebanes into a place so narrow that all was thrust together, and the ranks and files came one upon another, and crushed them­selves) tooke upon him the place of a commaunder, and not onely delivered it out of those streights, but also reduced it into good order of battell; even so god Bacchus surnamed Lyaeus, and Choreus, that is to say, a deliverer, and master of daunces, finding us at the beginning of supper thrusting one another, and having no elbow roome, by reason of hunger that throum­bleth us together like a sort of dogges, bringeth us againe into a decent order, whereby wee sit at ease and libertie enough like good fellowes. 50

THE SEVENTH QUESTION.

Of those who are said to bewitch with their eie.

THere grew some question upon a time, at the table, as touching those who are reported to be eie-biters, or to bewitch with their eies; and when others (in maner all) passed it over [Page 723] with laughing, as a frivolous and ridiculous thing: Metrius Florus, who had invited us to his house, tooke the matter in hand, and said: That the effects or events rather, which daily we doe observe, do make marvellous much to the brute and voice that goeth of the thing; but [...] want of yeelding a good reason thereof, and setting downe the true cause, the report many times of such matters wanteth credit: But unjustly (quoth he) and wrongfully in mine opinion; for an infinit number there be of other matters, that have a reall essence, and are notoriously knowen to be so, although we are ignorant of their cause; and in one word, whosoever seeketh in each thing for a probable reason, overthroweth miracles and woonders in all; for where wee faile to give reason of a cause, there begin we to doubt & make question, & that is as much to say, as to play the philosophers: so as we may inferre consequently: They that discredit things admirable, 10 do in some sort, take away and abolish all philosophie: but we ought (quoth he) in such things as these, to search [...] . Why they are so, by reason; and learne [...] . That they are so, by historie and relation; for histories do report unto us many narrations of like examples. Thus we know, that there be men, who by looking wistly and with fixed eies upon little infants, doe hurt them most of all; for that the habit and temperature of their bodies which is moist, tender, and weake, soone receiveth alteration by them, and changeth to the woorse; whereas lesse subject they be to such accidents, when their bodies are better knit, more strong and [...] . And yet Philarchus writeth in his historie of a certeine nation and people inhabiting the realme of Pontus in times past, called Thybiens, who were by that meanes pestiferous and deadly, not onely to yoong babes, but also to men growen; for looke how many either their eie, their 20 breath or their speech could reach unto, they were sure to fall sicke, and pine away: and this harme was felt and perceived (as it should seeme) by merchants, who resorted into those parts, and brought from thence, slaves to be solde. But as for these, the example peradventure is not so strange and wonderfull, because the touching, contagion, and familiar conversing together, may yeeld a manifest reason and cause of such accidents: and like as the wings of other fowles, if they be laied together with those of the eagle, perish, consume, and come to nothing, for that the plume and downe of the feathers fall off and putrifie; even so, there is no reason to the con­trary, but that the touching of a man should be partly good & profitable, and in part hurtful and prejudiciall: mary, that folke should take harme by being seene onely, and looked on, is an acci­dent which (as I said before) we know to be; but for that the cause thereof is so difficult & hard to 30 be hunted out, the report of it is incredible: Howbeit (quoth I then) you wind the cause already; you have met (in some sort I say) with the tracts and footing thereof, and are in the very way of finding it out, being come already to those defluxions that passe from bodies; for the sent, the the voice, the speech and breath, be certeine defluxions and streames (as it were) flowing from the bodies of living creatures, yea, and certeine parcels thereof, which move and affect the sen­ses, when as they suffer by the same, lighting and falling upon them: and much more probable it is, that such defluxions, proceed from the bodies of living creatures, by the meanes of heat & motion; namely, when they be enchafed and stirred; as also that the vitall spirits then doe beat strongly, and the pulses worke apace, whereby the body being shaken, casteth from it continu­ally, certeine defluxions, as is before said; and great likelihood there is also, that the same should 40 passe from the eies, more than from any other conduit of the bodie: for the sight being a sense very swift, active and nimble, doth send forth and disperse from it, a wonderfull fierie puissance, together with a spirit that carrieth and directeth it; in such sort, that a man by the meanes of this eie-sight, both suffereth and doth many notable effects, yea, and receiveth by the objects which he seeth, no small pleasures or displeasures; for love (one of the greatest and most vehement pas­sions of the minde) hath the source and originall beginning at the [...] eie; insomuch, as he or she that is surprised therewith, doth even resolve and melt with beholding the beautie of those per­sons whom they love, as if they would run and enter into them: and therefore, a man may verie well marvell at those, who confessing that we suffer and receive hurt by the eie, thinke it a strange matter to doe harme by the same; for the very aspect and regard of such persons as are in the 50 flower of their beautie, and that which passeth from their eies, whether it be light or flowing of of the spirits, doth liquefie and consume those who be enamoured on them, with a certeine pleasure mingled with paine, which they themselves call Bitter-sweet: for nothing so much are they wounded or affected, either by hearing or feeling, as by seeing and being seene, so deepe is the penetration, and so strong the inflamation by the eie; which maketh mee other-whiles to thinke, that no experience and proofe they have ever had what love is, who wonder at the Medi­an Naphtha neere to Babylon, that it should burne and catch a flame, being a great way off from [Page 724] the sire; for even so, the eies of faire and beautifull creatures, kindle fire within the very hearts and soules of poore lovers, yea, though they looke not upon them but a farre off: but we know full well, and have often seene the remedy of those who are troubled with the jaundice; namely, that if they can have a sight of the bird Some take it for the Lariot. Charadrios, they are presently cured; for this bird hath such a nature and temperature, that it draweth to it selfe, and receiveth the maladie passing from the patient, as it were a fluxion, and that by the conduit of the eies; which is the reason that these [...] are never willing to see a person who hath the jaundice, neither can they endure so to doe, but turne aside and avoid it all that ever they can, by closing their eies together, not envying (as some thinke) the cure of that disease by them, but fearing to be hurt and wounded themselves: and of all other maladies, it is well knowen, that they who converse with them whose eies be in­slamed 10 and bleered, are soonest and most of all infected therewith, so quicke a power and so rea­die, hath the sight to set upon another, and inflict the contagion of that infirmitie. Then Patro­cleas: True it is that you say (quoth he) in bodily passion and diseases; but as for those which be more spirituall, and concerne the soule, among which I reckon this kind of witching, how can it be, and how is it possible, that the only cast and regard of the eie should transmit any noisance or hurt into the bodie of another? Why? know you not (quoth I) that the soule (according as it is disposed) doth likewise affect and alter the bodie? the very congitation of Venus, causeth the flesh to rise; the ardent heat in couragious mastives and band-dogges, which are put upon wilde beasts for to encounter them when they are baited, dimmeth their eie-sight, and often­times makes them starke blinde; sorrow, avarice, and jealousie, alter the colour and complexion 20 of the face, drie up the habit and constitution of the bodie; and envie no lesse sublile than the rest, and piercing directly to the very soule, filleth the body also with an untoward and badde disposition, which painters lively doe represent in those tables which conteine the picture of envies face: when as therefore they who be infected with envie, doe cast their eies upon others, which because they are feated neere unto the soule, doe catch and draw unto them verie easilie this vice, and so shoot their venemous raies, like unto poisoned darts upon them; if such chance to be wounded and hurt thereby, whom they looke upon, and wistly behold: I see no strange thing, nor a matter incredible; for verilie the biting of dogges is much more hurtfull and dan­derous when they be angry than otherwise; and the sperme or naturall seed of men doth sooner take effect, and is more apt for generation, when they meddle with women whom they love; 30 and generally the passions and affections of the soule, doe fortifie and corroborat the powers, and faculties of the bodie: and heereupon it is, that those preservatives against witchcraft cal­led [...] are then thought to do good against envie, when the eie-sight of the envious person is withdrawen and turned away by some filthie and absurd object, that it cannot make so strong an impression upon the patient whom he would hurt: Lo seigneur Florus (quoth I) heere is mine escot for our good cheere at this meeting, in ready coine paid downe upon the naile head: Well done (quoth Soclarus) but first before you goe, we must allow the money for good and currant; for I assure you, there be some pieces that seeme counterset; for if we suppose that to be a truth, which is commonly reported, as touching those who are thus bewitched and eie-bitten; it is not I am sure unknowen to you, that many are of opinion, that there be of their 40 friends and kinsfolke, yea, and some of their fathers also, who carrie about them witching eies; in such sort as their very wives will not so much as shew unto them their owne babes, nor suffer such to looke upon them any while together: how then should this effect of witcherie proceed from envie? Nay what will you say to those (I pray you) who are named for to eie­bite and bewitch their owne selves? You have heard I am sure thus much; or at leastwise you have read this Epigram.

Faire was sometime Eutelidas,
His face and haire full lovely was;
But see, one day when needs he would
(Unhappy man) himselfe be hold 50
In river streame that softly ran,
His beautie, than be soone began
So to admire, that for envie
Bewitch't he was by his owne eie;
And fell anon by malady,
To pine away and so to dv.

For it is reported of this Eutelidas, that looking upon himselfe in the river water, he was so farre [Page 725] in love with his owne beautie, and so deepely affected with the sight thereof, that he fell sicke, and so both beautie and the good plight of his bodie went away at once: but see now what shift you can make to salve these absurdities? or what answer you will devise to avoid them? As for that (quoth he) I shall doe it at some other time sufficiently: but now drinking thus as you see me, out of so great and large a boule, I dare be bold to averre, and that confidently, that all perturbations and passions of the minde, if they settle and continue long in the soule, doe in­generate therein evill habitudes; & these, after they have in processe of time gotten the strength and become another nature, upon every small occasion, are stirred, and oftentimes drive men perforce, and even against their willes to those familiar and accustomed passions: for doe but marke timorous and fearefull cowards, how they be affrighted even with such things as be safe, 10 and doe preserve them; cholericke persons are angrie many times, and fall out with their best friends; lascivious wantons can not conteine, but in the end they will offer abuse and vilanie to the most holy & sacred bodies that be for: custome hath a wonderfull power to conduct & cary the habit unto that vice which is familiar unto it; & looke who is apt to take a fall, will stumble at every small hob that lies in his way: and therefore it is not a matter to make a woonder of, if they who have gotten in themselves habit of envie, and bewitching, bee incited and mooved ac­cording to the particular propertie of their passion, even against those who are most deare unto them; and being once mooved and stirred, they doe not that which they will themselves, but that whereunto they are so inclined and disposed; for like as a round bowle or ball runneth like it selfe; and semblablie a roller or cylender moveth as a roller or cylender, both of them af­ter 20 the different figure thereof; even so, whosoever they be that have thus contracted an habi­tude of this eie-biting envie, their disposition mooveth and driveth them enviously upon all things; howbeit it carieth a great likelihood that they should hurt them, who are most familiar unto them, and best beloved than any other: and therefore that good Eutelidas and all other such as he, who are said to charme and bewitch themselves, incurre this hard extremity, nor without great appearance of reason: for as Hippocrates saith in his aphotismes: The good ha­bit or plight when it is at the height is dangerous; and bodies when they are come to the highest point, they can not hold and stand so, but presently must incline and bend to the con­trarie: when as men therefore are growen suddenly all at once, and see themselves in a better state than they hoped for, in somuch as they wonder & behold themselves with admiration, then 30 be sure the body is neere unto some change, and then being caried according to their habitude to the woorse, they bewitch themselves: and this is wrought the rather, by meanes of those fluxi­ons which rest upon waters, looking-glasses, or any such mirrors by way of repercussion; for that they rebound backe, & breath as it were againe upon those who looke in them, so, that the hurt & damage which they have done to others, lighteth upon themselves: this haply befalling many times to little children, doth impute (though falsly and unjustly) the cause to these that looke upon them. When I had finished my speech, Caius the sonne in law of Florus, began to speake in this wise: Why then belike the images that Democritus speaketh of are of no recko­ning nor account, no more than the idols of Aegina and Megara, as the proverbe goes; for this philosopher saith: That there goe foorth certeine images out of the eies of envious per­sons, 40 and those not altogether without a kinde of sense and inclination, but rather full of their malice and envious witcherie who send them forth; with which, when the said images come to lettle, remaine, and rest upon those who are envied, they troubled and offend the bodie, soule and understanding: for this I take to be the meaning of that great philosopher, and that hee hath delivered his opinion to this effect, under those divine and magnificent words: So he doth no doubt (quoth I) but I marvell much, how you perceived not that I have taken nothing from those cefluxions, but onely life and will; which I did, for feare lest if now (being farre within night, and very late) I had talked of spirits, idols, and apparitions, having sense and understand­ing, I should have put you into some fright, and scared you with them: and therefore, if you thinke it so good, let us referre and put off the consideration of these thing untill to morrow 50 morning.

THE EIGHT QUESTION.

What is the reason that the poet Homer called the Apple-tree, [...] that is to say, bea­ring fruit; and Empedocles named Apples, [...] that is to say, flourishing.

AS we were merry together at a feast one day, in our citie Chaeronea, we were served with all sorts of fruits in great abundance; by occasion whereof, it tooke one of the companie in his head to pronounce these verses out of Homer:

[...] 10
[...]

That is to say:

The sweet Fig-trees and apple-trees, that beare a fruit so faire,
The Olive-trees likewise all greene —

whereupon arose some question, why the poet gave unto apple-trees the attribute of bearing faire fruit? and Tryphon verily the physician, answered: That it might be spoken of the said tree, by way of comparison; which being but small to speake of, and making as little shew, bringeth forth so faire, so great, and so goodly fruit. Another said: That compounding (as he did) beau­tie or goodnesse, of all parts and in every respect, he could not see the same in any other fruits covered with a rinde, but onely in this: for to touch and feele, it is as smooth and net as the vio­let, 20 so as it doth not staine or soile the skin, filling with a sweet sent, him that handleth it; in taste, it is pleasant; to smell unto, most delectable; and to the eie, as lovely; so as contenting thus as it doth, all the senses in a maner, by good right it is so praised and commended. We liked well of this discourse, and said, it was sufficient to solve the question. But whereas Empedocles hath written thus:

[...]
Why pomgranates so late doe grow,
And apples beare a lovely show?

I understand well (said I) this epithite [...] given unto [...] that is to say, pomgranats, because the fruit commeth not to maturitie or ripenesse, untill it be about the end of Autumne, when as 30 now the extreame heats be decaied and gone; for their moisture, so thin, feeble and waterish as it is, the sunne will not suffer it to thicken, or grow to any consistence, unlesse the aire begin to change and incline unto coldnesse; and therefore Theophrastus saith, that it is the onely tree that doth ripen and concoct her fruit, best & soonest, in the shade. But I doubt in what sense this wise philosophicall poet giveth this addition of [...] unto apples? considering that the man is not woont to imbelish and adorne the matters and things whereof he treateth, with the gaiest and most glorious adjectives, as with fresh and lively colours, to enrich and beautifie his stile, or to set out his verses; for there is not an epithite that he useth, but serves for to represent and ex­presse either the substance or els some facultie and vertue of the thing. Thus he calleth our bo­die environing the soule, [...] that is to say, earth circummortall; the aire he tearm­eth, 40 [...] that is to say, gathering clouds; as also, the liver, [...] that is to say, full of bloud. When I had thus put this doubt to question, there were certeine Grammarians in place, who said: That Empedocles called apples, [...] in regard of their vigor: for poets by this verbe [...] understand thus much; namely, to be growen apace to the vigour, flower, and full strength. And the poet Antimachus in this sense, tearmed the city of the Cadmeans, [...] that is to say, flourishing with store of fruits. Semblably, Aratus speaketh of the Cani­cular-starre, Sirius, in this wise:

[...]

That is to say:

In some he did confirme their vigour, 50
And marr'd in others all their verdeur.

In which place, he calleth the viriditie or greennesse, and the verie flower or beautie of fruits, [...] They added moreover, and said: That among the Greeks, some there were, who sacrifice to Bacchus, surnamed [...] Forasmuch as therefore, the apple mainteineth it selfe longest in viriditie and vigour, of all other fruits, therefore the philosopher named it, [...] But Lam­prias my grandfather said: That this adjection or preposition [...] signifieth not only, much, & [Page 727] greatly, but also, above, or with-out-foorth: for in this acception, the head or lintell of a doore, we name [...] that is to say, above the doore; and likewise, an upper-roome, chamber, or loft, [...] and Homer the poet, meaneth the outward flesh of a beast sacrificed, by the word [...] like as the inward, by the vocable [...] Consider then (quoth he) whether Empedocles had not a respect heereunto, by attributing this said epithite unto an apple; that whereas other fruits are inclosed & covered within a certeine barke as it were, which in Greeke is called [...] and have without-forth, those that we tearme [...] that is to say, shelles, rindes, cods and pannicles to cover them, that barke or shell (if I may so say) which the apple hath, lieth within; namely, a glutinous and smooth tunicle or coat, which we call the core or the corque, wherein the pepins or seeds lie conteined; but the fleshie part or meat thereof for 10 to be eaten, is all without the said core, in which respect, it may by good right be named [...]

THE NINTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that the Figge-tree, being of all other trees most bitter and sharpe in taste, yeeldeth a fruit most sweet?

AFter this, demaunded it was, why the figge, so fat and sweet a fruit as it is, groweth upon a tree most bitter? for the very leafe of a figge-tree by the reason of the asperitie and 20 roughnesse that it hath, is called Thrion, and the wood is full of juice; so that when it burneth, you shall see it cast up a most eager and bitter smoke, and when it is burnt, the ashes make a leie very strong, and marvellous detersive, because of the acrimonie and sharpenesse thereof: yea, and (that which is most admirable) whereas all other trees and plants clad with leaves and bea­ring fruit, put foorth a flower before, onely the figge-tree never sheweth blossome: and if it be true which is moreover said; that it is never blasted, or smitten with lightning, a man may attribute and ascribe it to the bitternesse and evill habitude of the stocke; for it should seeme that lightning and thunder never touch any such things, no more than the skinne of a sea-calfe, or of the beast Hyaena. Heere the good old man (our grandsire) taking occasion to speake, said: No marvell then, if all the sweetnesse bee found in the fruit, the rest of the tree be harsh and 30 bitter: for like as when the cholericke humour is cast into the bagge or bladder of the gall, the proper substance of the liver it selfe remaineth very sweet, even so the figge-tree having sent all the sweetnesse and fatnesse it had into the fruit, remaineth it selfe disfurnished of it; for that within the trunke of the said tree there is otherwise some sweetnesse and good juice, though it be but a little; I make an argument from the herbe rue; which they say: If it grow under or neere a figge-tree; becommeth more pleasant in smell, and in taste more milde, by receiving and enjoying some small sweetnesse from it; whereby that excessive, strong and odious qualitie of rue is abated and extinct; unlesse peradventure a man will reason cleane contrary, and saie, that the figge-tree drawing somewhat from rue, for the owne nouriture, taketh from that herbe some part of the bitternesse and acrimonie thereof. 40

THE TENTH QUESTION.

Who be they who according to the common proverbe, are said, [...] that is to say, about the salt and cumin? and so by the way, why the poet Homer nameth salt divine.

FLorus asked us one day when we were at supper in his house, who they were whom we tear­med by an usuall by-word, to be about the salt and cumin: Apollophanes the grammarian, one of our companie, solved the question readily in this manner: They (quoth he) who are such friends and so familiar that they suppe together, with salt and cumin, are meant by this com­mon 50 speech. But then we mooved a new question, namely: How it came to passe, that salt was so highly honoured? for that Homer directly saith:

And then anon when this was done,
He strewed salt divine upon.

And Plato affirmeth, that the bodie and substance of salt by mans lawes, is most sacred and holie: The difficultie of this question he enforced still, and augmented the more; for that the [Page 728] Aegyptian priests who live chaste, absteine altogether from salt, insomuch as their verie bread which they eat is not seasoned with salt: And if it were (quoth he) so divine and holy, why have they it in so great detestation? Then Florus willed us to let the Aegyptians goe with their su­perstitious fashions; and to alledge somewhat of the Greeks as touching this subject argument: Whereupon I began and said: That the Aegyptians themselves were not heerein contrarie to the Greekes; for the sanctimonie and profession of chastitie, forbiddeth procreation of chil­dren, laughing, wine, and such like things; which otherwise be good, and not to be rejected: and as for salt, haply those who have vowed to live a chaste and pure life, doe forbeare it, for that by the heat which it hath, (as some thinke) it provoketh those who use it, unto lecherie: and probable it is besides, that such votaries doe refuse salt, because of all other meats, it is most 10 delicate; & a man may well say: That it is the viand of viands, & the sauce as it were to season all others: and therefore some there be who attribute unto these salts, the very tearme of Chari­tes or the Graces; for that they make that which is necessarie for our food, to be pleasant & ac­ceptable unto us: Shall wee say then (quoth Florus) that salt was called divine in this respect? And if we did so (quoth I) wee have no slender reason to induce us thereunto; for men are wont to attribute a kinde of divinty unto things which are passing common, and the commodi­tie whereof reacheth farre (as for example) to water, light, & the seasons of the yeere; as for the earth, her above the rest, they repute not onely divine, but also to be a goddesse: & there is none of all these things rehearsed, that salt giveth place unto, one jot, in regard of use and profit; being as it is a fortification to our meats within the bodie, and that which commendeth them unto 20 our appetite: but yet consider moreover, if this be not a divine propertie that it hath, namely, to preserve and keepe dead bodies free from putrifaction a long while, and by that meanes to resist death in some sort, for that it suffereth not a mortall bodie wholly to perish, and come to nothing: but like as the soule being the most divine part of us, is that which mainteineth all the rest alive, and suffereth not the masse and substance of the bodie to be dissolved, and suffer colliquation; even so, the nature of salt, taking hold of dead bodies, and imitating heerein the action of the soule, preserveth the same, holding and staying them that they runne not head­long to corruption, giving unto all the parts an amitie, accord & agreement one with the other: and therefore it was elegantly said by some of the Stoicks: That the flesh of an hogge was even from the beginning no better than a dead carion, but that life being diffused within it, as if salt 30 were strewed throughout, kept it sweet, and so preserved it for to last long. Moreover you see, that wee esteeme lightning, or the fire that commeth by thunder, celestiall and divine, for that those bodies which have beene smitten therewith, are observed by us to continue a great while unputrified and without corruption: What marvell is it then, if our auncients have esteemed salt, divine, having the same vertue and nature, that this divine and celestiall fire hath? Heere I staied my speech, and kept silence. With that, Philinus followed on and pursued the same argu­ment: And what thinke you (quoth he) is not that to be held divine, which is generative, and hath power to ingender, considering that God is thought to be the originall authour, crea­tour, and father of all things? I avowed no lesse, and said it was so: And it is (quoth he) an opi­nion generally received, that salt availeth not a little in the matter of generation, as you your 40 selfe touched ere-while, speaking of Aegyptian priests: they also, who keepe and nourish dogs for the race, when they see them dull to performe that act, and to doe their kinde, do excite and awaken their lust and vertue generative, that lieth (as it were) asleepe, by giving them aswell as other hot meats, salt flesh, and fish both, that have lien in bring & pickle: also, those ships & ves­sels at sea, which ordinarily are fraight with salt, breed commonly an infinit number of mice and rats; for that (as some hold) the females or does of that kinde, by licking of salt onely, will con­ceive and be bagged without the company of the males or bucks: but more probable it is, that saltnesse doth procure a certeine itching in the naturall parts of living creatures, and by that means provokeht males & females both, to couple together: and peradventure this may be the reason that the beauty of a woman which is not dull and unlovely, but full of favor, attractive, and 50 able to move concupiscence, men use to name [...] that is to say, saltish or well seaso­ned: And I suppose that the poets have fained Venus to have beene engendred of the sea, not without some reason; and that this tale, that she should come of salt, was devised for the nonce, to signifie and make knowen under those covert tearmes, that there is in salt a generative power: certes, this is an ordinarie and generall thing among those poets, to make all the sea-gods, fa­thers of many children, and very full of issue. To conclude, you shall not finde any land crea­ture, finde any land-crea­ture, [Page 729] or flying fowle, for fruitfulnesse, comparable to any kinde of fishes bred in the sea; which no doubt this verse of Empedocles had respect unto:

Leading a troupe, which senselesse were and rude,
Even of sea-fish, a breeding multitude.

THE SIXTH BOOKE 10 OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-QUESTIONS.

The Summarie.

1 WHat is the reason, that men fasting, be more at hirst than hungrie. 20

2 Whether it be want of food that causeth hunger and thirst, or the transformation and change of the pores and conduit of the bodie, be the cause thereof.

3 How commeth it, that they who be hungrie, if they drinke, are eased of their hunger; but contrariwise, those who are thir stie, if they eat, be more thirstic.

4 What is the reason that pit-water, when it is drawen, if it be left all night within the same aire of the pit, becommeth more cold.

5 What is the cause that little stones, and plates or pellets of lead, if they be cast into water, cause it to be the colder.

6 Why snowe is preserved, by covering it with straw, chaffe or garments.

7 Whether wine is to run throw a strainer. 30

8 What is the cause of extraordinarie hunger or appetites to meat.

9 Why the poet Homer, when he spcaketh of other liquors, useth proper epithits, onely oile he calleth moist.

10 What is the cause that the flesh of beasts flaine for sacrifiece, if they be hanged upon a fig-tree, quickly become tender.

THE SIXTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-questions.

The Proeme. 40

PLato being minded to draw Timotheus the sonne of CanonSossius Senecio) from sumptuous feasts and superfluous banquets, which great captaines commonly make, invited him one day to a sup­per in the Academie, which was philosophicall indeed and fru­gall, where the table was not furnished with those viands which might distemper the bodie with feaverous heats and inflamations, as Iōn the poet was wont to say; but such a supper I say, upon which ordinarily there follow kinde and quiet sleeps, such fansies also, and 50 imaginations as ingender few dreames, and those short; and in one word, where the sleeps do testifie a great calmnesse and tranquillitie of the bodie. The morrow after, Timotheus perceiving the difference betweene these suppers and the other, said: That they who supped with Plato over-night, found the pleasure and com­fort therof the next day; and to say a trueth, a great helpe and ready meanes to a pleasant and blessed life, is the good temperature of the body, not drenched in wine, nor loaden with viands, but light, nimble, and ready, without any feare or distrust to performe all actions and functions [Page 730] of the day-time. But there was another commodity no lesse than this, which they had, who sup­ped with Plato, namely, the discussing and handling of good and learned questions, which were held at the table in supper time: for the remembrance of the pleasures in eating and drinking, is illiberall and unbeseeming men of worth, transitorie besides, and soone at an end; like unto the odor of a perfume and sweet ointment, or the smell of rost in a kitchin a day after; whereas dis­courses philosophicall, and disputations of learning, when they be remembred afterwards, yeeld alwaies new pleasure and fresh delight unto those that were at them, yea, and cause them who were absent and left out, in hearing the relation thereof, to have no lesse part of learning and erudition, than they who were present: for thus we see, that even at this day, students and pro­sessours of learning, have the fruition, and enjoy the benefit of Socrates his banquets, no lesse 10 than they themselves who were personally present, and had their reall part of them at the time: and verily, if corporall matter, as dainty dishes and exquisit fare, had so greatly affected and de­lighted their minds with pleasure; Plato and Xenophon should have put downe in writing, and left unto us the memoriall, not of the discourses there held, nor of the talke which then passed, but rather of the furniture of the table, & have made a note of the delicate viands, pastrie works, comfitures and junkets served up in Callias or Agathus houses: whereas now of all such matters there is no mention at all, as if they were of no account, nor worth the naming, notwithstanding very like it is, there was no want of provision, no spare of cost, nor defect of diligence in that behalfe: but on the otherside penned they have most exactly, and with great diligence the dis­courses of good letters and philosophy, which then and there passed merrily; and those they 20 have commended unto posterities, to give us example, that we ought not onely to devise and reason together when we are at the boord, but also to call to minde afterwards, what good talke had passed and to keepe the same in memorie.

THE FIRST QUESTION.

What is the reason, that those who be fasting are more thirsty than hungry?

NOw send I unto you Sossius Senecio, this sixth booke of banquet discourses; whereof the first question is: Why those who be long fasting, are more thirstie than hungry? for it 30 may seeme contrary unto all reason; that thirst rather than hunger should ensue much fasting; for that the want of dry food, would seeme by course of nature to require a supplie of nutriment by the like. Then began I in this manner to argue, before the companie there in place: That of all things within us, and whereof we consist, our naturall heat either alone or principally, had need of nouriture and maintenance: for thus verily wee doe observe in outward elements, that neither aire, water, nor earth, desire nutriment; neither doe they consume whatsoever is neere unto them; but it is fire onely that requireth the one, and doth the other; which is the rea­son that all yoong folke doe eat more than elder persons; for that they be hotter; yea and old men and women can endure to fast better, because their naturall heat is already decaied and fee­ble in them; like as it is in those living creatures which have but little bloud: for small need have 40 they of nouriture, for default of naturall heat. Moreover, thus much we may observe in everie one of our selves, that our bodily exercises, our loud outcries and such like matters, as by mo­tion doe augment heat, make us to take more pleasure in our meat, and to have a better appetite to eat: now the principall, most familiar and naturall food of heat, in mine opinion, is moi­sture, as we may see by daily experience, that burning flames of fire increase by powring oile thereto; & of all things in the world, ashes are the driest, because the whole humiditie is burnt up and consumed; but the terrestriall substance destitute of all liquor, remaineth alone: sem­blably, the natures of fire is to separate and divide bodies, by taking away the moisture which held them sodered and bound together: when as therefore wee fast long, our naturall heat draweth forcibly unto it; first, all the humours out of the reliques of our nourishment; which 50 done, the inslammation thereof passeth farther, and setteth upon the very radical humour with­in our flesh, searching every corner for moisture to feed and nourish it; there being caused therefore a woonderfull drinesse our bodie, like as in earth or clay that is parched with heat; [...] by consequence commeth to stand more in need of drinke than of meat, untill such time as we have taken a good draught; by meanes whereof our heat being well refreshed and [...] , worketh and procureth appetite to solide and dry nourishment.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

Whether it be want of food that causeth hunger and thirst, or rather the transformation and change of the conduits and passages within our bodies?

THis discourse being thus ended, Philo the physician went about to impugne and over­throw the first position; mainteining, that thirst proceeded not from default of any nou­rishment, but was to be imputed unto the change of the forme in certaine passages of the body: and for demonstration heereof, hee alledged of the one side this experience: That they who 10 be a thirst in the night, if they sleepe upon it, lose their thirstinesse, although they drinke ne­ver a drop: on the other side, that they who have the ague, if their fit decline, or be off them, or in case the feaver be cleane past and gone, presently they are eased of their drought: likewise there be many, who after they have beene bathed, yea, and beleeve me, others when they have vomited, are ridde of thirstinesse; and yet they get moisture neither by the one nor the other; but they are the pores and petie conduits of the body that suffer mutation, because they be altered and transformed into another state and disposition; and this appeereth more evi­dently in hunger: for many sicke folke there be, who at one time have need of nourishment, and yet want appetite to their meat; some there are againe, who let them eat and fill themselves never so much, have never the lesse appetite to meat, nay, their greedie hunger encreaseth the 20 more: semblablie, you shall have many of those who lothed their meat, to recover their sto­macke and appetite quickly, by tasting a few olives or capres, condite with salt pickle: whereby it appeareth plainly; that hunger is not occasioned by default of nourishment, but through the said alteration or passion of the pores and conduits of the body: for surely such meats as those, although they diminish the want of nourishment, by addition of more food, yet neverthelesse cause hunger; and even so the poinant acrimonie of these salt viands, contenting the taste and pleasant to the mouth, by knitting, binding, and strengthening the stomacke; or contrariwise, by relaxing or opening the same, do procure unto it, and breed therein a certeine gnawing and a disposition to the liking of their meat, which we call appetite. The reason of these arguments seemed unto me very wittily devised, and framed pretily, for to carrie a good shew of probabili­tie; 30 howbeit, to be contrary unto the principall end of nature, to which the appetite doth leade and conduct every living creature, desirous to supplie that which is wanting, to fill that which is emptie, and pursuing alwaies that which is meet for it and familiar, but yet defectuous: for to say, that the thing wherein principally a living creature differeth from a livelesse bodie, was not given unto us for the tuition, maintenance and preservation of our health and safetie, even as it were of our eies that be so proper and familiar to the body, and to feare such occurrents as be ad­verse thereto; but to thinke that the same is onely a passion, change, and alteration of the pores occasioned according as the same be made either bigger or smaller; is (to speake plainly) the fashion and part of those who make no reckoning at all of nature. Moreover, to confesse, that to quake for colde, hapneth unto our bodie for want of heat familiar and naturall unto it, and 40 with one breath to denie, that hunger and thirst proceed not from defect of moisture and nou­rishment, is very absurd: and yet, more unreasonable and monstrous it were to affirme, that na­ture desireth evacuation, when she feeleth her selfe charged with fulnesse, and withall, hath a de­sire to repletion; not because she findeth her selfe over-emptie, but upon some other passion comming I know not how, not which way. Certes, these needs and repletions in the bodies of living creatures, resemble properly the accidents that fall out in agriculture and husbandry; for the earth suffereth many such defects, and requireth as many helpes and remedies: against drought, we seeke to moisten by watering; for burning with heat, to coole moderately; when things are frozen, to heat them againe, and keepe them warme, by laying (as it were) many co­verings over; and looke what is not in our power to doe, we pray unto the gods for the helpe 50 and furnish us therewith; namely, sweet and milde dewes, pleasant and comfortable windes; so that nature alwas seeketh supplie of that which is defective, for to preserve her state and tempe­rature. And in my conceit, this word [...] which signifieth nourishment, seemeth to import as much as [...] that is to say, preserving nature; & preserved it is in plants verily, & trees insensibly (as Empedocles said) by the aire about them, when they are refreshed and watered thereby in convenient maner, as need requireth: but as for us, our appetite causeth us to seeke [Page 732] and procure that, for default whereof, we have not our kinde temperature. But let us consider better, ech one of those reasons by it selfe, which have bene delivered, and how untrue they be; for first and formost, those viands which have a quicke, sharpe and pleasing taste, by reason of their acrimonie, procure no appetite at all in those parts, which be capable of nouriture, but on­ly a certeine biting or gnawing in them, much like unto that itching, when something is appli­ed unto the skin, that doth plucke and fret it: and say, that this passion or affection (whatsoever it is) procureth appetite, it standeth to great reason, that by such sharpe and quicke viands, those matters which caused fulnesse, comming to be attenuated and made more subtill, are discussed, dissolved, and so dissipated as they ought to be; by which meanes, consequently there follow­eth a want and defect; not for that the pores and passages be altered or changed into another 10 forme, but rather, because they be now voided, cleere and purged; considering that those juices which be sharpe, eager, quicke, piercing and saltish, by attenuating and making tender the mat­ter that they meet with and worke upon, do discusse, disgregate and scatter the same, in such sort, as they ingender and procure a new appetite. To come now unto those who sleepe upon their thirstinesse, they be not the pores which by their transformation allay thirst, but by reason that they receive humiditie from the fleshie parts, and are filled with a vapourous moisture from thence: and as for vomits, in casting up one thing which is adverse to nature, they give her meanes to enjoy another which is friendly and familiar thereto: for thirst is not a desire so much of an exceeding great quantitie of moisture, as of that which is kinde and familiar; and therefore, although a man have within him great abundance of that moisture which is unnatu­rall, 20 yet neverthelesse, he wanteth still; for that his thirst giveth place to no other humiditie, but unto that which is proper and naturall, and whereof it is desirous: neither commeth mans bo­die into a good temper againe, before such time as that humiditie be removed and gone, which was enemie to nature; and then the waies and passages receive willingly that moisture which is friendly and familiar unto her: as to the ague beforesaid, it driveth indeed the moisture inward­ly into the center (as it were) of the bodie; for when the middle thereof is all on a fire, thither runneth and retireth all the humiditie, where it is thrust together and reteined; and by reason that there is such store thereof, pressed and pent in, it falleth out often times, that many being sicke of the ague, do cast and vomit it up, for to be discharged thereof, and be exceeding thirstie withall, for want of moisture, and for the drinesse that is in other parts of the bodie, which call 30 for humiditie: when as then the fever either declineth or hath intermission, so as the ardent heat within, is gone from those interior parts in the center and middle of the bodie, the moisture re­turneth againe into the outward habit, it spreadeth (I say) and is dispersed thorowout, according to the naturall course thereof; so as at once it bringeth ease to the parts within, and withall, cau­seth the flesh and skin without, to be smoothe, soft and moist, whereas before it was rough, hard and drie; yea, and many times it mooveth sweats; whereby it commeth to passe, that the want which before caused thirst, now ceaseth and is gone, while the moisture is returned from the place wherein before it was streightly pressed and kept in, unto that which is desirous and hath need of it, and where it is at large and more at libertie: for like as in an orchard or garden, al­though there be a pit conteining plentie of water, unlesse a man draw some out of it, and there­with 40 water the ground, it can not chuse but the herbs, plants and trees will be as one would say, athirst, and at a fault for nourishment; even so it fareth in our bodies; if all the moisture be got­ten to one place, no marvell if the rest do want and become exceeding drie, untill such time as it run againe, and that there be a new diffusion thereof; like as it falleth out with those who are sicke of an ague, when the fit is past, or the fever hath left them, and to those who sleepe upon thirst; for in these, sleepe bringeth backe the moisture from the center and middle of the bo­die, distributing it to all the members and parts thereof, and so maketh an equall distribution and supply thorowout.

But this transformation and change of the pores from which it is said that hunger and thirst doth proceed; what kinde of thing is it I would gladly know? For mine owne part, none o­ther 50 differences see I, but of more and lese, and according as they be either stopped or ope­ned; when they bee obstructed or stopped, receive they cannot either drinke or meat; when they be opened and unstopped, they make a voide and free place; and surely that is nothing els but the want of that which is proper and naturall: For the reason (my good friend Philo) why clothes which are to be died, be dipped first in alome water, is because that such water hath a piercing, scouring, and abstersive vertue, by meanes whereof, when all the superfluous filth [Page 733] in them is consumed and rid away, the pores being opened, reteine more surely the tincture which is given unto the clothes, onely because they receive the same better, by reason of the emptinesse occasioned by want.

THE THIRD QUESTION.

What is the cause that when men be hungry, if they drinke, are delivered from their hunger: but contrariwise, when they be athirst, if they eate, are more thirsty than before?

WHen those discourses were thus passed; he who invited us to supper, began in this wise: It seemeth unto me (my masters) that this reason as touching the voidance and reple­tion 10 of pores, carieth with it a great apparence of truth, and namely in the solution of another question besides, to wit: Why in them who be hungry, if they drinke, their hunger ceaseth im­mediately? and contrariwise, they who are a thirst, if they eat, are still more thirstie? I am of opinion (quoth he) that those who alledge and urge these pores and their effects, doe render the reason and cause of this accident, very easilie, and with exceeding great probabilitie how­ever in many points, they enforce the same not so much as probably: for whereas all bodies have pores, some of one measure, and symmetry, others of another; those which be larger than the rest, receive food solid as well as liquid both together; such as bee narrower and more streight admit drinke; the avoidance and evacuation of which, causeth thirst, like as of the other, hunger: and therefore if they who be a thirst doe eat, they finde no succour and benefit there­by, 20 because the pores by reason of their streightnesse, are not able to receive drie and solid nu­triment, but continue still indigent and destitute of that which is their due, and fit for them: whereas they who be hungry, in case they drinke, finde comfort thereby, for that the liquid nouriture entring into those large pores, and filling those concavities of theirs, doe slake and diminish mightily the force of their hunger.

As touching the event and effect (quoth I) true it is (as I thinke) but I cannot accord and give my consent to the supposition of the cause pretended: For if (quoth I) a man should hold, that with these pores and conduits (upon which some stand so much, so greatly embrace and mainteine so stoutly) the flesh is pierced, and by meanes thereof full of holes; surely he would make it very loose, quavering, flaggie, and so rotten, that it would not hang together: more­over, 30 to say that the same parts of the body doe not receive meat and drinke together, but that they doe passe and runne (as it were) thorough a streiner or canvase bolter, some one way and some another; me thinks is a very strange position, & a meere devised fiction: for this verie mixture of humiditie, tempering and making tender the meats received, together with the co­operative helpe of the inward naturall heat, and the spirits, doth cut, subtiliate, and mince the foode, with all manner of incisions, shreddings, and divisions, no tooles, no knives, nor instru­ments in the world so fine and small; insomuch as every part and parcell of the said nourish­ment is familiar, meet & convenient for ech part & member of the bodie; not applied & fitted as it were to certeine vessels and holes to be filled thereby; but united & perfectly concorporate to the whole, and every part thereof: but if this were not so, yet the maine point of the question 40 is not assoiled for all that; for they who eat, unlesse they also drinke to it, are so farre off from allaying their thirst, that contrariwise they increase the same; and to this point there is not yet a word said. Consider now (said I) whether the positions & reasons which we set downe, are not probable & apparent? first we suppose, that moisture being consumed by drinesse, is cleane peri­shed & gone; & that drinesse being tempered & susteined by moisture hath certeine diffusions, & exhalations secondly we hold, that neither hunger is a general & universal want of dry food, nor thirst, of moisture, but a certeine scantnesse and defect of the one and the other, when there is not enough and sufficient; for those who altogether doe want the same, bee neither hungrie nor thirstie, but die presently: Let these supposals be laid for grounds, it will not be from hence­foorth hard, to know the cause of that which is in question: for thirst increaseth upon them 50 that eat, because meats by their drinesse doe gather together, sucke and drinke up the humidity dispersed, and which is left but small and feeble, in all the bodie, causing the same to evapo­rate away; like as we may observe without our bodies, how dry earth and dust, do quickly snatch, dispatch, and consume quite the liquor or moisture that is mingled therewith: contrariwise, drinke necessarily slaketh hunger; for by reason that moisture drenching and soking that little meat which it findeth dry and hard, raiseth from it certeine vapors and moist exhalations, and those it doth elevate and carrie up into all the body, applying the same to the parts that stand [Page 734] in need: and therefore Erasistratus not unproperly tearmed moisture, the wagon of the viands: for being mixed and tempered with such things as otherwise of themselves by reason of their drinesse or other evill disposition, be idle, and heavy, it raiseth and lifteth up: and heereupon it commeth, that many men who have beene exceeding hungry, onely by bathing or washing themselves, without any drinke at all, have woonderfully aswaged and allaied their hunger: for the moisture from without, entring into the body, causeth them to be more succulent and in better plight; for that it doth enlarge the parts within, so that it doth mitigate the fell mood, and appease the crhell rage of hunger. To conclude, this is the reason that they who are deter­mined to pine themselves to death by utter abstinence from all solid meats, live and continue a long time if they receive but water onely, even untill the time that all be quite evaporate, spent 10 and dried up, which might nourish and be united unto the bodie.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that pit or well-water being drawen, if it be left all night within the aire of the pit, becommeth colder than it was?

WE had a certeine guest who lived delicatly, and loved to drinke cold water; for to please and content whose appetite, our servants drew up a bucket of water out of the pit or wel, and so let it hang within the same (so that it touched not the top of the water) all the night long; 20 wherewith he was served the morrow after at his supper, and he found it to be much colder than that which was newly drawen: now this stranger, being a professed scholar and indifferently well learned, told us, that he had found this in Aristotle among other points, grounded upon good reason, which he delivered unto us in this wise: All water (quoth he) which is first hear, becom­meth afterwards more colde than it was before; like to that which is provided and prepared for kings: first, they set it on the fire untill it boile againe; which done, they burie the pan or vessell wherein it is, within snow; and by this device it proves exceeding colde: no otherwise than our bodies, after that we have bene in the stouph or baines, be cooled much more by that meanes: for relaxation occasioned by heat, maketh the bodie more rare, and causeth the pores to open, and so by consequence, it receiveth more aire from without, which environeth the bodie, and 30 bringeth a more sudden and violent change: when as therefore water is first chafed (as it were) and set in an heat by agitation and stirring within the bucket whiles it was in drawing, it groweth to be the colder by the aire which environeth the said vessell round about. This stranger and guest of ours, we commended for his confident resolution and perfect memory; but as touch­ing the reason that he alledged, we made some doubt: for if the aire in which the vessell hangeth be colde, how doth it inchafe the water? and if it be hot, how cooleth it afterwards? for beside all reason it is, that a thing should be affected or suffer contrarily from one and the same cause, unlesse some difference come betweene. And when the other held his peace a good space, and stood musing what to say againe: Why (quoth I) there is no doubt to be made of the aire; for our very senses teach us, that colde it is, and especially that which is in the bottome of pits; and 40 therefore impossible it is, that water should be heat by the cold aire: but the trueth is this rather, although this cold aire can not alter all the water of the spring in the bottome of the well, yet if a man draw the same in a little quantitie, it will do the deed, and be so much predominant as to coole it exceedingly.

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

What is the reason that little stones and small plates or pellets of lead, being cast into water, make it colder?

YOu remember I am sure (doe you not, said I) what Aristotle hath written, as touching pib­ble 50 stones and flints, which if they be cast into water, cause the same to be much colder and more astringent: And you remember (quoth he) aswell, that the philosopher in his Problemes hath onely said it is so; but let us assay to finde out the cause, for it seemeth very difficult to be conceived and imagined: You say true indeed (quoth I); and a marvell it were if we could hit upon it: howbeit, marke and consider what I will say unto it: First to begin withall; doe you not thinke that water is sooner made colde by the aire without, if the same may come to enter into [Page 735] it? also, that the aire is of more force and efficacie, when it beateth against hard slints, pibbles or wherstones? for they will not suffer it to passe thorow, as vessels either of brasse or earth; but by their compact soliditie, resisting and standing out against it, they put it by from themselves, and turne it upon the water; whereby the coldnesse may be the stronger, and the water thorowout be fully affected therewith: and this is the reason, that in Winter time, running rivers be much colder than the sea; for that the cold aire hath greater power upon them, as being driven backe againe from the bottome of the water; whereas in the sea it is dissolved, and passeth away, by rea­son of the great depth thereof encountring there nothing at all, upon which it may strike and bear: but it seemeth there is another reason, that waters, the thinner and cleerer they be, suffer the more from the colde aire; for sooner they be changed and overcome, so weake and feeble 10 they are: now hard wherstones and little pibbles, doe subtiliat and make the water more thin, in drawing to the bottome where they be, all the grosse and terrestriall substance that trouble it; in such sort, as the water by that meanes, being more sine, and consequently weaker, sooner is van­quished and surmounted by the refrigeration of the aire. To come now unto lead: cold of na­ture it is, and if it be soaked in vineger, and wrought with it, maketh ceruse of all deadly poisons, the coldest. As for the stones a fore said, by reason of their soliditie, they have an inward cold­nesse conceived deeply within them; for as every stone is a piece of earth gathered together and congealed (as it were) by exceeding colde, so the more compact and massie that it is, the harder is it congealed, and consequently, so much the colder: no marvell therefore it is, if both plummets of lead and these little hard pibbles aforesaid, by repercussion from themselves, 20 inforce the colduesse of water.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

What is the reason that men use to keepe snowe within chafse, light straw, and clothes?

VPon these words, that stranger and guest of ours, after hee had paused a while: Lovers (quoth he) above all things, are desirous to talke with their paramours; or if they can not so doe, yet at leastwise they will be talking of them; and even so it fareth at this time betweene me and snowe; for, because there is none heere in place, nor to be had, I will speake of it; and 30 namely, I would gladly know the reason why it is wont to be kept in such things as be very hot; for we use to cover and swaddle it (as it were) with straw and chaffe, yea, and to lap it within soft clothes, unshorne rugges, and shaggie frize; and so preserve it a long time in the owne kinde, without running to water: A woonderfull matter, that the hottest things should preserve those which are extreame colde! And so will I say too (quoth I) if that were true: but it is farre other­wise, and we greatly deceive our selves, in taking that by and by to be hot it selfe, which doth heat another; and namely, considering that we our selves use to say, that one and the selfe same gar­ment in Winter keeps us warme, and in Summer cooleth us; like as that nourse in the tragedy, which gave sucke unto Niobes children:

With mantles course, and little blanquets worne, 40
She warm's and cool's her pretie babes, new borne.

The Almaigns verily put on garments onely for to defend their bodies against the rigour of cold: the Aethiopians weare them not, but to save themselves from soultrie heat: wee in Greece use them for the one purpose and the other; and therefore why should wee count them to be hot, because they warme us, rather than cold, for that they coole us? yet of the twaine, if wee would be judged by the outward sense, wee might repute them rather cold than hot: for when we put on our shirts or inner garments first, our naked skinne findes them cold; and so when we goe into our beds, wee feele the sheetes and other clothes of themselves as cold; but after­wards they helpe to heat us; but how? being themselves full of heat, which commeth from us, they hold in our heat, and withall, keepe off the cold aire from our bodies. Thus you see how 50 they that be sicke of the ague, or otherwise, burne with heat, change continually their linnens and other clothes about them, because ever as any fresh thing is laid upon them, they feele it cold and take comfort therein; no sooner is it cast over them, & lien a while, but it becommeth hot, by reason of the ardent heat of their bodies: like as therefore a garment being warmed once by us, doth warme us againe; even so, if it be made cold by snow, it keepeth it cold reciprocally; but made cold it is by snow, for that there ariseth from it a subtill spirit, or vapour which doth it; & the same so long as it abideth within, holdeth it together concrete and solid in the owne na­ture; [Page 736] contrariwise, when it is gone, snowe melteth and turneth to water; then that white fresh colour vanisheth away, which came by the mixture of the said spirit & humiditie together, cau­sing a kinde of froth: when as snowe therefore is lapped within clothes, both the cold is held in thereby, and the outward aire kept out, that it cannot enter in, to thaw and melt the substance of the snow thus gathered and congealed together: now to this purpose they use such clothes as have not yet come under the fullers hand, nor beene dressed, burled, shorne, and pressed; and that for the length and drinesse of the shagge haire and flocks, which will not suffer the cloth to lie heavie and presse downe the snow, and crush it being so spungious and light as it is: and even so the straw and chaffe, lying lightly upon it, and softly touching it, breaketh not the congea­led substance thereof; and otherwise besides, the same lieth close and fast together, whereby it 10 is a cause that neither the coldnesse of the snow within, can breath foorth, nor the heat of the aire without enter in. To conclude that the excreation and issuing out of that spirit, is the thing that causeth the snowe to fore-give, to fret, and to melt in the end, is apparent to our outward senses, for that the snow when it thaweth engendreth winde.

THE SEVENTH QUESTION.

Whether wine is to runne thorough a streiner before it be drunke?

NIger one of our citizens left the schooles, having conversed but a small while with a most 20 excellent and renowmed philosopher; yet so long, as in that time he had not learned any good thing at his hands, but stollen from him ere he was aware, that, whereby he was offensive and odious unto others; and namely, this bad custome he had gotten of his master, boldly to reproove and correct in all things, those who were in his company: when as therefore we were upon a time with Ariston in his house at supper together, he found fault generally with all the provision, as being too sumptuous, curious, and superfluous; and among other things, hee flatly denied: That wine ought to passe through a streiner before it be powred foorth and filled to the table; but he said: It should be drunke as it came out of the tunne, as Hesiodus said, whiles it hath the strength and naturall force, and as nature hath given it unto us; for this manner of depuration and clarifying of it by a streiner, first doth enervate and cut as it were the sinewes of 30 the vigour and vertue, yea and quench the native heat that it hath; for it cannot chuse, but the same will exhale, evaporate, and flie away with the spirit and life thereof being so often filled and powered out of one vessell into another: Againe, (quoth he) it bewraieth a certeine curio­sitie, delicacie, and wastfull wantonnesse, thus to consume and spend the good and profitable, for that which is pleasant onely and delectable: for like as to cut cocks for to make them capons, or to geld sowes and make them gualts, that their flesh may be tender, deintie, & (against the na­ture of it) effeminate, was never surely the invention of men, sound in judgement, and ho­nest behaviour, but of wastfull gluttons, and such as were given over to belly cheere; even so verily they that thus streine wine, doe geld it, they cut the spurres and pare the nailes thereof; if I may be allowed so to speake by way of Metaphor, yea and doe effeminate the same; whiles 40 they are not able either to beare it by reason of their infirmitie and weakenesse, nor drinke it in measure, as they should because of their intemperance: but surely this is a sophisticall device of theirs, and an artificiall tricke to helpe them for to drinke more, and excuse them for powring it downe so merrily; for by this meanes the force of wine they take away, leaving nothing but bare wine; much like unto those who give water boiled unto sicke & weak folke, who cannot en­dure to drinke it cold, & yet beyond measure desire it; for the very edge of wine they take off, & looke what strength & vertue was in it, the same they rid away and expell quite: that in so doing they marre it, for ever: this may bee a sufficient argument, that wine thus misused, will not last nor continue long in the owne nature, but turne quickly to be very dregs; it loseth (I say) the verdure thereof presently, as if it were cut by the roote, from the owne mother, which are the 50 lees thereof. Certes in old time they were wont directly to call wine it selfe [...] that is to saie, Lees: like as we use to tearme a man by a diminutive speech, a soule or an head, giving unto him the denomination of those principall parts onely; and even at this day wee expresse the gathe­ring of the vine fruit, by the verbe [...] Also in one place Homer called wine [...] and as for wine it selfe, it was an ordinary thing with him, to call [...] that is to say, black­ish and redde, not pale and wanne, by often streining and clensing, such as Ariston heere ser­veth us with: heere at Ariston laughing at the matter: Not so my good friend (quoth he) not [Page 737] pale, bloudlesse and discoloured: but that which at the very first sight sheweth it selfe pleasant, milde, and lovely, where as you would have us to ingurgitate and drench our selves with a wine as blacke as the night, thicke, grosse, and duskish, like a darke cloud: the clarifying and purifi­cation thereof you condemne, which in truth is nothing else, but the casting up as it were by vomit of all the choler that it had, and the discharging it of that which is heavy, heady in it, able to make men sicke and drunken, to the end that being more light, cheerefull, and lesse chole­rick, it might go into our bodies for to be intermingled with us, even such as Homer saith: those worthies and demi-gods, at the warre of Troy, used to drinke: for Homer when he named wine [...] meant not blackish and thicke, but transparent, neat and bright; for having before attri­buted unto brasse, these epithites, [...] and [...] that is to say, meet for men, & resplendent, he 10 would not have called it [...] afterwards, if hee had not meant blacke and duskish by that attri­bute. Like as therefore, the sage Anacharsis, when he reproved some other fashions among the Greeks, commended yet their char-coales, for that leaving the smoake without doores, they brought the fire into the house; even so you my masters, that are wise men and great scholars, may haply blame us in other respects, if you list: but in case when we have rejected and dispat­ched away that which was turbulent, cholericke and furious in wine, we make it then looke clere, and taste pleasant of it selfe, without any sophistication; if we do not (I say) turne or take off the edge quite, and grinde out all the steele (as it were) but rather scouring away rust and canker, fourbish and glaze it, and so present it unto you for to drinke; what hainous fault (I pray you) have we committed? but you will say (forsooth) it hath more strength in it when it is not thus 20 clarified with streining: and so (by your leave, good sir) hath a franticke, lunaticke, and madde man, when he is in his fits; but after that he is well purged with Ellebor, or by good regiment in diet, brought to be staied, and reduced into his right minde and senses againe, that violent and extraordinary force is gone, but the true naturall strength of his owne, and his setled tempera­ture remaine still in his bodie, together with his right wits; even so this cleansing and clarifying of wine, by ridding away that headinesse which troubleth the braine, and causeth rage, bringeth it to a milde habit and holsome constitution. Certes, for mine owne part, I holde there is a great difference betweene affected curiosirie, and simple neatnesse or elegancie: for those wo­men that paint themselves, perfume and besmeere their bodies with costly odours, and balmes, or otherwise glitter in their ornaments of golde, and go in their rich purple robes, are by good 30 right thought to be curious, costly, and wanton dames; but if a woman use the bath, wash her skin, annoint her selfe with ordinary oile, yea, and weare the tresses of her owne haire, disposed and laied in order decently, no man will finde fault with her for it. This distinction in womens dressing and attire, the poet Homer hath elegantly and properly expressed, in the person of Juno, when she dressed and trimmed her selfe, in this wise:

With pure Ambrosia first, her corps immortall, from all soile
And filth, she cleans'd, then it she did anoint with glibber oile.

Thus farre foorth, there is nothing to be seene in her, but carefull diligence and matronlike 40 cleanlinesse; marie when she comes to carquans, borders, and buttons of gold, when she hangs on herpendant earerings most curiously and artificially wrought, and not staying there, proceeds in the end to take in her hand that enchanting tissue and girdle of Venus; beleeve me, heere was superfluous sumptuositie, heere was vanitie and wantonnesse in deed, not besee­ming a wife or dame of honour; semblably, they that colour their wine with the sweet wood of aloe or einomon, and otherwise give it a tincture and pleasant aromatization with saffron, doe even as much as those who curiously tricke up and set out a woman, for to bring her to a ban­quet, and to prostitute her as a courtisan; whereas they that do no more but purge out of it, the grosse filthinesse, and that which is good for nothing, make it by that meanes, pure, holsome and medicinable: for otherwise, if you admit not this, you may aswell say, that all things that you see 50 heere, is nothing but needlesse superfluitie, and affected curiositie, beginning even at the verie house and the furniture thereof: for why is it (will you say) thus pargetted and laied over with a coat of plaister? why is it open and built with windowes on that side especially, where it may re­ceive the purest aire and freshest windes, or where it may enjoy the light of the sunne tending Westward toward his setting? why are these pots and drinking cups, every one of them rub­bed and scoured on every side, so neat and cleane, that they glitter and shine againe, so as a man may see himselfe in them? And ought (good sir) these boules and goblets to be kept cleane with­out [Page 738] all filth, or sweet without evill sent; and must the wine which we drinke out of them, be full of filthie dregges, or otherwise stained with any ordure and corruption? but what need I runne thorow all the rest? the very workemanship and painefull labour about the wheat whereof our bread heere is made, what is it els (I beseech you) but cleansing and purging? see you not what a doe there is about it before it be brought to this passe? for there must be not onely threshing, fanning, winnowing, riddling, grinding, sifting, sersing and boulting out the branne from the flowre, while it is in the nature of come and meale; but also it requireth to be kned and wrought, that no roughnesse remaine behind in the dough; so that being thus untied and concorporat in­to a lumpe of paste, it may be made bread fit for our eating: what absurditie then is there in this, if straining and cleansing of wine riddeth it from that feculent and dreggie matter, as if it were 10 course brannes or grosse grounds, especially seeing the doing of it, is not any wise chargeable nor laborious?

THE EIGHTH QUESTION.

What is the cause of that extraordinarie hunger, called [...]

THere is a solemne sacrifice used among us, received by tradition from our ancestors, which the provost or chiefe governour of the city for the time being, performeth at publicke the altar, but other private citizens besides, in their own houses: and this solemnity is called, The ba­nishment 20 of Bulimos, that is to say, of hunger or famine: and the maner is at such a time, for eve­rie master of an house, to take one of his slaves, and when he hath swinged him well with weeds of the withie called Chast-tree, to thrust him out of the doores by the head and shoulders, say­ing withall: Out with That is to say, bunger and famine: it seemeth by that which followeth, that they put poverty also before Buli­mos, in oppo­sition to health. Bulimos, but come in wealth and health. Now that yeere wherein I was provost, many there were at my sacrifice, invited to the feast; and after we had performed all ce­remonies and complements therto belonging, and were set at the table, some question there was moved, first, as touching the vocable it selfe [...] what it should signifie, and afterwards of the words uttered unto the slave when he is driven out; but most of all, of that maladie so called, and of the accidents and circumstances thereof. As for the tearme Bulimos, every man in maner, was of opinion, that it betokened a great and publike famine, but especially we Greeks of Aeo­lia, 30 who in our dialect use the letter p. for b. π for β, for we commonly do not say, Bulimos, but Puli­mos, as if it were Polylimos or Polilimos, that is to say, a great famine, or a generall famine tho­rowout the citie: and it seemed unto us, that [...] was another thing different from it; and namely, by a sound argument which we had from the Chronicles penned by Metrodorus, as touching the acts of Ionia, wherein thus much he writeth: That the Smyrneans who in old time were Aeolians, use to sacrifice unto Bubrostis, a blackebull, as an holocaust or burnt offering, which they cut into pieces with the hide, and so burne it all together. But forasmuch as all ma­ner of hunger resembleth a maladie (and principally, this called [...]) which commeth upon a man when his bodie is affected with some unkind and unnaturall indisposition, it seemeth that by great reason, as they oppose wealth to povertie, so they set health against sicknesse: & like as 40 the heaving and overturning of the stomacke, a disease when as men are said [...] tooke that name first upon occasion of those who are in a ship, & when they saile or row, fal to be stomack sicke, and are apt to cast: but afterwards by custome of speech, whosoever feele the like passion of the stomacke, and a disposition to vomit, are said [...] that is to saie, to be sea sicke; even so the verbe [...] and the noune [...] taking the beginning as is before said, there is come unto us, and signifieth a dogs-appetite or extraordinary hunger. And to this purpose wee all spake, and made a contribution as it were of all our reasons, to make out a common supper or collation: but when we came to touch the cause of this disease; the first doubt that arose among us was this; that they should most be surprized with this maladie, who travell in great snowes: like as Brutus did of late daies; who when he marched with his army from Dyrrhachium to Apol­lonia, 50 was in danger of his life, by occasion of this infirmitie: it was a time when the snowe lay very deepe; in which march he went such a pace, that none of those who had the carriage of victuals overtooke him, or came neere unto him: now when as he fainted so for feeblenesse of stomacke, that he now swooned and was ready to give up the ghost; the souldiers were forced to runne in haste unto the walles of the city, and to call for a loafe of bread, unto their very ene­mies, warding and keeping the watch upon the walles, which when they had presently gotten, therewith they recovered Brutus: whereupon afterwards, when he was master of the towne, hee [Page 739] grievously intreated all the inhabitants, for the courtesie which he had received from thence. This disease hapneth likewise to horses and asses, especially when they have either figges or ap­ples a load: but that which of all the rest is most woonderfull, there is no manner of food or su­stenance in the world, that in such a case so soone recovereth the strength, not of men onely, but of labouring beasts also, as to give them bread, so that if they eat a morsell thereof, bee it never so little, they will presently finde their feet, and be able to walke.

Hereupon ensued silence for a while; and then I (knowing well enough, how much the argu­ments of ancient writers are able to content and satisfie such as are but dull and slow of conceit; but contrary wise unto those that be studious, ripe of wit and diligent, the same make an over­ture and give courage and heart to search and inquire further into the truth) called to minde and 10 delivered before them all a sentence out of Aristotle, who affirmeth: That the stronger the cold is without, the more is the heat within our bodies, and so consequently, causeth the greater colliquation of the humours in the interior parts. Now if these humours thus resolved, take a course unto the legges, they cause lassitudes and heavinesse; if the rheume fall upon the princi­pall fountaines and organs of motion and respiration, it bringeth faintings and feeblenesse. I had no sooner said, but as it is wont in such cases to fall out, some tooke in hand to oppugne these reasons; and others againe to defend and mainteine the same: and Soclarus, for his part: The words (quoth he) in the beginning of your speech were very well placed, and the ground surely laid; for in truth the bodies of those who walke in snow, are evidently cold without, and exceedingly closed fast and knit together; but that the inward heat occasioned thereby, should 20 make such a colliquation of humors, and that the same should possesse and seize upon the prin­cipall parts and instruments of respiration, is a bold and rash conceit, and I cannot see how it should stand: Yet rather would I thinke, that the heat being thus kept in, and united toge­ther, and so by that meanes fortified, consumeth all the nourishment; which being spent, it cannot chuse, but the said heat also must needs languish even as a fire without fewell; and heereupon it is, that such have an exceeding hunger upon them, and when they have eaten ne­ver so little, they come presently to themselves againe; for that food is the maintenance of na­turall heat: Then Cleomenes the physician: This word [...] that is to say, hunger (quoth hee) in the compound [...] signifieth nothing else, but is crept into the composition of it I know not how, without any reason at all; like as in the verbe [...] which betokeneth to devoure, or 30 swallow downe solid meat, [...] that is to say, to drinke, hath no sense or congruitie at all; no more than [...] that is to say, to bend downward, or fall groveling, hath any thing to doe in the verbe [...] that signifieth to rise aloft, or to hold up the head as birds doe in drinking; for surely [...] or [...] seemeth not unto me to be any hunger, as many have taken it; but it is a passion of the stomacke, which concurring indeed with hunger, engendreth a fainting of the heart, and an aptnesse to swoone: and even as odors and smels doe fetch againe and helpe those that be in a swoone; so bread doth remedie and recover those who are feeble and faint, by this Bulimia, not for that such have need of sustenance; (for let it be never so little that they take, they are revived and refreshed thereby) but because it fetcheth the spirits againe, and recalleth the power and strength of nature that was going away. Now that this Bulimos or 40 Bulimia, is a faintnesse of the heart, and no hunger at all, appeereth evidently by an accident that we observe in those draught beasts, whereof we spake before, subject to this infirmitie; for the smell of figges and apples worketh not in them any defect or want of nourishment; but causeth rather a gnawing in the mouth of the maw, a plucking (I say) and contention in the brim of the stomacke. As for me, on the otherside, although I thought these reasons indifferently well alledged; yet I was of opinion, that if I went another way to worke, and argued from a con­trarie principle, I could mainteine a probabilitie, and uphold, that all this might proceed ra­ther by way of condensation, than rarefaction: for the spirit of breath that passeth from the snowe in manner of subtile aire, is the most cutting edge, and finest decision or scale, comming from the concretion of that meteor or congealed substance, which I wot not bow, is of so 50 keene and piercing a nature, that it will strike thorough, not flesh onely, but vessels also of silver and brasse: for we see that they are not able to conteine and hold snowe in them, but when it commeth to melt, it consumeth away, and covereth the outside of such vessels, glazed over with a most subtill moisture, as cleere as ise, which no doubt the said spirit, breath, aire, or edge, (call it what you will) left behinde it, when it passed through those insensible pores of the said vessels; this spirit then thus penetrative and quicke as a flame, when it smiteth upon their bo­dies who goe in snowe, seemeth to scorch and sindge the superficiall outside of the skinne, in [Page 740] cutting and making way thorough into the flesh in manner of fire; whereupon ensueth a great rarefaction of the body, by meanes whereof, the inward heat flying foorth, meeteth with the cold spirit or aire without in the superficies which doth extinguish and quench it quite, and thereby yeeldeth a kinde of small sweat or dew, standing with drops upon the outside, and so the naturall strength of the bodie is resolved and consumed: now if a man at such a time stirre not, but rest still, there is not much naturall heat of the bodie that passeth thus away; but when motion by walking or otherwise doth quickly turne the nutriment of the bodie into heat, and withall the said heat flieth outward thorough the skinne thus rarefied; how can it otherwise be, but all at once there should ensue a great ecclipse (as it were) and generall defect of the na­turall 10 powers? And that true it is, that the same doth not alwaies close, knit, and binde together the bodie, but otherwise melt and rarefie the same, it appeereth manifestly by this experience; that in sharpe and nipping winters, many times plates or plummets of leade are knowen to sweat and melt: this observation also, that many do fall into this infirmitie called Bulimia, who are not hungrie, doth argue rather a defluxion and dilatation, than a constipation of the bodie; which no doubt in Winter is rarefied by that subtiltie of the spirit, whereof I spake, and especial­ly, when travell and stirring, doth sharpen and subtiliat the heat whithin the body: for being thus made thin, and wearied besides, it flieth forth in great abundance, and so is dispersed thorowout the body. As for those figs and apples, it is like, that they do exhale and evaporate such a spirit, as doth subtiliate and dissipate the naturall heat of labouring beasts that carrie them: for it stan­deth by good reason in nature, that as some be revived and resreshed with one thing, and some 20 with another; so contrariwise, some things do dissipate the spirits in one, and others in another.

THE NINTH QUESTION.

Why the poet Homer to other liquors giveth proper epithites and attributes, and oile onely he calleth moist?

THere was a great question also another time: What might the reason be, that there being so many liquors as there are, the poet Homer is wont to adorne every one of thē with their severall and proper epithits, and namely, to call milke, white; hony, yellow; and wine, red; but 30 oile alone he ordinarily noteth by an accident common unto them all, and tearmeth it moist? to which, this answere was made: That as a thing is named, Most sweet, which is altogether sweet; and Most white, which is altogether white; (now you must understand, that a thing is said to be such and such altogether, when there is nothing mixed with it of a contrary nature) even so we are to call that Moist, which hath not one jot of drinesse mingled among; and such a quali­tie doth properly agree unto oile: for first and formost, the polished smoothnesse that it hath, doth shew that the parts thereof be all uniforme and even thorowout; and feele it wheresoever you will, you shall finde it equall in every respect, and one part accordeth with another so, as the whole agreeth to withstand both mixture and colde: besides, to the eie sight it yeeldeth a most pure and cleere mirror to behold the face in; for why? there is no roughnesse nor ruggednesse 40 in it, to dissipate the reflexion of the light; but by reason of the humiditie or moisture thereof, all the light (how little soever it be) doth rebound and returne againe upon the sight: whereas contrariwise, milke alone, of all other liquors, sendeth backe none of these images and resem­blances, like as a mirror or looking-glasse doth, for that it hath a great deale of terrestriall sub­stance in it: moreover, of all liquid matters, oile onely maketh the least noise when it is stirred or shaken, for that it is so moist thorowout; whereas in other liquors, the parts which be hard and earthy, in running, flowing, and moving, do encounter, smite and hit one another, and so conse­quently make a noise, by reason of their weight and soliditie: and that which more is, it remain­eth simple of it selfe, without admitting any mixture or composition with any other liquor whatsoever, for that it is so firme, compact, or fast; and good reason, for it hath no wandering 50 holes here and there, betweene terrene and hard parts, which might receive any other substance within: moreover, all the parts of oile, for that they be so like one unto the other in a continued union, do joine passing well together, however they will not sort with other liquors; and by rea­son of this tenuitie and continuitie, when oile doth froth or fome, it suffereth no winde or spi­rit to enter in: furthermore, this humiditie of oile, is the cause that it feedeth and noutisheth fire, for mainteined it is with nothing that is not moist, and this is the onely liquor that may be burned, as we may see evidently in the wood which we dayly burne; namely, that the airie sub­stance [Page 741] therein, flieth up in smoake; that which is terrestriall, turneth into ashes; and there is no­thing but that, which is moist or liquid, that flameth out, burneth light, and is consumed cleane: for why? fire hath no other sustenance to feed upon; and therefore, water, wine, and other li­quors, stand much upon a feculent, muddie & earthly matter, which is the cause that if a man do cast them upon a fire or flame, by their asperitie, they disgregate, and by their weight, choke & quench it; but oile, (for that most properly and sincerely it is moist, and by reason also that it is so subtile) soone receiveth alteration, and being over come by the fire, is quickly inflamed: but the greatest argument to prove the moisture of oile, is this, that a little thereof will spread and go a great way; for neither honie, nor water, nor any other liquid thing whatsoever, in so small a quantitie can be dilated and drawen so far as oile, but for the most part, they are spent and gone 10 by occasion of their siccity: and verily, oile being so pliable and ready to be drawen every way, soft also and glib, is apt to run all over the body, when it is anointed, it floweth and spreadeth a great way, by meanes of the humiditie of all parts which are so moveable, in such sort, as it con­tinueth a long time, and hardly will be rid away, it sticketh and cleaveth so fast: for a garment, if it be dipped and drenched all over in water, will soone be drie againe; but the spots and staines with oile, require no small adoe to be scoured out and cleansed, for that it taketh so deepe an im­pression; and all because it is so fine, subtile and exceeding moist: and Aristotle himselfe saith, that even wine also being delaied with water, if it be gotten into a cloth, is hardly fetched out, for that now it is more subtile than before, and pierceth farther within the pores thereof.

THE TENTH QUESTION. 20

What is the cause, that the flesh of beasts killed for sacrifice, if it be hung upon a fig-tree, becom­meth more tender within a while?

ARiston had a cooke commended highly by those who used to sup with his master, for sin­gular skill in his art; and namely, for that among all other viands which he handled and dressed passing well, hee served up a cocke unto the table before us, newly killed and sacrificed unto Hercules, the flesh whereof did eat as short and tender as if he had hung by the heeles a day or two before: and when Ariston said that it was an easie matter so to doe; and that there needed 30 no more, but presently when his throat was cut, to hang him upon a fig-tree, we tooke occasion thereby to search into the cause of this effect: Certes, that there passeth from the figge-tree a sharpe aire and strong spirit, our verie eiesight will testifie; as also the common speech that go­eth of a bull, who if he be tied to a fig-tree, how wilde, savage and fell soever he was before, will soone be meeke and quiet, abide to be handled, and in one word, lay downe his furious rage, as if it were cleane daunred: But the principall cause heereof was attributed to the acrimonie and sharpe qualitie of the wood, for the tree is more succulent than any other; insomuch as the verie figge it selfe, the wood also and the leafe, be all full of juice; also whiles it burneth in the fire, there ariseth from it a bitter biting smoake, very hurtfull to the eies; and when it is burnt, there is made of the ashes a strong leie, very detersive and scouring, which bee all signes of 40 heat: and moreover, whereas the milkie juice of the sig-tree will cause milke to turne and cruddle, (some say,) it is not by the inequality of the figures of milke, which are compre­hended and glewed as it were therewith, namely, when the united and round parts thereof are cast up to the superficies, but for that the foresaid juice by meanes of heat, doth resolve the wa­terie substance of the liquor, which is not apt to gather consistence and be thickned: moreover, this is another figne thereof, that notwithstanding the juice be in some sort sweet, yet it is good for nothing, and maketh the woorst and most unpleasant drinke in the world; for it is not the inequalitie therof, that causeth the smooth parts to gather a crud, but the heat which maketh the cold and cruddie partes to coagilate. A good proofe of this we have from salt, which serveth to this purpose, because it is hot; but it impeacheth this interlacing and glutinous binding preten­ded, 50 for that by nature it doth rather dissolve and unbinde. To come againe therefore unto the question in hand; the fig-tree sendeth from it a sharpe piercing and incisive spirit: and this is it, that doth make tender, and as it were concoct the flesh of the saide foule: and as great an effect should one see, if he had put him in a heape of wheat or such corne, or covered him all over with salt nitre; and all by reason of heat: and that this is true that wheat is hot, may be ga­thered by the vessels full of wine, which are hidden within a heape of wheat; for a man shall soone finde that the wine will be all gone.

THE SVENTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-DISCOURSES. 10

The Summarie.

1 AGainst those who reproove Plato for saying, that our drinke passeth thorough the lungs.

2 What is that which Plato calleth [...] and why those seedes which fall upon beeses hornes, become hard in concoction?

3 Why the middle part in wine, the highest in oile, and the bottome of hony is best?

4 Wherefore the Romans in old time observed this custome; never in any case to take away the table 20 cleane, nor to suffer a lampe or candle to goe out?

5 That we ought to take great heed of those pleasures which naughtie musicke yeeldeth, and how we should beware of it?

6 Of those guests who are called shadowes, and whether a man may goe to a feast unbidden, if hee be brought thither by those who were invited? when? and unto whom?

7 Whither it he lawfull and honest to admit she-minstrels at a feast or banquet?

8 What matters especially it is good to heare discoursed upon at the table?

9 That to sit in counsell or consult at a table, was in old time the custome of Greeks, as well as of Persians.

10 Whether they did well that so consulted at their meat? 30

THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-discourses.

The Proeme.

THe Romans have commonly in their mouthes, ô Sossius Senecio, the speech of a pleasant conceited man and a curteous, whosoever he 40 was, who when he had supped alone at any time, was wont thus to say: Eaten I have this day, but not supped; shewing thereby, that meales would never be without mirth and good companie, to sea­son the same, and to give a pleasant taste unto the viands. Euenus verily used to say: That fire was the best sauce in the world: and as for salt, Homer called it divine; and most men gave it the name of the Graces; for that being mingled or otherwise taken with most of our meates, it gives a kinde of grace, and commendeth them as pleasant and agreeable to the stomacke. But to say a truth, the most divine sauce of a table or a supper, is the presence of a friend, a familiar, and one whom a man knoweth well; not so much 50 for that he eateth and drinketh with us, but rather because as he is partaker of our speeches, so he doth participate his owne unto us, especially if in such reciprocall talke there be any good discourses, and those which be profitable, fit, and pertinent to the purpose; for much babling indeed and lavish speech that many men use at the boord, and in their cuppes, bewraieth their vaine folly, driving them oftentimes into inconsiderate and passionate fits, and to perverse lewdnesse; and therefore no lesse requisite it is, and needfull, to make choise of speeches, than of friends to be admitted to our table: and in this case we ought both to thinke, and also to say, [Page 743] contrary unto the auncient Lacedaemonians; who when they received any yoong man or stranger into their guild-halles, called phiditia, where they used to dine and suppe in publicke together, would shew unto them the dores of the place and say: Out at these there never goeth word: but we acquainting our selves with good words, and pertinent speeches at the table, in our discourses, are willing and content, that the same should go forth all, and be set abroad to all persons whatsoever; for that the matters and arguments of our talke are void of lascivious wan­tonnesse, without backbiting, flaundering, malice, and illiberall scurrilitie, not beseeming men of good education: as a man may well judge by these examples following in the Decade of this seventh booke.

THE FIRST QUESTION. 10

Against those who reproove Plato, for saying: That our drinke passeth by the lungs.

IT hapned one day in summer time, that one of the company where I was at supper, came out with this verse of Alcaus, which every man hath readily in his mouth, and pronounced it with a loud voice:

[...]

That is to say:

Now drinke and wet thy lungs with wine, 20
For why? the hot Dogge-starre doth shine.

No marvell (quoth Nicias) then, (a physician of the city Nicopolis): if a poet as Alcaeus was, were ignorant in that, which Plato a great philosopher knew not: and yet Alcaus in some sort may be borne out in saying so, and relieved in this wise; namely, that the lungs being so neere as they are unto the stomacke, enjoy the benefit of the liquid drinke, and therefor it was not im­properly said: That they be wette and soked therewith: but this famous philosopher by expresse words hath left in writing, that our drinke directly passeth for the most part, thorow the lungs: so that he hath given us no meanes of any probabilitie in the world, to excuse and defend him, would we never so faine, so grosse is his errour, and ignorance so palpable: for in the first place, (considering it is necessary, that the drie nourishment should be mingled with the liquid) plaine. 30 it is, that there ought to be one common vessell, which is the stomacke, for to receive them both together; to the end, that it might transmit and send into the bellie and panch beneath, the meat well soaked and made soft: besides, seeing that the lungs be smooth and every way com­pact and solide, how is it possible, that if a man drinke a supping or grewell, wherein there is a little meale or flowre, it should get thorow, and not stay there? for this is the doubt that Erasi­stratus objected very well against Plato. Moreover, this philosopher having considered most parts of the bodie, and searched by reason, wherefore they were made; and being desirous to know (as became a man of his profession) for what use nature had framed every one, he might have thought thus much: That the wezill of the throat, otherwise called Epiglottis, was not made for nothing and to no purpose; but ordeined for this, that when we swallow any food, it 40 might keepe downe and close the conduit of the winde-pipe, for feare that nothing might fall that way upon the lights; which part no doubt, is woonderfully troubled, tormented, and torne (as it were) with the cough, when any little thing is gotten thither, where the breath doth passe to and fro: Now this wezill abovesaid, being placed just in the middes, and indifferent to serve both passages, when we speake, doth shut the mouth of that conduit or wezand that leadeth to the stomacke; and as we either eat or drinke, falleth likewise upon the winde-pipe that goeth to the lungs, keeping that passage pure and cleere, for the winde and breath to go and come at ease, by way of respiration. Furthermore, thus much we know by experience: That those who take their drinke leasurely, letting it go downe by little and little, have moister bellies than those who powre their liquor downe at once; for by this meanes the drinke is caried directly into the blad­der, 50 passing away apace and with violence, making no stay; whereas otherwise, it resteth longer with the meat, which it soaketh gently, and is better mingled and incorporate into it: but wee should never see the one or the other, if at the first, our drinke and meat went apart, and had their severall waies by themselves, when wee swallow them downe; for wee conjoine our meat and drinke together, sending them both one after another, to the end that the liquor might serve in stead of a waggon, according as Erasistratus was woont to say, for to carrie and convey the meat and the nourishment into all parts.

[Page 744] After that Nicias had made this discourse, Protogenes the Grammarian added moreover, and seconded him in this wise, saying: That the poet Homer, first of all other, saw well enough, and observed, that the stomacke was the proper receptacle and vessell to receive our food, as the winde-pipe, which they called in olde time, [...] to admit the winde and the breath: and hereupon it came, that they used to call those who had big and loud voices, [...] that is to say, wide-throated, meaning by the throat, the winde-pipe, and not the gullet, wezand or gorge: and therefore when he had said of Achilles, charging Hector with his launce:

Heran him through his
[...]
gorge at first,
A speeding wound and deadly thrust.

A little after he added, and said: 10

His
[...]
winde-pipe yet he went beside,
And did not it in twaine divide.

He meaneth by [...] the proper instrument of the voice and conduit of the breath, which he cut not quite in sunder as he did the other, named [...] or [...] that is to say, the wezand or gullet.

Upon these words, all was husht for a time, untill Florus tooke upon him to speake in the be­halfe of Plato: And shall we thus indeed suffer this philosopher (quoth he) to be condemned, when he is not heere in place to answere for himselfe? No (said I) that we will not; but we will joine unto Plato, the poet Homer also, and put them both together; who is so farre off from a­verting and turning away the liquor from the wind-pipe, that he sendeth both drinke and meat 20 together out of it; for these be his words to that effect:

There gush't out of his
[...]
winde pipe, wine good store,
And gobs of mans-flesh, eaten new before.

Unlesse peradventure some one will dare to say, that this Cyclops Polyphemus, as he had but one eie in his head, so likewise he had no more but one conduit for his meat, drinke, and voice; or els mainteine that in this place the poet, by [...] meaneth the stomacke, and not the winde­pipe or wezill pipe, which hath bene named so, by all men generally, aswell ancient as moderne writers: and this cite I not for want of testimonies, but as induced thereto for the trueth sake: for there be witnesses enough to depose on Platoes side, and those of good credit and authority: for let Eupolis the comicall poet go by, if you please, who in his comedie named Colaces, that is 30 to say, Flatterers or Parasites, thus saith:

For why? this rule and precept streightly gave
Protagoras: To drinke; that men might have
Their lungs well wet and drencht with liquor cleere,
Ere that in skie the Dog-starre doth appeere.

And passe-by, if you will, that elegant and sweet conceited poet Eratosthenes, whose words be these:

With good meere-wine do not forget
The bottome of thy lungs to wet.

Euripides verily, who in expresse tearmes writeth thus in one tragedie, 40

The wine sought all the conduits round about,
And so did passe the lung-pipes cleane throug hout.

sheweth evidently, that he was quicker sighted than Eristratus, and saw further into the thing than he did; for well he knew that the lungs have many pipes in them, and be (as it were) bored thorow with many holes, by which the liquor passeth: for our winde or breath had no need of such conduits and small pipes to send it out; but the lungs were made spungeous and full of ca­vernosities or holes, in maner of a colander or strainer, for liquors, yea, and other matters that go downe together with the liquors: neither is it more unmeet (my good Nicias) for the lungs to transmit and give passage unto meale, or any good thicke grewell, than for the stomacke; for our stomacke or gullet is not, as some thinke, smooth and slipperie, but hath a kinde of rough­nesse 50 and certeine rugged wrinkles, of which by all likelihood, some small crummes and parcels of our meat doe take holde, and sticking thereto, are not at once swallowed downe, and caried away: but a man is not able indeed to affirme Categorically, either the one or the other; for nature is so wittie and industrious in all her operations, that no eloquence will serve to expresse the same; neither is it possible to explicate and declare sufficiently the exquisit workmanship and perfection of those principall instruments which she useth, I meane those that serve for the spirit or breath and the heat: howbeit, in the favour of Plato I am willing to cite more wit­nesses, [Page 745] to wit, Philistion the Locrien, a very auncient writer, and renowmed for his excellencie in your arte of physicke; and Hippocrates of Cos: for these men have allowed no other way nor passage for our drinke than Plato hath: and as for the wezill that you stand so much upon, and have in such reputation, Dioxippus was not ignorant of it: but he saith, that about it, the humi­ditie or liquor in swallowing is divided and severed, and so glideth or slippeth into the winde­pipe; but the meat rolleth into the stomacke, and within the said winde-pipe, there falleth no part of the meat; howbeit the stomacke receiveth together with the dry food some part also of the drinke or liquor mingled among; and this seemeth to stand well with reason: for the wezill is set before the winde-pipe as a fence or lidde, to the end that by little and little, the drinke might gently runne as by a streiner into it, not suddenly and at once with a violence, for feare 10 that if it were in that manner powered powred in, it would either stop or else sore trouble and impeach the breath; which is the reason that birds have no such flappe or wezill, and nature hath ordei­ned none for them, for they neither draw in by gulpes, not lappe their drinke, but dipping their bils let it downe softly, and so wet their throat: And thus much may serve for witnesses in the behalfe of Plato. To come now unto reason: First and foremost our very sense doth con­firme the same that he hath said: for let the said wezill-pipe be wounded, no liquor will goe downe, but as if a conduit pipe were cut in sunder, we may see all of it to breake foorth and run out at the wound, notwithstanding the wesand or stomacke be sound and whole: moreover we all know by experience, that upon the malady called Peripneumonia, that is to say, the inflamma­tion of the lungs, there followeth a most ardent thirst, by occasion of drought or heat, or else 20 some other cause, which with the said inflammation engendreth also an appetite to drinke: fur­themore, there is another argument, stronger and more evident than this, namely; that those creatures which have either no lights or verie smal, have no need of drink, nor desire it; for eve­ry part of the body hath a certeine naturall appetite to doe that worke or function, unto which it is ordeined; and looke what creatures so ever have no such parts, neither have they use for them, nor any desire to that operation which is performed by them: In sum, if it were not so as Plato saith; it may seeme that the bladder was made in vaine; for if the stomacke receive drinke as wel as meat, & sende it downe into the belly, what needed the superfluitie or excrement of the li­quid food, that is to say drinke, any peculiar receptacle or passage by it selfe; for sufficient it had beene to have had one common, as well for the one as the other, to discharge the excre­ments 30 of both, by one spout as it were into the same draught: but now it is otherwise: the blad­der is by it selfe, and the guts apart by themselves; for that the one nutriment goeth from the lungs; the other from the stomacke, parting immediatly, and taking their severall waies at the very swallowing. And heereupon it is that in the liquid superfluitie which is wine, there appea­reth nothing of the drie, resembling it either in colour or sent; and yet naturall reason would, that if it were mixed and tempered with it in the belly and the guttes, it should bee filled with the qualities thereof, and could not possibly be excluded out of the body so pure and voide of ordure. Untrue. Againe, it was never knowen, that a stone hath beene ingendred in the paunch or guts; and yet good reason it were, that moisture there should congeale or gather to a stone as it doth within the bladder; if true it were that all our drinke descended into the belly and the 40 guts, by passing through the stomacke onely: but it seemeth that the stomacke incontinently when we begin to drinke, sucketh and draweth out of that liquor which passeth along by it in the wezill pipe, as much onely as is needfull and requisit for it, to mollifie and to convert into a nutritive pap or juice the solid meat; and so it leaveth no liquid excrement at all: whereas the lungs, so soone as they have distributed both spirit and liquor from thence, unto those parts that have need thereof, expell and send out the rest into the bladder: Well, to conclude, more likelihood there is of truth by farre, in this, than in the other: and yet peradventure the truth in deed of these matters lieth hidden still and incomprehensible; in regard whereof, it is not meet to proceed so rashly and insolently to pronounce sentence against a man, who as well for his owne sufficiency, as the singular opinion of the world, is reputed the prince and chiefe of al phi­losophers, 50 especially in so uncerteine a thing as this, and in defence whereof there may bee so many reasons collected out of the readings and writings of Plato.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

What is meant in Plato by this word [...] and why those seeds which in sowing light upon oxe hornes, become hard and not easie to be concoted.

THere hath beene alwaies much question and controversie about [...] and [...] not who or what is so called (for certeine it is, that seeds falling upon ox hornes, according to the common opinion, yeeld frute, hard and not easily concocted; whereupon by waie of Metaphor, a stubborne and stiffe-necked person, men use to tearme [...] and [...]) but 10 as touching the cause, why such graine or seeds hitting against the hornes of an ox, should come to be so untoward: And many times refused I have, yea, and denied my friends to search into the thing; the rather for that Theophrastus hath rendred so darke and obscure a reason, raunging it among many other examples which he hath gathered and put downe in writing of strange and wonderfull effects, whereof the cause is hard to be found; namely: That an henne after that she hath laid an egge, turneth round about, and with a festure or straw seemeth to pu­rifie and halow her-selfe, and the egge also; that the sea-calfe or seale [...] Some translate this place thus: Swalloweth downe her rennet when she is taken: reading the Greeke as it should seeme, [...] I suppose nei­ther of them both, sound, but the origi­nall to be cor­rupt: And whereas o­thers interpret it after this manner, [easteth up her [...] when she is taken] then is it not so great a mar­vell; neither will [...] carie it. consumeth the pine, and yet swalloweth it not downe; semblably, that stagges hide their hornes within the ground and burie them; likewise, that if one goat hold the herbe Eryngium, that is to say, sea-holly, in his mouth, all the rest of the flocke will stand still: Among these miraculous effects, Theophrastus 20 (I say) hath put downe the seeds falling upon the hornes of an ox; a thing knowen for certeine to be so, but whereof, the cause is most difficult, if not impossible to be delivered. But at a sup­per in the citie Delphi, as I sat one day, certeine of my familiar friends came upon me in this ma­ner, that seeing not onely, according to the common saying:

From bellie full best counsell doth arise,
And surest plots men in that case devise.

but also we are more ready with our questions, and lesse to seeke for answeres, when as wine is in our heads, causing us to be forward in the one, and resolute in the other; they would request me therefore to say somewhat unto the foresaid matter in question: howbeit, I held off still, as be­ing well backed with no bad advocates, who tooke my part, and were ready to defend my cause; 30 and by name, Euthydemus my colleague or companion with me in the sacerdotall dignitie, and Patrocleas my sonne in law, who brought foorth and alledged many such things, observed aswell in agriculture, as by hunters; of which sort is that which is practised by those who take upon them skill in the foresight and prevention of haile; namely, that it may be averted and turned a­side, by the bloud of a mould-warpe, or linnen ragges, stained with the monethly purgations of women: Item, that if a man take the figs of a wilde fig-tree, and tie them to a tame fig-tree of the orchard, it is a meanes that the fruit of the said fig-tree shall not fall, but tarrie on, and ripen kindly: also that stags weepe salt teares, but wilde bores shed sweet drops from their eies, when they be taken: For if you will set in hand to seeke out the cause hereof (quoth Euthydemus) then presently you must render a reason also, of smallach and cumin; of which, the former, if it be 40 troden under foot and trampled on in the comming up, men have an opinion it will grow and prosper the better; and as for the other, they sow it with curses and all the fowlest words that can be devised, and so it will spring and thrive best. Tush (quoth Florus) these be but toies and ridi­culous mockeries, to make sport with: but as touching the cause of the other matters above spe­cified, I would not have you to reject the inquisition thereof, as if it were incomprehensible. Well (quoth I) now I have found a medicine and remedie, which if you do use, you shall bring this man with reason to our opinion, that you also your selfe may solve some of these questions propounded: It seemeth unto me therefore, that it is colde, that causeth this rebellious hard­nesse aswell in wheat and other corne, as also in pulse; namely, by pressing and driving in, their solid substance, untill it be hard againe; for heat maketh things soft and easie to be dissolved: 50 and therefore they do not well and truely, in alledging against Homer, this versicle:

[...]
The yeere, not field,
Doth beare and yeeld.

For surely those fields and grounds which are by nature hot, if the aire withall affoord a kinde and seasonable temperature of the weather, bring forth more tender fruits: and therefore such corne or seed which presently and directly from the husbandmans hands, lighteth upon the [Page 747] ground, entring into it, and there covered, finde the benefit both of the heat and moisture of the soile, whereby they soone spurt and come up; whereas those which as they be cast, do hit upon the hornes of the beasts, they meet not with that direct positure or rectitude called [...] which Hesiodus commendeth for the best, but falling downe (I wot not how) and missing of their right place, seem rather to have bene flung at a venture, than orderly sowen; & therfore the cold comming upon them, either marreth and killeth them outright, or els lighting upon their na­ked husks, causeth them to bring fruit that proveth hard and churlish, as drie as chips, and such as will not be made tender & sidow, without they be steeped in some liquor, as having not bene covered but with their owne bare coats: for this you may observe ordinarily in stones, that those parts and sides which lie covered deeper within the ground, as if they were of the nature of 10 plants, be more frim and tender, as being preserved by heat, than those outward faces which lie ebbe or above the earth; and therefore skilfull masons digge deeper into the ground for stones which they meane to square, worke and cut, as being melowed by the heat of the earth; whereas those which lie bare aloft and exposed to the aire, by reason of the cold, prove hard and not easie to be wrought or put to any use in building: semblably, even corne, if it continue long in the open aire, and cocked upon the stacks or threshing floores, is more hard and rebellious, than that which is soone taken away and laid up in garners; yea, and oftentimes the very winde which bloweth whiles it is fanned or winnowed, maketh it more tough and stubburne, and all by reason of cold: whereof the experience, by report, is to be seene about Philippi a citie in Macedonie, where the remedie is, to let corne lie in the chaffe: and therefore you must not thinke it strange, 20 if you heare husbandmen report, that of two lands or ridges, running directly one by the side of another, the one should yeeld corne tough and hard; the other, soft and tender: and that which more is, beanes lying in one cod, some be of one sort, and some of another, according as they have felt (more or lesse) either of cold or of winde.

THE THIRD QUESTION.

What is the cause, that the mids of wine, the top of oile, and the bottome of honie, is best?

MY wives father Alexion, one day laughed at Hesiodus, for giving counsell to drinke wine 30 lustilie, when the vessell is either newly pierced or runneth low; but to forbeare, when it is halfe drawen; his words are these:

When tierce is full, or when it draweth low;
Drinke hard; but spare, to mids when it doth grow.

For that the wine there, is most excellent: For who knoweth not (quoth he) that wine is best in the middle, oile in the top, and honie in the bottome of the vessel? but Hesiodus (forsooth) ad­viseth us to let the mids alone, and to stay untill it change to the woorse and be sowre; namely, when it runneth low and little is left in the vessell. Which words being passed, the companie there present, bad Hesiodus farewell, and betooke themselves into searching out the cause of this difference and diversitie in these liquors. And first, as touching the reason of honie, we were 40 not very much troubled about it, because there is none in maner, but knoweth that a thing, the more rare or hollow the substance of it is, the lighter it is said to be; as also, that solid, massie, and compact things, by reason of their weight, do settle downward; in such sort, that although you turne a vessell up-side-downe; yet within a while after, each part returneth into the owne place againe; the heavie sinks downe, the light flotes above; and even so, there wanted no argu­ments, to yeeld a sound reason for the wine also: for first and formost, the vertue and strength of wine, which is the heat thereof, by good right gathereth about the middes of the vessell, and keepeth that part of all others best; then the bottome for the vicinitie unto the lees is naught: lastly, the upper region, for that it is next to the aire, is likewise corrupt; for this we all know, that the winde or the aire is most dangerous unto wine, for that it altereth the nature thereof; 50 and therefore we use to set wine vessels within the ground, yea, and to stop and cover them with all care and diligence, that the least aire in the world come not to the wine; and that which more is, wine will nothing so soone corrupt when the vessels be full, as when it hath beene much drawen and groweth low, for the aire entreth in apace proportionably to the place that is void; the wine the taketh winde thereby and so much the sooner chaungeth; whereas if the vessels be full, the wine is able to mainteine it selfe, not admitting from without much of that which is adverse unto it, or can hurt it greatly.

[Page 748] But the consideration of oile put us not to a little debate in arguing: One of the companie said: That the bottome of oile was the woorst, because it was troubled and muddy with the leis or mother thereof: and as for that which is above, he said: It was nothing better than the rest, but seemed onely so, because it was farthest remooved from that which might hurt it: Others attributed the cause unto the soliditie thereof, in which regard, it will not well be mingled or in­corporate with any other liquor, unlesse it be broken or divided by force and violence; for so compact it is, that it will not admit the very aire to enter in it, or to be mingled with it, but kee­peth it selfe a part, and rejecteth it by reason of the fine smoothnesse, and contenuitie of all the parts, so that lesse altered it is by the aire, as being not predominant over it: neverthelesse, it seemeth that Aristotle doth contradict and gainsay this reason, who had observed (as he saith 10 himselfe) that the oile is sweeter, more odoriferous, and in all respects better, which is kept in vessels not filled up to the brim; and afterwards ascribeth the cause of this meliority or better­nesse unto the aire: For that (saith he) there entereth more aire into a vessell that is halfe emp­tie, and hath the more power: Then I wot not well (said I) but what and if in regard of one and the same facultie and power, the aire bettereth oile, and impaireth the goodnesse of wine? for we know that age is hurtfull to oile, and good for wine; which age the aire taketh from oile, be­cause that which is cooled continueth still yoong and fresh; contrariwise that which is pent in and stuffed up, as having no aire, soone ageth and waxeth old: great apparence there is there­fore of truth, that the aire approching neere unto oile, and touching the superficies thereof, keepeth it fresh and yoong still: And this is the reason, that of wine the upmost part is woorst, 20 but of oile the best, because that age worketh in that, a very good disposition, but in this, as badde:

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

What was the reason that the auncient Romans were very precise, not to suffer the table to be cleane voided and all taken away; or the lampe and candle to be put out?

FLorus a great lover of antiquitie, would never abide, that a table should be taken away emp­tie, but alwaies lest some meat or other standing upon it: And I know full well (quoth he) 30 that both my father and my grandfather before him, not onely observed this most carefully, but also would not in any case permit the lampe after supper to be put out, because for sparing of oile, and that thereby none should be wasted vainly. But Eustrophus the Athenian being upon a time a time at supper with us, hearing Florus making this relation: And what good gat they by this (quoth he) unlesse they had learned the cunning cast of Epicharmus our fellow-citizen; who as he said himselfe, having studied long time how he might keepe his boies and servants about him, from silching and stealing away his oile, hardly, and with much adoe at the last, found this meanes: for presently after that the lampes were put out, he filled them full againe with oile; and then the next morning, he would come and see whether they were still full. This speech made Florus to laugh: But seeing (quoth he) this question is so well solved, let us search I pray you 40 into the reason: Why in old time, as it should seeme, our Romans. auncients were so religious and precise, as touching their tables and lampes: first therefore they began with lampes and lights: And Caesernius his sonne in law said: That those auncients as he thought, tooke it to be an omi­nous matter, and a very abomination indeed; that any fire whatsoever should be put out, for the likenesse and kinred that it had with that sacred fire which is alwaies kept inextinguible: for two waies there be (as I take it) whereby fire (like as we men) may die; the one violent, when it is quenched and put out by force, the other natural when it goeth out & dieth of it selfe: as for that sacred fire, they remedied both the one & the other, in mainteining and looking to it continu­ally with great care and diligence; the other which is common, they neglected and suffred to goe out of it selfe, without any more adoe; for so they themselves quenched it not perforce, 50 nor caused it to die, grudging and envying that it should live, as a beast that doth no good, they passed for it no more, nor made any further reckoning. Then Lucius the sonne of Florus said: That he liked well of all the rest which was said; but as concerning the sacred fire, he supposed, that our [...] chose it not to reverence and adore, because they thought it more holy or better than other: but like as among the Aegyptians, some worshipped the whole kind of dogs; others, woolves likewise or crocodiles; but they nourished (with any especiall respect) but one of every kinde; to wit, some, one dogge; others, one woolfe, and others agine, one crocodile; for [Page 749] that impossible it was to keepe them all; even so heere in this case, the vigilant care and devoti­on which they emploied in saving and keeping the sacred fire, was a signe and solemne testimo­niall of the religious observance which they caried respectively to the whole element of fire; the reason was, because there is nothing in the world that more resembleth a living creature, cō ­sidering that it mooveth, stirreth, and feedeth it selfe; yea and by the shining light that it giveth, (in maner of the soule) laieth all things open, and maketh them to bee seeme; but most of all it sheweth and prooveth the power that it hath, not to be without some vitall seed, or principle, in the extinguishing and violent death thereof; for when it is either quenched, suffocated, or killed by force, it seemeth to give a cry or scricke, strugling as it were with death, like unto a li­ving creature when the life is taken away by violence. And in uttring these words, casting his 10 eies upon me: What say you (quoth hee) unto me, can you alledge any thing better of your owne? I cannot (said I) finde any fault with you, in all that you have delivered; but I would wil­lingly adde thus much moreover; that this fashion and custome of mainteining fire, is a very exercise and discipline training us togreat humanitie: for surely I hold it not lawfull to spoile our meats and viands after we have eaten thereof sufficiently, no more than I doe for to stop or choke up a spring or fountaine after we have drunke our fill of the pure water thereof, or to take downe and dimolish the markes that guid men in navigation, or waifaring, upon the land, when we have once served our owne turne with them: but these and such like things we ought to leave behinde us unto posteritie, as meanes to do them good that shall come after us, & have need of them when we are gone: and therefore I hold it neither seemely nor honest, to put out a lampe 20 for mechanicall miserie, so soone as a man himselfe hath done withall; but he ought to main­teine & keepe it burning stil, that what need soever there should be of fire, it may be found there ready, and shining light out; for a blessed thing it were in us, if possibly we so could, to impart the use of our owne eie-sight, our hearing, yea and of our wisedome, strength and valour un­to others for the while, when we are to sleepe or otherwise to take our repose: consider more­over, whether our forefathers have not permitted excessive ceremonies and observations in these cases, even for an exercise and studious meditation of thankfulnesse, as namely; when they reverenced so highly the oakes bearing acornes as they did. Certes the Athenians had one fig-tree which they honored by the name of the holy and sacred Fig-tree; and expresly forbad to cut downe the [...] [...] haply [...] should be [...] that is to say, the olive tree, as the French interpreter seemeth to read it. mulberie tree: for these ceremonies I assure you, doe not make men inclined 30 to superstition as some thinke, but frame & traine us to gratitude & sociable humanitie one to­ward another, when as we are thus reverently affected to such things as these, that have no soule nor sense. And therefore Hesiodus did very well, when he would not permit any flesh or meats to be taken out of the pots or cauldrons for to be set upon the table, unlesse some thing before had gone out of them, for an assay to the gods; but gave order that some portion thereof should be offred as first fruits unto the fire; as it were a reward and satisfaction for the ministery and good service that it hath done: The Romans also did as well, who would not when they had done with their lampes take from them that nourishment which they had once allowed, but suf­fred them to enjoy the same, still burning and living, by the meanes thereof. After I had thus said: Now I assureyou (quoth Eustrophus) hath not this speech of yours made the overture and 40 given way to passe forward to a discourse of the table? for that our auncients thought there should be alwaies somewhat left standing upon it after dinner and supper, for their hoshold ser­vants and children; for surely glad they be, not so much to get wherewith to eat, as to have it in this order communicated from us and our table unto them: and therefore the Persian kings by report, were wont alwaies to send from their owne boord certeine dishes, as a liuraison not one­ly to their friends and minions, to their great captaines and lieutenants under them, to their chiefe pensioners also and squires of the body; but they would have their slaves, yea and their very hounds and dogs to be served daily, and have their ordinary allowance set even upon their table: for their will and meaning was, that whosoever did them any service, & were emploied in their ministerie, should if it were possible be partakers of their table and fire also: for surely the 50 most fell or savage beasts that bee, are made tame by such communication and fellowship in their feeding. Heereat I could not chuse but laugh: And why then doe we not (quoth he) my good friend, put in practise the old order, and bring abroad the fish laid up for store, according to the common proverbe, as also the Chaenix or measure that Pythagoras so much talketh of, & upon which he forbiddeth a man to sit? giving us thereby a lesson, that wee should learne to leave somewhat for the next day, and on the even to remember and thinke upon the morrow. We Boeotians have this by-word amongst us, common in every mans mouth: Leave some­what [Page 750] for the Medes: since time that the Medes overran and forreied the whole province of Phocis, and wasted the frontiers and marches of Boeotia: but surely we should have evermore rea­dy at hand this saying: Save something alwaies for strangers and guests, that may come in un­looked for: And to speake what I thinke; for mine owne part, I mislike utterly that hungry table that Achilles kept, which evermore was found bate and void: For when as Ajax and Ulysses came embassage unto him, they sound no meat at al stirring, whereupon he was forced even then to kill somewhat, and to dresse the same out of hand for their suppers: Another time also being minded to entertaine king Priamus friendly, when he came unto his pavilion:

He then bestir'd himselfe, and caught up soone,
A good white sheepe, whose throat he cut anon. 10

but about cutting it up, quartering, jointing, seething and rosting, he spent a great part of the night: whereas Eumaeus a wise scholar of as wise a master, was nothing at all troubled at the sud­den and unexpected comming of Telemachus, but presently willed him to sit downe, made him good cheere, setting before him platters full

Of good flesh meats, which were of former store,
All ready rost, and left the night before.

But if you thinke that to be but a small matter, and lightly to be regarded, yet I am sure confesse you will; that this is not a thing of little importance; namely to refraine and and conteine the appetite, when as there is enough yet before a man, to provoke and satisfie it; for those who are wont to absteine from that which is present, have lesse desire to that which is absent: Then Lu­cius 20 added thus much, that he remembred how hee had heard his grandmother say: That the table was a sacred thing: Which if it be so (quoth he) there ought no thing that holy is, to be emptie; and for mine owne part, I am of this minde: That the table is a representation and figure of the earth; for besides that, it feedeth us, round it is, and standeth firme and sure; in which regard, some have called it properly, Vesta: and like as we would have the earth to beare and bring forth alwaies some thing or other for our profit; so we thinke, that we should never see the table void, nor left without some viands upon it.

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

That we ought especially to beware of the pleasures which we take in naughtie musicke; and how 30 we should take heed thereof.

AT the solemnity of the Pythicke games, Callistratus the superintendant, deputed by the high commission and councell of State, named Amphyctiones, for to oversee and keepe good order, put backe a certaine minstrel, who plaied upon the flute, though he were a countrey man of his and a friend, because he came not in time to present himslefe for to be inrolled a­mong those that were to contend for the prize, which he did according to the statutes and lawes of those games provided in that behalfe: but one evening when he had invited us to supper, he brought him forth into the banquet among us, set out and adorned in his faire robes and chap­lets 40 magnificently, as the maner is to be seene at such games of prize, and attended besides with a goodly daunce and quire of singers, well and trimly appointed; and I assure you, a brave shew it was at the first entrie, and a pleasant pastime woorth the seeing and hearing: but after that hee had tried and sounded the whole companie there met, and perceived many of them how they were inclined, and that for their delight and pleasure which they presently tooke, the would be carried away, and suffer him to do what he list himselfe; namely, to play lascivious tunes, and in gesture to represent the same accordingly; then he shewed himselfe openly, and gave us an evi­dent proofe and demonstration; that musicke will make those more drunke, and distemper their braines woorse (who inconsideratly at all times, and without all measure exceedingly give them­selves unto it) than all the wine that they can drinke. For now by this time, they could not be 50 content as the were set at they table, to hout and hollo with open throat, and withall, to keepe a clapping with their hands one at another; but in the end, the most part of them leapt from the boord, and began withall, to daunce and to foot it, yea, and otherwise to shew dishonest and fil­thy gestures, farre unbeseeming gentlemen, but yet sutable to the tunes hee sounded, and the songs that the rest chanted; but afterwards, when they had made an end, and that the banquet (as it were after a fit of furious madnesse) was come againe to it selfe, and better setled, Lampri­as was desirous to have said some what; and rebuked in good earnest, this misrule and disorder of [Page 751] the youth, but that he feared withall, that he should be thought too rigourous, and give offence unto the companie; untill such time as Callistratus himselfe gave him his hint, and incited him so to do, by such a speech as this: For mine owne part (quoth he) even I also, do acquit them of intemperancie, the simple desire of hearing musicke, and seeing sports: howbeit, I am not alto­gether of Aristoxenus opinion, when he saith, that these be the onely pleasures that be woorth a whoupe, and at the end whereof, a man should say, [...] that is to say, Oh, well and tirmly done! For surely, men are woont to attribute so much unto certaine daintie meats and sweet perfumes and ointments, calling them trim and fine, and giving this praise unto them, that they be well dressed and confected; yea, and it is an ordinary speech to say: That it is well with us, when we have bene at a delicate and costly supper. I suppose also, that Aristotle himselfe alledgeth not a 10 sufficient cause, that the solace and pleasure by faire sights and sweet musicke, and generally, the contentment that we have by the eie and the eare, is to be exempted from the crime of intem­perancy, because as he saith, these be the onely delights proper unto man; whereas in all others, brute beasts do communicate with us, and have the benefit of them: for I see that there be ma­nie creatures which have no use of reason, and yet take pleasure in musicke; as for example, stags, in flutes and pipes; and at the time when mares are to be covered with stallions, there is a certeine sound of the hautboies and a song to it, named thereupon, Hippothoros: and Pindarus saith in one place, that he was moved with the song,

Like as the dolphin swimmes apace,
Directly forward to that place 20
Whereas the pleasant hautboies sound,
And whence their noise doth soone rebound;
What time, both winds and waves do lie
At sea, and let no harmonie.

And as they daunce, they beare up their heads and eies aloft, as joying in the object which they see of others likewise dauncing; for they strive to imitate and counterseit the same, stirring and wagging their shoulders to and fro: I cannot see therefore, what singularitie by it selfe there is in these pleasures, because they onely are respective to the soule, and others belong unto the bo­die, and do seize and rest in the bodie; whereas tunes, measures, daunces, and songs, passing be­sides, and beyond the sense, doe fasten their delight and tickling pleasure, upon the very joy and 30 contentment of the minde; which is the reason that none of these delectations are hidden, nor have need either of darkenesse to cover them, or of walles to environ, enclose, and keepe them in, as women are woont to say by other pleasures; but contrariwise, built there are for these de­lights of the eie and eare, cirques and races, theaters and shew-places; and the greater company that there is with us to see or heare any of these, the greater joy we take, and the thing it selfe is more stately: but this is plaine, that desirous we are, not of a number of witnesses to testifie our intemperance and naughtie pleasure, but we care not how many see our honest exercises and civill sports or recreations.

After that Callistratus had ended his speech, Lamprias perceiving that those favourers and mainteiners of such eare-sports, tooke better heart, and became more audacious by these words; 40 set in hand to speake now in deed as he meant before, in this maner: This is not the cause, good sir Callistratus, the sonne of Leon; but in mine opinion, our ancient forefathers have not done well, to say that Bacchus was the sonne of Oblivion; for they should rather have said, that he was his father; considering, that even now by his meanes you have forgotten, that of those faults and misdemeanours which are committed by occasion of pleasures, some proceed from in­temperance; others from ignorance or negligence: for where the hurt and dammage is evi­dent, there men (if they sinne) doe it because their reason is forced and overcome by intempe­rance; but looke where the hire and reward of incontinencie and loosenesse doth not directly ensue, nor presently upon the committing of a fault, there all their delinquencie is to be ascri­bed unto ignorance, for that such leaud acts, they both approve and perpetrate, because they 50 wist not what hurt would follow: and therefore such as doe exorbitate and misgoverne them­selves in eating or drinking excessively, as also in the immoderate use of women; which enor­mities be ordinarily accompanied with many maladies, much expence, decay of estate, losse of goods and an ill name besides; we usually call loose, dissolute, and intemperate persons: such an one was that Theodectes, who being diseased in his eies; when soever hee espied his sweet heart whom he kept as his harlot, would salute her in these tearmes, [...]

[Page 752]
All haile my sweet and lovely light,
The onely joy of mine eie-sight.

And such another was Anaxarchus of Abdera:

Who (by report) knew well what miseries
He lived in, but yet his nature was
Inclined so to pleasure, which men wise,
And sages dread most part; that he alas
Was thereby drawen and caried unto sin,
Out of that way which judgement set him in.

But those who hold out manfully, and stand upon their owne guards, for feare they bee caught 10 and overcome with the grosse pleasure of the belly, and the parts under it, of taste and of smelling; and yet neverthelesse suffer themselves to be circumvented and surprized by other de­lights, which secretly forelay them, and lie in ambush, hidden close within their eies and eares; these men (I say) although they be nothing lesse passionate, dissolute, and incontinent than the others, yet we tearme them not so for all that: and why so? because they know not the dan­ger wherein they stand; they runne on headlong through ignorance, thinking they shall bee masters over their pleasures, yea, though they taried at the theater all the long day, from mor­ning to night, to see and heare plaies and other pastimes, without bit of bread or drop of drinke; as if forsooth an earthen vessell or pitcher should boast it selfe and stand much upon this, that it is not stirred and taken up by the belly or the bottome, and yet easily removed and caried from 20 place to place by the two eares: and therefore Arcesilaus was woont to say: That it skilled not which way one committed filthinesse; for behind and before, was all one: so that we ought to feare that wantonnesse and pleasure which tickleth us in our eares and eies both: neither are we to thinke a citie impregnable, which having all other gates fast made with strong locks, fortified also with crosse barres, & portcullisses, if the enemies may enter in at one other gate; not to take our selves to be invincible & unconquered by pleasures, for that we be not caught & taken within the temple of Venus; in case we suffer our selves to be taken in the chappell of the Muses, or else at some theatre: For surely such a passion may overtake and captivate our soule as well here as there, yea, & betake it unto pleasures, for to hale & pull, carie & harie us as they list: and these verily doe infuse and powre into our spirits, poisons more eger and piercing, yea, and in 30 greater varietie; I meane of songs, daunces, musicall accords and measures, than all those be, which either cooks, confectioners, or perfumers can devise: by the strength whereof, they leade and carie us whither they will, yea, and corrupt us so, as that wee cannot chuse but convince and condemne our selves by our owne testimonie against us: For as Pindarus said very well:

We cannot charge, nor yet blame-worthy thinke,
What ever, for our present meat and drinke
The sacred earth to us affor ded hath,
Or sea, with windes, that is so fell and wrath.

And to say a truth, there is no daintie cates, no delicate viands, fish or flesh; no nor this passing good wine which we drinke, that for any pleasure & contentment which they yeeld unto us, cau­seth 40 us to set up any such noises, like as ere while, the sound and playing of the flutes did, which filled (I say) not this house onely, but I beleeve well, the whole citie, with outcries, utas, clap­ping of hands, and alarmes: and therefore we are to stand in great feare and dread of such plea­sures as these; for exceeding forcible they be, and most powerfull, as those who stay not there, as those doe which affect either taste, feeling, or smelling; to wit, in the unreasonable part of the soule, without passing any farther; but they reach unto the very judgement, and discourse of reason: moreover, in other delights and pleasures, although reason should faile and not be able to withstand them, but give over in plaine field: yet there be other passions a good many which will resist and impeach them: for say there be some daintie and delicate fish to be bought and sold in the market; nigardise oftentimes holdeth backe a gluttons fingers from drawing 50 out his purse-strings, who otherwise would bee busie and readie enough to helpe his deintie tooth: covetousnesse likewise otherwhiles turneth away a wanton leacher and whoremaster from medling with a deare costly courtisane, who holdes her-selfe at an exceeding high price; like as Menander in one of his comedies bringeth in a pretie pageant of this matter: for when as certeine baud had brought unto a banquet where divers youthes were drinking, and making merrie together, a passing faire wench, yoong withall, and trimly set out in every [Page 753] point, for to entice and allure them, they

Cast downe their heads, and like good merry mates,
Fell to their junkets hard, and deinty cates.

For when it stands upon this point, that a man must take up money at interest, or els goe with­out his pleasure; certes, it is a shrewd punishment to bridle his lust and incontinence; for wee are not alwaies so willing and ready to lay our hand to our purses: now the eies and eares of such as love musicians and ministrels, and other such gentleman-like sports, and recreations as we call them, satisfie their furious appetites & affections, in sounding musick, plaies, & shewes, for nothing and without any cost: for why? such pleasures as these, they may be sped with, and enjoy in many places, at the publicke and sacred games of prize, in theaters, and at feasts, and all 10 at other mens charges; and therefore an easie matter it is to meet with matter enough for to spoile and undoe them quite, who have not reason to governe and direct them. Heereat hee made a pause, and so there was some silence for a while: And what? would you have (quoth Cal­listratus) this reason, either to doe or say for to succour and save us? for she will not fasten round about our eares, those little cases or bolsters to cover our eares with, which Xenocrates speaketh of, neither wil she cause us to rise from the table so soone as we heare a musician to tune his lute or prepare his pipe: No in truth (quoth Lamprias) but looke how often soever as wee fall into the danger of these pleasures, we ought to call upon the muses for to succour us; we must flie into that mountaine Helicon of our auncients: for such an one as is enamoured upon a sump­tuous and costly strumpet, we cannot tell how to match by and by with a Penelope, nor marrie 20 unto Panthea; but if one take pleasure in bawdy ballades, lascivious songs, and wanton daunces, we may soone divert him from thence, by setting him to reade Euripides, Pindarus, or Menan­der; and so wash a filthie eare, and furred all over with salt (as Plato saith) with a sweet and pota­ble lotion of good sayings and wise sentences: for like as magicians commaund those who are possessed or haunted with evill spirits, to rehearse and pronounce apart by themselves Ephesian letters, or words for a counter-charme; even so when we are among these vanities, where min­strels play their parts, and moriske dauncers their may-games, fetching their frisks and gam­bols,

Shaking themselves in furious wise,
With strange allarmes and hideous cries: 30
Wagging and flinging every way
Their necks and heads all while they play.

Let us then call to remembrance the grave, holy and venerable writings of those ancient Sages, and conferring them with these sottish sonets, ribaud rimes, paltrie poemes, and ridiculous rea­sons, we shall not be endangered by them, nor turne side (as they say) and suffer our selves to be carried away with them downe the streame.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

Of such guests as be named shadowes; and whether he that is called by one, may go unto another 40 to supper; if he may, when, and to whom.

HOmer in the second booke of his Ilias, writeth of Menelaus, how he came of his owne ac­cord unbidden, to a feast that his brother Agamemnon made unto the princes and chiefe commanders of the armie:

For why? he well conceived in his minde,
That
And there­fore might forget his owne bro­ther.
troubled much, his brother he should finde.

And as he would not neglect and oversee thus much, that either the ignorance or forgetful­nesse in his brother, should be otherwise seene; so he was lesse willing to discover it himselfe in failing for to come; as some froward and peevish persons are woont to take holde of such over­sights 50 and negligences of their friends, being better content in their hearts thus to be negle­cted, than honoured, because they would have advantage, and somewhat to complaine of. But as touching such as are not invited at all to a feast, nor have no formall bidding (whom now a­daies, we call shadowes) and yet are brought in by those who were invited, there arose one day a question, how this custome first came up and tooke beginning. Some were of opinion that So­crates began it, who perswaded Aristodemus upon a time, being not bidden to goe with him to a feast at Agathons house, where there fell out a pretie jest and a ridiculous; for Aristodenius tooke [Page 754] no heed when he thither came, that he had left Socrates by the way behinde him, and so himselfe entred before into the roome; which is as much as the shadow before the bodie, and the light comming after: but afterwards, at the feasting and enterteinment of friends that are travellers, and passe by as strangers, especially, if they were princes or great governours, because men knew not who were in their traine, and whom they deigned this honour, for to sit at their owne table, and to eat and drinke with them; the custome was to request themselves, for to bring with them whom they would, but withall, to set downe a determinate number; for feare lest they should be so served as one was, who invited to a supper, Philip king of Macedonie, into the coun­trey: for he came unto his hoasts house with a great retinew after him, who had not provided a supper for many guests: Philip perceiving that his friend was hereupon in great perplexitie, and 10 knew not what to doe, sent unto every one of his friends that he brought with him, a servitour of purpose to round them secretly in the eare, that they should so eat of the viands before them, as that they reserved a piece of their stomacke for a daintie tart or cate that was to come in: by which meanes, whiles they looked evermore when the said dish should come to the table, and did eat more sparily in hope of it, of those meats which stood before them, there was sufficient for them all. But whiles I seemed thus to play upon the point before the company there pre­sent, Florus thought good that this question ought to be handled in good earnest, and more se­riously; namely, as touching those shadowes abovesaid: Whether it might stand with honesty and good maners, to follow or goe with them who were bidden? As for Cesernius his sonne in law, he utterly condemned that fashion: For a man ought (quoth he) to obey the counsell of 20 Hesiodus, who writeth thus:

Above all others, to thy feast,
Invite thy friend who loves thee best.

If not so yet be sure at leastwise to bid thy familiars and those of thine acquaintance, for to par­ticipate with thee in thy sacred libations and thanks givings to the gods at the table, in discourses there held, in the courtesies passing to and fro; and namely, in drinking one to another: but now a daies it is with men that make feasts, as with those who keepe ferrie-barges or barks to trans­port passengers; for when they take in men aboord, they permit them to cast into the vessell what fardels or baggage they have besides; for even so, we making a feast for some especiall per­sons, give them leave to fill the place with whomsoever they please; whether they be honest 30 men & of worth or no, it makes no matter. And I would marvell much, if a man of quality, and one that knoweth good maners, would come thus bidden (as it were) at the second hand, which is all one as unbiddē, being such an one, as many times the master of the feast himselfe knoweth not; and if he be one of his acquaintance and knowledge, and yet unbidden, surely it were more shame now to go unto his house, as it it were, to upbraid him and cast in his teeth, as if he came unto his feast without his good will, and yet would take his part thereof, even by violence and strong hand. Moreover, to go before or tarrie after him, who would seeme to bid one to ano­ther mans table, carieth some shame with it, and would make a modest and honest man dismaied and blanke: neither is it a decent thing to have need of witnesses, and a warrant (as it were) be­tweene him and the master of the house, to insinuate thus much, that he is come indeed, not as 40 one formally bidden to supper, but as the shadow of such and such a man: besides, to daunce at­tendance upon another, and observe when he hath bene in the stouph, is anointed and washed, waiting the houre when he will goe, sooner or later; this in my simple judgement is a very base and mechanicall thing, savouring strongly of the bonfon or parasit Gnatho, if ever there were such a smell-feast as Gnatho, who haunted mens tables where it cost him naught: furthermore, if there be no time or place, where in a mans tongue may be better permitted to say thus:

Art thou dispos'd to boast, to cracke and brave
In measure? speake out hardly; good leave have.

than at a banquet, where commonly there is most libertie allowed and intermingled in all that is done and said, and every thing is well taken, as in mirth; how should a man behave and governe 50 himselfe at such a place, who is not a lawfull and naturall bidden guest indeed; but as a man would say, a bastard and subreptitious crept in, and intruded I wot not how into a feast, without all order of inviting? for say that hee doe speake freely at the boord, or say he doe not, lie open he shall both for the one and the other, to the calumniations of them there present: neither is it a small inconvenience to be made, a marke for scurrile tearmes, and a meere laugh­ing stocke, namely; when a man putteth up, and endureth the base name of a shadow, and will be content to answere thereunto? for I assure you, to make small account of unseemely [Page 755] words, is the next waie to leade men unto undecent and dishonest deedes, and to ac­quaint them therewith by little and little: wherefore when I invite others to a feast or sup­per unto mine owne house, I allow them otherwhiles to bring their shadowes with them (for the custome of a citie is much, and may not well be broken) but surely, when I have my selfe beene called upon, to goe with others to a place where I am not bidden, I have ever yet denied, and could not for any thing be brought unto it. Upon which words ensued silence for a time, untill Florus began againe in this wise: Certes this second point is more difficult and doubtfull than the other; for when wee are to enterteine strangers that be travellers (as hath beene said before) we must of necessitie invite them in this order: the reason is, because it were incivilitie and discourtesie, to part them and their friends in a strange place, whom they were 10 woont to have about them; and againe, it is no easie matter to know, whom a man hath in his company. See then (quoth I) whether they who have given libertie unto them that make a feast, thus to invite guests, that they may take others unto them (as you say) permit not them also whom they would bring, as their shadowes, to obey, and so to come unto a feast; for it standeth not with honestie, to graunt and give that, which is not meet for to demaund or give; not in one word to sollicite or exhort one to that, whereunto he would not willingly be sollici­ted, either to doe or give his consent: but as for great States and rulers, or strangers travelling by the way, there is no such inviting or choise to be made; for enterteined they must be whom soever they bring with them: but otherwise, when one friend feasteth another, it were a more friendly and courteous part, for himselfe to bid the familiars or kinsfolke of his said friend, 20 knowing them so well as he doth; for by this meanes greater honour he doth unto his friend, yea, and winneth more thanks at his hands againe, when the partie invited shall know that he loveth them best, that most willingly he desireth to have their companie, as taking pleasure that they be honored and intreated to come as well, for his sake; and yet for all this, it would otherwhiles be wholly referred unto his discretion that is bidden: like as those who sacrifice unto some one god, doe honour likewise and make vowes unto those who are partakers of the same temple and altar in common, although they name them not severally by themselves, * * For there is neither wine, deintie viands, nor sweet perfumes, that give such contentment and pleasure at a feast, as doth a man whom one loveth and liketh well of, sitting by his side or neere unto him at the table: moreover, to aske and demaund of the man himselfe, whom one would 30 feast, what viands or what banquetting dishes or pastry works he loveth best; as also to seeke and enquire of the diversitie of wines and pleasant odors he delighted in, were a very uncivil and absurd part: but when a man hath many friends, many kinsfolks & familiars, to request such an one to bring with him those especially whose companie he liketh best, & in whō he taketh grea­test pleasure, is no absurditie at all, nor a thing that can be offensive: for neither to saile in one ship, nor to dwell in the same house, ne yet to plead in the same cause, with those whom we are not affected well unto, is so displeasant & odious, as to sit at a supper with them against whō our heart doth rise; and the contrary is as acceptable: for surely the table is a very communion and societie of mirth and earnest, of words and deeds; and therefore if men would be merry there, and make good cheere, I see no need, that all manner of persons indifferently should meet, but 40 those onely who have some inward friendship, and private familiaritie one with another: as for our meats and sauces that come up to the boord, cooks I confesse doe make them of all maner of sapours, different as they be, mixing them together, and tempering, harsh, sowre, milde, sweet, sharpe, subtill, and biting, one with another: but a supper or feast, is nothing acceptable and contenting, unlesse it be composed of guests who are of the same humour and dispositi­on: and for that, as the Peripateticke philosophers doe affirme, that there is one Primum mo­bile, above, or principall moover in nature, which mooveth onely, and is not mooved; and another thing beneath, and in the lowest place, which is mooved onely, and mooveth not; but betweene these two extremities, there is a middle nature, that mooveth one and is mooved by another; even so, (say I) there is the same proportion among three sorts of men; the first of 50 those who invite another; the second of such as are invited onely; and the thirde of them that doe invite others, and are invited themselves: and now because wee have spoken alreadie of the first and principall feast-maker, who inviteth, it were not a misse to say somewhat now of the other two folks: He then who is bidden, and yet hath leave to bidde others; ought in great rea­son (as I thinke) to be carefull and take heed, that he forbeare to bring with him a geat number or multitude, lest hee should seeme to make spoile of his friends house, as of an enemies terri­torie, and as it were to forage there for all those that belong unto him; or to doe as those who [Page 756] come to occupie and inhabit a new countrey, that is to say, by bringing with him so many of his owne friends, disease, or at leastwise exclude and put by his guests, who invited him, and so by that meanes the masters of the feasts might be served as they are, who set foorth sup­pers unto Hecate or Proserpina, and to those averruncan gods, or apotropaei, whom men call upon, not to doe good, but to avert evill, for they themselves nor any of their house licke their lips with any jot of all that cheere; onely they have their part of all the smoake and troubles belonging thereto: for otherwise they that alledge unto us this common saying:

At Delphi when one hath done sacrifice,
Must buy his owne viands, if he be wise.

speake it but merily and by way of jest; but certeinly it befalleth even so in good truth and ear­nest 10 unto those who interteine either strangers or friends so rude and uncivill, who with a num­ber of shadowes, as if there were so many harpies or cormorants and greedy guls, consumed and devoured all their provision: secondly, a friend that is himselfe solemnly invited, must be carefull, that he take not with him, for to goe unto another mans house, those that he first meet­eth or that come next hand, but such especially, as he knoweth to be friends, and familiar ac­quaintance with the feast-maker, as if he strived a vie to prevent him in bidding of them; if not so, to have those with him, of his owne friends, whom the master of the feast himselfe could have wished and made choise of, to have bidden; as for example, if he be a modest man and a civill, to sort him with modest and civill persons; if studious and learned, to furnish his table with stu­dents & good scholars; if he have bene beforetime in authority, to fit him now with personages 20 of power & authority; and in one word, to acquaint him with those, whom he knoweth he would be willing to salute, and enterteine with speech and communication; for this is a wise kinde of courtesie and great civilitie, to give unto such a personage occasion and meanes, to salute, em­brace, and make much of them: whereas hee who commeth to a feast with such about him as have no conformitie at all unto the feast-maker, but seeme meere aliens and strangers; as name­ly, with great drunkards, to a sober mans house; to a man that is a good husband, wary, and thrif­ty in his expenses, with a sort of dissolute ruffians and swaggering companions; or unto a yong gentleman, that loveth to drinke heartily, to laugh, to jest, and to be merie, with grim sires, and severe ancients, such as in their talke are grave, and by their long beards, may be taken for sages and profound clearks; such an one (I say) is a very absurd fellow, thus to requite the hospitall 30 courtesie of his friend, with such impertinent incongruity: for he that is invited, must be as care­full to please the first inviter, as the feast-maker, his guest; and then acceptable shall hee be and welcome indeed, if not himselfe onely, but those also who come with him or for the love of him, be of good carriage and lovely behaviour. As for the third person, who remaineth to be spoken of, to wit, who is bidden and brought in by another; if he take pepper in the nose, and can not a­bide to be called a shadow; certeinely hee is afraid of his owne shadow: but in this case, there would be very great circumspection had; for it is no point of honestie and good maners, to be soone intreated, and ready to follow every one indifferently at his call; considered it would be, and that not slightly, what he is who moveth thee to go with him to such a feast; for if he be not a very familiar friend, but one of these rich magnificoes and portly personages, who would (as it 40 were upon a scaffold) make a shew unto the world of a number of favourites and followers to guard and attend him at his heeles; or such an one as would seeme to doe much for thee, or to grace and honour thee greatly by taking thee in this order with him, thou oughtest flatly to de­nie him, and refuse such courtesie: well, say that he be a friend and familiar person, yet must not thou by and by for all that, bee ready and obey, but then onely, when there is some necessarie occasion for to commune or speake with the master of the feast or with the other partie, and that otherwise thou cannest meet with no good opportunitie for to doe it; or if he be newly re­turned from some long voiage, when he hath bene a great time away, or els about to depart, and so seeme (for very good will) desirous of thy companie at supper; or if it appeare that he mea­neth not to take with him many, nor those strangers and unknowen, but either thy selfe alone, or others 50 some few others of his familiars; or after all these considerations, if thou maiest perceive, that by this occasion and opportunitie of thy companie, he doth practise to contract some begin­ning of farther acquaintance, friendship and amity, and namely, if he be reputed an honest man, and woorthy to be loved and regarded, who thus is desirous of thy companie, and earnest with thee to go with him; for wicked and leaud persons, the more they seeme to claspe and take hold, and hang upon us, the more we ought to shake them off as burres, or els to leape over them as briers and brambles: nay, admit that they be honest enough, who would have our companie, [Page 757] and bring us to a man that is is not honest, we ought not to go with them, lest we chance to take poison with honie, that is to say, get the acquaintance of a naughtie man, by the meanes of an honest minded friend: moreover, absurd it is, to goe unto a mans house whom we know not at all, or with whom we never had any maner of dealing and acquaintance, unlesse he be a perso­nage of great marke for singular vertue, as we have before said, or that this occasion may serve as a foundation or ground-worke of some farther love and amitie; for then it were not amisse to be easily intreated, and to go willingly without any ceremoniall complement unto him, under the wing and shadow of another. As for those who be already our familiars, unto such above all o­thers we may be bolde to goe at the motion of another; for by that meanes we give reciprocall libertie and leave unto them for to repaire likewise unto us at the request of others. There was 10 one Philip indeed, a buffon and scurrile jester, who was wont to say: That to go unto a feast, for­mally invited, was simply more ridiculous, than to come as a shadow by the bidding of another: but in trueth, more honourable and pleasant it is for honest men and good friends, to resort un­to their friends, who be likewise honest and vertuous, in seasonable time (without being invited or expected) with other friends; for thereby they both rejoice the heart of those that enterteine them, and doe honour unto such as bring them: but above all, most undecent it is, to goe unto princes, rulers, rich men and great States, when we are not invited by themselves, but brought by others; for in any case avoid we must, the imputation and note not undeserved, of impudencie, incivilitie, want of good maners, or ambitious insolence.

THE SEVENTH QUESTION. 20

Whether it be a lawfull and decent thing, to admit minstrell-wenches to a feast, for to play and sing?

IN our citie Chaeronea, there was held a great discourse one day at the table, where Diogenianus the Pergamian was present, as touching the eare-sports which were to be admitted at a ban­quet; and much adoe we had to defend our selves, and to confute a long bearded philosopher that was there, one of the Stocicks sect forsooth, who alledged against us, Plato, blaming and con­demning those who brought into their feasts, minstrell-wenches, to pipe and sing, and to be heard, as if they were not able themselves to enterteine good speeches one with another; and 30 yet present there was, a scholar, out of the same schoole, Philip a Prusian, who said: That such personages were not to be named in this question, who are brought in as speakers at Agathons boord, for that their speeches sounded more sweetly and melodiously, than all the flutes and ci­throns in the world: no marvell it was therefore, that these minstrels had no audience at such a feast, but rather, that the guests sitting there at the table, forgot not altogether to eat and drinke, for the great pleasure and contentment which they tooke in hearing such discourses. And yet Xenophon was not ashamed to endure in the presence of Socrates, Antisthenes, and other such personages, a pleasant conceited jester named Philippus; no more than Homer to teach men: That an onion was a good fauce to draw on wine: And Plato having inserted in manner of an interlude or comedie within his Banquet, the speech of Aristophanes as touching love: at the 40 last setting as it were the backe doores of the hall wide open, brings in a pagent, fuller of vari­etie and vanitie than all the rest, to wit, Alcibiades little better than drunke, crowned with chap­lets and garlands of flowers, and marching in a maske or mummerie: then follow the altercati­ons and debates with Socrates as touching Agathon, and that encomiasticall praise of Socra­tes (ô blessed saint Charites!) that even Apollo himselfe (were it lawfull so to say) if he had entred in place with his harpe ready strung and tuned for to play, the company would have requested him to stay his hand, untill the foresaid speech had beene finished and brought to an end: And did these personages indeed (quoth hee) notwithstanding they had so great grace in their dis­courses, use neverthelesse these pleasant sports and pastimes betweene, garnishing their feasts therewith, and all to make the companie to laugh and be merry? And shall wee being 50 intermingled with persons managing affaires of State, with merchants, occupiers, and with many (it may so fall out) altogether unlettered, and some what rusticall, banish out of our feasts and banquets this amiable delight and pastime; or else rise from the table and be gone, as if we would flie from such Sirenes as soone as ever wee see them comming? It was thought a strange and woonderfull matter in Clitomachus the campion and professour of performing games of prise; that so soone as ever there was any talke begun of love matters, hee would leave the com­panie and depart: and when a grave philosopher avoideth the sound of the flute, and goeth out [Page 758] of the feast, and as if he were afraid of a minstrell wench, preparing her-selfe to sound and sing, For they sat upon pallets and beds at meat, and did off their shoes for the time. putteth on his shoes, and calleth incontinently to his page for to light his torch; shall he not in so doing be thought woorthie to bee hissed at, and laughed of every one, for taking offence, and abhorring these harmelesse pleasures; like as these bettils which flie from perfumes and sweet odors? For if there be any time or place allowed for these disports, it is at feasts and banquets principally: Then (I say) and there are wee to give our minds to such delights; all while we sacrifice unto Bacchus: For mine own part Euripides, howsoever otherwise he pleaseth me verie well, doth not satisfie me heerein, when he ordeineth as touching musicke, that trans­ferred it should be from feasts and banquets, unto sorrowes and pensive sadnesse: for in these cases, there would be some good, sober and wise remonstrance at hand (like as a physitian with 10 sicke folke) to helpe al: but otherwise we are to mingle these delights of musick with the gifts of Bacchus, in manner of a sport and recreation: Certes a pretie speech it was of a Lacedaemoni­an, who being at Athens one time, when new tragedies were to be acted, and the authours of them to contend for the best game; seeing the sumptuous furniture and provision of those who were the masters of the revils, and such pastimes, together with the painfull labour in teaching and prompting of parts, and what adoe there was in ordering of the dances and shewes thereto belonging: whiles one strived to goe beyond another: Oh, what a foolish citie is this (quoth he) to imploy so much travell and serious studie in idle plaies and disports! For to say a truth, when we are at our plaies, we must doe nothing else but play, and not to buy so deare (with such cost and dispences, yea, and with the losse of time, which were better bestowed about other 20 good affaires) an idle sport: marie at the table, when our spirit is sequestred from other busi­nesse, we may taste a little of such delights, and in the meane while, consider withall, what profit such solace may affoord.

THE EIGHTH QUESTION.

What Acroames or Ear-sports, are especially to be used at supper time?

WHen these words had passed, the sophister above-said, would gladly have replied againe: but I for to interrupt and stay his speech, began first and said: Nay rather Diogenianus, 30 I thinke it better to consider upon this point; that seeing there bee many eare-delights to content our hearing, which of them is most meet and fit? and if you thinke so good, let us re­ferre the matter to this wise man heere in place, and request him to give his judgement: for be­ing as he is, inflexible, and a man subject to no passions, we shall never need to feare that he wil so much trip, as to preferre a thing that is more pleasant, before that which is better. Then he at the request and exhortation of Diogenianus and us, without any delay: As for other pastimes (quoth he) at theaters, exhibited upon the stage and scaffold of plaiers and dauncers, I reject and banish them all; onely I admit one kinde of sport to delight the eare, which not long since came to be taken up at Rome, in feasts and banquets, and it is not yet divulged abroad in every place: For you know well (quoth he) that among the dialogues of Plato, some there be 40 which conteine a continued narration, of a thing done or said, others againe consist of certein devised personages, talking and discoursing together: of these personall dialogues, those that be easiest; children use to learne, and con them without booke, together with expressing the gestures agreeable to the qualitie, manners, and nature of the persons, who are feigned and brought in; a confirmation also and framing of the voice, yea, and a countenance and disposi­tion every way answerable to the words that they pronounce: this manner of pastime hath beene woonderfully well accepted among grave persons, and men of honour; but such as bee effeminate or have daintie & delicate eares, by reason that they are rude, illiterate, and ignorant what is good and honest; and who, as Aristoxenus was wont to say, will bee ready to cast up their gorge, and vomit yellow choler, when they heare any good harmony, mislike them and 50 would not abide the hearing: and I would not marvell verily, if they reject and condemne them utterly, being so possessed with womanish deintinesse. Philip then perceiving some there in place, not to take these words well: Stay there (quoth he) my good friend, and forbeare in this wise to raile upon us, for we were the first, who were offended with this manner and fashion, when it began at Rome, yea, & we reprooved those who would have Plato serve the turne, for to make folke merry at the boord; and laboured all they could, that Platoes dialogues forsooth should bee rehearsed and heard, amid tarts, march-paines, comfitures, and sweet perfumes: [Page 759] considering, that if some verses of Sappho, or Anacreons odes should be rehearsed: Me thinks I ought for very shame and reverence, set the cup downe out of my hand, if I were about to drinke: many more things to this effect I have in my head, which I am afraid to utter for feare I might be thought of purpose to make head, and to dispute against you: and therefore to this friend heere of ours, together with the cup as you see, I give the charge, for to wash a saltish eare (as they say) with potable liquor of pleasant speech: then Diogenianus receiving the cuppe at his hand: But (quoth hee) I heare no other yet but all good sober speeches; so that it see­meth that the wine doth not worke in our heads, nor overcome our braines; and I feare mee, that I my selfe shall bee capitulated and articled against; howbeit, if I must speake my minde, I am of opinion, that many of these matters which are presented unto our 10 eares, for to tickle and please them, ought to bee cut off; and namely, tragedies above all others, as being a thing (iwis) not very well befitting a feast, for that it speaketh in too grave and base a voice, representing besides, such arguments and acts, as moove the hearers to pitie and compassion. I reject also, out of our daunces, that which is called Pyladion, as being o­ver-stately, and too full of pompe, exceeding patheticall besides, and requiring many persons and actours: but if we may admit any of those countrey kinds, which Socrates recounteth, when he speaks of daunces, I receive that which is called Bathyllion, which of it selfe beareth a lower port, and soundeth much like to the rusticke daunce, called Cordax, or resembling Echo Pan, or some Satyre dancing amorously and wantonly with Cupid: as for the comedie, that which was called Vetus, that is to say, the ancient kinde first used, it sorteth not well with the table, nor would 20 be acted before men when they be drinking and merrie, in regard of the inequalitie thereof: for that earnestnesse and libertie of speech, used in those glancing digressions, called [...] is too free and over vehement; also, the facilitie and readinesse to scoffe, flout and jibe, is too rise and common, over-broad and plaine besides, full of undecent and unhonest verbs, and as full of fil­thie and lascivious nownes. Moreover, like as at the feasts of great princes and potentates, there standeth alwaies waiting by every one of them that sit at the boord, a cuppe-bearer, to give him drinke when he calleth for it; even so there had need to be some Grammarian or other at band continually, for to expound ever and anon, the meaning of divers tearmes used in these come­dies, to wit, what signifieth in Eupolis the poet, this word Laesmodias; also, what the poet Plato meanes by Cinesias, in his comedies; and what is meant by Lampon, in Cratinus; likewise one or 30 other for the purpose, to give the hearers to understand, who they be whom the actours let flie their scurrile scoffes at: so that by this meanes, our feast must be like a Grammar schoole, or els all the frumps and mocks that be flung and discharged, will light in vaine, and lose their grace, for want of being understood. But to come unto the new comedie, what shold a man say any thing of it but this, that it is so incorporate in feasts and banquets, that a man may better make a supper without wine, that without Menander? for why? the phrase or maner of speech in these comedies is sweet, pleasant, and familiar, the matter such, as neither can be despised of the sober, nor offensive to the drunken; besides, the vertuous and sententious sayings therein, delivered in simple and plaine tearmes, runne so smooth, that they are able to soften and make pliable everie way, the [...] and hardest natures that be, by the meanes of wine, like as barres of yron in the 40 fire, and to reduce them to humanitie. To be short, the temperature thorowout of mirth and gravitie together, is such, as it seemeth that this comedie was devised first for nothing els, but both to pleasure and profit those who had taken their wine liberally, and were now well disposed to mirth: moreover, even the amatorious objects therein presented, are not without a singular use and benefit, for those who being already set in an heat with wine, are within a while after to goe to bed and sleepe with their wedded wives: neither shall you finde among all his comedies, as many as he hath written, any filthy love of a yoong faire boy; and as for the deflowring of yong [...] and virgins, about which there is such adoe in his comedies, they ordinarily doe end in marriages and all parties be pleased. As touching the love of harlots and professed cour­tesans, if they be proud, disdainfull and presumptuous queanes, certeinly our wanton affection 50 that way, is well cooled and danted, by certeine chastisements or repentances of yong men, who are represented in these comedies, to come againe unto themselves, and acknowledge their fol­lies; but as for those kinde harlots, which are of good natures, and for their parts doe answere a­gaine in true love, either you shall have in the end their owne fathers found, who may provide them husbands, or els there is some measure of time set out for to gage their love, which at the last, after a certeine revolution and course run, turneth unto civill and bashfull behavior. I know well, that all these matters and observations, unto those who are otherwise occupied and busied [Page 760] in affaires, be of no importance; but at a table, where men are set of very purpose to be merrie and to solace themselves, I would wonder, if their dexteritie, delight, and good grace, doth not bring with it some amendment and ornament into the minds and conditions of those who take heed unto them, yea, and imprint a certeine zeale and emulation, to frame and conforme them­selves unto those that be honest and of the better sort.

At these words, Diogenianus paused a while, were it for that he had made an end of his speech, or to take his winde, and breathe himselfe a little: and when the sophister beganne to replie and came upon him againe, saying, that in his opinion there should have bene some places and ver­ses recited out of Aristophanes. Philip speaking unto me by name: This man (quoth he) hath his desire satisfied, now that he hath so well recommended his friend Menander, in whom he ta­keth 10 so great delight, and in comparison of whom, he seemeth to have no care nor regard at all of any other: but there remaine yet, many other matters, which wee are woont to heare for our pleasure, which hitherto have not bene examined; and yet very willing I am, to heare some dis­course of thē: as for the prety works of imagers, who cut out & grave small living creatures, if it please this stranger here & Diogenianus, we wil put over the controversie & the decision thereof untill to morow morning, when we are more sober. Then began I to speake, and said: There be yet, other kinde of sports and plaies, named Mimi, of which, some they call Hypotheses, as it were moralities and representations of histories; others, Paegnta, that is to wit, ridiculous fooleries; but neither of them both, doe I take meet for a banquet; the former, both because they require so long time in the acting, and also, for that they require so costly furniture and preparation; 20 the other, are too ful of ribaudry, of filthy and beastly speeches, not wel beseeming the mouthes of pages and lackies, that carry their masters slippers and pantofles after them, especially, if their masters be honest and wise men: and yet many there are, who at their feasts, where their wives sit by their sides, and where their yoong children be present, cause such foolish acts and spee­ches to be represented, as trouble the spirits and disorder the passions of the minde more, than any drunkennesse whatsoever. But for the play of the harpe, which is of so great antiquitie, and ever since before Homers time, hath beene a familiar friend and companion with feasts, and al­waies enterteined there, it were not meet nor honest for to dissolve that ancient friendship, and of so long continuance; but we would request those minstrels that play and sing to the harpe, to take out of their songs those dolefull plaints, dumps, and sorrowfull lamentations, which be so 30 ordinarie in them, and to chaunt pleasant ditties and fresh galliards, meet for those who are met to be merrie and jocund. Moreover, as touching the flute and hautboies, they will not be kept out, do what a man will, from the table; for if we do but offer our libations, by powring out wine in the honour of the gods, we must needs have our pipes, or els all were marred, yea, and chap­lets of flowers upon our heads; and it seemeth that the gods themselves doe sing thereto and accord: moreover, the sound of the flute doth dulce the spirits, it entreth into the eares with so milde and pleasant a tune, that it carrieth with it a tranquillitie and pacification of all motions, even unto the soule, in such sort, that if there did remaine in the understanding and minde, any griefe, any care or anxietie, which the wine had not discussed and chased away, by the gracious and amiable noise thereof, and the voice of the musician singing thereto, it quieteth it, and brin­geth 40 it asleepe: provided alwaies, that this instrument keepe a meane and mediocritie, so that it move not the soule too much, and make it passionate, with so many tunes and notes that it hath, at what time as the said soule is so drenched and wrought soft with wine, that it is readie to be af­fected therewith: for like as sheepe and other cattell, understand not any articulate language of a man, carrying a sense and understanding therewith; howbeit, with certeine whistles or chirts, done by lips or hands, or with the sound of some pipe or shell, the shepheards and other heard­men can tell how to raise them, or make them lie downe and couch; even so, the brutish part of our soule, which hath no understanding, nor is capable of reason, may be appeased, ranged and disposed as it ought to be, by songs and sounds, by measures, tunes and notes, as if it were char­med and enchanted by them: but to speake what I thinke, this is my conceit, that neither sound 50 of flute, nor lute and harpe, by it selfe, without mans voice and song to it, can make merrie the companie met together at a feast, so much as a good speech, well and properly fitted; for so we must accustome our selves in good earnest, to take our principall pleasure and delight in speech, and to spend the most part of that time in discourse and communication: as for song and har­mome, we are to make (as it were) a sauce to our speech, not to licke them up and swallow them downe alone by themselves: for like as no man will reject and refuse the pleasure that commeth by wine & viands taken for the necessitie of our nouriture, and bringing therewith commoditie [Page 761] of our health; but that which entreth by sweet sents and perfumes is not necessarie, but super­fluous & delicate, Socrates sent away (as it were) with a box of the eare; even so we ought not to heare the sound of a flute or psalterie, which striketh and beateth upon our eares onely, but if it follow or accompanie our speech, which doth feast and exhilarat the reason that is in our soule, we may well admit and receive the same. And verily, for mine owne part, I thinke, that the rea­son why in old time Apollo punished that presumptuous Marsyas, was this, that when he had clo­sed up his mouth with his pipe and muzzle together, he presumed to contend and strive (ha­ving nothing but the bare sound of the naked flute) against him, who together with the sound of the harpe, had the song also and musicke of the voice: let us therefore in this one thing espe­cially, beware and take heed, that in the companie of those men, who by their speech and learned 10 discourses are able to delight and pleasure one another, we bring not in any such thing to enter in at their eares, which may be an impeachment and hinderance rather of their delight, than a delectation it selfe: for not onely they be foolish and ill advised, as Euripides saith:

Who having of their owne at home enough themselves to save,
Will seeke els where, and from abroad, their remedie to have.

but also, that they being provided sufficiently of meanes in themselves, to make their recreations of, and to solace their hearts, labour neverthelesse all that ever they can, to have their delights from others. For the magnificence of that great king of Persia, wherewith he meant to enter­teine 20 Antalcides the Lacedaemonian, seemed (I assure you) very grosse, absurd and impertinent, namely, when he dipped and wet a chaplet of roses, saffron, and other odoriferous flowers, in­termingled together, in a precious oile, and so sent it unto him, doing injurie by that meanes to the flowers, and utterly quenching and marring that native beautie and fragrant sweetnesse of their owne; semblably, no lesse absurditie it were, when a feast hath mirth and musicke enough in it selfe, to goe about for to enchant and encharme it with other minstrelsie from abroad, and so for a strange and borrowed delight, to bereave the guests of their owne and proper, and as one would say, change the principall for the accessorie. I conclude therefore, that the fittest sea­son for such amusement and occupying of the eares is, when the feast beginneth a little to grow turbulent, and to fall into some contentious debate and braule, by heat of opinionative arguing, 30 for to alay and quench all, that it breake not out, to opprobrious tearmes; or to represse a dispu­tation, which is like to passe the bounds of reasoning, and to grow unto an unpleasant and sophi­sticall alteration; yea, and to stay all litigious wrangling and vehement invectives, beseeming rather pleas at barre, or the orations in the publicke hall of a city, untill such time as the banquer be reduced into the former calme and tranquillitie.

THE NINTH QUESTION.

That to consult at the table, while men are drinking wine, was an ancient custome among the Greeks as well as Persians. 40

NIcostratus upon a time invited us to a supper; and when we were set, there arose some speech as touching certeine matters, upon which the Athenians were the morrow after to sit in councell, and to debate in a generall assemblie of the citie: now, as one of our companie cast out this word, and said: This is the Persian fashion, my masters, thus to consult and holde a councell at the boord. And why Persian rather than Grecian (quoth Glaucias?) for a Grecian I am sure he was, that said:

[...]

That is to say,

From bellie full, best counsell doth arise, 50
And surest plots men in that case devise.

And Greeks they were, who under the conduct of Agamemnon held Troy besieged; who as they were eating and drinking together,

The good old Nestor first began,
Wisely upon the point to scan.

who also was himselfe the author of this meeting, and advised the king to invite his nobles, and the principall captaines of the armie to a dinner, for to sit in counsell in these tearmes:

[Page 762]
Make now a feast, I you advise my lord,
And bid your auncient peeres; who when at bord
They be all set; marke who gives counsell best,
Obey his reed, and see therein you rest.

And therefore the most nations of Greece which were ruled under the best lawes, and most con­stantly reteined their auncient ordinances and customes, laid the first foundation of their go­vernment and counsell of State upon wine: for those guilds and societies in Candy, which they called Andreia, as also the Phiditia in Sparta, were instituted and held for privie counsels and as­semblies of senators; like unto that, if I be not deceived, which even in this citie heere of A­thens goeth under the name of Prytaneion, and Thesmothesion; and not farre different from these, 10 in that night assemblie of the principall personages, and most politicke States-men whereof Plato speaketh in his books, unto which he referreth the causes and affaires of most importance, which require greatest consultation: those counsellers of State also in Homer:

Who offer wine to Mercurie, the last of others all,
What time as now, bed-time it is, and them to sleepe doth call.

doe not they I pray you joine wine and words together? when they are about therefore to de­part, and retire themselves into their bed-chambers, the first thing that they do, is to make their praiers, and powre out their libations of wine, unto the wisest God of all others, as if he were 20 present with them, and their superintendent to oversee them: but they who were indeed the most auncient of all others, called even Bacchus himselfe [...] that is, a wise and prudent coū ­seller. Eubulus, as if they had no need at all of Mercurie, and in regard also of him, they attributed unto night the name of [...] that is, inventive or conside­rate. Eu­phrone.

THE TENTH QUESTION.

Whether they did well who sat in consultation at the table?

WHen Glaucias had spoken these words, we all thought that these turbulent and litigious 30 debates had beene well appeased and laid asleepe; but to the end that they might so much the rather die and be buried in oblivion; Nicostratus provided another question and said: At the first (quoth he) I made no great matter of this custome, nor regarded it much, taking it to be a meere Persian fashion; but now seeing it is discovered to be an order also among the Greeks, requisite and necessarie it is to render some reason thereof, for to defend it against an evident absurditie, which at the first sight presenteth it selfe; for that the discourse of reason in manner of the eie, is hardly to be governed by us, and untoward for to be brought to performe her worke in a great quantitie of moisture, and the same as yet stirring and waving: and besides, all odious griefes, which on every side appeere and come foorth to wine, like as snakes, lizards, and such like serpents, are brought to light and shew themselves to the sunne, cause the minde 40 to be wavering, inconstant, and irresolute: as therefore a bed or pallet is better than a chaire, for them that are disposed to drinke and make merry, for that it conteineth the body at full, and exempteth it from all maner of motion; even so the best way is, to keepe the soule quiet and in repose altogether; and if that may not be, to do by it as men doe by children that can rest and stand on no ground, but be evermore stirring; namely to give unto it, not a sword or a javelin, but a rattle or a ball, like as Bacchus putteth into the hands of drunken folke the ferula stalke (a most light weapon and instrument either to offend or defend withall) to the end that as they be readiest to strike, so they might be least able for to hurt: for the faults that bee committed in drunkennesse ought to passe lightly in mirth, and go away with a laughter, and not to bee la­mentable tragicall, and bringing with them great calamities. Moreover, that which is the 50 chiefe and principall thing in consultation of great affaires, to wit, that hee who for want of wit and knowledge in the world, should follow the opinion of those who are of great conceit, deepe judgement, and long experience, this meanes wine bereaveth us of; insomuch as it see­meth heereupon to have taken the name [...] in Greeke; because as Plato saith, it causeth them drinke it freely, Wine of weening. [...] that is to say, to have a good conceit and weening of themselves, as if they were very witty and wise: for how ever they take themselves to be eloquent, faire, or rich, as ordinarily they doe all of them; yet they esteeme better of their owne wit and wise­dome, [Page 763] than of any thing else: and this is the reason that wine is talkative and full of words; it fil­leth us with lavish speech, and the same unseasonable; yea, it maketh us to have a marvellous good opinion of our selves in ech respect, as if we were woorthy to commaund and prescribe unto others, more meet to be heard than to heare, and fitter to leade and goe before, than to follow & come after: But (quoth Glantias then) an easie matter it is for any man to collect and alledge much tending unto this point, considering how evident and plaine the thing is: it were good therefore to heare a discourse to the contrary, if haply any person, yoong or old, will stand up in defence of wine. Then our brother, full cunningly and sliely, like a crafty sophister: Why (quoth he) thinke you that any man is able so presently and upon a sudden to devise and speake unto the question in hand, all that may be said probably thereto? And why (quoth Ni­costratus) 10 should not I so thinke, considering so many learned men in place, and those who love wine well enough? at which word the other smiled and said: Are you in deed sufficient, even in your owne conceit, to discourse upon this point before us, and yet indisposed, and altogether unable to consider upon State matters, and affaires of government, because you have taken your wine well? and is not this all one, as to thinke that he who hath drunke freely, seeth well enough with his eies, and howsoever he heareth not perfectly with his eares those whom hee speaketh and talketh with, yet for all that he hath the perfect hearing of those who either sing or play upon the flute? for as it is likely, and standeth to great reason, that good and profita­ble things should affect and draw the outward sences more unto them, than those which are gaudie onely and fine; even so no doubt, such matters make the minde also more intentive: and 20 if a man for that he hath plied his drinking overmuch, cannot haply comprehend well the dif­ficult subtilties of some high points in philosophie, I nothing marvell thereat; but if the que­stion be of matters and affaires of State, great likelihood there is, that if he be called away thereto, he should gather his wits more close together, and be more vigorous; like as Phi­lip king of Macedonia, who having plaied the foole, and made himselfe ridiculous at Chae­ronea, after the battell there, both in word and deed, upon his liberall drinking, presently assoone as hee fell to treatie of peace and articles of agreement, hee composed his coun­tenance to gravitie, knit his browes, and cast behinde him all vaine fooleries, wanton gestures and unseemly behaviour, and so gave unto the Athenians a sober, discreet, and well advised an­swere. And verily one thing it is to drinke well, and another thing to be starke drunke: such as 30 be so farre gone and overseene with drinke, that they know not what they do or say, ought as we thinke, to take their beds and sleepe; as for those who have taken their wine in deed too much, and be scarse sober (howbeit, otherwise men of wit and understanding) we shall never need to feare that they will faile in judgement, yea, and forget their experience, considering that wee daily see these dancers, singers and minstrels performe their parts no worse at feasts, for all their liberall drinking, than in the publicke theaters: for the skill and knowledge, whereof they have gotten the habit, is evermore so present and readie with them, that it maketh their bodies active and nimble, able to performe those parts and functions directly, yea, and to answere the moti­ons of the minde accordingly with confidence. Many there be also, in whose heads and hearts wine so worketh, that it putteth into them an assured boldnesse and resolution, which helpeth 40 them much to the performance of any great actions, and the same is nothing insolent and out­ragious, but milde and gracious. And thus we reade of Aeschylus the poet, that he endited and wrote his tragedies, when he was thorowly set in an heat with wine; in such sort, as that they all were conceived by the influence of Bacchus, and not as Gorgias saith, that one of them, and namely, the greatest (intituled, The seven princes before Thebes) was begotten (as it were) by Mars. For wine being of power to enchafe the bodie and minde both, according as Plato saith, causeth the bodie to be perspirable, quicke and active, opening all the pores and passages there­of, giving way unto the fantasies and imaginations easily to runne forth, drawing out together with them, the assurance of reason and boldnesse of speech: for you shall have men, whose in­vention naturally is good enough, in whom (when they be sober and fasting) the same is colde, 50 timorous, and in maner frozen; let them once be well plied with wine, cup after cup, you shall see them evaporate and smoake out, like as frankincense doth by the heat of fire. Furthermore, the nature of wine, chaseth away all feare, which is as contrarie unto those who sit in consultati­on, as any thing in the world; it quencheth also, many other base and vile passions, such as ma­lice and rancour; it openeth the double plates and folds of the minde, displaying and discove­ring the whole disposition and nature of a man, by his very words; yea, it hath a vertue to give franke and liberall speech; and consequently, audacitie to utter the trueth; without which, nei­ther [Page 764] experience nor quickenesse of wit availeth ought: for many there be, who putting in pra­ctise, and making use of that which commeth quickely into their heads, speed better, and have greater successe, than those who warily, cautelously, and with much subtiltie, seeme to conceale and keepe in that which presenteth it selfe unto them, and be very lateward in delivering their opinion: we are not therefore to feare wine in this regard, that it stirreth up the passions of the minde; for inciteth not the worst, unlesse it be in the wickeddest men, whose counsell is at no time sober: but as Theophrastus was woont to call barbars shoppes, drie bankets without wine; even so, there is a kind of winelesse drunkennesse, and the same, sowre and unpleasant, dwelling continually within the mindes of men that be vicious and without good bringing up; troubled and vexed alwaies with some anger, with grudge, malice, envie, emulation, contention, or illibe­ral 10 basenesse; of which vices, wine abating the edge of a great part, rather than sharpning them, maketh men not sottish fooles, and blockish dolts, but ready and apt, and yet circumspect, cau­telous, and wary; not supine and negligent in matters concerning their profit; but yet industri­ous, and making choise of that which is good and honest: but such as tearme wily-craftinesse, by the name of fine wit, and take erroneous opinion and mechanicall nigardise, for wisedome, may even aswell and with as good reason say, that as many as when they be drinking at the table, speake their mindes roundly, and utter with libertie what they thinke, be senselesse fooles: but contrariwise, our ancients called Bacchus, [...] and [...] which is as much to say, as Deliverer and Freer; being of opinion, that there was to be ascribed unto him, a great part of divination, not for that he was furious, raging & mad, as Euripides said, but because he delivereth the minde, 20 and freeth it from all servile feare, diffidence and cowardise, giving us freedome and libertie to speake the trueth, and use franknesse of speech one to another.

THE EIGHTH BOOKE 30 OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR TABLE-DISCOURSES.

The Summarie.

1 OF those daies, upon which were borne certeine not able and famous persons; and withall, as touching that progenie, which is said to descend from the gods.

2 In what sense Plato said, that God alwaies exerciseth Geometrie. 40

3 What is the reason that sounds be more audible in the night, than in the day.

4 What is the cause that of the sacred games, some have this garland, and others that, but all, the date-tree branch; as also, why the great dates be called Nicolai.

5 Wherefore they that saile upon the river Nilus, draw up water for their use, before it be day.

6 Of those that come late to supper; and therewith, whereupon came these names of refections, [...] and [...]

7 Of certeine Pythagorean precepts, by which for bidden we are to enterteine swallowes within our houses; and when we are newly risen out of our beds, to ruffle the clothes.

8 What might be the motive that induced the Pythagoreans among all other living creatures, to ab­staine most from fish. 50

9 Whether it be possible, that by our meats there should be engendred new diseases.

10 What is the cause that we take least heed of our dreames in Autumne.

THE EIGHTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or table-discourses.

The Proëme.

THey that chase philosophie out of feasts and banquets (ô Sossius Se­necio) do not the same, but worse farre, than those who take away the 10 light from thence; for that when the lampe is gone, such persons as be made temperate and well disposed, will be nothing the woorse therefore, making as they doe, more account of a reverent regard, than of the mutuall sight one of another: whereas, if rudenesse, ig­norance and leaudnesse be joined with wine, the very golden lampe of Minerva, if it were there, could not possibly make the feast or banquet lovely, gracious, modest, and well ordered: for that men should feed and fill themselves together in silence, without a word saying, were the fashion that savoured very much of stil swine at their draffe, and perhaps a thing impossible: but whosoever reserveth speech in a feast, and withall, admitteth not the wise and profitable use thereof, is more worthy to be laughed at, than he who thinketh verily, that guests 20 should be ever eating and drinking at a supper, but not filleth unto them, wine undelaied, unsea­soned, and which is meere of it selfe; or setteth before them, viands unseasoned, without salt or sauce, and the same not cleanly dressed; for that there is no meat or drinke so unsavorie, unplea­sant and hurtfull, for want of good and orderly handling, as words carried unseemly, and with­out discretion, at a banquet: which is the reason, that philosophers when they reproove drun­kennesse, call it a doting by wine; and surely, this dotage is no other thing, but raving or vaine, foolish and undiscreet using of words: now when disordinate babling and foolish talke, meeteth once with wine in a banquet, it can not chuse but the issue thereof will be reprochfull contume­lie, insolencie, brainsicke follie and villanie, which of all others, is a most unpleasant end, and far­thest from all muses and graces: and therefore it is no foolish ceremonie and absurd fashion, 30 which the women in our countrey observe at their feasts called Agronia, where they make sem­blance for a while, as if they sought for Bacchus, being fled out of the way, but afterwards give over seeking, and say that he is gone away, and run to the muses, and there lurketh, and lieth hid­den among them: and anon, when supper is ended, they use to put forth darke riddles, and pro­pose questions one to another, hard to be solved: the mysterie whereof, teacheth us thus much, that both we, ought at the table, to use such speech as doth conteine some good learned specu­lation and erudition; and also, that when those discourses are joined with wine and drunkennesse, then they be the muses who hide and cover all furious outrage and enormitie, which also is wil­ling to be deteined and kept by them. 40

THE FIRST QUESTION.

As touching those daies which are ennobled by the nativitie of some renowmed persons; and withall of that pragenie or race which is said to be derived from the gods.

THis book then, which is the eighth in order of our symposlaques or discourses at the table, shall conteine in the first place, that which not long since we chanced to heare and speake, that day whereon we celebrate the feast of Platoes nativity: for having solemnized the birth day of Socrates upon the sixth of February; the morow after, which was the seventh of that moneth, we did the like by Plato; which gave us occasion, and ministred matter first to enter into a dis­course 50 fitting the occurrence of these two nativities; in which Diogenianus the Pergamian, be­gan first in this maner; Ion the poet (quoth he) said not amisse of fortune, that being as she was, different from wisdome in many things, yet she brought foorth effects not a few like unto her; and as for this, it seemeth that she hath caused it to fall out very well and fitly, and not without some skill, (rash though she be otherwise) not only for that these two birth-daies jumpe so nere one unto the other, but also because, that of the master who of the twaine more ancient, commeth also in order before the other. Whereupon it came into my head also to alledge [Page 766] many examples of occurrents happening likewise at one and the same time; and namely, as touching the birth and death of Euripides, who was borne that very day whereon the Greeks fought the navall battell of Solamis at sea with the king of Persia, and whose fortune it was to die the same day that Denys the elder tyrant of Sicilie was borne; as if fortune of purpose (as Timaeus saith) had taken out of the world a poet, who represented tragicall calamities, the very same day that she brought into the world the actour thereof. Mention also was made of the death of king Alexander the Great, which fell out just upon the same day that Diogenes the Cynicke philoso­pher departed this life: and by one generall voice accorded it was, that king Attalus left his life, the very day that hee celebrated the memoriall of his nativitie: and some there were who said, that Pompey the Great died in Aegypt, the same day of the yere that he was born; though others 10 affirmed that it was one day sooner: semblably, there came into our remembrance at the same time Pindarus, who being borne during the solemnitie of the Pythicke games, composed after­wards many hymnes in the honour of that god, for whom those games were solemnized. Then Florus said, that Carneades was not unworthy to be remembred upon the day of Platoes nativity, considering he was one of the most famous pillers that supported the schoole of Academy; and both of them were borne at the festivall times of Apollo; the one in Athens, what time as the feast Thargelia was holden; and the other, that very day when as ths Cyrenians solemnized it, which they call Carnea; and both of them fell out just upon the seventh day of Februarie; on which day you my masters, who are the prophets and priests of Apollo, doe say that himselfe was borne, and therefore you call him Hebdomagenes: neither doe I thinke, that they who attribute 20 unto this God, the fatherhood of Plato, doe him any dishonour, in that he hath begotten and provided for us a physician, who by the meanes of the doctrine of Socrates, even another Chrion, cureth and healeth the greater infirmities and more grievous maladies of the soule. Moreover, it was not forgotten, how it was held for certeine, that Apollo appeared in a vision by night, unto Ariston the father of Plato, and a voice besides was heard, forbidding him expresly not to lie with his wife, nor to touch her for the space of ten moneths. Hereupon Tyndares the Lacedaemoni­an seconded these words, and said, that by good right we were to sing and say thus of Plato:

He seemed not the sonne of mortall wight;
Some god for sire, he may avouch by right.

Howbeit, for my part, I am afraid, that to beget repugneth no lesse with the immortalitie of the 30 deitie, than to be begotten; for surely, even the act of generation, implieth also a mutation and passion: and king Alexander the Great signified no lesse one time, when he said, that he knew himselfe principally to be mortall and subject to corruption, by having companie with a wo­man, & by his sleep: for that sleepe is occasioned by a relaxation proceeding from feeblenesse: and as for all generation, performed it is by the passage of some portion of ones selfe into ano­ther; and so much therefore is lost & gone from the principall: and yet on the other side, I take heart againe, and am confirmed, when I heare Plato himselfe to call the eternall God, who never was borne nor begotten, Father and Creatour of the world, and of other things generable; not that God doth engender after the maner of men, by the meanes of naturall seed; but by another power doth ingenerate and infuse into matter, a vertue generative, and a principle, which alter­eth, 40 moveth, and transmuteth the same:

For even by windes that female birds inspire,
Conceiv'd they be, when they to breed desire.

Neither doe I thinke it any absurditie, that a god companying with a woman, not as man, but after another sort of touching & contractation, and by other meanes, altereth and replenisheth her, being a mortall creature, with divine and heavenly seed: And this is (quoth he) no inventi­on of mine: for the Aegyptians hold that their Apis is in that manner engendred by the light of the moone, striking upon his dam, whereby she is conceived; and generally they admit thus much, that a god of the male sex, may deale with a mortall woman: but contrariwise, they think not that a mortall man is able to give unto any goodesse the beginning of conception or 50 birth; for they are of opinion, that the substance of these goddesses, consisteth in a certeine aire, and spirits, yea and in certeine heats and humors.

THE SECOND QUESTION.

How Plato is to be understood, when he saith: That God continually is exercised in Geometry.

AFter these words, there ensued some silence for a while; and then Diogenianus beginning againe to speake: How thinke you masters (quoth he) are you contented & well pleased, considering that we have had some speech already of the gods, and that on the day wherein we solemnize the nativitie of Plato, that we make him partaker also of our conference, and take oc­casion thereby, to consider upon what intention and in what sense hehath said, that God conti­nually 10 practiseth Geometrie, at leastwise if we may presuppose and set down, that he it was who was the author of this sentence: Then said I: Written it is not in any place of al his books; how­beit, held to be a saying of his, and it savoreth much of his stile and maner of phrase. Whereup­on Tyndares immediately taking the words out of his mouth: Thinke you (quoth he) ô Dioge­nianus, that this sentence covertly and in mysticall tearmes, signifieth any darke subtiltie, and not the very same, which Plato himselfe hath both said and written in praising and magnifying Geometrie, as being the thing which plucketh those away who are fastened unto sensible ob­jects, and averteth them to the consideration of such natures, as be intelligible and eternall; the contemplation whereof is the very end of philosophie, even as the view and beholding of secret sacred things, is the end of religious mysteries: for the naile of pleasure and paine, which 20 fasteneth the soule unto the bodie, among other mischiefes that it doth unto man, worketh him this displeasure as it should seeme above all, that it causeth sensible things to be more evident unto him, than intellectuall, and forceth his understanding to judge by passion more than by reason: for being accustomed by the sense and feeling of extreame paine, or exceeding plea­sure of the body, to be intentive unto that wandring, uncerteine, and mutable nature of the bo­die, as seeming a thing subsistent, blinded hee is, and loseth altogether the knowledge of that which is essentiall indeed, and hath a true being, forgoing that light and instrument of the soule, which is better than ten thousand bodily eies, and by which organe alone, he might see the deitie and divine nature: for so it is, that all other sciences which we name mathematicall, as in so many mirrors, not twining and warping, but plaine, smooth, and even, there appeere the 30 very tracts, prints, and images of the truth of things intelligible: but Geometrie especially which Philo calleth the mother citie, and mistresse commaunding all the rest, doth divert and gently withdraw by little and little, the minde purified & clensed from the cogitation of sensu­all things: and this is the reason that Plato himselfe reprooved Eudoxus, Architas, and Menaech­mus, who went about to reduce the duplication of the cube or solide square into mechanicall instruments, and artificall engines, as if it had not beene possible, (if a man would set unto it) by demonstration of reason to finde out and comprehend, two middle lines proportionall; for he objected unto them: That this was as much as to destroy and overthrow the best thing in Geometrie, when by this meanes they would have her turne backe againe unto sensible things, and keepe her from mounting up aloft, and embracing those eternall and incorporall images; 40 upon which God being continually intentive, is therefore alwaies God.

After Tyndares, Florus a familiar friend of his, and one who made semblant alwaies by way of sport and gave it out in word, that he was timorous of him: Well done of you (quoth hee) in that you would not have this speech to be your owne, but a common saying of every man, and you would seeme to argue and proove, that Plato sheweth how Geometrie is not necessary for the gods, but for men: for God hath no need of any mathematicall science, as an engine or in­strument to turne him from things ingendred, and to bring about and direct his intelligence and understanding unto those that be of an eternall essence: For why? In him, with him, and a­bout him they be al: but take heed rather, & see whether Plato hath not covertly under these dark words lisped and signified somewhat that is pertinent and proper unto you, which you have not 50 marked and observed, in that hee joineth Lycurgus with Socrates, no lesse than Pythagoras, as Dicaearchus was of opinion: for Lycurgus as you know very well, chased out of Lacedaemon, arithmeticall proportion as a popular thing, turbulent and apt to make commotions; but hee brought in the Geometricall, as befitting the civill and modest government of some few wise sages, and a lawfull roialtie and regall dominion: for the former giveth equally unto all accor­ding to number; but the other unto every one, by reason and with regard of desert and woorthi­nesse; this proportion (I say) maketh no confusion of all together, but in it there is an appa­rent [Page 768] discretion and distinction betweene the good and the bad, dealing alwaies unto every one their owne, not by the balance or lot, but according to the difference of vice and vertue: God therefore useth this proportion, and applieth it unto things: and the same it is (my good friend Tyndares) which is called Dice and Nemesis; teaching us there by, that we ought to make of ju­stice, equalitie, and not of equallity, justice; for the equalitie which the common sort seeketh af­ter, and is indeed the greatest injustice that may be, God taketh out of the world, and as much as possibly may be, observeth that which is fit and meet for every one according to desert and wor­thinesse, going heerein Geometrically to worke, by reason and law defining and distributing accordingly.

When we had praised this exposition and interpretation of his, Tyndares said: That he en­vied 10 such commendation, exhorting Autobulus to set against Florus, to confute him, and cor­rect that which he had delivered. That he refused to do; howbeit, he opposed and brought forth a certeine opinion and conceit of his owne: Thus it is (quoth he) Geometrie is not a specula­tive skill of mens manners and behaviour, nor yet occupied about any subject matter whatso­ever, but the symptomes, accidents, and passions of those extremities or termes which accom­plish bodies: neither hath God by any other meanes framed and made the world, but onely by determining or making finit that matter which was infinit in it selfe, not in regard of quanti­titie, greatnesse, and multitude; but for that being as it was, inconstant, wandering, disorderly, and unperfect, our auncients were wont to call it infinit, that is to say, undetermined and unfi­nished: for the forme and figure is the terme or end of every thing that is formed and shapen; 20 the want whereof made it of it selfe to be shapelesse and disfigured: but after that numbers and proportions come to be imprinted upon the rude and formelesse matter, then being tied and bound (as it were) first with lines, and after lines, with superficies and profundities, it brought foorth the first kinds and differences of bodies, as the foundation and ground-worke for the generation of aire, earth, water, and fire: for impossible it had beene, and absurd, that of mat­ter so wandring, so errant, and disorderly, there should arise equalities of sides, and similitudes of angles, in those solide square bodies, which were called Octaedra and Eicosaedra, that is to saie, with eight and twentie bases: likewise in pyramidals and cubes, unlesse there had been some worke-man to limit, ordeine, and dispose every thing Geometrically; thus a limit or terme being given unto that which was infinit; all things in this universall world, composed, ordered, 30 and contempered accordingly in excellent manner, were first and made, and are made now every day; notwithstanding the said matter striveth and laboureth daily to returne unto her in­finit estate, as very loth and refusing to be thus geometrized, that is to say, reduced to some finit and determinate limits; whereas reason on the contrariside, restreineth and comprehendeth her; distributing her into divers Ideaes, from which all things which are ingendred, take their generation and constitution.

He had no sooner thus said, but he requested me to contribute somewhat also of mine owne unto this discourse and question in hand: but I for my part, commended highly their opinions, thus delivered, as being naturally and directly devised by themselves and their owne proper in­ventions, saying withall: That they caried with them sufficient probabilitie: But for that (quoth 40 I) you should not be displeased and offended with your selves, nor altogether have your eie a­broad and looke unto others, listen and heare what meaning and interpretation of the said sen­tence, was most approoved unto our masters and teachers: for there is among the propositi­ons, or positions rather, and theoremes geometricall, one above the rest, to wit; When two formes or figures are given and put downe, to set a third thereto, equall to the one, and sem­blable to the other; for the invention whereof, it is said, that Pythagoras sacrificed unto the gods: for this Theoreon without all doubt is more gallant, witty, and learned, than that, by which he did demonstrate, and proove that the slope line Hypotinusa, availeth as much as the two laterales, which make a right angle in a triangle: Well said of you (quoth Diogenianus) but what serveth this for the matter now in question? You shall understand soone (quoth I) 50 in case you will call to memory that division in Timaeus, whereas the philosopher made a tripartite distribution of those principles, whereby the world had the beginning of genera­tion; of which, the one he called by a most just name, God; the second Matter; and the third Forme or Idea: So the matter of all subject things is most disordinate; the Idea of all mouldes and patterns, most beautifull; but God of all causes simply the best: Thus would not he admit, or leave any thing, as farre foorth as possibly might otherwise be, infinit and undeterminate; but adorne nature with proportion, measure, and number, making of all subjects one thing, in [Page 769] quantity equall to the matter, & in quality semblable to the forme, setting therefore before him this proposition, having already twain, a third to it he made, doth make and preserve for ever, e­qual to the matter, & semblable to the forme, to wit, the world; which being alwaies in regard of that inbred necessitie of a bodie, subject to generation, alteration, & all kinds of passion, is aided and succoured by the creatour and father thereof, who determineth the substance by reason of just proportion, according to the image of the patron, whereby the pourprise and circuit of this universall world is more beautifull, being thus vast and great, than if it had beene lesse and competent.

THE THIRD QUESTION. 10

What is the reason that the night is more resonant or resounding than the day?

AS we sat at supper one evening in Athens with Ammonius, we heard a great tumult & noise which rang all the house over, of people in the street without, crying aloud; Captaine, captaine: now was Ammonius then the third time praetor or captaine of the citie: Hee sent foorth immediately some of his men about him, to see what the matter was; who presently ap­peased the hurry, and dismissed those who had raised this outcry: upon which occasion wee in the meane while entred into question: Why those who are within house heare them very well that cry without; but they that are abroad heare not so easily those within, crying as loud? Am­monius 20 incontinently made answer and said, that this question had already beene solved by Ari­stotle in this wise: For that the voice of those within being once gotten foorth and flowen into a wide place of much aire, vanisheth away, and is dissipated immediately; whereas the voice of them without, when it is entred in, doth not the like, but is reteined and kept close, and so by consequence more easie to be heard: But there is another thing (quoth hee) which requireth rather to have a reason rendred thereof; namely: Why in the night season all voices doe re­sound greater than in the day time, and besides the greatnesse, are more cleere, distinct, articu­late, & audible? For mine owne part (quoth he) I am of this minde, that the divine providence hath in great wisedome ordeined, that our hearing should be more fresh and quicke, when as our sight serveth us in little or no stead at all; for seeing that the aire of the night which accor­cording 30 to Empedocles,

Wandreth alone, and solitary,
And doth blind eies about her cary.

is obscure and darke, looke how much defect it maketh in our sight, so much it supplieth and re­quiteth in our eares: but for that of things also which necessarily are done by nature, the causes ought to be sought out, and the proper & peculiar office of a philosopher and naturalist, is to busie himselfe in seeking after the materiall causes, & instrumentall principles; which of all you will first come forth with some probable reason, as touching this matter? whereupon there be­ing some pause & silence for a time, Boethus said thus: When I was my selfe a yong man, and a student, I made use otherwhiles of those principles which are in Geometrie called Positions: 40 and certeine propositions I supposed as undoubted truthes, without any need of demonstrati­on: but now will I use some of those which heeretofore have beene prooved by Epicurus, as for example: Those things which be, are caried in that which is not, nor hath any being: for much vacuitie or voidnesse there is stored as it were, and intermingled among those atomes or indivi­sible little bodies of the aire, which when it is spred abroad in spacious capacitie, and by rea­son of the raritie and thinnesse thereof, runneth too and fro round about: there be a number of small, void, and emptie places, among those little motes or parcels scattered here and there, and taking up the whole region: but contrariwise, when they are pent in, and a restreint and compression made of them, being thrust together into a little space; these small bodies being hudled perforce one upon another, leave a large voide space, to vague and range abroad: and 50 this doth the night by reason of cold; for heat doth loosen, disgregate, scatter and dissolve all thicke things, which is the reason why those bodies which either boile, thaw, or melt, occu­pie more roome: contrariwise, such which gather, congeale, and bee frozen, come toge­ther close, and be united, leaving an emptie place in those vessels wherein they were conteined, and from which they be retired: The voice therefore comming among, and lighting upon ma­ny of these bodies thus scattered and dispersed thicke everie where, either is drowned altogether at once or disgregated and broken as it were in pieces, or else meeteth with many impeach­ments [Page 770] to withstand and stay it: but where there is a space void, and wherein there is not a bodie, it having a free and full course, and the same not interrupted, but plaine and continued, com­meth so much the sooner unto the eare, and together with that swiftnesse, reteineth still the arti­culate, expresse, and distinct sound of every word in speech: for you see how emptie vessels, if a man knocke upon them, answere better to every stroake, and carrie the sound and noise a great way off; yea, and many times they yeeld a sound that goeth round about, and continueth a good while, redoubling the noise; whereas let a vessell be filled either with solid bodies, or els with some liquor, it is altogether deafe and dumbe, if I may so say, and yeeldeth no sound againe; for that it hath no place nor way to passe thorow. Now among solid bodies, gold and stone, be­cause they be full and massie, have a very small and feeble sound, that will be heard any way, and 10 that little which they doe render, is soone gone: contrariwise, brasse is verie vocall, resonant, and (as one would say) a blab of the tongue; for that it hath much emptinesse in it, and the sub­stance or masse thereof, is light and thinne, not compact of many bodies, hudled together, and thrust one upon another; but hath foison and plentie of that substance mingled together, which is soft, yeelding and not resisting the touch or the stroake, which affoordeth easinesse unto other motions, and so enterteining the voice gently and willingly, sendeth it untill it meet somthing in the way which stoppeth the mouth; for then it staieth and ceaseth to pierce any fur­ther, because of the stoppage that it findeth. And this is it (quoth he, in mine opinion) that cau­seth the night to be more resonant, and the day, lesse; for that the heat in day time which dissol­veth the aire, causeth the intervalles betweene the atomes or motes abovesaid, to be the smaller: 20 this onely I would request, that no man here doe oppose himselfe to contradict the premisses and first suppositions of mine. Now when as Ammonius willed me to say somewhat, and replie against him: As touching your formost supposals, friend Boethus (quoth I) about the great emptinesse, let them stand, since you will have it so; but whereas you have set downe, that the said emptinesse maketh much for the motion and easie passage of the voice, I like not well of that supposition; for surely, this qualitie not to be touched, smitten, or made to suffer, is rather pro­per unto silence and still taciturnitie; whereas the voice is the striking and beating upon a soun­ding bodie; and a sounding bodie is that which accordeth and correspondeth to it selfe, move­able, light, uniforme, simple and pliable, like as is our aire; for water, earth and fire, be of them­selves dumbe & speechlesse; but they sound & speake all of them, when any spirit or aire is got­ten 30 in, then (I say) they make a noise: as for brasse, there is no voidnesse within it; but for that mixed it is with an united and equall spirit, therefore it answereth againe to claps and knocks, and therewithall resoundeth: and if wee may conjecture by that which our eie seeth and jud­geth, yron seemeth to be spongeous, and as it were worme-eaten within, full of holes, and hol­lowed in maner of hony-combs; howbeit, a mettall it is of all other, that hath the woorst voice, and is most mute: there was no need therfore to trouble the night so much in restreining, com­pressing, and driving in the aire thereof so close of the one side, and leaving so many places and spaces void on the other side; as if the aire impeached the voice, and corrupted the substance thereof, considering it selfe is the very substance, forme and puissance of it: over and besides, it should follow thereupon, that unequall nights, namely, those that be foggie and mistie, or ex­ceeding 40 colde, were more resonant than those that be faire and cleere; for that in such nights, those atomes are clunged close together, and looke where they come, they leave a place void of bodies: moreover, (that which is easie and evident to be seene) the colde Winter night ought by this reckoning to be more vocall and fuller of noise, than the hot Summers night; whereof, neither the one nor the other is true: and therefore (letting this reason, such as it is, goe by) I will produce Anaxagoras, who saith: That the sunne causeth the aire to move and stirre after a certeine trembling motion, as if it did beat and pant; as it may appeare by those little motes and shavings (as it were) in maner of dust, which flutter and flie up and downe thorow those holes; whereas the sunne-shine passeth, such as some Greeks call [...] which (saith he) chirming (as it were) and making a humming in the day time, cause by their noise, any other voice or sound 50 not so easie to be heard; but in the night season, as their motion ceaseth, so consequently, their noise also is gone.

After I had thus said, Ammonius began in this wise: We may be deemed haply ridiculous (quoth he) to thinke that we can refute Democritus, or to go about for to correct Anaxagoras; howbeit, we must of necessitie take from these little bodies of Anaxagoras his devising, this chir­ming noise before said, which is neither like to be so, nor any waies necessarie: sufficient it wil be to admit the trembling motion and stirring of them, dancing as they doe, in the same light, and [Page 771] by that meanes disgregating and breaking the voice many times, and scatter it to and fro: for the aire (as hath bene said already) being the very body and substance of the voice, if it be quiet and setled, giveth a direct, united and continned way unto the small parcels and movings of the voice, to passe along a great way: for calme weather and the tranquillitie of the aire, is resonant, whereas contrariwise, tempestuous weather is dumbe and mute: according to which, Simonides hath thus written:

For then, no blasts of winde arose on hie,
Shaking tree-leaves; that men need once to feare
Lest they might breake sweet songs and melodie,
Stopping the sound from passage to their eare. 10

For often times the agitation of the aire, permitteth not the full, expresse and articulate forme of the voice, to reach unto the sense of hearing; howbeit, somewhat it carrieth alwaies thorow from it, if the same be multiplied much and forced aloud: as for the night, in it selfe in hath no­thing to stirre and trouble the aire; whereas the day hath one great cause thereof, to wit, the sun, as Anaxagoras himselfe hath said.

Then Thrasyllus the sonne of Ammontus, taking his turne to speake: What should we meane by this I pray you in the name of Jupiter (quoth he) to attribute this cause unto an invisible mo­tion of the aire; and leave the agitation, tossing and divulsion thereof, which is so manifest and evident to our eies? for this great ruler and commander in the heaven, Jupiter, doth not after an imperceptible maner, nor by little and little, stirre the smallest parcels of the aire, but all at once, 20 so soone as he sheweth his face, exciteth and moveth all things in the world,

Giving foorthwith a signall in such wise,
As men thereby unto their works may rise.

which they no sooner see, but they obey and follow; as if together with the new day, they were regenerate againe, and entred into another manner of life, as Democritus saith; setting them­selves unto their businesse and affaires, not without some noise & effectual cries: in which sense Ibycus called not impertinently the morning, or dawning of the day Clytus, for that now we be­gin [...] that is to say, to heare others, yea, & to speake aloud our selves: whereas the aire of the night being for the most part calme and still, without any waves and billowes, for that everie thing is at rest and repose, by all likelihood conveigheth the voice entier and whole unto us, not 30 brokē nor diminished one jot. At these words, Aristodemus of Cypres, who was one of our com­panie: But take heed Thrasyllus, (quoth he) that this which you say be not convinced and resu­ted by the battels and marches of great armies in the night season, for that upon such an occa­sion the noise and outcries be no lesse resounding and cleere, how troubled and waving soever the aire be, than otherwise: and peradventure there is some cause thereof, proceeding also from our selves; for the most part of that which we speake in the night season, is of this nature, that either we commaund some body after a turbulent manner, as if a passion urged us thereto, or if we demaund and aske ought, we crie as loud as we can; for that the thing which wakeneth and maketh us to rise at such a time (when as we should sleepe and take our repose) for to speake or doe any thing, is no small matter or peaceable, but great and important, hasting us for the ur­gent 40 necessitie thereof unto our businesse, in such sort, that our words and voices which then we utter, go from us in greater force and vehemency.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

How it comes to passe, that of the sacred games of prize some use one maner of chaplet, and some another, yet all have the branch of the date tree? Also why the great dates bee called Nicolai?

During the solemnitie of the Isthmick games, at what time as Sospis was the judge and di­rectour 50 thereof now the second time: other feasts of his I avoided; namely, when as hee invited one while many strangers together; and otherwhiles a number of none else but citi­zens, and those one with another; but one time above the rest, when as hee feasted those one­ly who were his greatest friends, and all, men of learning, I my selfe also was a bidden guest, and present among them; now by that time that the first service at the table was taken awaie, there came one unto the professed oratour and rhetorician Herodes, who brought unto him from a scholar and familiar of his, who had wonne the prize, for an encomiasticall or lauda­torie [Page 772] oration that he had made, a branch of the date tree, together with a plaited and broided co­ronet of flowers; which when he had curteously received, he returned them backe to him again, saying withall: that hee marvelled why some of these sacred games had for their prize this crowne, and others that, but generally all, a branch of date tree: For mine owne part (quoth he) I cannot perswade my selfe that this ariseth upon that cause which some alledge; namely, the equality and uniformitie of the leaves, springing and growing out as they doe, alwaies even and orderly, one just against another directly, wherein they seeme to contend and strive a vie, resembling thereby a kinde of combat; and that victorie it selfe tooke the name in Greeke [...] as it were [...] that is to say, not yeelding nor giving place: for there be many other plants which as it were by weight and measure, distribute nourishment equally unto their boughes 10 and branches growing opposite in that manner, and heerein observe exactly a woonderfull or­der and equality: but in my conceit, more probabilitie and apparence of reason they alledge, who imagine & suppose, that our auncients made choice of this tree, because they tooke a love to the beautie, talnesse, and streight growing thereof; and namely Homer, who compareth the beautie of Nausicaa the Phaeocian queene, unto the plant or stem of a faire date tree: for this you all know verie well, that in old time they were wont alwaies to cast upon those victorious champions who had wonne the prize, roses, and rose champion flowers; yea and some other­whiles apples and pomegranates, thinking by this meanes to recompence and honour them: but there is nothing else so much in the date tree, to commend it so evidently above other trees: for in all Greece fruit it beareth none that is good to be eaten, as being unperfect and not ripe 20 enough; and if it bare heere as it doth in Syria and Aegypt, the date which of all fruits for the lovely contentment of the eie, is of all sights most delightsome, and for the sweetnesse of taste, of all banquetting dishes most pleasant, there were not a tree in the world comparable unto it: and verily the great monarch and emperour Augustus by report, for that he loved singularly well, one Nicolaus a philosopher Peripatetick, in regard that he was of gentle nature and sweet behaviour, tall and slender withall of stature, and besides of a ruddy and purple colour in his visage, called the fairest and greatest dates, after his name, Nicolai, and to this day they beare that denomination.

In this discourse, Herodes pleased the company no lesse with the mention of Nicolaus the philosopher, than he did with that which he had spoken to the question: And therefore (quoth 30 Sospis) so much the rather ought we every one to devise for to conferre unto this question pro­pounded, whatsoever hee is perswaded concerning it: Then I for my part first, brought foorth mine opinion as touching the superioritie of this date tree at the sacred games, because the glo­rie of victours and conquerors, ought to endure and continue incorruptible, and as much as possibly may be not age and waxe old: for the date tree liveth as long as any plant whatsoever that is longest lived: and this is testified by these verses of Orpheus:

Living as long as plants of date trees tall,
Which in the head be greene and spread withall.

And this is the onely tree in manner, which hath that propertie indeed, which is reported though not so truely, of many others: And what is that? namely, to carie the leaves firme and 40 fast, so as they never fall off; for we do not see, that either the lawrell or olive tree, nor the myr­tle, nor any other trees which are said to shed no leafe, keepe alwaies the same leaves still; but as the first fall, others put foorth, and by this meanes they continue alwaies fresh and greene, li­ving evermore as cities and great townes doe; whereas the date tree never loseth any of those leaves which once came foorth, but continueth still clad with the same leaves; and this is that vigour as I take it which men dedicate and appropriat especially to the force or strength of victorie.

When Sospis had made an end of this speech, Protogenes the Grammarian calling by name unto Praxitelis, the discourser and historian: Shall wee suffer these oratours and rhetoricians (quoth he) after their usuall maner and profession, to argue thus by conjectures and likely pro­babilities; 50 and can we alledge nothing out of histories pertinent directly unto this matter? and verily for mine owne part, if my memorie faile me not, I have not read long since in the Attique annales, that Theseus, who first set out games of prize in the isle Delos, brake & plucked from the sacred date tree, a branch, which thereupon was called Spadis; and Praxitelis said as much: But some men (quoth he) might aske of Theseus himselfe, what reason induced him (when he pro­posed the prize of victorie) to pull a branch from the date tree, rather than from the laurell or olive tree? and what will you say, if this be a Pythicke prize? for that the Amphyctiones honored [Page 773] first at Delphos, the victours, with a branch of date tree and laurell, in honour of Pythius Apollo, considering that the maner was not to consecrate unto that God, the laurell or olive onely, but also the date tree; like as Nictas did, when in the name of the Athenians, he defraied the charges of games, in Delos; and the Athenians, at Delphi; and before them, Cypselus the Corinthian; for otherwise, this God of ours hath evermore loved those games of prize, yea, and was desirous to win the victorie, having strove personally himselfe in playing upon the harpe, in singing, and flinging the coit of brasse; yea; and as some some say, at hurl-bats and fist-fight; favouring men also, and taking their part at such combats; as Homer seemeth to testifie, when he bringeth in Achilles, speaking in this wise:

Two chumpions now, who simply are of all the armie best, 10
My pleasure is, shall forth advance; and looke who is so blest,
And favoured at buffet-fight, by god Apolloes grace,
As for to win the victorie, and honour, in that place.

Also when he speaketh of archers, he saith expresly, that one of them who invocated upon A­pollo, and praied unto him for helpe, had good successe, and carried away the best prize; but the other, who was so proud, and would not call upon the god for his aid, missed the marke & scope 20 whereat he shot. Neither is it likely or credible, that the Athenians dedicated their publicke place of exercise, unto Apollo, for nothing, and without good cause; but surely thus they thought, that the same God unto whom we are beholden for our health, giveth us also the force and strong disposition of bodie, to performe such games and feats of activitie. But whereas, some combats there be, sleight and easie; others, hard and grievous: we finde in writing, that the Delphians sacrificed unto Apollo, by the name of Pyctes, that is to say, the champion at first­fight: but the Candians and Lacedaemonians offered sacrifice unto the same God, surnamed, the Runner. And seeing as we do, that the maner is to present in his temple within the citie of Delphos, the primices or dedications of the spoiles and bootie gained from the enemies in war, as also to consecrate unto him the Trophees; is not this a great argument and testimonie, that 30 in this God it lieth most to give the victorie and conquest? And as he went forward, and was minded to say more, Cephisus the sonne of Theon, interrupted his speech, saying: These allega­tions (beleeve me) savour not of histories, nor of Cosmographicall books; but being fetched immediatly out of the minds of those Peripateticall discourses, are handled and argued proba­bly to the purpose: and besides, whiles you take up the fabricke or engine, after the maner of tragedian plaiers, you intend as it should seeme, to afright by intimating the name of Apollo, those that contradict and gainsay your opinions: and yet (as well beseemeth his goodnesse and bountie) he is indifferent and alike affected unto all, in clemencie and benignitie: but we fol­lowing the tracts & steps of Sospis, who hath led us the way very well, keepe our selves to the date tree, which afoordeth us sufficient matter to discourse thereof againe: for the Babylonians doe 40 chaunt and sing the praises of this tree; namely, that it bringeth unto them three hundred and threescore sorts of sundrie commodities; but we that are Greeks, have little or no profit there­by: howbeit, good philosophie may be drawen out of it, for the better instruction of champions and such as are to performe combats of prize, in that it beareth no fruit with us: for being a right goodly, faire, and very great tree, by reason of the good habit and disposition thereof, yet is it not here among us, fruitfull; but by this strong constitution that it hath, it imploieth and spendeth all nouriture to feed and fortifie the bodie, after the maner of champions, by their exercise, so as there remaineth but a little behinde, and the same not effectuall for seed: over and above all this, one qualitie it hath, proper, and peculiar to it selfe alone, and that which agreeth not to any other tree, the which I intend to shew unto you: For the woodie substance of this date tree a­loft, 50 if a man seeme to weigh and presse downe with any heavie burden, it yeeldeth not, nor stoupeth under the poise, but curbeth upward archwise, as withstanding that, wherwith it is char­ged and pressed; and even so it is with those combatants in sacred games: for such as through feeblenesse of bodie, or faintnesse of heart seeme to yeeld, those, the said exercises doe bend and keepe under; but as many as stoutly abide, not onely with their strong bodies, but also with magnanimous courage, these be they that are raised up on high, and mount unto honour.

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

What is the cause that they who saile upon the river Nilus, draw up water for their use, before day-light?

ONe there was, who demanded upon a time the reason, why the water-men who saile and row upon the river Nilus, provided themselves of that water which they drinke, in the night, and not by day. Some said, it was, because they feared the sunne, which by enchafing and heating the water, maketh it more subject to corruption and putrifaction: for whatsoever is 10 warmed or made hot, the same is alwaies more ready and disposed to mutation, and doth soone alter, by relaxation of the proper and native qualitie that it hath: whereas colde, by restreining, seemeth to conteine and keepe each thing in the owne kinde or nature; and water, especially. Now, for the trueth of this, that the coldnesse of water hath vertue to preserve, the snowe is a suf­ficient testimonie, which keepeth flesh a long time sweet, and without corruption; but contra­riwise, heat causeth all things to goe out of their owne nature, yea, even honie it selfe; for be­ing once boiled, marred it is; but if it continue raw, it not onely keepeth it selfe well enough, but helpeth to preserve other things: and for a further proofe of this matter, the water of lakes and pooles is a principall thing to confirme the same; for as potable it is, and as good to drinke in Winter, as any other waters; but in Summer, the same is starke naught, and breedeth diseases: 20 and therefore, since the night answereth to Winter, and the day to Summer, those water-men of Nilus abovesaid, are of this opinion: That water wil continue longer before it turen and cor­rupt, if it be drawen in the night season. To these allegations, which of themselves seemed to carry probabilitie enough, reason also includeth as an evident & inartificiall proofe to strength­en and confirme the experience and beleefe of these water-men; for they said, that they drew water, whiles the river was yet still and quiet; for in the day time, many men either saile upon it, or otherwise, fetch water from it; many beasts also, passe to and fro in it; whereby it is troubled, thicke and muddie; and such water will soone putrifie: for whatsoever is mixed, more easily ta­keth corruprion, than that which is pure and simple, considering that mixture maketh a fight, and fight causeth change and alteration. Now, who knoweth not that putrifaction is a kinde 30 of mutation? which is the cause that painters call the mixtures of their colours, by the name of [...] that is to say, corruptions; and the poet Homer, when he speaketh of dying, saith, they did [...] that is to say, staine and infect: the common use also of our speech carrieth it, to call that which is unmixed and meere of it selfe, [...] that is to say, incorrupt and sincere: but principally, if earth be mingled with water, it changeth the qualitie, and marreth the nature of it quite for ever, for being potable and good to drinke: and therefore it is, that dor­mant and dead waters, which stand in hollow holes, are more subject to corruption than others, as being full of earthie substance; whereas, running streames escape this mixture, and repell the earth which is brought into them: good cause therefore, had Hesiodus to commend

The water of some lively spring, that alwaies runnes his course, 40
And which no muddie earth among, doth trouble and make woorse.

For holsome we holde that which is uncorrupt; and uncorrupt we take that to be, which is all simple, pure and unmixed: and hereto may be adjoined, for to confirme this opinion of theirs, the sundrie kinds and differences of earth: for those waters which run thorow hillie and stonie grounds, because they carrie not with them, much of the earth or soile, are stronger and more firme, than such as passe along marishes, plaines and flats. Now the river Nilus keeping his course within a levell and soft countrey; and to speake more truely, being (as it were) bloud tem­pered and mingled with flesh, is sweet doubtlesse, and full of juices that have a strong and nutri­tive 50 vertue; but ordinarily, the same runneth mixed and troubled; and so much the rather, if it be stirred and disquieted; for the moving and agitation thereof, mixeth the terrestriall substance with the liquid humour; but when it is quiet and at repose, the same setleth downe to the bot­tome, by reason of the weight. Thus you see why they draw up their water in the night-season; and withall, by that meanes they prevent the sun-rising; which alwaies doth catch up and cor­rupt that which is in all waters most subtile and light.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

Of those who come late to supper; where, discoursed it is, from whence be derived these names of refections in Greeke [...] and [...]

MY yonger sonnes upon a time had staid longer at the theater, than they should, to see the sights, and heare the eare-sports which there were exhibited; by occasion whereof, they came too late to supper; whereupon Therus sonnes called them in mirth & sport [...] and [...] as one would say, supper-letting, and night-supping-lads, with other such like names; 10 but they, to be meet & quit with them againe, gave them the tearme of [...] that is to say, runners to supper. Heerewith one of the elder sort there present, said: That hee who came late to his supper, ought rather to be called [...] because he maketh more haste with an extra­ordinary pace, for that he hath seemed to staie too long: to which purpose he related a pretie tearme of Battus, the buffon or pleasant jester to Caesar, who was wont to call those, [...] that is to say, desirous of suppers, who at any time came tardie: For (quoth he) although they have businesse to call and keepe them away, yet for the love of good cheere and sweet morcels, they refuse not to come (late though it be) whensoever they are invited. Heere came I in with the testimonie of Polycharmus, one of the great oratours, who managed the State of Athens: in an oration of his, where making an apologie of his life unto the people in a frequent assem­bly, 20 he spake in this wise: Loe, my masters of Athens how I have lived: but besides manie other things which I have already alledged, take this moreover: that whensoever I was bidden to any supper, I never came last, for this seemed to be very popular and plausible; whereas contra­riwise, men are wont to hate them as odious persons, and surly lords, who come late, and for whom the rest of the companie are forced to staie. Then Soclarus willing to defend the yoong boies: But Alcaeus (quoth he) called not Pittacus, Zophodorpidas, because he supped late in the night, but for that it was ordinary with him to delight in none other guests, and table compani­ons, but base, vile, and obscure persons; for to eat early or betimes, was in old time counted a reproch; and it is said, that this word [...] that is to say, a breakefast, was derived of [...] that is to say, intemperance. Then Theon interrupting his speech: Not so (quoth he) but 30 we must give credit rather unto those who report the auncient manner of life in old time: for they say, that men in those daies being laborious, painfull, and temperate in their living withal, tooke for their repast early in the morning, a piece of bread dipped in wine, and no other thing, and therefore they called this breakfast of theirs, Acratisma, of Acraton, which is meere and pure wine: and as for [...] it signifieth those viands which were prepared for repast in the eve­ning for [...] betokeneth late in the evening, at what time their manner was to suppe; namely, after they had dispatched their other affaires. Heere occasion was given to demaund from whence were derived these words [...] that is to say, supper, and [...] dinner: and thought it was that Ariston and Acratisma, signified both one thing: and for proofe heereof, they repor­ted them to Homer, who saith: That Eumaeus provided Ariston by the breake of day, as ap­peereth 40 by this verse:

No sooner did day light appeere,
But they prepared their owne
[...]
dinner.

And it seemeth very probable that this repast [...] tooke the name of the morne-tide, and is as much to say, as [...] now for the refection called [...] that is to say, supper, it was so cal­led, [...] because it gave repose from their labours; for men used to take their supper after they had done some businesse, or else in the very time that they were about the same; this also may be shewed by the testimonie of Homer, who saith:

But what time as the woodman minding rest,
From bewing trees, his supper soone had drest. 50

Unlesse a man wil haply say, that Ariston, that is to say, a dinner or breakfast, tooke that name, be­cause folke use to dine or breake their fast, with that which first came to their hands, without any labour or dressing thereof in the kitchin: and [...] that is to say, supper was so called, because there was some labour emploied about the dressing thereof; and therefore [...] is as much to say, as [...] that is to say, very easily, and soone provided; but [...] as one would say, [...] that is to say, done with much paine and travell. But out brother Lamprias, who natural­ly was given to scossing, and loved a life to be merry and to [...] Since that (quoth hee) we are [Page 776] allowed so great libertie for to prate thus and talke so idlely as we doe, I am able to proove unto you, that the Romane words are ten thousand times more properly devised, and expresse these things better than the Greeke: for they called a supper, Coena, which is as much as [...] for the good fellowship and companie of those that supped (as it were) in common together: for the olde Romans, howsoever they dined or brake their fast ordinarily by themselves alone, yet they supped ever with their friends about them. Now their dinner, they called, Prandium, of the houre or time thereof, as if they would say [...] for [...] is as much as [...] that is to say, morning or noone-tide at the farthest; and to repose or rest after dinner, is expressed by the word [...] or els perhaps, Prandium signifieth a breakefast or morning repast, when as men do eat before they be [...] that is to say, before they have any need or want of victuals: and 10 now to say nothing of many things, which they expresse by meere Greeke words; as for exam­ple, how they call beds, Strata, of [...] wine, Vinum, of [...] oile, Oleum, of [...] hony, Mel, of [...] to taste, Gustare, of [...] to drinke one unto another, Propinare, of [...] who can de­nie, but their word, Comessatio, that is to say, Banqueting, is derived of our Greeke word [...] and Miscere, that is to say, to temper and mixe wine, of [...] in Greeke? for thus saith Homer:

She tooke the cup, and once againe,
In it she tempered pleasant wine.

also a table, they called Mensa, because it stood [...] that is to say, in the mids; and bread, Panis, for that it slaked [...] that is to say, hunger; also a chaplet or garland of flowers, Corona, of the word [...] an helmet, or [...] the head; for in one place, Homer called an helmet or head-piece, 20 [...] that is to say, Corona, a coronet; likewise, Caedere, that is to say, to beat or kill, of [...] and Dentes, that is to say, teeth of [...] and last of all, Labra, that is to say lips, of [...] that is to say, receiving and taking in meat with them. To conclude therefore, either we are to heare such derivations as these, without laughing thereat; or els we must not give them so easie accesse (as it were by undermining) unto words, as unto walles; partly to overthrow and beat downe some, and in part to batter and breake others.

THE SEVENTH QUESTION.

Of certeine Pythagorean precepts, for bidding in any wise to admit swallowes into the house, and 30 commanding to ruffle the bed-clothes, so soone as a man is risen.

SYlla of Carthage, upon my returne to Rome, after I had bene long absent, invited me to a sup­per for my welcome home; for so the Romans tearmed such a courtesie; and to beare mee companie, he bad other friends, and those not many in number; among whō was one Lusius of Tuskane, a disciple of the Pythagorean philosopher, Moderatus: this Lucius perceiving that our Philinus did eat of nothing which ever had life (as the usuall maner of him and other Pythago­reans was to doe) fell into speech as touching Pythagoras himselfe, and affirmed that a Tuskane he was, not as some others, because his father, and his ancestours, were Tuskans, from whom he was descended; but for that he was himselfe borne, reared, brought up, and taught in Tus­kane; 40 which he proved principally, by certeine symbolicall and allegoricall precepts of his; as for example, among others, that he commanded those who were new risen out of their beds, to ruffle the clothes together; also that the print of a pot or cauldron, should not be left upon the ashes, after it is taken away, but that the ashes ought to be stirred together; item, that no swal­lowes should be admitted into the house; likewise, that no man should step over a besome, nor keepe within house, those creatures which had hooked clawes: For these rules, and such like (quoth he) which the Pythagoreans deliver in word, and set downe in writing, the Tuskans on­ly observe and keepe in deed. Which when Lucius had said, strange it was thought, and absurd above the rest, to chase and keepe out of the house, sillie swallowes, harmelesse and gentle crea­tures, aswell as those that have crooked clees, which are the most bloudy and cruell of all others: 50 for whereas some ancient interpreters gave the solution and exposition onely, as if covertly it implied thus much, that we should avoid the companie of secret whisperers, backbiters and slan­derers; Lucius himselfe approoved not thereof; for the swallow whispereth not at all; it chatte­reth in deed and talketh (as one would say) loud enough; and yet not more than pies, partrid­ges and hennes. But what thinke you by this (quoth Sylla) that in regard of the tale that goes of Progne, who killed-her yoong soone Itys, they hate For Philome­la was turned (as the poets fame) into a swallow; who produced her sister [...] to kil her own child, by Te­reus, and serve it up before [...] is a [...] of meat, to the boord, for that he had [...] the said [...] swallowes for that abominable act, and therefore would seeme to cause us for to detest a farre off, such infamous cases, for which they [Page 767] say, both Tereus and the women, partly did perpetrate, & in part suffered horrible and unlawfull things; whereupon, to this very day, these birds be called Daulides? But Gorgtas the sophisier, by occasion that a swallow mewted over his head, and squirted her dung upon him, looking up unto her: These be no faire casts (quoth he) Philomela; or is this also common to the rest? for the Pythagoreans doe not exclude or banish out of house the nightingale, [...] which bearetha part in the same tragedies, and is faultie with the rest. Peradventure (quoth I then) there is as much reason in the one as the other (ô Sylla;) but consider, and see whether the swallow be not odious and infamous with them for the same cause, that they reject and wil not enterteine those creatures which have hooked tallons; for she likewise feedeth upon flesh, and besides, killeth and devoureth especially, grashoppers, which are sacred and musicall: moreover, she flieth 10 close by the ground, hunting and catching little sillie creatures (as Aristotle saith) further­more, she is the onely creature of all the other, that be under the same roufe with us, which lodgeth there of free cost, living without contributing ought, or paying any rent: yet the storke which hath no covert by our house, nor warmth by our fire, ne yet enjoieth any benefit, pleasure, or helpe at all by our meanes, giveth us otherwhiles some tribute and custome (as it were) for marching onely upon the ground; for up and downe she goes, killing toades and serpents, mortall enemies to mankind, and lying in wait for our lives; whereas the swallow having all those commodities at our hands, no sooner hath nourished her yoong ones, and brought them to some perfection, but away she goes and is no more to beseene, so disloial and unthankfull she is: and that which of all others is worst, the flie and the swallow bee the onely 20 creatures haunting our houses as they doe, that never will be tamed, nor suffer a man to touch and handle them, nay they will not admit any fellowship, societie, or communion with him, either in worke or play: the flie indeed hath some reason to be afraid of us, for that she sustaineth harme by us, and is chased and driven away so often: but the swallow hateth man naturally, she will not trust him, but remaineth alwaies suspicious and untamed: now if wee are to take these and such like speeches, not directly according to the litterall sense, and as the words onely doe implie, but rather by way of an oblique reflexion, as the resemblances of things appearing in others: certes Pythagoras proposeth unto us heerein, the very pattern of an unthankfull and faithlesse person, admonishing us not to receive unto our familiar acquaintance and amitie, those who for the time, and to serve their owne turne, draw neere unto us, and retire themselves 30 under the roufe of our house, and that we ought not to make them inward with us, communi­cating with them, our house, our domesticall altar, and those things which are in stead of most sacred obligations. When I had thus said, it seemed that I had given the companie encourage­ment and assurance to speake, for they began boldly to apply unto the other symbolicall pre­cepts, their morall expositions: And Philinus for his part said, that in commaunding to con­found the forme of the pot or cauldron imprinted in the ashes, they taught us this lesson, not to leave any marke or apparent impression of anger; but after it hath once done boiling what it will, and is setled and cooled againe, to ridde away all ranckor and malice, yea and to burie all in perpetuall oblivion. As for the shuffling of the bed clothes together, when we are newly ri­sen, some thought there was no hidden matter meant thereby, but signified onely, that it was 40 not seemely or honest, that the marke or print in the bed should remaine as an expresse image to be seene, of the place, wherein man and wife had lien together: But Sylla guessed otherwise and conjectured that heerein was conteined a dehortation to divert us from sleeping on bed in the day time, when as even in the very morning the preparation and meanes to sleepe was so immediately taken away: for that we ought to take our rest and repose in the night, but in the day time to be stirring and about our businesse, not suffring to remaine in our beds so much as the tract of our bodie; for a man lying asleepe, is good for nothing, no more than when he is dead: and heereto seemeth to allude and accord, another precept of the Pythagoreans which they give unto their friends, forbidding them not to ease any man of his burden, but rather to lay on more, and seeme to surcharge him still, as not approoving any sloth or idlenesse what­soever: 50 now for that during these discourses, Lucius neither approoved nor disprooved ought that was said, but sat still, heard all, said nothing, and pondered every thing in himselfe: Empe­docles calling unto Sylla by name, said as followeth.

THE EIGHTH QUESTION.

Why the Pythagoreans, among all other living creatures, absteine most from eating fish.

IF Lucius our friend (quoth he) be offended, or take no pleasure in our sayings, it is high time that we should give over and make an end: but if these things fall within the compasse of their precept for silence; yet this I thinke ought not to be concealed, but may well be revealed and communicated unto others, namely: What the reason is, that the Pythagoreans absteined principally from eating fish? for so much we finde written of the auncient Pythagoreans: and 10 I my selfe have fallen into the company and conference of certeine disciples of Alexicrates, a man of our time; who fedde a little sometimes of other living creatures, yea and sacrificed them unto the gods; but for no good in the world would they so much as taste of a fish: not as I take u for that cause which Tyndares the Lacedaemonian alledged, who thought that this was done for the honour they had to silence; in regard whereof, the philosopher Empedocles whose name I beare, who was the first that ceased to teach Pythagorically, that is to say, to give rules and precepts of hidden wisedome, calleth fishes Ellopas, as having [...] that is to say, their voice tied and shut up within; but for they thought, taciturnitie to be a singular and divine thing, and in one word, that even the gods themselves doe shew by deeds and effects, without voice or speech unto wise men, what their will and pleasure is: Then Lucius mildely and simply 20 answered: That the true cause indeed might peradventure lie hidden still and not be divulged: howbeit, there is nothing to hinder or let us, but that we may render one reason or other which carieth with it some likelihood & probability: so Theon the grammarian began first to discourse upō that point saying: it was very difficult to shew & prove that Pythagoras was a Tuskan born; but for certeine knowen it was, that he had made his abode a long time in Aegypt, & conversed with the sages of that countrey, where he approoved, embraced, and highly extolled manie of their religious ceremonies, and namely, that as touching beanes: for Herodotus writeth, that the Aegyptians neither sowe, nor eat beanes, no nor can abide so much as to looke upon them: and as for fishes, we are assured that their priests, even at this day, absteine from them, and li­ving as they doe, chaste and unmaried, they refuse salt likewise; neither will they endure to eat 30 it as a meat by it selfe, nor any other viands wherein any sea salt commeth; whereof divers men alledge divers & sundry reasons: but there is one true cause indeed, & that is the enmitie which they beare unto the sea, as being a savage element, a meere alien, & estranged frō us, or to speak more truely, a mortall enimie to mans nature; for the gods are not nourished therewith, as the Stoicks were of opinion: that the staries were fed from thence: but contrariwise, that in it was lost the father and saviour of that countrey of Aegypt, which they call the deflux or running out of Osiris, and in lamenting his generation on the right hand, and corruption on the left, covert­ly they give us to understand, the end and perdition of Nilus in the sea: In which considerati­on, they are of opinion, that lawfull it is not, once to drinke of the water, as being not potable; neither doe they thinke, that any thing which it breedeth, bringeth foorth, or nourisheth, is 40 cleane and meet for man; considering that the same hath not breath and respiration common with us, nor food and pasture agreeable unto ours, for that the very aire which nourisheth and mainteineth all other living creatures, is pernicious and deadly unto them, as if they were en­gendred first, and lived afterward in this world against the course of nature, and for no use at all: and marvell we must not, if for the hatred they beare unto the sea, they hold the creatures there­in, as strangers, and neither meet nor worthy to be intermingled with their bloud or vitall spi­rits: seeing they will not deigne so much as to salute any pilots or mariners whensoever they meet with them, because they get their living upon the sea.

Sylla commending this discourse, added moreover, as touching the Pythagoreans, that when they sacrificed unto the gods, they wuld especially tast of the primices or parcels of flesh which 50 they hadkilled: but never was there any fish that they sacrificed or offred unto the gods. Now when they had finished their speech, I came in with mine opinion: As for those Aegyptians (quoth I) many men there be as well learned, as ignorant, who contradict them, & plead in the behalfe and defence of the sea, recounting the manifold commodities thereof, whereby our life is more plentifull, pleasant, and happie: as touching the surcease as it were of the Pythagore­ans, and their forbearing to lay hand upon fishes, because they are such strangers unto us, it is a very absurd and ridiculous device, or to say more truely, it is a cruell and inhumane part, and [Page 779] savoring much of a barbarous Cyclops, seeing that to other living creatures they render a reward and recompence, for their kinred, cousenage and acquaintance, by killing, eating, and con­suming them as they doe: and verily reported it is of Pythagoras, that upon a time hee bought of the fishers a draught of fish; and when he had so done, commaunded that they should be all let out of the net into the sea againe: surely this was not the act of a man, who either hated or despised fishes as his enemies or strangers; considering that finding them prisoners as he did, he paid for their raunsome, and redeemed their liberty, as if they had bene his kinsfolke & good friends: and therefore the humanitie, equitie, and mildnesse of these men, induceth us to thinke and imagine cleane contrary, that it was rather for some exercise of justice, or to keepe them­selves in ure and custome thereof, that they spared and pardoned those sea-creatures; for that al 10 others, give men cause in some sort to hurt them; whereas poore fishes offend us in no maner: and say their nature and will were so disposed, yet cannot they execute the same: moreover, conjecture we may and collect, by the reports, records, and sacrifices of our auncients, that they thought it an horrible & abominable thing, not onely to eat, but also to kill any beast that doth no hurt or damage unto us: but seeng in processe of time how much pestered they were, with a number of beasts that grew upon them, and overspred the face of the earth; and withall being as it is said, commaunded by the oracle of Apollo at Delphos, to succour the fruits of the earth, which were ready to perish; they began then to kill them for sacrifice unto the gods: yet in so doing, they seemed to tremble and feare, as troubled in minde, calling this their action [...] and [...] that is to say, to doe or perpetrate, as if they did, and committed some great deed 20 in killing a creature having life; and even still at this day they observe a ceremony with all reli­gious precisenesse, not to massacre any beast before it hath given a nod with the head, after the libations and effusions of wine upon it, in signe and token of consent; so strict they were and wary to commit no unjust act. Certes, to say nothing of other beasts, if all men had forborne to kill and eat no more, but pullen and conies, within short time they should not have beene able to have dwelt within their townes or cities, nor enjoied any fruits of the earth: & therefore although necessitie at the first had brought in the use of eating flesh; a very hard matter it were now, in regard of pleasure, to put down & abolish the same: whereas the whole kind of sea-crea­tures using neither the same aire and water with us, nor comming neere unto our fruits, but be­ing (as a man would saie) comprised within another world, & having distinct bounds and limits 30 of their owne, which they cannot passe, but immediatly it costeth them their life, for punish­ment of their trespasse, giveth unto our belly none occasion or pretence at all, more or lesse, to runne upon them: so that the whole hunting, catching, and running after fish, is a [...] worke of gourmandise and daintie feeding; which without any just or lawfull cause, troubleth & disquieteth the seas, and descendeth into the very bottome of the deepe; for we have no rea­son at any time to call the red sea-barbell [...] that is to say, corne devourer; nor the guilt­head [...] that is to say, vine waster, or grape eater, nor yet any mullets, lubins, or sea­pikes, [...] that is to say, seed gatherers, as we name divers land beasts, noting them there­by for the harme and annoiance they doe unto us: neither can we impute unto the greatest fish in the sea, the least wrong or shrewd turne, wherewith wee charge, in our exceeding neerenesse 40 and parsimonie, some cat or wezill, a Some reade [...] a slie. mouse, or rat which haunt our houses: in which regard, they precisely contemning themselves, not for feare of law onely, to doe wrong unto men, but also by the very instinct of nature, to offer no injurie unto any thing in the world that doth them no harme, nor displeasure, used to feed on fish lesse than on any other meat: & admit there were no injustice in the thing, all busie curiositie of men in this point, being so needlesse as it is, bewraieth great intemperance and wastfull gluttony: and therefore Homer in his poeme de­viseth this, that not onely the Greeks encamping upon the streight of Hellespont, abstei­ned wholy from eating fish, but also that the delicate and daintie toothed Phaeacians, the wan­ton and licorous woers likewise of lady Penelope, dissolute though they were otherwise, and all islanders were never served at their tables with any viands or cates from the sea: no nor the 50 companions of Ulysses in that grear and long voiage of theirs which they had at sea, ever laid hooke, leape, or weele, or cast net into the sea for fish, so long as they had a bit of bread, or handfull of meale left:

But when their ship had vittailes none,
But all therein was spent and gone.

even a little before that they laid hands upon the kowes of the sunne, then began they to fish; not iwis for any deintie dishes, but even for necessary food:

[Page 780]
With bended hookes, for now their maw,
Great hunger bit, and guts did gnaw.

So that for extreme need they were forced to eat fish, and to kill the sunnes kine: whereby wee may perceive that it was a point of sanctimonie and chastitie, not onely among the Aegypti­ans and Syrians, but the Greeks also, to forbeare feeding upon fish; for that beside the injustice of the thing, they abhorred as I thinke, the superfluous curiositie of such food.

Heereupon Nestor tooke occasion to speake: And why (quoth he) is there no reckoning made of my countrey-men and fellow-citizens, no more than of the Megarians? and yet you have heard me to say often times, that the priests of Neptune, whom we call Hieromnemones, ne­ver eat fish: for this god is surnamed Phytalmios, that is to say, the President of breeding and 10 generation in the sea: and the race descending from that ancient Hellen, sacrificed unto Neptune, by the name and addition of Patrogeneios, that is to say, the stock-father and principall Proge­nitour, being of opinion, that man came of a moist and liquid substance, as also, be the Syrians; which is the very cause that they worship and adore a fish, as being of the same kinde, generati­on, and nouriture with themselves; philosophizing and arguing in this point, with more appa­rence and shew of reason, than Anaximander did, who affirmed not, that men and fishes were bred both in the same places; but avouched that men were first engendred within fishes them­selves, and there nourished like their yoong frie; but afterward, when they became sufficient and able to shift and helpe them, they were cast foorth, and so tooke land: like as therefore, the fire eateth the wood, whereby it was kindled and set a burning, though it were father and mother 20 both unto it; according as he said, who inserted the marriage of Or Cyex. Ceyx among the works of He­siodus; even so Anaximander in pronouncing, that fish was both father and mother unto men, taxeth and condemneth the feeding thereupon.

THE NINTH QUESTION.

Whether it be possible, that new diseases may be engendred by our meats?

PHilo the physician constantly affirmed, that the leprosie, called Elephantiasis, was a disease not knowen long since; for that none of the ancient physicians made any mention of this 30 maladie; whereas they travelled and busied their braines, to treat of other small trifling matters, (I wot not what) and yet such subtilties as the common sort could hardly comprehend. But I produced and alledged unto him for a witnesse out of philosophie, Athenodorus, who in the first booke of his Epidemiall or popular diseases, writeth, that not onely the said leprosie, but also Hydrophobie, that is to say, the feare of water, occasioned by the biting of a mad dogge, were first discovered in the daies of Asclepiades: now as the companie there present, marvelled that these maladies should newly then begin, and take their consistence in nature; so they wondered as much on the other side, how so great and grievous diseases could be hidden so long, and un­knowen to men: howbeit, the greater part inclined rather to this second & later opinion, as be­ing more respective and favourable to man; for that they could not be perswaded, that nature 40 in such cases should in mans bodie (as it were in some citie) studie novelties, and be evermore inventing and working new matters. As for Diogenianus, he said, that the passions and mala­dies of the soule, held on their common course, and went the accustomed way still, of their pre­decessours: And yet (quoth he) wickednesse is very manifold in sundry sorts, and exceeding audacious, to enterprise any thing: and the mind is a mistresse of herselfe, and at her owne com­mand; having puissance to turne and change easily as she thinketh good: and yet that disordi­nate confusion of hers, hath some order in it; keeping a measure in her passions, and conteining herselfe within certeine bounds, like as the sea, in the flowings and tides; in such sort, as that she bringeth forth no new kinde of vice, such as hath not bene knowen unto those in olde time, and of which they have not written: for there being many different sorts of lusts and desires, infinite 50 motions of feare, as many kinds of paine, and no fewer formes of pleasure; which would re­quire great labour to reckon up, and not to give over.

These neither now nor yesterday
Began; but all have liveday:
And no man knowes, nor can say well,
Since when they first to men befell.

nor yet whereupon any new maladie or moderne passion hath arisen in our body; considering [Page 781] it hath not of it selfe the beginning of motion properly as the soule hath, but is knit and conjoi­ned with nature by common causes, and composed with a certeine temperature: the infinite va­rietie whereof, wandereth notwithstanding within the pourprise of set bounds and limits; like unto a vessell which lying at anchor in the sea, neverthelesse doth wave, and is tossed within a round compasse: for neither the setled constitution of a disease is without some cause, bring­ing into the world irregularly and against all law of nature, a generation and power from that which hath no being at all: nor an easie matter is it for a man to finde out a new cause, unlesse withall, he do set downe a new aire, strange water, and such meats as our forefathers never tasted of, imagining, that they are run hither to us now and never before, out of (I wot not what) other worlds: or imaginarie inter-worlds and spaces betweene; for sicke wee fall by meanes of the 10 same things whereof we live; and no peculiar and proper seeds there be of diseases; but the naughtinesse and corruption of such things whereby wee live, in regard of us, and our owne faults and errours besides, about them, are they which trouble and offend nature: these trou­bles have perpetually the same differences, though the same many times take new names; for these names are according to the ordinance and custome of men; but the maladies themselves are the affections of nature: and so those diseases of themselves finite, being varied & diversified by these names infinite, have deceived and beguiled us: and as there is not lightly and upon a sudden, committed in the Grammaticall parts of speech, or in the Syntaxis, and construction thereof, any new barbarisme, solaecisme, or incongruitie; even so the temperatures of mens bo­dies, have their falles, errours and transgressions, which be certeine and determinate, conside­ring 20 that in some sort, even those things which are against nature, be comprised and included in nature: and this is it, that the wittie inventers and devisers of fables, would signifie in saying: That when the giants made warre against the gods, there were ingendred certeine strange and monstrous creatures every way, at what time as the moone was turned cleane contrary, and a­rose not as she was wont: and verily, their meaning was, that nature produced new maladies, like unto monsters, but withall, imagine and devise a cause of such change and alteration, that is neither probable nor yet incredible; but pronouncing and affirming, that the augmentation more or lesse of some diseases, causeth that newnesse and diversitie in them, which is not well done of them (my good friend Philo:) for this intention and augmentation may well adde thereto frequencie and greatnesse; but surely it transporteth not the subject thing out of the 30 first and primitive kinde: and thus I suppose the leprosie or Elepantiasis to be nothing els, but the vehemencie of these scurvie and scabbie infections; as also the Hydrophobie, or vaine feare of water, no other but an augmentation of the passions of stomacke or melancholie: and veri­ly, a woonder it were, that we should not know how Homer was not ignorant hereof; for this is certeine, that he called a dogge [...] of this raging accident whereto he is subject: and here­upon men also, when they are in a rage, be said likewise [...] When Diogenianus had thus dis­coursed, Philo himselfe, both seemed somewhat to answere and refute his reasons; and also re­quested me to speake in the behalfe of the ancient physicians, who were thus challenged and condemned for their ignorance or negligence in these principall matters, in case it were true, that these maladies were not of a later breed and more moderne than their age. First therefore, 40 it seemed unto me, that Diogenianus put not this well downe for a good supposall, that tensions and relaxations, according to more or lesse, make no differences, nor remove the subject mat­ters out of their kinde: for by this meanes we should likewise say, that vineger differed not from wine that is souring, nor bitternesse from styplicitie or sourenesse, nor [...] from wheat, ne yet garden mints from the wilde mint: but evident it is, that these do degenerate, yea, and become altered in their very qualities; partly by relaxations, as the things doe languish and lose their heart; and in part, by tension, as they be reenforced, and take vigor: for otherwise, we must be forced to say, that the flame differeth not from a white or cleere winde, nor a light from a flame, nor frost from dew, nor haile from raine; but that all these be but the inforcements onely and tensions of the same things; and so constantly we shall be driven to affirme, that blindnesse and 50 dimme sight differ not, and inordinate passion of vomiting, called Cholera, is nothing different from a keckish stomacke and a desire to cast, but onely according to augmentation and diminu­tion, more or lesse: and all this is nothing to the purpose; for if they admit and say, that this very tension and augmentation in vehemencie, came but now of late, as if this noveltie were oc­casioned by the quantitie and not the qualitie, yet the absurditie of the paradox remaineth ne­verthelesse: moreover, seeing that Sophocles (speaking of those things, which because they had not bene in times past, men would not beleeve to be at this present) said very well in this wise:

[Page 782]
All kind of things both good and bad,
Once at the first their being had.

This also seemeth very probable and to stand with great reason, that maladies ran not forth all at once, as if the barriers had bene set open for the race, and they let out together: but some came alwaies successively behinde at the taile of others, and each one tooke the first begining at a cer­taine time: And a man may well conjecture and guesse (quoth I) that such as arose of want and indigence, as also those that came of heat and colde, were the first that assailed our bodies; but repletions, gluttonies, and delicate pleasures, came afterwards together with sloth and idlenesse; which by reason of abundance of victuals, caused great store of superfluities and excrements, from whence proceeded sundry sorts of maladies; the complication whereof and intermixture 10 one with another, bringeth evermore some new thing or other: for every naturall thing, is or­derly, and limited; because that nature is nothing els but order it selfe, or at leastwise the worke of order: whereas disoreder (like to the same that Pindarus speaketh of) is infinit, and can not be comprised within any certeine number; so that whatsoever is unnaturall, the same immediatly is unlimited and infinit: for, the trueth we can not deliver but one way; marie to lie, a man may finde an infinit number of meanes, by occasion of innumerable occurrents; also accords mu­sicall and harmonies, stand upon their certeine proportions; but the errours that men commit in playing upon the harpe or other instrument, in song, and in dauncing, who is able to com­prehend? although Phrynichus the tragedian poet said of himselfe thus:

In daunce I finde as many sorts 20
And formes of gestures and disports,
As waves in sea, and billowes strong
Arise by tempest all night long.

And Chrysippus writeth that the divers complications often prositions, which they call Axi­oms, and no more, surmount the number of ten hundred thousand: but Hipparchus reprooved this, and taught that the affirmative doth conteine of connexed propositions, one hundred thousand, and besides, one thousand fortie and nine; but the negative of the same propositions comprehendeth three hundred and ten thousand, with a surplusage of nine hundred, fiftie and two: and Xenocrates hath set downe, that the number of syllables, which the letters in the alpha­bet, being coupled and combined together, do affoord, amount to the number of one hundred 30 millions, and two hundred thousand over: why should it therefore bee thought strange and wonderfull, that our body having in it so many faculties, and gathering still daily, by that which it eateth and drinketh, so many different qualities, considering withall, that it useth motions and mutations, which keepe not one time nor the same order alwaies; the complications and mix­tures of so many things together, bring evermore new and unusuall kinds of maladies, such as Thucydides wrot, was the pestilence at Athens, conjecturing that this was no ordinarie and usuall maladie, by this especially, for that the beasts of prey, which otherwise did eat of flesh, would not touch a dead bodie: those also who fell sicke about the red sea (as Agathircides maketh report) were afflicted with strange symptomes and accidents, which no man had ever read or seene, and among others, that there crawled from them certeine vermin like small serpents, which did eat 40 the calves of their legs and the brawnes of their armes; and looke whensoever a man thought to touch them, in they would againe, and winding about the muskles of the flesh, ingendered in­flammations and impostumes with intolerable paine. This pestilent disease, no man ever knew before, neither was it ever seene since by others, but by them alone, like as many other such ac­cidents; for there was a man who having beene a long time tormented with the disurie or diffi­cultie of his urine, delivered in the end by his yard, a barley straw knotted as it was with joints: and we know a friend and guest of ours, a yoong man, who together with a great quantitie of naturall seed, cast foorth a little hairie worme or vermin with many feet, and therewith it ranne very swiftly: Aristotle writeth also, that the nourse of one Timon of Cilicia, retired her selfe for two moneths space every yeere, and lurked in a certeine cave all the while, without drinke 50 or meat, or giving any other apparence of life, but onely that shee tooke her breath: certes recorded it is in the Melonian books, that it is a certeine signe of the liver diseased, when the sicke partie is verie busie in spying, seeking, and chasing the mice and rats about the house; a thing that now a daies is not seene: let us not marvell therefore, if a thing be now engen­dred that never was seene before, and the same afterward cease as if it had never beene; for the cause lieth in the nature of the bodie, which sometime taketh one temperature, and one while another: but if Diogemanus bring in a new aire, and a strange water, let him alone, seeing [Page 783] he is so disposed: and yet we know well that the followers of Democritus both say, and write, that by the worlds which perish without this, and by the straunge bodies which from that in­finitie of worlds runne into this, there arise many times the beginnings of plageu and pesti­lence, yea and of other extraordinarie accidents: we will passe over likewise the particular cor­ruptions which happen in divers countries, either by earthquakes, excessive droughts, ex­treme heats, and unusuall raines, with which it cannot be chosen, but that both winds and rivers which arise out of the earth, must needs be likewise infected, diseased, and altered: but howso­ever those causes wee let goe by, yet omit we must not, what great alterations and changes be in our bodies, occasioned by our meats and viands, and other diet and usage of our selves; for many things which before time were not wont to hee tasted or eaten, are become now most 10 pleasant dainties; as for example: the drinke made of honie and wine; as also the delicate dish of a farrowing swines shape or wombe; as for the braine of a beast, it is said, that in old time they were wont to reject and cast it from them, yea, and so much to detest and abhorre it, that they would not abide to heare one to name it; and for the cucumber, the melon or pompion, the pomeeitron and pepper, I know many old folke at this day, that cannot a­way with their taste: credible it is therefore, that our bodies receive a woonderfull change and strange alteration by such things in their temperature, acquiring by little and little a di­vers qualitie, and superfluitie of excrements farre different from those before: semblably wee are to beleeve that the change of order in our viands, maketh much heereto; for the services at the boord, which in times past were called the cold tables, to wit, of oisters, sea-urchings, greene 20 sallads of raw lettuce, & such other herbs, be as it were the light forerunners of the feast, as trans­ferred now by Plato, from the rereward to the forefront, and have the first place, whereas besore in old time, they came in last: a great matter there is also in those beavers or fore-drinkings cal­led Propomata; for our ancients would not drinke so much as water before they did eat; and now a daies, when as men are otherwise fasting & have eat nothing, they will be in maner drunke, & after they have well drenched their bodies, they begin to fall unto their meats, and whiles they be yet boiling, they put into the stomacke those things that bee attenuant, incisive and sharpe, for to provoke and stirre up the appetite, and still fill themselves up full with other viands: but none of all this hath more power to make mutation in our bodies, nor to breed new maladies, than the varietie of sundry fashions, of bathing of flesh: for first & formost it is made soft, liquid, 30 and fluid as iron is by the fire, and afterwards it receiveth the temper and tincture of hard sleele, by cold water: so that me thinks if any one of those who lived a little before us should see the dore of our stouphes and baines open, he might say thus:

Heere into runneth Acheron,
And fire-like burning Phlegethon,

Whereas in our forefathers daies, they used their bathes and hot-houses, so milde, so kinde, and temperate: that king Alexander the Great, being in a fever, lay and slept within them: yea the Gaules wives, bringing thither their pots of pottage, and other viands, did eat even there with their children, who bathed together with them: but it seemeth in these daies, that those who are within the stouphes and baines, be like unto those that are raging madde, and barke as dogs, 40 they puffe and blow like fed swine, they lay about them and tosse every way; the aire that they draw in, as it were mingled with fire & water, suffereth no piece nor corner of the body in quiet and rest, it shaketh, tosseth, and remooveth out of place, the least indivisible parcell thereof, un­till such time as we come to quench and allay the same thus inflamed and boiling as they doe: There is no need therefore ô Diogenianus (quoth I) offorren and farre fetched causes from with­out, neither of those new worlds and intervals betweene: for to goe no further than to our selves, the very change onely of the fashion of our diet, is a sufficient meanes both to breed, and also to abolish and cause to ease any maladie in us.

THE TENTH QUESTIOIN. 50

What is the reason that we take least heed of dreames in the end of Autumne, and give small credit unto them?

FLorus lighting upon physicall problemes or naturall questions of Aristotle, which were brought to Thermopylae, for to passe the time away, filled both himselfe with many doubts, as ordinarily men do, who are by nature studious, and also put as many into the heads of others, giving testimony heerein to Aristotle who saith: That much knowledge breedeth many occa­sions [Page 784] of doubt; as for other questions, they afforded unto us no unpleasant pastime and recrea­tion, in the day time as we walked in the galleries abroad; but that probleme concerning dreams, (namely, that they be uncertein, lying, & false, especially during those moneths whē trees shed their leaves) was set on foot again (I wot no thow) after supper by Phavorinus, when he had done with other discourses: As for your familiar companions my children, they were of opinion, that Aristotle, himselfe had sufficiently solved the question, & there needed no farther enquirie into the matter, nor any speech more to be made thereof, but even to attribute the cause, as he did, to the new gathered fruits of that season: for being as they were, fresh and greene still in their strength and full of vigour, they engendred in our bodies many ventosities and bred much trouble and agitation in the humours: for likely it is not, that new wine alone doth worke, 10 boile, and chaufe, nor that oile onely, being new drawen and pressed, yeeldeth a noise as it bur­neth in lampes, by occasion that the heat causeth the windinesse and spirit thereof to evaporate and walme out: but we see that corne also newly inned, & all fruits of trees presently upon their gathering, are plumpe, full, and swelled againe, untill such time as they have exhaled foorth all that is flatuous, and breathed out the crudities thereof: now that there be certeine meates that cause troublesome dreames, and engender turbulent visions and fansies in our sleepe, they brought in and alledged for their testimony the instance of beanes, and the head of the pulpe or pour-cuttle fish, which they are bidden to absteine from, who would divine and foreshew things that come by dreames. As for Phavorinus, howsoever he was himselfe at all times won­derfully affected & addicted to Aristotle, and one who attributed unto the Peripateticks schole 20 this singular commendation, that their doctrine caried more probabilitie and resemblance of the truth, than other philosophers whatsoever; yet at this present he came out with an old rustie reason of Democritus, taken out of the smoake (where it had gathered a deale of thicke soot) for to furbish, scoure, and make it bright againe: for this was the vulgar opinion which Democritus put downe for a supposition: That certeine images doe enter and pierce deepe into our bodies thorough the pores, which as they rise againe from the bottome, cause those visions which ap­peare unto us as we sleepe; that these came out of al parts wandering, as presented from utensils, habillements, & plants, but principally from living creatures, for that they moove & stir much, and besides are hot, having not onely the expresse similitudes and sundry formes of bodies im­printed in them, as Epicurus thinketh (who thus farre foorth followeth Democritus, and leaveth 30 him there) but also drawing therewith the apparences of the motions of the minde, of counsel, of usuall milde affections, as also of vehement passions, wherewith they entring in, doe speake as if they were living things, and distinctly carie unto those that receive the same, the opinions, the words, the discourses and affections of such as transmit the same, if in their entrance they reteine still the expresse figures and nothing confused; which they doe especially, all while that their way and passage thorough the aire, cleere and united, is speedy, quicke, and not empea­ched by any hinderance: considering than, that the aire of the Autumnall quarter, in the end when as trees doe cast their leaves, hath much asperitie and inequalitie, it turneth aside and putteth by diversly those images, causing their evidence to be feeble and transitorie, as being darkened by the tardity and slownesse of their pace in the way: whereas contrariwise, when they 40 runne foorth in great number, and swiftly out of those things that swell with fulnesse, and burne, as it were, with desire to be delivered of them, then as they passe they yeeld their resem­blances all fresh and very significant. After this, casting his eie upon Autohulus, and smiling withall: Me thinks (quoth he) that I perceive you, and those about you, to addresse your selves alredy for to maintaine a kinde of fight against these images, & that you meane to fasten with your hands and catch hold of this old opinion, as if it were some rotten picture, to doe it some violence: Goe to (quoth Autobulus) will you never leave these fashions, to play with us in this manner? for wee know well enough iwis, that you hold and approove the opinion of Ari­stotle, and that for to give a lustre thereunto, you have set this of Democritus by it, as a shadow and foile: that conceit therefore of Democritus, we will turne over and put by, and take in hand 50 for to impugne this reason of Aristotles, which imputeth all to these new fruits, and unjustly without al all reason, blaming & discrediting that which we all love so well; for both Summer & Autumne will beare witnesse, that when we eat these fruits, more fresh and greene, even at such time as they are most succulent, and verdant: (as Antimachus said) our dreames are lesse ly­ing and deceitfull: but these moneths which we name, the Fall of the leafe, pitching their tents as it were, and taking up their standings close to the Winter, have reduced already, both corne of the field, and also the fruits of trees, which remaine uneaten by their perfect concoction, to [Page 785] this passe that they looke slender, and in some sort riveled, as having lost by this time, that vio­lent, heady, and furious force which was in them. As touching new wine, they that drinke it soonest, doe it in the moneth Some readu November, before [...] , accor­ding to [...] Anthisteron, that is to say, Februarie, presently after winter, and that day upon which they begin to taste it, we in our countrey call [...] that is to say, the day of good fortune; but the Athenians name it, of opening their tunnes or wine vessels, Pi­thaegia: but so long as the Must or new wine is working still, and in the heat, we see, that all men even the very artificers and labourers are affraid to taste of it, and to meddle withall: let us for­beare therefore to slander and blame the good gifts of the gods, and goe we rather another way to worke for the inquisition of the cause, unto which the very name of the season, and of these windie and vaine dreames doth lead us: for this time is called [...] that is to say, the fall of 10 the leafe, to wit, the end of Autumne; when by reason of cold, and drinesse, trees shedde their leaves, unlesse it bee some which are hot and fatty, by nature, as the olive, the law­rell, and the date trees, or very moist, as the ivie and myrtle; for such as these, their tempe­rature helpeth, others not, by reason that this glutinous humour which holdeth the leaves up­on the tree, continueth not; becaue that their naturall humiditie is congealed with cold, or else dried up, being so feeble and little withall: to flourish therefore, to grow, and to be fresh, in plants, and much more in living creatures, commeth of moisture and heat; and contrariwise, cold & drinesse are deadly enemies: & therefore Homer very properly, is wont to call men who are fresh and lusty [...] that is to say, moist and succulent; as also to joy and be merry, he ex­presseth by the verbe [...] that is to say, to be hot; contrariwise, that which is dolorous and 20 fearefull, he tearmeth [...] that is to say, stiffe & starke for cold; a bodie that is dead, he tearmeth [...] that is to say, without moisture; as also [...] that is to say, a verie ano­tomy, dried in the smoake, or against the sunne; which are two words devised to traduce & note their extreme drinesse: moreover, bloud which is the thing within us, of principall strength & vertue, is both hot and moist; but old age is destitute bothof the one and the other: now it see­meth that the later end of Autumne is the very age of the yere, having performed his revolutiō; for as yet the moisture is not come, but the heat is gone already, or at leastwise very feeble, & that (which is a great signe of cold & drinesse) this season causeth bodies to be disposed unto dis­eases. This being laid sor a ground, necessary it is that the soule should have a sympathy & fel­low seeling of the indispositions of the bodie, & that when the spirits be incrassate & thickned, 30 and the powre and facultie of divination or foreseeing future things, must needs be dimmed and dulled, much like as a mirrour or looking glasse, overcast with some thicke mist: no marvell therefore if it send and transmit nothing in phantasie and imaginations, that is plaine, ex­presse, articulate, evident, and significant, so long as it is rough and unpolished, not smooth and resplendent.

THE NINTH BOOKE 40 OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-DISCOURSES.

The Summarie or principall chapters thereof. 50

1 OF verses which have beene cited and alledged fitly in good season or otherwise.

2 What is the cause that the letter Alpha, or A, standeth first in the alphabet, or A, b, c.

3 In what proportion hath beene composed and or deined, the number of vowels and semi-vowels?

4 Whether hand it was of Venus, that Diomedes wounded?

[Page 786] 5 What was the reason of Plato, when hee said, that the soule of Ajax, came in the 20. place to the lot?

6 What is covertly signified by the fable wherein Neptune is feigned to be vanquished? and why the Athenians put out of their kalender the second day of August?

7 What is the cause that the accords in musicke are divided into a ternarie?

8 Wherein differ the intervals, melodious, and accordants in musicke?

9 What is it that maketh accord or symphonie? and what is the reason that when a man striketh two strings accordant together, the melodie is more base?

10 How it commeth to passe that the ecliptick revolutions of sunne and moone, being in number equal, yet the moone is seene to be oftner ecclipsed than the sunne? 10

11 That we continue not alwaies one and the same, for that our substance evermore passeth still away.

12 Whether is more probable of the twaine, that the starres be in number evenor od.

13 A question of contrary lawes and convenants, drawen out of the third booke of the Rhapsodie of Homers Ilias.

14 Of the number of the Muses, certeine discourses and reasons, not after a vulgar and common ma­ner delivered.

15 That there be three parts of dauncing, [...] motion, gesture, and shew; and what each of these is; also what communitie there is betweene the art of poetrie, and the skill in dauncing.

THE NINTH BOOKE OF 20 Symposiaques or banquet-discourses.

The Proëme.

THis ninth booke of Symposiaques (ô Sossius Senecio) conteineth the discourses held at Athens, during the festivall solemnities of the Muses; for that this number of nine, foreth and agreeth well with the said Muses. Now if the number of question handled in this booke, surmount the ordinarie Decade of the former books, you 30 are nothing to marvell thereat, because we ought to render unto the Muses all that apperteineth unto the Muses, without taking away or deteining ought from them, no more than from holy sacrifices; considering that we owe unto them many things besides, and the same more beautifull than this.

THE FIRST QUESTION.

Of verses cited and pronounced in season and to good purpose, or otherwise. 40

AMmonius being captaine of the citie of Athens, was desirous in favour of Diogenius, to take view and knowledge, how the yoong men profited, who were students in Grammer, Geo­metrie, Rhetoricke and Musicke; whereupon he invited to supper, the most famous regents and masters, that were thorowout the whole citie. There met also with them, and were present, ma­ny other learned and studious persons, in great frequencie, yea, and in maner all his friends and familiars: As for Achilles, verily, at the funerall games and solemnities of Patroclus, he bad one­ly those to sup with him, who had fought hand to hand in single combat to the utterance, with this intent (as it is said) that if haply there had bene any choler or heat of revenge inkindled and inflamed betweene these men, whiles they were in armes, they should now lay downe and quit the same, meeting thus at one feast, eating and drinking together at one table: but it hapned 50 cleane contrary at this time unto Ammonius; for the jealousie, contention, and emulation of these schoolemen and masters of art aforesaid, became the hotter, and grew to the heighth amid their cups; for by this time, they fell to argue, yea, and to challenge and defie one another, rea­soning, and disputing without all order or judgement: whereupon, at the first he commanded the musician Eraton, to sing unto the harpe; who began his song in this wise, out of the works of Hesiodus:

[Page 787]
Of quarell and contention.
There were as then, more sorts than one.

for which I commended him, in that he knew how to applie the dittie of his song so well unto the present time; which gave occasion afterwards unto Ammonius of this argument; namely, to discourse of verses in season, and to good purpose pronounced; saying: That herein there ap­peared not onely a good grace, but also ensued otherwhiles great commoditie thereof. And presently every mans mouth was full of that Rhapsodian poet; who at the marriage of king [...] Ptolemaus, when he espoused his owne sister, and was thought herein to commit a strange and unlawfull act, began his song with these verses out of Homer:

Great Jupiter, to Juno then, did call 10
His sister deere and wedded wife withall.

as also another, who being to sing after supper before king Demetrius, at what time as he sent unto him his sonne philip, being as yet a very infant, came readily forth with these verses:

This childe, see that you well bring up in vertuous discipline;
As fits the race of Hercules, and eke a sonne of mine.

Anaxarchus likewise, when Alexander at supper time flung apples at him, arose from the boord, reharsing this verse out of Euripides:

Some god one day, in veritie 20
By mortall hand shall wounded be.

But most excellently of all others, a Corinthian lad, who being led away prisoner, as the citie was forced and lost, when Mummius taking a survey of those children who were free borne, com­manded as many of them as had any knowledge in literature, for to write before him, wrate extempore these verses:

Thrice and foure times those Greeks were blest, I say,
Whose hap it was, to die before this day.

And by report Mummius tooke such ruth and compassion heereat, that he shed teares, and for this youthes sake, set at libertie as many as were of his kinred and alliance. There was remem­bred also, the wife of Theodorus the tragedian, who when the time drew neere, that such poets 30 and actours were to strive for the best game, would not suffer him to lie with her; but after he was returned home from the theater, where he had gotten the victorie, and gained the prize, when he came toward her, she kissed and welcomed him home with these verses:

O noble sonne of Agamemnon, now
To do with me your will, good leave have you.

Semblably, some there were in place, who heereupon inferred many other verses as unfitly al­ledged, and altogether out of season; for that it was not thought amisse or unprofitalbe, both to know the same, and to beware thereby; and namely, that which is reported concerning Pompeius Magnus, when he returned from a great expedition and warlike voiage; unto whom his little daughter was presented by her schoolemaster; and for to shew unto him how she had profited 40 in learning, when a booke was brought unto her, the said schoolemaster opened it, and turned to this place for her to reade, which beginneth thus:

From warre thou art returned safe and sound,
Would God thou hadst bene there [...] on ground.

Also, when uncerteine newes (without any head or author) was brought unto Cassius Longinus, that his sonne was dead in a strange countrey, so as he could neither know the trueth, nor yet do away the doubtfull suspition therefore, there came an ancient senatour to visit him, and said: What Longinus, will you not contemne and neglect this vaine bruit and headlesse rumor, raised (no doubt) by some malicious person? as if you neither had knowen nor read this sentence:

No publicke fame, nor vox popli 50
Was ever knowen in vaine to die.

As for him, who when a Grammarian in the isle of Rhodes, called for a theame, to varie upon, and to shew thereby his learning before the people in a frequent theater, gave him this verse:

Avaunt out of this isle, I do thee reed,
Most wicked wreth that lives, and that with speed.

it is hard to say, whether he did it of purpose, contumeliously, to deride this poore Gramma­pion, [Page 788] or committed an errour against his will? But to conclude this discourse of verses inserted aptly and otherwise alledged, did very pretily appease the stirre and tumult among the regents and masters of art abovesaid.

THE SECOND QUESTION AND THE THIRD.

What is the cause why Alpha, (or A) was raunged first of all other letters? as also, what pro­portion, the number of vowels and semi-vowels hath beene composed and ordeined? 10

WHereas the use and custome was at Athens, during the foresaid feasts in the honour of the Muses, that lots should be carried round about the city, and they that chaunced by drawing to be matched together, propound one unto another questions of learning: Ammo­nius fearing lest some professours of one and the same art, should be committed in opposition together, tooke this order, and ordeined, that without any lottery at all, a Geometrician might propose a question unto a Grammarian; the Rhetorician unto a Musician, and so reciprocal­ly answere them againe by turnes: Heereupon Hermias the Geometrician put foorth first un­to Protogenes the Grammarian, a question, urging him to tell the cause, why, A was set formost of all the letters? who rendred unto him a reason which goeth for currant in the schooles: For 20 this is certeine (quoth he) that vowels may claime by a most just title, the place before all con­sonants, whether they be mute or semi-vowels: and seeing that of vowels some be long, others short, and a third sort doubtfull, and as they say, of a double time: these of the last kinde, ought by good right to be esteemed of greater woorth and puissance than the rest; and of them, that is, to have and hold the place of a capitainnesse, which in composition and making of a diph­thong, goeth alwaies before the other two, and never commeth behinde; and that is Alpha, which nether secondeth Jöta, or Upsilon so, as that it will in such composition yeeld or helpe to make one syllable of those twaine: but in a kinde of anger and indignation, leape backe a­gaine unto her proper place: contrariwise, set Alpha with whether you will of the other two, so as she may goe before, she will accord very well, and both together will make one entire silla­ble, as we may see in these words, [...] as also in [...] and an infinit number of 30 others: thus in these three respects shee hath the victorie, and carieth the prize, like unto those champions who are winners in Quinquectium, or the five severall games, for she hath the vantage above the multitude of other letters, in that she is a vowell above vowels, because she hath two times, as being one while long, and anotherwhile short, andeven of these double timed vowels she hath the preeminence, by reason that she standeth alwaies before, and ne­ver followeth or commeth behinde others.

When Protogenes had made an end of his speech, Ammonius called unto me by name and said: How now Plutarch, wil not you aid Cadmus, being (as you are) a Boeotian as he was? for it is said, that he placed Alpha before all other letters, for that Alpha in the Phaenician language sig­nifieth a beefe, reputed amōng them, not in the second or third place, according to Hesiodus, but 40 even the very first and principall of necessarie mooveables belonging to a man: Not I (quoth he) for I am bound to succour (what I can) mine owne grand-father, rather than the very grand­sire of Bacchus; for my grand-father Lamprias was wont to say: That the first distinct and arti­culate voice which a man pronounceth, is by the power of Alpha; seeing that the breath and spirit within the mouth, is formed principally by the motion of the lips, which as they are ope­ned and divided a sunder, yeeld by that simple overture this voice first, which of all others likewise is most simple, and performed with least adoe, calling neither for the tongue to helpe it, nor waiting for the use thereof, [...] foorth, even when it lieth still and stirreth not out of the owne place: and therefore it is the first voice that infants utter: heereupon also commeth this word [...] in Greeke, which signifieth as much as to heare any voice, for that al­waies 50 such a sound as A is usually heard: yea, and many other like vocables, as [...] that is to say, to sing; [...] that is to say, to pipe; and [...] to crie or holla; yea and these words [...] to elevate or lift up, and [...] that is to say, to open: not without good cause tooke these names upon the deduction and lifting up of the lips, whereby such a sound as A, is let foorth, and falleth out of the mouth, and therefore the names of other mute consonants, all save one, are helped by this A, which serveth as a light to cleere their blindnesse: for there is but [...] , or P [Page 789] onely, wherein the power of this letter or sound is not emploied: as for Phi and Chi, the one of them is P, and the other K, pronounced with ( h) or an asperation.

Heereto when Hermias said, that he approoved well of both reasons: Why doe not you then (quoth I) expound and deliver unto us, what is the proportion if there be any, in the num­ber of letters; for in mine opinion there is, which I collect by this argument, in that the multi­tude of mute consonants and semivowels, in regard one of another, as also in respect of vowels; ariseth not so by chaunce, but according to to the first proportion which we call Arithmeticall, for there being 9. and 8. it commeth to passe that the middle number betweene, as it surmoun­teth one, so it is equally surmounted of the other, and the two extremes being brought toge­ther, the greater in respect of the lesse, beareth the just proportion of the number of muses, to 10 that of Apollo; for 9. is attributed to the muses, like as 7. to Apollo, which being joined together, make the duple of that which is in the middes, to wit, of 8. and that by good reason; for that the semi-vowels betweene both, doe participate the power and efficacie of the extremes, to wit, mutes and vowels; according to the figure heere represented:

[figure]

Mercurie (quoth hee) was the first god who sound out letter in Aegypt: therefore the 20 Aegyptians when they would represent the first letter, doe paint Ibis, a fowle dedicated to Mer­curie: but not well in my judgement, thus to give the precedence and superioritie of all other letters unto a beast that uttereth neither voice nor sound at all: Moreover, unto Mercurie is consecrated of all numbers, the quaternarie especially, and many there bee who have written, that borne he was upon the fourth day of the moneth: now if you multiply fowre by fower, you arise to sixteene, the just number of those first letters which were called Phaenician, invented first by Cadmus. Of the other letters which afterwards were added to the rest, Palamedes devi­sed one fowre; and Simonides put thereto another fowre: moreover, the first perfect number of 30 all others is 3. as having a beginning, a middle, and an end: after it the number of 6. because it is knowen very well to be equall in all the parts thereof: of these now, if 6. be multiplied by 4. and the first quadrat or cube (8) by the first perfect number (3) they bring foorth 24. the full number of all the letters in the alphabet. Whiles he thus spake still, Zopyrion the Grammarian was perceived evidently to laugh at him and mumble somewhat betweene his teeth secretly: but so soone as he had made an end of speech, he could hold no longer but out hee spake and said: That all this was nothing else but frivolous bibble-babble: For that (quoth Zopyrion) there can no sound reason at all be given, but even by adventure and chaunce it fell out, that so many letters there were, and those placed in such order as they be: Like as (quoth he) that the first verse of Homers Ilias, should conteine so many syllables just, as the first of his Odyssea: and 40 againe, that the last of the one, should answer in number of syllables even, to the last of the o­ther, is altogether a casuall thing, hapning so by meere fortune and not otherwise.

THE FOURTH QUESTION.

Whether hand it was of Venus that Diomedes wounded?

AFter this, when Hermias addressed himselfe to propose unto Zopyrion a question, we in­hibited and staied him. But Maxmus the Rhetorician, came with a long fetch a farre off out of Homer, and demaunde of him: Whether hand it was of Venus that Dimedes wounded? 50 With that Zopyrion to quit him againe, asked him presently: Of whether legge king Philip haulred? The case quoth Maximus is not all one and the same: for Demosthenes hath left unto us no meanes for to answer this question: but if you confesse once that you know not; others there be who will shew you the very place where Homer telleth them who have any wit to con­ceive, which hand of hers was hurt? Zopyrion at this speech seemed to be astonied and stand in a maze: whereupon whiles he help his peace, we requested Maximus, to point unto us the place [Page 790] aforesaid: First and formost (quoth Maximus then) considering that the verses runne in this wise:

Then leapt aside bold Tideus sonne, and traversing his ground,
Stept to, and with sharpe pointed speare, her hand aloft did wound.

It is plaine and evident, that if he had meant to have smitten her left hand, hee needed not to have leapt at one side, for he had the left hand of Venus just opposite unto his owne right hand, when he directly affronted her: and more propable it is, and stands to greater reason, that his intent was to hurt the stronger hand, and that which held Aeneas her sonne, whom shee see­med 10 with violence to carie away, and which being wounded, she might be forced to forgoe her hold, and let his body goe. Secondly, when Venus was returned up into heaven, Minerva by way of scoffing, laughed at her, and said to Jupiter in this wise:

No doubt, faire Venus hath suborn'd some Greekish dame to love,
And follow one of these Troy knights, whom she affects above
All other wights: and whiles she stroak't this lady gently see,
Her soft hand met with some gold-clasp, and so came ras'd to bee. 20

And verily I suppose, that even your selfe good sir, an excellent regent and professour as you are, if at any time you would seeme in making much of one of your scholars, to stroake and softly to handle him, will not doe it with your left hand, but with the right; and even so, verie like it is, that Venus, the most gentle and courteous goddesse of all others, in this manner dealt with the Grecian ladies, when she perswaded them unto her minde.

THE FIFTH QUESTION.

What is the reason that Plato said, how the soule of Ajax came to the lot, in the 20. place. 30

THis prettie discourse aforesaid, pleased the whole company, and made them all merrie, but one Grammarian named Hylas, whom Sospis a professour in Rhetoricke, seeing to sit all silent, sad and heavy, (for that in deed he had sped not very well, whensoever he made proofe of his scholars proceedings) came out with these verses aloud:

Ajax soule, the sonne of Telamon,
Remained still, and all alone.

and the rest of the verses following, he delivered in an higher note than ordinarie, and rehear­sed them aloft unto him, in this wise:

But now good sir come hither, that my words you may well heare, 40
Represse your ire, this anger quench, and tame your moodie cheere.

But Hylas grumbling still in anger, bewraied no lesse by his crosse and impertinent answer, say­ing: That the ghost of Ajax in hell, tooke her turne in the 20. place, and her lot was according to Plato, to be transmuted into the nature of a lion: But for mine owne part (quoth he) I thinke many times of the old mans saying in the comedie:

Better it were an asse to bee
Indeed, than for a man to see
Those live preferd in worldy pelfe, 50
Who are for woorth behinde himselfe.

Heereat Sospis laughing heartily: But I beseech you good Hylas (quoth hee) meane while that we are turning into asses, and taking pack-saddles on our backs (if you regard and respect any thing the honour of Plato) declare unto us the reason, why hee said: That the soule of Ajax (him I meane who was Telamons sonne) came in the twentieth place to have her choice from the lottery? Which when Hylas flatly refused to doe, (for he thought that they made a mock­ing [Page 791] stocke of him, because he had but bad successe in his former trials:) my brother tooke the matter in hand: And what say you (quoth he) to this? may it not bee, for that Ajax caried the name alwaies for beautie, greatnesse and valour,

Next after Peleus sonne (I say,)
Who was sans-peere for prowesse ay?

And you know that twentie makes up the second decade; and the decade or number of ten, is of all numbers principall and most puissant, like as Achilles was among the princes of the Greeks. With that we al set up a laughter: Then Ammonius, Well (quoth he) Lamprias, you are disposed thus to jest and play with Hylas, [...] of your owne accord, you have undertaken the charge, to deliver the cause hereof, let us intreat you to impart it unto us, not by way of sport and me­riment, 10 but in good earnest. Lamprias was at the first not a little troubled at this chalenge, but after he had paused, and thought upon the matter a while, in the end he spake to this effect: It is an ordinary thing (quoth he) with Plato, to play with us many times merrily, by certeine devi­sed names that hee useth: but whensoever hee inserteth some fable in any treatise of the soule, he doth it right soberly, and hath a deepe meaning, and profound sense therein: for the intelli­gent nature of heaven, he calleth, a Chariot volant, to wit, the harmonicall motion and revolu­tion of the world: and heere in this place whereof we are now in question (to wit, in the end of the tenth booke of his Common-wealth) he bringeth in a messenger from hell, to relate newes of that which he had there himselfe seene; and calleth him by the name of Era, a Pam­phylian borne, and the sonne of Armonius, giving us covertly (by an aenigmaticall conveiance) 20 thus much to understand: That our soules are engendred by harmonie, and so joined to our bodies, but when they be disjoined, and separate from them, they runne together all into aire from every side, and so returne againe from thence unto second generations: what should hin­der then but this word Which sig­nifieth also the twentieth. [...] was put downe by him, not to shew a truth whereof he spake, but rather [...] as a probable speech, and conjecturall fiction, or else, a thing spoken (as it should seeme) to a dead bodie, and so uttered [...] vainly and at a venture in the aire: for Plato alwaies toucheth three causes, as being the philosopher who either first knew, or principally under­stood how fatall destiny is mingled with fortune: and againe, how our freewill is woont to bee joined with either of them, or is complicate with both: and now in this place before cited, hee sheweth excellently well, what power each of these causes hath in our humane affaires, attribu­ting 30 the choice and election of our life unto free will, (for vertue and vice be free, and at the commaund of no lord) and tying to the necessitie of fatall destinie, a religious life to God­ward in them, who have made a good choise, and contrariwise in those who have made a choise of the woorst: but the cadences or chaunces of lots, which being cast at a venture, and light­ing heere and there, without order, befall to every one of us, bring in fortune, and preoccupate or prevent much of that which is ours, by the sundry educations or governments of common­weale, wherein it hapneth each of us to live: for this I would have every one of you to consi­der whether it bee not meere folly and without all reason, to seeke for a cause of that which is done by fortune and casually; for if lot should seeme to come by reason, there were to be im­puted no more to fortune or adventure, but all to some fatall destinie or providence. 40

Whiles Lamprias delivered this speech, Marcus the Grammarian, seemed to count and number (I wot not) what upon his fingers to himselfe apart: but when he had made an end, the said Marcus named aloud all those soules or spirits which are called out in Homers Necya: A­mong which (quoth he) the ghost onely of Elpenor wandering still in the middle confines, is not reckoned with those beneath in another world, for that his bodie as yet is not interred and committed to the earth: as for the soule of Tiresias also, it seemeth not to bee numbred with the rest,

To whom now dead Proserpina, above the rest did give,
This gift alone right wise to be, although he did not live. 50

as also the power to speake with the living, and to understand their state and affaires, even be­fore he had drunke the bloud of sacrificed beasts: If then (quoth hee) ô Lamprias you subtract these two, and count the rest, you shall finde that the soule of Ajax was just the twentieth of those which presented themselves to Ulysses; and heereto alluded Plato, as it should seeme by way of mirth, joining his fable together with that evocation of spirits, otherwise called Necyra in Homers Odyssea.

THE SIXTH QUESTION.

What is covertly meant by the fable, wherein Neptune is feigned to have beene vanquished: as also, why the Athenians take out the second day of the moneth, August?

NOw when the whole company were growen to a certeine uprore, Menephyllus a Peri­pateticke philosopher calling unto Hylas by name: You see (quoth he) now, that this que­stion was not propounded by way of mockerie and contumelious flouting: but you my good friend (leaving this froward and mal-contented Ajax, whose name as Sophocles saith, is omi­nous, 10 and of ill presage) betake your selfe unto Neptune, and side with him a while; who is wont to recount unto us himselfe, how he hath beene oftentimes overcome, to wit, in this city, by Minerva; at Delphi, by Apollo; in Argos, by Juno; in Aegina, by Jupiter; and in Naxus, by Bacchus: and yet in all his repulses, disfavors, and infortunities, he bare himselfe alwaies mild, and gentle, carying no ranckor or malice in his heart: for proofe heereof, there is even in this city a temple common to him and Minerva, in which there standeth also an altar dedicated to Oblivion: Then Hylas who seemed by this time more pleasantly disposed: But you have for­gotten (quoth he) ô Menephyllus, that we have abolished the second day of the moneth, Au­gust, not in regard of the moone, but because it was thought to be the day upon which Nep­tune 20 and Minerva pleaded for the scignorie of this territorie of Attica. Now I assure you (quoth Lamprias) Neptune was every way much more civill and reasonable than Thrasibulus, in case being not a winner as the other, but a loser, he could forget all grudge and malice.

A great breach and defect there is in the Greeke originall, wherein wanteth the farther handling of this question, as al­so 5. questions entier following, and a part of the 6. to wit.

7 Why the accords in musicke are devided into three? 30

8 Wherein differ the intervals or spaces melodious, from those that be accordant?

9 What cause is it that maketh accord? and what is the reason that when one toucheth two strings accordant together, the melody is ascribed to the base?

10 What is the cause that the eclipticke revolutions of sunne and moone being in number equall, yet we see the moone oftner ecclipsed than the sunne?

11 That we continue not alwaies one and the same, in regard of the daily deflux of our substance.

12 Whether of the twaine is more probable, that the number of starres is even or odde?

Of this twelfth question thus much remaineth as followeth.

Lysander was wont to say: That children are to be deceived with cockall bones, but men with 40 othes: Then Glaucias, I have heard (quoth he) that this speech was used against Polycrates the tyrant; but it may be, that it was spoken also to others: But whereby do you demaund this of me? Because verily (quoth Sospis) I see, that children snatch at such bones, & the Academiques catch at words: for it seemeth unto me, that these stomacks differ in nothing from them, who holding out their clutched fists, play at handy dandy, & aske whether they hold in their close hand even or odde? Then Protogenes, arose, and calling unto me by name: What aile we (quoth he) and what is come unto us that we suffer these Rhetoricians and oratours thus to brave it out, and to mocke others, being demaunded nothing in the meane time, nor put to it for to contri­bute their skot and part unto this conference and these discourses? unlesse peradventure they 50 will come in with this plea, that they have no part of this table talke, in drinking wine, as being those who admire and folow Demosthenes, who in all his life time never dranke wine: This is not the cause (quoth I) but the reason is, because we have spurred them no questions: but if you have no better thing to aske, I will propose unto them a case of repugnancie in contrarie lawes or conditions, and the same drawen out of Homer.

THE THIRTEENTH QUESTION.

A question as touching repugnant lawes, taken out of the third Rhapsodie or booke of Ho­mers Ilias.

ANd what is that case, demaunded he againe? I will tell you (quoth I) and withall propose it unto these here: and therefore let them give attentive eare: Alexander Paris, in the third booke of Homers Ilias, giveth defiance to Menelaus, and chalengeth him to a single fight, with certaine conditions protesting in this maner: 10

Let us betweene both armies meet without,
My selfe I meane and Menelaus stout:
To try in single fight upon this plaine
To which of us by right shall appertaine
Dame Helene, with her goods: For looke who shall
Make good his ground, and quit himselfe withall
So bravely, that the victorie he gaine,
Have he her-selfe, and jewels in domaine.

Hector againe publishing unto all, and declaring as well to Greeks as Trojanes the same cha­lenge and defiance of his brother Paris, useth in maner the verie same words, saying: 20

His meaning is, that Greeks and Trojanes all
Besides should for the time surcease and quite
Lay downe all armes upon the ground withall,
Whiles he and Menelaus hardy knight,
For Helen faire, and all her jewels fight:
And he that shall the better hand obteine,
With him both lady shall and goods remaine.

Now when Menelaus had accepted of these conditions, and both sides were sworne to the ar­ticles accorded, Agamemnon to ratifie the same by his roiall assent, spake in this wise:

If Alexander in plaine fight, 30 shall Menelaus kill:
Dame Helene he may leade away, and her goods at his will:
But say that Menelaus brave, doe Alexander stay
The woman then and what she hath, let him [...] have away.

Now for that Menelaus vanquished Paris indeed, but yet berest him not of his life; either side had good plea to defend their cause opposite unto their enemies: for the Greeks pretended a right claime unto Helena, for that Paris was overcome: and the Trojanes impleaded and de­nied 40 to redeliver her, because he was not left dead in the place: how shall this case then be decided and judged aright in so great a difference and contrarietie? Certes it belongeth not to Philosophers nor Grammarians alone; but it is for Rhetoricians also to determine heereof, who are both learned in Grammar and good letters; and withall, well seene in Philosophie, as you be. Then Sospis gave his opinion and said: That the cause and plea of the defendant cha­lenged, was farre better and stronger, as having the law directly on his side: for the assailant and chalenger himselfe, denounced under what conditions the combat should be performed; which seeing the defendant accepted of, and yeelded unto, it lieth not in their power any more to adde ought thereto: for the condition comprised in the chalenge, caried no words imply­ing slaughter or death of any side; but the victory of the one, and the discomfiture of the other; 50 and that with very great reason: for by right the lady belonged to the better man, and more va­liant; and the more valorous man is he who vanquisheth: for otherwise it falleth out many times, that valiant and hardie men are slaine by very cowards; as afterwards Achilles himselfe chaunced to be killed by Paris with the shot of an arrow: neither will any man (I trow) say, that Achilles thus slaine, was the lesse valiant, or call this the victorie; but rather the good fortune of Paris unjustly dealt, whose happe it was to shoot so right; whereas on the other side, [...] was vanquished by Achilles, before he was slaine, for that he would not abide his comming, but [Page 794] for feare abandoned his ground and fled: for he [...] refuseth combat and runneth away, is in plaine tearmes vanquished, & hath no excuse to palliate or cloake his defeature; but flatly con­fesseth his enemie to be his better. And therefore Irus, comming at first to Helena for to give her intelligence of this combat, saith unto her:

They will in combat fight it out with long speares now for thee:
And looke who winnes the victory, his wife thou nam'd shalt be.

And afterwards Jupiter himselfe adjudged the prize of victorie unto Menelaus in these words:

Now [...] it is, the champion bold, 10 sir Menelaus hight,
Hath quit himselfe a man, and wonne the prize in single fight.

For it were a tidiculous mockerie to say: That Paris had cōquered Achilles, because he stood be­hind a farre off, & with the shot of an arrow wounded him in the foote, who never was ware of him, nor so much as looked for any such thing; & that now when he refused combat, distrusted himselfe, & ran out of the field like a coward, to shroud & hide himselfe within the bosome, & betweene the armes of a woman, being as a man would say disarmed and despoiled of his wea­pons, even whiles he was alive, his concurrent should not deserve to carie away the victorie, shewing himselfe the conquerour in open field; even according to the conditions offred by 20 Paris the chalenger. Then Glaucus taking the matter in hand, impleaded and argued against him thus: First (quoth he) in all edicts, decrees, lawes, covenants and contracts, the last are reputed alwaies of greater validitie, and doe stand more firme than the former: but the second covenants and the last, were they which were declared and published by Agamemnon; in which was comprised, expresly death for the end of the combat, and not the discomfiture or yeelding of the partie conquered: moreover the former capitulation of covenants, passed onely by parole & bare words; but the other which followed after, was sealed & confirmed with an oath, yea & a curse and execration was set therupon, for whosoever should transgresse the same: nei­ther was it approoved & ratified by one man alone, but by the whole army together: in such sort as this latter paction and covenant, ought properly and by right, to be so called; whereas the 30 former was nothing else but the intimation of a chalenge and defiance given; in testimonie whereof, Priamus also after the articles of combat were sworne unto, departed out of the field saying:

Great Jupiter and other gods immortall now doe know,
Whose destiny it is to die upon his overthrow.

For he wist well enough that the covenants of combat were capitulated and accorded upon this condition: and therefore it was, that a little while after, Hector saith:

God Jupiter aloft in heaven 40
who sits upon his throne,
The covenants sworne hath not perform'd
which were agreed and sworne.

For as yet the combat remained unatchived and unperfect, neither had it a certaine and doubt­lesse conclusion, considering neither the one nor the other of the champions was slaine: so that in mine opinion, there is no contrarietie heere at all, because the former articles and con­ditions were comprised in the second: for no doubt, he that killeth hath overcome; but it fol­loweth not, that he who vanquisheth hath killed his enemie: but to say a truth, wee may well plead thus: That Agamemnon did not reverse or anull the chalenge or defiance pronounced by Hector, but explaned and declared it; neither altered he it, but added rather the principall 50 point thereof, setting downe expresly, him for victour who killed his enemie; for this indeed is a complet and absolute victory; whereas all others have evasions, pretended excuses and oppositions, such as this of Menelaus, who wounded not his enemie, nor so much as pursued and followed after him: like as therefore in such cases wherein there is an evident contra­diction of lawes indeed, the judges are wont to pronounce award and sentence, according to that which is most expresly and [...] set downe, leaving that which is doubtfull and obscure; even so in this present case now in question; that covenant which hath an evident conclusion, [Page 795] and admitteth no tergiversation at all, we ought to esteeme more firme and effectuall: fur­thermore, that which is the chiefe and most principall point of all, even he himselfe who is sup­posed to be the victour, in that he retired not backe, nor gave over seeking for him that fled, but went up and downe, to and fro among the troupes searching all about,

If haply of this gallant knight
Sir Paris he might have a sight.

testified plainly, that his victory was imperfect and of no validitie; considering that his concur­rent was escaped out of his hands, which put him in minde of the words which himselfe a lit­tle before had said:

The houre of death, to whether of us twaine
10
Is come, let him lie dead upon the plaine:
As for the rest, see every one apart,
And that with speed, you home in peace depart.

And therefore it stood him upon necessarily, to seeke out Alexander, to the end, that having slaine him, he might accomplish the entire execution of the combat, and gaine the end there­of; whereas, neither killing him out of the way, nor taking him prisoner, without all right he de­manded the prize of victorie: for in very trueth, he did not so much as vanquish him, if we may gather presumptions and conjecturall arguments, even out of his owne words, complaining as he doth of Jupiter, and lamenting to himselfe, that he missed of his purpose, in these words:

O Jupiter, in heaven above, no God there is againe, 20
More spightfull than thyselfe to me, nor cruell; to be plaine,
I made account, and so gave out, of Paris in this place,
Reveng'd to be for all his wrongs, and working my disgrace:
But now my sword in hand is burst, my javelin [...] in [...]
With force of armes, hath done no hurt, nor wrought him any paine. 30

For himselfe confesseth, that it was to no purpose, that he pierced thorow his enemies shield, and tooke away his armet that fell from his head, unlesse he had wounded him therewith, and slaine him outright.

THE FOURETEENTH QUETSION.

As touching the Muses and their number, certeine points not after a vulgar and common ma­ner handled.

THis discourse being thus finished, we performed our oblations and libaments to the Mu­ses; 40 and after we had sung an hymne to Apollo, the leader and conductour of the Muses, we chanted also to the found of the harpe, as Eraton plaied there upon, those verses which [...] wrote concerning the generation and birth of the Muses: when our song was ended, Hero­des the thetorician began his speech in this wise: Listen lordings (quoth he) you that would di­stract and plucke from us, Calliope: they say (forsooth) that she converseth with kings, and not with those who can skill of unfolding syllogismes, or who propose difficult questions to such as speake big, and are of magnificent speech, [...] those rather who do and effect great matters, the works I meane which concerne orators, politicians & Statesmen: and as for Clio, of all the Mu­ses, she [...] and [...] the encomiasticall orations, wherein are conteined the praises 50 of other artizans; for that in old time, our ancestours called praises, Clea: and Polymneia enter­teineth historie; which is nothing els, but the memoriall or remembrance of many antiquities: and it is reported, that in some places, and namely, in Or, [...] . Chios, they name all the Muses [...]; that is to say, memories: as for me, I challenge also to my selfe some part of Or, [...] . Euterpe, if it be as [...] saith, that she it is, who hath allotted unto her the gift to enterteine meetings and conferences, with pleasure, delectation and grace: for an oratour is no lesse affable in familiar conversation, than eloquent in pleading causes at the [...] , or in opining and delivering his [Page 796] minde in consultations at the counsell table; considering that the art and profession of an ora­tour, conteineth the facultie and feat to win good will, do defend, mainteine, and justifie; but principally, and most of all, we imploy our greatest skill in praising and dispraising; which if we can order artificially and with dexteritie, we are able to bring about and effect no small matters: and contrariwise, if we do unskilfully, and without art, we faile of the marke which we shoot at: for this commendable title,

O God, this man how acceptable
Is he to all, and venerable!

agreeth in my judgement, to oratours, rather than to any other persons, who have the skill to speake well and to perswade: a gift most requisit, fit, and beseeming those that are to converse 10 with men. Then Ammonius: It were not well done of us (quoth he) ô Herodes, if we should be offended and angry with you, although you seeme to comprehend all the Muses together in your hand: for that among friends, all things are common: and therefore it is, that Jupiter hath begotten many Mufes, that every man might draw abundance from them of all good things, and make no spare: for we have not all of us need, of the skill in hunting, of militarie sci­ence, of the art of navigation, nor of the mechanicall handicrafts of artizans; but we all stand in need of learning and erudition,

As many as on fruits do feed,
Which for our use the earth doth breed.

And hereupon it is, that Jupiter hath procreated one Minerva, one Diana, and one Vulcane; but 20 many Muses: now that there should be nine of them in number just, and neither more nor fewer, you will be so good (will you not) as to yeeld us a reason? for I suppose you are well stu­died in this point, being as you are, so well affected unto them, and so much adorned by their graces. And what great learning (quoth Herodes againe) should there be in that? for every man hath in his mouth, the number of nine, and there is not a woman, but singeth thereof, and is able to say, that as it is the first square arising from the first odde number, so it is unevenly odde it selfe, as being divided into three odde numbers equall one to the other. Now surely (quoth Ammontus, and therewith smiled) this is manfully done of you, and stoutly remembred: but why do you not adde thereto, thus much more, for a corollary and over-measure, that it is a number composed of the two first cubes, considering that it is made of an unitie and an octona­ric: 30 and after another maner likewise of composition, it standeth of two triangled numbers, to wit a senarie and a ternarie, where of, both the one and the other is a perfect number: but what is the reason, that this novenarie or number of nine, agreeth better unto the Muses, than to any other gods or goddesses; for nine Muses we have, but not nine Cereses, nor nine [...] , nor yet nine Dianaes? you are not (I trow) perswaded that the cause hereof is, because the name of their mother [...], conteineth just so many letters? Herodes laughed heartily heereat; and after some time of pause and silence, Ammonius sollicited us to take the matter in hand, and search the cause thereof. With that, my brother beganne, and said: Our ancients in olde time knew of no more than three Muses; but to proove so much by way of demonstration, before this company, where there be so many wise men and learned clerks, were a meere uncivill and 40 rusticall part, savouring of vanitie and ostentation: but I assure you, the reason of this number, was not (as some affirme) the three kinds of musicke or melodie, to wit, Plain-song or [...] . Diatonique, Full [...] . Chro­matique, and [...] and [...] of plea­sant concent and accord. Harmonique; nor by occasion of the three termes or bounds which make the intervals in an octave or eight, of musicke harmonicall, to wit, Nete, Mese, and Hypate, that is to say, the Treble, the Meane, and the Base: and yet verily, the Delphians so called the Muses; wherein they did amisse, in my judgement, to restraine that generall name of them all, to one science, or rather to one part of a science, to wit, the harmonie of musicke: but our ancients (knowing well, that all arts and sciences which are practised & performed by reason and speech, are reduced to three principall kinds, Philosophicall, Rhetoricall, and Mathematicall) reputed them to be the gifts and beneficiall graces of three deities or divine powers, which they called 50 Muses: [...] , afterwards, and about the time wherein Hesiodus lived, when the faculties of these generall sciences were better revealed and discovered, they perceived that [...] of them had three differences; and so they subdivided them into three subalternall sorts; namely, the Ma­thematicks, into Arithmaticke, Musicke, and Geometrie; Philosophy, into Logicke, Ethicke or Morall, and Physicke or Naturall; as for Rhetoricke, it had at the beginning for the first part, Demonstrative, which was imploied in praises; for the second, Deliberative, occupied in con­sultations; and for the third, Judiciall, used in pleas and judgements: of all which faculties, they [Page 797] thought there was not so much as one, that was invented, or could be learned without some gods or Muses, that is to say, without the conduct and favour of some superiour puissance: and therefore they did not devise and make so many Muses, but acknowledged and found that so many there were: like as therefore, the number of nine is divided into three ternaries, and every one of them subdivided into as many unites; even so the rectitude of reason in the precellent knowledge of the trueth, is one puissance, and the same common: but ech of these three kinds is subdivided into three other; and every of them hath their severall Muse, for to dispose and adorne particularly one of these faculties: for I doe not thinke, that in this divisi­on, poets and astrologers can of right complaine of us, for leaving out their sciences; knowing 10 (as they do) aswell as we can tell them, that Astrologie is contributed unto Geometrie, & Poe­trie to Musicke. Upon this speech, Tryphon the physician brake out into these words: But what meane you (I pray you) and how hath our poore art offended you, that it is excluded thus out of the temple and societie of the Muses? Then [...] of Melitus, added moreover, and said: Nay you have provoked many of us besides, to complaine upon our discontentment in the same behalfe: for we that are gardeners and husbandmen imploied in agriculture, challenge a right and propertie in lady [...] , ascribing unto her, the care and charge of plants and seeds, that they may come up, grow, flower, increase, and be preserved. But herein (quoth I) you doe the man manifest wrong; for you have Ceres for your patronesse, furnamed [...], for giving us so many gifts; to wit, the fruits of the earth: yea, and Bacchus may goe for a patron in this re­spect, who (as Pindar us saith) 20

Taking the charge of trees that grow,
Doth cause them for to bud and blow:
The verdure fresh and beautie pure,
Of lovely fruits he doth procure.

And we know besides, that physicians have Aestulapius for their president and tutelar god, who ordinarily also use Apollo as he is surnamed, Paean, that is to say, the appeaser of all paines and maladies, but never as he is, Musegetes, that is to say, the prince and guide of the Muses: True it is indeed, that according to Homer:

All mortall men of gods have need,
That they in their affaires may speed.

Howbeit all men require not the helpe of all gods: But I woonder much at this, that Lamprias 30 should either forget or be ignorant of that common saying of the Delphians, who give out: That among them the Mules beare not the name, either of sounds and notes, or of strings; but whereas the whole world is divided into three principall parts or regions; where of the first is of those natures which be fixed and not erraticall; the second of such as are wandering; and the third, of bodies under the sphaere of the moone: these are every one distinctly digested, com­posed, and ordered by harmonic all proportions, and each of them (as they say) hath a Muse to their keeper and president, to wit, the first or highest region, Hypate; the last or lowest, Nete: & as for Mese which is in the middle betweene, she doth both comprehend and also turne a­bout mortall things, (as much as it is possible, considering they come after) with divine and 40 immortall, yea, and earthly natures with heavenly and celestiall, according as Plato himselfe after a covert & aenigmaticall maner hath given us to understand, under the names of the three Destinies, calling one, Atropos; another, Lachesis; and a third, Clotho: for as touching the motions and revolutions of the eight heavenly Sphaeres, hee hath attributed as presidents unto them so many Syrenes in number, and not Muses.

Then Menephylus the Peripateticke comming in with his speech: There is (quoth hee) some reason and probabilitie in the Delphians saying; but surely the opinion of Plato is ab­surd, in that unto those divine and eternall revolutions of the heavens, he hath assigned in stead of Muses, the Syrenes which are daemons, or powers not verie kinde and good, nor beneficiall; either leaving out as he doth the Muses altogether, or els calling them by the names of the De­stinies, 50 and saying they be the daughters of Necessitie: for surely Necessitie is a rude thing and violent; whereas Perswasion is gentle and gracious; by the meanes of Muses amiable, ta­ming what it will, and in my minde,

Detesteth more the duritie,
And force of hard necessitie.

than doth that grace and Venus of Empedocles. That is true indeed (quoth Ammonius) it ab­horreth that violent and involuntarie cause which is in our selves, enforcing us to doe against [Page 798] our evils: but the necessitie which is among the gods is nothing intollerable, nor violent, nor hard to be obeied or perswaded, but to the wicked, no more than the law of a citie, that unto good men is the best thing that is, & which they cannot pervert or transgresse; not because it is impossible for them so to do, but for that they are not willing to change the same. Moreover as touching those Syrenes Odyss. [...] 167. of Homer, there is no reason that the fable of them should affright us: for (after an aenigmaticall and covert sort) even he signifieth very well unto us, that the power of their song and musicke, is neither inhumane, nor pernicious or mortall; but such as imprin­teth in the soules which depart from hence thither, as also to such as wander in that other world after death, a vehement affection to divine and celestiall things, together with a certeine for­getfulnesse of those that be mortall and earthly, deteining and enchanting them as it were with 10 a pleasure that they give unto them; in such sort as by reason of the joy which they receive from them, they follow after and turne about with them: now of this harmonie, there is a little echo or obscure resonance commeth hither unto us, by the meanes of certeine discourses, which cal­leth unto our soule, and putteth into her minde, such things as then and there are, whereof the greatest part is enclosed and stopped up with the abstructions of the flesh, and passions that are not sincere: howbeit, our soule, by reason of the generositie wherewith it is endued, doth un­derstand, yea, and remember the same, being ravished with so vehement an affection thereof, that her passion may be compared properly unto most ardent and furious fits of love, whiles she still affecteth and desireth to enjoy, but is not able for all that, to loosen and free her-selfe from the bodie; howbeit, I doe not accord and hold with him altogether in these matters: but 20 it seemeth unto me, that Plato as he hath somewhat strangely in this place, called the axes and poles of the world and heavens, by the names of spindels, rocks, and distaves, yea & tearmed the starres, wherves: so, to the Muses also he hath given an extraordinarie denomination of Sy­rens, as if they related, and expounded unto the soules and ghosts beneath, divine and celestiall things: like as Ulysses in Sophocles saith, that the Syrenes were come:

The daughters who of Phorcis were,
That doth of hell the lawes declare.

As for the Muses they be assigned unto the eight heavenly sphaeres: and one hath for her porti­on the place and region next to the earth: those then which have the presidences & charge of the revolution of those eight sphaeres, do keepe, preserve and mainteine the harmony and con­sonance, 30 aswell betweene the wandering planets and fixed starres, as also of themselves one to another; and that one which hath the superintendence of that space betweene the moone and the earth, and converseth with mortall and temporall thinges, bringeth in and infuseth among them, by the meanes of her speech and song (so farre forth as they be capable by nature and apt to receive the same) the perswasive facultie of the Graces, of musicall measures and harmonie: which facultie is very cooperative with civile policie and humane societie, in dulsing and apea­sing that which is turbulent, extravagant and wandering in us, reducing it gently into the right way, from blind by-pathes and errors and there setleth it: but according to Pyndarus:

Whom Iupiter from heaven above
Vouchsafeth not his gracious love, 40
Amaz'd they be and flie for feare
When they the voice of Muses heare.

Whereto when Ammonius had given acclamation, alluding (as his maner was) unto the verse of Xenophanes in this wise:

These things doe cary good credence
And to the trueth have reference,

and withall mooved us every one to opine and deliver his advice: I my selfe after some little pause and silence, began thus to say: That as Plato himselfe by the etymologie of names (as it were by traces) thought to finde out the properties and powers of the gods; even so let us like­wise place in heaven & over celestial things, one of the Muses, which seemeth of the heaven to 50 to be called Urania. Certes, it standeth to great reason, that these heavenly bodies require not much variety of governmēt, for that they have but one simple cause, which is, nature: but where­as there be many errors, many enormities & trespasses, thither we must transfer those eight: one for to correct one sort of faults and disorders, and another for to amende & reforme another: and for that of our life, one part is bestowed in serious & grave affaires, and another in sport & game; & throughout the whole course thereof, it hath need of a moderate temperature & mu­sicall consent: that which in us is grave & serious shall be ruled and conducted, by Calliope, Clio [Page 799] and Thalia, being our guides in the skill and speculation as touching gods and goddesses: as for the other Muses, their office and charge is to support and hold up that which is inclined and prone to pleasure, plaie and disport, not to suffer it through weaknesse and imbecillity to runne headlong into loosnesse and bestiality; but to keepe in, represse and hold it in good and decent order with dauncing, singing and playing such as hath their measures, and is tempered with harmonie, reason, and proportion: For mine owne part, considering that Plato admitteth and setteth downe in every one two principles and causes of all our actions; the one inbred and naturall; to wit, a desire and inclination to pleasures: the other comming from with­out foorth; to wit, an opinion which covereth the best; insomuch, as the one he calleth some­time, 10 Reason, and the other, Passion; and seeing that either of these againe admitteth distinct differences; I see certainly, that both of them require a great government; and in verie truth, an heavenly and divine conduct: and first as touching Reason, one part thereof is civill and roi­all; namely, that which medleth in policke government, and matters of State: over which is placed as Hesiodus saith, Calltope; Clio is allotted for her part principally, to advance, colland, and encourage, ambition or desire of honour; Polymneia ruleth and preserveth the vertue me­morative, and the desire of knowledge and learning, which is in the soule: and heereupon it is, that the Sicyonians of those three Muses which they honour, call one, Polymathia; and un­to Euterpe, who attributeth not the skill and speculation of trueth in nature, as acknowledging no delights and recreations more pure, beautifull, and honest than it. To come now unto ap­petites and affections, that which concerneth eating and drinking, Thalia maketh civill, soci­able, 20 and honest: whereas, otherwise it would be inhumane, beastly, and disordered; which is the reason that we say; those men doe [...], when they meet together friendly and merily to make good cheere: but in no wise such as become drunke, and grow to excesse and riotous misdemeanors. As for the accords of love and Venus, Erato is she that performeth them with her presence; perswading that the action thereof should respect reason and the opportunity of time, cutting off wantonnesse, and quenching the furious heat of lust and pleasure, making it for to determine and rest in faithfull love and amitie, and not to end in dissolute and lascivious intemperance. There remaineth yet the pleasure of hearing and seeing, whether the same be­long to reason or to passion; or rather apperteine in common to both: the other two Muses, to wit, Melpomene and Terpsichore, are regents over them, which they compose and order in such 30 sort, that as the one becommeth an honest delight, and not an enchantment of the eares; so the other contenteth the eies as much, though it doe not bewitch and corrupt the same.

The whole chapter following is so defective and faultie in the originall, that we know not by any conjecturall meanes to supply or reforme it.

THE FIFTEENTH QUESTION.

That in dauncing there be three parts, Motions, Gesture, and Shew: what every of them is? 40 also, what communitie there is betweene the art of Poetry and the feat of dauncing.

AFter this, there was proposed a tart or cake called Pyramus, as the prize of victory for [...], some reade [...], that is to say, all. children, who daunce best: and for umpiers & judges were chosen Menissus the schoole­master, and Lampryas my brother: for before time he had daunced the warlike moriske verie pretily, and was held in the dauncing schooles and places of exercise, to have the best grace in gesticulation with his hands when he daunced, above all other boies whatsoever: now when as many had daunced and shewed therein more affection than elegancie, and more heart than art; some there were of the companie, who having chosen two more expert than the rest, and who affected greatly to observe the rules of art, praied them to daunce [...], as one would 50 say, motion after motion, or one bout after another. Heereupon Thrasibulus the sonne of Ammonius, demanded what this tearme [...], that is to say, motion, signified in this place, which ministred matter, and gave occasion unto Ammonius to discourse more at large concerning the parts of dauncing; for he said: That there were three parts thereof, namely, [...], and [...]: For that (quoth he) a daunce is compounded of motions, gestures, or countenances, like as songs standeth upon sounds, and times, or rests betweene; for pauses and staies are the ends of motions herein; and verily those motions, professors call [...]; but the dispositions and [Page 800] habitudes, [...], unto which the motions doe tend, and wherein they rest and end; namely, when in the forme and gesture of their body, they represent Apollo or Ran, or some of these ra­ging Bacchae, so as a man at the first sight may acknowledge their part expresly resembled: as for the third part called [...], it is not a feigned imitation, but a lovely and true demonstration of the subject matters in the daunce: for like as the poets when they would plainly and barely name Achylles, Ulysses, the Earth or Heaven, use their proper tearmes to expresse them, and even such as the vulgar know them by; but for the greater emphasis and representation as it were to the life of that which they meane to deliver, they use otherwhiles words of their owae making, and borrowed Metaphors; as namely, when they would signifie the noise of running mates, they are wont to say, they doe [...], and [...] and for to expresse the flight of 10 arrowes, they tell us that they flie [...], that is to say:

What hot desire and haste they make,
Of flesh and bloud their fill to take.

Also to shew a doubtfull battel, wherein it is hard to say whether part shall have the better hand; they come with these tearmes:

[...].
The fight two heads aloft in view,
Confronting equally did shew.

Likewise to expresse that which they would say, they devise and coine many compositions of names in their verses, as for example: Euripides speaking of Perseus: 20

Then Gorgon-slayer mounting hie,
In aire of Jupiter did flie.

Semblably Pindarus writing of the horse:

What time as he with courage stout,
[...]
Spur-lesse, his bodie gave so strong,
To runne a race from bout to bout,
Upon Alphëus banks along.

Yea and Homer describing a course at horse-running:

The chariots with brasse and tin, bedight upon the plaine,
30
And draw'ne by sure swift-footed steeds, were seene to runne amaine

Even so it is in dauncing, for that which they call [...], that is to say, gesture, representeth the forme & the visage: [...], that is to say, the motion, expresseth emphatically some affection, action, or power of the minde; but by the shewes, which they call [...], properly and prompt­ly, the very things themselves; as for example: the earth, the heaven, the assistants or stan­ders by; which being done in order, number, and measure, resemble those proper names which otherwhiles in poetrie are used, running roundly with the ornaments of their attributes and epithits in this manner:

Themis modest, venerable:
40
Venus black-eied, amiable:
Queene Juno with her gold-crowne honoured,
Faire Dion and wel-favoured.

Also:

From Helen came renowned kings, of
[...].
lawes protectors grave,
Sir Dorus, Xanthus, Aeolus,
[...].
who joied in horses brave.

for otherwise if poets should not thus doe, their stile would be very base, and their verses starke naught, and without all grace, as if one should pen them in this sort simply without all epi­thits: 50

From one descended Hercules,
And from another Iphytus,
This ladies Sire, her husband eke,
And sonne were kings all in their course:
Her brethren also were the like,
And so were her progenitors.
[Page 801] Who first to know what dame she was
Greece cleaped her Olympias.

For the like faults and errours are committed at dauncing in the foresaid shewes, if they carry not a probable likelihood and a grace with them, and the same accompanied with decencie and an unaffected simplicitie: in one word, we may fitly transferre the Apophthegme of Simonides, from painting unto dauncing, and say thus: That a daunce is a mute poesie, and poesie a speak­ing daunce; insomuch (quoth hee) as neither painting dependeth upon poesie, nor poesie of painting, as having no need at all, one of the other: whereas betweene dauncing and poetrie, all things are common, are participating one with another in every thing, and representing, both of them, one and the same thing, especially in those songs to daunce, which they call Hyporche­mata, 10 wherein is performed the most effectuall and lively resemblance, of the one, by gesture, and of the other, by words and names: so that poëmes seeme aptly to be compared unto the lines and pourfling in a picture, by which the formes of visages are drawen; insomuch, as hee who hath proceeded well in those Hyporchemata, and is become excellent in that feat, sheweth plainly, that these two arts, necessarily have need the one of the other: for he who chaunteth out this song,

[...], &c.

That is to say:

I play the horse of Thessaly,
Or els the hound of Amycly.
20

following and pursuing with his foot, the measures, and expressing the winding and turning sound of the voice; or this other song,

This place is corrupt, in the originall, that untill it be restored, I thinke it boot­lesse to go a­bout to [...] it.
[...]
[...]
[...], &c.

declareth thereby, that poëmes doe in maner provoke the disposition and gesture of dauncing, drawing with the sound of verses, as it were with certeine cords, both hands & feet, or the whole bodie rather, stretching out every member thereof in such sort, as when they be pronounced and chanted forth, there is not one of them that can rest in quiet: by occasion whereof, the par­tie who singeth such songs, is not abashed to praise himselfe no lesse for his sufficiencie in the 30 art of dauncing, than his accomplished skill in poesie; and as if he were rapt with some divine instinct, breaketh out into this note:

How olde soever that I be,
I can yet foot it merrily.

And this maner of dauncing to the measures, they call the Candiot daunce; howbeit, now a daies there is nothing so ill taught, so badly practised, and so much depraved and corrupted, as is this feat of dauncing: and therefore that is befallen unto it, which [...] the poet fearing, wrote of himselfe in these verses:

For honour lost among the gods, I [...] ,
With men alone I shall be honoured.
40

For having associated her selfe to (I wot not what) trivial and vulgar poesie, & being fallen from that which was ancient, divine and heavenly, she ruleth and beareth sway onely in foolish and amased theaters, where like a tyrannesse she hath in subjection a small deale of musicke (God wot) good enough to please and content the vulgar sort; but among wise men and divine indeed, it hath (to say a trueth) lost all honour and reputation.

These were in maner the last philosophicall discourses (Ô [...] Senecio) which were held at that time, in good [...] his house, during the festivall solemnitie of the Muses. 50

THE OPINIONS OF PHILOSOPHERS. 10

The Summarie.

FOrasmuch as in the Preface to the second tome, conteining the Miscellanes or mixt works of Plutarch, he spake of these gatherings out of naturall philosophie, and of the fruit that may be reaped thereout, by discerning true opinions from false; we will not rehearse againe here, that which was delivered in that place; but propose onely to the eies of the reader, the bare titles of every chapter thorowout these five books, which the authour hath joined together, for to shew the opinions of the ancient philosophers, as touching the ex­position of the principall points of naturall philosophie. 20

  • Chapters of the first Booke.
    • 1 What is Nature.
    • 2 What difference there is betweene a principle and an element.
    • 3 As touching Principles, what they be.
    • 4 How the world was composed.
    • 5 Whether All be One.
    • 6 How it commeth that men have a notion of God.
    • 7 What is God.
    • 8 Of heavenly intelligences or powers called Daemons, and of Demi-gods.
    • 9 Of the first Matter.
    • 10 Of the Forme called Idea.
    • 11 Of Causes.
    • 12 Of Bodies.
    • 13 Of the least indivisible bodies or Atomes.
    • 14 Of Figures.
    • 15 Of Colours.
    • 16 Of the section of bodies.
    • 17 Of Mixture and Temperature.
    • 18 Of Voidnesse.
    • 19 Of Place. [...]
    • 20 Of Space. [...]
    • 21 Of Time. 30
    • 22 Of the essence of Time.
    • 23 Of Motion.
    • 24 Of Generation and Corruption.
    • 25 Of Necessitie.
    • 26 Of the essence of Necessitie.
    • 27 Of [...] .
    • 28 Of the substance of Destinie.
    • 29 Of Fortune.
    • 30 Of [...] . 40
  • Chapters of the second Booke.
    • 1 Of the world.
    • 2 Of the figure of the world.
    • 3 Whether the world be endued with soule, and governed by providence.
    • 4 Whether the world be incorruptible.
    • 5 Whereof the world is nourished.
    • 6 With what element God began to frame the world.
    • 7 The order of the worlds fabricke.
    • 8 For what cause the world bendeth or copeth.
    • 9 Whether there be any voidnesse without the world.
    • 10 Which is the right side of the world, and which is the left.
    • 11 Of heaven, and what is the substance [...] .
    • 12 The division of heaven, and how many [...] it is divided into.
    • 13 What is the substance of the starres, and how they be composed?
    • 14 The figure of the starres.
    • 15 The order and situation of the starres. 50
    • 16 The lation or motion of the starres.
    • 17 Whence the starres have their light.
    • 18 Of the starres called Dioscuri, that is to say, Castor and Pollux.
    • 19 The signifiance of starres: how commeth winter and summer.
    • 20 The substance of the sunne.
    • [Page 803] 21 The greatnesse of the sunne.
    • 22 The forme of the sunne.
    • 23 The [...] or sunne-steads, or the conver­sions of the sunne.
    • 24 The ecclypse of the sunne.
    • 25 The substance of the moone.
    • 26 The bignesse of the moone.
    • 27 The forme of the moone.
    • 28 The illumination of the moone.
    • 29 The eclipse of the moone.
    • 30 The face or apparence of the moone; and why she seemeth earthly.
    • 31 The distance that is betweene sunne and moone.
    • 32 Of the yeere; and how much is the great [...] ; & the revolution of each planet.
  • Chapters of the third Booke. 10
    • 1 Of the circle Galaxia, or the milke way.
    • 2 Of comets or blasing starres; of starres that seeme to shoot or fall; as also of the fire­lights, or meteores called beames.
    • 3 Of thunders, lightnings, flashings, of the [...] winds, called Presteres and Typhons.
    • 4 Of clouds, raine, snowe, and haile.
    • 5 Of the rainbowe. 20
    • 6 Of rods or strakes in the skie.
    • 7 Of windes.
    • 8 Of winter and summer.
    • 9 Of the earth: what is the substance thereof: and how bigge it is.
    • 10 The forme of the earth.
    • 11 The positure or situation of the earth.
    • 12 The bending of the earth.
    • 13 The motion of the earth.
    • 14 The division of the earth.
    • 15 The zones or climates of the earth, how many and how great they be.
    • 16 Of earth quakes.
    • 17 Of the sea: how it is concret; and how it comes to be bitter.
    • 18 How come the tides, that is to say, the ebbing and flowing of the seas.
    • 19 Of the circle called Halo.
  • Chapters of the fourth Booke.
    • 1 Of the rising of Nilus.
    • 2 Of the soule. 30
    • 3 Whether the soule be corporall: and what is her substance.
    • 4 The parts of the soule.
    • 5 Which is the mistresse or principall part of the soule, and wherein it doth consist.
    • 6 Of the soules motion.
    • 7 Of the soules immortalitie.
    • 8 Of the senses and sensible things.
    • 9 Whether the senses and imaginations be true. 40
    • 10 How many senses there be.
    • 11 How sense and notion is performed, as also how reason is ingendred according to dis­position.
    • 12 What difference there is betweene imaginati­on, imaginable, and imagined.
    • 13 Of sight, and how we doe see.
    • 14 Of the reflexions or resemblances in mir­rors.
    • 15 Whether darknesse be visible.
    • 16 Of hearing.
    • 17 Of smelling.
    • 18 Of tasting.
    • 19 Of the voice.
    • 20 Whether the voice be incorporall: and how commeth the resonance called eccho.
    • 21 How it is that the soule hath sense: and what is the principal & predomināt part therof.
    • 22 Of respiration.
    • 23 Of the passions of the body: and whether the soule have a fellow-feeling with it of paine.
  • Chapters of the fift Booke.
    • 1 Of divination or [...] of future things. 50
    • 2 How dreames [...] .
    • 3 What is the substance of naturall seed.
    • 4 Whether naturall seed be a body.
    • 5 Whether femals as well as males doe yeeld naturall seed.
    • 6 After what maner conceptions are.
    • 7 How males and females are engendred.
    • 8 How monsters are ingendred.
    • 9 What is the reason that a woman accompany­ing often times carnally with a man, doth not [...] .
    • 10 How twinnes, both two and three at once, be occasioned.
    • 11 How commeth the resemblance of parents
    • [Page 804] 12 What is the cause that infants be like to some other, and not to the parents.
    • 13 How women proove barren, and men unable to ingender.
    • 14 What is the reason that mules be barren.
    • 15 Whether the fruit within the wombe, is to be accounted a living creature or no.
    • 16 How such fruits be nourished within the wombe.
    • 17 What part is first accomplished in the wombe.
    • 18 How it commeth to passe, that infants borne at seven moneths end, doe live, and are livelike.
    • 19 Of the generation of living creatures; how they be ingendred, and whether they be corruptible.
    • 20 How many kindes there be of living crea­tures; whether they all have sense and use of reason.
    • 21 In what time living creatures receive forme within the mothers wombe.
    • 22 Of what elements is every generall part in us composed.
    • 23 How commeth sleepe and death; whether it is of soule or bodie.
    • 24 When and how a man beginneth to come unto his perfection.
    • 25 Whether it is soule or bodie, that either sleep­eth or dieth. 10
    • 26 How plants come to grow, and whether they be living creatures.
    • 27 Of nourishment and growth.
    • 28 From whence proceed appetites, lusts and pleasures in living creatures.
    • 29 How the feaver is ingendred; and whether it be an accessarie or symptome to another disease.
    • 30 Of health, sicknesse, and olde age. 20

THE FIRST BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions.

The Prooeme.

BEing minded to write of naturall philosophie, we thinke it necessa­ry 30 in the first place, and before all things els, to set downe the whole disputation of Philosophie, by way of division; to the end that we may know which is naturall, and what part it is of the whole. Now the Stoicks say, that sapience or wisdom is the science of all things, aswell divine as humane; and that Philosophie is the profession and exercise of the art expedient thereto, which is the onely su­preame and sovereigne vertue; and the same divided into three most generall vertues; to wit, Naturall, Morall, and Verball: by reason whereof, Philosophie also admitteth a three-folde distribu­tion; to wit, into Naturall, Morall, Rationall or Verball: the Naturall part is that, when as we 40 enquire and dispute of the world and the things conteined therein: Morall, is occupied in in­treating of the good and ill that concerneth mans life: Rationall or Verball, handleth that which perteineth unto the discourse of reason and to speech, which also is named Logique or Dialelectique, that is to say, Disputative. But Aristotle and Theophrastus, with the Peri­pateticks, in maner all, divide Philosophie in this maner; namely, into Contemplative and Active: For necessarie it is (say they) that a man (to atteine unto perfection) should be a spe­ctatour of all things that are, and an actour of such things as be seemely and decent, and may the better be understood by these examples: The question is demanded, whether the Sunne be a living creature, according as it seemeth to the sight to be, or no? He that searcheth and en­quireth into the trueth of this question, is altogether therein speculative, for he seeketh no far­ther 50 than the contemplation of that which is; semblably, if the demand be made, whether the world is infinit? or if there be any thing without the pourprise of the world? for all these questi­ons be meere contemplative. But on the other side mooved it may be, How a man ought to live? how he should governe his children? how he is to beare rule and office of State? and last­ly, in what maner, lawes are to be ordeined and made? for all these are sought into, in regard of action, and a man conversant therein, is altogether active and practique.

CHAP. I. What is Nature?

SInce then, our intent and purpose is to consider and treat of Naturall philosophie, I thinke it needfull, to shew first, what is Nature: for absurd it were, to enterprise a discourse of Natu­rall things, and meane-while to be ignorant of Nature and the power thereof. Nature then (ac­cording to the opinion of Aristotle) is the beginning of motion and rest, in that thing wherein it is properly and principally, not by accident: for all things to be seene (which are done neither by fortune nor by necessitie, and are not divine, nor have any such efficient cause) be called Na­turall, 10 as having a proper and peculiar nature of their owne; as the earth, fire, water, aire, plants, and living creatures. Moreover, those other things which we do see ordinarily engendered, as raine, haile, lightning, presteres, winds, and such like; for all these have a certeine beginning; and every one of them was not so for ever, and from all eternitie, but did proceed from some originall: likewise, living creatures and plants, have a beginning of their motion; and this first principle, is Nature: the beginning not of motion onely, but also of rest and quiet; for whatso­ever hath had a beginning of motion, the same also may have an end: and for this cause, Nature is the beginning aswell of rest as of moving.

CHAP. II. What difference there is betweene a principle and an element. 20

ARistotle and Plato are of opinion, that there is a difference betweene a Principle and an Element; but Thales Milesius thinketh they be both one: howbeit, there is a great diffe­rence betweene the one and the other; for elements be compounded; whereas we holde, that the first Principles neither be compounded, nor are any complet substance: and verily, earth, water, aire, and fire, we tearme Elements; but Principles we call other Natures in this respect, that there is nothing precedent or before them, wherof they are ingendred; for otherwise, if they were not the first, they should in no wise be Principles, but that rather were to be so called, wher­of they be ingendred. Now certeine things there are precedent, whereof, earth and water, &c. be 30 composed; to wit, the first matter, without all forme and shape; as also the first forme it selfe, which we call Entelechia; and thirdly, Privation. Thales therefore is in an error, when he saith, that water was both the Element and Principle or first beginning of all things.

CHAP. III. Of principles or first beginnings, what they be.

THALES the Milesian affirmed, that Water was the first principle of the whole world: and this man seemeth to have beene the first author of philosophie: and of him tooke the 40 Ionique fect of Philosophers their name (for many families there were successively of Philo­sophers) who having studied Philosophie in Aegypt, went to Miletum, when hee was farre stept in yeeres, where he mainteined this position: That all things were made of Water; so all things were to be resolved againe into Water. The reasons of this conjecture of his, were these: first, because naturall seed is the principle and beginning of all living creatures, and that is of a moist substance; therefore probable it is, that all other things likewise have humiditie for their principle: secondly, for that all sorts of plants be nourished by moisture, which if they want, they wither and fade away: thirdly, considering that the fire or the sunne it selfe, and the starres is nourished and mainteined by vapours proceeding from the waters, the whole world also by consequence consisteth of the same: which is the reason, that Homer (supposing 50 all things to be engendred of water) saith thus:

The ocean sea, from whence [...] thing
[...] is, and hath beginning.

But ANAXIMANDER the Milesian holdeth: that Infinitie is the principle of al: for every thing proceedeth from it, & resolveth into it againe; & therefore there be engendred infinit worlds, and those vanish againe into that whereof they bee engendred: and why is there this Infinitie? Because (quoth he) there should never faile any generation, but still have [...] , howbeit, [Page 806] even he also erreth heerein; for that he declareth not what is this Infinitie whereof he speaketh, whether it be aire, water, or any other body? he faileth likewise in this, that he putteth downe a subject matter, but overthroweth the efficient cause: for this Infinity whereof he talketh, is no­thing else but matter; and matter cannot atteine to perfection, nor come into act; unlesse there be some mooving and efficient cause. ANAXIMENES the Milesian, mainteineth that aire is the principle of the world; for that all things come of it, and returne unto it: Like as, (quoth he) our soule which is aire, keepeth us alive; even so spirit and aire mainteine the Being of the whole world: for spirit and aire be two words, signifying both one thing. But this Philo­sopher is out of the way as well as the rest, in that hee thinketh that living creatures be compo­sed of a simple spirit, or uniforme aire: and impossible it is that there should be but one prin­ciple 10 of all things, to wit, matter; but there ought withall to be supposed an efficient cause: for it is not enough to be provided of silver or gold, for to make a vessell or piece of plate, if there come not unto it, the efficient cause, to wit, the gold-smith: semblably we are to say of brasse, wood, and all other sorts of matter.

ANAXAGORAS the Clazomenian, is perswaded, and so teacheth: That the principles of the world, and all that therein is, are small like parcels; which hee tearmeth Homaeomeries; for hee thought it altogether absurd and impossible, that any thing should bee made of that which is not; or bee dissolved into that which hath no being; for howsoever we take our nourishment simple and uniforme; as for example; eat bread of corne, and drinke water, yet with this nutriment, are nourished, haires, veines, arteries, sinewes, bones, and other parts of 20 the bodie, which being so: Confesse wee must (quoth hee) likewise, that in this food which wee receive are all things which have their Being; and that all things doe grow and encrease of that which hath Being: so that in this nourishment be those parcels which breed bloud, sinewes bones, and other parts of our body, which may bee comprehended by discourse of rea­son; for we are not to reduce all unto the outward sense, to shew and proove that bread and water effect these things: but it may suffice, that in them these parts are conceived by reason: Inasmuch therefore as in nourishment there be parcels semblable unto that which they breed, in that regard he called them Homaeomeries, affirming them to be the principles of all things; and even so he would have these semblable parcels, to be the matter of all things; and for effici­ent cause, he setteth downe a Minde or understanding, that ordereth and disposeth al. And thus 30 beginneth he to goe to worke, and reasoneth in this wise. All things at first were consumed and hudled together pell mell; but that Minde or understanding doth sever, dispose, and set them in order: in this one thing yet he hath done wel, and is to be commended, that unto the matter he hath adjoined a workman.

ARCHELAUS an Athenian, the sonne of Apollodorus, affirmeth, that the principle of all things was the infinit aire, together with the condensation, and rarefaction thereof; of which the one is fire, and the other water: and these Philosophers, following by continuall succession one upon another after Thales, made that sect which is called [...] . But from another head, PYTHAGORAS the sonne of Mnesarchus, & a Samian borne, the first author of the name of Philosophie: held that the principle of all things were Numbers, and their symmetries, that 40 is to say, the proportions that they have in their correspondency one unto another; which hee calleth otherwise Harmonies: & those elements that be composed of them both, are tearmed by him [...] : furthermore, hee reckoneth among Principles, Unitie, and Twaine inde­fioit; of which, the one tendeth and hasteneth to an efficient and specificall cause, to wit, a Minde, and the same is God; the other unto a passive and materiall cause, namely, the visible world: Moreover, he thought that the Denarie or Ten, was the absolute nature and perfection of numbers; for that all men, as well Greeks as Barbarians, count untill ten, and when they be thither come, they returne backe againe unto unitie: over and besides hee said: That all the power of ten, consisted within fower, and in a quaternarie; the reason is this: that if a man be­gin at one, and reckon on still, numbring upright unto foure, hee shall make up ten; surpasse 50 he once the quaternarie, he is gone beyond the denarie; as for example; one and two make three, three thereto arise to sixe, put thereto foure, and you have ten: insomuch as number collected by unities, resteth in ten; but the force and puissance thereof [...] in foure. The Py­thagoreans therefore were wont to sweare by the quaternarie or number of foure, which they held to be the [...] oath that they could take, as appeereth by this Distichon:

I sweare by this quaternity,
That [...] our soules fountaine,
[Page 807] Which of natures eternity,
Doth seed and root containe.

And our soule (as he saith) doth consist of the quaternary number; for there is in it, understan­ding, science, opinion, and sence; from whence proceedeth all manner of art and knowledge, and whereupon we our selves are called reasonable: as for understanding, it is that unity; for that it conceiveth and knoweth not but by unitie; as for example: There being many men, they are not every one in particular subject to our senses, but incomprehensible and infinit; mary in our understanding we conceive and apprehend this one man alone, unto whom none is like: and so in our cogitation we consider one man onely; but if they bee considered particularly apart, they are infinit: for all these genders and kindes are in unitie; and therefore when the 10 question is asked of a particular man what he is? we yeeld a generall definition and say: He is a reasonable creature, apt to discourse by reason; and so likewise of this or that horse, wee must answer: That hee is a living creature, having a propertie to neigh. Thus you see how under­standing is unity, whereby we understand these things: but the binary or number of two, is by good right an indefinit science: for all demonstration and proofe of any science, yea and moreover, all manner of syllogisme or argumentation, doth collect a conclusion which was doubtfull, of certeine premised propositions, confessed as true: whereby it sheweth easily ano­ther thing, whereof the comprehension is science; and so it appeereth, that science by a likeli­hood is the binarie number: but opinion by good reason may be said, the ternary number by comprehension; for that opinion is of many, and the ternarie number implieth a pluralitie or 20 multitude, as we may see by the poet when he saith:

Thrice happy men,
Those Greeks were then.

And for this cause Pythagoras made no reckoning of three, whose sect bare the name of Italique, for that he (not able to endure the tyrannicall dominion of Polycrates) departed from Samos, his native country, and went to keepe his schoole in Italy.

HERACLYTUS, and HIPPASUS the Metapontine, were of opinion, that Fire was the principle and beginning of all: for of fire say they, all things are made, and in fire they shal have an end; and when it is extrinct and quenched, the universall world is in this manner engendred and framed: for first and formost the grosest part thereof being condensate and thrust toge­ther 30 into it selfe, becommeth earth, and afterwards, when the same earth is resolved by fire, it tur­neth to be water; which when it doth evaporate, is converted into aire: againe, the whole world, and all the bodies therein conteined, shall be one day consumed by fire in that generall conflagration and burning of all: whereby hee concludeth, that fire is the beginning of all things, as that whereof all was made, and the end likewise, for that all things are resolved into it.

EPICURUS the Athenian, sonne of Neocles, following the philosophie of Democritus, saith: That the principles of all things be certeine Atomes, that is to say, little bodies indivisi­ble, and by reason onely perceptible, the same solide, and admitting no vacuitie, not engen­dred, immortall, eternall, incorruptible, such as neither can be broken, nor receive any forme 40 of the parts, ne yet be otherwise altered: These (quoth he) being perceptible & comprehended by reason, moove notwithstanding in emptinesse, and by emptinesse; & as the same voidnesse is infinite, so the said bodies also be in number infinit: howbeit these three qualities are incident unto them, figure, bignesse, and waight: for DIMOCRITUS allowed them but twaine, to wit, bignesse, and figure; but Epicurus added unto them a third, namely poise or ponderositie: For these bodies (quoth he) must of necessitie moove by the permission of the weight; otherwise they could not possibly stirre: the figures also of their bodies, (hee said) were comprehensible and not infinit; and these were neither hooked nor three-forked, ne yet round in manner of a ring, for such formes are apt to breake: as for the Atomes themselves, they be impassible and infrangible, having certeine figures, no otherwise perceptible, but by reason; and such a body 50 is called Atomus, not in this regard, that it is the least of all, but for that it cannot be divided, as being impassible, and admitting no vacuitie: and therefore he that nameth an Atome, saith as much, as infrangible, impassible, and without vacuitie: now that there is such an indivisible body called Atomus, it is apparent, for that there be elements eternall, bodies void, and an unitie.

EMPEDOCLES an Agrigentine, the sonne of Meton, saith: There be foure elements, fire, aire, water, and earth; also two principall faculties or powers, namely, [...] , and discord, or [Page 808] amitie and enmitie, of which, the one hath puissance to unite, the other to dissolve: and these be his words:

Foure seeds and rootes of all things that you see,
Now listen first, and hearken what they be:
Lord Jupiter with hisignipotence,
And lady Junoes vit all influence,
Rich Pluto, and dame Nestis weeping ay,
Who with her teares, our seed-sourse weets alway.

By Jupiter hee meaneth fierie heat, and ardent skie; by Juno giving life, the aire; by Pluto, the earth; by Nestis and this humane fountaine of naturall seed, water. 10

SOCRATES the sonne of Sophroniscus, and PLATO the sonne of Ariston, both Atheni­ans, (for the opinions of them both, concerning the world and all things therein, be the same) have set downe three principles, God, Matter, and Idea, that is to say, Forme: God is an uni­versall spirit or Minde: Matter is the first and principall subject of generation and corruption: Idea, an incorporall substance, resting in the thoughts and cogitations of God, which God; is the generall soule and intelligence of the world.

ARISTOTELES of Stagira the sonne of Nichomachus, hath put downe for Principles these three, to wit, a certaine forme called Eutelectus, Matter, and Privation: for elements, foure, and for a fifth Quintessence, the heavenly bodie which is immutable.

ZENO the sonne of Mnaseas, a Citican borne, holdeth for two principles, God and Mtater: 20 whereof the one is an active and efficient cause, and the other passive; and besides, foure ele­ments.

CHAP. IIII. How the the world was framed?

THis world then, became composed & formed in a round figure, bending and coping after this manner: those Atomes or indivisible bodies, having an accidentarie and inconsiderate motion, stirring continually, and most strictly, happen many of them to encounter one ano­ther and meet together; in which regard they differ in figures and magnitudes: now when they are thus gathered and heaped up together in one, the greater sort of them, and such as were 30 most ponderous, settled altogether downeward; as many of them as were small, round, even, smooth, and slipperie, those being beaten upon by the encounter of these weightie bodies, were repulsed, driven backe, and forced upward; but when that force which drave them aloft be­gan to faile, and gave over once to send them up higher, not being able to fall downward againe; for that they were empeached, they were of necessitie enforced to retire into those places which were able to receive them: to wit, such as were round about them; unto which, a mightie number of bodies being wound together in an heape, and by meanes of the repercussion, enterlaced one within another, they engendred and brought forth the heaven; and afterwards others of the same nature; yet of divers formes (as hath been said before) being likewise driven up aloft, accomplished the nature of Stars. Moreover, the multitude of those bodies yeelding a vapour 40 and exhalation, did beat forward and drive the aire; which by stirring and motion, being con­verted into wind, and comprising therewith the Starres, turned them about with it; and so main­taine unto this day, that revolution which they have aloft. Of those bodies then, which setled below, was made the earth; and of such as mounted on high, the heaven, the fire, and the aire: but round about the earth, by occasion that there was much matter yet left, and the same incras­sate and thickned, by the forcible driving of the winds, and the breathing of the starres: all that part thereof which was more subtile, and of a thinner forme and consistance, gathered round together, and engendred the element of water, which being of a liquid, and flowing nature ran downward to holow places lying low, which were able to receive and hold them: or else the wa­ter of it selfe where it staied and rested, made concavities and hollow places underneath. Thus 50 you see after what manner the principall parts of the world were first engendred and made.

CHAP. V. Whether All be one?

THe STOIKE Philosophers held opinion that the world was one, which they called [...], That is to say, All, and the same of corporall substance.

[Page 809] EMPEDOCLES affirmed, that the world indeed was one; but All and the world, were not both one: for the world quoth he, is but a small portion of All: and as for the rest beside, it is but an idle and dull matter.

PLATO proveth his opinion, that the world is but one, by conjecture; and guesseth All to be one, by three presumptions or probable arguments. First, for that otherwise the world were not perfect and accomplished, if it comprised not All within it selfe. Secondly, it should not be like unto the pattern, if it were not one and uniforme. Thirdly, it would not be incor­ruptible, in case there were any thing without it. But wee are to answere Plato and say against him, that the world is perfect, although it comprehend not all things: for man is perfect e­nough, 10 and yet all things be not comprised in him. Moreover, there be many examples drawn from one pattern, as we may see in statues, houses, and pictures: and how is it perfect, if any thing may turne without it? Finally, incorruptible neither is it, nor can it be, considering it had a be­ginning and a kind of Nativitie.

METRODORUS saith: That as it were an absurd and impertinent speech to say, that in a great field there grew but one eare of corne; so it were as strange a matter, that in this infinitie there should be but one world: and that there be in number infinite, it appeareth by this, that there be causes infinite: for if the world were finite, and all the causes infinite whereof it is made, it cannot chuse but of necessitie there should be likewise infinite: for where all the causes be, there must needs the effects follow: now the causes of the world, be either these Atomes or the Elements. 20

CHAP. VI. From whence it came that Men had the notion of God?

THe Stoicke Philosophers define the Essence of God in this wise; namely, To be a spirit full of intelligence, and of a fiery nature, having no forme, but transforming himselfe into whatsoever he will, and resembling all things. The notion and apprehension men had of him, first, by conceiving the beautic of those things which are object to their eies: for no beauti­full thing hath beene made by chaunce, and at adventure, but composed & framed by some in­genious 30 and operative Art: now that the heaven is beautifull, it appeareth by the forme, co­lour, and bignesse thereof, by the varietie also of the starres disposed therein: moreover, the world is round in manner of a Ball, which figure of all other is principall and most perfect, for it alone resembleth all the parts; for being round it selfe, it hath the parts likewise round. For this cause Plato said, That our mind and reason (the most divine part of man) is lodged and sea­ted in the head, which commeth neere unto a round figure: as for the colour, it is faire and lovely; for it standeth upon the azure or blew, which being more darke than purple, hath not­withstanding a bright and resplendent qualitie, in such sort, as by the exceeding strength of that lightsome hew, it cutteth and pierceth thorow so great an intervall and spaciousnesse of the aire, 40 as it may be evidently seene in so mightie a distance: in regard also of the greatnesse thereof, it is right beautifull; for, of all things that be of one and the same kinde, that which invironeth and conteineth the rest, is ever fairest; as we may see in a living creature, and a tree: besides, to con­summate and accomplish the beautie of the world, there be the celestiall signes which appeare unto our eie; for the oblique circle of the Zodiake, is embelished with twelve divers and sundry images,

Wherein the CRAB is to be seene, the LION after it,
The VIRGIN, and two forked
That is to say, Libra.
CLEES, the SCORPION with his bit,
The ARCHER and the CAPRICORNE, upon which horned GOAT, 50
There follow with the WATER-MAN, two FISHES all afloat;
And after these, ensue in course, the RAM and sturdy Bull,
But last of all, the double TWINNES, make up the douzen full.

[Page 810] Besides an innumerable sort of other configurations of starres, which God hath made in the like arches and rotundities of the world; whereupon Euripides wrote thus:

The starrie splendour of the skie, which [...] some do call,
The woondrous worke of that most wise Creatour, Lord of all.

Thus then we apprehended heereby, the notion of God; for the sunne, the moone, and other starres, after they have performed the course of their revolutions under the earth, come to rise againe all like in colour, equall in bignesse, and reteining alwaies still the same places and times: whereupon, they who deliver unto us the maner of Gods service and worship, declare the same 10 unto us after three sorts; the first, naturall; the second, fabulous; and the third, civill; that is to say, restified by the statutes and ordinances of every city and State: the naturall is taught by phi­losophers; the fabulous, by poets; the civill and legall, by the customes of ech citie: but all this doctrine and maner of teaching, is divided into seven sorts; the first consisteth in the celestiall bodies, appearing aloft in heaven; for men had an apprehension of God, by starres that shew above, seeing how they are the causes of great symphonie and accord, and that they keepe a cer­teine constant order of day and night, of Winter and Summer, of rising and setting, yea, and among those living creatures and fruits, which the earth beneath bringeth forth: whereupon, it hath bene thought, that heaven was the father, and earth, the mother to these; for that the pow­ring downe of showers and raine seemed in stead of naturall seeds, and the earth as a mother, to 20 conceive and bring the same forth. Men also, seeing and considering the starres alwaies [...], that is to say, holding on their course, and that they were the cause that we did [...], that is to say, beholde and contemplate: therefore they called the sunne and moone, &c. [...], that is to say, gods, of the word [...], that is to say, to run, and [...], that is to say, to behold. Now they range the gods into a second and third degree; namely, by dividing them into those that be pro­sitable, and such as are hurtfull, calling the good and profitable, Jupiter, Juno, Mercurie, and Ce­res; but the noisome and hurtfull, [...], that is to say, maligne spirits, [...], that is to say, fu­ries; and Ares, that is to say, Mars, whom they detested, as badde and violent, yea, and devised meanes to appease and qualifie their wrath. Moreover, the fourth and fifth place and degree, they attributed unto affaires, passions and affections; namely, love, Venus, lust or desire: and as 30 for affaires, they had hope, justice, good policie and equitie. In the sixth place, be those whom the poets have fained; for [...] being minded to set downe a father for the gods begotten and engendred, devised and brought in such progenitors as these,

To wit, [...] Ceus and Crius,
Hyperion, and Iapetus.

whereupon, all this kind is named Fabulous. But in the seventh place, are those who were ador­ned with divine honors, in regard of the great benefits and good deeds done unto the common life of mankind, although they were begotten and borne after the maner of men; and such were Hercules, Castor, Pollux, and [...] ; and these, they said, had an humane forme: for that as the most noble and excellent nature of all, is that of gods; so of living creatures, the most beautiful, 40 is man, as adorned with sundry vertues above the rest, and simply the best, considering the con­stitution of his minde and soule: they thought it therefore meet and reasonable, that those who had done best, and performed most noble acts, resembled that which was the most beautifull and excellent of all other.

CHAP. VII. What is God?

SOme of the philosophers, and namely, Diagor as of the isle of Melos, Theodorus the Cyrenae­an, and Euemerus of Tegea, held resolutely, that there were no gods. And verily, as touching 50 Euemerus, the poet Callimachus of Cyrene, writeth covertly in Iambique verses, after this maner:

All in a troupe, into that chapell go,
Without the walles, the city not farre fro;
Whereas sometime that old vain-glorious asse,
When as he had the image cast in brasse,
Of Jupiter, proceeded for to write
Those wicked books, which shame was to indite.

[Page 811] And what books were they? even those, wherein he discoursed that there were no gods at all. And Euripides the tragaedian poet, although he durst not discover & set abroad in open [...] the same, for feare of that high court and councell of Areopagus, yet he signified as much, in this maner; for he brought in Sisyphus as the principall author of this opinion, and afterwards, favourizeth even that sentence of his, himselfe; for thus he saith:

The time was, when the life of man was rude,
And as wilde beasts, with reason not endu'd,
Disordinate, when wrong was done alway,
As might and force in ech one bare the sway.

But afterwards, these enormities were laied away, and put downe, by the bringing in of lawes: 10 howbeit, for that the law was able to represse injuries and wicked deeds, which were notorious and evidently seene, and yet many men notwithstanding, offended and sinned secretly; then some wise man there was, who considered and thought with himselfe, that needfull it was al­waies, to blindfold the trueth with some devised and forged lies, yea, and to perswade men, that

A God there is, who lives immortally,
Who heares, who sees, and knowes all woondrously.

For away (quoth he) with vaine dreames and poeticall fictions, together with Callimachus, who saith:

If God thou knowest, wot well, his power divine,
All things can well performe, and bring to fine.
20

For God is not able to effect all things: for say there be a God, let him make snow, blacke, fire, cold, him that sitteth or lieth, to stand upright, or the contrary at one instant: and even Plato himselfe, that speaketh so bigge, when he saith: That God created and formed the world to his owne pattern and likenesse, smelleth heerein very strongly of some old [...] dotards foolerie: to speake according to the poets of the old comedie: For how could hee looke upon himselfe (quoth he) to frame the world according to his owne similitude? of how hath he made it round in manner of a globe, being himselfe lower than a man?

ANAXAGORAS is of opinion, that the first bodies in the beginning stood still and stirred not: but then the minde and understanding of God, digested and aranged them in order, yea and effected the generations of all things in the universall world. 30

PLATO is of a contrary mind, saying: That those first bodies were not in repose but that they moved confusedly and without order: whereupon God (quoth he) knowing that order was much better than disorder and confusion, disposed all these things; but as well the one as the o­ther have heerein faulted in common; for that they imagined and devised, that God was entang­led and encumbred with humane affaires; as also that he framed the world in regard of man, and for the care that he had of him: for surely (living (as he doth) happy & immortal, acomplished with all sorts of good things, and wholly exempt from all evill, as being altogether implored and given to prefer and mainteine his owne beatitude and immortallity) he intermedleth not in the affaires and occasions of men; for so he should be as unhappy and [...] as some [...] , mason or labouring workman, bearing heavie burdens travelling and sweting about the [...] 40 of the world Againe this god of who they speake, of necessity either was not before the creation of the world, at what time as those first bodies lay still unmoveable, or stirred confusedly; or else if he were before, he either slept or watched, or did neither the one nor the other: but as the for­mer of these we may not admit, for that God is eternall; so the latter we cannot [...] : for if God slept from all eternity and time out of minde, he was no better than dead: for what is eter­nal sleep, other than death? but surely God is not subject to death: for the immortallity of God, and this vicinity to death, are much distant asunder and cannot stand both together: but if wee say, that God was awake all that while; either he was defectuous in his blessed state of felicity; or els he enjoyed the same complet: but in the first condition God is not happy; for whatso­ever wanteth ought of felitity cannot be happy: and verily in the second state he is not better: 50 for if he were defective in nothing before, to what purpose busied he himselfe in such vaine en­terprises? moreover if there be a God, and that by his prudent care, mens affaires be governed, how commeth it to passe that wicked men prosper in the world, and finde fortune their [...] mother, but the good and honest suffer the contrary, and feele her to be a curst stepdame? for king Agamemnon, as the poet faith,

Aprince right good and gracious,
A knight with all most [...] .

[Page 812] was by an adulterer and adulteresse surprised and murdered trecherously: and Hercules one of his race and kinred, after he had ridde and purged the life of man from so many monsters that troubled his reposewas poisoned by Deianeira, and so by indirect meanes lost his life.

THALES saith, that God is the soule of the world.

ANAXIMANDER is of opinion, that the starres be celestiall gods.

DEMOCRITUS is perswaded, that God is a minde of a fierie nature, and the soule of the world.

PYTHAGORAS affirmeth, that of the two first principles, Unitie was God, and the sove­raigne good; which is the very nature of one, and is Understanding it selfe: but the indefinite binarie, is the divell and evill, about which is the multitude materiall, and the visible world. 10

SOCRATES and PLATO doe hold, that he is one and of a simple nature, begotten and borne of himselfe alone, truly good: All which tearmes and attributes, tend unto a Minde: so that, this minde is God, a forme separate apart, that is to say, neither mingled with any mat­ter, nor entangled and joined with any thing passible whatsoever.

ARISTOTLE supposeth, that this supreme God is an abstract forme, setled upon the round sphaere of the universall world, which is an heavenly and celestiall body, and therefore tearmed by him, the fifth body or quinta essentia: which celestial body being divided into many sphaeres coherent by nature, but separate and distinct by reason and understanding, hee thinketh each of these sphaeres to be a kinde of animall, composed of body and soule, of which twaine, the bo­die is celestiall, mooving circularly; and the soule, reason, unmooveable in it selfe, but the cause 20 in effect of motion.

The Stoicks teach after a more generall manner, and define God, to be a working and artifici­all fire, proceeding methodically and in order to the generation of the world, which compre­hendeth in itselfe all the spermaticall proportions and reasons of seed; according to which every thing by fatall destinie, is produced and commeth foorth: also to be a spirit piercing and spreading through the whole world; howbeit, changing his denomination throughout the whole matter, as it passeth by transition from the one to the other: Semblably that the world is God, the starres likewise and the earth, yea, and the supreme minde above in heaven.

Finally, Epicurus conceiveth thus of the gods, that they all have the forme of man, and yet be perceptable onely, by reason and cogitation, in regard of the subtile parts, and fine nature 30 of their imaginative figures: he also affirmeth, that those other foure natures in generall be in­corruptible, to wit, the atomes, vacuitie, infinitie, and resemblances, which also be called sem­blable parcels and elements.

CHAP. VIII. Of Daemons and demy-gods, otherwise named, Heroes.

TO this treatise of the gods, meet it is to adjoine a discourse as touching the nature of Daemones and Heroes. 40

THALES, PYTHAGORAS, PLATO, and the STOICKS, hold that these Daemons be spi­rituall substances: and the Heroes soule separate from their bodies; of which sort, there be good and bad: the good Heroes are the good soules, and the bad Heroes the bad soules; but EPICU­RUS admitteth none of all this.

CHAP. IX. Of Matter.

MAtter is the first and principall subject exposed to generation, corruption, and other mu­tations. 50

The Sectaries of THALES and PYTHAGORAS, together with the Stoicks, doe say, that this Matter, is variable, mutable, alterable and fluxible, all wholly thorow the universall world.

The disciples and followers of DEMOCRITUS are of opinion, that the first principles be impassible; to wit, the small indivisible bodie, Atomos, Voidnesse, and Incorporall.

ARISTOTLE and PLATO doe holde, that Matter is corporall, without forme, shape, fi­gure and qualitie, in the owne nature and propertie; but when it hath received formes once, it [Page 813] becommeth (as it were) a nurse, a molde, pattern, and a mother. They who set downe for this Matter, water, earth, fire or aire, do not say, that now it is without forme; but that it is a very bo­die: but such as affirme, that these Atomes and indivisible bodies be the said Matter, make it al­together formelesse.

CHAP. X. Of Idea.

IDea is a bodilesse substance, which of it selfe hath no subsistence, but giveth figure and forme unto shapelesse matters, and becommeth the very cause that bringeth them into shew and 10 evidence.

SOCRATES and PLATO suppose, that these Ideae bee substances separate and distinct from Matter, howbeit, subsisting in the thoughts and imaginations of God, that is to say, of Minde and Understanding.

ARISTOTLE admitteth verily these formes and Ideae, howbeit, not separate from matter, as being the patterns of all that which God hath made.

The STOICKS, such as were the scholars of Zeno, have delivered, that our thoughts and conceits were the Ideae.

CHAP. XI. Of Causes. 20

A Cause is that whereupon dependeth or followeth an effect, or by which any thing hap­neth.

PLATO hath set downe three kinds of Causes, and those are distinguished by these tearmes; By which, Of which, and For which; but he taketh the most principall to be that, By which; that is to say, the efficient cause, which is the minde or understanding.

PYTHAGORAS and ARISTOTLE do hold, that the principall Causes be incorporall; and as for other Causes, either by participation or by accident, they are of a corporal substance: and so the world is a bodie.

But the STOICKS are of opinion, that all Causes are corporall, inasmuch as they be spirits. 30

CHAP. XII. Of Bodies.

A Bodie is measurable, and hath three dimensions, length, bredth and depth or thicknesse. Or thus: A Bodie is a masse that resisteth, touching naturally of it selfe; or that which occupieth a place.

PLATO saith, that a Body is neither heavie nor light of it selfe naturally, so long as it abideth in the owne proper place; but being once in a strange place, it hath first an inclination, and up­on it a motion and impulsion, either to weight or lightnesse. 40

ARISTOTLE is of opinion, that earth simply is most ponderous, and fire lightest: that aire and water be of a middle or doubtfull nature betweene both, sometime heavie and otherwhiles light.

The STOICKS hold, that of the foure elements, two be light; namely, Fire and Aire; other two be heavie; to wit, Water and Earth: for, light is that, which of the owne nature, and not by any compulsion or instigation removeth from the proper middle where it is: heavy also is that, which naturally tendeth to the said middle; but the middle it selfe, is in no wise heavie.

EPICURUS saith, that Bodies are not comprehensible; that the first Bodies be simple; but all the compositions of them have their weight and ponderositie: also, that the ATOMES doe move, some plumbe right downe; others, at one side; and some againe, mount aloft, and that 50 by impulsion and concussion.

CHAP. XIII. Of the smallest Bodies.

EMPHDOCLES is of opinion, that before the foure elements, there were certeine small parcels or fragments, as one would say, elements before elements; and those were of sem­blable parts, and the same all round.

[Page 814] HERACLITUS cometh in with (I know not what) petie scrapings or shavings, exceeding small, and the same not divisible into parts.

CHAP. XIIII. Of Figures.

A Figure is the superficies, circumscription, and accomplished lineament of a bodie.

The PYTHAGOREANS affirme, that the bodies of the foure elements be of a sphae­ricke or round figure; onely the highest of them (to wit, fire) is pyramidall, or sharpe pointed 10 above.

CHAP. XV. Of Colours.

A Colour is the visible qualitie of a bodie.

The PYTHAGOREANS called Colour, the outward superficies of the bodie.

EMPEDOCLES defined it to be that which is fit and agreeable to the waies and passages of the sight.

PLATO saith, it is a flame sent from bodies, having certeine parcels proportionable to the 20 eie-sight.

ZENO the Stoicke holdeth, that Colours be the first figurations of any matter.

The followers of PYTHAGORAS affirme these to be the kinds of Colours, White, Blacke, Red, and Yellow; and that the diversity of Colours ariseth from a certeine mixture of elements: but in living creatures, the same proceedeth from the varietie of their [...], some reade [...], that is to say, their maners and conditi­ons. places and sundry aires.

CHAP. XVI. Concerning the Section of Bodies. 30

THe sectaries of THALES and PYTHAGORAS, are of opinion, that bodies bee passible and divisible infinitely.

DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS hold, that this section staieth either at the Atomes indi­visible, or at those small bodies which have no parts, neither doth this division (say they) passe infinitely.

ARISTOTLE saith, that divided they be in infinitum, potentially, but actually not.

CHAP. XVII. Of Mixture and Temperature. 40

THe auncient philosophers affirme, that this mixture of Elements is by way of alteration: but ANAXAGORAS and DEMOCRITUS, say, it is done by apposition.

EMPEDOCLES composeth the Elements of smaller masses, which he supposeth to be the least bodies, and as a man would say, the Elements of Elements.

PLATO would have the three bodies (for hee deigneth not them, either to bee called or to be, Elements) to be convertible one into the other, to wit, water, aire, and fire: but as for the earth, it cannot be turned into any one of them.

CHAP. XVIII. Of Voidnesse or Vacuttie. 50

THe naturall philosophers of THALES his schoole, all untill you come to Plato, have ge­nerally disavowed and reprooved this Vacuitie: As for Empedocles thus he writeth:

In all the world so spacious,
Nought is void or superfluous.

[Page 815] LEUCIPPUS, DEMOCRITUS, DEMETRIUS, METRODORUS, and EPICURUS, hold, that the Atomes be infinit in multitude, and Voidnesse infinit in magnitude.

The STOICKS affirme, that within the world there is no Voidnesse, but without there is infinitie.

ARISTOTLE is of opinion, that without the world there is no such Voidnesse, as that the heaven by the meanes thereof, may draw breath, for that it is of the nature of fire.

CHAP. XIX. Of Place. 10

PLATO saith, that Place is that which is susceptible of formes, one after another, which is by way of Metaphor or translation, to expresse the first matter, as a nurse receiving and embracing all.

ARISTOTLE taketh Place to be the extreame superficies of the continent, conjunct and contiguous to the content.

CHAP. XX. Of Roome or Space. 20

THe STOICKS, and EPICURUS doe holde, that there is a difference betweene Void­nesse, Place, and Roome: for Voidnesse (say they) is the solitude or vacuitie of a body: Place, that which is fully occupied and taken up with a body: but Roome or Space, that which is occupied but in part; as we may see in a rundlet or barrell of wine.

CHAP. XXI. Of Time.

PYTHAGORAS saith, that Time is the sphaere of that utmost heaven that compriseth all. 30

PLATO thinketh it to be the mooveable image of the eternitie, or the intervall of the worlds motion: but ERATOSTHENES affirmeth it to be the course of the sunne.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Essence of Time.

PLATO saith, that the Essence of Time is the mooving of heaven: but many of the STO­ICKS hold it, to be the mooving it selfe; and most of them affirme, that Time had no be­ginning of generation. 40

PLATO is of opinion, that engendred it is according to our conceit and capacitie.

CHAP. XXIII. Of Motion.

PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme, that Motion is a certeine difference and alteration in matter.

ARISTOTLE giveth out, that it is the actuall operation of that which is mooveable.

DEMOCRITUS saith, that there is but one kinde of Motion, to wit, that which tendeth 50 obliquely.

EPICURUS maintaineth twaine, the one direct and plumbe, the other side-long.

EROPHILUS is of opinion, that there is one Motion perceptible in reason, and another object to sense naturall.

HERACLITUS excluded all station, rest and repose out of the world: For this (quoth hee) belongeth unto the dead, but perpetuall Motion agreeth to eternall substances; and perish­able Motion to substances corruptible.

CHAP. XXIIII. Of Generation and Corruption.

PARMENIDES, MELISSUS, and ZENO, rejected wholy all Generation and Corrputi­on; for they thought the universall world to be unmooveable: but EMPEDOCLES and EPICURUS, and all those who held the world to be made of a masse and heape of small bodies hudled together, bring in and admit certeine concretions and dissipations; but in no wise Ge­nerations and Corruptions to speake properly, saying, that these come not according to quali­tie 10 by way of alteration, but according to quantity by collection and heaping together.

PYTHAGORAS, and as many as suppose matter to bee passible, hold, that there is pro­perly indeed Generation and Corruption: for they say that this is done by the alteration, mu­tation and resolution of the elements.

CHAP. XXV. Of Necessitie.

THALES saith, that Necessitie is most potent and forcible, for it is that which ruleth the 20 whole world.

PYTHAGORAS held, that the world was possessed and comapssed with Necessitie.

PARMENIDES, and DEMOCRITUS were of opinion, that all things were made by Ne­cessitie, and that destinie, justice, providence, and the Creatour of the world, were all one.

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Essence of Necessitie.

PLATO referreth some events to providence, and others he attributeth to Necessitie. 30

EMPEDOCLES saith, that the Essence of Necessitie is a cause apt to make use of the principles and elements.

DEMOCRITUS affirmeth it to be the resistance, the [...]. some [...] [...], that is to say, corruption. lation, motion, and permission of the matter.

PLATO holdeth it to be one while matter it selfe, and another while the habitude of that which is agent to the matter.

CHAP. XXVII. Of Destinie. 40

HERACLITUS affirmeth, that all things were done by fatall Destinie, and that it and Ne­cessitie be both one.

PLATO admitteth willingly this Destinie in the soules, lives, and actions of men; but hee inferreth withall a cause proceeding from our selves.

The STOICKES likewise according with the opinion of Plato, do hold, that Necessitie is a cause invincible, most violent and inforcing all things: also that Destinie is a connexion of cau­ses interlaced & linked orderly: in which concatenation or chaine is therein comprised also that cause which proceedeth from us, in such sort as some events are destined, and others not.

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the substance of [...] . 50

HERACLITUS saith, that the substance of Destinie is the reason that pierceth throughout the substance of the universall world.

PLATO affirmeth it to be an eternall reason, and a perpetuall law of the nature of the whole world.

[Page 817] CHRYSIPPUS holdeth it to be a certaine puissance spirituall, which by order governeth and administreth all things. And againe in his booke of definitions hee writeth thus: Destinie is the reason of the world, or rather the law of all things in the world, administred and governed by providence: or else the reason whereby things past, have beene; things present, are; and future things, shall be.

The STOICKES are of opinion that it is the chaine of causes, that is to say, an order and connexion, which cannot be surmounted and transgressed

POSIDONIUS supposeth it to be the third after Jupiter: for that Jupiter is in the first degree; Nature in the second; and fatall Destinie in the third.

CHAP. XXIX. Of Fortune. 10

PLATO defineth Fortune to be (in things proceeding from mans counsell and election) a cause by accident, and a verie casuall consequence

ARISTOTLE holdeth it to be an accidentall cause in those things which from some delibe­rate purpose and impulsion tend to a certaine end, which cause is not apparent, but hidden and uncertaine. And he putteth a difference between Fortune and rash adventure: for that all For­tune in the affaires and actions of this world is adventurous: but everie adventure is not by and by Fortune; for that it consisteth in things without action: againe, Fortune is properly in acti­ons 20 of reasonable creatures; but adventure, indifferently in creatures, as well unreasonable as reasonable, yea, and in those bodies which have neither life nor soule.

EPICURUS saith, that Fortune is a cause, which will not stand and accord with persons, times, and manners.

ANAXAGORAS and the STOICKS affirme it to be a cause unknowne, and hidden to hu­mane reason: for that some things come by necessitie, others by fatall destinie; some by delibe­rate counsell, others by Fortune, and some againe by casualitie or adventure.

CHAP. XXX. Of Nature. 30

[...] holdeth that Nature is nothing; only that there is a mixture and divulsion, or separation of Elements: for in this manner writeth he in the first booke of his Phisicks:

This one thing more I will yet say, of things that be humane
And Mortall, mature none there is, and deaths end is but vaine.
Amixture and divulsion, of Elements and of all, 40
Onely there is, and this is that, which men do Nature call.

Semblably ANAXAGORAS saith, that Nature is nothing else but a concretion and dissipa­tion: that is to say, generation and corruption.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions. 50

The Prooeme.

HAving now finished the Treatise of PRINCIPLES, ELEMENTS, and such other matters linked and concurring with them; I will turne my pen unto the discourse as touching their effects and works composed of them, beginning first at that which is most spatious and capable of all things.

CHAP. I. Of the World.

PYTHAGORAS was the first who called the Roundle that containeth and comprehendeth all, to wit, the World. [...]: for the orderly digestion observed therein.

THALES and his disciples held, that there is but one World.

DEMOCRITUS, EPICURUS, and their scholler METRODORUS affirme, that there be in­numerable Worlds in an infinite space according to all dimensions and circumstances.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that the course and race of the Sunne, is the verie circumscription of the bounds and limits of the World; and that it is the verie confinement thereof. 10

SELEUCUS held the World to be infinite.

DIOGENES affirmed, the universalitie to be infinite: but the world finite and deter­minate.

The STOICKS put a difference betweene universall and whole: for they say, that the universall together with voidnesse is infinite: and that the whole without voidnes is the World: so as these termes, the Whole and the World, be not both one.

CHAP. II. Of the figure and forme of the World. 20

THe STOICKS affirme the World to be round: some say it is pointed or pyramidal: others that it is fashioned in manner of an egge; but EPICURUS holdeth, that his Worlds may be round, and it may be that they are apt besides to receive other formes.

CHAP. III. Whether the World be animate, or endued with a soule.

ALL other Philosophers agree, that the World is animate, & governed by providence: but DEMOCRITUS, EPICURUS, and as many as maintaine ATOMES, and with all bring 30 in VACUITY, that it is neither animate, nor governed by providence, but by a certaine nature void of reason.

ARISTOTLE holdeth, that it is not animate wholy and throughout all parts; nor sensitive, nor reasonable, nor yet intellectuall or directed by providence: True it is (quoth he) that ce­lestiall bodies be capable of all these qualities, as being compassed about with sphaeres both ani­mate and vitall; whereas bodies terrestriall and approching neere unto the earth, are endued with none of them: and as for the order and decent composition therein, it came by accident, and not by prepensed reason and counsell.

CHAP. IIII. Whether the World be incorruptible and eternall. 40

PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme, that the world was ingendred and made by God; and of the owne nature (being corruptible) shall perish: for sensible it is, and therefore corpo­rall; howbeit, in regard of the divine providence, which preserveth and mainteineth it, perish it shall never.

EPICURUS saith, that it is corruptible, for that it is engendred, like as a living creature or a plant.

XENOPHANES holdeth the world to be eternall, ingenerable, uncreated and incorruptible.

ARISTOTLE is of opinion, that the part of the world under the moone, is passible; where­in the bodies also adjacent to the earth, be subject to corruption. 50

CHAP. V. Whereof the World is nourished.

ARISTOTLE saith, that if the World be nourished, it is likewise corruptible, and wil perish; but so it is, that it hath no need of nouriture, and so by consequence it is eternall.

[Page 819] PLATO is of opinion, that the world yeeldeth unto it selfe nouriture of that which perisheth, by way of mutation.

PHILOLAUS affirmeth, that there is a two-folde corruption; one while by fire falling from heaven, and another while by water of the moone, powred [...] by the [...] and turning about of the aire; the exhalations whereof become the food of the world.

CHAP. VI. At which element began God the fabricke of the world? 10

THe Naturalists doe holde, that the creation of the world began at earth, as the very center thereof; for that the beginning of a sphaere or ball, is the center.

PYTHAGORAS saith, that it began at fire, and the fifth element.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that the first thing separate apart, was the skie or fifth essence, called Aether; the second, Fire; after which, the Earth; of which being thrust close and pressed toge­ther by the violence of revolution, sprang Water, from which Aire did evaporate: also, that heaven was made of that Skie or Quintessence; the sunne, of Fire; and of the other elements, were constipate and felted (as it were) terrestriall bodies, and such as be neere the earth.

PLATO is of opinion, that this visible world was formed to the molde and pattern of the in­tellectuall: that of the visible world, the soule was first made; and after it, that which is corpu­lent: 20 that of the fire and earth, first; that which standeth of water and aire, second.

PYTHAGORAS affirmed, that of the five solid bodies, which are also called Mathematicall; the Cube (that is to say, asquare bodie, with sixe faces) went to the making of the earth; of the pointed Pyramis, was made fire; of Octoedra or solide bodie with eight bases, the earth; of Ico­siedra with twentie sides, the water; of Dodecaedra with twelve faces, the supreame sphaere of the universall world: and himselfe herein also doth Pythagorize.

CHAP. VII. Of the order of the worlds fabricke. 30

PARMENIDES imagineth certeine coronets (as it were) enterlaced one within another, some of a rare substance, others of a thicke, and the same mixed of light and darknesse be­tweene; also that the bodie which conteined them all together, was as firme and solid as a wall.

LEUCIPPUS and DEMOCRIRUS enwrapped the world round about with a tunicle or membrane.

EPICURUS held, that the extremitie of some worlds were rare; of others thicke; and that of them, some were moveable, others immoveable.

PLATO setteth downe Fire first; secondly, the Skie; then Aire; afterwards, Water; and last of all, Earth; but otherwhiles, he conjoineth the Skie unto Fire. 40

ARISTOTLE rangeth in the first place, the impassible Aire, which is a certeine fifth bodie; and after it, the Elements passible, to wit, Fire, Aire, Water, and Earth the last: of all which, un­to the celestial bodies he attributeth a circular motion; and (of the others situate beneath them) unto the lighter kinde, the ascent or rising upward; unto the weightier, descent or setling down­ward.

EMPEDOCLES is of opinion, that the places of the elements are not alwaies steadie and certeine, but that they all interchange mutually one with another.

CHAP. VIII. What is the cause that the world bendeth or copeth forward. 50

DIOGENES and ANAXAGORAS affirme, that after the world was made, and that living creatures were produced out of the earth, the world bowed (I wot not how) of it selfe, and of the owne accord, to the Southerne or Meridionall part thereof; haply by the divine provi­dence so ordering all, that some parts of the world should be habitable, others inhabitable, ac­cording to excessive colde, extreame heat, and a meane temperature of both.

[Page 820] EMPEDOCLES saith, that by reason that the aire gave place to the violence of the Sunne, the two Beares or Poles [...] and Antartick. bended, and inclined: as for those parts which were northerly, they were elevated and mounted aloft; but the southerne coasts were depressed and debased as much; and so accordingly the whole world.

CHAP. IX. Whether without the world, there be any vacuitie?

THe schoole of Pythagoras holden that there is a voidnesse without the world, to which, 10 and out of which the world doth draw breath: but the STOICKS affirme that into it, the infinite world by way of conflagration is resolved.

POSIDONIUS admitteth no other infinitie, than as much as is sufficient for the dissolution thereof.

In the first booke of vacuitie, ARISTOTLE saith, there is voidnesse.

PLATO affirmeth, that there is no emptinesse at all, either without or within the world.

CHAP. X. What be the right sides, and which be the left, in regard of the world. 20

PYTHAGORAS, PLATO, and ARISTOTLE do take the East for the right part, and the West for the left.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that the right side bendeth toward the summers Tropick; and the left toward the Tropick of winter.

CHAP. XI. Of Heaven, and what is the substance thereof.

ANAXIMENES affirmeth the exterior circumference of Heaven to be earthy.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that Heaven is solid, being made of aire condensate by fire, 30 after the manner of chrystall; and that it conteineth the fierie and airie nature in the one and the other hemisphaere.

ARISTOTLE holdeth, that Heaven is composed of the fifth body above fire, or else of the mixture of heat and cold.

CHAP. XII. Of the division of Heaven: and namely into how many Circles it is divided.

THALES, and PYTHAGORAS with his followers doe say, that the sphaere of the whole 40 Heaven is parted into five circles, which they call certeine Zones cinctures or girdles; of which circles, one is called the Arctick, and is alwaies to bee seene of us; a second the summer Tropick; a third Aequinoctiall; the fourth, winter Tropick; and the fifth the Antartick circle: which is evermore unseene: as atouching the oblique or crooked circle, called the Zodiacke, which lieth under the other three middle circles above named, it toucheth them all three as it passeth, and every of them are cut in right angles by the Meridian, which goeth from pole to pole.

PYTHAGORAS was the first (men say) that observed the obliquity of the Zodiack: which invention neverthelesse Oenopides the Chian, ascribeth to himselfe, as if he were the authour of it. 50

CHAP. XIII. What is the substance of the Starres, and how they were made and composed.

THALES affirmeth them to be terrestriall, and nathlesse fierie and ardent.

EMPEDOCLES holdeth them to be enflamed by that fire, which the skie conteining [Page 821] within it selfe, did violently strike and send foorth at the first excretion. ANAXAGORAS saith, that the sky which environeth, is indeed of the owne essence of a fiery nature; but by the violent revolution of it selfe, snatcheth up stones from the earth, and setting them on [...] , they be­come Starres.

DIOGENES thinketh, that Starres be of the substance of a pumish stone, as be being the breathing holes of the world: and againe, the same philosopher saith, that they bee certeine blinde-stones not apparent; howbeit, falling often to the earth, are there quenched, as it hap­neth in a place called [...], that is to say, Goats rivers, where there fell sometime a stone­starre in forme of fire.

EMPEDOCLES holdeth, that the fixed Starres which wander not, be fastned to the christall 10 skie; but the planets are loose and at liberty.

PLATO giveth out, that for the most part they be of fire, and yet neverthelesse they partici­pate with other elements in maner of glue or soder.

XENOPHANES is of opinion, that they consist of clouds inflamed, which notwithstanding are quenched every day, & afterwards againe be fiered in the night in maner of coles: as for the rising and setting of Starres, they be nothing else but their catching fire and quenching.

HFRACLYDES and the PYTHAGOREANS hold, that every Star is a world by it selfe, con­teining an earth, an aire, and a skie, in an infinit celestiall nature; and these opinions goe cur­rent in the verses of Orpheus, for they make of every Starre a world. EPICURUS reprooveth 20 none of all this, but holdeth still that old note of his: It may so be.

CHAP. XIIII. The forme and figure of Starres.

THe STOICKS say, that the Starres be sphaericke or round like as the world, the sunne and moone. CLEANTHES holdeth them to bee pointed and pyramidall. ANXIMENES saith, they sticke fast in the christalline skie, like a number of nailes. Others imagine that they be fierie plates, like unto [...] pictures. 30

CHAP. XV. Of the order and situation of Starres.

XENOCRATES supposeth that the Starres moove upon one and the same superficies: but other Stoicks affirme that there be some afore others in heigth and depth.

DEMOCRITUS raungeth the fixed Starres first; next the planets; and after them, the sunne, the moone, and the day-starre [...] .

PLATO after the situation of the fixed Starres, setteth in the first place that which is called Phaenon, to wit, the Starre of Saturne; in the second, Phaethon, which is the Starre of Jupiter; 40 in the third, Pyroeis, that is to say, fierie or ardent, and it is that of Mars; in the fourth Phos­phorus, and that is Venus; in the fifth Stilbon, which is Mercurie; in the sixth, the Sunne; and last, in the seventh, the Moone. Of the Mathematicians some accord with Plato, others place the Sunne in the middes of them all.

ANAXIMANDER, METRODORUS the Chian, and CRATES affirme, that the Sunne is placed highest of all, next to him the Moone, and under him the fixed Starres and the Planets.

CHAP. XVI. Of the lation and motion of the Starres. 50

ANAXAGORAS, DEMOCRITUS, and CLEANTHES, doe hold, that all Starres doe moove from east to west.

ALCMAEON and the Mathematicians say, that the planets hold an opposite course to the fixed Starres, and namely from the west to the east.

ANAXIMANDER saith, they be caried by their sphaeres and circles, upon which they are fastned.

[Page 814] ANAXIMENES is of opinion, that they roll as well toward the earth, as turne about the earth.

PLATO and the Mathematicians hold, that the course of the Sunne, of Venus, and of Mer­curie, is the same and equall.

CHAP. XVII. From whence the Starres have their illumination.

METRODORUS thinketh, that all the fixed Starres have their light from the sunne.

HERACLYTUS, and the Stoicks say, that the Starres bee nourished by exhalations 10 arising from the earth.

ARISTOTLE opineth, that the celestiall bodies need no nouriture, for that they are not, corruptible but eternall.

PLATO and the Stoicks hold, that all the world and the Starres likewise be nourished of themselves.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the two Starres named Dioscuri, to wit, Castor and Pollux.

XENOPHANES doth mainteine that the lights like Starres which appeere otherwhiles up­on 20 ships, are thinne and subtill clouds, which after a kinde of motion doe shine.

METRODORUS saith, they be certeine glittering sparkels glauncing and leaping out of their eies who behold them with feare and astonishment.

CHAP. XIX. Of the fignification of Starres, and how commeth winter and summer.

PLATO saith, that the tokens & significations both of Winter and Summer, proceed from the rising and setting of Sunne, Moone, and other Starres, as well fixed as wandring.

ANAXIMENES saith, that none of all this is occasioned by the Moone, but by the Sunne 30 onely. EUDOXUS and ARATUS affirme them to bee in common, by meanes of all the Starres: and ARATUS sheweth as much in these verses:

These radiant starres and lights so evident,
As signes, God hath set in the firmament,
Distinct, in great foresight, throughout the yeere,
To shew how all the seasons ordered were.

CHAP. XX. Of the Sunnes substance. 40

[...] affirmeth, that the circle of the Sunne is eight and twentie times bigger than the earth, having an hollow apsis about it, like (for all the world) unto a chariot wheele, and the same full of fire [...] in one certeine place whereof, there is a mouth, at which the fire is seene, as out of the hole of a flute, or such like pipe, and the same is the Sunne.

XENOPHANES holdeth, that there is a certeine gathering of small fires, which by occasion of moist exhalations, meet together; and they all (being collected) make the bodie of the Sun, or els (quoth he) is a cloud set on fire.

The STOICKS say, that the Sun is an inflamed body [...] or [...] after some. intellectuall, or humour inflamed, 50 proceeding out of the sea.

PLATO imagineth it to consist of much [...] .

ANAXAGORAS, DEMOCRITUS, and METRODORUS suppose it to be a masse of yron, or a stone inflamed.

ARISTOTLE is of opinion, that it is a sphaere out of the fifth body.

PHILOLAUS the Pythagorean, is perswaded that it is in maner of a glasse, receiving the re­verberation of all the fire in the world, and transmitting the light thereof unto us (as it were) [Page 823] thorow a tannise or streiner, in such sort, as that fierie light in heaven resembleth the Sun: then that which proceedeth from it, is in forme of a mirrour: and thirdly, there is a splendour, which by way of reflexion from that mirrour, is spread upon us: and this call we the Sun, as it were the image of an image.

EMPEDOCLES is of this minde, that there be two Sunnes, the one an originall and primi­tive fire, which is in the other hemisphaere of the world; and the same filling this hemisphaere of ours, as being alwaies situate full opposit to the reflexion of the resplendent light thereof: as for this that we see, it is the light in that other hemisphaere, replenished with aire mixed with heat, & the same is occasioned by refraxion from the earth, that is more round, entring into the Sun, 10 which is of a Crystalline nature, and yet is trained and caried away together with the motion of that fire. But to speake more plainly and succinctly in fewer words, this is as much to say, as the Sunne is nothing els, but the reflexion of that light of the fire which is about the earth.

EPICURUS imagineth the Sun to be a terrestriall spissitude or thicknesse, yet spungeous (as it were) and hollow in maner of a pumish stone, and in those holes lightned by fire.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Sunnes magnitude.

ANAXIMANDER is of opinion, that the Sunne is equall in bignesse to the earth; but the 20 circle from which he hath his respiration, and upon which he is caried, is eight and twen­tie times bigger than the whole earth.

ANAXAGORAS said, it was by many degrees greater than all Peloponnesus.

HERACLITUS held, that it was a mans foot broad.

EPICURUS againe affirmed, that all abovesaid might be; or that it was as bigge as it appea­red to be, at leastwise a little under or over.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Sunnes forme. 30

ANAXIMENES imagined that the Sunne was flat and broad, like unto a thinne plate of mettall.

HERACLITUS supposed it to be made like unto a boat, somewhat curbed downeward, and turning up.

The STOICKS suppose it to be round, like unto the whole world and other starres.

EPICURUS saith, that all this may be well enough.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Solsticies or Tropiques of the Sunne. 40

ANAXIMENES thinketh that the Starres are beaten backe by the thicke aire, and the same making resistance.

ANAXAGORAS saith, that they are occasioned by the repulse of the aire, about the Beares or Poles, which the Sunne himselfe (by thrusting and making thicke) causeth to be more pow­erfull.

EMPEDOCLES ascribeth the reason thereof to the sphaere, that conteineth and impeach­eth him from passing farther; as also to the two Tropique circles.

DIOGENES imagineth, that the Sun is extinct by the cold, falling opposit upon the heat. 50 The STOICKS affirme, that the Sunne passeth thorow the tract and space of his food and pa­sture lying under him, which is the Ocean sea or the earth, upon the vapours and exhalation whereof he feedeth.

PLATO, PYTHAGORAS and ARISTOTLE holde, that this is occasioned by the obli­quitie of the Zodiacke circle, thorow which the Sunne passeth biase; as also, by reason of the Tropicke circles, which environ and guard him about: and all this, the very sphaere it selfe doth evidently shew.

CHAP. XXIIII. Of the Sunnes eclipse.

THALES was the first who observed the Sunnes eclipse, and said, that it was occasioned by the Moone, which is of a terrestriall nature, when as in her race, she commeth to be just and plumbe under him; which may be plainly seene as in a mirrour, by setting a bason of water underneath.

ANAXIMANDER said, that the Sun became eclipsed, when the mouth or tunnill (at which the heat of his fire commeth forth) is closed up. 10

HERACLITUS is of opinion, that this hapneth, when the bodie of the Sun which is made like a boat, is turned upside downe, so as the hollow part thereof is upward, and the keele down­ward to our sight.

XENOPHANES affirmeth, that this commeth by extinction of one Sun, & the rising of an­other againe in the East: he addeth moreover, and reporteth, that there is an eclipse of the Sun, during one whole moneth; as also one entire and universall eclipse, in such maner, as the day scemeth to be night.

Others ascribe the cause thereof, to the thickenesse of clouds, which suddenly and after an hidden maner, overcast the rundle and plate of the Sunne.

ARISTARCHUS reckoneth the Sunne among the fixed Starres, saying, that it is the earth 20 which rolleth and turneth round about the Sunnes circle, and according to the inclinations thereof, the Sunnes lightsome bodie commeth to be darkened by her shade.

XENOPHANES holdeth, that there be many Sunnes and Moones, according to the divers Climats, Tracts, Sections, and Zones of the earth: and at a certeine revolution of time, the rundle of the Sunne falleth upon some Climate or Section of the earth, which is not of us inha­bited; and so marching (as it were) in some void place, he suffereth eclipse: he also affirmeth, that the Sun goeth indeed infinitly forward stil, but by reason of his huge distance and retract from us, seemeth to turne round about.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Moones substance. 30

ANNAXIMANDER saith, that the Moone is a circle, xix. times bigger than the earth, and like as that of the Sunne, full of fire; that she suffereth eclipse when her wheele turneth: for that he saith, that circle resembleth the wheele of a chariot, the movature or felly whereof, is hollow and full of fire; howbeit, there is an hole or tunnell, out of which the fire doth exhale.

XENOPHANES saith, that the Moone is a thicke, compact, and felted cloud.

The STOICKS hold, that she is mixed of fire and aire.

PLATO affirmeth, that she standeth more of a fierie substance.

ANAXAGORAS and DEMOCRITUS do hold, that the Moone is a solid and firme bodie 40 all fiery, containing in it, champian grounds, mountaines and vallies.

HERACLITUS is of opinion that it is earth overspred with mists.

PYTHAGORAS also thinketh that the bodie of the Moone is of the nature of fire.

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Moones [...] .

THe STOICKS pronounce flatly that the Moone is bigger than the Earth, like as the Sunne also. 50

PARMENIDES affirmeth it to be equall in brightnesse to the Sunne, and that of him she hath her light.

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Moones forme.

THe STOICKS say, the Moone is round as a globe, like as the Sunne.

EMPEDOCLES would have it to resemble abason or platter.

[Page 825] HERACLITUS compareth it to a boat; and others to a round cylinder; That which is insetted be­tweene these two marks [ ] I finde neuther in the original Greeke, nor in the French, but in the La­tine onely. [that she is shaped seven manner of waies: at her first birth as it were she appeereth horned or tipped; then divided or quartered; afterwards growing somewhat together; and soone after full: from which time by little and little she waneth by degrees; first bending somewhat close, then quartered, and after that tipped and horned, untill at the change she appeereth not at all: and they say this va­rietie of her configurations, is occasioned by the earth shadowing her light more or lesle, accor­ding as the convexitie of the earth commeth betweene.]

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Moones illuminations. 10

ANAXIMANDER saith, that she hath a light of her owne, but the same very rare and thinne.

ANTIPHON affirmeth, that she shineth with her owne light: and whereas she is other­whiles hidden, it proceedeth from the opposition of the sunne; namely, when a greater fire commeth to darken a lesse, a thing incident to other starres.

THALES and his followers hold, that the Moone is lightned by the sunne.

HERACLITUS supposeth, that the case of the sunne and Moone is all one, for that both of them being formed like a boat, and receiving moist exhalations, they seeme in our sight illu­minate; 20 the sunne brighter of the twaine, for that he [...] in a more cleere and pure aire, and the Moone in that which is more troubled, which is the reason that she seemeth more darke and muddy.

CHAP. XXIX. Of the Moones Ecclipse.

Anaximandes ANAXIMENES saith, that the Moone is Ecclipsed, when the mouth or venting hole whereout issueth her fire, is stopped.

BEROSUS is of opinion, that it is when that face and side of hers which is not lightned, tur­neth 30 toward us.

HERACLITUS would have it to be, when the convexitie or swelling part of the boat [...] she doth represent, regardeth us directly.

Some of the PYTHAGOREANS doe holde the ecclipse of the Moone to be partly a rever­beration of light, and in part an obstruction; the one in regard of the earth, the other of the Antipodes, who tread opposite unto us. But the moderne writers are of opinion, that it is by occasion of the augmentation of the Moones flame, which regularly and by order is lightned by little and little, untill it represent unto us the full face of the Moone, and againe doth dimi­nish and wane in proportion, untill the conjunction, at what time it is altogether extinct.

PLATO, ARISTOTLE, the STOICKS, and MATHEMATICINAS, do all with one ac­cord 40 say, that the occultations of the Moone every moneth, are occasioned by reason that she falleth in conjunction with the sunne; by whose brightnesse she becommeth dimme and dark­ned: but the Ecclipses of the Moone be caused when the commeth within the shadow of the earth, situate directly betweene both Starres, rather for that the Moone is altogether obstruc­ted therewith.

CHAP. XXX. Of the Moones apparition, and why she seemeth to be earthly.

THe PYTHAGOREANS affirme, that the Moone appeereth terrestriall, for that she is 50 inhabited round about, like as the earth wherein we are, and peopled as it were with the greatest living creatures, and the fairest plants; and those creatures within her, be fifteene times stronger and more puissant than those with us, and the same yeeld foorth no excrements, and the [...], some reade [...], that is to say, night. day there, is in that proportion so much longer.

ANAXAGORAS saith, that the inequalitie which is seene in the face of the Moone, pro­ceedeth from the coagmentation of cold and terrestrity mixed together, for that there is a [Page 826] certaine tenebrositie medled with the fierie nature thereof: whereupon this starre is said to be Pseudophores, that it to say, to have a false light.

The STOICKS are of opinion, that by reason of the diversitie of her substance, the com­position of her bodie is not subject to corruption.

CHAP. XXXI. The distance betweene Sunne and Moone.

EMPEDOCLES thinketh, that the Moone is twice as far off from the Sunne as she is from 10 the earth.

The MATHEMATICIANS say, that the distance is eighteene times as much.

ERATOSTHENES giveth out, the Sunne is from the earth 408. thousand stadia, ten times told: and the Moone from the earth 78. thousand stadia, ten times multiplied.

CHAP. XXXII. Of the yeeres: And how much the yeere of every Planet conteineth the great yeere.

THe revolution or yeeere of Saturne comprehendeth thirtie common yeres: Of Jupiter 20 twelve: of Mars two: of the Sunne, twelve moneths: those of Mercurie and Venus be all one, for their course is equall: of the Moone thirtie daies: for this we count a perfect moneth, to wit, from the apparition to the conjunction. As for the great yeere; some say, it compriseth eight yeeres: others ninteen, and others againe sixtie wanting one. HERACLI­TUS saith it consisteth of 80000. solare yeeres. DIOGENES of 365. yeeres, such as Hera­clitus speaketh of: and others of 7777.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions. 30

The Prooeme.

HAving summarily, and after a cursorie manner treated in the former bookes, of coelestiall bodies, and resting in the confines thereof, which is the Moone, I will addresse my selfe in this third booke, to discourse of Meteores, that is to say, of such impressions as be engendred in the aire above, to wit, betweene the circle of the Moone and the situation of the earth: the which men hold generally to be in stead of the prick or center in that compasse of the universall Globe. And heereat will 40 I beginne.

CHAP. I. Of the Milke way or white circle Galaxia.

THis Galaxia is a cloudie or mistie circle, appearing alwaies in the skie; and called it is the Milke way, of the white colour which it doth represent.

Of the Pythagoreans some say, it is the inflammation or burning out of some starre re­mooved, and falling out of his proper place, which hath burnt round about all the way as it passed, from the verie time of Phaethon his conflagration. 50

Others hold, that in old time the race and course of the Sun was that way. Some are of opini­on, that it is a specularie apparition, only occasioned by the reflexion of the Sun-beames against the cope of heaven, even as we observe it to fall out betweene the rainbow and thicke clouds.

METRODORUS affirmeth it to be caused by the passage of the Sunne: for that this is the so­lare circle.

PARMENIDES is of opinion that the mixture of that which is thicke, with the rare or thin, engendreth this milkie colour.

[Page 827] ANAXAGORAS saith, that the shadow of the earth resteth upon this part of heaven, at what time as the Sunne being undemeath the earth, doth not illuminate all throughout.

DEMOCRITUS is perswaded, that it is the resplendent light of many small starres, and those close together, shining one upon another, and so occasioned by their spissitude and astriction.

ARISTOTLE would have it to be an inflamation of a drie exhalation; the same being great in quantitie and continued: and so there is an hairy kind of fire under the skie, and beneath the planets.

[...] supposeth it to be a consistence of fire, more cleere and subtile than a starre, and yet thicker than a splendeur or shining light. 10

CHAP. II. Of Comets, or Blazing starres: of Starres seeming to shoot and fall: as also of fierie beames ap­pearing in the aire.

SOme of Pythagoras scholars affirme, that a Comet is a starre of the number of those which appeare not alwaies, but at certaine prefixed seasons after some periodicall revoluti­ons do arise.

Others affirme it to be the reflexion of our sight against the Sunne, after the manner of those resemblances which shew in mirrours or looking glasses. 20

ANAXAGORAS and DEMOCRITUS say, that it is a concurse of two starres or more mee­ting with their lights together.

ARISTOTLE is of opinion, that it is a consistence of a drie exhalation enflamed.

STRATO saith, that it is the light of a starre enwrapped within a thick cloud, as we see it ordi­narily in our lamps and burning lights.

HERACLIDES of PONTUS holdeth it to be a cloud heaved and elevated on high, and the same illuminated by some high light also: and the like reason giveth he of the bearded blazing star called Pagonias. Others (like as all the [...] ) affirme, that the beame, the columne, and such other meteors or impressions are made after the same manner by divers cōfigurations of clouds in the aire. 30

EPIGENES supposeth a Comet to be an elevation of spirit or wind mixed with an earthly substance, and set on fire.

BOETHUS imagineth it to be an apparition of the aire, let loose as it were, and spred at large.

DIOGENES is perswaded that Comets be starres.

ANAXAGORAS saith, that the starres which are said to shoot, be as it were sparckles falling from the elementarie fire: which is the cause that they are quenched and gone out so quickly.

METRODORUS supposeth, that when the Sunne striketh violently upon a cloud, the beames or raies thereof do sparkle, and so cause this shooting of starres as they tearme it.

XENOPHANES would beare us in hand, that all such Meteors and Impressions as these, be constitutions or motions of clouds enflamed. 40

CHAP. III. Of thunders, lightnings flashes, presters or fierie blastes, and tempstuous whirlwinds.

ANAXIMANDER supposeth, that all these come by wind: for when it hapneth that it is conceived & inclosed within a thicke cloud, then by reason of the subtiltie and lightnesse thereof, it breaketh forth with violence: and the rupture of the cloud maketh a cracke; and the divulsion or cleaving, by reason of the blacknesse of the cloud, causeth a shining light.

METRODORUS saith, when a wind chanceth to be enclosed within a cloud gathered thick 50 and close together, the said wind by bursting of the cloud maketh a noise; and by the stroke and breach it shineth; but by the quicke motion catching heat of the Sunne, it shooteth forth lightning; but if the said lightning be weake, it turneth into a Prester or burning blase.

ANAXAGORAS is of opinion, that when ardent heat falleth upon cold, that is to say, when a portion of celestial fire lighteth upon the airie substance; by the cracking noise therof is caused thunder; by the colour against the blacknesse of the cloud, a flashing beame; by the plentie and greatnesse of the light, that which we call lightning: and in case the fire be more grosse and [Page 828] corpulent, there ariseth of it a whirlwind; but if the same be of a cloudie nature, it engendreth a burning blast called Prester.

The STOICKS hold thunder to be a combat, and smiting together of clouds: that a fla­shing beame, is a fire or inflammation proceeding from their attrition: that lighning is a more violent flashing, and Prester, lesse forcible.

ARISTOTLE supposeth, that all these meteores come likewise of a dry exhalation, which being gotten enclosed within a moist cloud, seeketh meanes, and striveth forcibly to get foorth: now by attrition and breaking together, it causeth the clap of thunder; by inflammation of the drie substance, a flashing beame; but Presters, Typhons, that is to say, burning blasts and whirl­windes, according as the store of matter is, more or lesse, which the one and the other draweth 10 to it; but if the same be hotter, you shall see Prester, if thicker, looke for Typhon.

CHAP. IIII. Of Clouds, Raine, Snowe, and Haile.

ANAXIMENES saith, that clouds are engendred when the aire is most thicke, which if they coagulate still more and more, there is expressed from them a shewer of raine: but in case this matter as it falleth, doe congeale, it turneth to be [...] ; but say it meet with a colde moist wind and be surprized therewith, it prooveth haile. 20

METRODORUS supposeth, that clouds be composed of a waterish evaporation Epicurus of meere [...], hap­ly it should be [...], that is to say, indi­visible bodies. vapours: also that as well the drops of raine as haile-stones, become round by the long way of their descent.

CHAP. V. Of the Rainbow.

AMong those meteors or impressions engendred in the aire, some there be which have a true substance indeed, as raine and haile: others againe, have no more but a bare appa­rence, 30 without any reall subsistence, much like as when we are within a ship, we imagine that the continent and firme land doth moove: and among those which are in apparence onely, we must range the Rainbow. PLATO saith, that men derive the genealogie of it from Thaumas, as one would say, from wonder, because they marvelled much to see it: according as Homer shew­eth in this verse:

Like as when mightie Jupiter the purple rainbow bends,
Thereby to mort all men from heaven, a wondrous token sends,
Which either tempests terrible, or wofull warre pretends.

And hereupon it is, that some have made thereof a fabulous device, and given out, that she ha­ving a bulles head, drinketh up the rivers. But how is this Rainbow ingendred, and how com­meth 40 it so to appeare? Certes, we see by lines, either direct and streight, or crooked, or els reba­ted and broken; which though they be obscure, and appeare not evidently, yet are perceived by cogitation and discourse of reason, as being bodilesse. Now by rightlines we beholde things, some in the aire, and others thorow transparent stones and hornes; for that all these consist of very subtile parts: by crooked and curbed lines, wee looke within the water; for our eie-sight doth bend and turne againe perforce, by reason that the matter of the water is more thicke; which is the cause, that we see the mariners oare in the sea a farre off, as it were crooked. The third maner of seeing, is by refraction, and so we beholde objects in mirrours; and of this sort is the Rainbow: for we must consider and understand, that a moist vapour being lifted up aloft, is converted into a cloud; and then within a while by little and little, into small dew-drops: when­as 50 therfore, the Sun descendeth Westward, it can not chuse, but every Rainbow must needs ap­pere opposit unto it in the contrary part of the sky: and whē our sight falleth upon those drops, it is rebated and beaten backe; and by that meanes there is presented unto it a Rainbow: now those drops are not of the forme and figure of a bow, but represent a colour onely: and verily, the first and principall hew that this bow hath, is a light and bright red; the second, a deepe ver­million or purple; the third, blue and greene: let us consider then, whether the said red colour appeare not, because the brightnesse of the Sunne beating upon the cloud, and the sincere light [Page 829] thereof reflected & driven back, maketh a ruddy or light red hew; but the second part more ob­scure, and rebating the said splendor through those [...] drops, causeth a purple tincture, which is (as it were) an abatement of red; and then as it becommeth more muddie still, & darkning that which distinguisheth the sight, it turneth into a greene: and this is a thing which may be proved by experience; for if a man take water directly against the Sunne beames in his mouth, and spit the same forward, in such sort, as the drops receive a repercussion against the said raies of the Sunne, he shall finde that it will make (as it were) a Rainbow. The like befalleth unto them that are bleere-eied, when they looke upon a lampe or burning light.

ANAXIMENES supposeth, that the Rainbow is occasioned by the Sunshining full against a grosse, thicke and blacke cloud, in such sort, as his beames be not able to pierce and strike tho­row, 10 by reason that they turne againe upon it, and become condensate.

ANAXAGORAS holdeth the Rainbow to be the refraction or repercussion of the Sunnes round light against a thicke cloud, which ought alwaies to be opposit full against him, in maner of a mirrour: by which reason, in nature it is said, that there appeare two Sunnes in the coun­trey of [...] .

METRODORUS saith, when the Sunne shineth thorow clouds, the cloud seemeth blue, but the light looketh red.

CHAP. VI. Of Water-galles or streaks like rods, somewhat resembling Rainbowes. 20

THese rods and opposit apparitions of Sunnes, which are seene otherwhiles in the skie, hap­pen through the temperature of a subject matter and illumination; namely, when clouds are seene, not in their naturall and proper colour, but by another, caused by a divers irradiation: and in all these, the like passions fall out both naturally, and also are purchased by accident.

CHAP. VII. Of Winds. 30

ANAXIMANDER is of opinion, that the Winde is a fluxion of the aire; when as the most subtile and liquid parts thereof be either stirred, or melted and resolved by the Sunne.

The STOICKS affirme, that every blast is a fluxion of the aire, and that according to the mutation of regions, they change their names; as for example, that which bloweth from the darknesse of the night and Sunne setting, is named Zephyrus; from the East and Sunne rising, Apeliotes; from the North, Boreas; and from the South, Libs.

METRODORUS supposeth, that a waterish vapour being inchafed by the heat of the Sun, produceth and raiseth these winds: and as for those that be anniversary, named Etesia, they blow, when the aire about the North pole is thickened and congealed with cold, and so accompanie the Sunne, and flow (as it were) with him, as he retireth from the Summer Tropicke, after the 40 [...] Solstice.

CHAP. VIII. Of Winter and Summer.

EMPEDOCLES and the STOICKS do hold, that Winter commeth, when the aire is pre­dominant in thickenesse, and is forced upward; but Summer, when the fire is in that wise predominant, and is driven downward.

Thus having discoursed of the impressions aloft in the aire, we will treat also (by the way) of those which are seene upon and about the earth. 50

CHAP. IX. Of the Earth: the substance and magnitude thereof.

THALES with his followers affirme, there is but one Earth.

[...] the Pythagorean, mainteineth twaine; one heere, and another opposit a­gainst [Page 830] it, which the Antipodes inhabit.

The STOICKS say, there is one Earth, and the same finite.

XENOPHANES holdeth, that beneath it is founded upon an infinit depth; and that com­pact it is of aire and fire.

METRODORUS is of opinion, that Earth is the very sediment and ground of the water; like as [...] Sunne is the residence of the aire.

CHAP. X. The forme of the Earth. 10

THALES, the STOICKS and their schoole affirme the Earth to be round, in maner of a globe or ball.

ANAXIMANDER resembleth the Earth unto a columne or pillar of stone, such as are seene upon the superficies thereof.

ANAXIMENES compareth it to a flat table; LEUCIPPUS, unto a drum or tabour: DE­MOCRITUS saith, that it is in forme, broad in maner of a platter, hollow in the mids.

CHAP. XI. The [...] of the Earth. 20

THe disciples of THALES maintaine, that the Earth is seated in midst of the world.

XENOPHANES affirmeth, that it was first founded and rooted as it were to an infinite depth.

PHILOLAUS the Pythagorean saith, that fire is the middle, as being the hearth of the world, in the second place he raungeth the Earth of the Antipodes: and in the third, this wherein wee inhabit, which lieth opposite unto that counter earth, and turneth about it: which is the reason (quoth he) that those who dwell there, are not seene by the inhabitants heere.

PARMENIDES was the [...] Philosopher, who set out and limited the habitable parts of the 30 Earth, to wit, those which are under the two Zones, unto the Tropicks or Solsticiall circles.

CHAP. XII. Of the bending of the earth.

PYTHAGORAS is of opinion, that the earth enclineth toward the Meridionall parts, by rea­son of the [...] which is in those South coasts: for that the Septentrionall tracts are con­gealed, and frozen with cold, whereas the opposite regions be inflamed and burnt.

DEMOCRITUS yeeldeth this reason; because of the ambient aire is weaker toward the South 40 (quoth hee) the Earth as it groweth and encreaseth, doth bend to that side: for the North parts be [...] ; whereas contrariwise the Southeren parts are temperate: in which regard it weigheth more that way, whereas indeed it is more plentifull in bearing fruits, and those growing to greater augmentation.

CHAP. XIII. The motion of the Earth.

SOme hold the Earth to be unmoveable and quite: but PHILOLAUS the Pythagorean 50 saith, that it moveth round about the fire, in the oblique circle, according as the Sunne and Moone do.

HERACLIDES of Pontus, and Ecphantus the Pythagorean, would indeed have the Earth to move, howbeit not from place to place, but rather after a turning manner like unto a wheele up­on the axell tree, from West to East, round about her owne center.

DEMOCRITUS saith, that the Earth at first wandred to and fro, by reason as well [Page 825] of smalnesse as lightnesse: but waxing in time thicke and heavie, it came to rest un­moveable.

CHAP. XIIII. The division of the Earth, and how many Zones it hath.

PYTHAGORAS saith, that the earth is divided into five Zones proportionably to the sphaere of the universall heaven; to wit, the Artick circle, the Tropick of Summer, the Tropick of 10 Winter, the Aequinoctiall and the Antartick. Of which the middlemost doth determine and set out the verie mids and heart of the earth: and for that cause it is named Torrida Zona, that is to say, the burnt climat: but that region is habitable, as being temperate, which lieth in the mids betweene the summer and the winter Tropick.

CHAP. XV. Of Earthquakes. 20

THALES and DEMOCRITUS attribute the cause of Earthquakes unto water.

The STOICKS thus define and say, Earthquake is the moisture within the earth subti­liated and resolved into the aire, and so breaking out perforce.

ANAXIMENES is of opinion, that raritie and drinesse of the earth together, be the causes of Earthquake: wherof the one is engendred by excessive drougth, the other by gluts of raine.

ANAXAGORAS holdeth, that when the aire is gotten within the earth, and meeteth with the superficies thereof, which it findeth tough and thicke, so as it cannot get forth, it shaketh it in manner of trembling.

ARITSTOTLE alledgeth, the Antiperistasis of the circumstant cold which environeth it about on everie side, both above and beneath: for heat endevoreth and maketh hast to mount 30 aloft, as being by nature light. A drie exhalation, therefore finding it selfe enclosed within and staied, striveth to make way through the cliffs and thicks of the Earth, in which busines it cannot chuse but by turning to and fro, up and downe disquiet and shake the earth.

METRODORUS is of mind, that no bodie being in the owne proper and naturall place can stirre or moove, unlesse some one do actually thrust or pull it. The earth therefore (quoth he) being situate in the owne place, naturally mooveth not: howsoever some placesthereof may remove into others.

PARMENIDES and DEMOCRITUS reason in this wise: for that the earth on everie side is of equall distance, and confineth still in one counterpoise, as having no cause wherefore it should incline more to the one side than to the other: therefore well it may shake onely, but not 40 stirre or remoove for all that.

ANAXIMENES saith, that the Earth is caried up and downe in the aire, for that it is broad and flat.

Others say, that it floteth upon the water, like as planks or boords, and that for this cause it mooveth.

PLATO affirmeth, that of all motions there be six sorts of circumstances, above, beneath, on the right hand, on the left, before and behind. Also that the earth cannot possibly moove ac­cording to any of these differences: for that on everie side it lieth lowest of all things in the world, and by occasion thereof resteth unmooveable, hauing no cause why it should encline more to one part than to another, but yet some places of her because of their raritie do jogge 50 and shake.

EPICURUS keepeth his old tune, saying, it may well be, that the earth being shogged, and as it were rocked and beaten by the aire underneath, which is grosse and of the nature of water, therefore mooveth and quaketh. As also, it may be (quoth he) that being holow and full of holes in the parts below, it is forced to tremble and shake by the aire that is gotten within the caves and concavities, and there enclosed.

CHAP. XVI. Of the Sea, how it was made and commeth to be bitter.

ANAXIMANDER affirmeth, that the Sea is a residue remaining of the primitive humidity, whereof the Sunne hauing burnt up and consumed a great part, the rest behind he altered and turned from the naturall kind by his excessive ardent heat.

ANAXAGORAS is of opinion, that the said first humiditie being diffused and spred abroad in manner of a poole or great meere, was burnt by the motion of the sunne about it: and when 10 the oileous substance thereof was exhaled and consumed, the rest setled below, and turned into a brackish and bitter-saltnesse, which is the Sea.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that the Sea is the sweat of the earth, enchafed by the sunne, being ba­thed and washed all over aloft.

ANTISTON thinketh it to be the sweat of heat, the moisture whereof which was within, being by much seething and boiling sent out, becommeth salt; a thing ordinary in all sweats.

METRODORUS supposeth the Sea to be that moisture, which running thorough the earth, reteined some part of the densitie thereof, like as that which passeth through ashes.

The disciples of PLATO imagine, that so much of the elementarie water which is congealed of the aire by refrigeration, is sweet and fresh; but whatsoever did evaporate by burning and 20 inflammation, became salt.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Tides, to wit, the ebbing and flowing of the sea, what is the cause thereof?

ARISTOTLE and HERACLITUS affirme, that it is the sunne which doth it, as who stir­reth, raiseth, and carieth about with him the most part of the windes, which comming to blow upon the Ocean, cause the Atlanticke sea to swell, and so make the flux or high water; but when the same are allaied and cleane downe, the sea falleth low, and so causeth a reflux and ebbe 30 or low water.

PYTHEAS of Marseils, referreth the cause of Flowing to the full moone, and of Ebbing to the moone in the wane.

PLATO attributeth all to a certeine rising of the waters, saying, There is such an elevation, that through the mouth of a cave carieth the Ebbe and Flow to and fro, by the meanes whereof, the seas doe rise and flow contrarily.

TIMAEUS alledgeth the cause hereof to be the rivers, which falling from the mountaines in Gaule, enter into the Atlantique sea, which by their violent corruptions, driving before them the water of the sea, cause the Flow, and by their ceasing and returne backe by times, the Ebbe.

SELEUCUS the Mathematician, who affirmed also, that the earth mooved, saith, that the 40 motion thereof is opposit and contrary to that of the moone: also that the winde being driven to and fro, by these two contrary revolutions, bloweth and beateth upon the Atlanticke ocean, troubleth the sea also (and no marvell) according as it is disquieted it selfe.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the round circle called Halo.

THis Halo is made after this manner: betweene the body of the moone, or any other starre, and our eie-sight, there gathereth a grosse and mistie aire, by which aire, anon our sight 50 commeth to be reflected and diffused; and afterwards the same incurreth upon the said starre, according to the exterior circumference thereof, and thereupon appeereth a circle round a­bout the starre, which being there seene is called Halo, for that it seemeth that the apparent im­pression is close unto that, upon which our sight so enlarged as is before said, doth fall.

THE FOURTH BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions.

The Prooeme.

HAving runne through the generall parts of the world, I will now passe unto the particulars.

CHAP. I. 10 Of the rising and inundation of Nilus.

THALES thinketh that the anniversarie windes called Etcsiae blowing directly against Aegypt, cause the water of Nilus to swell, for that the sea being driven by these windes, entreth within the mouth of the said river, and hindereth it, that it cannot discharge it selfe free­ly into the sea, but is repulsed backward.

EUTHYMENES of Marseils, supposeth that this river is filled with the water of the ocean, and the great sea lying without the continent, which he imagineth to be fresh and sweet.

ANAXAGORAS saith, that this hapneth by the snowe in Aethiopia, which melteth in sum­mer, and is congealed and frozen in winter. 20

DEMOCRITUS is of opinion, that it is long of the snowe in the north parts, which about the aestival solstice and returne of the sunne, being dissolved and dilated, breedeth vapors, and of them be engendred clouds, which being driven by the Etesian windes into Aethiopia and Aegypt toward the south, cause great and violent raines, wherewith both lakes, and the river also Nilus, be filled.

HERODOTUS the Historian writeth, that this river hath as much water from his sources and springs, in winter as in summer; but to us it seemeth lesse in winter, because the sunne being then neerer unto Aegypt, causeth the said water to evaporate.

EPHORUS the Historiographer reporteth, that all Aegypt doth resolve and runne at it were wholly into swet in summer time: whereunto Arabia and Libya doe conferre, and contribute 30 also their waters, for that the earth there is light and sandy.

EUDOXUS saith, that the priests of Aegypt assigne the cause hereof to the great raines and the Antiperistasis or contrarie occurse of seasons; for that when it is Summer with us, who inha­bit within the Zone toward the Summer Tropicke, it is Winter with those who dwell in the op­posit Zone under the Winter Tropicke, whereupon (saith he) proceedeth this great inundati­on of waters, breaking downe unto the river Nilus.

CHAP. II. Of the Soule. 40

THALES was the first that defined the Soule to be a nature moving alwaies, or having mo­tion of it selfe.

PYTHAGORAS saith, it is a certeine number moving it selfe; and this number he taketh for intelligence or understanding.

PLATO supposeth it to be an intellectuall substance mooving it selfe, and that according to harmonicall number.

ARISTOTLE is of opinion, that it is the first Entelechia or primitive act of a naturall and organicall bodie, having life potentially.

DICEARCHUS thinketh it to be the harmonie and concordance of the foure elements.

ASCLEPIADES the Physician, defineth it to be an exercise in common of all the senses 50 together.

CHAP. III. Whether the Soule be a body, and what is the substance of it.

ALl these Philsosophers before rehearsed, suppose that the Soule is incorporall, that of the owne nature it mooveth and is a spirituall substance, and the action of a naturall bo­die, [Page 834] composed of many organs or instruments, and with all having life.

But the Sectaries of ANAXAGORAS, have given out, that it is of an airie substance, and a very body.

The STOICKS would have the Soule to be an hot spirit or breath.

DEMOCRITUS holdeth it to be a certeine fierie composition of things perceptible by reason, and the same having their formes sphaericall and round, and the puissance of fire, and withall to be a body.

EPICURUS saith, it is a mixtion or temperature of foure things, to wit, of a certeine fire, of (I wot not what) aire, of an odde windie substance, and of another fourth matter, I cannot tel what to name it, and which to him was sensible. 10

HERACLITUS affirmeth, the Soule of the world to be an evaporation of humors within it: as for the Soule of living creatures, it proceedeth (quoth he) as well from an evaporation of humors without, as an exhalation within it selfe, and of the same kinde.

CHAP. IIII. The parts of the Soule.

PYTHAGORAS and PLATO, according to a more generall and remote division, hold, that the Soule hath two parts, that is to say, the Reasonable & the unreasonable; but to goe 20 more necre and exactly to worke, they say, it hath three; for they subdivided the unreasonable part into Concupissible and Irascible.

The STOICKS be of opinion, that composed it is of eight parts, whereof five be the sen­ses naturall, to wit, sight, hearing, smelling, tasting, and feeling; the sixt is the voice; the se­venth generative or spermaticall, and the eight, understanding, which guideth and commaun­deth all the rest by certeine proper organs and instruments, like as the Polype fish by her cleies and hairy branches.

DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS set downe two parts of the Soule; the Reasonable seated in the brest, and the Unreasonable spred and dispersed over all the structure of the body besides.

As for DEMOCRITUS, he affirmeth, that all things whatsoever, have a certeine kinde of 30 Soule, even the very dead bodies, for that alwaies they doe manifestly participate a kinde of heat and sensitive facultie, notwithstanding the most part there of be breathed foorth, and yeel­ded up.

CHAP. V. Which is the Mistresse and commanding part of the Soule, and wherein it is.

PLATO and DEMOCRITUS place it in the head throughout: STRATO betweene the two eie browes: ERASISTRATUS in the membrane or kell that enfoldeth the braine, and it he calleth Epicranis: HEROPHILUS within the ventricle or concavitie of the braine, 40 which also is the basis or foundation of it: PARMENIDES over all the brest, and with him ac­cordeth EPICURUS: the STOICKS all with one voice hold it in the whole heart, or else in the spirit about the heart: DIOGENES in the cavitie of the great arterie of the heart, which is full of vitall spirit: EMPEDOCLES in the consistence or masse of bloud: others in the verie necke of the heart: some in the tunickle that lappeth the heart: and others againe in the mid­riffe: some of our moderne philosophers hold, that it taketh up & occupieth all the space from the head downward to the Diaphragma or midriffe above said: PYTHAGORAS supposeth that the vitall part of the Soule is about the heart, but the reason and the intellectuall or spirituall part, about the head. 50

CHAP. VI. The motion of the Soule.

PLATO is of opinion, that the soule mooveth continually; but the intelligence or under­standing is immooveable, in regard of locall motion from place to place.

ARISTOTLE saith, that the soule it selfe moveth not, although it be the author that rules & [Page 835] directeth all motion; howbeit, that by an accident, it is not devoid of motion, according as di­vers sorts of bodies do move.

CHAP. VII. Of the Soules immortalitie.

PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme the Soule to be immortall; for in departing out of the bodie, it [...] to the Soule of the universall world, even to the nature which is of the same kinde.

The STOICKS hold, that the Soule going from the bodie, if it be seeble and weake, as that 10 is of ignorant persons, setleth downward with the grosse consistence of the bodie; but if it be more firme and puissant, as that is of wise and learned men, it continueth [...], Some inter­pret it thus, it amounteth up to the re­gion of fire. even unto the con­flagration of all.

DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS say, that it is corruptible, and perisheth together with the bodie.

PYTAGORAS and PLATO are of opinion, that the reasonable part of the Soule is im­mortall and incorruptible; for that the Soule, if it be not God, yet the worke it is of eternall God: as for the unreasonable part, it is mortall and subject to corruption.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Senses and sensible objects. 20

THe STOICKS thus define Sense: Sense (say they) is the apprehension of the sensitive or­gan. But Sense is taken many waies; for we understand by it, either an habitude or facultie naturall, or a sensible action, or els an imagination apprehensive; which all are performed by the meanes of an instrument sensitive: yea, and the very eighth part of the Soule abovenamed, even that which is principall, to wit, the discourse of reason, by which all the rest doe consist: Againe, the spirits intellectuall, are called sensitive instruments, which from the said principall understanding reach unto all the organs.

The Sense (quoth EPICURUS) is that parcell of the soule which is the sensitive power it 30 selfe, and the effect which proceedeth from it, so that he taketh Sense in two sort, for the power, and effect.

PLATO defineth Sense to bee the societie of the body and soule, as touching externall ob­jects; for the facultie and power of Sense is proper to the soule, the instrument belongeth to the body; but both the one and the other apprehendeth externall things, by the meanes of the imaginative facultie, or the phantasie.

LEUCIPPUS and DEMOCRITUS doesay, that both Sense and intelligence are actuated by the meanes of certeine images represented from without, unto us, for that neither the one nor the other, can be performed without the occurrence of some such image.

CHAP. IX. Whether Senses and Fansies be true or no? 40

THe STOICKS hold, that the Senses be true; but of Imaginations, as some be true, so o­thers are false.

EPICURUS supposeth that all Senses and Imaginations be true; mary of opinions, some be true, others false: and as for the Sense it is deceived one way only, to wit, in things intelligible: but Imagination after two sorts: for that there is an Imagination as well of sensible things, as of intelligible.

EMPEDOCLES and HERACLIDES say, that particular Senses are effected according to 50 the proportion of their pores and passages; namely as the proper object of each Sense is well disposed and fitted.

CHAP. X. How many Senses there be?

THe STOICKS hold, that there be five proper Senses, Sight, Hearing, Smelling, Tast, and Feeling.

[Page 836] ARISTOTLE saith not, that there is a sixt, howbeit he putteth downe one common Sense, which judgeth as touching the compound kinds: whereunto all the other particular and single Senses bring and present their proper imaginations: wherein the transition of the one to the other, as of a figure or motion doth shew.

DEMOCRITUS affirmeth, that there bee more Senses in brute beasts, in the gods, and in wise men.

CHAP. XI. After what maner is effected Sense, Notion and Reason, according to disposition or affection. 10

THe STOICKS are of opinion and say, that when a man is engendred, hee hath the prin­cipall part of his soule, which is the understanding, like for all the world unto a parch­ment or paper ready to be written in; and therein he doth register and record every several No­tion and cogitation of his: for those who have perceived any thing by sense, (as for example sake, have seene a white thing) when the same is gone out of their eie, reteine it still in memo­rie: now after they have collected together many semblable memories of the same kinde, then they say, they have experience; for experience is nothing else but an heape or multitude of like sorts: but of notions and thoughts, some be naturall, which are caused in manner aforesaid, without any artificiall meanes; others come by our studie, and by teaching, and such alone pro­perly and indeed are called Notions; the other be named rather conceptions or anticipations; 20 and Reason for which we beare the name of Resonable, is accomplished by those anticipations in the first seven yeeres: and intelligence is the conception in the understanding of a reasona­ble creature: for phantasie when it lighteth upon the reasonable soule is then called Intelli­gence, taking the denomination of understanding, which is the cause that these imaginations are not incident unto other creatures; but such as are presented unto gods and us both, those are onely and properly imaginations; whereas those which offer themselves unto us, are ima­ginations in generall, and cogitations in speciall: like as Deniers, Testons, or Crownes being considered apart in themselves, are Deniers, Testons, & Crownes; but if you give them for the hire of a ship, then besides that they are Deniers, &c. they be also the fare, for ferry or passage. 30

CHAP. XII. What difference there is betweene Imagination, Imaginable, Imaginative, and Imagined.

CHRYSIPPUS saith, there is a difference betweene all these fower: and first, as for [...]. Ima­gination, it is a passion or impression in the soule, shewing the selfe same thing that made and imprinted it: as for example; when with our [...] we behold a white, it is a passion or affec­tion engendred by the sight in our soule, and we may well say, that the said white is the subject or object that mooveth & affecteth us: semblably in smelling and touching, and this is called Phantasie, a word derived of [...] or [...], which signifieth light or cleerenesse; for like as the light sheweth it selfe, and all that is comprised in it, so the Phantasie or imagination represen­teth 40 it selfe, and that which made it.

[...]. Imaginable is that which maketh imagination, as white, cold, and whatsoever is able to moove or affect the soule, is called Imaginable.

[...]. Phantasticke or Imaginative, is a vaine attraction; even an affection or passion in the soule, which commeth not from any object imaginable; like as we may observe in him that fighteth with his owne shadow, or in vaine flingeth foorth his hands: for in true phantasie or imagina­tion, there is a subject matter named Imaginable: but in this Phantasticke or Imaginative there is no such object or subject at all.

Phantasme or [...]. Imagined, is that unto which we are drawne by that vaine attraction; a thing usuall with those who are either furious, or surprized with the maladie of melancholy: for 50 Orestes in the tragedie of [...] when he uttereth these speeches,

O mother mine, against me raise not thus,
I thee beseech these
[...], or Wo­men.
wenches furious:
Whom now I see alas, with bloudy eies,
And dragon like, how they against merise:
These me beset, and charge on every part,
These strike on still, these wound me to the hart.

[Page 837] doth speake them as enraged and in a phranticke fit; for he seeth nothing, but onely imagineth and thinketh that he seeth them: and therefore his sister Electra replieth thus upon:

Lie still poore wretch, restin thy bed, for why?
Thou seest not that which seemes so verily.

The same is the case of Theoclymenus in [...] . to­ward the end, Homer.

CHAP. XIII. Of Sight, and how we doe see. 10

DEMOCRITUS, and EPICURUS supposed, that Sight was caused by the intromission of certeine images: others by an insinuation of beames, returning to our eie-sight, after the occurrence of an object. EMPEDOCLES hath mingled the said images and beames toge­ther, calling that which is made thereof, the raies of a compound image. HIPPARCHUS hol­deth, that the beames sent out and launced from the one eie, and the other comming to be ex­tended, in their ends meet together, and as it were by the touching and clasping of hands, ta­king hold of externall bodies, carie backe the apprehension of them unto the visive power.

PLATO attributeth it to the corradiation or conjunction of light, for that the light of the eies reacheth a good way within the aire of like nature, & the light likewise issuing from the visi­ble bodies, cutteth the aire betweene, which of it selfe is liquid and mutable, and so extendeth 20 it together with the fierie power of the eie; and this is it which is called the conjunct light or corradiation of the Platonickes.

CHAP. XIIII. Of the Resemblances represented in mirrours.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that these apparitions come by the meanes of certeine defluxions, gathered together upon the superficies of the mirrour, and accomplished by the fire that ariseth from the said Mirrour, and withall transmuteth the aire that is object before it, into 30 which those fluxions are caried.

DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS are of opinon, that these apparences in Mirrours, are caused by the [...] and stay of certaine images, which passing from us, gather together upon the Mirrour by way of rebounding and resultation.

The PYTHAGOREANS attribute all this to the reflexion of the sight: for that the sight is extended and carried as farre as to the Mirrour of brasse or whatsoever, where resting and stay­ing upon the thicke solditie thereof, and beaten backe by the polished smoothnesse of the Mir­rour object against it, the same returneth againe upon it selfe; much like as when our hand is stretched out and brought backe againe unto the shoulder.

All these points and opinions may serve very well, and be accommodate to that chapter and 40 question, carying this title: How we doe see.

CHAP. XV. Whether Darknesse be visible.

THe STOICKS hold, that Darknesse is visible; for that from the sight there is a splendeure going foorth that compasseth the said Darknesse; neither doth the eie-sight lie and de­ceive us, for it seeth certeinly and in truth that there is Darknesse. In one copie I [...] thus much more. Furthermore Darknesse doth aggre­gate and [...] in the sight, and thereby make it dim: contrariwise, light doeth disgregate and convey it as farre as to the visible objects, thorough the aire between, and therefore it seeth not in the darke, but is able to see Darknesse.

CHRYSIPPUS saith, that we doe see by the tension of the aire betweene, which is pricked 50 by the visuall spirit, that passeth from the principall part of the soule into the apple of the eie: and after that it falleth upon the aire about it, it extendeth the same in a pyramidall forme, namely, when as it meeteth with an aire of the same nature with it; for there flow from out of the eies certeine raies resembling fire, and nothing blacke or mistie, and therefore it is that Dark­nesse may be seene.

CHAP. XVI. Of Hearing.

EMPRDOCLES is of opinion, that Hearing is performed by the meanes of a spirit or winde gotten within the concavitie of the eare, writhed or turned in manner of a vice or screw, which they say is fitted and framed of purpose within the eare, hanging up aloft, and bea­ten upon in manner of a clocke.

ALCMAEON affirmeth, that we doe Heare by the void place within the eare; for he saith, 10 that this is it that resoundeth, when the said spirit entreth into it; because all emptie things do make a sound.

DIOGENES supposeth, that Hearing is caused by the aire within the head, when it com­meth to be touched, stirred, and beaten by the voice.

PLATO and his scholars hold, that the aire within the head is sinitten, and that it reboun­deth and is caried to the principall part of the soule, wherein is reason, and so is formed the sense of Hearing.

CHAP. XVII. Of Smelling. 20

ALCMAEON affirmeth, that reason, the principall part of the soule, is within the braine, and that by it we Smell, drawing in sents and smels by respirations.

EMPEDOCLES is of this advice, that together with the respiration of the lights, odours al­so are intromitted and let in; when as then the said respiration is not performed at libertie and ease, but with much adoe, by reason of some asperity in the passage, we Smell not at all, like as we observe in them who are troubled with the pose, murre, and such like rheumes.

CHAP. XVIII. Of Taste. 30

ALCMAEON saith, that by the moisture and warmth in the tongue, together with the soft­nesse thereof, all smacks and objects of taste are distinguished.

DIOGENES attributeth the same to the spungeous raritie and softnesse of the tongue; and for that the veines of the body reach up to it, and are inserted and graffed therein, the savors are spread abroad and drawen into the sense and principal part of the soule, as it were with a spunge.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Voice. 40

PLATO defineth the Voice to be a spirit, which by the mouth is brought and directed from the understanding; also a knocking performed by the aire, passing through the eares, the braine, and the bloud, as farre as to the soule; after an unproper maner & abusively we attri­bute Voice to unreasonable creatures, yea & to such as have no soule or life at al, namely, to the neighing of horses, and to other sounds; but to speake properly, there is no voice but that which is articulate, and called it is [...] in Greeke, for that it declareth that which is in the thought.

EPICURUS holdeth the Voice to bee a fluxion sent foorth by such as speake and make a noise, or otherwise doe sound; which fluxion breaketh and crumbleth into many fragments of 50 the same forme and figure, as are the things from whence they come; as for example, round to round, and triangles whether they have three equall sides or unequall, to the like triangles: and these broken parcels entring into the eares, make the sense of the Voice, which is hearing; a thing that may be evidently seene in bottles that leake and runne out, as also in fullers that blow upon their clothes.

DEMOCRITUS saith, that the very aire breaketh into small fragments of the same figure, [Page 839] that is to say, round to round; and roll together with the fragments of the Voice: for accor­ding to the old proverbe:

One chough [...] to another chough, loves [...] for to pearch,
And God hath so appointed [...] , that all their like should search.

For even upon the shores and sea-sides, stones are evermore found together semblable, to wit, in one place round, in another long; in like manner when as folke doe winnow or purge come with the vanne, those graines alwaies are ranged and sorted together, which be of one and the same forme; insomuch as beanes goe to one side by themselves, & rich pease to another a part 10 by their selves: but against all this it may be alledged and objected: How is it possible that a [...] fragments of spirit and winde should fill a [...] , that receiveth ten thousand men?

The STOICKS say, that the aire doth not consist of small fragments, but is continuall throughout, and admitteth no voidhesse at all: howbeit, when it is smitten with spirit or winde, it waveth directly in circles infinitly, untill it fill up all the aire about, much after the manner as we may perceive in a pond or poole, when there is a stone throwen into it; for like as the wa­ter in it mooveth in flat circles; so doth the aire in roundles like to bals.

ANAXAGORAS faith, that the Voice is formed by the incursion and beating of the Voice against the solide aire, which maketh resistance, and returneth the stroke backe againe to the eares, which is the manner also of that reduplication of the Voice or resonance called Eccho. 20

CHAP. XX. Whether the Voice be incorporall? and how commeth the Eccho to be formed.

PYTHAGORAS, PLATO, and ARISTOTLE do hold the Voice to be bodilesse: for that it is not the aire but a forme in the aire, & a superficies therof, & that by a certaine beating which be commeth a Voice. Now this is certaine that no superficies hath a bodie. True it is in­deed that it moveth and removeth with the bodie, but of it selfe without all doubt it hath no bo­die at all: like as in a wand or rod that is bent, the superficies thereof suffereth no alteration, in re­spect 30 of it selfe, but it is the verie matter and substance that is bowed. How be it the Stoicks are of another opinion and say, that the Voice is a bodie: for whatsoever is operative and worketh ought, is a bodie: but certaine it is that the Voice is active and doth somewhat: for we do heare and perceive when it [...] upon our eare, and it giveth a print, no lesse than a seale upon wax. Moreover, all that moveth or troubleth us, is a bodie: but who knoweth not that in Musick, as good harmony affectth us; so dissonance and discord doth disquiet us; and that which more is; all that stirreth or moveth is a bodie: but the Voice stirreth and hitteth against smooth and polished solid places, by which it is broken and sent backe againe, in manner as we do see a ten­nis ball when it is smitten upon a wal: insomuch as in the Pyramides of AEgypt, one Voice di­livered within them, rendereth foure or five resonances or Echoes for it. 40

CHAP. XXI. How the Soule commeth to be sensitive; and what is the principall and predominant part thereof.

THe STOICKS are of opinion, that the supreme and highest part of the Soule is the prin­cipall and the guide of the other: to wit, that which maketh imaginations, causeth assents, performeth senses, and mooveth apperite: and this is it which they cal the discourse of reason. Now of this principall and soveraigne part, there be seven others springing from it, and which are spred through the rest of the bodie, like unto the armes or hairie braunches of a poulp 50 fish: of which seven the naturall senses make five; namely, Sight, Smelling, Hearing, Tasting, and Feeling. Of these, the Sight is a spirit passing from the chiefest part unto the eies: Hearing, a spirit reaching from the understand, to the eares: Smelling, a spi­rit issuing from reason to the nosethirls: Tasting, a spirit going from the foresaid princi­pall part unto the tongue: and last of all Feeling, a spirit stretching and extended from the same predominant part, as farre as to the sensible superficies of those objects which are ea­sie to be felt and handled. Of the twaine behind, the one is called genetall seed, and that is like­wise [Page 840] wise a spirit transmitted from the principall part unto the genetories or members of generation: the other which is the seventh and last of all, Zeno calleth Vocall, and wee, Voice; a spirit also, which from the principall part passeth to the windpipe, to the tongue and other instruments ap­propriat for the voice. And to conclude, that mistresse her selfe and ladie of the rest is seated (as it were in the midst of her owne world) within our round head, and there dwelleth.

CHAP. XXII. Of Respiration.

EMPEDOCLES is of opinion, that the first Respiration of the first living creature was occa­sioned, 10 when the humiditie in young ones within the mothers wombe retired, and the outward aire came to succeed in place thereof, and to enter into the void vessels now open to receive the same: but afterwards the naturall heat driving without forth, this aerie substance for to evaporate and breath away, caused exspiration: and likewise when the same returned in again, there ensued inspiration, which gave new entrance to that aerious substance. But as touching the Respiration that now is, he thinketh it to be when the blood is carried to the exterior superficies of the bodie; and by this fluxion doth drive and chase the aerie substance through the nosethirls, and cause exspiration; and inspiration when the blood returneth inward, and when the aire reentreth withall through the rarities which the blood hath left void and emptie. And for to make this better to be understood, he bringeth in the example of a Clepsidre or water 20 houre-glasse.

ASCLEPIADES maketh the lungs in manner of a tunnel, supposing that the cause of Respi­ration, is the aire, smooth, and of subtil parts which is within the breast, unto which the aire with­out, being thicke and grosse floweth and runneth; but is repelled backe againe, for that the brest is not able to receive any more, nor yet to be cleane without: Now when as there remaineth still behind, some little of the subtile aire within the breast, (for it cannot all be cleane driven out) that aire without rechargeth againe with equall force upon that within, being able to support and abide the waight thereof: and this compareth he to Phisicians ventoses, or cupping glas­ses. Moreover as touching voluntarie Respiration, he maketh this reason, that the smallest holes within the substance of the lungs are drawen together, and their pipes closed up. For these 30 things obey our will.

HEROPHILUS leaveth the motive faculties of the bodie, unto the nerves, arteries and muskles: for thus he thinketh and saith, that the lungs only have a naturall appetite to dilation, and contraction, that is to say, to draw in and deliver the breath, and so by consequence other parts. For this is the proper action of the lungs, to draw wind from without; where with when it is filled, there is made another attraction by a second appetition; and the breast deriveth the said wind into it: which being likewise repleat therewith, not able to draw any more, it transmit­teth backe againe the superfluitie thereof into the lungs, whereby it is sent forth by way of exspi­ration: and thus the parts of the bodie reciprocally suffer one of another, by way of interchange. For when the lungs are occupied in dilatation, the breast is busied in contraction; and thus they 40 make repletion and evacuation by a mutuall participation one with the other; in such sort as we may observe about the lungs foure manner of motions. The first, whereby it receiveth the aire from without; the second, by which it transfuseth into the breast that aire which it drew and received from without; the third, whereby it admitteth againe unto it selfe that which was sent out of the brest; and the fourth, by which it sendeth quite forth that which so returned into it. And of these motions, two be dilatations, the one occasioned from without, the other from the breast: and other two, contractions; the one when the brest draweth wind into it: and the other when it doth expell the aire insinuated into it. But in the breast parts there be but two onely, the one dilatation when it draweth wind from the lungs, the other contraction, when it rendreth it againe. 50

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Passion of the body; and whether the soule have a fellow-feelling with it, of paine and dolour.

THe STOICKS say, that affections are in the passible parts, but senses in the principall part of the soule.

[Page 841] EPICURUS is of opinion, that both the affections and also the senses, are in the passible places: for that reason which is the principall part of the soule, he holdeth to be unpassible.

STRATO contrariwise affirmeth, that as well the Passions of the soule, as the senses, are in the said principall part, and not in the affected and grieved places; for that in it consisteth pa­tience, which we may observe in terrible and dolorous things, as also in fearefull, and maguani­mous persons.

THE FIFTH BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions. 10

CHAP. I. Of Divination.

PLATO and the STOICKS bring in a fore-deeming and fore-knowledge of things by in­spiration or divine instinct, according to the divinity of the soule; namely, when as it is ra­vished with a fanaticall spirit or revelation by dreames: and these admit and allow many kinds of divination.

XENOPHANES and EPICURUS on the contrary side abolish and annull all Divination 20 whatsoever.

PYTHAGORAS condemneth that onely which is wrought by sacrifices.

ARISTOTLE & DICEARCHUS receive none but that which commeth by Divine inspi­ration, or by dreames; not supposing the soule to be immortall, but to have some participati­on of Divinitie.

CHAP. II. How Dreames are caused.

DEMOCRITUS is of of opinion, that Dreames come by the representation of images. 30

STRATO saith, that our understanding is I wot not how, naturally, and yet by no rea­son, more sensative in sleepe than otherwise, and therefore sollicited the rather by the appetit and desire of knowledge.

HEROPHILUS affirmeth, that Dreames divinely inspired, come by necessitie; but natural Dreames by this meanes, that the soule formeth an image and representation of that which is good and commodious unto it, and of that which must ensue thereupon: as for such as be of a mixt nature of both, they fall out casually by an accidentall accesse of images; namely, when we imagine that we see that which wee desire; as it falleth out with those who in their sleepe thinke they have their paramouts in their armes. 40

CHAP. III. What is the substance of Naturall seed.

ARISTOTLE defineth Seed to be that which hath power to moove in it selfe for the ef­fecting of some such thing, as it was from whence it came.

PYTHAGORAS taketh it to be the foame of the best and purest bloud, the superfluitie and excrement of nouriture; like as bloud and marrow.

ALCMAEON saith, it is a portion of the braine.

PLATO supposeth it to be a decision or deflux of the marrow in the backe bone.

EPICURUS imagineth it to be an abstract of soule and body. 50

DEMOCRITUS holdeth, that it is the geneture of the fleshy nerves proceeding from the whole body, and the principall parts thereof.

CHAP. IIII. Whether genetall Seed be a body.

LEUCIPPUS and ZENO take it to be a body; for that it is an abstract parcell of the soule.

PYTHAGORAS, PLATO, and ARISTOTLE, acknowledge indeed and confesse, [Page 842] that the power and force of Seed is bodilesse; like as the understanding, which is the author of motion; but the matter thereof say they, which is shed and sent foorth, is corporall.

STRATO and DEMOCRITUS affirme the very puissance thereof to be a body, howbeit, spirituall.

CHAP. V. Whether femals send foorth Seed as well as males.

PYTHAGORAS, EPICURUS, and DEMOCRITUS hold, that the Female likewise dis­chargeth Seed; for that it hath seminarie vessels turned backward; which is the reason that 10 she hath lust unto the act of generation.

ARISTOTLE and ZENO be of opinion, that the Female delivereth from it a moist mat­ter, resembling the sweat which commeth from their bodies, who wrestle or exercise together: but they will not have it to be Seed.

HIPPON avoucheth that Femals doe ejaculate Seed no lesse than males, howbeit the same is not effectuall for generation, for that it falleth without the matrix: whereupon it commeth to passe that some women, though very few, and widdowes especially, doe cast from them Seed without the company of men: and he affirmeth that of the male Seed, are made the bones, & of the female the flesh.

CHAP. VI. The maner of Conception. 20

ARISTOTLE thinketh, that Conceptions come in this maner: when as the matrix drawn before from the naturall purgation, and there withall the monthly tearmes fetch some part of pure bloud from the whole masse of the body, so that the males genetall may come to it, and so concurre to engender: Contrariwise, that which hindereth conception is this, name­ly, when the matrix is impure or full of ventosities; as it maybe by occasion of feare, of sorrow, or weaknesse of women; yea and by the impuissance and defect in men. 30

CHAP. VII. How it commeth that Males are engendred, and how Females.

EMPEDOCLES supposeth, that Males and Females are begotten by the meanes of heat and cold accordingly: and heereupon recorded it is in Histories, that the first Males in the world, were procreated and borne out of the earth, rather in the East and Southern parts; but Females toward the North.

PARMENIDES mainteineth the contrary, and saith; that Males were bred toward the Nor­thern quarters, for that the aire there is more grosse and thicker than else where: on the other 40 side, Females toward the South, by reason of the raritie and subtilitie of the aire.

HIPPONAX attributeth the cause heereof unto the seed, as it is either more thick or power­full, or thinner and weaker.

ANAXAGORAS and PARMENIDES hold, that the seed which commeth from the right side of a man, ordinarily is cast into the right side of the matrix; and from the left side likewise into the same side of the matrix: but if this ejection of seed fall out otherwise cleane crosse, then Females be engendred.

LEOPHANES of whom ARISTOTLE maketh mention, affirmeth that the Males be en­gendred by the right genetory, and females by the left.

LEUCIPPUS ascribeth it to the permutation of the naturall parts of generation, for that ac­cording 50 to it, the man hath his yerd of one sort, and the woman her matrix of another: more than this he saith nothing.

DEMOCRITUS saith, that the common parts are engendred indifferently by the one and the other, as it falleth out; but the [...] parts that make distinction of sex, of the party which is more prevalent.

HIPPONAX resolveth thus, that if the seed be predominant, it will be a Male; but if the food and nourishment, a Female.

CHAP. VIII. How Monsters are engendred.

EMPEDOCLES affirmeth, that Monsters be engendred either through the abundance of seed, or default thereof; either through the turbulent [...], some [...] [...], the [...] . perturbation of the mooving, or the distraction and division of the seed into sundry parts; or else through the declination there­of out of the right way: and thus he seemeth to have preoccupated in maner all the answers to this question.

STRATO alledgeth for this part, addition, or substraction, transposition or inflation and 10 ventosities. And some physicians there be, who say, that at such a time as monsters be engen­dred, the matrix suffereth distortion, for that it is distended with winde.

CHAP. IX. What is the reason that a woman though oftentime she companieth with a man doeth not conceive.

DIOCLES the Physician rendreth this reason, for that some doe send soorth no seed at all; or lesse in quantity than is sufficient, or such in quality, which hath no vivificant or quick­ning 20 power; or else it is for defect of heat, of cold, of moisture, or drinesse; or last of all, by oc­casion of the paralysie or resolution of the privy parts and members of generation.

The STOICKS lay the cause hereof upon the obliquitie or crookednesse of the mans mem­ber, by occasion whereof, he cannot shoot foorth his [...] directly; or else it is by reason of the disproportion of the parts, as namely when the matrix lieth to farre within, that the yerd can­not reach unto it.

ERASISTRATUS findeth fault in this case with the matrix, when it hath either hard callo­sities; or too much carnositie; or when it is more rare and spungeous, or else smaller than it ought to be.

CHAP. X. How it commeth that two Twinnes and three Twinnes are borne. 30

EMPEDOCLES saith, that two Twinnes or three, are engendred by occasioneither of the abundance, or the divulsion of the seed.

ASCLEPIADES assigneth it unto the difference of bodies, or the excellence of seed: after which manner we see how some barly from one root beareth two or three stalkes with their eares upon them, according as the seed was most fruitfull and generative.

ERASISTRATUS [...] it unto divers conceptions and superfaetations, like as in brute beasts; for when as the matrix is clensed, then it commeth soone to conception and super­faetation. 40

The [...] alledge to this purpose the cels or conceptacles within the matrix; for as the seed falleth into the first and second, there follow conceptions and superfaetations, and af­ter the same sort may three Twinnes be engendred.

CHAP. XI. How commeth it to passe that children resemble their parents or progenitours before them.

EMPEDOCLES affirmeth, that as similitudes are caused by the exceeding force of the ge­netall 50 seed; so the dissimilitudes arise from the evaporation of naturall hear conteined within the same seed.

PARMENIDES is of opinion, that when the seed descendeth out of the right side of the matrix, the children be like unto the fathers, but when it passeth from the left side, unto the mothers.

The STOICKS opine thus; from the whole body and the soule passeth the seed, and so the similitudes doe forme of the same kinds, the figures and characters, like as a painter of the [Page 844] like colours draweth the image of that which he seeth before him: also the woman for her part doth conferre genetall seed, which if it be prevalent, then the infant is like unto the mother; but if the mans seed be more predominant, it will resemble the father.

CHAP. XII. How it falleth out that children resemble others, and not their fathers and mothers.

THe most part of the Physicians affirme this to happen by chaunce and aventure, but upon this occasion, that the seed, as well of the man as the woman waxeth cold, for then the 10 infants resemble neither the one nor the other.

EMPEDOCLES attributeth the forme and resemblance of yoong babes in the wombe, unto the strong imagination of the woman in time of conception; for many times it hath beene knowen, that women have beene enamoured of painted images and statues, and so deli vered of children like unto them.

The STOICKS say, that by a sympathie of the minde and understanding, through the insi­nuation of beames, and not of images, these resemblances are caused.

CHAP. XIII. How it commeth that some women be barren, and men likewise unable to get children. 20

PHYSICIANS hold, that women be barren by reason that the matrix is either too streight, over rare, or too hard; or else by occasion of certeine callosities or carnosities: or for that the women themselves be weaklings and heartlesse, or doe not thrive but mislike; or else because they are fallen into some Cachexia and evill habit of body; or by reason that they are distorted, or otherwise in a convulsion.

DIOCLES saith, that men in this action of generation are impotent, for that some send foorth no seed at all, or at leastwise in quantitie lesse than is meet, or such as hath no generative power; or because their genetals be paralyticall or relaxed; or by reason that the yerd is croo­ked, 30 that it cannot cast the seed forward; or for that the genetall members be disproportioned and not of a competent length, considering the distance of the matrix.

The STOICKS lay the fault upon certeine faculties and qualities, discordant in the parties themselves that come together about this businesse; who being parted one from another, and conjoined with others, uniting well with their complexion, there followeth a temperature ac­cording to nature, and a childe is gotten betweene them.

CHAP. XIIII. Why Mules be barrain. 40

ALCMAEON is of opinion, that Mulets, that is to say, male Mules be not able to engender for that their seed or geneture is of a thin substance which procecdeth from the coldnesse therof. The Females also, because their shaps do not open wide enough, that is to say, the mouth therof doth not gape sufficiently; for these be the verie tearmes that he useth.

EMPEDOCLES blameth exilitie or smalnesse, the low positure and the over streight confor­mation of the matrix, being so turned backward and tied unto the belly, that neither seed can be directly cast into the capacitie of it, nor if it were caried thither would it receive the same. Unto whom DIOCLES also beareth witnesse saying, Many times (quoth he) in the dissection of Anatomies we have seene such matrices of Mules; and it may be therefore, that in regard of 50 such causes some women also be barrain.

CHAP. XV. Whether the Infant lying yet in the mothers wombe, is to be accounted a living creature or no?

PLATO directly pronounceth that such an Infant is a living creature: for that it moveth, and is fed within the bellie of the mother.

[Page 845] The STOCKS say, it is a part of the wombe, and not an animall by it selfe. For like as fruits be parts of the trees, which when they be ripe do fall; even so it is with an Infant in the mothers wombe.

EMPEDOCLES denieth it to be a creature animall, howbeit that it hath life and breath with­in the bellie: mary the first [...] that it [...] respiration, is at the birth; namely when the super­fluous humiditie which is in such unborne [...] is retired and gone, so that the aire from with­out entreth into the void vessels lying open.

DIOGENES saith, that such Infants are bred within the matrice inanimate, howbeit in heat: whereupon it commeth that [...] hear, so soone as ever the Infant is turned out of the mo­thers wombe, is drawen into the lungs. 10

[...] leaveth to unborne babes a mooving naturall; but not a respiration; of which motion the [...] be the [...] cause; but afterwards they become per­fect living animall creatures, when being come forth of the wombe they take in breath from the aire.

CHAP. XVI. How unborne babes are fed in the wombe.

DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS hold, that this unperfect fruit of the wombe receiveth 20 nourishment at the mouth; and thereupon it commeth, that so soone as ever it is borne it seeketh and nuzzeleth with the mouth for the brest head, or nipple of the pappe: for that within the matrice there be certaine tears, yea and mouths too, whereby they are nou­rished.

The STOICKS say, that it is fed by the secundine and the navell; whereupon it is that Mid­wives presently knit up and tie the navell string fast, but open the Infants mouth; to the end that it be acquainted with another kind of nourishment.

ALCMAEON affirmeth, that the Infant within the mothers wombe, feedeth by the whole body throughout: for that it sucketh to it and draweth in manner of a spunge, of all the food, that which is good for nourishment. 30

CHAP. XVII. What part of the Child is first made perfect within the mothers bellie.

THe STOICKS are of opinion that the most parts are formed all at once; but ARISTO­TEE saith the backe bone and the loines are first framed, like as the keele in a ship.

ALCMAEON affirmeth, that the head is first made, as being the seat of reason.

PHYSICIANS will have the heart to be the first, wherein the veines and arteries are.

Some thinke the great toe is framed first, and others the navill. 40

CHAP. XVIII. What is the cause that Infants borne at seven moneths end, be livelike.

EMPEDOCLES thinketh, that when mankind was first bred of the earth, one day then, by reason of the slow motion of the Sunne was full as long, as (in this age of ours) tenne mo­neths: and that in processe of time, and by succession it came to be of the length of seven mo­neths: And therefore (quoth hee) infants borne either at ten or seven moneths end, doe ordina­rily live: the nature of the world being so accustomed in one day to bring that fruit to maturitie 50 after that night, wherein it was committed into the wombe thereof.

TIMAEUS saith, that they bee not ten moneths, but are counted nine, after that the monethly purgations stay upon the first conception: and so it is thought that infants be of se­ven moneth whichs are not: for that he knew how after conceptiō many women have had their menstruall flux.

POLYBUS, DIOCLES and the EMPIRICKS know, that the eight moneths childe also is vitall; howbeit in some sort feeble, for that many for feeblenesse have died so borne: in ge­nerall [Page 846] and for the most part ordinarily, none are willing to reare and feed the children borne at the seven moneth; and yet many have beene so borne and growen to mans estate.

ARISTOTLE and HIPPOCRATES report, that if in seven moneths the matrix be growen full, then the infant [...] to get foorth; and such commonly live and doe well enough: but if it incline to birth, and be not sufficiently nourished, for that the navill is weake, then in re­gard of hard travell, both the mother is in danger, and her fruit becommeth to mislike and thri­veth not: but in case it continue nine moneths within the matrix, then it commeth foorth ac­complished and perfect.

POLYBUS affirmeth it to be requisite and necessarie for the vitalitie of infants, that there should be 182, daies and a halfe, which is the time of six moneths compleat; in which space 10 the sunne commeth from one Solstice or Tropicke to another: but such children are said to be of seven moneths, when it falleth out that the odde daies left in this moneth, are taken to the seventh moneth. But he is of opinion, that those of eight moneths live not; namely, when as the infant hastneth indeed out of the wombe, and beareth downward, but for the most part the navell is thereby put to stresse and reatched, & so cannot feed, as that should, which is the cause of food to the infant.

The MATHEMATICIANS beare us in hand and say, that eight moneths be dissociable of all generations, but seven are sociable. Now the dissociable signes are such as meet with such starres and constellations which be lords of the house: for if upon any of them falleth the lot of mans life and course of living, it signifieth that such shall be unfortunate and short lived. These 20 dissociable signes be reckonned eight in number: namely, Aries with [...] is insociable; Taurus with Scorpius is sociable; Gemini with Capricorn; Cancer with Aquarius; Leo with Pisces; and Virgo with Aries: And for this cause infants of seven moneths and ten moneths be livelike, but those of eight moneths for the insociable dissidence of the world, perish and come to naught.

CHAP. XIX. Of the generation of animall creatures; after what maner they be engendred; and whether they be corruptible. 30

THey who hold that the world was created, are of opinion, that living creatures also had their creation or beginning, and shall likewise perish and come to an end.

The EPICUREANS according unto whom Animals had no creation, doe suppose that by mutation of one into another, they were first made; for they are the substantiall parts of the world: like as ANAXAGORAS and EURIPIDES affirme in these tearmes: Nothing dieth, but in changing as they doe one for another, they shew sundry formes.

ANAXIMANDER is of opinion, that the first Animals were bred in moisture, and enclosed within pricky and sharpe pointed barks; but as age grew on, they became more drie, and in the end, when the said barke burst and clave in sunder round about them, a small while after they survived. 40

EMPEDOCLES thinketh, that the first generations as well of living creatures as of plants, were not wholy compleat and perfect in all parts, but disjoined, by reason that their parts did not cohaere and unite together: that the second generations when the parts begun to combine and close together, seemed like to images: that the third generations were of parts growing and arising mutually one out of another: and the fourth were no more of semblable, as of earth and water, but one of another; and in some the nourishment was incrassate and made thicke, as for others the beautie of women provoked and pricked in them a lust of spermatike motion. Moreover, that the kinds of all living creatures were distinct and divided by certeine tempera­tures; for such as were more familiarly enclined to water, went into water; others into the aire, for to draw and deliver their breath to and fro, according as they held more of the nature of 50 fire; such as were of a more heavie temperature were bestowed upon the earth; but those who were of an equall temperature, uttered voice with their whole breasts.

CHAP. XX. How many sorts of living creatures there be? whether they be all sensitive and endued with reason.

THere is a treatise of ARISTOTLE extant, wherein he putteth downe fower kinds of A­nimals, to wit, Terrestriall, Aquaticall, Volatile, and Celestiall: for you must thinke, that [Page 847] he calleth heavens, starres, and the world, Animals; even as well as those that participate of earth: yea and God he defineth to be a reasonable Animall and immortall.

DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS doe say, that heavenly Animals are reasonable.

[...] holdeth, that all Animals are endued with active reason, but want the pas­sive understanding, which is called the interpreter or truchment of the minde.

PYTHAGORAS and PLATO do affirme, that the soules even of those very Animals which are called unreasonable & brute beasts, are endued with reason; howbeit they are not operative with that reason, neither can they [...] it, by reason of the distempered composition of their bodies, and because they have not speech to declare and expound themselves: as for example, apes and dogs which utter a babling voice, but not an expresse language and distinct speech.

DIOGENES supposeth that they have an intelligence; but partly for the grosse thicknesse 10 of their temperature, and in part for the abundance of moisture, they have neither discourse of reason nor sense, but fare like unto those who be furious; for the principall part of the soule, to wit, Reason is defectuous and empeached.

CHAP. XXI. Within what time are living creatures formed in the mothers wombe.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that men begin to take forme after the thirtie sixt day; and are fini­shed 20 and knit in their parts within 50. daies wanting one.

ASCLEPIADES saith, that the members of males, because they be more hot, are jointed, and receive shape in the space of 26. daies, and many of them sooner; but are finished and complet in all limbes within 50. daies: but females require two moneths ere they be fashioned, and fower before they come to their perfection; for that they want naturall heat. As for the parts of unreasonable creatures, they come to their accomplishment sooner or later, according to the temperature of the elements.

CHAP. XXII. Of how many elements is composedech of the generall parts which are in us. 30

EMPEDOCLES thinketh, that flesh is engendred of an equall mixture and temperature of the fower elements; the sinewes, of earth and fire, mingled together in a duple proporti­on; the nailes and cleies in living creatures come of the nerves refrigerat and made colde in those places where the aire toucheth them; the bones, of water and earth within: and of these fower medled and contempered together, sweat and teares proceed.

CHAP. XXIII. When and how doth man begin to come to his perfection. 40

HERACLITUS and the STOICKS suppose, that men doe enter into their perfection a­bout the second septimane of their age, at what time as their naturall seed doth moove and runne: for even the very trees begin then, to grow unto their perfection; namely, when as they begin to engender their [...] ; for before then, unperfect they are, namely, so long as they be unripe and fruitlesse: and therefore a man likewise about that time is perfect: and at this septenarie of yeeres he beginneth to conceive and understand what is good and evill, yea, and to learne the same.

This I find in the [...] translation. Some thinke that a man is consummate at the end of the third septimane of yeeres, what 50 time as he maketh use of his full strength.

CHAP. XXIIII. In what manner Sleepe is occasioned or death?

ALCMEON is of this mind, that Sleepe is caused by the returne of blood into the conflu­ent veines; and Waking is the diffusion and spreading of the said blood abroad: but [Page 848] Death the utter departure thereof.

EMPEDOCLES holdeth that Sleepe is occasioned by a moderate cooling of the naturall heat of blood within us: and Death by an extreme coldnesse of the said blood.

DIOGENES is of opinion, that if blood being diffused and spred throughout, fill the veines, and withall drive backe the aire setled [...] into the breast, and the interior belly under it, then ensueth Sleepe, and the breast with the precordiall parts are [...] thereby: but if that aere­ous substance in the [...] exspire altogether, and exhale forth, presently [...] Death.

PLATO and the [...] affirme, that the [...] of Sleep is the [...] of the spirit sen­sitive, not by way of [...] and [...] to the earth; [...] by eleva­tion aloft, namely, when it is carried to the [...] or [...] between the [...] , the very [...] of 10 reason: but when there is an [...] of the [...] sensitive, [...] of [...] Death doth ensue.

CHAP. XXV. Whether of the twaine it is, that [...] or dieth, the Soule or the Bodie?

ARISTOTLE vorely [...] that Sleepe is common to Bodie and Soule both: and the cause thereof is a certaine humiditie which doth steeme and arise in manner of a va­pour out of the stomack and the food therein, up into the region of the head, and the natu­rall 20 heat about the heart cooled thereby. But death he deemeth to be an entire and totall refrige­ration; and the same of the Bodie onely, and in no wise of the Soule, for it is immortall.

ANAXAGORAS saith, that Sleepe belongeth to corporall action; as being a passion of the Bodie and not of the Soule: also that there is [...] wife a certaine death of the Bodie, to wit, the separation of it and the Bodie [...] .

LEUCIPPUS is of opinion, that Sleepe pertaineth to the Bodie onely, by concretion of that which was of subtile parts; but the excessive excretion of the animall heat is Death: which both (saith he) be passions of the Bodie, and not of the Soule.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that Death is a separation of those elements whereof mans Bodie is compounded: according to which position, Death is common to Soule and Bodie: and Sleep 30 a certaine dissipation of that which is of the nature of fire.

CHAP. XXVI. How Plants come to grow and whether they be animate.

PLATO and EMPEDOCLES hold, that Plants have life, yea and be animall creatures which appeareth (say they) by this, that they wag to and fro, and stretch forth their boughs like armes; also, that when they be violently strained and bent, they yeeld; but if they be let loose they returne againe, yea in their growth are able to overcome waight laid upon them. 40

ARISTOTLE granteth that they be living creatures, but not animall: for that animal crea­tures have motions and appetites, are sensitive and endued with reason.

The STOICKS and the EPIGUREANS hold, that they have no soule or life at all: for of ani­mallcreatures some have the appetitive & concupsicible soule, others the reasonable: but Plants grow after a sort casually of their owne accord, and not by the meanes of any soule.

EMPEDOCLES saith, that Trees sprang and grew out of the ground before animall crea­tures; to wit, ere the Sunne desplaied his beames, and before that day and night were distinct. Also that according to the proportion of temperature, one came to be named, Male, another, Female; that they [...] up and grow by the power of heat within the earth; in such sort, as they be parts of the earth, like as unborne fruits in the wombe, be parts of the matrice. As for 50 the fruits of trees, they are the superfluous excrements of water and fire: but such as have de­fect of that humiditie, when it is dried up by the heat of the Summer, lose their leaves: whereas they that have plentie thereof, keepe their leaves on still, as for example, the Laurell, Olive, and Date tree. Now as touching the difference of their juices and sapors, it proceedeth from the diversitie of that which nourisheth them, as appeareth in Vines: for the difference of Vine trees, maketh not the goodnesse of Vines for to be drunke, but the nutriment that the territorie and soile doth affoord.

CHAP. XXVII. Of [...] and Growth.

EMPEDOCLES is of opinion, that animall creatures are nourished by the substance of that which is proper and familiar unto them; that they grow by the presence of naturall heat; that they diminish, [...] and perish through the default both of the one and the other. And as for men now a daies living, in comparison of their auncestos, they be but babes new borne.

CHAP. XXVIII. How [...] creatures came to have appetite and pleasure. 10

EMPEDOCLES supposeth, that Lust and Appetites are incident to animall creatures, through the defect of those elements which went unto the framing of ech one: that plea­sures arise from humiditie: as for the motions of perils and such like, as also troubles and hin­derances, &c. * * * *

CHAP. XXIX. After what sort a Fever is engendred, and whether it is an accessary to another malady? 20

ERASISTRATUS defineth a Fever thus: A Fever (quoth he) is the motion of bloud, which is entred into the veines or vessels proper unto the spirits, to wit, the arteries; and that a­gainst the will of the patient; for like as the sea when nothing troubleth it, lieth still and quiet; but if a boisterous and violent winde be up and bloweth upon it, contrary unto nature it surgeth and riseth up into billowes even from the very bottom; so in the body of man, when the bloud is mooved, it invadeth the vitall and spirituall vessels, and being set on fire, it enchafeth the whole body. And according to the same physicians opinion, a Fever is an accessary or conse­quent comming upon another disease.

But DIOCLES affirmeth, that Symptones apparent without foorth, doe shew that which 30 lieth hidden within: Now we see that an Ague followeth upon those accidents that outwardly appeere; as for example, wounds, inflammations, impostumes, biles and botches in the share and other emunctories.

CHAP. XXX. Of Health, Sicknesse, and old age.

ALCMAEON is of opinion, that the equall dispensing and distribution of the faculties in the body, to wit, of moisture, heat, drinesse, cold, bitter, sweet, and the rest, is that which holdeth & maintaineth Health: contrariwise, the monarchie, that is to say, the predominant so­veraignty, 40 of any of them causeth sicknesse: for the predomination and principality of any one, bringeth the corruption of all the other, and is the very cause of maladies: the efficient in re­gard of excessive heat or cold; and the materiall in respect of superabundance, or defect of hu­mors; like as in some there is want of bloud or brain; whereas Health is a proportionable tem­perature of all these qualities.

DIOCLES supposeth, that most diseases grow by the inequality of the elements, and of the habit and constitution of the body.

ERASISTRATUS saith, that sicknesse proceedeth from the excesse of feeding, from crudi­ties, indigestions, and corruption of meat: whereas good order and suffisance is Health.

The STOICKS accord heereunto and hold, that Old age commeth for want of naturall heat; for they who are most furnished therewith, live longest, and be old a great time. 50

ASCLEPIADES reporteth, that the Aethiopians age quickly, namely, when they be thirtie yeeres old; by reason that their bodies bee over-heat, and even burnt againe with the sunne: whereas in England and all [...] , folke in their age continue 120. yeeres; for that those parts be cold, and in that people the naturall heat by that meanes is united and kept in their bodies: for the bodies of the Aethiopians are more open and rare, in that they be relaxed and resol­ved by the sunnes heat. Contrariwise their bodies who live toward the North pole, bee more compact, knit and fast, and therefore, such are long lived.

ROMANE QVESTIONS, THAT IS TO SAY, AN ENQUIRIE INTO THE 10 CAUSES OF MANIE FASHIONS AND CUSTOMES OF ROME.

A Treatise fit for them who are conversant in the reading of Romane histories and antiquities, giving a light to many places otherwise obscure and hard to be understood.

1 20

What is the reason that new wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and water?

1 IS it because that among the elements and principles, whereof are composed naturall bodies, the one of these twaine, to wit, fire is the male, and water the female, of which, that infuseth the beginning of motion, and this affoordeth the propertie of the subject and matter?

2 Or rather, for that, as the fire purgeth, and water washeth; so a wise ought to continue pure, chaste and cleane all her life.

3 Or is it in this regard, that as fire without humidity yeel­deth 30 no nourishment, but is dry; and moisture without heat is idle, fruitlesse and barren; even so the male is feeble, and the fe­male likewise, when they be apart and severed a sunder: but the conjunction of two maried folke yeeldeth unto both, their cohabitation and perfection of living together.

4 Or last of all, because man and wife ought not to forsake and abandon one another, but to take part of all fortunes; though they had no other good in the world common betweene them, but fire and water onely.

2

How is it, that they use to light at weddings five torches, and neither more nor lesse, which they 40 call Wax-lights.

1 WHether is it as Varro saith, because the Praetours or generals of armies use three, and the Aediles two: therefore it is not meet that they should have more than the Prae­tours and Aediles together: considering that new maried folke goe unto the Aediles to light their fire?

2 Or, because having use of many numbers, the odde number seemed unto them as in all other respects better, and more perfect than the even: so it was fitter and more agreeable for marriage: for the even number implieth a kinde of discord and division, in respect of the equall parts in it, meet for siding, quarrell, and contention: whereas the odde number cannot be divi­ded so just & equally, but there will remaine somwhat still in common for to be parted. Now a­mong 50 al odde numbers, it seemeth that Cinque is most nuptial, & best beseeming mariage; for that [...] is the first odde number, & Deuz the first even; of which twaine, five is compounded, as of the male and the female.

3 [...] is [...] , because light is a signe of being and of life: and a woman may beare at the most five children at one burden; and so they used to cary five tapers or waxe candels?

4 Or lastly, for that they thought, that those who were maried had need of five gods and [Page 851] goddesses: namely, Jupiter Or, [...] . genial, Juno genial, Venus, Suade, and above all Diana; whom (last named) women in their labour and travell of childe-birth, are wont to call upon for helpe.

3

What is the cause that there being many Temples of Diana in Rome, into that onely which standeth in the [...] street, men enter not.

1 IS it not because of a tale which is told in this maner: In old time a certeine woman be­ing come thither for to adore and worship this goddesse, chaunced there to bee abused and suffer violence in her honor: and he who forced her, was torne in pieces by hounds: upon 10 which accident, ever after, a certeine superstitious feare possessed mens heads, that they would not presume to goe into the said temple.

4

Wherefore is it, that in other temples of Diana men are woont ordinarily to set up and fasten Harts hornes; onely in that which is upon mount Aventine; the hornes of oxen and other beefes are to be seene.

MAy it not be, that this is respective to the remembrance of an ancient occurrent that sometime befell? For reported it is that long since in the Sabines countrey, one Antion Coratius had a cow, which grew to be exceeding faire and woonderfull bigge withall above a­ny 20 other: and a certeine wizard or soothfaier came unto him and said: How predestined it was that the citie which sacrificed that cow unto Diana in the mount Aventine, should become most puissant and rule all Italy: This Coratius therefore came to Rome of a deliberate purpose to sacrifice the said cow accordingly: but a certaine houshold servant that he had, gave notice secretly unto king Servius Tullius of this prediction delivered by the abovesaid soothfaier: whereupon Servius acquainted the priest of Diana, Cornelius, with the matter: and therefore when Antion Coratius presented himselfe for to performe his sacrifice, Cornelius advertised him, first to goe downe into the river, there to wash; for that the custome and maner of those that sacrificed was so to doe: now whiles Antion was gone to wash himselfe in the river, Ser­vius steps into his place, prevented his returne, sacrificed the cow unto the goddesse, and nai­led 30 up the hornes when he had so done, within her temple. Juba thus relateth this historie, and Varro likewise, saving that Varro expressely fetteth not downe the name of Antion, neither doth he write that it was Cornelius the priest, but the sexton onely of the church that thus be­guiled the Sabine.

5

Why are they who have beene [...] reported dead in a strange countrey, although they returne home alive, not received nor suffred to enter directly at the dores, but forced to climbe up to the tiles of the house, and so to get downe from the rouse into the house?

VArro rendreth a reason heereof, which I take to be altogether fabulous: for hee writeth, 40 that during the Sicilian warre, there was a great battell fought upon the sea, and immedi­ately upon it, there ranne a rumour of many that they were dead in this fight; who notwithstan­ding, they returned home safe, died all within a little while after: howbeit, one there was among the rest, who when he would have entred into his owne house, found the dore of the owne ac­cord fast shut up against him; and for all the forcible meanes that was made to open the same, yet it would not prevaile: whereupon this man taking up his lodging without, just before his dore, as he slept in the night, had a vision which advertised and taught him how he should from the roofe of the house let himselfe downe by a rope, and so get in: now when he had so done, he became fortunate ever after, all the rest of his life; and hee lived to be a very aged man: and heereof arose the foresaid custome, which alwaies afterwards was kept and observed. 50

But haply this fashion may seeme in some fort to have beene derived from the Greeks: for in Greece they thought not those pure and cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to be en­terred; or whose sepulchre and funerals were [...] or prepared: neither were such allow­ed to frequent the company of others, nor suffred to come neere unto their sacrifices. And there goeth a report of a certaine man named Aristinus, one of those who had beene possessed with this superstition, how he sent unto the oracle of Apollo at Delphos, for to make supplication and praier unto the god, for to bee delivered out of this perplexed anxietie that troubled him by [Page 852] occasion of the said custome or law then in force: and that the prophetesse Pythia returned this answer:

Looke what soever women doe in childbed newly laid,
Unto their babes, which they brought foorth, the verie same I say
See that be done to thee againe: and after that be sure,
Unto the blessed gods with hands to sacrifice, most pure.
10

Which oracle thus delivered, Aristinus having well pondered and considered, committed himselfe as an infant new borne unto women for to be washed, to be wrapped in swadling clo­thes, and to be suckled with the brest-head: after which, all such others, whom we call Hystero­potmous, that is to say, those whose graves were made, as if they had beene dead, did the sem­blable. Howbeit, some doe say, that before Aristinus was borne, these creremonies were obser­ved about those Histropotmi, and that this was a right auncient custome kept in the semblable case: and therefore no marvell it is, that the Romans also thought, that such as were supposed to have beene once buried, and raunged with the dead in another world, ought not to enter in at the same porch, out of which they goe, when they purpose to sacrifice unto the gods, or at which they reenter when they returne from sacrifice: but would have them from above to de­scend 20 through the tiles of the roufe into the close house, with the aire open over their heads: for all their purifications ordinarily they performed without the house abroad in the aire.

6

Why doe women kisse the lips of their kinsfolks?

IS it as most men thinke, for that women being forbidden to drinke wine, the manner was brought up: That whensoever they met their kinsfolke, they should kisse their lips, to the end they might not be unknowen, but convicted if they had drunke wine? or rather for another rea­son, which Aristotle the philosopher hath alledged? for as touching that occasion, which is so 30 famous and commonly voiced in every mans mouth, yea, and reported of divers and sundrie places; it was no doubt the hardy attempt executed by the dames of Troie, and that upon the coasts of Italy; for when the men upon their arrivall were landed; the women in the meane while set fire upon their ships, for very desire that they had to see an end once, one way or other of their long voiage, & to be delivered frō their tedious travel at sea: but fearing the fury of their men, when they should returne, they went forth to meet their kinsfolke and friends upon the way, and welcomed them with amiable embracing & sweet kisses of their lips: by which means having appeased their angrie mood, and recovered their favours, they continued ever after, the custome of kindgreeting and loving salutation in this manner.

Or was not this a priviledge granted unto women for their greater honour and credit; name­ly, 40 to be knowen and seen for to have many of their race and kinred, and those of good worth and reputation?

Or because it was not lawfull to espouse women of their blood and kinred, therefore per­mitted they were to entertaine them kindly and familiarly with a kisse, so they proceeded no far­ther; insomuch as this was the onely matke and token left of their consanguinitie. For before time, they might not marrie women of their owne blood; no more than in these daies their aunts by the mothers side, or their sisters: and long it was ere men were permitted to contract marriage with their cousin germains; and that upon such an occasion as this. There was a cer­taine man of poore estate and small living, howbeit otherwise of good and honest cariage, and of all others that managed the publike affairs of State most popular and gracious with the com­mons: 50 who was supposed to keepe as his espoused wife a kinswoman of his and cousin germain, an inheritresse; by whom he had great wealth, and became verie rich: for which he was accu­sed judicially before the people; but upon a speciall favour that they bare unto him, they would not enquire into the cause in question; but not onely suppressed his bill of enditement, and let her go as quit of all crime, but also even they, enacted a statute; by vertue whereof, lawfull it was for all men from that time forward to marrie, as far as to their cousin germains, but in any higher or neerer degree of consanguinitie, they were expresly forbidden.

7

Wherefore is it not lawfull either for the husband to receive a gift of his wife, or for the wife of her husband.

MAy it not be, for that, as Solon ordained that the donations and bequests, made by those that die shall stand good, unlesse they besuch as a man hath granted upon necessitie, or by the inducement and flatterie of his wife: in which proviso, he excepted necessitie, as forcing and constraining the will; and likewise pleasure, as deceiving the judgement; even so have men suspected the mutuall gifts passing between the husband and the wife, and thought them to be of the same nature. 10

Or was it not thought, that giving of presents was of all other the least & worst signe of ami­ty and good will (for even strangers and such as beare no love at all use in that sort to be giving) and in that regard they would banish out of marriage such kind of pleasing and curring favour; to the end that the [...] love and affection between the parties should be free and without respect of [...] and gaine, even for it selfe and nothing else in the world.

Or because women commonly admit and entertaine straungers, as corrupted by receiving of presents and gifts at their hands, it was thought to stand more with honour and reputation, that [...] should love their owne husbands, though they gave them nothing by way of gift.

Or rather, for that it was meet and requisit, that the goods of the husband should be com­mon to the wife, and to the wife likewise of the husband: for the partie who receiveth a thing in gift, 20 doth learne to repute that which was not given, to be none of his owne, but belonging to [...] so that man and wife in giving never so little one to another, despoile and defraud themselves of all that is beside.

8

What might be the cause that they were forbidden to receive any gift either of Daughters husband. Sonne in law, or [...] fa­ther. Father in law?

OF Sonne in law, for feare lest the gift might be thought by the meanes of the Father to passe about the returne unto the wife: and of the Father in law, because it was supposed meet and just, that he who gave not, should not likewise receive ought. This may [...] to have some [...] to [...] . 30

9

What should be the reason that the Romans when they returned from some voyage out of a farre and forraine countrey, or onely from their ferme into the citie; if their wives were at home, used to send a messenger unto them before, for to give warning and advertisement of their comming?

EIther it was because this is a token of one that beleeveth and is verily perswaded that his wife intendeth no lewdnesse, nor is otherwise busied than well: whereas to come upon her at unwares and on a sodain, is a kind of forlaying and surprize. Or for that they make haste to send them good newes of their comming, as being assured that they have a longing desire, and doe 40 expect such tidings.

Or rather because themselves would be glad to heare from them some good newes, to wit, whether they shall find them in good health when they come, and attending affectionately and with great devotion, their returne.

Or else because women ordinarily, when their husbands be away and from home, have many petie businesses and house affaires: and other whiles there fall out some little jarres and quar­rels within doores with their servants, men or maidens: to the end therefore all such troubles and inconveniences might be overblowen, and that they might give unto their husbands a lo­ving and amiable welcome home, they have intelligence given unto them before hand of their arrivall and approch. 45

10

What is the cause that when they adore and worship the gods, they cover their heads: but con­trariwise when they meet with any honourable or worshipfull persons, if their heads haplie were then covered with their cover, they discover the same, and are bare headed.

FOr it seemeth that this fashion maketh the former doubt and braunch of the question more difficult to be [...] : and if that which is reported of Aeneas be true; namely, that as [Page 854] Diomedes passed along by him whiles he sacrificed, he covered his head, and so performed his sacrifice; there is good reason and consequence, that if men be covered before their enemies, they should be bare when they encounter either their friends, or men of woorth and honour: for this maner of being covered before the gods, is not properly respective unto them, but oc­casioned by accident, and hath, since that example of Aeneas, beene observed and continued.

But if we must say somewhat else beside, consider whether it be not sufficient to enquire one­ly of this point; namely, why they cover their heads when they worship the gods, seeing the other consequently dependeth heereupon: for they stand bare before men of dignitie and au­thoritie, not to doe them any more honor thereby, but contrariwise to diminish their envie, for feare they might be thought to require as much reverence and the same honor as is exhibi­ted 10 to the gods, or suffer themselves, and take pleasure to bee observed and reverenced equally with them: as for the gods they adored them after this sort; either by way of lowlinesse and humbling themselves before their majestie, in covering and hiding their heads; or rather be­cause they feared lest as they made their praiers, there should come unto their hearing, from without, any sinister voice or inauspicate and ominous osse: and to prevent such an object they drew their hood over their eares: And how true it is that they had [...] eie and regard to meet with all such accidents, it may appeere by this, that when they went to any oracle for to beresolved by answer from thence upon a scrupulous doubt, they caused a great noise to be made all about them, with ringing of pannes or brasen basons.

Or it may well be, (as Castor saith, comparing in concordance the Romane fashions with the [...] of the Pythagoreans) for that the Daemon or good angell within us, hath need of the 20 gods helpe without, and maketh supplication with covering the head, giving thus much [...] to understand thereby, that the soule is likewise covered and hidden by the bodie.

11

Why sacrifice they unto Saturne bare-headed.

IS it because Aeneas first brought up this fashion of covering the head at sacrifice; and the sacrifice to Saturnus is much more auncient than his time?

Or, for that they used to be covered unto the celestiall gods: but as for Saturne he is reputed a Subterranean or terrestriall god? 30

Or, in this respect, that there is nothing hidden, covered, or shadowed in Trueth? For a­mong the Romans, Saturne was held to be the father of Veritie.

12

Why doe they repute Saturne the father of Trueth.

IS it for that (as some Philosophers deeme) they are of opinion that [...] Saturne is [...] Time? and Time you know well findeth out and revealeth the Truth.

Or, because as the Poets fable, men lived under Saturnes reigne in the golden age: and if the life of man was then most just and righteous, it followeth consequently that there was much 40 trueth in the world.

13

What is the reason that they sacrificed likewise unto the god whom they tearmed Honor, with bare head? now a man may interpret Honor to be as much as Glory and Reputation.

IT is haply because Honor and glory is a thing evident, notorious, and exposed to the know­ledge of the whole world: and by the same reason that they veile bonet before men of wor­ship, dignitie, and honor, they adore also the deitie that beareth the name of Honor, with the headbare. 50

14

What may be the cause, that sonnes cary their Fathers and Mothers foorth to be enterred, with their heads hooded and covered: but daughters bare headed, with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose.

IS it for that Fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children, but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters, and therefore the law having given and graunted [Page 855] unto either sex that which is proper, hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient.

Or, it is in this regard, that unto sorrow and heavinesse, that is best beseeming which is extra­ordinarie and unusuall: now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered: and likewise with men, to be discovered and bare headed. For even among the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie, the manner and custome is, that the women should cut off the hayres of their head, and the men weare them long: for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads, and women keepe their haire long. And to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered; in such a case, and for the said cause, a man may 10 alledge that which Varro hath written; namely, that in the solemnitie of funerals, and about the tombs of their fathers, they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods: in such sort, as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire, so soone as ever they meet with a bone, they pronounce, that he who is dead, is now become a god. On the contrary side, women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads. And we find upon record, that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carbilius, be­cause she bare him no children; the second, Sulpitius Gallus, for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head: and the third Publius Sempronius, for standing to behold the solemnitie of the fu­nerall games.

15

How it commeth to passe, that considering the Romans esteemed Terminus a god, and there­fore 20 in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon Terminalia, yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice vnto him?

IT is because Romulus did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey, to the end that he might lawfully set out & take in where pleased him, and repute all that land his owne so far as, (according to that saying of the Lacedaemonian) his speare or javelin would reach? But Numa [...] a just man and politick withall, one who knew well how to govern, and that by the rule of Philosophie, caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations, and called those frontier bonds by the name of Terminus as the superintendent, over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours; and therefore he supposed, that this Terminus ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood, and impollute with any murder. 30

16

What is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter into the temple of the goddesse Or [...] . Leucothea? and the Dames of Rome, bringing in thither one alone and no more with them, fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks.

AS for the wench that is thus buffeted, it is a sufficient signe and argument, that such as she, are not permitted to come thither: now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise: that ladie Jno being in times past jealous of her husband, and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers, fell mad, and was enraged against 40 her owne sonne: this servant the Greeks say, was an Aetolian borne, and had to name Antiphera; and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of Chaeronea, before the temple or chappell of Matuta, the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice: No man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere; no Aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place.

17

What is the cause that to this goddesse, folke pray not for any blessings to their owne chil­dren, but for their nephewes onely, to wit, their brothers or sisters children?

MAy it not be that Ino being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well, in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers: but was infortunate in her owne children?

Or rather, because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill, inducing and moving 50 folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds.

18

For what cause, were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto Hercules the Disme or tenth of all their goods?

WHy may it not be upon this occasion, that Hercules himselfe being upon a time at By [...] , meaning the place where afterwards Rome stood. Rome, sacrifice the tenth [...] of all the drove which he had taken from Gerton?

[Page 856] Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans from the tax and tribute of the Dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the Tuskans.

Or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie, and worthie of credit; what and if we say that unto Hercules as to some great bellie god, and one who loved good cheere, they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie?

Or rather, for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish alittle, their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state, as if they meant to abate and bring low (as it were) that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bo­die, which being growen to the height is daungerous: supposing by such cutting off, and a­bridging of superfluities, to do honour and service most pleasing unto Hercules, as who joied 10 highly in frugalitie: for that in his life time he stood contented with a little, and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever.

19

Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth Januarie?

FOr in old time the moneth of March was reckoned first, as a man may collect by many other conjectures, and by this especially, that the fift moneth in order after March was called Quin­tilis, and the sixt moneth Sextilis, and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last, which they named December, because it was the tenth in number after March: which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke & say, that the Romans (in those daies) determined and accomplished their compleat yeere, not in twelve moneths but in ten: namely, by adding unto 20 everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie. Others write, that Decem­ber indeed was the tenth moneth after March; but Januarie was the eleventh, and Februarie the twelfth: in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices, yea, and offe­red oblations unto the dead (as it were) to make an end of the yere. How be it afterwards they tran­sposed this order, and ranged Januarie in the first place, for that upon the first day thereof, which they call the Calends of Januarie; the first Consuls that ever bare rule in Rome were enstalled, immediatly upon the deposition and expulsion of the kings out of the citie. But there seemeth to be more probability & likelihood of truth in their speech, who say, that Romulus being a mar­tiall prince, and one that loved warre and feats of armes, as being reputed the sonne of Mars, set before all other moneths, that which caried the name of his father: how be it Numa who succee­dednext 30 after him, being a man of peace, and who endevored to withdraw the hearts and minds of his subjects and citizens from warre to agriculture, gave the prerogative of the first place un­to Januarie, and honoured Janus most, as one who had beene more given to politick govern­ment, and to the husbandrie of ground, than to the exercise of warre and armes.

Consider moreover, whether Numa chose not this moneth for to begin the yeere withall, as best sorting with nature in regard of us; for otherwise in generall, there is no one thing of all those that by nature turne about circularly, that can be said first or last, but according to the severall institutions and ordinances of men, some begin the time at this point, others at that. And verely they that make the Winter solstice or hibernall Tropick the beginning of their yeere, do the best of all others: for that the Sunne ceasing then to passe farther, beginneth to 40 returne and take his way againe toward us: for it seemeth, that both according to the course of nature, and also in regard of us, this season is most [...] to begin the yeere: for that it in­creaseth unto us the time of daie light, and diminisheth the darknesse of night, and causeth that noble starre or planet to approch neerer and come toward us, the lord governour and ruler of all substance transitorie and fluxible matter whatsoever.

20

Why do women when they dresse up and adorne the chappell or shrine of their feminine goddesse, whom they call Bona, never bring home for that purpose any branches of Myrtle tree: and yet otherwise have a delight to employ all sorts of leaves and flowers? 50

MAy it not be, for that, as some fabulous writers tell the tale, there was one Or Phaulius. Flavius a sooth­saier had a wife, who used secretly to drinke wine, and when she was surprised and taken in the manner by her husband, she was well beaten by him which myrtle rods: and for that cause they bring thither no boughs of myrtle: marry they offer libations unto this goddesse of wine, but forsooth they call it Milke.

Or is it not for this cause, that those who are to celebrate the ceremonies of this divine ser­vice, [Page 849] ought to be pure and cleane from all pollutions, but especially from that of Venus or le­chery? For not onely they put out of the roome where the service is performed unto the said goddesse Bona, all men, but also whatsoever is besides of masculine sex; which is the reason that they so detest the myrtle tree, as being consecrated unto Venus, insomuch as it should seeme they called in old time that Venus, Myrtea, which now goeth under the name, of Murcia.

21

What is the reason that the Latines doe so much honour and reverence the Woodpecker, and for­beare altogether to doe that bird any harme? 10

IS it for that Picus was reported in old time by the enchantments and forceries of his wife, to have changed his owne nature, and to be metamorphozed into a Woodpecker; under which forme he gave out oracles, and delivered answeres unto those who propounded unto him any demaunds?

Or rather, because this seemeth a meere fable, and incredible tale: there is another storie re­ported, which carieth more probabilitie with it, and soundeth neerer unto trueth. That when Romulus and Remus were cast foorth and exposed to death; not onely a female woolfe gave them her teats to sucke, but also a certeine Woodpecker flew unto them, and brought them food in her bill, and so fedde them: and therefore haply it is, that ordinarily in these daies wee 20 may see, as Nigidius hath well observed; what places soever at the foot of an hill covered and shadowed with oakes or other trees a Woodpecker haunteth, thither customably you shall have a woolfe to repaire.

Or peradventure, seeing their maner is to consecrate unto every god one kinde of birde or other, they reputed this Woodpecker sacred unto Mars, because it is a couragious and hardy bird, having a bill so strong, that he is able to overthrow an oke therewith, after he hath jobbed and pecked into it as farre as to the very marrow and heart thereof.

22

How is it that they imagine Janus to have had two faces,, in which maner they use both to paint 30 and also to cast him in mold.

IS it for that he being a Graecian borne, came from [...] , as we finde written in histo­ries; and passing forward into Italy, dwelt in that countrey among the Barbarous people, who there lived, whose language and maner of life he changed?

Or rather because he taught and perswaded them to live together after a civill and honest sort, in husbandry and tilling the ground; whereas before time their manners were rude, and their fashions savage without law or justice altogether.

23

What is the cause that they use to sell at Rome all things perteining to the furniture of [...] , 40 within the temple of the goddesse Libitina, supposing her to be Venus.

THis may seeme to be one of the sage and philosophicall inventions of king Numa, to the end that men should learne not to abhorre such things, not to [...] from them, as if they did pollute and defile them?

Or else this reason may be rendred, that it serveth for a good record and memoriall, to put us in minde, that whatsoever had a beginning by generation, shall likewise come to an end by death; as if one and the same goddesse were superintendent and governesse of nativitie and death: for even in the city of Delphos there is a pretie image of Venus, surnamed Epitymbia; that is to say sepulchrall: before which they use to raise and call foorth the ghosts of such as are departed, for to receive the libaments and sacred liquors powred foorth unto them. 50

24

Why have the Romans in every moneth three beginnings as it were, to wit, certeine principall and prefixed or preordeined That is to say, [...] , Nones & Ides. daies, and regard not the same intervall or space of daies be­tweene?

IS it because as Juba writeth in his chronicles, that the chiefe magistrates were wont upon the first day of the moneth to call and summon the people; whereupon it tooke the name of Ca­lends: [Page 850] and then to denounce unto them that the Nones should be the fift day after; and as for the Ides they held it to be an holy and sacred day?

Or for that they measuring and determining the time according to the differences of the moone, they observed in her every moneth three principall changes and diversities: the first, when she is altogether hidden, namely during her conjunction with the sunne; the second when she is somewhat remooved from the beames of the sunne, & beginneth to shew herselfe croissant in the evening toward the West whereas the sunne setteth; the third, when she is at the full: now that occultation and hiding of hers in the first place, they named Calends, for that in their tongue whatsoever is secret & hidden, they say it is [ Clam] and to hide or keepe close, they expresse by this word [ Celare;] and the first day of the moones illumination, which wee 10 heere in Greece tearme Noumenia, that is to say, the new-moone, they called by a most just name Nonae, for that which is new and yoong, they tearme Novum, in manner as wee doe [...]. As for the Ides, they tooke their name of this word [...], that signifieth beautie; for that the moone being then at the full, is in the very perfection of her beautie: or haply they derived this denomination of Dios, as attributing it to Jupiter: but in this we are not to search out ex­actly the just number of daies, nor upon a small default to slander and condemne this maner of reckoning, seeing that even at this day, when the science of Astrologie is growen to so great an increment, the inequalitie of the motion, and course of the moone surpasseth all experience of Mathematicians, and cannot be reduced to any certeine rule of reason.

25 20

What is the cause that they repute the morrowes after Calends, Nones, and Ides, disasterous or dismall dates, either for to set forward upon any journey or voiage, or to march with an army into the field?

IS it because as many thinke, and as Titus Livius hath recorded in his storie; the Tribunes militarie, at what time as they had consular and soveraigne authoritie, went into the field with the Romane armie the morrow after the Ides of the moneth Quintilis, which was the same that July now is, and were discomfited in a battell by the Gaules, neere unto the river Allia: and cōsequently upon that overthrow, lost the very city it selfe of Rome: by which occasion the mor­row after the Ides, being held and reputed for a sinister and unluckie day; superstition entring 30 into mens heads, proceeded farther, (as she loveth alwaies so to doe) and brought in the cu­stome for to hold the morrow after the Nones yea, and the morrow after the Calends, as unfor­tunate, and to be as religiously observed in semblable cases.

But against this there may be opposed many objections: for first and formost, they lost that battell upon another day, and calling it Alliensis, by the name of the river Allia, where it was strucken, they have it in abomination for that cause. Againe, whereas there be many daies reputed dismall and unfortunate, they doe not observe so precisely and with so religious feare, other daies of like denomination in every moneth, but ech day apart onely in that moneth wherein such and such a disaster, hapned: and that the infortunitie of one day should draw a su­perstitious feare simply upon all the morrowes after Calends, Nones, and Ides, carieth no con­gruitie 40 at all, not apparence of reason.

Consider moreover and see, whether, as of moneths they used to consecrate the first to the gods celestiall; the second to the terrestriall, or infernall, wherein they performe [...] expiatorie ceremonies and sacrifices of purification, and presenting offrings and services to the dead: so of the daies in the moneth, those which are chiefe and principall, as hath beene said, they would not have to be kept as sacred and festivall holidaies; but such as follow after, as be­ing dedicated unto the spirits, called Daemons, and those that are departed; they also have estee­med cōsequently as unhappy, & altogether unmeet either for to execute or to take in hand any businesse: for the Greeks adoring and serving the gods upon their new moones and first daies of the moneth, have attributed the second daies unto the demi-gods and Daemons: like as at 50 their feasts also they drinke the second cup unto their demi-gods, and demi-goddesses. In summe, Time is a kinde of number, and the beginning of number is (I wot not what,) some divine thing, for it is Unitie: and that which commeth next after it is Deuz or two, cleane opposite unto the said beginning, and is the first of all even numbers: as for the even num­ber it is defective, unperfect, and indefinit, whereas contrariwise, the uneven or odde num­ber it selfe is finite, complet, and absolute: and for this cause like as the Nones succeed the Calends five daies after; so the Ides follow the Nones nine daies after them; for the uneven [Page 851] and odde numbers doe determine those beginnings, or principall daies; but those which pre­sently ensue after the said principall daies being even, are neither ranged in any order, nor have power and puissance: and therefore men doe not enterprise any great worke, nor set foorth voiage or journey upon such daies: and heereto wee may to good purpose annex that pretie speech of Themistocles: For when the morrow (quoth he) upon a time quarrelled with the festi­vall day which went next before it, saying, that herselfe was busied and tooke a great deale of pains, preparing & providing with much travel those goods which the feast enjoied at her ease, with all repose, rest, and leisure: the Festivall day made this answer: Thou saidst true indeed; but if I were not, where wouldst thoube? This tale Themistocles devised, and delivered unto the Athenian captaines, who came after him; giving them thereby to understand, that neither they 10 nor any acts of theirs would ever have beene seene, unlesse hee before them had saved the citie of Athens. Forasmuch then, as every enterprise and voiage of importance hath need of provision, and some preparatives; and for that the Romans in old time upon their festivall daies, dispensed nothing, nor tooke care for any provision; being wholy given and devoted at such times to the service & worship of God, doing that, & nothing else; like as even yet at this day, when the priests begin to sacrifice, they pronounce with a loud voice before all the com­panie there assembled HOCAGE, that is to say, Minde this, and doe no other thing: verie like it is, and standeth to great reason, that they used not to put themselves upon the way for any long voiage, nor tooke in hand any great affaire or businesse presently after a festivall day, but kept within house all the morrow after, to thinke upon their occasions, and to provide all things necessarie 20 for journey or exploit: or we may conjecture, that as at this very day the Romans after they have adored the gods, and made their praiers unto them within their temples, are woont to stay there a time, and sit them downe; even so they thought it not reasonable to cast their great affaires so, as that they should immediately follow upon any of their festivall daies; but they allowed some respit and time betweene, as knowing full well, that businesses carie with them alwaies many troubles and hinderances, beyond the opinion, expectation, and will of those who take them in hand.

26

What is the cause that women at Rome, when they mourne for the dead, put on white robes, and likewise weare whitecawles, coifes and kerchiefs vpon their heads. 30

MAy it not be that for to oppose themselves against hell and the darkenesse thereof, they conforme their raiment and attire to that colour which is cleere and bright?

Or doe they it not rather for this: that like as they clad and burie the dead corps in white clothes, they suppose, that those who are next of kin, and come neerest about them, ought also to weare their liverie? Now the bodie they doe in this wise decke, because they cannot adorne the soule so; and it they are willing to accompanie as lightsome, pure and net, as being now at the last delivered and set free, and which hath performed a great a variable combat.

Or rather, we may guesse thus much thereby: that in such cases, that which is most simple and least costly, is best beseeming; whereas clothes of any other colour died, do commonly be­wray 40 either supersluitie or curiositie: for we may say even aswell of blacke, as of purple: These robes are deceitfull; these colours also are counterfeit. And as touching that which is of it selfe blacke, if it have not that tincture by diers art, surely it is so coloured by nature, as being mixed and compounded with obscuritie: and therefore there is no colour els but white, which is pure, unmixt, and not stained and sullied with any tincture, and that which is inimitable; in which regard, more meet and agreeable unto those who are interred, considering that the dead is now become simple, pure, exempt from all mixtion, and in very trueth, nothing els but deli­vered from the bodie, as a staine and infection hardly scowred out and rid away. Semblably, in the [...] of Argos, whensoever they mourned, the maner was to weare white garments, washed (as Socrates said) in faire and cleere water. 50

27

What is the reason that they esteeme all the walles of the citie sacred and inviolable, but not the gates.

IS it (as Varro saith) because we ought to thinke the walles holie, to the end that we may fight valiantly, and die generously in the defence of them? for it seemeth that this was the cause, why Romulus killed his owne brother Remus, for that he presumed to leape over [...] holy and inviolable place: whereas contrariwise, it was not possible to consecrate and hallow the [Page 852] gates, thorow which there must needs be transported many things necessary, and namely, the bodies of the dead. And therefore, they who begin to found a citie, environ and compasse first with a plough all that pourprise and precinct wherein they meant to build, drawing the said plough with an oxe and a cow coupled together in one yoke: afterwards, when they have traced out all the said place where the walles should stand, they measure out as much ground as will serve for the gates, but take out the plough-share, and so passe over that space with the bare plough, as if they meant thereby, that all the furrow which they cast up and eared, should be sa­cred and inviolable.

28

What is thereason, that when their children are to sweare by Hercules, they will not let them 10 do it within doores, but cause them to go forth of the house, and take their oath abroad?

IS it because (as some would have it) that they thinke Hercules is not delighted with keeping close within house and sitting idlely, but taketh pleasure to live abroad and lie without?

Or rather, for that of all the gods, Hercules is not (as one would say) home-bred, but a stran­ger, come amongst them from afarre? For even so they would not sweare by Bacchus, under the roofe of the house, but went forth to do it; because he also is but a stranger among the gods.

Or haply, this is no more but a word in game and sport, given unto children: and besides (to say a trueth) it may be a meanes to withholde and restraine them from swearing so readily and rashly, as Phavorinus saith: for this device causeth a certeine premeditate preparation, and gi­veth 20 them (whiles they goe out of the house) leasure and time to consider better of the matter. And a man may conjecture also with Phavorinus, and say with him: That this fashion was not common to other gods, but proper to Hercules: for that we finde it written, that he was so reli­gious, so respective and precise in his oath, that in all his life time he never sware but once, and that was onely to Phileus the sonne of Augias. And therefore, the prophetisse at Delphos, named Pythia, answered thus upon a time to the Lacedaemonians:

When all these oaths you once forfend,
Your state (be sure) shall dayly mend.

29 30

What should be the reason, that they would not permit the new wedded bride to passe of herselfe over the doore-sill or threshold, when she is brought home to her husbands house, but they that accompa­nie her, must lift her up betweene them from the ground, and so convey her in.

IS it in remembrance of those first wives whom they ravished perforce from the Sabines, who entred not into their houses of themselves with their good will, but were carried in by them, in this maner?

Or is it perhaps, because they would be thought to goe against their willes into that place where they were to lose their maidenhead?

Or haply it may be, that a wedded wife ought not to goe foorth of her doores, and abandon 40 her house, but perforce, like as she went first into it by force. For in our countrey of Boeotia, the maner is, to burne before the doore where a new married wife is to dwell, the axel tree of that chariot or coatch in which she rode when she was brought to her husbands house. By which ceremonie, thus much she is given to understand, that will she nill she, there she must now tar­rie, considering that it which brought her thither, is now gone quite and consumed.

30

Wherefore do they at Rome, when they bring a new espoused bride home to the house of her hus­band, force her to say these words vnto her spouse: Where you are Cajus, I will be Caja?

IS it to testifie by these words, that she entreth immediately to communicate with him in 50 all goods, and to be a governesse and commaunder in the house as well as he? for it implieth as much, as if she should say; where you are lord and master, I will be lady and mistres. Now these names they used as being common, and such as came first to hand, and for no other rea­son else: like as the Civill lawiers use ordinarily these names, Cajus, Seius, Lucius, and [...] : the Philosophers in their schooles, Dion and Theon.

Or per adventure it is in regard of Caia Cacilia a beautifull and vertuous lady, who intimes [Page] past espoused one of the sonnes of king Tarquinius: of which dame there is yet to be seene even at this day one image of brasse, within the temple of the god Sanctus: and there likewise in old time, her slippers, her distaffe and spindels laid up for to bee seene: the one to signifie that she kept the house well, and went not ordinarily abroad; the other to shew how she busied her selfe at home.

31

How commeth it, that they use to chaunt ordinarily at weddings, this word so much divulged, Talassio?

IS it not of Talasia, the Greeke word, which signifieth yarne: for the basket wherein wo­men 10 use to put in their rolles of carded wooll, they name Talasos in Greeke, and Calathus in Latine? Certes they that lead the bride home, cause her to sit upon a fliece of wooll, then brin­geth she foorth a distaffe and a spindle, and with wooll all to hangeth and decketh the dore of her husbands house.

Or rather, if it be true which historians report: There was sometime a certeine yoong gen­tleman, very valiant and active in feats of armes, and otherwise of excellent parts and singular wel conditioned, whose name was Talasius: and when they ravished and caried away the daugh­ters of the Sabines who were come to Rome, for to behold the solemnitie of their festivall games and plaies: certaine meane persons, such yet as belonged to the traine & retinue of Ta­lasius 20 aforesaid, had chosen foorth & were carying away, one damosel above the rest most beau­tiful of visage, and for their safety and securitie as they passed along the streets, cried out aloud Talasio, Talasio, that is to say, for Talasius, for Talasius; to the end that no man should be so hardy as to approch neere unto them, nor attempt to have away the maiden from them, giving it out, that they caried her for to be the wife of Talasius; and others meeting them upon the way, joined with them in company for the honour of Talasius, and as they followed after, highly praised their good choice which they had made, praying the gods to give both him and her joy of their marriage, and contentment to their hearts desire. Now for that this marriage prooved happy and blessed, they were woont ever after in their wedding songs to rechant and resound this name, Talasius, like as the maner is among the Greeks to sing in such carrols, Hymenaeus. 30

32

What is the reason that in the moneth of May, they use at Rome to cast over their woodden bridge into the river, certaine images of men, which they call Argeos?

IS it in memoriall of the Barbarians who sometimes inhabited these parts, and did so by the Greeks, murdering them in that maner as many of them as they could take? But Hercules who was highly esteemed among them for his vertue, abolished this cruell fashion of killing of strangers, and taught them this custome to counterfet their auncient superstitions, and to fling these images in stead of them: now in old time our ancestors used to name all Greeks of what countrey 40 so ever they were, Argeos: unlesse haply a man would say, that the Arcadians repu­ting the Argives to be their enemies, for that they were their neighbour borderers, such as fled with Evander out of Arcadia, and came to inhabit these quarters, reteined still the old ha­tred and ranckor, which time out of minde had taken root, and beene setled in their hearts a­gainst the said Argives.

33

What is the cause that the Romans in old time never went foorth out of their houses to supper, but they caried with them their yoong sonnes, even when they were but in their very infan­cie and childhood.

WAs not this for the very same reason that Lycurgus instituted and ordeined, that 50 yoong children should ordinarily be brought into their halles where they used to eat in publicke, called Phiditia, to the end that they might be inured and acquainted betimes, [...] to use the pleasures of eating and drinking immoderately, as brutish and ravenous beasts are wont to doe; considering that they had their elders to oversee them, yea, and to controll their demeanour: and in this regard haply also, that their fathers themselves should in their ca­riage be more sober, honest, and frugall, in the presence of their children: for looke where old [Page 862] folke are shamelesse, there it can not chuse but (as Plato saith) children and youth will be most gracelesse and impudent.

34

What might the reason be, that where as all other Romans made their offrings, ceremonies, and sacrifices for the dead, in the moneth of February: Decimus Brutus as Cicero saith, was went to doe the same in the moneth of December: now this Brutus was he who first inva­ded the countrey of Portugall, and with an armie passedover the river of Lethe, that is to say, oblivion.

MAy it not be, that as the most part of men used not to performe any such services for the dead, but toward the end of the moneth, and a little before the shutting in of the evening; 10 even so it seemeth to carie good reason, to honour the dead at the end of the yeere; and you wot well that December was the the last moneth of all the yeere.

Or rather, it is because this was an honour exhibited to the deities terrestriall: and it see­meth that the proper season to reverence and worship these earthly gods, is when the fruits of the earth be fully gathered and laid up.

Or haply, for that the husband men began at this time to breake up their grounds against their seednesse: it was meet and requisite to have in remembrance those gods which are un­der the ground.

Or haply, because this moneth is dedicate and consecrated by the Romans to Saturne; for 20 they counted Saturne one of the gods beneath, and none of them above: and withall, conside­ring the greatest and most solemne feast, which they call Saturnalia, is holden in this moneth, at what time as they seeme to have their most frequent meeting, and make best cheere, he thought it meet and reasonable that the dead also should enjoy some little portion thereof.

Or it may be said, that it is altogether untrue that Decimus Brutus alone sacrificed for the dead in this moneth: for certeine it is that there was a certeine divine service performed to Ac­ca Larentia, and solemne effusions and libaments of wine and milke were powred upon her se­pulchre in the moneth of December.

35 30

Why honoured the Romans this Acca Larentia so highly, considering she was no better than a strumpet or courtisan?

FOr you must thinke, that the histories make mention of another Acca Larentia, the nurse of Romulus, unto whom they do honour in the moneth of Aprill. As for this courtizan Laren­tia, she was (as men say) surnamed Fabula, and came to be so famous and renowmed by such an occasion as this. A certeine sexton of Hercules his temple, having little els to doe, and living at ease (as commonly such fellowes doe) used for the most part to spend all the day in playing at dice and with cokall bones: and one day above the rest, it fortuned, that meeting with none of his mates and play-fellowes who were woont to beare him company at such games, and not 40 knowing what to do nor how to passe the time away, he thought with himselfe to challenge the god whose servant he was, to play at dice with him, upon these conditions: That if himselfe woon the game, Hercules should be a meanes for him of some good lucke and happy fortune; but in case he lost the game, he should provide for Hercules a good supper, and withall, a pretie wench and a faire, to be his bed fellow: these conditions being agreed upon and set downe, he cast the dice, one chance for himselfe, and another for the god; but his hap was to be the loser: whereupon minding to stand unto his challenge, and to accomplish that which he had promi­sed, he prepared a rich supper for Hercules his god, and withall, sent for this Acca Larentia, a pro­fessed courtisan and common harlot, whom he feasted also with him, and after supper bestowed her in a bed within the very temple, shut the doores fast upon, and so went his way. Now the 50 tale goes forsooth, that in the night, Hercules companied with her, not after the maner of men, but charged her, that the next morning betimes she should go into the market place, and looke what man she first met withall, him she should enterteine in all kindnesse, and make her friend especially. Then Larentia gat up betimes in the morning accordingly, and chanced to encoun­ter a certeine rich man and a stale bacheler, who was now past his middle age, and his name was Taruntius; with him she became so familiarly acquainted, that so long as he lived, she had the command of his whole house; and at his death, was by his last will and testament instituted in­heritresse [Page 863] of all that he had. This Larentia likewise afterward departed this life, and left all her riches unto the citie of Rome; whereupon this honour abovesaid was done unto her.

36

What is the cause, that they name one gate of the citie Fenestra, which is as much to say, as window; neere unto which adjoineth the bed-chamber of Fortune?

IS it for that king [...] a most fortunate prince, was thought & named to lie with Fortune, who was woont to come unto him by the window? or is this but a devised tale? But in trueth, after that king Tarquinius Priscus was deceased, his wife Tanaquillis being a wise ladie, and endu­ed 10 with a roiall mind, putting forth her head, and bending forward her bodie out of her chamber window, made a speech unto the people, perswading them to elect Servius for their king. And this is the reason that afterwards the place reteined this name, Fenestra.

37

What is the reason that of all those things which be dedicated and [...] to the gods, the cu­stome is at Rome, that onely the spoiles of enemies conquered in the warres, are neglected and suffered to run to decay in processe of time: neither is there any reverence done unto them, nor repaired be they at any time, when they wax olde? 20

WHether is it, because they (supposing their glory to fade and passe away together with these first spoiles) seeke evermore new meanes to winne some fresh marks and monu­ments of their vertue, and to leave them same behinde them.

Or rather, for that seeing time doth waste and consume these signes and tokens of the enmity which they had with their enemies, it were an odious thing for them, and very invidious, if they should refresh and renew the remembrance thereof: for even those among the Greeks, who first erected their trophes or pillars of brasse and stone, were not commended for so doing.

38

What is the reason that Quintus Metellus the high priest, and reputed be sides a wise man and a 30 politike, for bad to observe [...] , or to take presages by flight of birds, after the moneth Sex­tilis, now called August.

IS it for that, as we are woont to attend upon such observations about noone or in the begin­ning of the day, at the entrance also and toward the middle of the moneth: but we take heed and beware of the daies declination, as inauspicate and unmeet for such purposes; even so Me­tellus supposed, that the time after eight moneths was (as it were) the evening of the yeere, and the latter end of it, declining now and wearing toward an end.

Or haply, because we are to make use of these birds, and to observe their flight for presage, whiles they are entire, perfect and nothing defective, such as they are before Summer time. But 40 about Autumne some of them moult, grow to be sickly and weake; others are over young and too small; and some againe appeare not at all, but like passengers are gone at such a time into another countrey.

39

What is the cause, that it was not lawfull for them who were not prest soldiors by oth and enrolled, al­though upon some other occasions they conversed in the campe, to strike or wound an enemie? And verely Cato himselfe the elder of that name signified thus much in a letter missive which he wrote unto his sonne: wherein he straitly charged him, that if he had accomplished the full time of his service, and that his captain had given him his conge and discharge, he should immediatly returne: or in case he had leifer stay still in the campe, that he should obtaine of his captaine permission and 50 licence to hurt and kill his enemie.

IS it because there is nothing else but necessitie alone, doeth warrantize the killing of a man: and he who unlawfully and without expresse commaundement of a superiour (uncon­strained) doth it, is a [...] homicide and manslaier. And therefore Cyrus commended Chry­santas, for that being upon the verie point of killing his enemie, as having lifted up his cemiter for to give him a deadly wound, presently upon the sound of the retreat by the trumpet, let the [Page 864] man go, and would not smite him, as if he had beene forbidden so to do.

Or may it not be, for that he who presenteth himselfe to fight with his enemie, in case he shrink, and make not good his ground, ought not to go away cleere withal, but to be held faulty and to suffer punishment: for he doth nothing so good service that hath either killed our woun­an enemie, as harme and domage, who reculeth backe or flieth away: now he who is discharged from warfare, and hath leave to depart, is no more obliged and bound to militarie lawes: but he that hath demaunded permission to do that service which sworne and enrolled souldiers per­forme, putteth himselfe againe under the subjection of the law and his owne captaine.

40 10

How is it, that the priest of Jupiter, is not permitted to annoint himselfe abroad in the open aire?

IS it for that in old time it was not held honest and lawfull for children to do off their clothes before their fathers; nor the sonne in law in the presence of his wives father; neither used they the stouph or [...] together: now is Jupiter reputed the priests or Flamines father: and that which is done in the open aire, seemeth especially to be in the verie eie and sight of Jupiter?

Or rather, [...] as it was thought a great sinne and exceeding irreverence, for a man to turne himselfe out of his apparrell naked, in any church, chappell, or religious and sacred place; [...] so they carried a great respect unto the aire and open skie, as being full of gods, demi-gods, and 20 saints. And this is the verie cause, why we do many of our necessarie businesses within [...] , [...] and covered with the [...] of our houses, and so remooved from the eies as it were of the deitie. [...] , somethings there be that by law are commaunded and enjoined unto the priest onely; and others againe unto all men, by the priest: as for example, heere with us in [...] to be crowned with chaplets of flowers upon the head; to let the haire grow long; to weare a sword, and not to set foot within the limits of Phocis, pertaine all to the office and dutie of the captaine generall and chiefe ruler: but to tast of no new fruits before the Autumnall Aequi­nox be past; nor to cut and prune a vine but before the Acquinox of the Spring, be intimated and declared unto all by the said ruler or captaine generall: for those be the verie seasons to do both the one & the other. In like case, it should seeme in my judgement that among the Romans 30 it properly belonged to the priest; not to mount on horseback; not to be above three nights out of the citie; not to put off his cap, wherupon he was called in the Roman language, Flamen. But there be many other offices and duties, notified and declared unto all men by the priest, a­mong which this is one, not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the open aire: For this ma­ner of anointing drie without the bath, the Romans mightily suspected and were afraid of: and even at this day they are of opinion, that there was no such cause in the world that brought the Greeks under the yoke of servitude and bondage, and made them so tender and effeminate, as their halles and publike places where their yong men wrestled & exercised their bodies naked: as being the meanes that brought into their cities, much losse of time, engendred idlenesse, bred lazie slouth, and ministred occasion & opportunity of lewdnesse and vilany; as namely, to make 40 love unto faire boies, and to spoile and marre the bodies of young men with sleeping, with wal­king at a certaine measure, with stirring according to motions, keeping artificiall compasse, and with observing rules of exquisit diet. Through which fashions, they see not, how (ere they be a­ware) they befallen from exercises of armes, and have cleane forgotten all militarie discipline: loving rather to be held and esteemed good wrestlers, fine dauncers, conceited pleasants, and faire minions, than hardic footmen, or valiant men of armes. And verely it is an hard matter to avoid and decline these inconveniences, for them that use to discover their bodies naked before all the world in the broad aire: but those who annoint themselves closely within doores, and looke to their bodies at home are neither faultie nor offensive. 50

41

What is the reason that the auncient coine and mony in old time, caried the stampe of one side of Ianus with two faces: and on the other side, the prow or the poope of a boat engraved [...] .

WAs it not as many men do say, for to honour the memorie of Saturne, who passed into Italy by water in such a vessell? But a man may say thus much as well of many [...] : for Janus, Evander, and Aeneas, came thither likewise by sea; and therefore a man may per­adventure [Page 865] gesse with better reason; that whereas some things serve as goodly ornaments for ci­ties, others as necessarie implements: among those which are decent and seemely ornaments, the principall is good government and discipline, and among such as be necessary, is reckoned, plentie and abundance of victuals: now for that Janus instituted good government, in [...] holsome lawes, and reducing their manner of life to civilitie, which before was rude and brutish, and for that the river being navigable, furnished them with store of all neceslary com­modities, whereby some were brought thither by sea, others from the land; the coine caried for the marke of a law-giver, the head with two faces, like as we have already said, because of that change of life which he brought in; and of the river, a ferrie boate or barge: and yet there was another kinde of money currant among them, which had the figure portraied upon it, 10 of a beefe, of a sheepe, and of a swine; for that their riches they raised especially from such cattle, and all their wealth and substance consisted in them. And heereupon it commeth, that many of their auncient names, were Ovilij, Bubulci and [...] , that is to say, Sheepe-reeves, and Neat-herds, and Swineherds according as Fenestella doth report.

42

What is the cause that they make the temple of Saturne, the chamber of the [...] , for to keepe therein the publicke treasure of gold and silver: as also their arches, for the custodic of all their writings, rolles, contracts and evidences whatsoever. 20

IS it by occasion of that opinion so commonly received, and the speech so universally cur­rant in every mans mouth, that during the raigne of Saturne, there was no avarice nor inju­stice in the world; but loialtie, truth, faith, and righteousnesse caried the whole sway among men.

Or for that he was the god who found out fruits, brought in agriculture, and taught husban­dry first; for the hooke or sickle in his hand signifieth so much, and not as Antimachus wrote, following therein and beleeving Hesiodus:

Rough Saturne with his hairy skinne, against all law and right,
Of Aemons sonne, sir Ouranus, or Coelus sometime hight, 30
Those privy members which him gat, with hooke a-slant off-cut.
And then anon in fathers place of reigne, himselfe did put.

Now the abundance of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth, and the vent or disposition of them, is the very mother that bringeth foorth plentie of monie: and therefore it is that this same god they make the author and mainteiner of their felicitie: in testimonie whereof, those assemblies which are holden every ninth day in the comon place of the city, called Nundinae, that is to say, Faires or markets, they esteeme consecrated to Saturne: for the store & foison of fruits is that 40 which openeth the trade & comerce of buying and selling. Or, because these reasons seeme to be very antique; what and if we say that the first man who made (of Saturns temple at Rome) the treasurie or chamber of the citie, was Valerius Poplicola, after that the kings were driven out of Rome, and it seemeth to stand to good reason that he made choise thereof, because he thought it a safe and secure place, eminent and conspicuous in all mens eies, and by consequence hard to be surprised and forced.

43

What is the cause that those who come as embassadours to Rome, from any parts whatsoever, go first into the temple of Saturne, and there before the Questors or Treasurers of the citie, enter their names in their registers. 50

IS it for that Saturne himselfe was a stranger in Italy, and therefore all strangers are welcome unto him?

Or may not this question besolved by the reading of histories? for in old time these Que­stors or publick Treasurers, were wont to send unto embassadors certeine presents, which were called Lautia: and if it fortuned that such embassadors were sicke, they tooke the charge of them for their cure; and if they chanced to die, they enterred them likewise at the cities char­ges. [Page 866] But now in respect of the great resort of embassadors from out of all countries, they have cut off this expense: howbeit the auncient custome yet remaineth, namely, to present them­selves to the said officers of the treasure, and to be registred in their booke.

44

Why it is not lawfull for Jupiters priest to sweare?

IS it because an oth ministred unto free borne men, is as it were the racke and torture ten­dred unto them? for certeine it is, that the soule as well as the bodie of the priest, ought to continue free, and not be forced by any torture whatsoever. 10

Or, for that it is not meet to distrust or discredit him in small matters, who is beleeved in great and divine things?

Or rather because every oth endeth with the detestation and malediction of perjurie: and considering that all maledictions be odious and abominable; therefore it is not thought good that any other priests whatsoever, should curse or pronounce any malediction: and in this re­spect was the priestresse of Minerva in Athens highly commended, for that she would ne­ver curse [...] , notwithstanding the people commanded her so to doe: For I am (quoth she) ordeined a priestresse to pray for men, and not to curse them.

Or last of all, was it because the perill of perjurie would reach in common to the whole com­mon wealth, if a wicked, godlesse and forsworne person, should have the charge and super­intendance 20 of the praiers, vowes, and sacrifices made in the behalfe of the citie.

45

What is the reason that upon the festivall day in the honour of Venus, which solemnitie they call Veneralia, they use to powre foorth a great quantitie of wine out of the temple of Venus.

IS it as some say upon this occasion, that Mezentius sometime captaine generall of the Tuscans, sent certeine embassadors unto Aeneas, with commission to offer peace unto him, upon this condition, that he might receive all the wine of that [...], or, a [...] quanti­tie of wine [...] , as some inter­pret it. yeeres vintage. But when Aeneas refused so to doe, Mezentius (for to encourage his souldiers the Tuskans to fight man­fully) 30 promised to bestow wine upon them when he had woon the field: but Aeneas understan­ding of this promise of his, consecrated and dedicated all the said wine unto the gods: and in trueth, when he had obteined the victorie, all the wine of that yeere, when it was gotten and ga­thered together, he powred forth before the temple of Venus.

Or, what if one should say, that this doth symbolize thus much: That men ought to be so­ber upon festivall daies, and not to celebrate such solemnities with drunkennesse; as if the gods take more pleasure to see them shed wine upon the ground, than to powre overmuch thereof downe their throats?

46

What is the cause that in ancient time they kept the temple of the goddesse Horta, open alwaies. 40

WHether was it (as Antistius Labeo hath left in writing) for that, seeing Hortart in the Latine tongue signifieth to incite and exhort, they thought that the goddesse called Horta, which stirreth and provoketh men unto the enterprise and execution of good exploits, ought to be evermore in action, not to make delaies, not to be shut up and locked within dores, ne yet to sit still and do nothing?

Or rather, because as they name her now a daies Hora, with the former syllable long, who is a certeine industrious, vigilant and busie goddesse, carefull in many things: therefore being as she is, so circumspect and so watchfull, they thought she should be never idle, nor rechlesse of mens affaires. 50

Or els, this name Hora (as many others besides) is a meere Greeke word, and signifieth a dei­tie or divine power, that hath an eie to overlooke, to view and controll all things; and therefore since she never sleepeth, nor laieth her eies together, but is alwaies broad awake, therefore her church or chapel was alwaies standing open.

But if it be so as Labeo saith, that this word Hora is rightly derived of the Greeke verbe [...] or [...], which signifieth to incite or provoke; consider better, whether this word Orator al­so, that is to say, one who stirrith up, [...] , encourageth, and adviseth the people, as a [Page 867] prompt and ready counseller, be not derived likewise in the same sort, and not of [...] or [...], that is to say, praier and supplication, as some would have it.

47

Wherefore founded Romulus the temple of Vulcane without the citie of Rome?

IS it for the jealousie (which as fables do report) Vulcane had of Mars, because of his wife Ve­nus: and so Romulus being reputed the sonne of Mars, would not vouchsafe him to inhabit and dwell in the same citie with him? or is this a meere foolerie and senselesse conceit?

But this temple was built at the first, to be a chamber and parlour of privie counsell for him 10 and Tatius who reigned with him; to the end that meeting and sitting there in consultation to­gether with the Senatours, in a place remote from all troubles and hinderances, they might de­liberate as touching the affaires of State with ease and quietnesse.

Or rather, because Rome from the very first foundation was subject to fire by casualtie, hee thought good to honour this god of fire in some sort, but yet to place him without the walles of the citie.

48

What is the reason, that upon their festivall day called Consualia, they adorned with garlands of flowers aswell their asses as horses, and gave them rest and repose for the time? 20

IS it for that this solemnitie was holden in the honour of Neptune surnamed Equestris, that is to say, the horseman? and the asse hath his part of this joyfull feast, for the horses sake?

Or, because that after navigation and transporting of commodities by sea was now found out and shewed to the world, there grew by that meanes (in some sort) better rest and more case to poore labouring beasts of draught and carriage.

49

How commeth it to passe, that those who stood for any office and magistracie, were woont by anold custome (as Cato hath written) to present themselves unto the people in a single robe or loose gowne, without any coat at all under it? 30

WAs it for feare lest they should carrie under their robes any money in their bosomes, for to corrupt, bribe, and buy (as it were) the voices and suffrages of the people?

Or was it because they deemed men woorthy to beare publicke office and to governe, not by their birth and parentage, by their wealth and riches, ne yet by their shew and outward reputati­on, but by their wounds and searres to be seene upon their bodies. To the end therefore, that such scarres might be better exposed to their sight whom they met or talked withall, they went in this maner downe to the place of election, without inward coats in their plaine gownes.

Or haply, because they would seeme by this nuditie and nakednesse of theirs, in humilitie to debase themselves, the sooner thereby to curry favor, and win the good grace of the commons, 40 even aswell as by taking them by the right hand, by suppliant craving, and by humble submission on their very knees.

50

What is the cause that the Flamen or priest of Jupiter, when his wife was once dead, used to give up his Priesthood or Sacer dot all dignitie, according as Ateius hath recorded in his historie.

WAs it for that he who once had wedded a wife, and afterwards buried her, was more in­fortunate, than he who never had any? for the house of him who hath maried a wife, is entire and perfect, but his house who once had one, and now hath none, is not onely unper­fect, but also maimed and lame? 50

Or might it not bee that the priests wife was consecrated also to divine service together with her husband; for many rites and ceremonies there were, which he alone could not per­forme, if his wife were not present: and to espouse a new wife immediately upon the decease of the other, were not peradventure possible, nor otherwise would well stand with decent and civill honesty: wherupon neither in times past was it lawful for him, nor at this day as it should seem, is he permitted to put away his wife: and yet in our age Domitian at the request of one, gave li­cence so to doe: at this dissolution and breach of wedlocke, other priests were present and [Page 868] assistant, where there passed among them many strange, hideous, horrible, and monstrous ce­remonies.

But haply a man would lesse wonder at this, if ever he knew and understood before, that when one of the Censors died, the other of necessity must likewise quit & resigne up his office. How­beit, when Livius Drusus was departed this life, his companion in office Aemylius Scaurus, would not give over and renounce his place, untill such time as certeine Tribunes of the peo­ple, for his contumacie commanded, that he should be had away to prison.

51

What was the reason that the idols Lares, which otherwise properly be called Praestites, had 10 the images of a dogge standing hard by them, and the Lares themselves were portrated cladin dogges skinnes?

IS it because this word Praestites signifieth as much as [...], that is to say, Presidents, or standing before as keepers: and verily such Presidents ought to be good house-keepers, and terrible unto all stangers, like as a dogge is; but gentle and loving to those of the house.

Or rather, that which some of the Romans write is true, like as Chrysippus also the philoso­pher is of opinion; namely, that there be certeine evill spirits which goe about walking up and downe in the world; and these be the butchers and tormentors that the gods imploy to punish unjust and wicked men: and even so these Lares are held to be maligne spirits, & no better than divels, spying into mens lives, and prying into their families; which is the cause that they now 20 be arraied in such skinnes, and a dogge they have sitting hard by them, whereby thus much in effect is given to understand, that quicke sented they are, and of great power both to hunt out, and also to chastice leud persons.

52

What is the cause that the Romans sacrifice a dogge unto the goddesse called Genita-Mana, and withall make one prater unto her, that none borne in the house might ever come to good?

IS it for that this Genita-Mana is counted a Daemon or goddesse that hath the procuration and charge both of the generation and also of the birth of things corruptible? for surely the word implieth as much, as a certeine fluxion and generation, or rather a generation fluent or 30 fluxible: and like as the Greeks sacrificed unto Proserpina, a dog, so do the Romans unto that Genta, for those who are borne in the house. Socrates also saith, that the Argives sacrificed a dogge unto Ilithya, for the more easie and safe deliverance of child-birth. Furthermore, as tou­ching that Praier, that nothing borne within the house might ever proove good, it is not haply meant of any persons, man or woman, but of dogges rather which were whelped there; which ought to be, not kinde and gentle, but curst and terrible.

Or peradventure, for that they [...]. that die (after an elegant maner of speech) be named Good or quiet: under these words they covertly pray, that none borne in the house might die. And this need not to seeme a strange kinde of speech; for Aristotle writeth, that in a certeine treatie 40 of peace betweene the Arcadians & Lacedēmonians, this article was comprised in the capitula­tions: That they should make none [...]. of the Tegeates, Good, for the aid they sent, or favour that they bare unto the Lacedaemonians; by which was meant, that they should put none of them to death.

53

What is the reason, that in a solemne procession exhibited at the Capitoline plaies, they proclame (even at this day) by the voice of an herald, port-sāle of the Sardians? and before all this solemnitie and pompe, there is by way of mockerie and to make a laughing stocke an olde man led in a shew, with a jewell or brooch pendant about his necke, such as noble mens children are woont to weare, and which they call Bulla? 50

IS it for that the Veientians, who in times past being a puissant State in Tuscane, made warre a long time with Romulus: whose citie being the last that he woonne by force, he made sale of many prisoners and captives, together with their king, mocking him for his stupiditie and grosse follie. Now for that the Tuscans in ancient time were descended from the Lydians, and the capitall citie of Lydia is Sardis, therefore they proclamed the sale of the Veientian prisoners under the name of the Sardians; and even to this day in scorne and mockerie, they reteine still the same custome.

54

Whence came it, that they call the shambles or butcherie at Rome where flesh is to be solde, Macellum?

IS it for that this word Macellum, by corruption of language is derived of [...], that in the Greeke tongue signifieth a cooke? like as many other words by usage and custome are come to be received; for the letter C. hath great affinitie with G. in the Romane tongue: and long it was ere they had the use of G. which letter Spurius Carbtlius first invented. Moreover, they that maffle and stammer in their speech, pronounce ordinarily L. in stead of R.

Or this question may be resolved better by the knowledge of the Romane historie: for we 10 reade therein, that there was sometime a violent person and a notorious thiefe at Rome, named Macellus, who after he had committed many outrages and robberies, was with much ado in the end taken and punished: and of his goods which were forfeit to the State, there was built a pub­like shambles or market place to sell flesh-meats in, which of his name was called Macellum.

55

Why upon the Ides of Januarie, the minstrels at Rome who plaied upon the haut boies, were permit­ted to goe up and downe the city disguised in womens apparell?

A Rose this fashion upon that occasion which is reported? namely, that king Numa had 20 granted unto them many immunities and honorable priviledges in his time, for the great devotion that hee had in the service of the gods? and for that afterwards, the Tribunes mi­litarie who governed the citie in Consular authority, tooke the same from them, they went their way discontented, and departed quite from the citie of Rome: but soone after, the people had a misse of them, and besides, the priests made it a matter of conscience, for that in all the sacrifices thorowout the citie, there was no sound of flute or hautboies. Now when they would not re­turne againe (being sent for) but made their abode in the citie Tibur; there was a certeine afran­chised bondslave who secretly undertooke unto the magistrates, to finde some meanes for to fetch them home. So he caused a sumptuous feast to be made, as if he meant to celebrate some solemne sacrifice, and invited to it the pipers and plaiers of the hautboies aforesaid: and at this 30 feast he tooke order there should be divers women also; and all night long there was nothing but piping, playing, singing and dancing: but all of a sudden this master of the feast caused a ru­mor to be raised, that his lord and master was come to take him in the maner; whereupon ma­king semblant that he was much troubled and affrighted, he perswaded the minstrels to mount with all speed into close coatches, covered all over with skinnes, and so to be carried to Tibur. But this was a deceitfull practise of his; for he caused the coatches to be turned about another way, and unawares to them; who partly for the darkenesse of the night, and in part because they were drowsie and the wine in their heads, tooke no heed of the way, he brought all to Rome be­times in the morning by the breake of day, disguised as they were, many of them in light co­loured gownes like women, which (for that they 40 had over-watched and over-drunke themselves) they had put on, and knew not therof. Then being (by the magistrates) overcome with faire words, and reconciled againe to the citie, they held ever after this custome every yeere upon such a day: To go up and downe the citie thus foolishly disguised.

56

What is the reason, that it is commonly received, that certein matrons of the city at the first founded and built the temple of Carmenta, and to this day honour it highly with great reverence?

FOr it is said, that upon a time the Senat had forbidden the dames and wives of the city to ride in coatches: whereupon they tooke such a stomacke and were so despighteous, that to 50 be revenged of their husbands, they conspired altogether not to conceive or be with child by them, nor to bring them any more babes: and in this minde they persisted still, untill their hus­bands began to bethinke them selves better of the matter, and let them have their will to ride in their coatches againe as before time: and then they began to breed and beare children a fresh: and those who soonest conceived and bare most and with greatest ease, founded then the temple of Carmenta. And as I suppose this Carmenta was the mother of Evander, who came with him into Italy; whose right name indeed was Themis, or as some say Nicostrata: now for that [Page 870] she rendred propheticall answeres and oracles in verse, the Latins surnamed her Carmenta: for verses in their tongue they call Carmina. Others are of opinion, that Carmenta was one of the Destinies, which is the cause that such matrons and mothers sacrifice unto her. And the Ety­mologic of this name Carmenta, is as much as Carens mente, that is to say, beside her right wits or bestraught, by reason that her senses were so ravished and transported: so that her verses gave her not the name Carmenta, but contrariwise; her verses were called Carmina of her, because when she was thus ravished and caried beside herselfe, she chanted certeine oracles and prophe­sies in verse.

57

What is the cause that the women who sacrifice unto the goddesse Rumina, doe powre and cast store 10 of milke upon their sacrifice, but no wine at all do they bring thither for to be drunke?

IS it, for that the Latins in their tongue call a pap, Ruma? And well it may so be, for that the wilde figge tree neere unto which the she wolfe gave sucke with her teats unto Romulus, was in that respect called Ficus Rumtnalis. Like as therefore we name in our Greeke language those milch nourses that suckle yoong infants at their brests, Thelona, being a word derived of [...] , which signifieth a pap; even so this goddesse Rumina, which is as much to say, as Nurse, and one that taketh the care and charge of nourishing and rearing up of infants, admitteth not in her sacrifices any wine; for that it is hurtfull to the nouriture of little babes and sucklings.

58 20

What is the reason that of the Romane Senatours, some are called simply, Patres; others with an addition, Patres conscripti?

IS it for that they first, who were instituted and ordeined by Romulus, were named Patres & [...] , that is to say, Gentlemen or Nobly borne, such as we in Greece, tearme Eupatrides?

Or rather they were so called, because they could avouch and shew their fathers; but such as were adjoined afterwards by way of supply, and enrolled out of the Commoners houses, were Patres conscripti, thereupon?

59

Wherefore was there one altar common to Hercules and the Muses? 30

MAy it not be, for that Hercules taught Evander the letters, according as Juba writeth? Certes, in those daies it was accounted an honourable office for men to teach their kinse­folke and friends to spell letters, and to reade. For a long time after it, and but of late daies it was, that they began to teach for hire and for money: and the first that ever was knowen to keepe a publicke schoole for reading, was one named Spurius Carbilius, the freed servant of that Car­bilius who first put away his wife.

60

What is the reason, that there being two altars dedicated unto Hercules, women are not parta­kers of the greater, nor tast one whit of that which is offered or sacrificed thereupon? 40

IS it, because as the report goes Carmenta came not soone enough to be assistant unto the sa­crifice: no more did the family of the Pinarij, whereupon they tooke that name? for in regard that they came tardie, admitted they were not to the feast with others who made good cheere; and therefore got the name Pinarij, as if one would say, pined or famished?

Or rather it may allude unto the tale that goeth of the shirt empoisoned with the blood of Nessus the Centaure, which ladie Deianira gave unto Hercules.

61

How commeth it to passe, that it is expresly for bidden at Rome, either to name or to demaund 50 ought as touching the Tutelar god, who hath in particular recommendation and patronage, the safetie and preservation of the citie of Rome: nor so much as to enquire whether the said deitie be male or female? And verely this prohibition proceedeth from a superstitious feare that they have; for that they say that Valerius Soranus died an ill death, because he presu­med to utter and publish so much.

IS it in regard of a certaine reason that some latin historians do alledge; namely, that there be certaine evocations and enchantings of the gods by spels and charmes, through the power [Page 871] wherof they are of opinion, that they might be able to call forth and draw away the Tutelar gods of their enemies, and to cause them to come and dwell with them: and therefore the Romans be afraid left they may do as much for them? For, like as in times past the Tyrians, as we find upon record, when their citie was besieged, enchained the images of their gods to their shrines, for feare they would abandon their citieand be gone; and as others demanded pledges and fure­ties that they should come againe to their place, whensoever they sent them to any bath to be washed, or let them go to any expiation to be clensed; even so the Romans thought, that to be altogether unknowen and not once named, was the best meanes, and surest way to keepe with their Tutelar god.

Or rather, as Homer verie well wrote: 10

The earth to men all, is common great and small:

That thereby men should worship all the gods, and honour the earth; seeing she is common to them all: even so the ancient Romans have concealed and suppresse the god or angell which hath the particular gard of their citie, to the end that their citizens should adore, not him alone but all others likewise.

62

What is the cause that among those priests whom they name Faeciales, signifying as much as in geeke [...], that is to say, Officers going between to make treatre of peace; or [...], that is to say, 20 Agents for truce and leagues, he whom they call Pater Patratus is esteemed the chiefest? Now Pater Patratus is he, whose father is yet living who hath children of his owne: and in truth this chiefe Faecial or Herault hath still at this day a certain prerogative, & speciall credit above the rest. For the emperours themselves, and generall captains, if they have any persons about them who in regard of the prime of youth, or of their beautifull bodies had need of a faithfull, diligent, and trustie guard, commit them ordinarily into the hands of such as these, for safe custodie.

IS it not, for that these Patres Patrati, for reverent feare of their fathers of one side, and for mo­dest shames to scandalize or offend their children on the other side, are enforced to be wise and discreet? 30

Or may it not be, in regard of that cause which their verie denomination doth minister and declare: for this word PATRATUS signifieth as much as compleat, entire and accomplished, as if he were one more perfect and absolute every way than the rest, as being so happie, as to have his owne father living, and be a father also himselfe.

Or is it not, for that the man who hath the superintendance of treaties of peace, and of othes, ought to see as Homer saith, [...], that is to say, before and behind. And in all rea­son such an one is he like to be, who hath a child for whom, and a father with whom he may consult.

63 40

What is the reason, that the officer at Rome called Rex sacrorum, that is to say, the king of sacrifices, is debarred both from exercising any magistracie, and also to make a speech unto the people in publike place?

IS it for that in old time, the kings themselves in person performed the most part of sacred rites, and those that were greater, yea and together with the priests offered sacrifices; but by reason that they grew insolent, proud, and arrogant, so as they became intollcrable, most of the Greeke nations, deprived them of this authoritie, and left unto them the preheminence onely to offer publike sacrifice unto the gods: but the Romans having cleane chased and expelled their kings, established in their stead another under officer whom they called King, unto whom they 50 granted the oversight and charge of sacrifices onely, but permitted him not to exercise or exe­cute any office of State, nor to intermedle in publick affaires; to the end it should be knowen to the whole world, that they would not suffer any person to raigne at Rome, but onely over the ce­remonies of sacrifices, nor endure the verie name of Roialtie, but in respect of the gods. And to this purpose upon the verie common place neere unto [...] they use to have a solemn sacrifice for the good estate of the citie; which so soone as ever this king hath performed, he ta­keth his legs and runnes out of the place, as fast as ever he can.

64

Why suffer not they the table to be taken cleane away, and voided quite, but will have some­what alwaies remaining upon it?

GIve they not heereby covertly to understand, that wee ought of that which is present to reserve evermore something for the time to come, and on this day to remember the morrow.

Or thought they it not a point of civill honesty and elegance, to represse and keepe downe their appetite when they have before them enough still to content and satisfie it to the full; for lesse will they desire that which they have not, when they accustome themselves to absteine from that which they have.

Or is not this a custome of courtesie and humanitie to their domesticall servants, who are 10 not so well pleased to take their victuals simply, as to partake the same, supposing that by this meanes in some sort they doe participate with their masters at the table.

Or rather is it not, because we ought to suffer no sacred thing to be emptie; and the boord you wot well is held sacred.

65

What is the reason that the Bridegrome commeth the first time to lie with his new wedded bride, not with any light but in the darke?

IS it because he is yet abashed, as taking her to be a stranger and not his owne, before he hath companied carnally with her?

Or for that he would then acquaint himselfe, to come even unto his owne espoused wife with 20 shamefacednesse and modestie?

Or rather, like as Solon in his Statutes ordeined, that the new maried wife should eat of a quince before she enter into the bride bed-chamber, to the end that this first encounter and embracing, should not be odious or unpleasant to her husband? even so the Romane lawgiver would hide in the obscuritie of darkenesse, the deformities and imperfections in the person of the bride, if there were any.

Or haply this was instituted to shew how sinfull and damnable all unlawfull companie of man and woman together is, seeing that which is lawfull and allowed, is not without some ble­mish and note of shame.

66 30

Why is one of the races where horses use to runne, called the Cirque or Flaminius.

IS it for that in old time an ancient Romane named Flaminius gave unto the citie, a certeine piece of ground, they emploied the rent and revenues thereof in runnings of horses, and cha­riots: and for that there was a surplussage remaining of the said lands, they bestowed the same in paving that high way or causey, called Via Flaminia, that is to say, Flaminia street?

67

Why are the Sergeants or officers who carie the knitches of rods before the magistrates of 40 Rome, called Lictores.

IS it because these were they who bound malefactors, and who followed after Romulus, as his guard, with cords and leather thongs about them in their bosomes? And verily the common people of Rome when they would say to binde or tie fast, use the word Alligare, and such as speake more pure and proper Latin, Ligare.

Or is it, for that now the letter C is interjected within this word, which before time was Lito­res, as one would say [...], that is to say, officers of publike charge; for no man there is in a maner, ignorant, that even at this day in many cities of Greece, the common-wealth or publicke state is written in their lawes by the name of [...].

68 50

Wherefore doe the Luperci at Rome sacrifice a Dogge? Now these Luperci are certeine per­sons who upon a festivall day called Lupercalia, runne through the citie all naked, save that they have aprons onely before their privy parts, carying leather whippes in their hands, where with they flappe and scourge whom soever they meet in the streets.

IS all this ceremoniall action of theirs a purification of the citie? whereupon they call the moneth wherein this is done Februarius, yea, and the very day it selfe Febraten, like as the [Page 873] maner of squitching with a leather scourge Februare, which verbe signifieth as much as to purge or purifie?

And verily the Greeks, in maner all, were wont in times past, and so they continue even at this day, in all their expiations, to kill a dogge for sacrifice. Unto Hecate also they bring foorth among other expiatorie oblations, certeine little dogges or whelpes: such also as have neede of clensing and purifying, they wipe and scoure all over with whelpes skinnes, which maner of purification they tearme Periscylacismos.

Or rather is it for that Lupus signifieth a woolfe, & Lupercalia, or Lycaea, is the feast of wolves: now a dogge naturally, being an enemie to woolves, therefore at such feasts they facrificed a 10 dogge.

Or peradventure, because dogges barke and bay at these Luperci, troubling and disquieting them as they runne up and downe the city in maner aforesaid.

Or else last of all, for that this feast and sacrifice is solemnized in the honor of god Pan; who as you wot well is pleased well enough with a dogge, in regard of his flocks of goates.

69

What is the cause that in auncient time, at the feast called Septimontium, they observed precise­ly not to use any coaches drawen with steeds, no more than those doe at this day, who are obser­vant of old institutions and doe not despise them. Now this Septimontium is a festivall so­lemnity, celebrated in memoriall of a seventh mountaine, that was adjoined and taken into the 20 pourprise of Rome citie, which by this meanes came to have seven hilles enelosed within the precinct thereof?

WHether was it as some Romans doe imagine, for that the city was not as yet conjunct and composed of all her parts? Or if this may seeme an impertinent conjecture, and nothing to the purpose: may it not be in this respect, that they thought they had atchieved a great piece of worke, when they had thus amplified and enlarged the compasse of the citie, thinking that now it needed not to proceed any further in greatnesse and capacitie: in conside­ration whereof, they reposed themselves, and caused likewise their labouring beasts of draught and cariage to rest, whose helpe they had used in finishing of the said enclosure, willing that 30 they also should enjoy in common with them, the benefit of that solemne feast.

Or else we may suppose by this, how desirous they were that their citizens should solemnize and honour with their personall presence all feasts of the citie, but especially that which was or­dained and instituted for the peopling and augmenting thereof: for which cause they were not permitted upon the day of the dedication, and festival memorial of it, to put any horses in geeres or harnesse for to draw; for that they were not at such a time to ride forth of the citie.

70

Why call they those who are deprehended or taken in theft, pilferie or such like servile trespasses, Furciferos, as one would say, Fork bearers. 40

IS not this also an evident argument of the great diligence and carefull regard that was in their ancients? For when the maister of the family had surprised one of his servants or slaves, com­mitting a lewd and wicked pranck, he commaunded him to take up and carrie upon his necke betweene his shoulders a [...] piece of wood, such as they use to put under the spire of a cha­riot or waine, and so to go withall in the open view of the world throughout the street, yea and the parish where he dwelt, to the end that every man from thence forth should take heed of him. This piece of wood we in Greeke call [...], and the Romanes in the Latin tongue Furca, that is [...] say, a forked prop or supporter: and therefore he that is forced to carie such an one, is by reproch termed Furcifer. 50

71

Wherefore use the Romans to tie a wisp of [...] unto the bornes of kine, and other beefes, that are woont to boak and be curst with their heads, that by the meanes thereof folke might take heed of them, and looke better to themselves when they come in their way?

IS it not for that beefes, horses, asses, yea and men become fierce, insolent, and dangerous, if they be highly kept and pampered to the full? according as Sophocles said:

[Page 874]
Like as the colt or jade doth winse and kick,
In case he find his provender to prick:
Even so do'st thou: for lo, thy paunch is full
Thy cheeks be puft, like to some greedie gull.

And thereupon the Romans gave out, that Marcus Crassus caried hey on his horne: for howsoever they would seeme to let flie and carpe at others, who dealt in the affaires of State, and government, yet be ware they would how they commersed with him as being a daungerous man, and one who caried a revenging mind to as many as medled with him. Howbelt it was said af­terwards againe on the other side, that Caesar had plucked the hey from Crassus his horne: for he was the first man that opposed himselfe, and made head against him in the management of the 10 State, and in one word set not a straw by him.

72

What was the cause that they thought those priests who observed bird flight, such as in old time they called Aruspices, and now a daies Augures, ought to have their lanterns and lamps al­waies open, and not to put any lidor cover over them?

MAy it not be, that like as the old Pythagorean Philosophers by small matters signified and implied things of great consequence, as namely, when they forbad their disciples to sit upon the measure Chaenix; and to stirre fire, or rake the hearth with a sword; euen so the an­cient 20 Romans used many aenigmes, that is to say, outward signes and figures betokening some hidden and secret mysteries; especially with their priests in holy and sacred things, like as this is of the lampe or lanterne, which symbolizeth in some sort the bodie that containeth our soule. For the soule within resembleth the light, and it behooveth that the intelligent and reasonable part there of should be alwaies open, evermore intentive and seeing, and at no time enclosed and shut up, nor blowen upon by wind. For looke when the winds be aloft, fowles in their flight keepe no certaintie, neither can they yeeld assured presages, by reason of their variable and wandering instabilitie: and therefore by this ceremoniall custome they teach those who do di­vine and foretell by the flight of birds, not to go forth for to take their auspices and observations when the wind is up, but when the aire is still, and so [...] , that a man may carie a lanteme 30 open and uncovered.

73

Why were these Southsaiers or Augures forbidden to go abroad, for to observe the flight of birds, in case they had any sore or [...] upon their bodies?

WAs not this also a significant token to put them in minde, that they ought not to deale in the divine service of the gods, nor meddle with holy and sacred things if there were any secret matter that gnawed their minds, or so long as any private ulcer or passion setled in their hearts: but to be void of sadnesse and griefe, to be sound and sincere, and not distracted by any trouble whatsoever? 40

Or, because it standeth to good reason; that if it be not lawfull nor allowable for them to of­fer unto the gods for an oast or sacrifice any beast that is scabbed, or hath a sore upon it, nor to take presage by the flight of such birds as are maungie, they ought more strictly and precise­ly to looke into their owne persons in this behalfe, and not to presume for to observe celestiall prognostications and signes from the gods, unlesse they be themselves pure and holy, undefi­led, and not defective in their owne selves: for surely an ulcer seemeth to be in maner of a mu­tilation and pollution of the bodie.

74

Why did king Servius Tullus found and build a temple of little Fortune which they called in La­tine Brevis fortunae, that is to say, of Short fortune? 50

WAs it not thinke you in respect of his owne selfe, who being at the first of a small and base condition, as being borne of a captive woman, by the favour of Fortune grew to so great an estate that he was king of Rome?

Or for that this change in him sheweth rather the might and greatnesse, than the debilitie and smalnesse of Fortune. We are to say, that this king [...] deified Fortune, & attributed un­to her more divine power than any other, as having entituled and imposed her name almost [Page 875] upon every action: for not onely he erected temples unto Fortune, by the name of Puissant, of Diverting ill lucke, of Sweet, Favourable to the first borne and masculine; but also there is one temple besides, of private or proper Fortune; another of Fortune returned; a third of consident Fortune and hoping well; and a fourth of Fortune the virgine. And what should a man reckon up other furnames of hers, seeing there is a temple dedicated (forsooth) to glewing Fortune, whom they called Viscata; as if we were given thereby to understand, that we are caught by her afarre off, and even tied (as it were) with bird-lime to businesse and affaires.

But consider this moreover, that he having knowen by experience what great power she hath in humane things, how little soever she seeme to be, and how often a small matter in hapning or not hapning hath given occasion to some, either to misse of great exploits, or to atcheive as 10 great enterprises, whether in this respect, he built not a temple to little Fortune, teaching men thereby to be alwaies studious, carefull and diligent, and not to despise any occurrences how small soever they be.

75

What is the cause that they never put foorth the light of a lampe, but suffered it to goe out of the owne accord?

WAs it not (thinke you) uppon a certeine reverent devotion that they bare unto that fire, as being either cousen germaine, or brother unto that inextinguible and immortall fire.

Or rather, was it not for some other secret advertisement, to teach us not to violate or kill any 20 thing whatsoever that hath life, if it hurt not us first; as if fire were a living creature: for need it hath of nourishment and moveth of it selfe: and if a man doe squench it, surely it uttereth a kinde of voice and scricke, as if a man killed it.

Or certeinly this fashion and custome received so usually, sheweth us that we ought not to marre or spoile, either fire or water or any other thing necessarie, after we our selves have done with it, and have had sufficient use thereof, but to suffer it to serve other mens turnes who have need, after that we our selves have no imploiment for it.

76

How commeth it to passe that those who are desended of the most noble and auncient houses of 30 Rome, caried little moones upon their shoes.

IS this (as Castor saith) a signe of the habitation which is reported to be within the bodie of the moone?

Or for that after death, our spirits and ghosts shall have the moone under them?

Or rather, because this was a marke or badge proper unto those who were reputed most an­cient, as were the Arcadians descended from Evander, who upon this occasion were called Pro­seleni, as one would say, borne before the moone?

Or, because this custome as many others, admonisheth those who are lifted up too high, and take so great pride in themselves, of the incertitude and instabilitie of this life, and of humane 40 affaires, even by the example of the moone,

Who at the first doth new and yoong appeere,
Where as before she made no shew at all;
And so her light increaseth faire and cleere,
Untill her face be round and full withall:
But then anon she doth begin to fall,
And backward wane from all this beautie gay,
Untill againe she vanish cleane away.

Or was not this an holsome lesson and instruction of obedience, to teach and advise men to 50 obey their superiors, & not to thinke much for to be under others: but like as the moone is wil­ling to give [...] (as it were) and apply her selfe to her better, content to be ranged in a second place, and as Parmenides saith,

Having aneie and due regard
Alwaies the bright Sun beames toward;

even so they ought to rest in a second degree, to follow after, and be under the conduct and di­rection of another, who sitteth in the first place, and of his power, authority and honor, in some measure to enjoy a part.

77

Why think they the yeeres dedicated to Jupiter, and the moneths to Juno?

MAy it not be for that of Gods invisible and who are no otherwise seene but by the eies of our understanding: those that reigne as princes be Jupiter and Juno; but of the visible, the Sun and Moone? Now the Sun is he who causeth the yeere, and the Moone maketh the mo­neth. Neither are we to thinke, that these be onely and simply the figures and images of them: but beleeve we must, that the materiall Sun which we behold, is Jupiter, and this materiall Moone, Juno. And the reason why they call her Juno, (which word is as much to say as yoong or new) is in regarde of the course of the Moone: and otherwhiles they surname her also Juno-Lucina, that is to say; light or shining: being of opinion that she helpeth women in travel of child-birth, bike as the Moone doth, according to these verses: 10

By starres that turne full round in Azur skie:
By Moone who helps child-births right speedily.

For it seemeth that women at the full of the moone be most easily delivered of childbirth.

78

What is the cause that in observing bird-flight, that which is presented on the [...], [...] . left hand is reputed lucky and prosperous?

IS not this altogether untrue, and are not many men in an errour by ignorance of the equi­vocation of the word Sinistrum, & their maner of Dialect; for that which we in Greeke call 20 [...], that is to say, on the auke or left hand, they say in Latin, Sinistrum; and that which signi­fieth to permit, or let be, they expresse by the verbe Sinere, and when they will a man to let a thing alone, they say unto him, Sine; whereupon it may seeme that this word Sinistrum is deri­ved. That presaging bird then, which permitteth and suffreth an action to be done, being as it were Sinisterion; the vulgar sort suppose (though not aright) to be Sinistrum, that is to say, on the left hand, and so they tearme it.

Or may it not be rather as Dionysius saith, for that when Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas wanne a field against Mezentius as the two armies stood arranged one affronting the other in battel ray, it thundred on his left hand; and because thereupon he obteined the victory, they deemed even then, that this thunder was a token presaging good, and for that cause observed it, 30 ever after so to fall out. Others thinke that this presage and foretoken of good lucke hapned unto Aeneas: and verily at the battell of Leuctres, the Thebanes began to breake the ranks of their enemies, and to discomfit them with the left wing of their battel, and thereby in the end atchieved a brave victorie; whereupon ever after in all their conflicts, they gave preference and the honour of leading and giving the first charge, to the left wing.

Or rather, is it not as Juba writch, because that when we looke toward the sunne rising, the North side is on our left hand, and some will say, that the North is the right side and upper part of the whole world.

But consider I pray you, whether the left hand being the weaker of the twaine, the presages comming on that side, doe not fortifie and support the defect of puissance which it hath, and 40 so make it as it were even and equall to the other?

Or rather considering that earthly and mortall things they supposing to be opposite unto those that be heavenly and immortall, did not imagine consequently, that whatsoever was on the left in regard of us, the gods sent from their right side.

79

Wherefore was it lawfull as Rome, when a noble personage who sometime had entred trium­phant into the city, was dead, and his corps burnt (as the maner was) in a funerall fire, to take up the reliques of his bones, to [...] the same into the city, and there to strew them, according as Pyrrho the Lyparean hath left in writing. 50

WAs not this to honour the memorie of the dead? for the like honourable priviledge they had graunted unto other valiant warriors and brave captaines; namely, that not onely themselves, but also their posteritie descending lineally from them, might be enterred in their common market place of the city, as for example unto [...] and Fabricius: and it [Page 877] is said, that for to continue this prerogative in force, when any of their posteritie afterwards were departed this life, and their bodies brought into the market place accordingly, the maner was, to put a burning torch under them, and doe no more but presently to take it away againe; by which ceremonie, they [...] still the due honour without envie, and confirmed it onely to be lawfull if they would take the benefit thereof.

80

What is the cause that when they feasted at the common charges, any generall captaine who made his [...] into the citie with [...] , they never admitted the Consuls to the feast; but that which more is, sent [...] hand messengers of [...] them not to come unto the [...] ? 10

WAs it for that they thought it meet and convenient to yeeld unto the triumpher, both the highest place to sit in, and the most costly cup to drinke out of, as also the honour to be attended upon with a traine home to his house after supper? which prerogatives no other might enjoy but the Consuls onely, if they had beene present in the place.

81

Why is it that the Tribune of the commons onely, weareth no embrodered purple robe, conside­ring that all other magistrates besides [...] weare the same.

IS it not, for that they (to speak properly) are no magistrates? for in truth they have no ushers or vergers to carie before them the knitches of rods, which are the ensignes of magistracie; 20 neither sit they in the chaire of estate called Sella [...] , to determine causes judicially, or give audience unto the people; nor enter into the administration of their office at the beginning of the yeere, as all other magistrates doe: neither are they put downe and deposed after the electi­on of a Dictatour: but whereas the full power and authoritie of all other magistrates of State, he transferreth from them upon himselfe: the Tribunes onely of the people continue still, and surcease not to execute their function, as having another place & degree by themselves in the common-weale: and like as fome oratours and lawiers doe hold, that exception in law is no action, considering it doth cleane contrary to action; for that action intendeth, commenseth, and beginneth a processe or sute; but exception or inhibition, dissolveth, undooeth, and abo­lisheth the same: semblably, they thinke also, that the Tribunate was an empeachment, inhi­bition, 30 and restraint of a magistracie, rather than a magistracie it selfe: for all the authority and power of the Tribune, lay in opposing himselfe, and crossing the jurisdiction of other magi­strates, and in diminishing or repressing their excessive and licentious power.

Or haply all these reasons and such like, are but words, and devised imaginations to main­teine discourse: but to say a trueth, this Tribuneship having taken originally the first begin­ning from the common people, is great and mighty in regard that it is popular; and that the Tribunes themselves are not proud nor highly conceited of themselves above others, but equall in apparell, in port, fare, and maner of life, to any other citizens of the common sort: for the dignity of pompe and outward shew, apperteineth to a Consull or a Praetour: as for the Tribune of the people, he ought to be humble and lowly, and as M. [...] was woont to say; ready 40 to put his hand under every mans foot; not to carie a loftie, grave, and stately counte­nance, nor to bee hard of accesse, nor strange to be spoken with, or dealt withall by the mul­titude; but howsoever he behave himselfe to others, he ought to the simple and common peo­ple, above the rest, for to be affable, gentle, and tractable: and heereupon the maner is, that the dore of his house should never be kept shut, but stand open both day and night, as a safe har­bour, sure haven, and place of refuge, for all those who are distressed and in need: and verilie the more submisse that he is in outward appeerance, the more groweth hee and encreaseth in puissance; for they repute him as a strong hold for common recourse and retrait, unto al com­mers, no lesse than an altar or priviledged sanctuarie. Moreover, as touching the honour that 50 he holdeth by his place, they count him holy, sacred, and inviolable, insomuch as if he doe but goe foorth of his house abroad into the citie, and walke in the street, I suspect this place to be [...] in the origi­nall. the maner was of all, to clense and sanctifie the body, as if it were steined and polluted.

82

What is the reason that before the Prators, generall Captaines and head Magistrates, there be caried bundels of roddes, together with hatchets or axes fastned unto them?

IS it to signifie, that the anger of the magistrate ought not to be prompt to execution, nor loose and at libertie?

[Page 878] Or, because that to undoe and unbinde the said bundels, yeeldeth sometime and space for choler to coole, and ire to asswage, which is the cause otherwhiles that they change their mindes, and doe not proceed to punishment?

Now forasmuch as among the faults that men commit, some are curable, others remedi­lesse: the roddes are to reforme those who may be amended; but the hatchets to cut them off who are incorrigible.

83

What is the cause that the Romanes having intelligence given vnto them, that the Bletonesi­ans, a barbarous nation, had sacrificed unto their gods, a man; sent for the magistrates per­emptorily, as intending to [...] them: but after they once understood, that they had so done 10 according to an ancient law of their countrey, they let them go againe without any hurt done unto them; charging them onely, that from thence foorth they should not obey such a law; and yet they themselves, not many yeeres before, had caused for to be buried quicke in the place, called the Beast Market, two men and two women, that is to say, two Greekes, and two Gallo-Greekes or Galatians? For this seemeth to be verie absurd, that they themselves should do those things, which they reprooved in others as damnable.

MAy it not be that they judged it an execrable superstition, to sacrifice a man or woman un­to the gods, marie unto divels they held it necessarie?

Or was it not for that they thought those people, who did it by a law or custome, offended 20 highly: but they themselves were directed thereto by expresse commaundement out of the bookes of Sibylla. For reported it is, that one of their votaries or Vestall nunnes named Helbia, riding on horse-backe, was smitten by a thunderbolt or blast of lightning; and that the horse was found lying along all bare bellied, and her selfe likewise naked, with her [...] and petti­cote turned up above her privie parts, as if she had done it of purpose: her shooes, her rings, her coife and head attire cast here and there apart from other things, and withall lilling the toong out of her head. This strange occurrent, the soothsayers out of their learning interpre­ted to signifie, that some great shame did betide the sacred virgins, that should be divulged and notoriously knowen; yea, and that the same infamie should reach also as far, as unto some of the degree of gentlemen or knights of Rome. Upon this there was a servant belonging unto a cer­taine 30 Barbarian horseman, who detected three Vestal virgins to have at one time forfeited their honor, & been naught of their bodies, to wit, Aemilia, [...] , & Martia; and that they had com­panied too familiarly with men a long time; and one of their names was Butetius, a Barbarian knight, and master to the said enformer. So these vestall Votaries were punished after they had beene convicted by order of law, and found guiltie: but after that this seemed a fearfull and horrible accident; ordeined it was by the Senate, that the priests should peruse over the bookes of [...] prophesies, wherein were found (by report) those very oracles which denounced and foretold this strange occurrent, and that it portended some great losse and calamitie unto the common-wealth: for the avoiding and diverting whereof, they gave commaundement to a­bandon unto (I wot not what) maligne and divelish strange spirits, two Greekes, and two Ga­latians 40 likewise; and so by burying them quicke in that verie place, to procure propitiation at Gods hands.

84

Why began they their day at midnight?

WAs it not, for that all policie at the first had the beginning of militarie discipline? and in war, and all expeditions the most part of woorthy exploits are enterprised ordinarily in the night before the day appeare?

Or because the execution of desseignes, howsoever it begin at the sunne rising; yet the pre­paration thereto is made before day-light: for there had need to be some preparatives, before a 50 worke be taken in hand; and not at the verie time of execution, according as Myson (by report) answered unto Chilo, one of the seven sages, when as in the winter time he was making of a van.

Or haply, for that like as we see, that many men at noone make an end of their businesse of great importance, and of State affaires; even so, they supposed that they were to begin the same at mid-night. For better proofe whereof a man may frame an argument hereupon, that the Roman chiefe ruler never made league, nor concluded any capitulations and covenants of peace after mid-day.

[Page 879] Or rather this may be, because it is not possible to set downe [...] , the beginning and end of the day, by the rising and setting of the sunne: for if we do as the vulgar sort, who distinguish day and night by the sight and view of eie, taking the day then to begin when the sunne ariseth; and the night likewise to begin when the sunne is gone downe, and hidden under our horizon, we shall never have the just Acquinox, that is to say, the day and night equall: for even that verie night which we shall esteeme most equall to the day, will proove shorter than the day, by as much as the body or bignesse of the sunne [...] . Againe, if we doe as the Mathematicians, who to remedie this absurditie and [...] , set downe the confines and limits of day and night, at the verie instant point when the [...] seemeth to touch the circle of the horizon with his center; this were to overthrow all evidence: for fall out it will, that while 10 there is a great part of the sunnes light yet under the earth (although the sunne do shine upon us) we will not confesse that it is day, but say, that it is night still. Seeing then it is so hard a matter to make the beginning of day and night, at the rising or going downe of the sunne, for the absur­dities abovesaid, it remaineth that of necessitie we take the beginning of the day to be, when the sunne is in the mids of the heaven above head, or under our feet, that is to say, either noon-tide or mid-night. But of twaine, better it is to begin when he is in the middle point under us, which is just midnight, for that he [...] then toward us into the East; whereas contrariwise after mid-day he goeth from us Westward.

85

What was the cause that in times past they would not suffer their wives, either to grinde corne, 20 or to lay their hands to dresse meat in the kitchin?

WAs it in memoriall of that accord and league which they made with the Sabines? for after that they had ravished & carried away their daughters, there arose sharpe warres betweene them: but peace ensued thereupon in the end; in the capitulations whereof, this one article was expresly set downe, that the Roman husband might not force his wife, either to turne the querne for to grinde corne, nor to exercise any point of cookerie.

86

Why did not the Romans marie in the moneth of May? 30

IS it for that it commeth betweene Aprill and June? whereof the one is consecrated unto Venus, and the other to Juno, who are both of them the goddesses which have the care and charge of wedding and marriages, and therefore thinke it good either to go somewhat before, or else to stay a while after.

Or it may be that in this moneth they celebrate the greatest expiatorie sacrifice of all others in the yeere? for even at this day they fling from off the bridge into the river, the images and pourtraitures of men, whereas in old time they threw downe men themselves alive? And this is the reason of the custome now a daies, that the priestresse of Juno named Flamina, should be al­waies sad and heavie, as it were a mourner, and never wash nor dresse and trim her selfe. 40

Or what and if we say, it is because many of the Latine nations offered oblations unto the dead in this moneth: and peradventure they do so, because in this verie moneth they worship Mercurie: and in truth it beareth the name of Maja, Mercuries mother.

But may it not be rather, for that as some do say, this moneth taketh that name of Majores, that isto say, ancients: like as June is termed so of Juniores, that is to say yonkers. Now this is cer­taine that youth is much meeter for to contract marriage than [...] age: like as Euripides saith verie well:

As for old age it Venus bids farewell,
And with old folke, Venus is not pleasdwell.

The Romans therefore maried not in May, but staied for June which immediately follow­eth 50 after May.

87

What is the reason that they divide and part the haire of the new brides head, with the point of a javelin?

IS not this a verie signe, that the first wives whom the Romans espoused, were compelled to mariage, and conquered by force and armes.

[Page 880] Or are not theinwives hereby given to understand, that they are espoused to husbands, mar­tiall men and soldiers; and therefore they should lay away all delicate, wanton, and costly im­belishment of the bodie, and acquaint themselves with simple and plaine attire; like as Lycurgus for the same reason would that the dores, windowes, and roofes of houses should be framed with the saw and the axe onely, without use of any other toole or instrument, intending thereby to chase out of the common-weale all curiositie and wastfull superfluitie.

Or doth not this parting of the haires, give covertly to understand, a division and separation, as if mariage & the bond of wedlock, were not to be broken but by the sword and warlike force?

Or may not this signifie thus much, that they referred the most part of ceremonies concer­ning mariage unto Juno: now it is plaine that the javelin is consecrated unto Juno, insomuch as 10 most part of her images and statues are portraied resting and leaning upon a launce or javelin. And for this cause the goddesse is surnamed Quiritis, for they called in old time a speare Quiris, upon which occasion Mars also (as they say) is named Quiris.

88

What is the reason that the monie emploied upon plaies and publike shewes is called among them, Lucar?

MAy it not well be that there were many groves about the citie consecrated unto the gods, which they named [...] : the revenues whereof they bestowed upon the setting forth of such solemnities?

89 20

Why call they Quirinalia, the Feast of fooles?

WHether is it because (as Juba writeth) they attribute this day unto those who knew not their owne linage and tribe? or unto such as have not sacrificed, as others have done ac­cording to their tribes, at the feast called Fornacalia. Were it that they were hindred by other af­faires, or had occasion to be forth of the citie, or were altogether ignorant, and therefore this day was assigned for them, to performe the said feast.

90

What is the cause, that when they sacrifice unto Hercules, they name no other God but him, nor suffer a dog to be seene, within the purprise and [...] of the place where the sacrifice is 30 celebrated, according as Varro hath left in writing?

IS not this the reason of naming no god in their sacrifice, for that they esteeme him but a demigod; and some there be who hold, that whiles he lived heere upon the earth, Evander erected an altar unto him, and offered sacrifice thereupon. Now of all other beasts he could worst abide a dog, and hated him most: for this creature put him to more trouble all his life time, than any other: witnesse hereof, the three headed dog Cerberus, and above all others, when Oeonus the sonne of Licymnius was slaine Or about a dog by the Hippocoon­tides. by a dog, he was enforced by the Hippocoontides to give the battell, in which he lost many of his friends, and among the rest his owne brother Iphicles.

91 40

Wherefore was it not lawfull for the Patricians or nobles of Rome to dwell upon the mount Capitoll?

MIght it not be in regard of M. Manlius, who dwelling there attempted and plotted to be king of Rome, and to usurpe tyrannie; in hatred and detestation of whom, it is said, that ever after those of the house of Manlij, might not have Marcus for their fore-name?

Or rather was not this an old feare that the Romans had (time out of mind)? For albeit Valerius Poplicola was a personage verie popular and well affected unto the common people; yet never ceased the great and mightie men of the citie to suspect and traduce him, nor the meane com­moners and multitude to feare him, untill such time as himselfe caused his owne house to be de­molished 50 and pulled down, because it seemed to overlooke and commaund the common market place of the citie.

[...]

What is the reason, that he who saved the life of a citizen in the warres, was rewarded with a coronet made of oake braunches?

WAs it not for that in everie place and readily, they might meet with an oake, as they matched in their warlike expeditions.

[Page 881] Or rather, because this maner of garland is dedicated unto Jupiter and Juno, who are repu­ted protectors of cities?

Or might not this be an ancient custome proceeding from the Arcadians, who have a kind of consanguinitie with oakes, for that they report of themselves, that they were the first men that issued out of the earth, like as the oake of all other trees.

93

Why observe they the Vultures or Geirs, most of any other fowles, in taking of presages by bird-flight?

IS it not because at the foundation of Rome, there appeared twelve of them unto Romulus? 10

Or because, this is no ordinarie bird nor familiar; for it is not so easie a matter to meete with an airie of Vultures; but all on a sudden they come out of some strange countrey, and therefore the sight of them doth prognosticke and presage much.

Or else haply the Romains learned this of Hercules, if that be true which Hero dot us repor­teth: namely, that Hercules tooke great contentment, when in the enterprise of any exploit of his, there appeared Vultures unto him: for that he was of opinion, that the Vulture of all birds of prey was the justest: for first and formost never toucheth he ought that hath life, neither killeth hee any living creature, like as eagles, falcons, hauks, and other fowles do, that prey by night, but feedeth upon dead carrions: over and besides, he forbeareth to set upon his owne 20 kind: for never was there man yet who saw a Vulture eat the slesh of any fowle, like as eagles and other birds of prey do, which chase, pursue and plucke in pieces those especially of the same kind, to wit, other fowle. And verily as Aeschylus the poet writeth:

How can that bird, which bird doth eat,
Be counted cleanly, pure andneat.

And as for men, it is the most innocent bird, and doth least hurt unto them of all other: for it destroieth no fruit nor plant whatsoever, neither doth it harme to any tame creature. And if the tale be true that the Aegyptians doe tell, that all the kinde of these birds be females; that they conceive and be with yoong, by receiving the East-wind blowing upon them, like as some trees by the Western wind, it is verie profitable that the signes and prognosticks drawen from them, 30 be more sure and certaine, than from any others, considering that of all, besides their violence in treading and breeding time; their eagernesse in flight when they pursue their prey; their fly­ing away from some, and chasing of others, must needs cause much trouble and uncertaintie in their prognostications.

94

Why stands the temple of Aesculapius without the citie of Rome?

IS it because they thought the abode without the citie more holesome, than that within? For in this regard the Greekes ordinarily built the temples of Aesculapius upon high ground, wherein the aire is more pure and cleere. 40

Or in this respect, that this god [...] was sent for out of the citie Epidaurus. And true it is that the Epidaurians founded his temple; not within the walles of their city, but a good way from it.

Or lastly, for that the serpent when it was landed out of the galley in the Isle, and then vani­shed out of sight, seemed thereby to tell them where he would that they should build the place of his abode.

95

Why doth the law for [...] them that are to live chaste, the eating of pulse?

AS touching beanes, is it not in respect of those very reasons for which it is said: That the 50 Pythagoreans counted them abominable? And as for the richling and rich pease, where­of the one in Greeke is called [...], and the other [...], which words seeme to be derived of Erebus, that fignifieth the darknesse of hell, and of Lethe, which is as much as oblivion, and one besides of the rivers infernall, it carieth some reason that they should be abhorred therfore.

Or it may be, for that the solemne suppers and bankets at funerals for the dead, were usually served with pulse above all other viands.

Or rather, for that those who are desirous to be chaste, and to live an holy life, ought to [...] [Page 882] their bodies pure and slender; but so it is that pulse be flateous and windy, breeding superfluous excrements in the body, which had need of great purging and evacuation.

Or lastly, because they pricke and provoke the fleshly lust, for that they be full of ventosities.

96

What is the reason that the Romans panish the holy Vestall virgins (who have suffered their bodies to be abused and defiled) by no other meanes than by interring them quicke under the ground?

IS this the cause, for that the maner is to burne the bodies of them that be dead: and to burie (by the meanes of fire) their bodies who have not devoutly and religiously kept or preserved 10 the divine fire, seemed not just nor reasonable?

Or haply, because they thought it was not lawfull to kill any person who had bene consecra­ted with the most holy and religious ceremonies in the world; nor to lay violent hands upon a woman consecrated: and therefore they devised this invention of suffering them to die of their owne selves; namely, to let them downe into a little vaulted chamber under the earth, where they left with them a lampe burning, and somebread, with a little water and milke: and having so done, cast earth and covered them aloft. And yet for all this, can they not be exempt from a su­perstitious feare of them thus interred: for even to this day, the priests going over this place, performe (I wot not what) anniversary services and rites, for to appease and pacifie their ghosts. 20

97

What is the cause that upon the thirteenth day of December, which in Latine they call the Ides of December, there is exhibited a game of chariots running for the prize, and the horse drawing on the right hand that winneth the vistorie, is sacrificed and consecrated unto Mars, and at the time thereof there comes one behinde, that cutteth off his [...] , which he carrieth immediatly in­to the temple called Regia, and there with imbrueth the altar with blood: and for the head of the said horse, one troupe there is comming out of the street called Viasacra, and another from that which they name Suburra, who encounter and trie out by fight who shall have it?

MAy not the reason be (as some doe alledge) that they have an opinion, how the citie of 30 Troy was sometime woon by the meanes of a woodden horse; and therfore in the memo­riall thereof, they thus punished a poore horse?

As men from blood of noble Troy descended,
And by the way with Latins issue blended.

Or because an horse is a couragious, martiall and warlike beast; and ordinarily, men use to present unto the gods those sacrifices which are most agreeable unto them, and sort best with them: and in that respect, they sacrifice that horse which wan the prize, unto Mars, because strength and victorie are well beseeming him.

Or rather because the worke of God is firme and stable: those also be victorious who keepe their ranke and vanquish them, who make not good their ground but fly away. This beast ther­fore 40 is punished for running so swist, as if celeritie were the maintenance of cowardise: to give us thereby covertly to understand, that there is no hope of [...] for them who seeke to escape by flight.

98

What is the reason that the first worke which the Censors goin hand with, when they be en­stalled in the posse ssion of their magistracie, is to take order upon a certaine price for the kee­ping and feeding of the sacred geese, and to cause the painted statues and images of the gods to be refreshed?

WHether is it because they would begin at the smallest things, and those which are of 50 least dispense and difficultie?

Or in commemoration of an ancient benefit received by the meanes of these creatures, in the time of the Gaules warre: for that the geese were they who in the the night season descried the Barbarians as the skaled and mounted the wall that environed the Capitol fort(where as the dogs slept) and with their gagling raised the watch?

Or because, the Censors being guardians of the greatest affaires, and having that charge and office which enjoyneth to be vigilant and carefull to preserve religion; to keepe temples [Page 883] and publicke edifices; to looke into the manners and behaviour of men in their order of life; they set in the first place the consideration and regard of the most watchfull creature that is: and in shewing what care they take of these geese, they incite and provoke by that example their citizens, not to be negligent and retchlesse of holy things. Moreover, for refreshing the colour of those images and statues, it is a necessarie piece of worke; for the lively red vermi­lion, where with they were woont in times past to colour the said images, soone fadeth and pas­seth away.

99

What is the cause that among other priests, when one is condemned and banished, they degrade and deprive him of his prtesthood, and choose another in his place: onely an Augur, though 10 he be convicted and condemned for the greatest crimes in the world, yet they never deprive in that sort so long as he liveth? Now those prtests they call Augurs, who observe the flights of birds, and foreshewed things thereby.

IS it as some do say, because they would not have one that is no priest, to know the secret my­steries of their religion and their sacred rites?

Or because the Augur being obliged and bound by great oaths, never to reveale the secrets pertaining to religion, they would not seeme to free and absolve him from his oath by degra­ding him, and making him a private person.

Or rather, for that this word Augur, is not so much a name of honor and magistracie, as of 20 arte and knowledge. And all one it were, as if they should seeme to disable a musician for being any more a musician; or a physician, that he should bee a physician no longer; or prohibit a prophet or soothsayer, to be a prophet or soothsayer: for even so they, not able to deprive him of his sufficiency, nor to take away his skill, although they bereave him of his name and title, do not subordaine another in his place: and by good reason, because they would keepe the just number of the ancient institution.

100

What is the reason that upon the thirteenth day of August, which now is called the Ides of Au­gust, and before time the Ides of Sextilis, all servants as well maids, as men make holy day and women that are wives love then especially [...] and cleanse [...] heads? 30

MIght not this be a cause, for that king [...] upon such a day was borne of a captive wo­man, and therefore slaves and bond-servants on that day have libertie to play and disport themselves? And as for washing the head; haply at the first the wenches began so to do in re­gard of that sestivall day, and so the custome passed also unto their mistresses and other women free borne?

101

Why do the Romanes adorne their children with jewels pendant at their necks, which they call Bullae?

PEradventure to honor the memorie of those first wives of theirs, whom they ravished: in 40 favour of whom they ordained many other prerogatives for the children which they had by them, and namely this among the rest?

Or it may be, for to grace the prowesse of Tarquinius? For reported it is that being but a ve­rie child, in a great battell which was fought against the Latines and Tuskanes together, hee rode into the verie throng of his enemies, and engaged himselfe so farre, that being dismounted and unhorsed; yet notwithstanding he [...] withstood those who hotly charged upon him, and encouraged the Romanes to stand to it, in such sort as the enemies by them were put to plaine flight, with the losse of 16000. men whom they left dead in the place: and for a reward of this vertue and valour, received such a jewell to hang about his necke, which was given unto him by the king his father. 50

Or else, because in old time it was not reputed a shamfull and villanous thing, to love yoong boyes wantonly, for their beauty in the flowre of their age, if they were slaves borne, as the Co­medies even at this day do testifie: but they forbare most precisely, to touch any of them who were free-borne or of gentle blood descended. To the end therefore man might not pretend ignorance in such a case, as if they knew not of what condition any boyes were, if they mette with them naked, they caused them to weare this badge and marke of nobilitie about their neckes.

[Page 884] Or peradventure, this might be also as a preservative unto them of their honor, continence and chastitie, as one would say, a bridle to restraine wantonnesse and incontinencie, as being put in mind thereby to be abashed to play mens parts, before they had laid off the marks and signes of childhood. For there is no apparance or probabilitie, of that which Varro alledgeth, saying: That because the Acolians in their Dialect do call [...], that is to say, Counsell, [...], therefore such children for a signe and presage of wisedome and good counsell, carried this jewell, which they named [...] .

But see whether it might not be in regard of the moone that they weare this device? for the figure of the moone when shee is at the full, is not round as a bal or boule, but rather flat in ma­ner of a lentill or resembling a dish or plate; not onely on that side which appeareth unto us, 10 but also (as Empedocles saith) on that part which is under it.

102

Wherefore gave they for e-names to little infants, if they were boies upon the ninth day after their birth, but if they were girls, when they were eight daies olde?

MAy there not be a naturall reason rendred hereof, that they should impose the names sooner upon daughters than sonnes: for that females grow apace, are quickly ripe, and come betimes unto their perfection in comparison of males; but as touching those precise daies, they take them that immediatly follow the seventh: for that the seventh day afterchil­dren 20 be borne is very dangerous, as well for other occasions, as in regard of the navill-string: for that in many it will unknit and be loose againe upon the seventh day, and so long as it conti­nueth so resolved and open, an infant resembleth a plant rather than any animall creature?

Or like as the Pythagoreans were of opinion, that of numbers the even was female and the odde, male; for that it is generative, and is more strong than the even number, because it is compound: and if a man divide these numbers into unities, the even number sheweth a void place betweene, whereas the odde, hath the middle alwaies fulfilled with one part thereof: even so in this respect they are of opinion, that the even number eight, resembleth rather the female and the even number nine, the male.

Or rather it is because of all numbers, nine is the first square comming of three, which is an 30 odde and perfect number: and eight the first cubick, to wit foure-square on every side like a die proceeding from two, an even number: now a man ought to be quadrat odde (as we say) and sin­gular, yea and perfect: and a woman (no lesse than a die) sure and stedfast, a keeper of home, and not easily removed. Heereunto we must adjoyne thus much more also, that eight is a number cubick, arising from two as the base and foot: and nine is a square quadrangle having three for the base: and therefore it seemeth, that where women have two names, men have three.

103

What is the reason, that those children who have no certeine father, they were [...] to tearms Spurios? 40

FOr we may not thinke as the Greeks holde, and as oratours give out in their pleas, that this word Spurius, is derived of Spora, that is to say, naturall seed, for that such children are begotten by the seed of many men mingled and confounded together.

But surely this Spurius, is one of the ordinary fore-names that the Romans take, such as Sex­tus, Decimus, and Caius. Now these fore-names they never use to write out at full with all their letters, but marke them sometime with one letter alone, as for example, Titus, Lucius, and Mar­cius, with T, L, M; or with twaine, as Spurius and Cneus, with Sp. and Cn. or at most with three as Sextus & Servius, with Sex. and Ser. Spurius then is one of their fore-names which is noted with two letters S. and P. which signifie asmuch, as Sine Patre, that is to say, without a father; 50 for S. standeth for Sine, that is to say, without; and P. for patre, that is to say a father. And heereupon grew the error, for that Sine patre, and Spurius be written both with the same letters short, Sp. And yet I will not sticke to give you another reason, though it be somwhat fabulous, and carieth a greater absurdity with it: forsooth they say that the Sabines in olde time named in their language the nature or privities of a woman, Sporios: and thereupon afterwards as it were by way of reproch, they called him Spurius, who had to his mother a woman unmaried and not lawfully espoused.

104

Why is Bacchus called with them, Liber Pater?

IS it for that he is the authour and father of all liberty unto them who have taken their wine well; for most men become audacious and are full of bolde and franke broad speech, when they be drunke or cup-shotten?

Or because he it is that ministred libations first, that is to say, those effusions and offrings of wine that are given to the gods?

Or rather (as Alexander said) because the Greeks called Bacchus, Dionysos Eleuthereus, that is to say, Bacchus the Deliverer: and they might call him so, of a city in [...] , named [...] . 10

105

Wherefore was it not the custome among the Romans, that maidens should be wedded upon any daies of their publicke feasts; but widdowes might be remarried upon those daies?

WAs it for that (as Varro saith) virgins be Or, [...] paine: allu­ding haply ad rupturam Hymenis. ill-apaid and heavie when they be first wedded; but such as were wives before, Or take de­light & plea­sure. be glad and joyfull when they marrie againe? And up­on a festivall holiday there should be nothing done with an ill will or upon constraint.

Or rather, because it is for the credit and honour of yong damosels, to be maried in the view of the whole world; but for widowes it is a dishonour and shame unto them, to be seene of ma­ny 20 for to be wedded a second time: for the first marriage is lovely and desireable; the second, odious and abominable: for women, if they proceed to marrie with other men whiles their former husbands be living, are ashamed thereof; and if they be dead, they are in mourning state of widowhood: and therefore they chuse rather to be married closely and secretly in all silence, than to be accompanied with a long traine and solemnity, and to have much adoe and great stirring at their marriage. Now it is well knowen that festivall holidaies divert and di­stract the multitude divers waies, some to this game and pastime, others to that; so as they have no leasure to go and see weddings.

Or last of all, because it was a day of publicke solemnitie, when they first ravished the Sabines daughters: an attempt that drew upon them, bloudy warre, and therefore they thought it omi­nous 30 and presaging evill, to suffer their virgins to wed upon such holidaies.

106

Why doe the Romans honour and worship Fortune, by the name of Primigenia, which a man may interpret First begottenor first borne?

IS it for that (as some say) Servius being by chance borne of a maid-servant and a captive, had Fortune so favourable unto him, that he reigned nobly and gloriously, king at Rome? For most Romans are of this opinion.

Or rather, because Fortune gave unto the city of Rome her first originall and beginning of so 40 mightie an empire.

Or lieth not herein some deeper cause, which we are to fetch out of the secrets of Nature and Philosophie; namely, that Fortune is the principle of all things, insomuch, as Nature consist­eth by Fortune; namely, when to some things concurring casually and by chance, there is some order and dispose adjoined.

107

What is the reason that the Romans call those who act comedies and other theatricall plaies, Hi­striones?

IS it for that cause, which as Claudius Rufus hath left in writing? for he reporteth that many 50 yeeres ago, and namely, in those daies when Cajus Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo were Consuls, there raigned a great pestilence at Rome, such a mortalitie as consumed all the stage plaiers in­differently one with another. Whereupon at their instant praier and request, there repaired out of Tuscane to Rome, many excellent and singular actours in this kinde: among whom, he who was of greatest reputation, and had caried the name longest in all theaters, for his rare gift and dexteritie that way, was called Hister; of whose name all other afterwards were tearmed Histriones.

108

Why espoused not the Romans in mariage those women who were neere of kin unto them?

WAs it because they were desirous to amplifie and encrease their alliances, and acquire more kinsfolke, by giving their daughters in mariage to others, and by taking to wife others than their owne kinred?

Or for that they feared in such wedlock the jarres and quarrels of those who be of kin, which are able to extinguish and abolish even the verie lawes and rights of nature?

Or else, seeing as they did, how women by reason of their weaknesse and infirmitie stand in need of many helpers, they would not have men to contract mariage, nor dwell in one house 10 with those who were neere in blood to them, to the end, that if the husband should offer wrong and injurie to his wife, her kinsfolke might succour and assist her.

109

Why is it not lawfull for Jupiters priest, whom they name Flamen Dialis to handle or once touch meale or leaven.

FOr meale, is it not be because it is an unperfect and raw kind of nourishment? for neither continueth it the same that it was, to wit, wheat, &c. nor is that yet which it should be, namely bread: but hath lost that nature which it had before of seed, and withall hath not gotten 20 the use of food and nourishment. And hereupon it is, that the poet calleth meale (by a Meta­phor or borrowed speech) Mylephaton, which is as much to say, as killed and marred by the mill in grinding: and as for leaven, both it selfe is engendred of a [...] corruption of meale, and also corrupteth (in a maner) the whole lumpe of dough, wherin it is mixed: for the said dough becommeth lesse firme and fast than it was before, it hangeth not together; and in one word the leaven of the paste seemeth to be a verie putrifaction and tottennesse thereof. And verely if there be too much of the leaven put to the dough, it maketh it so sharpe and soure that it can­not be eaten, and in verie truth spoileth the meale quite.

110 30

Wherefore is the said priest likewise forbidden to touch raw flesh?

IS it by this custome to withdraw him farre from eating of raw things?

Or is it for the same cause that he abhorreth and detesteth meale? for neither is it any more a living animall, nor come yet to be meat: for by boiling and rosting it groweth to such an alte­ration, as changeth the verie forme thereof: whereas raw flesh and newly killed is neither pure and impolluted to the eie, but hideous to see to; and besides, it hath (I wot not what) resemblance to an ougly sore or filthie ulcer.

111

What is the reason that the Romans have expresly commaunded the same priest or Flamen of 40 Jupiter, not onely to touch a dogge or a goat, but not so much as to name either of them?

TO speake of the Goat first, is it not for detestation of his excessive lust and lecherie; and be­sides for his ranke and filthie savour? or because they are afraid of him, as of a diseased cre­ature and subject to maladies? for surely, there seemeth not to be a beast in the world so much given to the falling sicknesse, as it is; nor infecteth so soone those that either eate of the flesh or once touch it, when it is surprised with this evill. The cause whereof some say to be the streight­nesse of those conduits and passages by which the spirits go and come, which oftentimes hap­pen to be intercepted and stopped. And this they conjecture by the small and slender voice that this beast hath; & the better to confirme the same, we do see ordinarily, that men likewise who be subject to this malady, grow in the end to have such a voice as in some fort resembleth the [...] 50 of goats. Now, for the Dog, true it is haply that he is not so lecherous, nor smelleth alto­gether so strong and so ranke as doth the Goat; and yet some there be who say, that a Dog might not be permitted to come within the castle of Athens, nor to enter into the Isle of Delos, be­cause forsooth he lineth bitches openly in the sight of everie man, as if bulls, boares, and stali­ons had their secret chambers, to do their kind with females, and did not leape and cover them in the broad field and open yard, without being abashed at the matter.

[Page 887] But ignorant they are of the true cause indeed: which is, for that a Dog is by nature fell, and [...] , given to arre and warre upon a verie small occasion: in which respect men banish them from sanctuaries, holy churches, and priviledged places, giving thereby unto poore afflicted suppliants, free accesse unto them for their safe and sure refuge. And even so verie pro­bable it is, that this Flamen or priest of Jupiter whom they would have to be as an holy, sacred, and living image for to flie unto, should be accessible and easie to be approched unto by humble futers, and such as stand in need of him, without any thing in the way to empeach, to put backe, or to [...] them: which was the cause that he had a little bed or pallet made for him, in the verie porch or entrie of his house; and that servant or slave, who could find meanes to come and fall downe at his feet, and lay hold on his knees was for that day freed from the whip, and past 10 danger of all other punishment say he were a prisoner with irons, and bolts at his feet that could make shift to approch neere unto this priest, he was let loose, and his gives and fetters were throwen out of the house, not at the doore, but flung over the verie roofe thereof.

But to what purpose served all this, and what good would this have done, that he shoud shew himselfe so gentle, so affable, and humane, if he had a curst dog about him to keepe his doore, and to affright, chase and scarre all those away who had recourse unto him for succour. And yet so it is, that our ancients reputed not a dog to be altogether a clean creature: for first and formost we do not find that he is consecrated or dedicated unto any of the celestial gods; but be­ing sent unto terrestrial & infernall Proserpina into the quarresires and crosse high waies to make her a supper, he seemeth to serve for an expiatorie sacrifice to divert and turne away some cala­mitie, 20 or to cleanse some filthie [...] , rather than otherwise: to say nothing, that in Lacedae­mon, they cut and slit dogs down along the mids, and so sacrifice them to Mars the most bloody god of all others. And the Romanes themselves upon the feast Lupercalia, which they celebrate in the lustrall moneth of Purification, called February, offer up a dog for a sacrifice: and there­fore it is no absurditie to thinke, that those who have taken upon them to serve the most sove­raigne and purest god of all others, were not without good cause forbidden to have a dog with them in the house, nor to be acquainted and familiar with him.

112

For what cause was not the same priest of Jupiter permitted, either to touch an ivie tree, or to passe 30 thorow a way covered over head with a vine growing to a tree, and spreading her branches from it?

IS not this like unto these precepts of Pythagoras: Eat not your meat from a chaire: Sit not upon a measure called Choenix: Neither step thou over a broome or [...] besoome. For surely none of the Pythagoreans feared any of these things, or made scruple to doe, as these words in outward shew, and in their litterall sense do pretend: but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else: even so this precept: Go not under a vine, is to be refer­red unto wine, and implieth this much; that it is not lawfull for the said Priest to be drunke; for such as over drinke themselves, have the wine above their heads, and under it they are depressed 40 and weighed downe, whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure, and in no wise to be subject unto it. And thus much of the vine.

As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for mans use: and moreover is so weake, as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe, but had need of other trees to support and beare it up: and besides, with the coole shadow that it yeelds, and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene, it dazeleth, and as it were be witcheth the [...] of many that looke upon it: for which causes, men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house, because it bringeth no profit; nor suffer it to claspe a­bout any thing, considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them, whiles it sticketh fast in the ground: and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of 50 the celestiall gods, and their priests are debarred from using it: neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of Juno at Athens, nor of Venus at Thebes, any wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at the sacrifices and services of [...] , which are perfor­med in the night and darknesse, it is used.

Or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition, of such blind dances and fooleries in the night, as these be, which are practised by the priests of Bacchus? for those women which are transported with these furious motions of Bacchus, runne immediately upon the ivie, and [Page 888] catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces, or else chew it betweene their teeth; in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly, who say, that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stir­reth and mooveth to madnesse; turneth mens mindes to furie; driveth them to extasies; troubleth and tormenteth them; and in one word maketh them drunke without wine, and doth great pleasure unto them, who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fana­ticall ravishments of their wit and understanding.

113

What is the reason that these Priests and Flamins of Jupiter were not allowed, either to take upon them, or to sue for any government of State? but in regard that they be not capable of such dig­nities, for honour sake and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect, they have an 10 usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods, yea and a curall chaire of estate to [...] ?

IS it for the same cause, that as in some cities of Greece, the sacerdotall dignitie was equiva­lent to the royall majestie of a king, so they would not chuse for their priests, meane persons and such as came next to hand.

Or rather, because Priests having their functions determinate and certaine, and the kings, undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not possible, that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant, one and the same person should be sufficient for both: for it could not otherwise be, but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones, he should pretermit the one or the other, and by that meanes one while offend and fault 20 in religion toward God, and another while do hurt unto citizens and subjects.

Or else, considering, that in governments among men, they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority; and that he who is to rule a people (as Hippocrates said of a physi­cian, who seeth many evill things, yea and handleth many also) from the harmes of other men, reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne: they thought it not in policy good, that any one should sacrifice unto the gods, or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things; who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens; yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies, like as it befell sometime to Brutus. 30

DEMAVNDS AND QUESTIONS AS TOU­ching Greeke Affaires: THAT IS TO SAY, 40 A Collection of the maners, and of divers customes and fashions of certaine persons and nations of Greece: which may serve their turne verie well, who reading old Authors, are desirous to know the particularities of Antiquitie.

1

Who are they that in the citie Epidaurus be called Conipodes and Artyni?

THere were an hundred and fourescore men, who had the mana­ging 50 and whole government of the Common weale: out of which number they chose Senatours, whom they named Artyni: but the most part of the people abode and dwelt in the countrey, and such were tearmed Conipodes, which is as much to say, as Dusty-feet; for that when they came downe to the citie (as a man may conjecture) they were knowen by their dustie feet.

2

What was she, who in the citie of Cumes they named Onobatis?

WHen there was any woman taken in adultery, they brought her in to the publick market­place, where they set her upon an eminent stone to the end that she might be seene of all the people: and after she had stood there a good while, they mounted her upon an asse, and so led her round about the city: which done, they brought her backe againe into the market­place, where she must stand as she did before upon the same stone: and so from that time for­ward she led an infamous and reprochfull life, called of every one by the name of Onobatis that is to say, she that hath ridden upon the asse backe. But when they had so done, they reputed that stone 10 polluted, and detested it as accursed and abominable.

There was likewise in the same city a certeine office of a gaoler, whom they called Phylactes: and looke who bare this office, had the charge of keeping the prison at all other times: onely at a certeine assembly and session of the counsell in the night season, he went into the Senat, and brought forth the kings, leading them by the hands, and three held them still, during the time that the Senat had made inquisition and decreed whether they had deserved ill and ruled unjust­ly or no: giving thus their suffrages and voices privily in the darke.

3

What is she, whom they name in the city of Soli, Hypeccaustria?

SO call they the priestresse of Minerva, by reason of certeine sacrifices (which she celebra­teth) 20 and other divine ceremonies and services, to put by and divert shrewd turnes, which otherwise might happen: the word signifieth as much as a chaufeure.

4

Who be they in the city Gnidos, whom they call Amnemones? as also who is Aphester among them?

THere are three score elect men out of the better sort and principall citizens, whom they imploid as overseers of mens lives and behaviour, who also were consulted first, and gave their sentence as touching affaires of greatest importance: and Amnemones they were named, 30 for that they were not, (as a man may very well conjecture) called to any account, nor urged to make answer for any thing that they did: unlesse haply they were so named, quasi Polymnemones, because they remembred many things and had so good a memorie. As for Aphester, he it was who in their scrutinies, demanded their opinions and gathered their voices.

5

Who be they, whom the Arcadians and Lacedemonians tearme, Chrestos?

THe Lacedemonians having concluded a peace with the Tegeates, did set downe expresly the articles of agreement in writing, which they caused to be ingraven upon a square co­lumne, 40 common to them both, the which was erected upon the river [...] : in which among other covenants this was written: That they might [...] the Messenians out of their countries; [...] supra in quest. Rom. 52. where this is somewhat otherwise re­ported. howbeit, lawfull it should not be to make them Chrestos, which Aristotle expoundeth thus and saith; That they might kill none of the Tegeates who during the warre had taken part with the Lacedaemonians.

6

What is he whom the Opuntians call, Crithologos.

THe greatest part of the Greeks in their most auncient sacrifices use certeine barley, which the citizens, of their first fruits did contribute: that officer therefore who had the rule and charge of these sacrifices, and the gathering and bringing in of these first fruits of barley, they 50 named Crithologos, as one would say the collectour of the barley. Moreover, two priests they had besides, one superintendent over the sacrifices and ceremonies for the gods; another for the divels.

7

Which be the clouds called Ploïades.

THose especially which are [...] and disposed to raine, and withall wandering too and fro, and caried heere and there in the aire; as Theophrastus in the fourth booke of Meteors [Page 890] or impressions gathered above in the region of the aire, hath put it downe word for word in this manner: Considering that the clouds Ploïades (quoth hee) and those which be gathered thicke, and are setled unmooveable, and besides very white, shew a certeine diversitie of mat­ter, which is neither converted into water, nor resolved into winde.

8

Whom doe the Boeotians meane by this word, Platychaetas?

THose whose houses joine one to another, or whose lands doe border and confinetoge­ther, in the Aeolique language they called so, as if they would say, being neere neigh­bours: 10 to which purpose one example among many I will alledge out of our law Thesmophy­lacium, &c. * * * *

9

What is he who among the Delphians is called Hosioter, and why name they one of the moneths, Bysios.

THey name Hosioter that sacrificer who offreth a sacrifice when he is declared Hosios, that is to say, holy; and five there be who are all their life time accounted Hosioi, and those doe and execute many things together with their prophets, and joine with them in divers ceremo­nies of divine service, and gods worship, inasmuch as they are thought to be descended from 20 Deucalion. And for the moneth called Bysis, many have thought it to be as much as Physius: that is to say, the springing or growing moneth; for that then, the spring beginneth, and many plants at that time do arise out of grownd and budde. But the truth is not so: for the Delphians never use B. instead of Ph. like as the Macedonians do, who for Philippus, Phala­cros, and Pheronice, say, Bilippus Balacros, and Beronice: indeed they put B. for P. and it as or­dinarie with them, to say Batein, for Patein, Bicron, for Picron: and so Bysius, is all one with Pysius, that is to say, the moneth in which they consult with their god Apollo, and demand of him answeres and resolutions of their doubts: for this is the custome of the countrey, because in this moneth they propounded their demands unto the Oracle of Apollo, and they supposed the seventh day of the same to be his birth-day, which they surnamed also, Polypthous, not as 30 many do imagine, because they then do bake many cakes, which are called Phthois, but for that it is a day wherein divers do resort unto the Oracle for to be resolved, and many answeres are de­livered: for it is but of late daies that folke were permitted to consult with the Oracle when they list in everie moneth; but before time the religious priestresse of Apollo, named Pythia; ope­ned not the Oracle, nor gave answere but at one time in the yeere, according as Callistenes and Alexandrides have recorded in writing.

10

What signifieth Phyximelon?

LIttle plants there be, which when they burgeon and shoot out first, the beasts love passing well 40 their first buds and sprouts which they put forth; but in brouzing and cropping them, great injurie they do unto the plants and hinder their grouth: when as therefore they are growen up to that height that beasts grasing thereabout, can do them no more harme, they be called Phyxi­mela, that is as much to say, as having escaped the danger of cattell, as witnesseth Aeschylus.

11

Who be they that are named Aposphendoneti?

IN times past the Eretrians held the Island Corcyra, untill Charicrates arrived there with a fleet from Corinth and vanquished them: whereupon the Eretrians tooke sea againe, and retur­ned 50 toward their naturall countrey: whereof their fellow-citizens being advertised, such I say as stirred not but remained quiet, repelled them, and kept them off from landing upon their ground by charging them with shot from slings. Now when they saw they could not win them by any faire language, nor yet compel them by force of armes, being as they were inexorable, and besides many more than they in number, they made saile to the coasts of Thracia, where they possessed themselves of a place: wherein they report, Methon, one of the predecessors and pro­genitors of [...] sometime dwelt: and there having built a citie, they named it Methone; but [Page] themselves were surnamed Aposphendoneti, which is as much to say, as repelled and driven backe by slings.

12

What is that which the Delphians call, Charila?

THe citizens of Delphos do celebrate continually three Enneaterides, that is to say, feasts celebrated every ninth yeere, one after another successively. Of which, the first they name, Septerion; the second, Herois; and the third, Charila. As touching the first, it seemeth to be a me­morial representing the fight or combat that Phoebus had against Python; and his flight after the conflict, and pursuit after him into the valley of Tempe. For as some do report he fled by oc­casion 10 of a certaine manslaughter and murder that he had committed, for which he sought to be purged: others say that when Python was wounded, and fled by the way which we call, Holy, Phoebus made hot pursuit after him, insomuch as he went within a little of overtaking him, and finding him at the point of death: (for at his first comming he found that he was newly dead of the wounds which he had received in the foresaid fight) also, that he was enterred and buried by his sonne, (who as they say) was named Aix: this novenarie feast therefore, called Septe­rion, is a representation of this historie, or else of some other like unto it. The second named Herois, containeth (I wot not what) hidden ceremonies and fabulous secrets, which the profes­sed priests (in the divine service of Bacchus called Thyades) know well enough: but by such things as are openly done and practised, a man may conjecture, that it should be a certaine exaltation 20 or assumption of Semele up into heaven. Moreover, as concerning Charila, there goeth such a tale as this. It fortuned upon a time, that after much drougth, there followed great famine in the citie of Delphos, insomuch as all the inhabitants came with their wives and children to the court gates, crying out unto their king, for the extreame hunger that they endured. The king thereu­pon caused to be distributed among the better sort of them, a dole of meale, and certaine pulse, for that he had not sufficient to give indifferently to them all: and when there came a little yong wench, a siely orphane, fatherlesse and motherlesse, who instantly besought him to give her also some reliefe; the king smote her with his shoe, and flung it at her face. The girle (poore though she was, forlorne and destitute of all worldly succour; howbeit carying no base mind with her; but of a noble spirit) departed from his presence, and made no more a doe, but undid her girdle 30 from her wast and hanged her selfe therewith. Well, the famine daily encreased more and more, and diseases grew thereupon: by occasion whereof, the king went in person to the Oracle of Apollo, supposing to finde there some meede and remedie: unto whom Pythia the prophetesse made this answere: That the ghost of Charila should be appeased and pacified, who had died a voluntarie death. So after long search and diligent enquirie, hardly found in the end it was, that the young maiden whom he had so beaten with his shoe, was named Charila: whereupon they offered a certaine sacrifice mixed with expiatorie oblations, which they celebrate and performe from nine yeers to nine, even to this day. For at this solemnity, the king sitting in his chaire, dea­leth certaine meale and pulse among all commers, as well strangers as citizens: and the image of this Charila is thither brought, resembling a young girle: now after that everie one hath re­ceived 40 part of the dole, the king beateth the said image about the eares with his shoe: and the chiefe governesse of the religious women called, Thyades, taketh up the image, and carieth it in­to a certaine place ful of deepe caves, where after they have hung an halter about the necke of it, they enterre it under the ground in that verie place where they buried the corps of Charila, when she had strangled her selfe.

21

What is the meaning of that which they call among the Aeneians, Begged-flesh.

THE Aeneians in times past had many transmigrations from place to place: for first they 50 inhabited the countrey about the Plaine called Dotion: out of which they were driven by the Lapithae, and went to the Aethicae; and from thence into a quarter of the province Molossis, called Arava, which they held, and thereof called they were Paravae. After all this they seized the citie Cirrha: wherein after that they had stoned to death their king Onoclus, by warrant and commandement from Apollo; they went downe into that tract that lieth along by the river Ina­chus, a countrey inhabited then by the Inachiens and Achaeans. Now they had the answere of an oracle on both sides, to wit, the Inachiens and Achaeans, that if they yeelded and gave away [Page 892] part of their countrey, they should lose all: and the Aeneians, that if they could get once any thing at their hands with their good wils, they should for ever possesse and hold all. Things standing in these tearmes, there was a notable personage among the Aeneians, named Temon, who putting on ragged clothes, and taking a wallet about his necke, disguised himselfe like unto a begger, and in this habite went to the Inachiens to crave their almes. The king of the Inachi­ens scorned and laughed at him, and by way of disdaine and mockerie, tooke up a clod of earth and gave it him; the other tooke it right willingly and put it up into his budget: but he made no semblance, neither was he seene to embrace this gift, and to joy therein; but went his way immediately without begging any thing else, as being verie well content with that which he had gotten already. The elders of the people woondring hereat, called to mind the said oracle, and 10 presenting themselves before the king, advertised him not to neglect this occurrent, nor to let this man thus to escape out of his hands. But Temon having an inckling of their desseigne, made haste and fled apace, insomuch as he saved himselfe, by the meanes of a great sacrifice, even of an hundred oxen which he vowed unto Apollo. This done, both kings, to wit, of the Inachiens and the Aeneians sent defiance one to the other, and chalenged combat to fight hand to hand. The king of the Aeneians Phemius, seeing Hyperochus king of the Inachiens comming upon him with his dog, cried out and said: That he dealt not like a just and righteous man, thus to bring an assistant and helper with him: whereat as Hyperochus turned his head about, and looked backe for to chase away his dog, Phemius raught him such a rap with a stone upon the side of his head, that he felled him to the ground and killed him outright therewith in the verie place. Thus the 20 Aenians having conquered the countrey, and expelled the Inachiens and the Achaeans, adored ever after that stone as a sacred thing, and sacrificed unto it, and within the fat of the beast sacri­ficed, enwrap it verie charily. Afterwards, whensoever they have according to their vow of­fered a magnificent sacrifice of an hundred oxen to Apollo, and killed likewise an oxe unto Ju­piter; the send the best and most daintiest piece of the said sacrifice, unto those that are lineally descended from Temon, which at this day is called among them, The Begged flesh, or the Beg­gers-flesh.

41

Who be those whom the inhabitants of Ithaca, named Coliades? and who is Phagilus among them? 30

AFter that Ulysses had killed those who wooed his wife in his absence, the kinsfolke and friends of them being now dead, rose up against him to be revenged: but in the end they agreed on both sides to send for Neoptolemus, to make an accord and attonement betweene them: who having undertaken this arbitrement, awarded that Vlysses should depart out of those parts, and quit the Isles of Cephalenia, Ithaca and Zacynthus, in regard of the bloodshed that he had committed. Item, that the kinsfolke and friends of the said woers, should pay a certaine fine everie yeere unto Ulysses in recompence, for the riot, damage, and havoke they had made in his house. As for Ulysses, he withdrew himselfe and departed into Italie: but for the mulct or fine imposed upon them, which he had consecrated unto the gods; he tooke order that those of 40 Ithaca should tender the payment thereof unto his sonne: and the same was a quantitie of meale and of wine, a certaine number of [...] haply hony-combs. wax-lights or tapers, oyle, salt, and for sacrifices the bigger sort and better growen of Phagili: now Phagilus, Aristotle interpreteth to be a lambe.

Moreover, as touching Eumaeus, Telemachus enfranchised him and all his posteritie; yea, and endued them with the right of free burgeosie. And so the progenie of Eumaeus are at this day the house and family, called Coliadae, like as Bucolij be those who are descended from Phi­laetius.

15

What is the woodden [...] i. a pillar, as the Latin in­terpreteth it. dog among the Locrians? 50

LOcrus was the sonne of Physcius, who had to his father Amphyction. This Locrus had by Ca­bya 50 a sonne named likewise Locrus: with him his father was at some variance; who having gathered a number of citizens to him, consulted with the oracle about a place where he should build a new citie, and people it in the nature of a colonie. The oracle returned unto him this answere: That in what place a dog of wood did bite him, there he should found a citie. And so when he had passed over to the other side of the sea, and was landed, he chanced to tread as he walked along upon a brier, which in Greeke is called [...] and was so pricked therewith, [Page 893] that he was constrained there to sojourne certaine daies: during which time, after he had well viewed and considered the countrey, he founded these townes, to wit, Physces and Hyanthia, and all those besides, which were afterwards inhabited by the Locrians, surnamed Ozolae, that is to say, Stinking: which surname some say was given unto these Locrians, in regard of Nessus; others in respect of the great dragon Python, which being cast up a land by the sea, putrified upon the coast of the Locrians: others report, that by occasion of certaine sheepes fels and goats skins, which the men of that countrey used to weare; and because that for the most part they conversed among the flockes of such cattell, and smelled ranke, and carried a strong stin­king savour about them, thereupon they were cleped Ozolae. And some there be who hold the cleane contrarie, and say that the countrey being ful of sweet flowers, had that name of the good 10 smell; among whom is Architas of Amphissa, for thus he writeth:

Atract with crowne of grapes, full lively dight:
Senting of flowers like spice Macyna hight.

16

What is it which the Megarians call Aphabroma?

NIsus, of whom the city Nisaea tooke the name being king of Megaris, espoused a wife out Baeotia named Abrota, the daughter of Onchestus, and sister to Megareus, a dame of singu­lar wisdome, and for chastity and vertue incomparable: when she was dead the Megarians for 20 their part willingly and of their owne accord mourned: and Nisus her husband desirous to eternize her name and remembrance by some memoriall, caused her bones to be set together, and the same to be clad with the very same apparrell that she was wont to weare in her life time: and of her name he called that habit and vesture Aphabroma. And verily it seemeth that even god Apollo himselfe did favourize the glorie of this ladie: for when the wives of Megara were minded many times to change these robes and habillements, they were alwaies forbiden and and debarred by this oracle.

17

Who is Doryxenus; among the Megarians 30

THe province Megaris was in olde time inhabited by certeine townes and villages; and the citizens or inhabitants being devided into five parts, were called Heraens, Pyraens, Megarians, Cynosuriens, and Tripodissaeans: now the Corinthians their next neighbours, and who spied out all occasions, and sought meanes to reduce the proovince Megarica under their obedience, practised to set them together by the eares, and wrought it so, that they war­red one upon another: but they caried such a moderate hand, and were so respective in their warres, that they remembred evermore they were kinsfolke and of a bloud: and therefore war­red after a milde and gentle manner; for no man offred any injury or violence to the husband­men that tilled the ground on either side: and looke whosoever chanced to be taken prisoners, were to paie for their ransome a certeine piece of money, set downe betweene them: which 40 summe of money was received ever after they were delivered, and not before, because no man would demaund it: for looke who had taken a captive in the warre, he would bring him home with him into his house, and make him good cheere at his owne table, consult together, and then send him home in peace: and the party thus set free, when he came duely and brought his raunsome aforesaid with him, was commended and thanked for it, yea, and continued ever af­ter unto his dying day, friend unto him received the money: and thus in stead of Doryalo­tos, which signifieth a prisoner taken in warre, he was called Doryxenus, that is to say, a friend made by warre; for he who kept backe the saide money, and defrauded the right master there­of; became all his life time infamous, not onely among enemies, but also among his owne felow-citizens, as being reputed a wicked, perfidious, and false wretch. 50

18

What is Palintocia among the Megarians?

THe Megarians when they had expelled their tyrant Theagenes, for a pretie while after, used good and moderate government in their common-wealth: but when as their flattering oratours and clawbacks of the people began unto them once (as Plato very well said) in a cup of [Page 894] the meere and undelaied wine of libertie, that is to say, commended unto them excessive licen­tiousnesse, they came to be exceeding saucie and malepart, and were utterly corrupt and mar­red, insomuch as they committed all insolent outrages that could be devised against the sub­stantiall and wealthy burgesses: and among other bold parts, the poore and needy would pre­sume to goe into their houses, and commaund them for to enterteine them with great cheere, & to feast them sumptuously: if they refused so to do, they would make no more adoe, but take away perforce whatsoever they could lay hands on in the house, & in one word, abuse them all most vilanously. In conclusion, they made a statute and ordinance, by vertue whereof it might be lawfull for them to demaund backe againe at the hands of those usurers, who had let them have money before time, all the interest and consideration for use which they had paied before, 10 and this they called Palintocia.

19

What city or countrey is that Anthedon, whereof the prophetesse Pythia spake in these verses.

Drinke out thy wine, the lees the dregges and all;
Anthedon thou thy countrey canst not call.

FOr that Anthedon which is in Boeotia, is not so plentifull of good wines; Calauria indeeds as fables make report, was sometime called Irene, by the name of a lady so cleped, the daugh­ter of Neptune and Melanthia, who was the daughters of Alpheus; but afterwards being held and inhabited by Anthes and Hyperes, surnamed it was, Anthedonia and Hyperia: for the answer 20 of the oracle, as Aristotle testifieth, went in this maner:

Drinke out thy wine, with lees, with dregges and all,
Anthedon thou thy countrey canst not call;
Nor Hypera that sacred isle, for there
Thou might'st it drinke without dregges pure and cleere.

Thus (I say) writeth Aristotle: but Mnasigiton saith, that Anthos being brother of Hyperes, was lost when he was but a very childe; and when his brother Hyperes for to search him out, travelled and wandered to and fro all about, he came at length to Pheres, unto Acastus or Adra­stus, where by goodfortune Anthos served in place of cup-bearer, and had the charge of the wine cellar: now as they sat feasting at the table, the boy Anthos when he offred a cup of wine 30 unto his brother, tooke knowledge of him, and said softly in his eare:

Drinke now your wine, with lees, with dregges and all;
Anthedon you can not your countrey call.

20

What is the meaning of this by-word in Priene: Darknesse about the oake?

THe Samians and Prienians warred one against the other, doing and suffring harme reci­procally, but so, as the domages and losses were tollerable, untill such time as in one great battell fought betweene them, those of Priene put to the sword in one day, a thousand Samians: 40 but seven yeeres after in another conflict which the Prienians had against the Milesians neere unto a place called [...] that is to say, Oake, they lost the most valiant & principall citizens they had; which hapned at the very time when sage Byas being sent embassador unto Samos, wan great honour and reputation: this was a wofull day and a pittifull, and heavie calamitie to all the dames of Priene in generall; for there was not one of them but this common losse in some measure touched; insomuch as this by-word was taken up amongst them afterwards, in forme of a cursed malediction or solemne oth, in their greatest affaires to binde them withall, By that Darknesse at the oake; for that either their fathers, brethren, husbands, or children, were then and there slaine.

21

What were they among the Candiots, who were called Catacautae? 50

IT is reported that certeine Tyrthenians having ravished & caried away by force, a number of the Athenians daughtes & wives out of Brawron, at what time as they inhabited the Islands Imbros and Lemnos, were afterwards chased out of those quarters and landed upon the coast of Laconia, which they inhabited; where they entred into such acquaintance with the women of the country, that they begat children of them; whereupon in the end they grew to be suspected and [Page 895] ill spoken of by the naturall inhabitants, so that they were forced to abandon Laconia, and to re­turne againe into Candy under the conduct of Pollis and his brother Crataidas: where, warring upon them that held the countrey, they left many of their bodies who died in sundrie skirm­shes lying upon the land neglected and unburied: at the first because they had no time and lea­sure to interre them, by reason of the sore warre which they maintained continually, & the dan­ger that would have insued, in case they had gon to take up their bodies: but afterwards because they abhorred to touch those dead carcases that lay stinking and putrifying with the heat of the sun, for that they had continued so long above ground: Pollis therefore one of their leaders de­vised certein honors, priviledges, exemptions, & immunities, to bestow partly upon the priests of the gods, and in part upon those who buried the dead; and consecrated solemnly these pre­rogatives 10 unto some terestriall deities, to the end they might be more durable and remaine in­violate: afterwards he parted with his brother by lot. Now the one sort were named Sacrificers, and the other Catacautae; who governed a part, with their owne lawes and particular discipline: by vertue whereof among other good orders and civill customes, they were not subject to cer­teine crimes and enormities, whereunto other Candiots are commonly given; namely to rob, pill and spoile one another secretly: for these did no wrong one to another; they neither did steale, nor pilfer, nor carrie away other mens goods.

22

What meaneth the Sepulcher of children among thy Chalcidians? 20

COthus and Aeclus the sonnes of Xuthus arrived at Euboea, to seeke them a place of habi­tation; the which Isle was for the most part possessed and occupied by the Aeolians. Now Cothus had a promise by oracle, that he should prosper in the world, and have the upper had of his enemies, in case he bought or purchased that land: wherefore being come a shore with some few of his men, he found certaine yoong children playing by the sea side; with whom he joyned, disported with them, made much of them, shewing unto them many prettie gauds and toies that had not beene before time seene in those parts: and when he perceived that the chil­dren were in love thereof, and desirous to have them; he said that he would not give them any of his sine things, unlesse by way of exchange he might receive of them some of their land: the 30 children therefore taking up a little of the mould with both hands, gave the same unto him, and having received from him the foresaid gauds, went their waies. The Aeolians hearing of this, and withall discovering their enemies under saile directing their course thither, and ready to in­vade them, taking counsell of anger and sorrow together, killed those children: who were en­tombed along that great high way, by which men go from the citie to the streight or frith called Euripus. Thus you see wherefore that place was called the Childrens sepulcher.

23

What is he whom in Argos they call Mixarchagenas? and who be they that are named Elasians? 40

AS for Mixarchagenas, it was the surname of Castor among them; and the Argives be­leeve verily that buried he was in their territorie. But Pollux his brother they reverenced and worshipped as one of the heavenly gods.

Moreover, those who are thought to have the gift to divert and put by, the fits of the Epilep­sie or falling sickenes, they name Elasiae, and they are supposed to be descended from Alexidas, the daughter of Amphiaraiis.

24

What is that which the Argives call Encnisma?

THose who have lost any of their neere kinsfolkes in blood, or a familiar friend, were woont 50 presently after their mourning was past, to sacrifice unto Apollo, and thirtie daies after unto Mercurie: for this they thought, that like as the earth receiveth the bodies of the dead, so doth Mercurie the soules. To the minister of Apollo they give barley, and receive of him a­gaine in lieu thereof, a piece of flesh of the beast killed for sacrifice. Now after that they have quenched the former fire as polluted and defiled, they goe to seeke for others elsewhere, which after they have kindled, they roste the said flesh with it, and then they call that flesh, Encnisma.

25

Who is Alastor, Aliterios and Palamnaeus?

FOr we must not beleeve it is, as some beare us in hand, that they be Alitery, who in time of famine, goe prying and spying those who [...] He saith o­therwise in the end of his treause con­cerning Curi­ositie. grind corne in their houses, and then carrie it away by violence: but we are to thinke that Alastor is he who hath committed acts that be Ala­sta, that is to say, not to be forgotten, and the remembrance whereof will continue a long time after. And Aliterius is he who for his wickednesse deserveth [...] that is to say, to be shun­ned and avoided of all men; and such an one is otherwise called Palamnaeus: and thus much saith Socrates, was written in tables of brasse. 10

26

What should the meaning of this be, that the Virgins who accompanied the men that drive the beefe from Aenus, toward the citie Cassiopaea, go all the way even unto the verie borders chanting this dittie:

Would God, returne another day,
To native soile you never may?

THe Aenians being driven out of their owne countrie by the Lapithae, inhabited first about Aethacia; and afterwards in the province of Molossis neere unto Cassiopaea. But seeing by experience little good or none growing unto them out of that countrey, and withall finding 20 the people adjoining to be ill neighbours unto them; they went into the plaine of Cirrha, under the leading of their king Onoclus: but being surprised there, with a wonderfull drought, they sent unto the oracle of Apollo; who commanded them to stone their king Onoclus to death, which they did: and after that put themselves in their voiage againe, to seeke out a land where they might settle and make their abode; and so long travelled they until at the last they came in­to those parts which they inhabit at this day, where the ground is good and fertill, and bringing forth all fruitfull commodities. Reason they had therefore you see to wish and pray unto the gods, that they might never returne againe unto their ancient countrey, but remaine there for ever in all prosperitie.

27 30

What is the reason that it is not permitted at Rhodes for the her ault or publicke crier, to enter into the temple of Ocridion?

IS it for that Ochimus in times past affianced his daughter Cydippe unto Ocridion, but Cerca­phus the brother of Ochimus being enamoured of his niece Cydippe, perswaded the herault (for in those daies the maner was to demand their brides in mariage, by the meanes of heraults, and to receive them at their hands) that when he had Cydippe once delivered unto him, he should bring her unto him: which was effected accordingly. And this Cercaphus being posses­sed of the maiden fled away with her: but in processe of time when Ochimus was verie aged, Cercaphus returned home. Upon which occasion the Rhodians enacted a law, that from thence 40 forth, there should never any herault set foot within the temple of Ocridion, in regard of this injurie done unto him.

28

What is the cause that among the Tenedians, it is not lawfull for a piper or plaier of the fluit to come within the temple of Tenes: neither is it permitted to make any mention there of Achilles?

IS it not because when the stepmother of Tenes had accused him, for that he would have laien with her, Malpus the minstrell avouched it to be true, and most falsely bare witnesse against him: whereupon he was forced to flie with his sister unto Tenedos?

Furthermore it is said, that Thet is the mother of Achilles, gave expresse commandement un­to 50 her sonne, and charged him in any wise not to kill Tenes; for that he was highly belo­ved of Apollo. Whereupon she commanded one of his servants to have a carefull eie unto him, and eftsoones to put him in mind of this charge that he had from her; lest haply he might for­get himselfe, and at unwares take away his life: but as he overran Tenedos, he had a sight of Te­nes sister, a faire and beautifull ladie and pursued her: but Tenes put himselfe betweene, for to defend and save the honour of his sister; during which conflict she escaped and got away: but her brothers fortune was to be slaine: but Achilles perceiving that it was Tenes, when he lay dead [Page 897] upon the ground, killed his servant outright, for that being present in place during the fray, he did not admonish him according as he was commanded: but Tenes he buried in that verie place where now his temple standeth. Lo, what was the cause that neither a piper is allowed to go in­to his temple, nor Achilles may be once named there.

29

Who is that, whom the Fpidamnians call Polletes?

THe Epidamnians being next neighbours unto the Illyrians, perceived that their citizens who conversed, commerced, and traded in trafficke with them, became nought, and fea­ring 10 besides some practise for the alteration of state: they chose everie yeere one of the best ap­proved men of their citie, who went to and fro for to make all contracts, bargains, and exchan­ges, that those of Epidamnus might have with the Barbarians, and likewise dealt reciprocal­ly in these affaires and negotiacions, that the Illyrians had with them: now this factour that thus bought and solde in their name, was called Poletes.

30

What is that, which in Thracia they call Araeni Acta, that is to say, the Shore of Araenus?

THe Andrians and Chalcidians having made a voiage into Thrace, for to chuse out a place 20 to inhabit: surprised jointly together the citie Sana, which was betraied and delivered into their hands. And being advertised that the Barbarians had abandoned the towne Achantus, they sent forth two spies to know the truth thereof: these spies approched the towne so neere, that they knew for certaine, that the enemies had quit the place and were gone. The partie who was for the Chalcidians ran before to take the first possession of it in the name of the Chalcidians: but the other, who was for the Andrians, seeing that he could not with good footmanship over­take his fellow; flang his dart or javelin from him which he had in his hand: and when the head thereof stucke in the citie gate, he cried out aloud, that he had taken possession thereof in the behalfe of the Andrians, with his javelin head. Hereupon arose some variance and contro­versie betweene these two nations, but it brake not out to open warre: for they agreed friendly 30 together, that the Erythraeans, Samians, and Parians should be the indifferent judges to arbi­trate and determine all their debates and sutes depending betweene them. But for that the Ery­thraeans and Samians awarded on the Andrians side, and the Parians for the Chalcidians: the Andrians in that verie place tooke a solemne oth, and bound the same with inprecations, curses, and maledictions, that they would never either take the daughters of the Parians in ma­riage, or affiance their owne unto them: and for this cause they gave this name unto the place, and called it the Shore or banke of Araenus, where as before it was called, the Port of of the Dragon.

31

Why do the wives of the Eretrians at the solemne feast of Ceres, rost their flesh meat not at the 40 fire, but against the Sunne, and never call upon her by the name of Calligenia?

IT is for that the dames of Troy whom the king led away captive, were celebrating this feast in this place: but because the time served to make saile, they were enforced to haste away and leave their sacrifice unperfect and unfinished?

32

Who be they whom the Milessians call Ainautae?

AFter that the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor, had beene defaited, there arose within the city 50 two factions that mainteined their several sides: the one named Plontis & the other Chei­romacha. In the end, that of Plontis (who were indeed the richest & mightiest persons in the ci­ty) prevailed, and having gotten the upper hand, seised the soveregne authority & government: and because when they minded to sit in consultation of their waightiest affaires, they went a ship-boord, and launched into the deepe a good way off from the land; and after they had resol­ved and decreed what to doe, returned backe againe into the haven, therefore they were surna­med Ainautae, which is as much to say, as alway sailing.

33

What is the cause that the Chalcidians name one place about Pyrsophion; The assembly of lusty gallants?

NAuplius (as the report goeth) being chased and pursued by the Achaeans, fledde for re­fuge like an humble suppliant to the Chalcidians; where partly hee answered to such imputations which were laide against him, and in part by way of recrimination, recharged them with other misdemeanors and outrages: whereupon the Chalcidians being not purpo­sed to deliver him into their hands, and yet fearing lest by treachery and privy practise hee should be made away and murdred, allowed him for the guard of his person, the very flower of 10 the lustiest yoong gallants in all their citie, whom they lodged in that quarter where they might alwaies converse and meet together, and so keepe Nauplius out of danger.

34

What was he who sacrificed an ox unto his benefactour?

THere hovered sometime a shippe of certeine men of warre, or rovers, and ankered about the coast of Ithacestia, within which there was an old man who had the charge of a number of earthen pots, conteining Amphors a piece, with pitch in them: now it fortuned that a poore mariner or barge-man named Pyrrhias, who got his living by ferrying and transporting 20 passengers, approched the said shippe, and delivered the old man out of the rovers hands, and saved his life, not for any gaine that hee looked for, but onely at his earnest request, and for very pure pitie and compassion: now in recompence heereof, albeit hee expected none, the old man pressed instantly upon him to receive some of those pots or pitchers aforesaid: the rovers were not so soone retired and departed out of the way, but the old man seeing him at li­bertie, and secure of danger, brought Pyrrhias to these earthen vessels, and shewed unto him a great quantitie of gold and silver mingled with the pitch: Pyrrhtas heerby growing of a sudden to be rich and full of money, entreated the old man very kindly in all respects, otherwise and besides sacrificed unto him a beese: and heereupon as they say arose this common proverb: No man ever sacrificed an ox unto his benefactour but Pyrrhias. 30

35

What is the cause that it was a custome among the maidens of the Bottiaeans in their dauncing to sing as it were the faburden of a song: Go we to Athens.

THe Candiots by report upon a vow that they had made, sent the first borne of their men unto Delphos; but they that were thus sent, seeing they could not finde sufficient meanes there to live in plentie, departed from thence to seeke out some convenient place for a colo­nie to inhabite: and first they setled themselves in Japigia, but afterwards arrived to this verie place of Thracia, where now they are, having certeine Athenians mingled among them: for 40 it is not like that Minos had caused those yoong men to be put to death whom the Athenians had sent unto him by way of tribute, but kept them for to doe him service: some therefore of their issue, & descended from them, being reputed naturall Candiots, were with them sent unto the citie of Delphos; which is the reason that the yoong daughters of the Bottiaeans in remem­brance of this their originall descent, went singing in their festivall daunces: Go we to Athens.

36

What should be the reason that the Eliens wives, when they chaum himnes to the honour of Bacchus, pray him to come unto them, [...] that is to say, with his bull foote; for the hymne runneth in this forme: pleaseth it thee right woorthy lord Bacchus to come unto this holy maritime tem­ple 50 of thine, accompanied with the Graces, [...], not [...] [...] I say to this temple with an ox or beefe foot: then for the faburden of the song, they redouble; O woorthy bull, ô woorthy bull?

IS it for that some name this god, The sonne or begotten of a cow; and others tearme him, Bul; or is the meaning of [...] with thy great foot, like as Homer when he calleth Juno or any other [...] signifieth her to have a bigge and large eie, and by the epithit [...] meaneth one that braggeth and boasteth of great matters?

[Page 899] Or rather because that the foot of a beefe doth no harme, howsoever horned beasts other­wise be hurtfull and dangerous; therefore they invocate thus upon him, and beseech him to come loving and gracious unto them.

Or lastly, for that many are perswaded, that this is the god who taught men first to plough the ground and to sowe corne.

37

Why have the Tanagraeans a place before their city called Achilleum? for it is said, that Achil­les in his life time bare more hatred than love unto this cicy, as who ravished and stole away Stratonicon the mother of Poemander, and killed Acestor the sonne of Ephippus.

POEmander the father of Ephippus, at what time as the province of Tanagra, was peopled and 10 inhabited by tenures and villages onely, being by the Achaeans besiedged in a place called Stephon, for that he would not go foorth with them to warre, abandoneth the said fort in the night time, and went to build the citie Poemandria, which he walled about. The architect or ma­ster builder Polycrithus was there, who dispraised all his worke, and derided it, in so much as in a mockerie he leapt over the trench; whereat Poemander tooke such displeasure, and was so highly offended, that he meant to fling at his head a great stone, which lay there hidden of olde upon the nightly sacrifices of Bacchus. But Poemander notknowing so much, pulled it up by force, and threw it at him; and missing Polycrithus, hit his son Leucippus, and killed him outright. Here­upon according to the law and custom then observed, there was no remedie but needs he must 20 depart out of Boeotia, in manner of an exiled man; and so as a poore suppliant and stranger to converse, wandring abroad in another countrey, which was neither safe nor easie for him to doe at that time, considering that the Achaeans were up in armes and entred into the countrey of Tanagra. He sent therefore his sonne Ephippus unto Achilles, for to request his favour; who by earnest supplications and praiers prevailed so much, that he entreated both him, and also Tlepolemus the sonne of Hercules; yea and Peneleus the sonne of Hippalcmus, who were all of their kindred: by whose meanes Poemander had safe conduct, and was accompanied as farre as the citie of Chalcis, where he was assoiled, absolved and purged by Elpenor, for the murder which he had committed. In remembrance of which good turne by those princes received, he ever after honoured them, and to them all erected temples; of which that of Achilles continueth un­to 30 this day, and according to his name is called Achilleum.

38

Who be they, whom the Boeotians call Psoloes, and who be Aeolies.

THE report goeth that Leucippe, Arsinoe and Alcathie, the daughters of Minyas, being en­raged and bestraight of their right wits, longed exceedingly to eat mans flesh, and cast lots among themselves, which of them should kill their owne children for that purpose. So the lot falling upon Leucippe, she yeelded her sonne Hippasus to be dismembred and cut in pieces; by occasion whereof, their husbands simply arraied, and in mourning weeds for sorrow and griefe 40 were called Psoloes, as one would say, foule and smokie; and the women [...] that is to say, di­stracted and troubled in their minds, or Oconoloae: so as even at this day the Orchomenians, call those women who are descended from them by those names: and everie second yeere during the festivall daies called Agrionia, the priest of Bacchus runneth after them with a sword drawen in his hand, coursing and chasing them: yea and lawfull it is for him to kill any one of them that he can reach and overtake. And verily in our daies Zoilus the priest killed one; but such never come to any good after: for both this Zoilus himselfe upon a certaine little ulcer or sore that he had, fell sicke; and after he had a long time pined away and consumed therewith, in the end died thereof: and also the Orchomenians being fallen into publicke calamities, and held in generall for condemned persons, translated the priesthood from that race and linage, and conferred it 50 upon the best and most approoved person they could chuse.

39

What is the cause that the Arcadians stone them to death, who willingly and of purpose enter within the pourprise and precincts of Lycaeum: but if any come into of ignorance and una­wares, then they send to Eleutherae?

AS for these, may it not be that they are held free and absolved who do it upon ignorance: and by reason of this their absolution, this maner of speech arose, to send them to Eleu­therae, [Page 900] which signifieth Deliverance: much like as when we say thus, [...] that is to say, into the region of the secure; or thus, [...] that is to say, thou shalt go to the Mannour of the Pleasant.

Or haply it alludeth to the tale that goeth in this wise; that of Lycaons sonnes there were but two onely, to wit, Eleuther and Lebadus, who were not partakers of the horrible crime, that their father committed in the sight of Jupiter, but fled into Baeotia; in to­ken whereof, the Lebadians enjoy still their burgeosie in commune with the Arcadians: and therefore to Eleutherae they send those, who against their willes or unawares are entred within that pourprise consecrat unto Jupiter, into which it is not lawful for any man to go.

Or rather, as Architemus writeth in his Chronicles of Arcadia, for that there were some who being ignorantly entred, into the said place, were delivered and yeelded unto the Phliasians, who 10 put them over to the Megarians, and from the Megarians they were carried to Thebes: but as they were transported and conveyed thither, they were staied about Eleutherae, by meanes of vio­lent raine, terrible thunder, and other prodigious tokens; by occasion whereof, some would have the citie to take the name Eleutherae.

Moreover, whereas it is said that the shadow of him who commeth within this precinct of Lycaeum, never falleth upon the ground: it is not true, howbeit it goeth generally currant, and is constantly beleeved for an undoubted truth. But is it not thinke you, for that the aire turneth presently into darke cloudes, and looketh obscure and heavie (as it were) when any enter into it: or because, that whosoever commeth into it incontinently, suffereth death. And you know what the Pythagoreans say, namely, that the soules of the dead, cast no shadow nor winke at all. 20

Or rather, for that it is the sun that maketh shadowes, and the law of the countrey bereaveth him that entreth into it, of the sight of the sunne; which covertly and aenigmatically they would give us to understand under these words: For even he who commeth into this place is called Elaphos, that is to say a Stag; and therefore Cantharion the Arcadian, who fled unto the Elians of his owne accord to side with them, at what time as they warred upon the Arcadians; and as he passed with his bootie that he had gotten, went through this sacred place: when after the warre was ended, he returned to Lacedaemon; was by the Lacedaemonians delivered up to the Arcadi­ans, by direction and commandement of the oracle, which enjoined them to render the Stag.

40 30

What is that Demi-god in Tanagra, knowen by the name of Eunostus? And what is the reason that women may not enter within the groave dedicated unto him?

THis Eunostus was the sonne of Elieus, the sonne of Cephisus and Scias; so named of Eunosta a certaine nymph that nourished and brought him up: who being faire and just withall, was also chast, continent and of an austere life. Howbeit the report goeth, that one of the daugh­ters of Collonus named Ochna, being his cousin germane became enamoured upon him: but when she had tempted him and assaied to win his love; Eunostus repulsed and rejected her with reprochfull tearmes, and went his way intending to accuse her unto her brethren: which the maiden suspecting and fearing, prevented him and slandered him first before her brethren O­chemus, 40 Leon, and Bucolus, whom she incensed against Eunostus, that they would kill him, as one who by force had defloured their sister. These brethren then having lien in ambush for the young man, murthered him trecherously: for which fact Elieus cast them in prison; and [...] her selfe repenting of that which she had done, was much troubled and tormented in mind therefore, being desirous besides to deliver her selfe from the griefe and agonie which she en­dured by reason of her love, and withall pitying her brethren imprisoned for her sake, dis­covered the whole truth unto Elicus: and Elicus againe unto Collonus: by whose accord and judgement, these brethren of Ochna fled their countrey and were banished: but she cast her selfe voluntarily downe headlong from an high rocke, according as Myrtis the poetresse hath left in verse. And this is the cause, that both the temple of Eunostus, and also the grave about it remai­ned ever after, inaccessible, and not to be appoched by women: insomuch as many times when 50 there happen any great earthquakes, extraordinarie droughts, and other fearefull and prodigi­ous tokens from heaven, the Tanagrians make diligent search and inquisition, whether there have not beene some one woman or other, who secretly hath presumed to come neere unto the said place. And some have reported (among whom was one Clidamus a noble and honourable personage) that they met with Eunostus upon the way, going to wash and cleanse himselfe in the sea, for that there was one woman who had beene so bold as to enter into his sanctuarie [Page 901] And verely Diocles himselfe in a treatise that he made of Demi-gods, or such worthy men as had beene deified, maketh mention of a certaine edict, or decree of the Tanagrians, touching those things which Clidamus had related unto them.

41

How commeth it that in the countrey of Boeotia, the river that runneth by Eleon, is called Scamander?

DEimachus the sonne of Eleon, being a familiar companion with Hercules, was with him at the Trojan warre: during the time whereof, continuing as it did verie long, he entertai­ned 10 the love of Glaucia the daughter of Scamander, who was first enamoured of him, and so well they agreed together, that in the end she was with child by him. Afterwards it fortuned, so that in a skirmish with the Trojans he lost his life: and Glaucia fearing that her belly would tell tales and bewray what she had done, fled for succour unto Hercules, and of her owne accord declared unto him, how she had beene surprised with love, and what familiar acquaintance there had passed betweene her and Deimachus late deceased. Hercules as well in pitie of the poore wo­man, as for his owne joy and contentment of mind, that there was like to remaine some issue of so valiant a man, and his familiar friend beside, had Glaucta with him to his ships: and when she was delivered of a faire sonne, caried her into the countrey of Baeotia, where he delivered her and her sonne into the hands of Eleon. The child then was named Scamander, and became afterwards 20 king of that countrey; who surnamed the river Inachus after his owne name Scamander, and a little riveret running thereby, Glaucta, by the name of his mother: as for the fountaine Aci­dusa it was so cleped according to his wives name; by whom he had three daughters, who are even unto this day honoured in that countrey, and called by the name of the virgins.

42

Wherevpon arose this proverbiall speech, [...] that is to say, these things shall stand or prevaile?

DIno the captaine generall of the Tarentines, being a right valiant and hardie warriour, 30 when as the citizens by their voices and suffrages denied a sentence which he had delivered as the herault or crier proclaimed and published with a loud voice that opinion which prevai­led, lifting up his owne right hand himselfe: Yea but this (quoth he) shal carie it away when all is done. Thus Theophrastus reporteth this narration: but Apollidorus relateth moreover in his Rhytinus that when the herault had proclaimed thus [...] that is to say, these be more in number, meaning the voices of the people: Yea but (quoth he) [...] that is to say, these be better; and in so doing, confirmed the resolution of those who were in number the fewer.

43

Upon what occasion was the citie of the Ithacesians, named Alalcomenae? 40

MOst writers have recorded, that Anticlia being yet a virgin, was forced by Sisyphus, and conceived Ulysses. But Hister of Alexandria hath written moreover in his Commenta­ries, that she being given in mariage unto Laertes, and brought into the citie Alalcomenium in Baeotia, was delivered there of Ulysses; and therefore he (to renew the memorie of that citie where he was borne and which was the head citie standing in the heart of that countrey) called that in Ithaca by the name thereof.

44

Who be they in the citie Aegina, which are called Monophagi?

OF those Aeginets, who served in the Trojane warre many died in fight, howbeit more 50 were drowned by meanes of a tempest in their voyage at sea. But those few who returned were welcomed home, and joifully received by their kinsfolke and friends: who perceiving all their other fellow-citizens to mourne and be in heavinesse, thought this with themselves, they ought not to rejoice nor offer sacrifice unto the gods openly, but in secret: and so, everie man a part in his privat house, entertained those who were escaped and came home safe with feasts and banquets: and served at the table in their owne persons, unto their fathers, their brethren, [Page 902] cousens and friends, without admitting any stranger whatsoever: in imitation whereof they do yet every yeere sacrifice unto Neptune in secret assemblies, which sacrifices they call Thyasi; during which solemnitie they doe feast one another privatly for the space of sixteene daies to­gether with silence, and there is not a servant or slave there present to wait at the boord: but af­terwards for to make an end of their feasting, they celebrate one solemne sacrifice unto Venus. And thus you may see why they be called Monophagi, that is to say, Eating alone, or by them­selves.

45

What is the cause that in the countrey of Caria, the image of Jupiter Labradeus is made, hol­ding aloft in his hand an axe, and neither a scepter nor a thunder bolt, or lightning? 10

FOr that Hercules having slaine Hippolite the Amazon, and among other armes of hers won her battell axe, and gave it as a present unto Omphale: this axe, all the kings that raigned in Lydia after Omphale, caried as an holy and sacred monument; which they received successively from hand to hand of their next progenitors, untill such time as Candaules disdaining to beare it himselfe, gave it unto one of his friends to carie. Afterwards, it chanced that Gyges put him­selfe in armes against Candaules, and with the helpe of Arcelis, who brought a power of men to aide him out of Mylei, both defeated him, and also killed that friend of his from whom he tooke away the said axe, and put the same into the image of Jupiters hand, which he had made. In which respect he surnamed Jupiter, Labradeus, for that the Lydians in their language 20 call an axe Labra.

46

Wherefore do the Trallians call the pulse Ervil Catharter, that is to say, the purger: and use it more than any other in their expiatorie sacrifices of Purification?

IS it for that the Minyans and Lelegians, having in old time disseized the said Trallians of their cities and territories, inhabited and occupied the same themsalves? but the Trallians made head afterwards, and prevailed against them, insomuch as those Lelegians who were nei­ther slaine in battell, nor escaped by flight, but either for feeblenesse, or want of meanes o­therwise to live, remained still, they made no reckoning of, whether they died or lived; enacting 30 a law, that what Trallian soever killed either a Lelegian or Minyan, he should be absolved and held quit, in case he paied unto the next kinsfolke of the dead partie; a measure called Medimnis, of the said Ervill.

47

What is the reason that it goeth for an ordinarie by-word among the Elians to say thus; To suffer more miseries and calamities than Sambicus?

THere was one Sambicus of the citie Elis, who by report having under him many mates and complices at command, brake and defaced sundrie images and statues of brasse within the citie Olympia, and when he had so done, sold the brasse and made money of it: in the end he pro­ceeded 40 so farre as to rob the temple of Diana surnamed Episcopos, that is to say, a vigilant patro­nesse and superintendant. This temple standeth within the citie Elis, and is named Aristarchium. After this notorious sacriledge he was immediatly apprehended, and put to torture a whole yeere together to make him for to bewray and reveale all his companions and confederats: so as in the end he died in these torments, and thereupon arose the said common proverbe-

48

What is the reason that at Lacedaemon the monument of Ulysses, standeth close to the temple of the Leucippidae?

HErgiaeus one of the race descen ded from Diomedes, by the motionam linstigation of Te­menus 50 induced, robbed out of Argos the renowmed image of Minerva, called Palladium, and that with the privitie and assistance of Leager in this sacriledge: now this Leager was one of the familiars and inward companions of Temenus: who being fallen out afterwards with Te­menus, in a fit of anger, departed to Lacedaemon with the said Palladium: which the kings there received at his hands right joifully and placed it neere unto the temple of the Leucippides: but afterwards they sent to the oracle at Delphos, to know by what meanes they might keepe and pre­serve [Page 903] the said image in safety: the oracle made this answere, that they should commit the keeping of it unto one of them who had stollen it away: whereupon they built in that verie place a mo­nument in memoriall of Ulysses, where they shrined Palladium; and besides, they had the more reason so to do, because in some sort Ulysses was allied to their citie, by this wives side ladie Pe­nelope.

49

What is the the reason that the Chalcedonian dames have a custome among them, that whenso­ever they meet with any men that be strangers unto them, but especially if they be rulers or magistrates, to cover and hide one of their cheeks.

THe men of Chalcedon warred somtime against their neighbours the Bithynians, provoked 10 thereto by all light injuries, and wrought that might minister matter and occasion therof: insomuch as in the daies of king Zeipoetus who raigned over the Bithynians, they assembled all their forces, and with a puissant power (beside of the Thracians, who joyned to aid them) they invaded their countrey with fire and sword, spoiling all before them: untill in the end king Zeipoetus gave them battell neere unto a place named Phalium, where they lost the day, as well in regard of their presumptuous boldnesse, as of the discorder among them, insomuch as there died of them in fight 8000. men. Howbeit utterly they were not deteated, for that Zeipoetus in fa­vour of the Bizantines, was contenred to grow unto some agreement & composition. Now for that their citie was by this meanes verie much dispeopled and naked of men, many women there 20 were among them, who were constrained to be remarried unto their enfranchised servants, o­thers to aliens and straungers comming from other cities: but some againe, chusing rather to continue widowes still and never to have husbands, than to yeeld to such mariages, followed their owne causes themselves what matter soever they had to be tried or dispatched in open court before the judges or publike magistrates; onely they withdrew one part of their veile, and opened their face on one side: the other wives also who were maried againe, for modestie and womanhood, following them as better women than themselves, used the same fashion also, and brought it to be an ordinarie custome.

50

Wherefore do the Argives drive their [...] unto the sacred grove of Agenor, when they would 30 have the rammes to leape them?

IS it not for that Agenor whiles he lived, was verie expert and skilfull about sheepe; and of all the kings that ever were among them, had the most and fairest flockes of them?

51

Why do the Argives children, at a certaine festivall time that they keepe, call one another in plaie and sport Ballachrades?

IS it because, the first of that nation, who were by Inachus brought out of the mountaines into the plaine and champian countrey, made their chiefe food (by report) of wilde hedge-peares? Now these chok-peares, some say, were found in Peloponesus, before they were seen in any other 40 part of Greece, even whiles that region was called Apta. And hereupon also it came that these wild peares commonly called Achrades, changed their name into Apiot.

52

What is the cause that the Eliens, when their mares be hot after the horse, leade them, out of their owne confines to be covered by the stalions?

IS it for that Oenomaus was a prince, who of all others loved best a good race of horses, & took greatest pleasure in these kind of beasts; & cursed with al maner of execrations, those stalions which covered his mares in Elis? And therefore they fearing to fall into any of these maledi­ctions, 50 avoid them by this maner.

53

What was the reasons of this custom among the Gnosians, that those who tooke up any money at any interest, snatched it and ran away with all?

WAS it to this end, that if they should denie the debt, and seeme to defraud the usurers, they might lay an action of felonie, and violent wrong upon them: and the other by this meanes might be more punished?

54

What is the cause that in the citie of Samos they invocate Venus of Dexicreon?

IS it for that, that when in times past the women of Samos were exceedingly given to enormi­ous wantonesse & lechery, so that the brake out into many lewd acts: there was one Dexicreon, a mounte-banke or cousening jugler, who by (I wot not what) ceremonies and expiatorie sacrifi­ces, cured them of their unbridled lust?

Or because this, Dexicreon being a merchant-venturer who did traffike and trade by sea, went into the Isle of Cyprus; & when he was ready to load or charge his ship with merchandize, Venus commanded him to fraight it with nothing else but water, and then immediately to hoise up 10 saile: according to which he did, and having put a great quantie of water within his vessell, he set saile and departed. Now by that time they were in the maine sea, they were verie much becal­med, so as for want of a gale of winde many daies to gether, the rest of the mariners and mer­chants a ship boord, thought verily they should all die for verie thirst: whereupon he sold unto them his water which he had aboord, and thereby gat a great quantitie of silver; of which after­wards he caused to be made an image of Venus, which he called after his owne name, Dexicreon his Venus. Now if this be true, it seemeth that the goddesse purposed thereby, not onely to en­rich one man, but to save also the lives of many.

55 20

How commeth it to passe, that in the Isle of Samos, when they sacrifice unto Mercurie surna­med Charidotes, it is lawfull for whosoever will, to rob and rifle all passengers?

BEcause in times past according to the commandement and direction of a certaine oracle, the ancient inhabitants departed out of Samos and went into Mycale, where they lived and maintained themselves for ten yeeres space by pyracie and depredation at sea; and afterwards being returned againe into Samos, obtained a brave victorie against their enemies.

56

Why is there one place within the Isle Samos called Panaema? 30

IS it for that the Amazones to avoid the furie of Bacchus, fled out of the Ephesians coun­trey into Samos and there saved themselves? But he having caused ships to be built and rig­ged, gathered together a great fleet, and gave them battell, where he had the killing of a great number of them about this verie place, which for the carnage and quantitie of blood-shed there, they who saw it, marvelled thereat, and called it Panaema. But of them who were slaine in this conflict, there were by the report of some, many that died about Phloeon, for their bones are there to be seene. And there be that say, that Phloeon also clave in sunder, and became broken by that occasion; their crie was so loud, and there voice so piercing and forcible.

57 40

How commeth it that there is a publike hall at Samos, called Pedetes?

AFter that Damoteles was murdered, and his monarchie overthrowen, so that the nobles or Senators Geomori, had the whole government of the State in their hands; the Megarians tooke armes, and made warre upon the Perinthians (a colonie drawen and descended from Sa­mos) carying with them into the field, fetters and other irons, to hang upon the feet of their cap­tive prisoners: the said Geomori having intelligence thereof, sent them aide with all speed, ha­ving chosen ten captaines, manned also and furnished thirtie ships of warre; whereof twaine rea­die to saile, caught fire by lightning, and so consumed in the verie mouth of the haven: howbe­it 50 the foresaid captaines followed on in their voyage with the rest, vanquished the Megarians in battell, and tooke sixe hundred prisoners: Upon which victorie, being puffed up with pride, they intended to ruinate the Oligarchie of those noble men at home, called Geomori, and to depose them from their government: and verily those rulers themselves ministred unto them occasion, for to set in hand with this their desseigne; namely by writing unto them, that they should leade those Megarians prisoners, fettered with the same gives which they themselves had brought; for no sooner had they received these letters, but they did impart and shew them se­cretly [Page 905] unto the said Megarians, perswading them to band & combine with them, for to restore their citie unto libertie. And when they devised and consulted together about the execution of this complotted conspiracie: agreed it was betweene them to knocke the rings off, or lockers of the fetters open, and so to hang them about the Megarians legs, that with leather thongs they might be fastened also to their girdles about the waste, for feare that being slacke, as they were, they should fall off and be readie to drop from their legs as they went. Having in this wise set foorth and dressed these men, and given everie one of them a sword, they made all the haste they could to Samos; where being arrived and set aland, they led the Megarians through the market place to the Senate house, where all the nobles called Geomori were assembled and sat in consultation: hereupon was the signall given, and the Megarians fell upon the Senators, and 10 massacred them everie one. Thus having received the freedome of the citie, they gave unto as many of the Megarians as would accept thereof, the right of free burgeosie: and after that built a faire towne hall, about which they hung and fastened the said bolts and fetters of irons, calling it upon this occasion Pedetes, that is to say, the Hall of Fetters.

58

What is the reason that in the Isle of Coos, within the citie Antimachia, the priest of Hercules being arrated in the habit of a woman, with a miter on his head, beginneth to celebrate the sacrifice?

HErcules, when he was departed from Troy with sixe ships, was overtaken with a mightie 20 tempest, and with one ship alone (for that all the other was lost) was cast by the windes up­on the Isle of Coos, and landed at a place called Laceter: having saved nothing else but his armor and the men that were with him in the ship; where finding a flocke of sheepe, hee desired the shepherd who tended them, to give him a ram. The shepherds name was Antagoras; who being a lustie, tall and strong man, would needs chalenge Hercules to wrestle with him, upon this con­dition, that if Hercules could overthrow him and lay him along on the ground, the ram should be his. Hercules accepted the offer; and when they were close at hand-gripes, the Meropians, certaine inhabitants of the Isle came in to succour Antagoras, and the Greekes likewise to aide Hercules, in such sort, as there ensued a sharp and cruell fight: wherein Hercules finding himselfe 30 to be overlaid and pressed with the multitude of his enemies, retired and fled (as they say) unto a Thracian woman, where for to hide and save his life, he disguised himselfe in womans apparell. But afterwards having gotten the upper hand of those Meropians, and being purged, he espou­sed the daughter of Alciopus, and put on a faire robe and goodly stoale. Thus you may see where­upon his priest sacrificeth in that verie place where the battell was fought; and why new married spouses being arraied in the habit of women, receive their brides?

50

Whereof commeth it, that in the citie of Megara, there is a linage or family named Hamaxo­cylysta? 40

IN the time that the dissolute and insolent popular State of government, called Democratie (which ordained that it might be lawfull to recover and arrest all monies paid for interest and in consideration of use, out of the usurers hands, & which permitted sacriledge) bare sway in the citie: it hapned there were certaine pilgrims, named Theori of Peloponesus, sent in commissizzon to the oracle of Apollo at Delphos, who passed thorow the province of Megaris, and about the citie Aegiri, neere unto the lake there, lay and tumbled themselves upon their chariots here and there, together with their wives and children, one with another as it fell out: where certaine Megarians, such as were more audacious than the rest, as being thorowly drunke, full of insolent wantonnesse and cruel pride, were so lustie as to overturne the said chariots, and thrust them into 50 the lake; so as, many of the said Theori or commissioners were drowned therein. Now the Me­garians (such was the confusion and disorder in their government in those daies) made no recko­ning at all to punish this injurie and outrage: but the counsell of the Amphyctiones, because the pilgrimage of these Theori was religious and sacred, tooke knowledge thereof and sate upon an inquisition about it; yea and chastised those who were found culpable in this impietie; some with death, others with banishment: and hereupon the whole race descending from them, were cal­led afterwards Hamaxocylysta.

THE PARALLELS, OR A BRIEFE COLLATION OF ROMANE NARRATIONS, WITH 10 THE SEMBLABLE REPOR­TED OF THE GREEKS.

In the margin of an old manuscript copie, these words were found written in Greeke: This booke was never of PLUTARCHS making, who was an excellent and most learned Author; but penned by some odde vulgar writer, altogether ig­norant both of or Learning. Poetrie, and also of Grammar. 20

MAny doe thinke, that ancient histories be but fables and tales devi­vised for pleasure. For mine owne part having found many acci­dents in our daies, semblable unto those occurrents which in times past fell out among the Romans in their age: I have colle­cted some of them together; and to everie one of those ancient Narrations, annexed another like unto it, of later time, and therewith alledged the Authors who have put them downe in writing.

1 Datys lieutenant generall under the king of Persia, being come downe into the plaine of Marathon within the countrey of Attica, with a puissant power of three hundred thousand figh­ting 30 men, there pitched his campe, and proclaimed warre upon the inhabitants of those parts. The Athenians making small account of this so great a multitude of Barbarians, sent out nine thousand men, under the conduct of these foure captains; namely, Cynegyrus, Pollizelus, Calli­machus, and Miliiades. So they strucke a battell, during which conflict, Polyzelus chanced to see the vision of one represented unto him surpassing mans nature, and thereupon lost his sight and became blind; Callimachus wounded through divers parts of his bodie with many pikes and javelins, dead though he was, stood upon his feet; and Cynegyrus, as he staied a Persian ship which was about to retire backe, had both his hands smitten off.

Asdruball the king being possessed of Sicily, denounced warre againg the Romans: and Me­tellus being chosen lord generall by the Senate, obtained a victorie in a certaine battell against 40 him; in which battell lord Glauco a noble man of Rome, as he held the admirall-ship of Asdru­ball lost both his hands: as Aristides the Milesian writeth in the first booke of the annales of Si­cily, of whom Diodorus Siculus hath learned the matter and subject argument of his historie.

2 Xerxes being come to lie at anchor neere the cape Artemsium with five hundred thousand fighting men, proclaimed warre upon the people of that countrey: whereat the Athenians be­ing much astonied, sent as a spie (for to view & survey his forces) Agesilaus the brother of Themi­stocles; albeit his father Neocles had a dreame in the night, and thought that he saw his sonne dis­membred of both his hands; who entring the campe of the Barbarians in habit of a Persian, slew Mardonius one of the captains of the kings corps de guard, supposing he had beene Xerxes himselfe: and being apprehended by them that were about him, was brought tied and bound 50 before the king, who was then even readie to offer sacrifice upon the altar of the Sunne: into the fire of which altar, Agesilaus thrust his right hand, and endured the force of the torment, without crying or groning at all; whereupon the king commaunded him to be unbound: and then said Agesilaus unto him: We Athenians be all of the like mind and resolution, and if you will not beleeve me, I will put my left hand also into the fire: whereat Xerxes being mightily a­fraid, caused him to be kept safely with a good guard about him. This writeth Agatharsides the Samian, in his second booke of the Persian Chronicles.

[Page 907] Porsena king of the Tuscans, having encamped on the further side of the river Tyber, warred upon the Romans, and by cutting off the victuals and all provision that was wont to be brought to Rome, distressed the said Romans with famine: and when the Senat hereupon was wonderfully troubled; Mucius a noble man of the citie (taking with him foure hundred other brave gentle­men of his owne age, by commission from the Consuls, in poore and simple array) passed over the river: and casting his eie upon the captaine of the kings guard, dealing among other cap­tains, victuals and other necessaries, supposing he had beene Porsena, killed him: whereupon he was presently taken and brought before the king, who put his right hand likewise into the fire, and induring the paines thereof whiles it burned, most stoutly seemed to smile there­at and said: Thou barbarous king, lo how I am loose and at libertie even against thy will; 10 but note well this besides, that we are foure hundred of us within thy campe that have underta­ken to take away thy life: with which words Porsena was so affrighted, that he made peace with the Romans: according as Aristides the Milesian writeth, in the third booke of his storie.

3 The Argives and the Lacedaemonians, being at war one with another about the possession of the countrey Thyreatis, the Amphictyones gave sentence that they should put it to a battell, and looke whether side wan the field, to them should the land in question appertaine. The La­cedaemonians therefore chose for their captaine Othryades; and the Argives, Thersander: when the battell was done, there remained two onely alive of the Argives, to wit, Agenor and Chro­mius, who caried tidings to the citie, of victorie. Meane while, when all was quiet, Othryades not fully dead but having some little life remaining in him, bearing himselfe, and leaning upon the 20 trunchions of broken lances, caught up the targets and shields of the dead, and gathered them together, and having erected a trophee, he wrote thereupon with his owne blood: To Jupiter Victor and guardian of Trophees. Now when as both those parties maintained still the contro­versie about the land, the Amphictyones went in person to the place to be eie-judges of the thing, and adjudged the victorie on the Lacedaemonians side: this writeth Chrysermus in the third booke of the Peloponnesiack historie.

The Romans levying warre against the Samnites chose for their chiefe commander Posthu­mius Albinus, who being surprised by an ambush within a streight betweene two mountains, cal­led Furcae Caudinae, a verie narrow passe, lost three of his Legions, and being himselfe deadly wounded, fell and lay for dead: howbeit about midnight, taking breath, was quick againe, and 30 somewhat revived, he arose, tooke the targets from his enemies bodies that lay dead in the place, and erected a trophee, and drenching his hand in their blood, wrote in this manner: The Romans, to Jupiter Victor, guardian of Trophees, against the Samnites: but Marius surnamed Gurges, that is to say, the glutton, being sent thither as generall captaine, and viewing upon the verie place, the said trophee so erected: I take this gladly (quoth he) for a signe and presage of good fortune; and thereupon gave battell unto his enemies and won the victorie, tooke their king prisoner, and sent him to Rome, according as Aristides writeth in his third booke of the Ita­lian historie.

4 The Persians entred Greece with a puissant armie of 500000. men; against whom Leo­nidas was sent by the Lacedaemonians with a band of three hundred, to guard the streights of 40 Thermophylae, and impeach his passage: in which place as they were merie at their meat, and ta­king their refection, the whole maine power of the Barbarians came upon them. Leonidas seeing his enemies advancing forward, spake unto his owne men and said: Sit still sirs and make an end of your dinner hardly, so as you may take your suppers in another world: so he charged upon the Barbarians, and notwithstanding he had many a dart sticking in his bodie, yet he made a lane through the presse of the enemies untill he came to the verie person of Xerxes, from whom he tooke the diademe that was upon his head, and so died in the place. The Barbarians king caused his bodie to be opened when he was dead, and his heart to be taken forth, which was found to be all over-growne with haire; as writeth Aristides in the first booke of the Persian historie.

The Romans warring against the Cathaginians, sent a companie of three hundred men un­der 50 the leading of a captaine named Fabius Maximus, who bad his enemies battell, and lost all his men; himselfe being wounded to death, charged upon Anniball with such violence, that he tooke from him the regali diademe or frontall that he had about his head, and so died upon it, as writeth Aristides the Milesian.

5 In the citie of Celaenae in Phrygia, the earth opened and clave a sunder, so as there remai­ned a mightie chinke, with a huge quantitie of water issuing thereout, which caried away and drew into the bottomlesse pit thereof, a number of houses with all the persons great and small [Page] within them. Now Midas the king was advertised by an oracle, that if he cast within the said pit the most precious thing that he had, both sides would close up againe, and the earth meet and be firme ground. So he caused to be throwen into it a great quantitie of gold and silver: but all would do no good. Then Anchurus his son, thinking with himselfe, that there was nothing so pretious as the life & soule of man, after he had lovingly embraced his father, and bid him farwel, and with all taken his leave of his wife Timothea, mounted on horseback, and cast himselfe horse and all into the said chinke. And behold, the earth immediatly closed up: whereupon Midas made a golden altar, of Jupiter Idaeus, touching it only with his hand. This altar about that time, when as the said breach or chink of earth was, became a stone: but after a certaine prefixed time passed, it is seene all gold: this writeth Callisthenes in his second booke of Transformations. 10

The river Tybris running through the mids of the market place at Rome, for the anger of Ju­piter Tarsius caused an exceeding great chinke within the ground, which swallowed up many dwelling houses. Now the oracle rendred this answere unto the Romans, that this stould cease in case they flang into the breach some costly and precious thing: and when they had cast into it both gold and silver, but all in vaine: Curtius a right noble young gentleman of the citie, pon­dering well the words of the oracle, and considering with himselfe that the life of man was more pretious than gold, cast himselfe on horseback into the said chinke, and so delivered his citizens and countrimen from their calamitie: this hath Aristides recorded in fortieth booke of Ita­lian histories.

6 Amphtaraus was one of the princes and leaders that accompanied Pollynices: and when one 20 day they were feasting merily together, an eagle soaring over his head, chanced to catch up his javelin and carrie it up aloft in the aire, which afterwards when she had let fall againe, stucke fast in the ground and became a lawrell. The morrow after, as they joined battell, in that verie place, [...] with his chariot was swallowed up within the earth: and there standeth now the ci­tie Harma so called of the chariot: as Trismachus reporteth in the third booke of his Foun­dations.

During the warres which the Romans waged against Pyrrhus king of the Epirotes, Paulus Acmylius was promised by the oracle that he should have the victorie, if he would set up an al­tar in that verie place where he should see one gentleman of qualitie and good marke, to be swallowed up alive in the earth, together with his chariot. Three daies after Valerius Or Torqua­tus. Conatus, 30 when in a dreame he thoght that he saw himselfe adorned with his priestly vestments (for skil­full, he was in the art of divination) led forth the armie, and after he had slaine many of his ene­mies, was devouted quick within the ground. Then Paulus Aemylius caused an altar to be rea­red and wan the battell, wherein he tooke alive an hundred and threescore elephants carying tur­rets upon their backs, whom he sent to Rome. This altar useth to give answer as an oracle about that time that Pyrrhus was defeated: according as Critolaus writeth in the third booke of the Epi­rotick historie.

7 Pyraichnes king of the Euboeans, whom Hercules being yet but a young man vanquished, and tying him betweene two horses, caused his bodie to be plucked and torne in pieces; which done, he cast it forth for to lie unburied: now the place where this execution was performed, is 40 called at this day, Pyratchmes his horses, situate upon the rriver Heraclius: and whensoever there be any horses wattered there, a man shall sensibly heare a noice as if horses neighed: thus we find written inthe third booke entituled, Of rivers.

Tullius Hostilius king of the Romans, made warre upon the Albanes, who had for their king Metius Sufetius: and many times he seemed to retire and lie off, as loth to incounter and joine battell; insomuch as the enemies supposing him to be discomfited, betooke themselves to mirth and good cheere; but when they had taken their wine well, he set upon them with so hot a charge that he defeated them: and having taken their king prisoner, he set him fast tied betweene two steeds and dismembred him, as Alexarchus writeth in the fourth booke of the Italian histories.

8 Philip intending to force and sacke the cities of Methone and Olynthus as he laboured 50 with much a doe to passe over the river Sandanus, chanced to be shot into the eie with an arrow by an Olynthian, whose name was Aster, and in it was this verse written:

Philip beware, have at thine eie:
After this deadly shaft lets slie.

Whereupon Philip perceiving himselfe to be overmatched, swam back againe unto his owne companie, and with the losse of one eie escaped with life, according as Callisthenes reporteth in the third booke of the Macedonian Annales.

[Page 909] Porsena king of the Tuskans lying encamped on the other side of Tybris, warred upon the Romans and intercepted their victuals, which were wont to be conveighed to Rome, whereby he put the citie to great distresse in regard of famine: but Horatius Cocles being by the common voice of the deople chosen captaine, planted himselfe upon the woodden bridge, which the Bar­barians were desirous to gaine, and for a good while made the place good, and put backe the whole multitude of them pressing upon him to passe over it; in the end finding himselfe over­charged with the enemies, he commaunded those who were ranged in battell-ray behind him, to cut downe the bridge: meane while he received the violent charge of them all, and impeached their entrance, untill such time as he was wounded in the eie with a dart; whereupon he leapt in­to the river, and swam over unto his fellowes: thus Theotinus reporteth this narration in the 10 third booke of Italian histories.

9 There is a tale told of Icarius, by whom Bacchus was lodged and intertained, as Eratosthenes in Erigone hath related in this wise. Saturne upon a time was lodged by an husbandman of the countrey, who had a faire daughter named Entoria: her hee deslowred and begat of her foure sonnes, Janus, Hymnus, Faustus and Foelix; whom hee having taught the manner of drinking wine, and of planting the vine, enjoyned them also to empart that knowledge unto their neigh­bours, which they did accordingly: but they on the other side: having taken upon a time more of this drinke than their usuall manner was, fell a sleepe, and slept more than ordinarie: when they were awake, imagining that they had drunke some poyson, stoned Icarius the husbandman to death: whereat his nephewes or daughters children tooke such a thought and conceit, that 20 for verie griefe of heart, they knit their neckes in halters, and strangled themselves. Now when there was a great pestilence that raigned among the Romanes, the oracle of Apollo gave answer; that the mortality would stay, in case they had once appeased the ire of Saturne; and likewise pa­cified their ghosts, who unjustly lost their lives. Then Lutatius Catulus, a noble man of Rome, built a temple unto Saturne, which standeth neere unto the mount Tarpeius, and erected an altar with foure faces; either in remembrance of those foure nephewes above said, or respective to the foure seasons and quarters of the yeere; and withall instituted the moneth Ianuarie. But Saturne turned them all foure into starres, which be called the foretunners of the Vintage: among which that of Janus ariseth before others, and appeareth at the feet of Virgo, as Critolaus testifieth in his fourth booke of Phaenomena, or Apparitions in the heaven. 30

10 At what time as the Persians overranne Greece, and wasted all the countrey before them: Pausanias generall captaine of the Lacedaemonians, having received of Xerxes five hundred ta­lents of gold, promised to betray Sparta: but his treason being discovered, Agesilaus his father pursued him into the temple of Minerva called Chalcioecos, whither he fled for sanctuarie; where he caused the doors of the temple to be mured up with brick, & so famished him to death. His mother tooke his corps, and cast it foorth to dogs, not suffering it to be buried: according to Chrysermus in the second booke of his storie.

The Romanes warring against the Latines, chose for their captaine Publius Decius. Now there was a certaine gentleman of a noble house, howbeit poore, named Cessius Brutus, who for a certaine summe of money which the enemies should pay unto him, intended in the night sea­son 40 to set the gates of the citie wide open for them to enter in. This treacherie being detected, he fled for sanctuarie into the temple of Minerva, surnamed Auxiliaria; where Cassius his fa­ther, named also Signifer, shut him up and kept him so long, that he died for verie famine; and when he was dead, threw his bodie foorth, and would not allow it any sepulture: as writeth Clito­nymus in his Italian histories.

11 Darius king of Persia having fought a field with Alexander the Great, and in that conflict lost seven of his great lieutenants & governours of Provinces, besides five hundred and two war charriots armed with trenchant sithes, would notwithstanding bid him battell againe: but Ario­barzanes his sonne, upon a pitifull affection that he carried to Alexander, promised to betray his father into his hands; whereat his father tooke such displeasure and indignation, that he caused 50 his head to be smitten off. Thus reporteth Aretades the Gnidian in his third booke of Mace­donian histories.

Brutus being chosen Consull of Rome by the generall voice of the whole people, chased out of the citie, Tarquinius Superbus who raigned tyrannically; but he retyring himselfe unto the Tuskanes, levied warre upon the Romanes. The sonnes of the said Brutus conspiring to betray their father, were discovered, and so he commanded them to be beheaded: as Aristides the Mi­lesian writeth in his Annals of Italie.

[Page 910] 12 Epaminondas captaine of the Thebanes, warred against the Lacedaemonians: and when the time was come that magistrates should be elected at Thebes, himselfe in person repaired thi­ther, having given order and commandement in the meane while unto his sonne Stesimbrotus, in no wise to fight with the enemie. The Lacedaemonians having intelligence given them, that the father was absent, reproched and reviled this yoong gentleman, and called him coward; wherewith he was so galled, that he fell into a great fit of choler, and forgetting the charge that his father had laid upon him, gave the enemies battell, and atchieved the victorie. His father upon his returne, was highly offended with his sonne, for transgressing his will and commande­ment: and after he had set a victorious crown upon his head, caused it to be strooken off, as Cte­siphon recordeth in the third booke of the Boeotian histories. 10

The Romanes during the time that they maintained warre against the Samnites, chose for their general captain, Manlius surnamed Imperious; who returning upon a time from the camp to Rome, for to be present at the election of Consuls, straightly charged his son not to fight with the enemies in his absence. The Samnites hereof advertised, provoked the yoong gentleman with most spitefull and villanous tearmes, reproching him likewise with cowardise: which he not able to endure, was so farre mooved in the end, that he gave them battel and defeated them: but Manlius his father when he was returned, cut him shorter by the head for it: as testifieth Aristi­des the Milesian.

13 Hercules being denied marriage with the Ladie Iole, tooke the repulse so neere to heart, that he forced and sacked the citie Oechalia. But Iole flung herselfe headlong downe from the 20 wall into the trench under it: howbeit so it fortuned that the winde taking hold of her gar­ments as she fell, bare her up so, as in the fall shee caught no harme, as witnesseth Nicias of Malea.

The Romans whiles they warred upon the Tuskans, chose for their commander Valerius Tor­quatus; who having a sight of Clusia their kings daughter, fancied her, and demanded her of him in marriage: but being denied and rejected, he wan the citie, and put it to the saccage. The ladie Clusia flung herselfe downe from an high tower; but through the providence of Venus, her habillements were so heaved up with the winde, that they brake the fall, and albeit shee light upon the ground, shee escaped alive. Then the captaine before named, forced her and abused her bodie: in regard of which dishonour and vilanie offered unto her, by a generall decree of all 30 the Romanes, confined he was into the Isle of Corsica, which lieth against Italy: as witnesseth Theophilus in the third booke of his Italian historie.

14 The Carthaginians and Sicilians, being entred into league, banded themselves against the Romanes, and prepared with their joint forces to warre upon them: whereupon Metellus was chosen captaine, who having offered sacrifice unto all other gods and goddesses, left out onely the goddesse Vesta; who thereupon raised a contrarie winde to blow against him in his voiage. Then Caius Julius the soothsayer said unto him, that the winde would lie, in case before he embarked and set saile, he offered in sacrifice his owne daughter unto Vesta. Metellus being driven to this hard exigent, was constrained to bring foorth his daughter to be sacrificed: but the goddesse taking pitie of him & her, in stead of the maiden substituted a yoong heyfer, and carried 40 the virgin to Lavintum, where she made her a religious priestresse of the Dragon, which they worship and have in great reverence within that citie: as writeth Pythocles in his third booke of Italian affaires.

In like manner is the case of Iphigenia which hapned in Aulis a citie of Boeotia: reported by Meryllus in the third booke of Boeotian Chronicles.

15 Brennus a king of the Galatians or Gallo-Greekes, as he forraied and spoiled Asia, came at length to Ephesus, where he fell in love with a yoong damosell, a commoners daughter; who promised to lie with him, yea and to betray the citie unto him, upon condition that he would give unto her carquanets, bracelets, and other jewels of gold, wherewith ladies are woont to adorne and set out themselves. Then Brennus requested those about his person to cast into the 50 lap of this covetons wench, all the golden jewels which they had; which they did in such quan­titie, that the maiden was overwhelmed under them quick, & pressed to death with their waight: as Clitipho writeth in the first booke of the Galatian historie.

Tarpeia a virgin, and yoong gentlewoman of a good house, having the keeping of the Capi­toll, during the time that the Romanes warred against the Albanes, promised unto their king Tatius, for to give him entrance into the castle of mount Tarpeius, if in recompence of her good service, he would bestow upon her such bracelets, rings, and carquanets, as the Sabine [Page 911] dames used to weare when they trimmed up themselves in best manner: which when the Sa­bines understood, they heaped upon her so many, that they buried her quick underneath them: according as Aristides the Milesian reporteth in his Italian historie.

16 The inhabitants of Tegea and Phenea two cities, maintained a lingring warre one against the other so long, until they concluded in the end to determine all quarrels and controversies by the combat of three brethren, twinnes of either side. And the men of Tegea put soorth into the field for their part, the sonnes of one of their citizens, named Reximachus: and those of Phinea for themselves, the sonnes of Damostratus. When these champions were advanced foorth into the plaine, to performe their devoir, it fortuned that two of Reximachus his sonnes were killed outright in the place; and the third whose name was Critolaus, wrought such a stratagem with his 10 three concurrents that he overcame them all: for making semblance as though he fled, he tur­ned suddenly back, & slew them one after another, as he espied his advātage, when they were sin­gled and severed asunder in their chase after him. At his returne home with this glorious victo­rie; all his citizens did congratulate and rejoice with him, onely his owne sister named Demo­dice, was nothing glad therefore, because one of the brethren whom he had slaine, was espoused unto her, whose name was Demoticus Critolaus taking great indignation hereat, killed her out of hand. The mother to them both sued him for this murder, and required justice; howbeit hee was acquit of all actions and enditements framed against him: as writeth Demaratus in the se­cond booke of Arcadian acts.

The Romans and the Albanes having warred a long time together, chose for their champi­ons 20 to decide all quarrels, three brethren twinnes, both of the one side and the other. For the Al­banes were three Curiatii, and for the Romans as many Horain. The combate was no sooner begun, but those of Alba laid two of their adversaries dead in the dust; the third helping him­selfe with a feigned flight, killed the other three one after the other, as they were divided asunder in pursuit after him: for which victorie, all other Romanes made great joy; only his owne sister Horatia shewed herselfe nothing well pleased herewith, for that to one of the other side she was betrothed in marriage: for which he made no more ado, but stabbed his sister to the heart: this is reported by Aristides the Milesian, in his Annales of Italy.

17 In the citie Ilium, when the fire had taken the temple of Minerva, one of the inhabi­tants named Ilus ranne thither, and caught the little image of Minerva named Palladium, which 30 was supposed to have fallen from heaven, and therewith lost his sight, because it was not lawfull that the said image should be seene by any man: howbeit afterwards when he had appeased the wrath of the said goddesse, he recovered his eie sight againe: as writeth Dercyllus in the first book of Foundations.

Metellus a noble man of Rome, as he went toward a certaine house of pleasure that hee had neere unto the citie, was slaied in the way by certaine ravens that slapped and beat him with their wings: at which ominous accident being astonied, and presaging some evill to be toward him, he returned to Rome: and seeing the temple of the goddesse Vesta on fire, he ran thither and tooke away the petie image of Pallas, named Palladium, and so likewise suddenly sell blind: howbeit afterwards being reconciled unto her, he got this sight againe: this is the report of A­ristides 40 in his Chronicles.

18 The Thracians warring against the Athenians, were directed by an oracle which promi­sed them victorie, in case they saved the person of Codrus king of Athens: but he disguising him­selfe in the habit of a poore labourer, and carrying a bill in his hand, went into the campe of the enemies, and killed one, where likewise he was killed by another, and so the Athenians obtained victorie: as Socrates writeth in the second booke of Thracian affaires.

Publius Decius a Romane, making warre against the Albanes, dreamed in the night, and saw a vision which promised him, that if himselfe died, he should adde much to the puissance of the Romans: whereupon he charged upon his enemies where they were thickest arranged; and when he had killed a number of them, was himselfe slaine. Decius also his sonne, in the warre 50 against the Gaules, by that meanes saved the Romans: as saith Aristides the Milesian.

19 Cyanttpus a Siracusian borne, sacrificed upon a time unto all other gods, but unto Bac­chus: whereat the god being offended, haunted him with drunckennesse; so as in a darke corner he deflowred forcibly his owne daughter, named Cyane: but in the time that he dealt with her, she tooke away the ring off his finger, and gave it unto her nourse to keepe, for to testifie another day who it was that thus abused her. Afterwards the pestilence raigned fore in those parts: and A­pollo gave answere by oracle, that they were to offer in sacrifice unto the gods that turned away [Page 912] calamities, a godlesse and incestuous person: all others wist not whom the oracle meant; but Cyane knowing full well the will of Apollo, tooke her father by the haire, and drew him per­force to the altar, and when she had caused himto be killed, sacrificed her selfe after upon him: as writeth Dositheus in the third booke of the Chronicles of Cicily.

Whiles the feast of Bacchus called Bacchanalia was celebrated at Rome, there was one Aruntius who never in all his life had drunke wine but water onely, and alwaies despised the power of god Bacchus who to be revenged of him, caused him one time be so drunke that he forced his owne daughter Medullina, & abused her bodie carnally; who having knowledge by his ring who it was that did the deed, and taking to her a greater heart than one of her age, made her father one day drunke, and after she had adorned his head with garlands & chaplets of flowers, led him to aplace 10 called the altar of Thunder, where with many teares she sacrificed him who had surprised her, & takē away her virginity, as writeth Aristides the Milesian in his third booke of Italian Chronicles.

20 Erechiheus warring upon Eumolpus, was advertised that he should win the victorie, if be­fore he went into the field he sacrificed his owne daughter unto the gods: who when he had im­parted this mater unto his wife Praxithea, he offered his daughter in sacrifice before the battell; hereof Euripides maketh mention in his tragoedie Erechtheus.

Marius maintaining warre against the Cimbrians, and finding himselfe too weake, saw a vi­sion in his sleepe, that promised him victory, if before he went to battell, he did sacrifice his daughter named Calpurnis: who setting the good of the weale publicke, and the regard of his countrimen, before the naturall affection to his owne blood, did accordingly and wan the field: 20 and even at this day, two altars there be in Germanie, which at the verie time and hower that this sacrifice was offered, yeeld the sound of trumpets: as Dorotheus reporteth in the third booke of the Annales of Italy.

21 Cyanippus a Thessalian borne, used ordinarily to go on hunting; his wife a young gen­tle woman intertained this fancie of jealousie in her head, that the reason why he went forth so often, and staied so long in the forrest, was because he had the companie of some other woman whom beloved: whereupon she determined with her selfe to lie in espiall: one day therefore she followed and traced Cyanippus, and at length lay close within a certaine thicket of the forrest, waiting and expecting what would fall out and come of it. It chanced that the leaves and bran­ches of the shrubs about her stirred: the hounds imagining that there was some wild beast with­in, 30 seised upon her, and so tare in pieces this young dame (that loved her husband so well) as if she had beene a savage beast. Cyanippus then seeing before his eies, that which he never would have imagined or thought in his mind, for verie griefe of heart killed himselfe: as Parthenius the Poet hath left in writing.

In Sybaris a citie of Italy, there was sometime a young gentleman named Aemilius, who being a beautifull person, and one who loved passing well the game of hunting, his wife who was young also, thought him to be enamoured of another ladie: and therefore got her selfe close within a thicket, and chanced to stirre the boughes of the shrubs and bushes about her. The hounds thereupon that ranged and hunted thereabout, light upon her and tare her body in pie­ces: which when her husband saw, he killed himselfe upon her, as Clytonimus reporteth in his 40 second booke of the Sybaritick historie.

22 Smyrna the daughter of Cinyras having displeased and angred Venus, became enamo­red of her owne father, and declared the vehement heat of her love unto her nourse. She there­fore by a wily device went to worke with her master, and bare him in hand that there was a faire damosell a neighbours daughter, that was in love with him, but abashed and ashamed to come unto him openly, or to be seene at all with him: the master beleeved this & lay with her: but one time above the rest, desirous to know who she was with whom he companied, called for a light; and so soone as he knew it was his owne daughter, he drew his sword, and followed after this most vilanous and and incestuous filth, intending to kill her: but by the providence of Venus, trans­formed she was into a tree, bearing her name, to wit, Myrtle, as Theodorus reporteth in his Me­tamorphoses 50 or transmutations.

Valeria Tusculanaria, having incurred the displeasure of Venus; became amorous of her owne father, and communicated this love of hers unto her nourse: who likewise went cun­ningly about her master, and made him beleeve that there was a young maiden a neighbous child, who was in fancie with him, but would not in regard of modestie be knowen unto him of it nor be seene when she should frequent his companie. Howbeit her father, one night being drunk called for a candle: but the nourse prevented him, and in great hast wakened her: who fled ther­upon [Page 913] into the countrey great with child: where she cast her selfe downe from the pitch of a steep place, yet the fruit of her wombe lived; for notwithstanding that fall she did not miscarie, but continued still with her great belly: and when her time was come, delivered she was of a sonne, such an one as in the Roman language is named Sylvanus, and in Greeke Aegipanes. Valerius the father tooke such a thought thereupon, that for verie anguish of mind he threw himselfe downe headlong from a steepe rocke: as recordeth Aristides the Milesian in the third booke of Italian histories.

23 After the destruction of Troy, Diomedes by a tempest was cast upō the coast of Libya, where raigned a king named Lycus: whose maner and custome was to sacrifice unto his owne father god Mars, all those strangers that arrived and were set a land in his countrey. But Callirohōe his 10 daughter casting an affection unto Diomedes, betraied her father, and saved Diomedes by delive­ring him out of prison. And he againe not regarding her accordingly, who had done him so good a turne, departed from her and sailed away: which indignitie she tooke so neere to the heart, that she hanged her selfe, and so ended her daies: this writeth Juba in the third booke of the Libyan historie.

Calpurnius Crassus a noble man of Rome, being abroad at the warres together with Regulus, was by him sent against the Massilians, for to seize a stronge castle, and hard to be won, named Garaetion; but in this service being taken prisoner and destined to be killed in sacrifice unto Sa­turne, it fortuned that Bysatia the kings daughter fansied him, so as she betraied her father, and put the victory into her lovers hand; but when this yoong knight was retired and gone, the dam­sell 20 for sorrow of heart cut her owne throat: as writeth Hesianax in the third booke of the Li­bian historie.

24 Priamus king of Troy, fearing that the city would be lost, sent his yoong sonne Polydo­rus into Thrace, to his sonne in law Polymester who married his daughter, with a great quantity of golde: Polymester for very covetousnesse, after the destruction of the city, murdered the childe, because he might gaine the gold: but Hecuba being come into those parts, under a co­lour and pretence that she should bestow that golde upon him, together with the helpe of other dames prisoners with her, plucked with her owne hands both eies out of his head: witnesse Euripides the tragaedian poet.

In the time that Hanniball overran and wasted the countrey of Campania in Italy; Lucius 30 Or, Thrym Jmber bestowed his sonne Rustius for safetie, in the hands of a sonne in law whom he had, named Valerius Gestius, and left with him a good summe of money. But when this Campanian heard that Anniball had wonne a great victorie, for very avarice he brake all lawes of nature, and murdered the childe. The father Thymbris as he travelled in the countrey lighting upon the dead corps of his owne sonne, sent for his sonne in law aforesaid, as if he meant to shew him some great treasure: who was no sooner come, but he plucked out both his eies, and afterwards crucified him: as Aristides testifieth in the third booke of his Italian histories.

25 Aeacus begat of Psamatha one sonne named Phocus, whom he loved very tenderly: but Telamon his brother not well content therewith, trained him foorth one day into the forest a hunting, where having rouzed a wilde bore, he launced his javelin or bore-speare against the 40 childe whom he hated, and so killed him: for which fact, his father banished him: as Dorothe­us telleth the tale, in the first booke of his Metamorphoses.

Cajus Maximus had two sonnes, Similius and Rhesus: of which two, Rhesus he begat upon Ameria, who upon a time as he hunted in the chase, killed his brother, and being come home againe, he would have perswaded his father that it was by chaunce, and not upon a propensed malice that he slew him: but his father when he knew the truth, exiled him: as Aristocles hath recorded in the third booke of Italian Chronicles.

26 Mars had the company of Althaea, by whom she was conceived and delivered of Melea­ger: as witnesseth Euripides in his tragoedie Meleager.

Septimtus Marcellus, having maried Sylvta, was much given to hunting, and ordinarily went 50 to the chase: then Mars taking his advantage, disguising himselfe in habit of a shepherd; for­ced this new wedded wife, and gat her with childe; which done, he bewraied unto her who he was, and gave her a launce or speare, saying unto her: That the generositie and descent of that issue which she should have by him, consisted in that launce: now it hapned that Septimius slew Tusquinus: and Mamercus when he sacrificed unto the gods for the good encrease of the fruits upon the earth, neglected Ceres onely; whereupon she taking displeasure for this contempt, sent a great wilde bore into his countrey: then he assembled a number of hunters to chase the [Page 914] said beast and killed him; which done, the head and the skinne he sent unto his espoused wife: Scimbrates and Muthias her unckles by the mother-side, offended heereat, would have taken all away from the damosell: but hee tooke such displeasure thereat, that hee slew his kins­men: and his mother for to be revenged of her brethrens death, buried that cursed speare: as Menylus reporteth in the third booke of the Italian histories.

27 Telamon the sonne of Aeacus and Endeis, fledde by night from his father, and arrived in the isle of Euboea, * * The father perceiving it, and supposing him to be one of his sub­jects, gave his daughter to one of his guard, for to be cast into the sea; but he for very commi­seration and pitty, sould her to certaine merchants; and when the shippe was arrived at Sala­mis, Telamon chaunced to buy her at their hands, and she bare unto him Ajax: witnesse Areta­dos 10 the Gnidian, in the second booke of his Insular affaires.

Lucius Trocius had by his wife Patris, a daughter named Florentia: her Calphurnius a Romane deflowred: whereupon he commaunded the yoong maid-childe which she bare, to be cast into the sea; but the souldiour who had the charge so to doe, tooke compassion of her, and chose rather to sell her unto a merchant; and it fortuned so, that the ship of a certeine merchant arri­ved in Italy, where Calphurinus bought her, and of her body begat Contruscus.

28 Aeolus king of Tuskan, had by his wife Amphithea six daughters, and as many sonnes; of whom Macareus the yoongest, for very love defloured one of his sisters, who when the time came brought foorth a child: when this came once to light, her father sent unto her a sword, and she acknowledging the fault which she had committed, killed her-selfe therewith, and so 20 did afterwards her brother Macareus: as Sostratus reporteth in the second booke of the Tuscan storie.

Papyrius Volucer, having espoused Julia Pulchra, had by her six daughters, and as many sonnes; the eldest of whom named Papyrius Romanus, was enamoured of Canulia, one of his sisters so as she was by him with childe: which when the father understood, hee sent unto her likewise a sword, wherewith she made away her-selfe; and Romanus also did as much: thus Chri­sippus relateth in the first booke of the Italian Chronicles.

29 Aristonymus the Ephesian, sonne of Demostratus, hated women, but most unnaturally he had to doe with a she asse; which when time came, brought foorth a most beautifull maide childe, surnamed Onoscelis: as Aristotle writeth in the second booke of his Paradoxes or strange 30 accidents.

Fulvius Stellus was at warre with all women, but yet he dealt most beastly with a mare, and she bare unto him after a time, a faire daughter, named Hippona: and this is the goddesse for­sooth that hath the charge and overseeing of horses and mares: as Agesilaus hath set downe in the third booke of Italian affaires.

30 The Sardians warred upon a time against the Smyrneans, & encamped before the walles of their city; giving them to understand by their embassadors, that raise their siege they would not, unlesse they sent unto them their wives to lie withall: the Smyrneans being driven to this extremity, were at the point to doe that which the enemies demaunded of them: but a certeine waiting maiden there was, a faire and welfavoured damosell, who ranne unto her master Phi­larchus 40 and said unto him, that he must not faile but in any case chuse out the fairest wenches that were maide-servants in all the citie, to dresse them like unto citizens wives, and free borne women, and so to send them unto their enemies in stead of their mistresses, which was effected accordingly; and when the Sardians were wearied with dealing with these wenehes, the Smyr­neans issued foorth, surprized and spoiled them: whereupon it commeth that even at this day in the citie of Smyrna there is a solemne feast named Eleutheria: upon which day, the maide­servants weare the apparell of their mistresses which be free women: as saith Dositheus in the third booke of Lydian chronicles.

Antepomarus king of the Gaules, when he made warre upon the Romans, gave it out flatly and said, that he would never dislodge and breake up his campe before they sent unto them their 50 wives, for to have their pleasure of them: but they by the counsell of a certeine chamber maide, sent unto them their maid-servants: the Barbarians medled so long with them, that they were tired, and fell sound asleepe in the end: then Rhetana (for that was her name who gave the said counsell) tooke a branch of a wilde figge tree; and mounting up to the toppe of a rampier wall, gave a signall thereby to the Consuls, who sallied foorth and defeated them; whereupon there is a feastivall day of chambermaids: for so saith Aristides the Milesian, in the first booke of the Italian historie.

[Page 915] 31 When the Athenians made warre upon Eumolpus, and were at some default of victuals, Pyrander who had the charge of the munition & was treasurer of the State (for to make spare of the provision) diminished the ordinary measure, and cut men short of their allowances: the inhabitants, suspecting him to be a traitor to his country in so dooing, stoned him to death as Callistratus testifieth in the third booke of the Thracian history.

The Romans warring upon the Gaules, and having not sufficient store of victuals, Cinna abridged the people of their ordinary measure of corne: the Romans suspecting therupon that he made way thereby to be king, stoned him likewise to death: witnesse Aristides in his third booke of Italian histories.

32 During the Peloponnesiack warre, Pisistratus the Orchomenian hated the nobles and 10 affected men of base and low degree; whereupon the Senators complotted and resolved a­mong them selves to kill him in the Counsell house, where they cut him in pieces, and every one put a gobbet of him in his bosome, and when they had so done they scraped and clensed the floore where his blood was shed. The common people having some suspition of the mat­ter rushed into the Senat house: but Tlesimachus the kings youngest sonne, who was privy to the foresaid conspiracie, withdrew the multitude from the common place of assembly; and assured them that he saw his father Pisistratus carying a more stately majesty in his counte­nance than any mortal man, ascending, up with great celerity the top of mount Pisaeus, as Theo­philus recordeth in the second of his Peloponnesiackes.

In regard of the warrs so neere unto the city of Rome, the Roman Senat cut the people 20 short of their allowances in corne: whereat Romulus being not well pleased, allowed it them a gaine, rebuked, yea and chastised many of the great men: who thereupon banded against him and in the middest of the Senat house made him away among them, cut him in pieces, and be­stowed on every man a slice of him in his bosome. Whereupon, the people ran immediatly with fire in their hands to the Senat house minding to burne them all within; but Proculus a noble man of the city assured them, that he saw Romulus upon a certeine high mountaine, and that he was bigger than any man living and become a very god. The Romans beleeved his words, (such authority the man caried with him) and so retired back, as Aristobulus writeth in the third booke of his Italian Chronicles.

33 Pelops the sonne of Tantalus and Eurianassa, wedded Hippodamia who bare unto him 30 Atreus and Thyestes: but of the Nimph Danais a concubine, he begat Chrysippus, whom he loved better, than any of his legitimate sonnes: him Laius the Theban being inamoured stole away by force; and being attached and intercepted by Atreus and Thyestes, obteined the good grace and favour of Pelops to enjoy him, for his love sake. Howbeit Hippodamia perswaded her two sonnes Atreus and Thyestes to kill him, as if she knew that he aspired to the kingdome of their father: which they refusing to doe, she her selfe imploied her owne hands to perpetrate this detestable fact: for one night as Layus lay sound asleepe, she drew forth his sword, and when she had wounded Chrisippus as he slept, she left the sword sticking in the wound: thus was Laius suspected for the deed because of his sword: but the youth being now halfe dead, discharged and acquit him and revealed the whole truth of the matter: whereupon Pelops caused the dead body 40 to be enterred, but Hippodamia he banished: as Dositheus recordethin his booke Pelopidae.

Hebius Tolieix having espoused a wife named Nuceria, had by her two children: but of an infranchised bond woman he begat a son named Phemius Firmus a childe of excellent beauty, whom he loved more deerely than the children by his lawfull wife. Nuceria detesting this base son of his, solicited her own children to murder him; which when they (having the feare of God before there eyes) refused to do, she enterprised to execute the deed her selfe. And in truth she drew forth the sword of one of the squires of the body in the night season, and with it gave him a deadly wound as he lay fast asleepe: the foresaid squire was suspected and called in question for this act, for that his sword was there found; but the childe himselfe discovered the truth: his father then commanded his body to be buried; but his wife he banished: as Dositheus recordeth 50 in the third booke of the Italian Chronicles.

34 Theseus being in very truth the naturall sonne of Neptune, had a sonne by Hippolite a princesse of the Amazones whose name was Hippolytus: but afterwards maried againe, and brought into the house a stepmother named Phaedra, the daughter of Minos: who falling in love with her sonne-inlaw Hippolitus, sent her nourse for to sollicite him: but he giving no eare unto her, left Athens and went to Troezen, where he gave his minde to hunting. But the wicked and unchaste woman seeing her selfe frustrate and disapointed of her will, wrot shrewd letters [Page 916] unto her husband against this honest and chaste yong gentleman, informing him of many lies, and when she had so done, strangled her selfe with an halter, and so ended her daies. Theseus giving credit unto her letters, besought his father Neptune of the three requests, whereof he had the choise, this one; namely, to worke the death of Hippolytus. Neptune to satisfie his mind, sent out unto Hippolytus as he rode along the sea slde, a monstrous bull, who so affrighted his coatch horses, that they overthrew Hippolytus, and so he was crushed to death.

Comminius Super the Laurentine, having a sonne by the nimph Aegeria, named Comminius, es­poused afterwards Gidica, and brought into his house a stepmother, who became likewise amo­rous of her son-in law; and when she saw that she could not speed of her desire, she hanged her selfe, and left behind her certaine letters devised against him containing many untruths. Com­minius 10 the father having read these slanderous imputations within the said letters, and beleeving that which his jealous head had once conceived, called upon Neptune, who presented unto Com­mintus his sonne as he rode in his chariot, a hideous bull: which set his steeds in such a fright, that they fell a flinging, and so haled the young man that they dismembred and killed him: as Do­sitheus reporteth in the third booke of the Italian historie.

35 When the pestilence raigned in Lacedaemon; the oracle of Apollo delivered this answer: That the mortalitie would cease, in case they sacrificed yeerly, a young virgin of noble blood. Now whē it fortuned that the lot one yeere fell upō Helena, so that she was led forth all prepared and set out readie to be killed; there was an eagle came flying downe, caught up the sword which 20 lay there, and caried it to cerraine droves of beasts, where she laid it upon an heyfer: whereupon ever after they forbare to sacrifice any more virgins; as Aristodemus reporteth in the third Col­lect of fables.

The plague was sore in Falerij, the contagion thereof being verie great, there was given out an oracle, That the said affliction would stay and give over, if they sacrificed yeerly a yong mai­den unto Juno: and this superstition continuing alwaies still Valeria Luperca was by lot called to this sacrifice: now when the sword was readie drawen, there was an eagle came downe out of the aire and caried it away: and upon the altar where the fire was burning laid a wand, having at one end in maner of a little mallet: as for the sword, she laid upon a young heyfer, feeding by the temple side; which when the young damsell perceived, after she had sacrificed the said heyfer, and taken up the mallet, she went from house to house, and gentl knocking therewith all those 30 that lay sicke, raised them up and said to everie one: Be whole and receive health: whereupon it commeth that even at this day this mysterie is still performed and observed: as Aristides hath reported in the 919. book of his Italian histories.

36 Phylonome the daughter of Nyctimus and Arcadia, hunted with Diana; whom Mars disguised like a shepherd, got with child. She having brought foorth two twinnes, for feare of her father threw them into the river Erymanthus: but they by the providēce of the gods, were caried downe the streame without harme or danger, and at length the current of the water cast them up­on an hollow oake, growing up on the banke side, whereas a she woolfe having newly kennelled had her den. This woolfe turned out her whelps into the river, and gave sucke unto the two twins above said: which when a shepherd named Tyliphus, once perceived and had a sight of, he tooke 40 up the little infants, and caused them to be nourished as his owne children, calling the one Lyca­stus, and the other Parrhasius, who successively reigned in the realme of Arcadia.

Amulius bearing himselfe insolently and violently like a tyrant, to his brother Numitor; first killed his sonne Aenitus as they were hunting; then his daughter Sylvia he cloistred up as a reli­gious nunne to serve Juno. She conceived by Mars; and when shee was delivered of two twins, confessed the truth unto the tyrant: who standing in feare of them, caused them both to be cast into the river Tybris; where they were carried downe the water unto one place, whereas a shee woolfe had newly kennelled with her yoong ones: and verily her owne whelps shee abandoned and cast into the river; but the babes shee suckled. Then Faustus the shepherd chauncing to espie them, tooke them up and nourished as his owne; calling the one Remus, and the other Ro­mulus: 50 and these were the founders of Rome citie: according to Artstides the Milesian in his Ita­lian histories.

37 After the destruction of Troy, Agamemnon together with Cassandra was murdred: but Orestes who had beene reared and brought up with Strophius, was revenged of those murderers of his father: as Pyrander saith in his fourth booke of the Peloponnesian historie.

Fabius Fabricianus, descended lineally from that great Fabius Maximus, after he had wonne and sacked Tuxium, the capitall citie of the Samnites, sent unto Rome the image of Venus Victo­resse. [Page 917] which was so highly honoured and worshipped among the Samnites. His wife Fabta had committed adulterie, with a faire and well favoured yoong man, named Petronius Valentinus, and afterwards treacherously killed her husband. Now had Fabia his daughter saved her brother Fabricianus, being a verie little one, out of danger, and sent him away secretly to be nourished and brought up. This youth when he came to age, killed both his mother and the adulterer also; for which act ofhis, acquit he was by the doome of the Senate: as Dositheus delivereth the storie in the third booke of the Italian Chronicles.

38 Busiris the sonne of Neptune, and Anippe daughter of Nilus, under the colour of preten­ded hospitalitie, and courteous receiving of strangers, used to sacrifice all passengers: but divine justice met with him in the end, and revenged their death: for Hercules set upon him and killed 10 him with his club: as Agathon the Samian hath written.

Hercules as he drave before him thorow Italy, Geryons kine, was lodged by king Faunus the sonne of Mercurie, who used to sacrifice all strangers and guests to his father: but when hee meant to do so unto Hercules, was himselfe by him slaine: as writeth Dercyllus in the third booke of the Italian histories.

39 Phalaris the tyrant of the Agrigentines (a mercilesse prince) was wont to torment & put to exquisite paine such as passed by or came unto him: and Perillus (who by his profession) was a skilfull brasse-founder, had framed an heyfer of brasse, which he gave unto this king, that hee might burne quicke in it the said strangers. And verily in this one thing did this tyrant shew himselfe just; for that he caused the artificer himself to be put into it: and the said heyfer seemed 20 to low, whiles he was burning within: as it is written in the third booke of Causes.

In Aegesta a citie of Sicilie, there was sometime a cruell tyrant, named Aemilius Censori­nus, whose manner was to reward with rich gifts those who could invent new kinds of engines to put men to torture: so there was one named Aruntius Paterculus, who had devised and forged a brasen horse, and presented it unto the foresaid tyrant, that he might put into it whom he would. And in truth the first act of justice that ever he did was this, that the partie himselfe, even the ma­ker of it gave the first hansell thereof; that he might make triall of that torment himselfe, which he had devised for others. Him also hee apprehended afterwards, and caused to bee throwen downe headlong from the hill Tarpeius. It should seeme also that such princes as reigned with violence, were called of him Aemylii: for so Aristides reporteth in the fourth booke of Italian 30 Chronicles.

40 Euenus the son of Mars & Sterope, tooke to wife Alcippe daughter of Oenomaus, who bare unto him a daughter, named Marpissa, whom he minded to keepe a virgin still: but Aphareus seeing her, carried her away from a daunce, and fled upon it. The father made suce after, but not able to recover her: for verie anguish of mind, he cast himselfe into the river of Lycormas, and thereby was immortalized: as saith Dositheus in the fourth booke of his Italian historie.

Anius king of the Tuskans, having a faire daughter, named Salia; looked straightly unto her that she should continue a maiden: but Cathetus one of his nobles, seeing this damosell upon a time as she disported herselfe was enamoured of her, and not able to suppresse the furious passi­on of his love, ravished her and brought her to Rome. The father pursued after; but seeing that 40 he could not overtake them, threw himselfe into the river, called in those daies Pareüsuis, and af­terwards of his name Anio. Now the said Cathetus lay with Salia, and of her bodie begat Salius and Latinus; from whom are discended the noblest families of that countrey: as Aristides, the Milesian, and Alexander Polyhistor, write in the third booke of the Italian historie.

41 Egestratus an Ephesian borne, having murdered one of his kinfmen, fled into the citie Delphi, and demaunded of Apollo in what place he should dwell? who made him this answere, that he was to inhabit there, whereas he saw the peasants of the countrey dauncing, and crow­ned with chaplets of olive branches. Being arrived therefore at a certaine place in Asia, where he found the rurall people crowned with garlands of olive leaves, and dauncing; even there hee founded a citie, which he called Elaeus: as Pythocles the Samian writeth in the third booke of his 50 Georgicks.

Telegonus the sonne of Vlysses by Circe, being sent for to seeke his father, was advised by the oracle to build a citie there, where he should find the rusticall people and husbandmen of the countrey, crowned with chaplets and dauncing together: when he was arrived therefore at a certaine coast of Italie, seeing the peasants adorned with boughes & branches of the wild olive tree, passing the time merily, and dauncing together: he built a citie, which upon that occurrent [Page 918] he named Prinesta; and afterwards the Romans altering the letters a little, called it Preneste: as Aristotle hath written in the third booke of the Italian historie.

THE LIVES OF THE TEN ORATOVRS. 10

The Summarie.

IN these lives compendiously descibed, Plutarch sheweth in part, the government of the Athenian common-weale which flourished by the meanes of many learned per­sons; in the number of whom we are to reckon those under written; namely, Antipho, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Aeschines, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Hy­perides, and Dinarchus: but on the other side he discovereth sufficiently the indiscre­tion 20 of cretaine oratours, how it hath engendred much confusion; ruined the most part of such personages themselves; and finally overthrowen the publick estate: which he seemeth expresly to have noted and observed, to the end that every one might see, how dangerous (in the managemēt of State affaires) he is, who hath no good parts in him but onely a fine and nimble tongue. His meaning therefore is, that live­ly vertue indeed should be joined unto eloquence: meane while, we observe also the lightnesse, vanitie, and ingratitude of the Athenian people in many places: and in the divers complexions of these ten men here depainted; evident it is, how much availeth in any person, good in struction from his infan­cie, and how powerfull good teachers be, for to frame and fashion tender minds unto high matters, and important to the weale publicke. In perusing and passing through this treatise, a man may take know­ledge of many points of the ancient popular government, which serve verie well to the better under­standing 30 of the Greeke historie, and namely, of that which concerneth Athens: As also by the recom­penses both demanded, and also decreed in the behalfe of vertuous men, we may perceive and see a­mong the imperfections of a people which had the soveraigntie in their hands, some moderation from time to time: which ought to make us magnifie the wisedome and providence of God, who amid so great darkneffe, hath maintained so long as his good pleasure was, so many States and governours in Greece, which afterwards fell away and came to nothing, so as at this present that goodly countrey is become subject, and made thrall to the most violent, wicked and wretched nation under heaven.

THE LIVES OF THE ten oratours. 40

ANTIPHON. I.

ANtipho the sonne of Saphilus, and borne in the borough and cor­poration of Karannum, was brought up as a scholar under his owne father, who kept a Rhetorick schoole, whereunto Alcibiades also (by report) was wont to go and resort when he was a young boy, who having gotten sufficiencie of speech and eloquence, as some thinke, himselfe, (such was the quicknesse of his wit, and inclination of 50 of his nature) he betooke himselfe to affaires of State: and yet he held a schoole neverthelesse, where he was at some difference with Socrates the Philosopher in matter of learning and oratorie, not by way of contention and aemulation, but in maner of reprehension & finding fault with some points, as Xenophon testifieth in the first booke of his Commentaries, as touching the deeds and sayings of Socrates. He penned orations for some citizens at their re­quest [Page 919] for to be pleaded and pronounced in judiciall courts: and as it is given out by some, was the first who gave himselfe to this course, and professed so to do: for there is not extant one o­ration written in maner of a plea, by any oratours who lived before his time, no more by those that flourished in his daies (for it was not the maner yet and custome to compose oraions for others) Themistocles (I meane) Pericles, and Aristides; notwithstanding that the time presented unto them many occasions, yea and meere necessiries so to do: neither was it upon their insuf­ficiencie, that they thus abstained, as it may appeare by that which Historians have written of everie one of these men above mentioned. Moreover if we looke into the most ancient ora­tours whom we can cal to mind, to wit, Alcibiades, Critias, Lysius and Archilochus, who have writ­ten one & the same stile, and exercised the same forme & maner of pleading; it wilbe found that 10 they all conversed and conferred with Antiphon, being now very aged and farre stept in yeeres: for being a man of an excellent quicke and readie wit, he was the first that made and put forth the Institutions of oratorie; so as, for his profound knowledge he was surnamed Nestor. And Cecilius in a certaine treatise which he compiled of him, conjectureth, that he had beene some­time schoolemaster to Thucydides the Historiographer; for that Antipho is so highly commen­ded by him. In his speeches and orations he is verie exquisite and ful of perswasion, quicke and subtil in his inventions: in difficult matters verie artificiall; assailing his adversarie after a covert maner; turning his words and sayings respective to the lawes, and to move affections withal, ai­ming alwaies to that which is decent & seemely, and carying the best apparance & shew with it.

He lived about the time of the Persian warre, when Gorgias Leontinus the great professor in 20 Rhetoricke flourished, being somewhat yonger than he was: and he continued to the subversion of the popular state and government, which was wrought by the 400 conspirators, wherin him­selfe seemed to have had a principall hand, for that he had the charge and command of two great gallies at sea, and was besides a captaine and had the leading of certaine forces: during which time he wan the victorie in divers battels, and procured unto them the aide of many allies: also he moved the young and lustie able man of warre to take armes; he rigged, manned, and set out sixtie gallies, and in all their occasions was sent embassadour to the Lacedaemonians, when as the citie Ectionia was fortified with a wall: but after that those 400 before said were put downe and overthrowen, he was together with Archiptolemus one of the 400, accused for the conspi­racie, condemned and adjudged to the punishment which is due unto traitours. His corps was 30 cast forth without sepulture; himselfe and all his posteritie registred for infamous persons upon record: and yet some there be who report, that he was put to death by the 30 tyrants, and name­ly among the rest, Lysias testifieth as much in an oration which he made for Antiphoes daughter; for a little daughter he had, unto whom Calleschrus made claime in right for his wife: and that the thirtie tyrants wee they who put him to death, Theopompus beareth witnesse in the fif­teenth of his Philippickes. But more moderne surely was this man, and of a later time, yea and the sonne of one or Simonides. Lysidonides, of whom [...] maketh mention, as of no wicked man in his commedie called Pytine. For how should he who before was executed by those 400 returne to life againe in the time of the thirtie usurpers or tyrants: but his death is reported otherwise; namely, that being verie aged he sailed into Cicily, when as the tyrannie of the former Denys was 40 at the highest: and when the question was proposed at the table, which was the best, brasse? as some said this, and others that: he answered, that for his part he thought that brasse was best, whereof the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton were made: which when Denys heard, he ima­gining that the speech imported thus much covertly, as to set on the Syracusians, for to attempt some violence upon his person, commanded him to be put to death. Others report, that the said tyrant gave order that he should be made away, upon indignation that he skoffed at his tragoedies.

There be extant in this oratours name three score orations; whereof as Cecilius saith 25 are untruly reported to be his. Noted he is and taxed by Plato the comicall poet, together with Pysander, for avarice & love of money. It is said moreover, that he composed certaine tragoedies 50 alone, and others with Dionysius the tyrant, who joined with him. At the same time also when he gave his mind unto Poetrie, he devised the art of curing the griefes and maladies of the minde, like as physicians pretend skill for to heale the diseases and paines of the bodie. Certes, having built a little house at Corinth in the market place, hee set up a bill on the gate, wherein hee made profession: That he had the skill to remedie by words, those who were vexed and grieved in spi­rit: and he would demaund of those who were amisse, the causes of their sorrow, and according thereto, apply his comforts and consolations. Howbeit afterwards supposing this art and pro­fession [Page 920] to be too base and meane for him, he turned his studie to Rhetoricke, and taught it. Some there be who attribute unto Antipho the booke of Glaucus the Rhegine as touching poets: but principally is that treatise commended which he made unto Herodotus; as also that which is de­dicated to Erasistratus touching the Ideaes; and the oration of Message which he penned for his owne selfe; & another against Demosthenes the captaine, which he named Paranomon, for that he charged him to have broken the lawes. Also another oration he wrote against Hippocrates the ge­neral commander, & caused him to be condemned for his contumacy, in that he failed to answer at the day assigned for his triall, that verie yeere when Theopompus was Provost of the citie, under whom the foure hundred conspiratours and usurpers of the common-weale were put downe and overthrowen. Now the decree of the Senate, by vertue whereof ordained it was: That Antiphon 10 should be judicially tried and condemned, Cecilius hath put downe in these tearmes. The one and twentith day of Prytaneia, when Demonicus of Alopece, was secretarie or publike notarie, Phi­lostratus of Pellene chiefe commander, upon the proposition or bill-preferred of Andron the Se­nate, hath ordained as touching these persons; namely Archiptolemus, Onomacles and Anti­phon, whom the captaines have declared against; that they went in embassage unto Lacedaemon, to the losse and detriment of the citie of Athens, and departed from the camp, first in an ene­mies ship, and so passed by land by Decelia; that their bodies should be attached and cast into prison, for to abide justice and punishment according to law. Item, that the captaines them­selves, with certaine of the Senate, to the number of ten, such as it pleased them to chuse and nominate, should make presentment and give in evidence, that upon the points alledged and 20 prooved, judgement might passe according. Item that the Thesmothetes should call for the said persons judicially, the verie next morow after they were committed, and convent them before the judges, after that they be chosen by lot: when and where they should accuse the captaines with the orators abovesaid, of treason; yea & whosoever els would come in, he should be heard. Item, when sentence is concluded and pronounced against them, then the judgement of con­demnation shall be executed according to the forme and tenure of the law established, in case of traitors. Vnder the instrument of this decree, was subscribed the condemnation of treason in this manner: Condemned there were of treason, Archiptolemus the sonne of Hippodamus of Agryle, present; Antiphon the sonne of Sophilus, of Rhamus, likewise present: and awarded it was by the court, that these two should be delivered over into the hands of the eleven executors 30 of justice; their goods to be confiscate; the disme whereof to be consecrate unto the goddesse Minerva; their houses to be demolished and pulled downe to the very ground; and upon the borders of the plots wherein they stood, this superscription to be written: Here stood the houses of Archiptolemus and of Antiphon, two traitours of the State * * * Also, that it might not bee lawfull to enter or burie the bodie of Archiptolemus and of Antiphon within the citie of Athens, nor in any part belonging to their domain or territorie. That their memorie should be infa­mous, and all their posteritie after them, as well hastards as legitimate: and that whosoever adop­ted any one of Archiptolemus or Antiphons children for his sonne, himselfe should be held infa­mous. Finally, that all this should be engrossed and engraven in a columne of brasse, wherein al­so should be set downe the sentence and decree which passed as concerning Phrynichus. 40

ANDOCIDES. II.

ANdocides was the sonne of that Leagoras, who somtime made a peace betweene the Athe­nians and the Lacedaemonians; borne in the tribe of Cydathene or Thurie, descended from a noble house, and as Hellanicus saith, even from Mercurie; for the race of the Ceryces, that is, Heraults pertaineth unto him: and therefore chosen he was upon a time with Glaucon, for to go with a fleet of twentie saile, to aide the Corcyreans, who warred upon the Corinthians. But after all this, accused he was of impietie and irreligion; for that hee with others had man­gled and defaced the images of Mercurie, that stood within the citie: also for that he had tres­passed 50 against the holy mysteries and sacred ceremonies of Ceres; in as much as being before time a wild youth and loosely given, he went in a maske one night, and brake certaine images of the god Mercurie; whereupon (I say) he was judicially convented. And because he would not deliver and bring foorth to be examined upon torture, that servant of his, whom his accusers cal­led for, he was held attaint & convict of that crime which was laid to his charge; yea & for the se­cond imputation charged upon him verie deeply suspected: for which also he was called into question, not long after the setting foorth of the great Armada at sea which went into Sicily, [Page 921] when the Corinthians had sent certaine Aegesians and Leontines, into the citie of Athens, unto whom the Athenians privately were to yeeld aid & succour, in the night season they brake all the images of Mercury which stood about the market place, as Cratippus saith. Well, being suspected for offending against the sacred mysteries of Ceres, & thereupon judicially called to his answer, he escaped judgement of condemnation, and was acquit; so that he would discover and declare the delinquents and offenders indeed. Now having emploied his whole studie & endever there about, he wrought so, that he found out those who were faultie as touching the sacred mysteries aforesaid, among whom was his owne father. As for all the rest when they were convicted, he caused them to be put to death: only his fathers life he saved, although he was already in prison; promising with all that he would doe much good service unto the common-weale, wherein he 10 failed not of his word. For Leagoras accused many who had robbed and embezilled the cities treasure, and committed other wicked parts, by the meanes whereof he was absolved.

Now albeit Andocides was in great name and reputation for mannaging the affaires of com­mon-weale; yet neverthelesse he set his mind to trafficke and merchandize at sea; whereby hee got amitie, and entred into league of hospitalitie, which many princes and great potentates, but principally with the king of Cyprus: and it was than, that he stole and carried away a citizens child, the daughter of Aristides and his owne niece, without the privitie and consent of her friends, and sent her closely for a present to the said king of Cyprus: but when he was upon the point to be called in question judicially for this fact, he stole her privily away againe out of Cy­prus, and brought her home to Athens. Hereupon the king of Cyprus caused hands to be laid 20 upon him, where he was kept in prison; but he brake loose and escaped to Athens, at the verie time when the foure hundred conspiratours and usurpers governed the State: and being by them cast into prison, he got away againe when the said Olygarchie was dissolved. Howbeit he was drawen out of the citie, when the thirtie tyrants ruled all and usurped their government. Du­ring which time of his exile, he abode in the citie of Elis: but when Thrasibulus and his adhae­rents returned into the city, he also repaired thither, and was sent in an embassage to Lacedaemon; where being taken againe in a trip, he was for his ill demeanour banished.

All these premises appeare evidently by his orations which he hath written; for in some of them we find how he answereth to those imputations which were charged upon him for viola­ting of the foresaid holy mysteries: in others, he generally craveth for the favour of the judges 30 and standeth upon the tearmes of mercie: there is an oration also of his extant, as touching the appeaching or discoverie of those, who were faultie for those sacred ceremonies: as also his Agologie or defence against Phaeax, and cōcerning peace. He flourished at the very same time that Socrates the Philosopher was in so great name. But borne he was in the [...] 68. 78 Olympias that yeere wherein Theagenides was provost or chiefe ruler of Athens; so that by this computa­tion he must needs be more ancient than Lysias by some hundred yeeres. There was one of the Hermes that caried his name, and was called Hermes of Andocides, for that this image being de­dicated by the tribe or linage Aegeis, stood neere unto the house where Andocides dwelt. This Andocides defraied the charges of a solemne round dance in the name of the line or kinred Ae­geis, which contended for the prise in the honor of Dithyrambicus at the feast of Bacchus: where 40 having obtained the victorie, he consecrated a trefeet, and set it up an high, just against Pori­nus Selinus.

His stile is plaine and simple, without all art, bare and naked without any figures whatsoever.

LYSIAS. III.

LYsias the sonne of Cephalus, the sonne of Lysanias, who had likewise for his father Cephalus, borne in Syracuse, but he went to dwell at Athens, partly for the affection that he bare to the citie, and in part through the perswasion of Pericles the son of Xantippus, who being his friend & guest, perswaded him thereto, and the rather for that he was a mightie man there, and excee­ding 50 rich: or as some think, he came to Athens by occasion that he was banished out of Syracuse, at what time as the citie was tyrannically oppressed by Gelon: so he arrived at Athens that yeere, wherein Philocles was provost next after Phrasicles, in the second yeere of the 82 Olympias: at his first cōming brought up he was, & taught with the noblest Athenians; but after that the citie sent out the colonie of Sybaris, which afterwards was named Thurij, he wēt with his eldest brother Po­lemarchus: (for he had besides him 2. other brethrē, Eudemus & Brachillus their father being now departed this life) to have his part set out & allotted unto him out of his fathers lands, being not [Page 922] fifteene yeeres old, that verie yeere when as Praxiteles was provost: where he remained, and was instructed by Nicias, & Tisias, two Syracusans. Now having bought him an house, with the portion of land which fell unto his share, he lived there, in state of a citizen, and was called to government of common weale, when his lot came, for the space of 63 yeeres, untill the time that Clearchus was provost of Athens: but the yeere next following when Callias was provost; namely, in the 92 Olympias, when as the Sicilians and Athenians fought a field, by reason whereof many of their, allies stirred and revolted, and especially those who dwelt in Italy and coasted thereupon, accused he was to have favoured the Athenians and sided with them, and thereupon was banished with three other. Now being arrived at Athens in the yeere wherein Callias was provost next after Cleoritus, while the foure hundred usurpers were possessed of 10 the State, hee there rested: but after the navall battell was stricken neere to a place called the Goats rivers, when as the thirtie tyrants had the administration of the common weale in their hands, banished he was from thence for the space of seven yeeres; lost his goods and his brother Polemarchus; himselfe escaped with life narrowly out of the house at a posterne gate or backe­doore; in which house he had beene beset with a full purpose that he should end his life there: and then he retired himselfe to the citie Megara, where he abode. When as those of Phila had made a reentrie into the citie, and chased out the tyrants; for that he shewed himslefe (above all others) most forward in this enterprise, as having contributed (for the exploiting of this service) two thousand dragmes weight in silver, and two hundred targuets: and being sent besides with Herman, waged three hundred and two souldiers, and wrought so effectually with Thrasylaeus the 20 Elian, his friend and old host, that he helped him unto certeine talents of silver: in regard wher­of, Thrasibulus (upon his returne and reentry into the city) proposed unto the people: That for and in consideration of these good services, the right of free burgeosie should be granted unto him. This hapned in the yeere of the Anarchie, when there was no provost elected, next before the provostship of Euclides. This was granted and ratified by the people: onely there was one Archinus stood up, and impeached the proceeding thereof, as being against the law, be­cause it was proposed unto the people, before it was consulted upon in the Senate: so the fore­said decree was anulled and revoked. Thus being disappointed of his ritht of burgeosie, he re­mained neverthelesse (during his life) as a citizen, and enjoyed the same rights, franchises and priviledges that other burgesses did; & so died in the end, when he had lived the space of foure 30 score and three yeeres, or as some say, three score and sixteene; and as others write, foure score: so that he lived to see Demosthenes a childe. It is said. that he was borne the yeere that Philocles was provost. There goe in his name foure hundred orations; of which number (according to Dionysius and Cecilius) two hundred and thirtie be of his owne making in deed: in the pronoun­cing of all which, he failed but twice, and had the foile. There is extant also, that very oration which he made against Archinus, in the maintenance and defence of the said decree; by vertue whereof, the right of burgeosie was given unto him: also another, against the thirtie tyrants. Apt he was to perswade; and in those orations which he gave out to others, very briefe and suc­cinct. There be found likewise of his making, certeine introductions to Rhetoricke, and spee­ches delivered publickly before the people; letters missive; solemne praises; funerall orations; 40 discourses of love; and one defence of Socrates, which directly seemed to touch the judges to the quicke. His stile was thought to be plaine and easie, howbeit, inlmitable. Demosthenes in one oration which he made against Neaera, saith: That he was enamoured of one Metaneira, servant with Neaera; but afterwards he espoused and tooke to wise the daughter of his brother Brachyllus. Plato himselfe maketh mention of him in his booke entituled Phaedrus, as of an ora­tour passing eloquent, and more ancient than Isocrates. Philiscus who was familiar with Isocra­tes, and the companion of Lysias, made an Epigram upon him, wherby it appeareth, that he was more ancient, (as also it is evident by that which Plato hath said) & the Epigram is to this effect:

Now shew Callippes daughter, thou that art so eloquent;
If ought of wittie spirit thou hast, 50 and what is excellent:
For meet it is that thou should'st bring, some little Lysias foorth:
To blaze his fathers name abroad, for vertuous deeds of woorth.
Who (now transform'd, and having caught [Page 923] a bodie strange to see
In other worlds for Sapience should now immortall bee)
My loving heart to friend now dead, likewise to notifie;
And to delare his vertuous life unto posteritie.

He composed likewise an oration for Iphicrates, which he pronounced against Harmodius as al­so another wherein he accused Timotheus of treason, and both the one and the other he over­threw: but afterwards when Iphicrates tooke upon him againe to enquire into the dooings of 10 Timotheus, calling him to account for the revenues of the State which he had mannaged, and set in hand againe with this accusation of treason, hee was brought into question judicially, and made answere in his owne defence by an oration that Lysias penned for him. And as for himselfe he was acquit of the crime and absolved; but Timotheus was condemned and fined to pay a great summe of money. Moreover, he rehearsed in the great assembly and solemnity at the Olympick games, a long oration, wherein he perswaded the Greekes, that they should be reconciled one to another, and joine together for to put downe the tyrant Dionysius.

ISOCRATES. IIII.

ISocrates was the sonne of one Theodorus, an Erechthian, a man reckoned in the number of 20 meane citizens, one who kept a sort of servants under him, who made flutes and hautboies; by whose workmanship he became so rich, that he was able to bring up and set out his children in worshipfull manner. For other sonnes he had besides, to wit, Telesippus and Diomnestus; and also a little daughter unto them. Hereupon it is that he was twitted and flouted by the comicall poets Aristophanes and Stratis, in regard of those flutes. He lived about the 86. Olympias elder than Lysimachus the Myrrhinusian by two and twentie yeeres, and before Plato some seven yeeres. During his childhood, he had as good bringing up as any Athenian whatsoever, as be­ing the disciple & scholar of Prodicus the Chian, of Gorgias the Leontine, of Tysias the Syracu­sian, & Theramenes the prosessed Rhetorician: who being at the point to be apprehended & ta­ken 30 by the 30. tyrants, & flying for refuge to the altar of Minerva the Counseller, when all other friends were affrighted and amazed: onely Isocrates arose and shewed himselfe for to assist and succor him, and at the first continued a long time silent. But Theramenes himselfe began and prayed him to desist; saying, that it would be more dolorous and grievous unto him, than his owne calamitie, in case he should see any of his friends to be troubled and endangered for the love of him. And it is said, that he helped him to compile certaine Institutions of Rhetoricke, at what time as he was maliciously and falsely slandered before the judges in open court: which Institutions are gon under the name and title of Boton.

When he was growen to mans estate, he forbare to meddle in State matters, and in the af­faires of common-weale; as well for that he had by nature a small and feeble voice, as because 40 naturally he was fearfull and timorous: and besides, his state was much impaired, by reason that he lost his patrimonie in the warre against the Lacedaemonians. It appeareh that to other men he had beene assistant in counsell, and giving testimonie for them in places of judgement: but it is not knewen that he pronounceed above one onely oration, to wit, [...] that is to say, concerning counterchange of goods. And having set up a publicke schoole, he gave himselfe to the studie of philosophie, and to write; where he composed his Panegyrique oration, and certaine others of the Deliberative kind: and those that he wrote himselfe, some he read, some he penned for others; thinking thereby to exhort and stirre up the Greekes to devise and per­forme such duties as beseemed them to doe. But seeing that he missed of his purpose and inten­tion, hee gave over that course, and betooke himselfe to keepe a schoole: first, as some say, in 50 Chios, having nine scholars that came unto him: where when he saw that his scholars paid him downe in money his Minervals for their schooling, hee wept and said: I see well now that I am sold unto these youthes. He would conferre willingly with those that came to devise and talke with him, being the first that put difference betweene wrangling pleas or contentious orations, and serious politike discourses of common-weale, in which he rather employed himselfe. He ordained magistrates in Chios, erecting the same forme of government there, which was in his owne countrey. He gathered more silver together by teaching schoole, than ever any professor [Page 924] in Rhetoricke or schoole-master was knowen to have done; so that he was well able to defray the charges of a galley at sea. Of scholars he had to the number of one hundred: and among many others, Timotheus the sonne of Conon; with whom he travelled abroad, and visited many cities: he penned all those letters which Timotheus sent unto the Athenians; in regard whereof he be­stowed upon him a talent of silver, the remainder of that money due by composition from Sa­mos. There were besides of his scholars Theopompus the Chian, and Ephorus of Cumes; Ascle­piades also who composed tragical matters and arguments; and Theodectes, who afterwards wrote tragoedies (whose tombe or sepulcher is as men go toward Cyamite, even in the sacred way or street that leadeth to Eleusis, now altogether ruinate and demolished: in which place he caused to be erected and set up the statues of famous poets together with him, of all whom there remai­neth 10 none at this day but Homer alone;) also Leodamus the Athenian; Lacritus the law-giver unto the Athenians, and as some say, Hyperides and Isaeus. And it is said that Demosthenes also came unto him whiles he yet taught a Rhetoricke schoole, with an earnest purpose to learne of him, using this speech: that he was not able to pay him a thousand drachms of silver, which was the onely price that he made and demaunded of everie scholar; but meanes he would make to give him two hundred drachms, so he might learne of him but the fift part of his skill, which was a proportionable rate for the whole; unto whom Isocrates made this answere: We use not, De­mosthenes, to do our businesse by piece-meale; but like as men are woont to sell faire fishes all whole; even so will I, if you purpose to be my scholar, teach and deliver you mine art full and entier, and not by halfes or parcels. 20

He departed this life the verie yeere that Chaeronides was Provost of Athens; even when the newes came of the discomfiture at Chaeronea, which he heard being in the place of Hippocrates publicke exercises: and voluntarily he procured his owne death, in abstaining from all food and sustenance the space of foure daies, having pronounced before this abstinence of his, these three first verses which begin three tragoedies of Euripides:

  • 1 King Danaus, who fiftie daughters had.
  • 2 Pelops the sonne of Tantalus, when he to Pisa came.
  • 3 Cadmus whilom, the citie Sidon left.

He lived 98 yeeres, or as some say, a full hundred, & could not endure for to see Greece fower times brought into servitude: the yeere before he died, or as some write, fower yeeres before 30 he wrote his Panathenaick oration: as for his Panegyrik oration, he was in penning it tenne yeeres, and by the report, of some, fifteene, which he is thought to have translated and borrowed out of Gorgias the Leontine and Lysias: and the oration concerning the counterchange of goods, he wrote when he was fourescore yeeres old & twaine: but his Philippike oration he set downe a little before his death: when he was farre stepped in yeeres, he adopted for his sonne, Aphareus, the yoongest of the three children of Plathane his wife, the daughter of Hippias the oratour, and professed Rhetorician. He was of good wealth, as well for that he called duely for money of his scholars, as also because he received of Nicocles king of Cypres, who was the sonne of Euagoras, the summe of twenty talents of silver for one oration which hee dedicated unto him: by occasion of this riches, he became envied, and was thrice chosen and enjoined to be 40 the captaine of a galley, and to defray the charges thereof: for the two first times he feigning himselfe to be sicke, was excused by the meanes of his sonne; but at the third time he rose up and tooke the charge, wherein he spent no small summe of money. There was a father, who talking with him about his sonne whom he kept at schoole, said: That he sent with him no other to be his guide and governour, but a slave of his owne: unto whom Isocrates answered: Goe your waies then, for one slave you shall have twaine. Hee entred into contention for the prize at the solemne games which queene Artemisia exhibited at the funerals and tombe of her hus­band Mausolus: but this enchomiasticall oration of his which he made in the praise of him, is not extant: another oration he penned in the praise of Helena; as also a third in the commen­dation of the counsell Areopagus. Some write, that he died by absteining nine daies together 50 from all meat: others report but fower; even at the time that the publike obsequies were solem­nized for them who lost their lives in the battell at Chaeronea. His adopted sonne Aphareus com­posed likewise certeine orations: enterred hee was together with all his linage and those of his bloud, neere unto a place called Cynosarges, upon a banke or knap of a little hill on the left hand, where were bestowed, the sonne, and father Theodorus; their mother also and her sister Anaco, aunt unto the oratour; his adopted sonne likewise Aphareus, together with his cousen ger­main Socrates, sonne to the a foresaid aunt Anaco Isocrates mothers sister: his brother Theodo­rus [Page 925] who bare the name of his father, his nephewes, or children of his adopted sonne Aphare­us, and his naturall Theodorus; moreover, his wife Plathane mother to his adopted sonne Apha­reus: upon all these bodies there were six tables or tombs erected of stone, which are not to be seene as this day: but there stood upon the tombe of Isocrates himselfe, a mightie great ramme engraven, to the height of thirtie cubits, upon which there was a syren or mere-maid seven cubits high, to signifie under a figure his milde nature and eloquent stile: there was be­sides neere unto him, a table conteining certaine poets and his owne schole-masters: among whom was Gorgias looking upon an astrologicall sphaere, and Isocrates himselfe standing close unto him: furthermore, there is erected a brasen image of his in Eleusin, before the entrie of the gallery Stoa, which Timotheus the sonne of Caron caused to be made, bearing this epi 10 gram or inscription:

Timotheus upon a loving minde,
And for to honour mutuall kindnesses,
This image of Isocrates his friende,
Erected hath unto the goddesses.

This statue was the handi-worke of Leochares. There goe under his name threescore orations; of which five and twentie are his indeed, according to the judgement of Dionysius: but as Cecili­us saith, eight and twentie; all the rest are falsly attributed unto him. So farre was he off from ostentation, and so little regard had hee to put foorth himselfe and shew his sufficiencie, that when upon a time there came three unto him, of purpose to heare him declame and discourse, 20 he kept two of them with him, and the third he sent away, willing him to returne the next mor­row: For now (quoth he) I have a full theater in mine auditorie. He was wont to say also unto his scholars and familiars: That himselfe taught his art for ten pounds of silver; but hee would give unto him that could put into him audacity, and teach him good utterance, ten thousand. When one demanded of him it was possible that he should make other men sufficient ora­tors, seeing himselfe was nothing eloquent: Why not (quoth he) seeing that whet-stones which can not cut at all, make iron and steele sharpe enough and able to cut. Some say, that he com­posed certeine books as touching the art of rhetorick; but others are of opinion, that it was not by any method, but exercise onely, that he made his scholars good oratours: this is certeine, that he never demanded any mony of naturall citizens borne, for their teaching. His maner was 30 to bid his scholars to be present at the great assemblies of the citie, and to relate unto him what they heard there spoken and delivered. He was wonderfull heavy and sorrowfull out of measure for the death of Socrates, so as the morrow after he mourned & put on blacke for him. Againe, unto one who asked him what was Rhetorick? he answered: It is the art of making great matters of small, & small things of great. Being invited one day to Nicocreon the tyrant of Cypres; as he sat at the table, those that were present, requested him to discourse of some theame; but he an­swered thus: For such matters wherein I have skill the time will not now serve; and in those things that sit the time, I am nothing skilfull. Seeing upon a time Sophocles the tragicall poet, following wantonly and hunting with his eie, a yoong faire boy; he said: O Sophocles an ho­nest man ought to conteine not his hands onely, but his eies also. When Ephorus of Cunes went 40 from his schoole non proficiens, and able to doe nothing, by reason whereof his father Demophi­lus sent him againe with a second salary or minervall; Isocrates smiled thereat, and merily cal­led him Diphoros, that is to say, bringing his money twice: so hee tooke great paines with the man, and would himselfe prompt him, and give him matter and invention for his declamatorie exercise.

Inclined he was and naturally given unto the pleasures of wanton love; in regard whereof he used to lie upon a thinne and hard short mattresse, and to have the pillow and bolster under his head perfumed, and wet with the water of saffron. So long as he was in his youth he maried not; but being now striken in age and growen old, he kept a queane or harlot in his house, whose name was Lagisca, by whom he had a little daughter, who died before she was maried, when she 50 was about twelve yeeres old. After that, he espoused Plathane, the wife of the rhetoritian Hippias. Gor­gias, who had three children before, of whom he adopted Aphareus for his owne sonne, as hath beene said before, who caused his statue to be cast in brasse, and erected it neere unto the image of Jupiter Olympius, as it were upon a columne, with this Epigram:

This portraict of Isocrates in brasse,
His sonne adopted, Aphareus, who was,
Erected hath to Jupiter, in view
[Page 926] Of all the world thereby to make a shew,
That unto gods he is religious,
And honoureth his father vertuous.

It is said, that whiles he was but a yong boy, he ran a course on horsebacke; for he is to be seene all in brasse in the castle or citadell of the city, sitting and riding his horse, in forme and propor­tion of a boy within the tenise court of those priests of Minerva, which attend there, to tarie the sacred secrets, not to be revealed, as some have reported. In all his life time there were two only sutes commensed against him: the former, for the exchange of his goods, being challenged and provoked by Megaclides; for the triall whereof, he appeared not personally at his day, by reason of sicknesse: the second action was framed against him by Lysimachus, for the exchange of his 10 goods, with charge to defray the expenses of mainteining a galley at sea: in which processe he was cast, and forced to set out a galley. There was also a painted image of his in the place called Pompeium. And Aphareus composed verily orations, though not many, both judiciall and also deliberative. He made also tragoedies, to the number of seven and thirtie; whereof there be two which were contradicted. And he began to have his works openly heard in publicke place, from the yeere wherein Lysistratus was provost, unto that yeere wherein Sosicles was in place; to eight and twentie yeeres: in which time he caused six civill plaies to be acted, and twice gained the prize of victorie, having set them forth by a principall actour or plaier, named Dionysius: and by other actours he exhibited two more, of the Lenaick kind, that is to say, full of mirth, and to move laughter. 20

There were the statues also to be seene within the citadell, of the mother of Isocrates and of Theodorus, as also of Anaco her sister; of which, that of his mother is yet extant; and it standeth neere unto the image of Hygta, that is to say Health; onely the inscription is changed: but the the other of Anaco is not to be found. This Anaco had two sonnes, Alexander by Coenes, and Usicles by Lysias.

IS AE US. V.

ISaeus was borne in Chalcis: and being come to Athens, he studied the works of Lysias, whom he did so neerely imitate, aswell in the apt couching of his words, as in the witty device & sub­tiltie of his inventions; that if a man were not very well practised & perfect in the stile and ma­ner 30 of wtiting of these two orators, hardly he should be able to discerne many of their orations, and distinguish one from another. He was in greatest name, about the time of the Peloponne­siacke warre, as may be conjectured by his orations; and continued unto the reigne of king Phi­lip. He gave over his publicke schoole, and went to teach Demosthenes privatly at home, for the sum of ten thousand drachmes of silver; whereby he became very famous: and as some say, he it was that composed for Demosthenes certeine exhortatory orations. He left behind him three score and foure orations going in his name; whereof fiftie are his indeed: also some particular introductions of his owne, and rules of Rhetoricke. He was the first who began both to forme and to turne the sense of his stile unto the politicke management of affaires; a thing that De­mosthenes doth most of all imitate. Of this oratour, Theopompus the comicall poet maketh men­tion 40 in his Theseus.

AESCHINES. VI.

A Eschines was the sonne of Atrometus, (a man who being banished in the time of the thirtie tyrants, was a meanes to aide the people, and to set up the popular state againe) and his mothers name was Glaucothea. He was of the burrough or tribe Cothocis: so that his parents were neither for nobilitie of race, nor yet for wealth and riches renowmed in the citie: but being yoong, and of a lustie and able constitution, he fortified and confirmed the same more by bodi­ly exercise: and finding himselfe to have a strong brest and cleere voice; thereupon afterwards he made profession to act tragoedies; but (as Demosthenes said of him by way of reproch) hee 50 went after others, and could never proceed higher than to act the third and last parts in the so­lemnities of the Bacchanale plaies under one Aristodemus. When he was but a boy, he taught petties the letters; namely, to spel and reade together with his father: and being of some growth, he served as a common souldier in the warres. The scholar and auditor he was (as some thinke) of Isocrates & Plato; but according to Cecilius, of Leodamas. Being entred into the managing of State affires, and that not without credit & reputation; because he made head & sided against the faction of Demosthenes, emploied he was in many embassages; and namely unto K. Philip, [Page 927] for to treat of peace: for which, accused he was by Demosthenes, and charged to have beene the cause that the nation of the Phocaeans was rooted out, and for that he kindled warre betweene the Amphyctions and the Amphissians, what time as he was chosen one of the deputies to be present in the assembly or diet of the Amphyctions, who made also an haven, whereby it hapned withall, that the Amphyctions put themselves into protection of Philip, who being wrought by Aeschines, tooke the matter in hand, and conquered all the territorie of Phocis: howbeit, through the port and favourable countenance of Eubulus the sonne of Spintharus a Proballusi­an, who was of great credit and reputation among the people, and spake in his behalse, he esca­ped, and was found unguiltie, and caried it by thirtie voices; although others say, that the ora­tours had penned their orations, and were at the point to plead; but upon the newes of the over­throw 10 at Cheronaea, which impeached the proceeding of law, the matter was not called for, nor the cause pleaded.

A certeine time after, when king Philip was dead, and his sonne Alexander gone forward in his expedition into Asia, he accused Ctestiphon judicially, for that he had passed a decree con­trary unto the lawes, in the honour of Demosthenes; but having on his side not the sift part of the suffrages and the voices of the people, he was banished out of Athens, and fled to Rhodes, because he would not pay the fine of a thousand drachines, in which he was condemned, upon his over­throw at the barre. Others say, that over & beside, he was noted with infamie, because he would not depart out of the citie; and that he retired himselfe to Ephesus unto Alexander. But upon the decease of Alexander, when there was great troubles towards, he returned to Rhodes, where 20 he kept a schoole, and beganne to teach the art of Rhetoricke. He read other-whiles unto the Rhodians (and that with action and gesture) the oration which he had pronounced against Cte­siphon; whereat, when all the hearers marvelled, and namely, how possibly he could be cast, if he acted such an oration: You would never wonder at the matter (quoth he) my masters of Rhodes, if you had beene in place and heard Demosthenes impleading against it. He left behinde him a schoole at Rhodes, which afterwards was called the Rhodian schoole. From thence he sailed to Samos, and when he had staied a time in the Isle, within a while after, he died. A pleasant and sweet voice he had, as may appeare both by that which Demosthenes hath delivered of him, and also by an oration of Demochares.

There be found foure orations under his name; one against Timarchus; another as touching 30 false embassage; and a third against Ctesiphon, which in truth be all three his: for the fourth enti­tuled Deliaca, was never penned by Aeschines. True it is indeed, that appointed and commanded he was to plead judicially the causes of the temple of Delos: but he pronounced no such oration; for that Hyperides was chosen in stead of him, as saith Demosthenes. And by his owne saying two brethren he had, Aphobus and Demochares. He brought unto the Athenians the first tidings of the second victorie which they obtained at Tamyne, for which he was rewarded with a crowne. Some give it out that Aeschines was scholar to none, and never learned his Rhetoricke of any master; but being brought up to writing, and a good pen-man, he became a clarke or notarie; and so grew up to knowledge of himselfe by his owne industrie, for that he ordinarly conversed in judiciall courts, and places of judgement. The first time that ever he made publike speech be­fore 40 the people, was against king Philip: and having then audience with with great applause and commendation, he was presently chosen embassadour, and sent to the Arcadians; whither when he was come, he raised a power of ten thousand men against Philip. He presented and indited Timarchus for maintaining a brothell house; who fearing to appeare judicially, and to have the cause heard, hung himselfe, as after a sort Demosthenes in some place saith. Afterwards elected he was to go in embassage unto Philip with Ctesiphon & Demosthenes, about a treatie of peace, wherein he carried himselfe better than Demosthenes. A second time was hee chosen the teuth man in an embassage, for to goe and conclude a peace upon certaine capitulations and cove­nants; for which service he was judicially called to his answere and acquit, as hath beene said 50 before.

LYCURGUS. VII.

LYcurgus was the sonne of Lycophron, the sonne of Lycurgus; him I meane whom the thirtie tyrants did to death, by the procurement & instigation of one Aristodemus that came from Bata; who having beene treasurer generall of Greece, was banished during the popular govern­ment. Of the borrough or tribe he was named Buta, and of the family or house of the Eteobuta­des. [Page 928] At the beginning, the scholar he was of Plato the philosopher, and made profession of philo­sophie: but afterwards being entred into familiar acquaintance with Isocrates, hee became his scholar, and dealt in affaires of State where he wan great credit, as well by his deeds, as words; and so put in trust he was with the mannagement of the cities revenues: for treasur our general he was the space of fifteene yeeres; during which time, there went thorow his hands fortie millions of talents, or as some say, fourscore millions six hundred and fiftie talents. And it was the ora­tor Stratocles who preferred him to this honor, by propounding him unto the people. Thus I say at the first was he himselfe chosen treasurour in his own name; but afterwards he nominated some one of his friends; and yet neverthelesse mannaged all, and had the whole administration of it in his owne hands; for that there was a Statute enacted and published, that none might be chosen 10 to have the charge of the publicke treasure above five yeeres. He continued alwaies an overseer of the citie workes both winter and summer: and having the office and charge committed unto him for provision of all necessaries for the warres, he reformed many things that were amisse in common-wealth. He caused to be built for the citie foure hundred gallies. He made the com­mon hall or place for publicke exercises in Lyceum, and planted the same round about with trees: He reared also the wrestling hall, and finished the theater which is at the temple of Bacchus, be­ing himselfe in person to oversee and direct the workmen. He was reputed a man of such fideli­tie and so good a conscience, that there was committed upon trust into his hands, to the summe of two hundred and fiftie talents of silver, by divers and sundrie private persons to be kept for their use. He caused to be made many faire vessels of gold and silver to adorne and beautifie the 20 citie: as also sundrie images of Victorie in gold. And finding many publicke workes unperfect and halfe done, he accomplished and made an end of them all: as namely the Arsenals, the com­mon hals for armour and other utensiles and implements, serving for the cities uses. He foun­ded a wall round about the spatious cloisture, called Panathenaike, which he finished up to the verie cape and batilments; yea and laid levell and even, the great pit or chinke in the ground: for that one Dinius, whose plot of ground it was, gave away the proprietie which he had in it unto the citie, in favour especially of Lycurguss, and for his sake. He had the charge and custodie of the citie, and commission to attache and apprehend malefactours, whom he drave all quit out of the citie; insomuch that some of the oratours and subtle sophisters would say, that Lycurgus dipt not his pen in blacke inke, but in deadly blood, when he drew his writs against malefactours: In 30 regard of which benefit unto the common-weale, so well beloved he was of the people, that when king Alexander demaunded to had him delivered into his hands, the people would not forgo him. But when as king Philip made warre upon the Athenians the second time, he went in em­bassage with Polycuctus and Demosthenes, as well into Peloponnesus, as to other States and cities. All his time he lived in good estimation among the Athenians, reputed evermore for a just and upright man, in such sort that in all courts of justice, if Lycurgus said the word, it was held for a great prejudice & good foredoome in his behalfe, for whom he spake. He proposed & brought in certaine lawes; the one to this effect, that there should be exhibited a solemnitie of plaies or comedies at the feast Chytrae, wherein the poets should do their best, and strive a vie within the theatre for the prise; and whosoever obtained victorie, should therewith have the right and free­dome 40 of burgeosie, a thing that before was not lawfull nor graunted unto poets; and thus hee brought unto use and practise againe, a solemne game which he had discontinued. Another, that there should be made at the publike charges of the citie, statues of brasse for the poets Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides; that their tragoedies should be exemplified and engrossed faire, for to be kept in the chamber of the citie; and that the publicke notarie of the citie should reade them unto the plaiers, for otherwise unlawfull it was to act them. A third there was, that no citizen, nor any other person resiant and inhabitant within the citie of Athens, should be permitted to buy any prisoners taken in warre, such as were of free condition before, to make them slaves, without the consent of their first masters. Item, that within the haven Pyraecum, there should be exhibited a solemne play or game unto Neptune, consisting of round daunces, no fewer than 50 three: and that unto those who woon the first prise, there should be given for a reward no fewer than ten pound of silver; to the second, eight at the least; and to the third, not under six, accor­ding as they should be adjudged by the Umpiers. Item, that no dame of Athens might be allo­wed to ride in a coatch to Eleusin; for feare that the poore might be debased by the rich, and here­in reputed their inferiours: but in case any of them were so taken riding in a coatch, she should be fined and pay six thousand drachms: now when his owne wife obeied not his law, but was sur­prized in the manner by the sycophants and promoters, he himselfe gave unto them a whole [Page 929] talent, with which afterwards when he was charged, and accused before the people: You see yet (quoth he) my masters of Athens that I am overtaken for giving, and not for taking silver.

He mette one day as he went in the street, a publicane or farmer of the forrain taxes and tri­butes for the city, who had laid hands upon the philosopher Xenocrates, and would have ledde him to prison in all haste, because he paid not the duties imposed upon strangers; for which he gave the publicane a rappe on the head with the rodde or walking staffe which hee had in his hand, and recovered the philosopher out of his clouches; which done, he cast the said officer himselfe into prison for his labor, as having cōmitted a great indignity unto such a personage: a few daies after, the same philosopher meeting him with the children of Lycurgus: I have (quoth he unto them) my good children rendred thanks unto your father, and that right speedily, in 10 that he is so praised and commended of all men for succouring and rescuing me. He proposed and published certeine publicke decrees, using the helpe heerein of one Euclides an Olynthi­an, who was thought to be a very sufficient man in framing and penning such acts; and albeit he was a wealthy person, yet he never ware but one and the same kinde of garment both winter and summer, yea, and the same shooes he went in every day, what need soever was He exerci­sed himselfe continually in declaming both night and day, for that he was not so sit to speak of a sudden and unprovided. Upon his bedde or pallet where he lay, he had onely for his covering a sheepes skinne, fell and all, and under his head a boulster, to the end that the sooner and with more ease, he might awake and goe to his study. There was one who reproched him, for that he paid his money still unto sophisters and professed rhetoricians, for teaching him to make 20 orations: But (quoth he) againe, if there were any would promise and undertake to profit my children and make them better, I would give him willingly not onely a thousand deniers, but the one moitie of all my goods. Very bold he was and resolute to speake his minde franckly unto the people, and to tell them the truth plainly, bearing himselfe upon his nobility; insomuch as one day when the Athenians would not suffer him to make a speech in open audience, he cried out with a loud voice; ô whippe of Corfu, how many talents art thou woorth? Another time, when some there were who called Alexander god: And what maner of god may he be (quoth Lycurgus, out of whose temple whosoever go, had need to be sprinckled and drenched all over with water to purifie themselves.

After he was dead, they delivered his children into the hands of the eleven officers for exe­cution 30 of justice, for that Thrasicles had framed an accusation, & Menesaechmus endited them; but upon the letters of Demosthenes, which in the time of his exile he wrote unto the Atheni­ans, advertising them that they were ill spoken of about Lycurgus his children, they repented themselves of that which they had done, and let them go: & verily Democles the scholar of Theo­phrastus justified them, and spake in their defence. Himselfe and some of his children were bu­ried at the cities charges, over and against the temple of Minerva Paeonia, within the orchard or grove of Melanthius the philosopher: and found there be even in these our daies certeine tombes with the names of Lycurgus and his children written thereupon. But that which is the greatest thing that soundeth most to the praise of his government, he raised the revenues of the common-weale unto twelve hundred talents, whereas before they amounted but unto three­score. 40 A little before he died, when he perceived death to approch, hee caused himselfe to be caried into the temple of Cybele the great mother of the gods, and into the Senate house, desi­rous there to render an account of his whole administration of the common-weale: but no man was so hardy as to come foorth and charge him with any unjust and wrongfull dealing, save onely Menesaechmus; now after he had fully answered those imputations which he charged up­on him, he was caried home againe to his house, where he ended his daies; reputed all his life time for a good and honest man, commended for his eloquence, and never condemned in a­ny sute, notwithstanding many actions and accusations were framed against him.

Three children he had by Calisto, the daughter of Abron, and sister to Calaeus, the sonne also of Abron, of the burrough Bata, who was treasurour of the campe during the warres that 50 yeere wherein Chaerondas was provost; of this affinitie and alliance, Dinarchus maketh menti­on, in that oration which he made against Pastius. He left behinde him these children, Abron, Lycurgus, and Lycophron; of whom Abron and Lycurgus died without issue; but Abron after he had with good reputation and credit, managed state matters, changed this life: and Lyco­phron having espoused Calistomacha, the daughter of Philippus Aixenes, begat a daughter na­med Calesto, married afterwards to Cleombrotus, the sonne of Dimocrates, an Acharnanian, who by her had a sonne named Lycophron, whom Lycophron the grand-father adopted for his owne [Page 930] sonne; and he departed this life without children: after the decease of this Lycophron Callisto was remarried unto Socrates, unto whom she bare a sonne, named Symmachus; who begat Aristo­nymus; and of Aristonymus came Charmides, whose daughter was Philippe, and she bare a sonne, to wit, Lysander Medius, who became an interpreter also, one of the Eumolpides: of him and of Timothea the daughter of Glaucus descended Laodamia and Medius, who held the priesthood of Neptune Erectheus: Philippa also a daughter, who afterwards was a religious priestresse, devoted to Minerva; for before time, had Diocles the Melittean espoused her, and she bare him a sonne named likewise Diocles, who was a colonell of a regiment of footmen; and he tooke to wife Hediste the daughter of Abron, of whose body he begat Philippide and Nicostra­ta; and Themistocles the torch-bearer sonne of Theophrastus married Nicostrata, by whom he 10 had Theophrastus and Diocles, notwithstanding he was priest unto Neptune Erechtheus.

There be sound of this oratours penning, fifteene orations. Crowned hee was many times by the people: and ordeined there were for him divers statues and images, whereof there was one all of brasse, according to a publike decree of the citie, standing in the street Ceranicum, that yeere when Anaxicrates was provost; under whom there was allowed unto himselfe and his sonne Lycurgus, as also to his eldest nephew, table and diet in Prytanneum, by vertue of the same decree of the people: howbeit, after the decease of Lycurgus, Lycophron his eldest sonne made sute by law for this gift and donation. He pleaded also many times for matters of religion, and accused Autolycus the senatour, and one of the high court Areopagus, Lysicles also the captaine, and Demades the sonne of Demius, together with Menesachmus, and many others, whom he 20 overthrew and caused to be condemned every one. Moreover, he called judicially into questi­on Diphtlus, for that he tooke away out of the mettal mines, those middle posts or props which supported the weight of earth bearing upon them, by which meanes he enriched himselfe, directly against the lawes: and whereas the penaltie of this crime was death, he caused him to be condemned. He distributed out of his goods, unto every citizen of Athens fiftie drachmes, or as some say, one mua, or pound of silver: for the totall summe of his wealth amounted unto an hundred and threescore talents. He accused likewise Aristogiton, Cleocrates, and Autolycus, for that being no better than slaves, they caried themselves like men of free condition. This Ly­curgus was surnamed Ibis, that is to say, the blacke Storke: and men commonly would say to Ly­curgus, Ibis, like as to Xenophon, Nycteris, that is to say, the Howlet. The most ancient of this 30 house, were descended from Erectheus, the sonne of the Earth and of Vulcane; but the neerest, from Lycomedes and Lycurgus, whom the people honoured with publicke funerals and obsequies. And this descent of their race, is drawen from those who were priests of Neptune, and set downe in a full and perfect table, which hangeth up in the temple Erechthium, and was painted by Isme­nias the Chalcidian; where also stand certeine statues of wood, aswell of Lycurgus as of his chil­dren, to wit, Abron, Lycurgus and Lychophron, which sometimes were made by Timarchus and Ce­phisodorus the sonnes of Praxiteles the imager. He who set up and dedicated the painted table beforesaid, was Abron, unto whom by order of hereditarie succession, fell the priesthood, but he gave over his right thereto voluntarily unto his brother Lycophron: this is the reason that he is painted giving a three-forked mace unto his brother. Now this Lycurgus having caused to be 40 engraven upon a square pillar, a briefe of his whole administration of the cōmon weale, caused it to be planted just beford the wrestling hall, for every man to see it that would. Neither could any man be foūd so hardy, as to accuse him for robbing the State, or inverting any thing to his own use. He proposed unto the people, that there should be a coronet given unto Neoptolemus the sonne of Anticles, and a statue besides, for that he undertooke and promised to gild (all over) the altar of Apollo in the market place, according to the commandement & direction of the oracle. He demanded also, that honour should be decreed for Euonymus the sonne of Diotimus, whose father was Diopithes, in that yeere wherein Ctesicles was provost.

DEMOSTHENES. VIII. 50

DEmosthenes the sonne of Demosthenes and of Cleobule the daughter of Gylon, of the linage or tribe of Paeania, being left an orphan by his father, at the age of seven yeeres, together with a sister five yeeres olde; during the time of orphanage kept with his mother a widow, and went to schoole unto Isocrates, as some say, or as most men give out, to Isaeus the Chalcidian the disciple of Isocrates, who lived in Athens: he imitated Thucydides and Plato the Philosopher, in whose schoole there be that say he was first brought up: but as Hegesias the Magnesian repor­teth, [Page 931] being advertised that Callistratus the sonne of Empaedes, an Aphidnean and famous orator, who had bene captaine and commander of a troupe ofhorsemen, and who had dedicated an al­tar to Mercurie surnamed Agoraios, that is to say, the Speaker, was to make a solemne oration un­to the people, craved leave of his tutour and schoolemaster, that he might go to heare him: and no sooner had he heard him speake, but he was in love with his eloquence.

But as for this oratour, he heard him but a while, even until he left the citie; for banished he was. Now after that he was departed into Thrace, by which time Demosthenes grew to be a yong man, then began he to frequent the company of Isocrates and Plato: howbeit, afterwards hee tooke home into his house Isaeus, whom he enterteined the space of foure yeeres, and exercised himselfe in the imitation of his stile, or (as Ctesibius reporteth in his treatise of Philosophie) he 10 wrought so, that by the meanes of Callias the Syracusian, he recovered the orations of Zethus the Amphipolitane, and by the helpe of Charicles the Charistian, he got them also of Alcida­mus, and those he give himselfe wholly to imitate. But in processe of time, when he was come to mans estate, and past a ward, seeing that his tutours and guardians allowed him not sufficient­ly out of his living and patrimonie, he called them to account for their guardianship, that yeere wherein Timocrates was provost of Athens. Now three tutours or governours he had, to wit, Aphobus, Theripedes, Demophon aliâs Demea, whom he charged more than the rest, being his uncle by the mothers side: he laied actions upon them of ten talents a piece, and so much he de­manded of them by law: he overthrew them all; but he could not come by ought of that where­in they were condemned: for neither recovered he money nor favour of the one or the other. 20 * * * * When Aristophon was now so aged, that he could not take paines nor attend to set out the solemne dances and shewes, for which he was chosen commislarie and overseer, he gave over his place, and Demosthenes in his roome was substituted the master of the said dances: and for that in the open theater as he was busie in his office about setting out and ordering the dan­ces, Medias the Anagyrasian, gave him a box of the eare with his fist, he sued him in an actiō of batterie: howbeit, he gave over his sute for the sum of three thousand drachmes of silver, which Midias paied him. This is reported of him, that being a yoong man, he [...] himselfe apart into a certeine cave, where he gave himselfe unto his booke, having caused his head to be shaven the halfe of it, because he might not goe abroad to be seene, and so leave his booke: also, that he lay upon a very streight and narrow bed, for that he would the sooner [...] , and with more ease: 30 and there he exercised and forced himselfe to frame his speech better: but for that he had an ill grace with him, ever as he spake, to shake and shrinke up his shoulder, he remedied that, by stic­king up a broch or spit, or as some say, a dagger, to the floore over head, that for feare of pricking his shoulder, he might forget this evill custome that he had in his gesture: and according as he profited and proceeded forward in the art, he caused a mirrour to be made just as bigge as him­selfe, before which he used to declame, that thereby he might observe the evill gestures or ilfa­voured faces that he made when he spake, and learne to reforme and a mend them: also, he used otherwhiles to goe downe to the water side, to the haven Phalerium, for to exercise himselfe in declaming, even where the surging waves of the sea did beat upon the banks, to the end that he might at no time after be troubled nor put out and driven to an [...] , with the noise and cla­mour 40 of the people when hee should speake before them: but for that naturally hee was short­winded, and his breath commonly failed him, hee [...] upon Neoptolemus a famous actour or stage-plaier, tenne thousand drachmes of silver, to teach him for to pronounce long periods and sentences with one breath, and not taking his winde betweene.

When he began to enter into the management of [...] State, finding that the citizens were divided into two factions; the one siding and taking part with king Philip; the other spea­king and pleading still for their liberties and freedom, he chose to joine with that which was op­posite in all their dooings unto Philip; and all his [...] time he continued countelling and per­swading the people to succour those who were in danger to fall under the hands of Philip: com­municating his counsels in the administration [...] State affaires, & devising evermore with Hype­rides, 50 Nausicles, Polyeuctus, and [...] : and therefore he drew into league & confederacy with the men of Athens, the Thebanes, [...] , Corryceans, Corinthians, Boeotians, and many others besides. One day he chanced to be out and his memorie to faile him, so that he was histed at by the people in a great assembly of the citie: for which disgrace he was out of heart, and ill appaid, insomuch as in great [...] he went home to his house; where by the way, Eu­nomus the Thriasian, being now an ancient man, met with him, who cheered up Demosthenes and comforted him all that he could: out most of all Andronicus the stage-plaier; who said unto him: [Page 932] That his orations were as good as possibly might be, only he was wanting somwhat in action; & thereupon rehearsed certaine places out of his oration, which he had delivered in that frequent assembly: unto whom Demosthenes gave good eare and credit, whereupon he betooke himselfe unto Andronicus; insomuch as afterwards when he was demaunded the question which was the first point of eloquence, he answered, Action; which the second, he made answer, Action; and which was the third, he said, Action, still. Another time he put himselfe foorth to speak in open audience of a great assembly, and was likewise whistled at, and driven lusty out of countenance; for speaking some words that savoured too much of youthfulnesse; so that he was flouted by the comicall poets, Antiphanes and Timocles, who used to twit him with these tearmes:

[...] 10

That is to say,

By the earth, by the fountaines, by rivers, flouds, and streames.

For having sworne in this maner before the people, hee raised a stirre and hurli-burly among them. He tooke his oath another time by the name of Asclepius, which hee sounded aloft with accent in the i. [...] [...] not [...] [...] the last [...] second syllable; and although he did this upon errour in Prosodia, yet hee main­teined and proved that he had pronounced the word aright; for that Aesculapius was [...] that is to say, a milde and gracious god: and for this maner of swearing he was oftentimes trou­bled; but after he had frequented the schoole of Eubulades the Milesian, and a Logicien, he cor­rected and amended all. Being one day at the solemnitie of the Olympian games, and hearing Lamachus the Terinaean how he rehearsed an encomiasticall oration in the praise of king Phi­lip, 20 and of Alexander his sonne; namely, how they invaded and over-ran the Thebans and O­lynthians, he came forward, and standing close unto him, on the contrary side, alledging testi­monies out of auncient poets, importing the commendation of Thebans and Olynthians both, for the brave exploits by them atchieved; which when Lamachus heard, hee gave over and would not speake a word more, but slipt away as soone as hee could out of the assemblie. King Philip himselfe would say unto them who related unto him the cautions and orations that he made against him: Certes, I beleeve verily, that if I had heard him with mine owne eares pleading in this wise, I should have given the man my voice, and chosen him captaine to make warre upon my selfe. And much to the same purpose the said Philip was wont to liken the ora­tions of Demoshenes unto souldiers, for the warlike force that appeared in them; but the spee­ches 30 of Isocrates he compared to fensers or sword-plaiers, for the delightfull shew and flourish that they made.

Being now thirtie seven yeeres old, counting from Dexitheus to Callimachus, in the time of whose provostship the Olynthians by their embassage required aid of the Athenians, for that they were fore plagued with the warre that king Philip levied against them; he perswaded the people to send them succour: but in the yeere following, wherein Plato changed this life, king Philip utterly destroied the Olynthians. Xenophon also the disciple of Socrates, had a know­ledge of Demosthenes, either in his prime when hee began to rise and grow up, or else in the very floure and best of his time; for Xenophon wrote his Chronicles as touching the acts and deeds of the Greeks, and specially of those affaires which passed about the time of the battell at 40 Mantinea, or a little after, namely, in that yeere when Charicles was provost; and Demosthenes somewhat before that, had given his tutors and guardians the overthrow at the barre. When as Aeschines upon his condemnation was fledde toward Athens, there to live in exile; Demosthe­nes being advertised thereof, made after him on horse-backe; whereupon Aeschines imagining that he should be taken prisoner, fell downe at his feet, and covered his face, but Demosthenes willed him to arise and stand up, gave him comfortable words, and besides, put a talent of silver into his hands. He gave counsell unto the Athenians to enterteine a certeine number of mer­cenarie souldiers, strangers in the isle of Thasos, and to this effect he sailed thither as captaine with the charge of a great galley under his hands. He was chosen another time chiefe purveior of corne, and being accused for demeaning himselfe badly, and purloining the cities money, 50 he cleared himselfe and was acquit. When Philip had forced the city Elatia, and was master of it, Demosthenes abandoned the said city, together with those who had sought in the battell of Cheronaea; whereupon is thought that he forsooke his colours and sledde; now as he made haste away, there chanced a bramble to take hold of his cassocke behinde, whereat he turned backe and said unto the bramble: Save my life and take my ransome. Upon his target he had for his mot or device, Good fortune. And verily he it was that made the oration at the funerals of those who lost their lives in the said battell.

[Page 933] After this he applied his minde, and bent his chiefe care to the reparations of the citie, and being chosen commissarie for repairing the walles, he laide out of his owne (besides the de­fraying of the cities money) an hundred pounds of silver: over and above that, he gave ten thousand for to be emploied in the setting out of shewes, games, and plaies; which done, he embarked himselfe in a galley, and sailed up and downe from coast to coast, for to levie mo­ney of the allies and confedetates; for which good services hee was crowned many times: first by the meanes and motion of Demoteles, Aristonicus, and Hyperides; who propounded that he should be honoured with a coronet of gold, and last of all, at the instant sute of Ctesiphon: which decree was empeached and blamed, as contrarie to the lawes by Diodotus and [...] : against whom he defended and maintained it so well, that he carried it cleane away; so as his ac­cuser 10 had not the fifth part of the suffrages and voices of the people on his side.

Afterwards when Alexander was passed onward his voyage into Asia, & Harpalus sled into A­thens with a great summe of money: at the first hee would not suffer him to bee entertained and kept safely; but after he was once arrived and set aland, and that he had received of him a thou­sand good pieces of gold, called Dariks; then he changed his note and sung another song: for when the Athenians were minded to deliver the man into the hands of Antipater, he withstood them, and withall set downe under his hand-writing, that his money was laid up safe in the Cita­del; the summe whereof he had declared already unto the people, whereas Harpalus had specified it to be seven hundred and fiftie talents or somewhat above, as saith Philocharus. But after this when Harpalus had broken prison, wherein hee should have beene kept, untill some messenger 20 and newes came directly from Alexander, and was escaped and retired, as some say, to Candie, or as others, to Tenarus in Laconia; Demosthenes was called into question for corruption, bribe­rie, and taking his money; for that he neither declared the just quantitie and summe of coine that thither was brought, not the negligence of those who had the custodie of it and him: thus I say was he brought to his answere judicially by Hyperides, Pytheus, Menesechmus, Hymeraeus, and Patrocles, who followed the sute so hard, that they caused him to be condemned in the high court and chamber of Ariopagus: and thus condemned he went into exile, being not able to pay five fold; for charged he was to have taken thirtie talents: others say that he would not abide the issue of judgement, and therefore went voluntarie before the day of triall into banishment. After this time the Athenians sent Polyeuctus in embassage to the communaltie of the Arcadians, for 30 to divert and withdraw them from the league and confederacie of the Macedonians: but when Polyeuctus could not perswade them to revolt; Demosthenes came upon them and shewed him­selfe to second the motion, where he spake so effectually, that he prevailed with them: for which service he was highly admired, and thereby wanne such favour and reputation, that after a cer­taine time, by vertue of a publicke decree, he was called home againe out of exile, and a galley was set out of purpose to bring him backe to Athens: and the Athenians moreover ordained, that whereas he owed unto the State thirtie talents, in which he was condemned, he should cause an altar to be built unto Jupiter the Saviour, in the port Pyreaeum; & in so doing be held aquit and discharged. This decree was propounded by Daemon the Paeanian his cousen germain.

By this meanes he returned to the politicke mannaging of affaires as before. Now when as 40 Antipater was streightly besieged by the Greeks, and enclosed within the citie Limia, whereup­on the Athenians offered sacrifices for the good and joyfull tidings thereof, he chaunced to let fall a word in talking with Agesistratus, a familiar friend of his, and to say that he was not of the same mind and opinion with other, as touching the State: For I know full wel (quoth he) that the Greeks are skilfull and able both to run a short carriere, and good to make a skirmish for a spurt and away; but to hold on a long race, and to continue the warre unto the end, they can never abide. But afterwards when Anipater had wonne Pharsalus, and threatned the Athenians to lay siege unto their citie, unlesse he would deliver into his hands those oratours who had inveighed against him: Demosthenes for feare of himselfe, left the citie of Athens, and fled first into the Isle Aegina, for to put himselfe within the liberties and franchises of the temple or sanctuarie, called 50 Aeacium: but afterwards being affraid that he should be fetched out from thence by the eares, he passed over into Calauria: where having intelligence that the Athenians were resolved and had concluded to deliver those oratours, and himselfe principally among the rest; hee rested as a poore distressed suppliant within the temple of Neptune: and when there came unto him thi­there Archias the pursuvant, surnamed Phygadotheres, that is to say, the hunter of Fugitives, who was a disciple and sectarie of Anaximenes the philosopher, perswading him to arise, and that no doubt he should be reckoned one of the friends of Antipater; he answered thus: When you [Page 934] play a part in a tragoedie, you can not make me beleeve that you are the man whom you repre­sent; no more shall you perswade me now to give eare unto your counsell: and when the other laid hands on him and would have drawen him foorth by violence, those of the city would not suffer him; then said Demosthenes unto them: I fledde not unto Calabria for my safetie, and with any intention to save my life, but to convince the Lacedaemonians of their impietie and violence, even against the gods; and with that he called for writing tables, and wrote this dysti­chon; as saith Demetrius the Magnesian, which the Athenians afterwards caused to be set as an Epigram over the statue:

Had thy good heart Demostenes, mette with as good an hand: 10
The Greeks of Macedonian sword, should never have had command.

This image of his standeth neere unto the purprise or cloister, wherein is erected the altar of the twelve gods, and made it was by the hands of Polyeuctus: but as some say, this was found written withall: Demosthenes to Antipater greeting. Philocharus saith, that hee died of poison which he drank: but Satyrus the historiographer reporteth, that the penne was poisoned where­with he beganne to write his epistle, and chancing to put it into his mouth, so soone as ever he tasted thereof, died: Eratosthenes writeth otherwise, namely that hee standing in feare a long time of the Macedonians, was provided of poison, which he caried within a little ring or brace­let that he wore about the wrist of his arme: & there be againe who say, that he killed himselfe 20 by holding his winde so long, that he was overcome and stifled withall: last of all, others write that he caried a strong poison within the collet of his signet, which he tasted, and died thereof, * * * two and twenty.

When king Philip was dead, he came abroad wearing a faire & rich new robe, although but a while before he had buried his owne daughter, so glad was he of the death of that Macedonian king. He aided the Thebanes alos when they warred with Alexander, and all other Greeks hee encouraged as much as possibly he could at all times; and therefore Alexander after he had de­stroied the city of Thebes, demaunded of the Athenians for to have him, menacing them if they would not deliver him into his hands. And when the said king warred upon the Persians, and required of the Athenians their shipping, Demosthenes opposed himselfe and demed it: For 30 who is able to say (quoth he) that he will not use the same shippes even against our selves that send them. He left behinde him two sonnes by one wife, the daughter of one Heliodorus a principall citizen. One daughter he had, who died before she was maried, being but yet a young childe. A sister also he had, who being married unto Laches the Leuconian his nephew or sisters sonne, bare Demochares, a valiant man in warre, and besides, for policie and eloquence inferior to none in his time. There is an image of his to be seene at this day, standing within the common hall of the citie, called Prytaneum, on the right hand as men do enter in and go to­ward the altar. The first man he was who made an oration to the people with a sword by his side girded over his robe: for in that habit it is said, that he delivered a speech unto the citizens, when Antipater came to demand their oratours: but afterwards, the Athenians both ordemed allow­ance 40 of diet in the Prytaneum for the kinred of Demosthenes, and also set up a statue for himselfe when he was dead, in the Market place, that very yeere when Gorgias was provost, at the sute of Demochares his nephew or sisters sonne, who required these honours for his uncle: yea, and af­tewards, Laches the sonne of Demochares a Leuconian, made sute for the like honours for him­selfe, the yeere that Pitharatus was provost, which was ten yeeres after; namely, his statue for to stand in the market place, and allowance of diet in the palace Prytaneum, aswell for himselfe as for the eldest alwaies of his house and linage in every descent, with a priviledge of the highest roome or uppermost place at all solemne sights and games. And these decrees as touching them both, are registred, and to be seene engrossed upon record. As for the image of Demo­chares, whereof we have already spoken, it was transported into the palace or hall of the citie na­med 50 Prytancum.

There be extant orations which be his in deed, to the number of three score and five. Some say, that he lived a dissolute and riotous life, and that he would not sticke to goe in womans ap­parell, to banquet, to be one ordinarily in all masks and mommeries; whereupon he was surna­med Batalus: though others there are, who say that this was the name of his nourse, and that therupon he was so tearmed by way of flouting speech or nick-name. Diogenes the dogged Cy­nick, spied him one day in a taverne; whereat Demosthenes was abashed, & retired more inward [Page 935] into the house: Nay (quoth Diogenes to him) the more you draw or shrinke backeward, the sur­ther still you go into the taverne. The same Diogenes said to him upon a time, when he was dis­posed to scoffe: That in words he was a Scythian, that is to say, a tough Tartarian and a brave warriour; but in warre, a fine and delicate burgesse of Athens. He tooke golde of Ephialies also, being one of the oratours who went in embassage to the king of Persia, and brought with him a great summe of money secretly to distribute among the oratours of Athens, to this end, that they might stirre coales, and blow the fire, to kindle warre against Philip: and it is said, that he for his part had at one clap of the king, three thousand daricks. He caused one Anaxilus of the citie of Orea, to be apprehended, who had otherwise bene his familiar friend; and being cast into pri­son, put him to be examined by torture, as a spie; and albeit he confessed nought, yet he sued 10 out a writ or decree that he should be committed into the hands of the eleven executioners of justice. One day when he meant to make a speech in the full assembly of the people, they were not willing to heare him: Why (quoth he unto them) it is but a short tale that I purpose to tell unto you: whch when they heard, they gave him audience willingly: and then began he in this maner: There was not long since (quoth he) a yong man who hired an asse in the time of Sum­mer, from this citie to Megara: now when it was noone time of the day, and the Sun exceeding hot, both the one and the other, aswell the owner of the asse as he who hired him, would needs have the benefit of the asses shade, and stand under it, but they hindred and impeached one ano­ther; for the owner said that he had let to hire, his asse, but not the shadow of him: the other a­gaine who hired him, pleaded that the asse, shadow and all was in his power. Having thus be­gun 20 his tale, he came downe and went his way: the people then called him backe, and praied him to tell the tale out, and make an end thereof: Why my masters (quoth he) how is it, that you are so desirous that I should tell you a tale of the shadow of asse, and will not give me the hearing when I am to speake unto you of your affaires of great importance? Polus the famous actour and stage-plaier made his boast upon a time, that in two daies wherein he plaied his part, he had gotten a whole talent of silver: And I (quoth he) have gained five in one day, for holding my peace and keeping silence. His voice upon a time, when he made a speech unto the people, failed him; whereupon his audience being not well pleased, and himselfe somewhat troubled, he said aloud unto them: You are to judge plaiers by their pleasant and strong voice; but ora­tours by their good and grave sentences. Epicles seemed to upbraid and reproch him, for that 30 he was alwaies musing and premeditating: I would be ashamed (quoth he unto him) if being to speake before so great an assembly of people, I should come unprovided. It is written of him, that he never put out his lampe, that is to say, that he never ceased studying how to file and polish (as it were) his orations, untill he was fiftie yeres old. He said of himselfe, that he drunke nothing but faire water. Lysias the oratour had knowledge of him: and Isocrates saw him to ma­nage the affaires of State, untill the battell of Chaeronea, yea, and some also of the Socraticall ora­tours. The most part of his orations he pronounced How [...] his to [...] some [...] ex tempore and of a sudden, as having a ready and pregnant wit, and one who naturally was fitted to speake. The first that ever proposed and put up a bill unto the people, that he should be crowned with a coronet of gold, was Aristo­nicus the Anagyrasian the sonne of Nicophanes: and Diondas did second the motion with an 40 oath.

HYPERIDES. IX.

HYperides the sonne of Glaucippus, who was the sonne of Dionysius of the burrough Colyttea, had a sonne who bare the name of his father Glaucippus, an orator who composed cerreine orations: and he begat another oratour, named Alphinus. He was at one time the scholar of Plato the Philosopher, of Lycurgus and of Isocrates. He dealt in the State at what time as Ale­xander the Great intended the affaires of Greece, and he crossed him as touching those cap­taines which he demanded of the Athenians, as also about the gallies which he required to have. He advised the people not to casse and discharge those souldiers which were enterteined at Tae­nara, 50 who had for their captaine, Chares, and whose friend particularly he was. He pleaded ordi­narily at the first as an advocate for his fee; and was suspected to have received part of that money which Ephialtes brought out of Persia. Chosen he was the captaine of one great galley, at what time as king Philip went to lay siege unto the citie Bizantium: and sent he was to aide the Bizantines. The very same yeere he tooke the charge of defraying the expenses of the so­lenme dances; whereas the rest of the captaines were exempt from all publicke offices for that yeere. He passed a decree, that certeine honours should be done unto Demosthenes; and when [Page 936] the said decree was by Diondas repealed, as made against the lawes, and himselfe thereupon ac­cused, yet found he was unguiltie, and thereupon acquit. Friend he was to Demosthenes, Lysicles and Lycurgus; howbeit, in this amitie he continued not unto the end: for after that Lysicles and Lycurgus were dead, when Demosthenes was once called in question for taking money of Harpa­lus, he alone (for that his hands onely were free of bribery) was nominated and picked out from the rest, to frame an accusation against him, because they were all thought culpable in the same fault, and so he judicially accused him: but himselfe was charged by Aristogiton for publishing acts contrary to the lawes, after the battell at Chaeronea, namely; That all the inhabitants and dwellers in Athens, should be burgesses of the citie; that all slaves should manumized and made free; that all sacred and holy reliques; that women and children should be bestowed with­in 10 the port or haven Pireaeum: howbeit, absolved he was, and went cleere away. And when some there were who found fault with him, and marvelled how he should be so negligent and over­seene, as not to know so many lawes which were directly opposit to the said decrees; he made this answere: If (quoth he) the armes of the Macedonians and the battell of Chaeronea, had not dazzeled and dimmed my sight, I had never written nor proposed such an edict. But certeine it is, that after this, Philip being affrighted, gave the Athenians leave to take up the bodies of their dead that lay in the field, which before he had denied unto the heralds that came of purpose un­to him out of Lebadia.

Afterwards, upon the defaiture at Cranon, when he was demanded by Antipater: and the peo­ple resolved to deliver him into his hands, he forsooke the citie, and fled into the Isle Aegina, 20 with other persons who likewise were condemned; where meeting with Demosthenes, he desired him to holde him excused, for that he had by constraint accused him. And when he minded to depart from thence, surprised he was by one Archias surnamed Phygadotheres, a man borne in the citie of Thurit, and who at the first was a professed stage-plaier, but then imploied in the ser­vice and aid of Antipater; so he was apprehended perforce within the temple of Neptune; not­withstanding hee held the image of the said god in his armes; and from thence brought to Co­rinth before Antipater; where being set upon the racke, and put to torture, he bit his tongue off with his owne teeth, because he would not discover the secrets of the city, and so ended his daies the ninth day of the moneth October: howbeit, Hermippus saith, that as he went into Macedo­nie, he had his tongue cut out of his head, and his dead corps was cast forth unto the beasts of 30 the field without sepulture: yet one Alphinus his cousen germaine, or as some say, the cousen of Glaucippus his sonne obteined licence (by the meanes of Philopithes a certeine physician) to take up his bodie, who burnt the same in a funerall fire; the ashes and bones whereof, he caried to Athens afterwards, among his kinsfolke and friends, contrary to the orders and decrees set downe, both by the Macedonians and the Athenians: for by vertue thereof they were not onely banished but interdicted, so as they might not be interred within their owne countrey. Others say, that he was carried unto the citie Cleonae with others, where he died; and that his tongue was cut, and afterwards, himselfe murdred in maner aforesaid. Howbeit, his kinsemen and friends gathered up his bones when his corps was burnt, and buried them amongs his parents and pro­genitours before the gates called Hippades, according as Heliodorus hath recorded in the third 40 booke of his monuments. But his sepulchre at this day is quite demolished, and no token re­maineth thereof to be seene.

He had a singular name above all other oratours, for speaking before the people; insomuch, as some have ranged him even above Demosthenes. There go in his name, three score and seven­teene orations; of which, two and fitie are truely attributed unto him, and no more. Given he was exceeding much to the love of women, which was the cause that he drave his owne sonne out of his house, and brought in thither Myrrhina the most sumptuous and costly courtisan in those daies: and yet in Pyreaeum he kept Aristagora, and at Eleusin (where his lands and posses­sions lay) he had another at command, namely, Philte a Thebane borne, who cost him twentie pounds weight of silver. His ordinarie walke was every day thorow the fish market. And when 50 the famous courtisan Phryne (whom he loved also) was called into question for Atheisme and impietie, inquisition was made after him likewise; and so he was troubled with her and for her sake, as it should seeme: for, so much he declareth imselfe in the beginning of his oration: now when she was at the very point to be condemned, he brought the woman foorth in open court before the judges, rent her clothes, and shewed unto them her bare brest; which the judges see­ing to be so white and faire, in regard of her very beautie absolved and dismissed her.

He had very closely and secretly framed certeine accusatorie declarations against Demosthe­nes, [Page 937] yet so, as they came to light in this maner: for when Hyperides lay sicke, it fortuned that De­mosthenes came one day to his house for to visit him, where he found a booke drawen full of ar­ticles against him; whereat when he was much offended, and tooke it in great indignation, Hy­perides made him this answere: So long as you are my friend, this shall never hurt you; but if you become mine enemie, this shallbe a curbe to restreine you from enterprising any thing prejudiciall unto me. He put up a bill unto the people, that certeine honours should be done unto Jolas, who gave unto Alexander the cuppe of poison. Hee sided with Demosthenes, and joined in the raising of the Lamiacke warre, and made an admirable oration at the funerals of those who lost their lives therein. When king Philip was ready to embark & passe over into the isle Eubaea, whereupon the Athenians were in great feare and perplexitie; he gathered together 10 in a small time a fleete of fortie saile, by voluntarie contribution, and was the first man who for himselfe and his sonne rigged and set foorth two gallies of warre. When there was a contro­versie in law betweene the Athenians and Delians to be decided, unto whether of them apper­teined by right the superintendance of the temple at Delos, and that Aeschynes was chosen to plead the cause, the counsell of Areopagus elected Hyperides; and his oration as touching this matter is at this day extant, entituled The Deliaque oration. Moreover, he went in embassage to Rhodes, where there arrived other embassadours in the behalfe of Antipater, whom they high­ly praised, as a good, milde, and gracious prince: True it is (quoth Hyperides unto them again) I know well that he is good and gracious, but we have no need of him to be our lord and master how good and gracious soever he be. It is said, that in his orations he shewed no action nor ge­sture 20 at all: his maner was onely to set downe the case and lay open the matter plainely and sim­ply, without troubling the judges any otherwise than with a naked narration. Sent hee was likewise unto the Elians for to defend the cause of Calippus, one of the champions at the sacred games, unto whom this imputation was laid, that by corruption he had caried away the prize, and indirectly obteined the victorie. He opposed himselfe also against the gift which was or­deined in the honour of Phocion, at the instant sute of Midias of Anagyrra, the sonne of Midi­as, the yeere wherein Xenius was provost, the 27. day of the moneth of May; and in this cause he was cast and had the overthrow.

DINARCHUS. X. 30

DInarchus the sonne of Socrates or Sostratus, borne as some thinke in the countrey of Atti­ca, or as others would have him, in Corinth, came to Athens very yoong, at what time as king Alexander the Great, passed with his armie into Asia; where he dwelt, and frequented the lecture of Theophrastus, who succeeded Aristotle in the Peripateticke schoole: he conver­sed also with Demetrius the Phalerian, and tooke his time especially to enter into the admini­stration of State affaires, after the death of Antipater, when the great oratours and states-men were some dead and made away, others banished and driven out of the citie: and being besides friended and countenanced by Cassander, he grew in short time to be exceeding rich, exacting and taking money for his orations, of those at whose request he composed them. Hee banded 40 against the most renowmed oratours in his time; not by putting himselfe foorth to come in open place to speake before the people (for no gift nor grace he had therein) but by penning orations for those who made head against them. And namely when Harpalus had broken prison and was fled, he composed divers accusatorie declarations against all such as were suspected to have takē money of him, and those he delivered into the hands of their accusers to be pronoun­ced accordingly. Long time after, being accused himselfe to have communicated, conferred, and practised with Antipater and Cassander, about the time that the haven Munichia was surpri­sed by Antigonus and Demetrius, who placed there a garrison in that yeare when Anaxicrates was provost of the city, he sold most part of his goods, and made money, and when hee had done, fled out of the way to Chalcis, where he lived as it were in exile the space well neere of 15. 50 yeeres; during which time, he gathered great riches, and became very wealthy, and so retur­ned againe to Athens, by the meanes of Theophrastus, who procured both him and other bani­shed persons to be recalled and restored: he abode then in the house of one Proxenus his fami­liar friend; where being now very aged, and besides weake-sighted, he lost his gold that he had gotten together; and when Proxenus his host would have given information thereof, and see­med to make inquisition, Dinarchus called him into question judicially for it; and this was the first time that ever he was knowen to speake & plead personally at the barre. This oration of his [Page 938] is now extant, and there are besides in mens hands threescore and foure more acknowledged all to be his, and yet some of these are to be excepted, as namely, that against Aristogiton. He did imitate Hyperides, or as some thinke Demosthenes in regard of that patheticall spirit in moo­ving affections, and the emphaticall force which appeereth in his stile. Certeinly in his figures and exornations he followeth him very evidently.

DECREES PROPOSED UNTO the people of Athens. 10

DEmochares the sonne of Laches, of the burrough Leucon, demandeth for Demo­sthenes, the sonne of Demosthenes of the burrough of Paeania, a statue of brasse to be set up in the market place or common hal of Athens: also allowance of diet in the palace Prytanaeum, & the first place or seat in al honorable assemblies for him­selfe, & the eldest of his house in every descent for ever; for that he the said De­mosthenes hath alwaies bene a bene factour to the citie, & given counsell unto the people of A­thens, in many of their honorable affaires to their behoose; for that he hath at all times exposed his goods to the service of the common-weale, & namely, of his liberall and bountifull minde contributed eight talents of silver, and mainteined one galley of warre, at what time the people 20 freed & delivered the isle Eubaea: & another, when captaine Cephisodorus set out his voiage into Hellespont; as also a third when Chares and Phocion were sent as captaines to Byzantium by the people. Item, for that with his owne money he raunsomed and redeemed many citizens taken prisoners & captives in Pydne, Methone & Olynthus by king Philip. Item, for that he defraied at his own proper cost & charges, the publick plaies & daunces when the tribe of the Pandionides failed to furnish the officers & wardens appointed thereto. Item, for that he armed many poore citizens who had not wherewith to set thēselves forth to the warres. Item, for that being chosen by the people one of the Aediles or Commissaries, for repairing the citie walles, he laid out of his owne purse to the value of three talents of silver, over and besides ten thousand drachms which of his owne mony he emploied, in casting of two trenches about Pyreaeum. Item, that after 30 the disasterous battell of Chaeronea, he gave out of his owne stocke one talent; & another to buy corne with all in time of a dearth and great famine. Item, for that by his effectual remonstrances, faire perswasions, holesome counsels, and good demerits, he had induced the Thebanes, Euboe­ans, Corinthians, Megarians. Achians, Locrians, Bizantines, and Messenians, to enter into a league as well offensive as defensive with the people of Athens. Item, for that he levied a power of ten thousand footmen well armed, and a thousand horsemen, over and above the contribution of monies, by the people and their allies. Item, for that being embassadour, he had perswaded the associats and confederates of Athens, to make a contribution of money to the summe of five hundred talents and above, toward the warres. Item, for that he empeached the Peloponnesians for aiding king Alexander against the Thebanes; for which service he parted with his owne sil­ver, 40 and went personally in embassage. As also in regard of many other good deserts, and woor­thy exploits by him atchieved: in consideration likewise of much wise counsel and advice, which he hath given unto the people, and of his politicke government & mannaging of State affaires, wherein he hath carried himselfe as well, yea and much better than any in his time: for the pre­servation of the libertie and maintenance of the authoritie of the people. Over and besides, in that he was banished out of his countrey by certaine seditious usurpers, who for the time sup­pressed the authoritie of the people: and finally lost his life in Calauria, in the quarrell of the said people, and for the love and good will that he alwaies bare affectionately unto the commonalty of Athers, there being sent of purpose from Antipater certaine soldiers to apprehend him. Notwithstanding, which present danger wherin he stood, being now in the hands of his enemies, 50 yet persisted he firme & fast in his heartie affection alwaies unto the people: insomuch as he ne­ver did any deed, nor let fall any word prejudiciall to his countrey, or unbeseeming the honour of the people, as neere as hee was unto his death. Subscribed, that verie yeere when Pythara­tus was Provost.

Laches the sonne of Demochares, of the borrough Leucon, demaundeth in free gift of the Se­nate and people of Athens, for Demochares the sonne of the Laches, of the tribe or borrough Leu­con, one statue of brasse to be erected in the market place: also his table and diet in the palace or [Page 939] citie hall Prytanaeum for himselfe, and for him that shall be the eldest of his house in everie de­scent for ever; as also the priviledge of presidence of first seat at all solemne sights and publicke plaies: for that he hath alwaies beene a benefactour and good counseller unto the people of A­thens, as having deserved well of the common-weale in these particulars; as well in those things which he hath penned, proposed and negotiated in his embassage, as in the administration of common-weale; in that he hath caused the walles of the citie to be built, made provision of har­nesse & armor, as well offensive as desensive; of fabricks & engines of battery, & of artillery with shot to be discharged out of them; in that he hath well fortified the citie during the warres with the Boeotians which continued for the space of foure yeeres: for which good service done, bani­shed he was and chased out of the citie by the tyrants, who oppressed the libertie and authoritie 10 of the people: and in that being restored againe and called home by an honourable decree of the said people, when Diocles was Provost, he was the first man who restrained the administrati­on and mannagement of those who made spare of their owne goods, and sent embassages unto Lysimachus: in that also hee levied for the good of the common-wealth at one time thirtie ta­lents, and at another a hundred talents of silver; in that he mooved the people by a bill preferred unto them, for to send an embassage to king Ptolemaeus in Aegypt; by meanes whereof they that went that voyage, brought backe with them fistie talents of silver for the people. Item, in that be­ing sent embassador to Antipater, he received thereby twentie talents of silver, which he brought unto the people into the citie of Eleusin, where he practised and perswaded with them to receive the same. Item, in that he suffered banishment, because he was a protectour and defender of the 20 popular State, never siding nor taking part with any faction of the usurpers; nor bearing office or magistracie in common-weale, after that the said popular State was put downe and abolished. Item, in that he onely in his time, of all those who medled in the affaires of State, never studied nor intended alteration, and to reduce his countrey unto any another kind of government, but popular. Item, in that by his politicke counsell and administration he hath put in safetie and se­curitie all judgements passed; all lawes enacted; all decrees concluded; yea and the goods and substance of all the Athenians: finally, in that he hath gone about and attempted nothing preju­diciall unto the popular government, either in word or deed.

Lycophron the son of Lycurgus, of the borrough or communaltie of Buta, hath presented this request: That he might be allowed his diet in the palace Prytanaeum, according to the free gift 30 granted before time to his father Lycurgus by the people, in that yeere wherein Anaxicrates was Provost of the citie, and the tribe Antiochis President of Prytanaeum: which Stratocles the son of Euthydemus, of the borrough Diomeia, proposed it in this forme: Forasmuch as Lycurgus, the sonne of Lycophron of Buta, hath received of his ancestors (as it were) from hand to hand a cer­taine hereditarie love and affection to the people of Athens, and his progenitours likewise, Dio­medes and Lycurgus, both during their lives were esteemed and highly honoured by the people; and after their death, had this honour done unto them in testimonie of their vertue and valour, as to be enterred at the publike charges of the citie in that conspicuous street called Ceramicum: considering also, that Lycurgus himselfe (whiles he managed the affaires of the State) enacted many good and holsome lawes for his countrey, and being treasurer-generall of all the cities re­venues, 40 by the space of fifteene yeeres, during that time, had the receit and laying out of the pub­licke moneys, to the summe of eighteene thousand and nine hundred talents: and for that ma­ny private mens stocks were put into his hands upon trust, for the considence they had in him, in regard of his fidelitie; in regard also, that he hath disbursed and laied foorth of his owne mo­neys at sundry times and upon divers occasions, for the benefit of the citie and communaltie, as much as amounteth in all, to sixe hundred and fiftie talents: for that likewise in all his imploi­ments, having beene ever found most trustie, just and loyall, and to carie himselfe as an honest man and good citizen, he hath bene many times crowned by the city: moreover, in this respect, that having beene chosen by the people the receiver of the finances, hee gathered together a great masse of money, and brought the same into the common chest within the citadell, and 50 besides, provided ornaments for the goddesse Minerva, to wit, images of victorie all of beaten gold, vessels to carie in procession both of golde and silver, besides other jewels of fine gold for the service and worship of the said goddesse, and namely, to the number of one hundred Cane­phorae, that is to say, Virgins carrying paniers or baskets with sacred reliques upon their heads. Item, for that being elected commissarie for the munitions and provisions necessarie for the warres, he brought into the citadell a great number of armours and weapons, and among the rest, fiftie thousand shot; rigged and set a float foure hundred gallies, some new built, others re­paired [Page 940] and trimmed: over and besides, for that finding certeine of the citie works unperfect, to wit, the Arcenall, the Armorie and the Theater of Bacchus, he caused them to be made up, and withall, finished both the Cirque or running place Panathenaicurn, and also the empaled parke for publicke exercises, and built the Lycium likewise, and adorned the citie with many faire buil­dings and publicke edifices: whereas also, king Alexander the Great, having already subdued all Asia, and intending generally to be commander over all Greece, demanded to have Lycurgus de­livered up into his hands, for that he onely stood in his way, and crossed his desseignes, the peo­ple would not deliver him for any feare they had of Alexander: and for that being oft times cal­led judicially to his answere, and to render an account of his government and administration in a free citie and governed by a popular State, he was alwaies found innocent and unreproveable, 10 not tainted with any briberie, nor spotted with corruption and taking gifts for to pervert justice all his life time. To the end therefore, that all men might know that they who are well affected to the maintenance of liberty and popular government be highly acounted of by the people whiles they live, and that after their death the citie is willing to render unto them immortall thanks; in a good and happie houre, let it be ordeined by the people, that Lycurgus the sonne of Lycaphron of Buta, be honoured for his vertue and righteousnesse; and that the people erect his statue all of brasse in the market-steed, unlesse it be in some place where the trade expresly forbiddeth it to stand. Item, that there be allowance of diet in the Prytanaeum, to the eldest of his house in every descent for ever. Also, that the decrees by him proposed, shalbe ratified and en­grossed by the publicke notarie of the citie, yea, and engraven in pillars of stone, and set up in the 20 citadell neere unto the offerings consecrated unto the goddesse Minerva: and for the engra­ving of the said pillars, the treasurie of the citie shall defray fiftie drachmes of silver out of those moneys which are allowed for the citie decrees.

OF THREE SORTS OF 30 GOVERNMENT: MONAR­CHIE, DEMOCRATIE AND OLIGARCHIE.

ASI devised with my selfe and purposed to put to question for to be decided by this judicious companie, a matter which yesterday I discoursed of before you; me thought that I heard politicke vertue 40 in a true vision in deed (and not in the vaine illusion of a dreame) thus to say unto me:

The golden base and ground that now belongs
Unto our worke, is laied with sacred songs.

I have already laied the foundation of a discourse, perswading and exhorting to the management of State affaires, if now we can pro­ceed to build upon it the doctrine fit for such an exhortation, which is a due debt unto Articus: for meet it is and requisit, that after a man hath received an admonition inciting him to deale in politicke matters of common-weale, there should conse­quently be given unto him and sounded in his eares the precepts of policie; the which he ob­serving 50 and following, may (as much as lieth in man to performe) be profitable to the common­weale; and withall, in the meane time manage his owne private businesse, both in safetie, and also with such honour as is just and meet for him.

First and formost therefore, we are to consider and discourse of one point; which as it is a very materiall precedent unto all that shall be said, so it dependeth, and is necessarily to be in­ferred of that which hath bene delivered already; namely, What maner of policie and govern­ment is best: for as there be many sort of lives in particular men; so there are of people in ge­nerall: [Page 941] and the life of a people or commonaltie, is the politicke state and government thereof. Necessarie it is therefore, that we declare which is simply the best; that a man of State may chuse it from among the rest: or at leastwise, if that be impossible, take that which most resembleth the best. Now there is one signification of this word Politia, that is to say, Policie, which is as much as Burgeosie, that is to say, the indument and enjoying of the right and priviledges of a citie: as for example, when we say that the Megarians (by a publicke ordinance of their city) gave un­to Alexander the great, their Politia, that is to say, their Burgeosie: and when he seemed to laugh at this offer and grant of theirs, they made him answer againe: That they had never decreed this honour to any, but first to Hercules, and now to himselfe: which speech of theirs he so admired, that he accepted of their gift, reputing it honourable, because it was so rare. Also the life of a 10 politicke person who administreth State affaires, is called Policie: according to which sense and acceptation of the word, wee commend the policie of Pericles and Bias, that is to say, their ma­ner of government, but contrariwise, we discommend that of Hyperbolus and Cleon. Moreo­ver, others there be, who call some one woorthy act or memorable deed tending to the good of the common weale, by the name of Policie: as for example, the contribution of money, the fi­nall ending and dissolution of warre, and the publishing or declaration of some notable decree: in which signification we use commonly to say: Such a man hath this day bene the authour of a good policie, if haply he have done and effected some woorthy things, importing the weale­publicke. Over and above all these significations before specified, there is another; namely, the order and state of a citie and common-wealth, by which are managed and administred all the 20 affaires thereof: and according to this sense we say, there be three sorts of policies, Monarchie, that is to say, Roialtie; Oligarchie, that is to say, Seignory; and Democratie, that is to say, Po­pular authoritie: of which three Herodotus maketh mention in the third booke of his historie, comparing them together; and it seemeth that these be the most generall, for all others be (as it were) the depravations and corruptions of these, according to want or excesse, like as it fal­leth out in accords and consonances of musicke, when the first and principall strings or notes are stretched over high, or let downe to low: and so hee devided these three governments a­mong those nations which had the largest empire and greatest dominion: for the Persians held the Monarchie and absolute roialtie, for that their king had plenary power in all things, not subject to be called unto account by any person whatsoever. The Spartiats or Lacedaemoni­ans, 30 mainteined a grave and severe counsell, consisting of some fewe, and those the best and principall personages of the city, who managed and dispatched all affaires. The Athenians embraced a popular government, living under their owne lawes, free, and without all mixture whatsoever. Now of these States and governments, when they be faulty and out of order, the transgressions, exorbitations and excesses, be called tyrannies, lordly oppressions of the migh­tier, and unbrideled rule, or licentious misrule rather of the multitude: to wit, when the prince in his absolute roialtie taketh upon him insolent pride, to commit wrong and outrage unto whom he list: when some fewe senatours or rulers in their seignorie enter into an arrogant and presumptuous lordlinesse, whereby they contemne and oppresse all others: also when the multitude in their popular isonomie, runne into anarchie, unrulinesse, disobedience, tearmes 40 of equalitie, and unmeasurable libertie: and in one word, when all these sorts of government fall to rash and witlesse folly: like as therefore a skilfull and harmonicall musician can make use of all kindes of instruments, framing and accommodating himselfe by art and cunning unto every one, striking each one according as he knoweth the quality and nature thereof, to give the sweetest and most pleasant sound: howbeit, if he follow the counsell of Plato, will passe by the fiddels, rebecks, dulcimers, the many stringed psalteries or virginals, the vials likewise & the triangled harpes, preferring before all others the lute and the citheron or bandora: even so a good politician, will handle with dexteritie the Laconicke seignorie, and manage well enough Lycurgus his Oligarchie, applying and fitting his companions in government, who have equall authoritie unto himselfe, gently drawing and reducing them by little and little unto the bent of 50 his bow: semblably, he will carie himselfe with wisedome and discretion in the popular State, as if he had to deale with an instrument of many sounds, and as many strings, letting downe and remitting some matters, setting up and extending other things in the government, as he seeth his time, giving ease and liberty, and againe, carying a hard hand and a rigorous, as one who knoweth when to resist and withstand stoutly any proceedings: But if he were put to his choise, among these musicall instruments as it were of a politicke government; certes if he bee ruled by Plato, he would never chuse any other but that regall and princely Monarehia, which onely [Page 942] is able to mainteine that direct, absolute and [...] loftie note (indeed) of vertue, and not suffer it either by force of necessitie, or upon affectionate favour and grace, to frame it selfe to gaine and profit; for other governments after a sort as they be ruled by a politician, so they rule him, and as he leadeth them, so they cary him, for that he hath no assured power over those, from whom he hath his authority, but oftentimes he is enforced to exclame and resound these ver­ses of Aeschylus the poet, which Demetrius Poliorcetes was wont to alledge unto fortune, after that he had lost his kingdome:

Thou mad'st me budde and burgen fresh at first, but now at last,
Thou seem'st my lovely bloume to burne, and beauty for to blast. 10

A BREVIARIE OF THE 20 COMPARISON BE­TWEENE ARISTOPHANES AND MENANDER.

The Summarie.

HE preferreth Menander an excellent comicall poet, in all respects before Aristopha­nes, who is heere described and depainted in his colours. Then examineth he in parti­cular what he had said before in generality. He considereth the stile, disposition, unifor­mity, 30 and artificiall contriving of Menanders comedies, shewing that Aristopha­nes in comparison of him was no better than a counterfeit cousiner, a craftie and pra­ting companion, ignorant, audacious, and intollerable unto all: having written his comedies not to be read of any honest men, but onely for leud and dissolute persons.

A BREVIARIE OF THE COM­parison betweene Aristophanes and Menander. 40

TO speake in generall and summarily, he preferreth Menander by many degrees before Aristophanes; but to come unto particulari­ties, see what he addeth moreover: The stile of Aristophanes, and his manner of language is unsavorie and unpleasant, counterfeit, base and mechanicall, whereas in Menander there is no such thing to be seene. And verily a grosse, ignorant, and unlettered idiot may take pleasure and be delighted in Aristophanes his speeches; but a lear­ned man will soone bee displeased and discontented therewith. I meane, his Antitheta or opposite tearmes; his clauses ending alike, and his allusions to names, which Menander useth but now and 50 then to good purpose, and with great reason and judgement, being therein verie sparie, warie, and religious: whereas the other ever and anon abuseth them hand over head, and out of season without all grace or life to commend them. Praised he is (forsooth) for these cold jests; name­ly, when he saith: That he had drenched over head and eares the treasurours, who were not [...] but [...] Also, This fellow doth breath out, either malice or slanderous calumniation. Againe, Here is one that liveth for his belly, his entrals and his guts. Likewise, Even for verie laughter, I shall breake out a laughing. Moreover, What shall I do to thee thou unhappy damned pitcher, [Page 943] and banished? semblaby, You women, here I shall make you wild and savage evils, like as I am my selfe, who have beene fed among wild and savage worts: but these curled tresses and frisled haires surely have devoured my crest: lastly,

Come bring him hither his targuet round, with Gorgons hideous head:
But give me here my cake as round, as face, buckler in his stead.

besides many other bald jests of the like sort: for there is in the composition and texture of his words, that which is tragicall and comicall both: proude and insolent; base also and lowly; darke and mysticall, and anon plaine and familiar; swelled, puft up and loftie; but afterwards, va­nitie, 10 lightnes, and lothsome scurrilitie, enough to overturne a mans stomacke. Now there be­ing in his writings such diversitie, difference, and dissimilitude; yet giveth not he to every per­son that which is proper and beseeming. As for example, he attributeth not unto a king, a high and loftie language; to an oratour, eloquent and pithie speech; to a woman, a plaine and simple tongue; to an ignorant and unlettered commoner, base and lowly words; to a busie barriter or pragmaticall merchant, shrewd and odious tearmes; but he allotteth unto everie person at a ven­ture whatsoever attributes come first to hand; so that a man cannot know not discerne by any speech, whether he be a sonne or a father that speaketh; a countrey peasant or a citizen; a god or an old woman, or some demi-god: whereas the stile and phrase of Menander is so uniforme; so consonant and like it selfe, that howsoever it be conversant in sundrie manets and divers passi­ons, 20 howsoever it be accommodate to all sorts of persons, yet it seemeth still one and the same, and to keepe the semblance in common and familiar words, and such as are alwaies in use. And if perhaps otherwhiles according to the matter and present occasion offred, there bee required some extraordinarie narration or strange bruit and unexpected noise; he setteth a worke and openeth (as it were) all the holes of his pipe; but presently and with a seemely grace he reduceth and composeth his voice to the naturall state againe. Now albeit there be in all arts & mysteries excellent artisanes; yet was there never knowen any shoomaker to make a shooe; nor artificer a maske or visour; nor tailor a robe or garment, that would fit at one time a man and woman both; a yoong youth, an aged person, and a varlet: but Menander hath so framed his phrase and speech, that proportionate it is and sutable to all natures & sexes, to each state and condition, yea and to 30 every age, and this was he able to performe and doe in his very youth, when he began to write: for then died he when he entred into his floure and best time, either of composing or setting out and publishing his works, at such an age, when as the stile (as Aristotle saith) is come to the very grouth and height in them who make profession to pen or write ought. And if a man would consider the first comedies of Menanders making, and conferre them with those in the middes, and which he made in his latter end, a man thereby may soone know how much hee would have added to these in other, if he had lived longer: for that of them who put foorth their works to be seene and read, some write to the capacity of the multitude and vulgar sort, others for men of marke and understanding; and hardly is a man able to name the author, who can skill how to observe that which is meet and befitting two kinds of people. As for Aristo­phanes 40 he is neither pleasing unto the common sort, nor acceptable to men of woorth and judg­ment; but his poesie may be likened unto an old stale and overworne whoore, who forsooth would counterset an honest maried wife; for as the people cannot endure his arrogancie; so men of account and quality, detest his intemperance and maliciousnesse: whereas Menander on the contrary side, with a good and seemely grace, satisfieth and contenteth all, serving as a lecture, a knowledge and exercise common to theaters, schooles, sports, pastimes, feasts, and bankets, shewing thereby, that his poesie is one of the goodliest things that ever Greece brought foorth; making it to appeere what a gay matter, and how puissant is the dexteritie of speech and language, passing throughout, with an attractive grace, which it is impossible to escape, ravi­shing and winning everie mans eare and understanding, who hath the knowledge of the Greeke 50 toong. For wherfore should a learned man take paines to go unto the theater, but for Menanders sake? when are the theaters frequented and full of great clearks, but when there is a masked shew before of acting his comedies? And at banquets, for whom doth the table make roome or Bac­chus give place more justly than for Menander? And as for philosophers, great scholars and stu­dents, like as painters when they have wearied their eies with looking upon fresh, lively & bright colours, turne them to those that are verdant and greene; as namely, upon herbes and flowers for to recreat and refresh their sight; even so Menander is he who intertained their minds and [Page 944] spirits (as it were) in a faire medow full of lovely and pleasant flowers, where there is shade, fresh and coole aire, with mild and comfortable winds. What is the reason that the city of Athens at this day is furnished with many singular actours and plaiers of comedies? even because the comedies of Menander are so full of many graces and pleasant conceits, so savorie, as if they sprang foorth of the verie sea, out of which Venus herselfe was borne: whereas the conceits and jests of Aristophanes, are bitter and sharpe withall, carrying with them a mordicative qualitie which doth bite, sting and exulcerate wheresoever they light. And verily I wot not wherin lieth that lively dexteritie which is so highly commended in him; whether in his words & phrases, or in the personages and actours? Certes, those things which he doth imitate and counterfeit, en­cline alwaies to the woorse part: his cunning casts and conveyances are nothing civill and gen­tle, 10 but shrewd and malicious: the rusticitie in clownes that he resembleth, is not naturall, but affected and foolish: his merrie jests to moove laughter, are nothing jocund, but rather ridicu­lous and to be derided: his amorous parts be not lovely and delectable, but wanton and dissolute. In summe, it seemeth this man wrote not his poesie to be read of any honest and sober person; for his filthie and lascivious tearmes are meet for leacherous folke, and those which are given over to all loosenes, like as his bitter and spitefull speeches, for envious and malicious persons. 20

NARRATIONS OF LOVE.

The Summarie.

IN this discourse, Plutarch relateth five tragicall histories, which shew the pitifull ac­cidents 30 that befell certeine persons transported with the inordinate and irregular af­fection of Love; leaving thereby unto the reader a faire and cleere mirrour wherein to beholde the judgements of God upon those that abandon themselves to be carried a­way by intemperance and loosenesse.

NARRATIONS OF LOVE.

IN the citie Aliartos situate within Boeotia, there was sometime a 40 yoong maiden of excellent beautie, named Aristoclea, and the daughter she was of Theophanes: and two yoong gentlemen there were, that made sute unto her in way of mariage, to wit, Straton an Orchomenian, & Callisthenes of Aliartos aforesaid. Now was Stra­ton the richer of the twaine, and farre more enamoured of the da­mosell; for seene her he had when she washed herselfe in the foun­taine of Ercyne, which is in Lebadia, against the time that she was to carrie in procession to Jupiter, surnamed King, a sacred panier, as the maner was of the Canephorae to do. But Callisthenes had the van­tage of him, and was deeper in her love, for that he was besides neere of kin unto the virgin. So 50 Theophanes her father being doubtfull what to doe (for he stood in feare of Straton, as one who for wealth and noble parentage went well-neere beyond all the Boeotians) resolved at length to referre the choise unto the oracle of Jupiter Trophonius: but Straton, who was borne in hand by those of the house about Aristoclea, that she inclined more unto him, laboured earnestly, that the matter might be put unto the election of the damosell herselfe: whereupon, when Theopha­nes the father demanded of her in the face of the world, Whom she loved better, and would chuse to be her husband; she preferred Callisthenes: whereat Straton shewed himselfe immedi­atly [Page 945] not a little discontented for this repulse and disgrace; but two daies after, he came unto Theophanes and Callisthenes, pretending and saying, that he would not fall out with them, but was desirous still of their good favour and friendship, how ever his ill fortune had envied him the marriage of the yoong virgin. They approving well of this speech, and taking his words in very good part, invited him as a guest to the wedding feast: meane while, he provided himselfe of a good number of his friends, and besides, no small troupe of servants, whom he disposed se­cretly in their houses heere and there, against the time that this maiden (after the custome and maner of the countrey) should go downe to a certeine fountaine named Cissoeisa, there to sacri­fice unto the Nymphes before her marriage day: now as she passed by, those who lay in ambush came all running forth from every side, and seized upon her bodie, but Straton himselfe princi­pally, 10 who drew and haled the damosell unto him as hard as he could: Callisthenes againe on the other side, for his part (as became him) held her fast, & so did they about him: thus the silly mai­den was tugged and pulled to and fro so long betweene them, that before they were aware, dead she was among them in their hands: upon which strange occurrent, what became of Callisthe­nes, it is not knowen, whether he presently made away himselfe, or fled into voluntary exile; for he was no more seene: as for Straton, in the very sight of all men there in the place he killed himselfe upon the very body of his espoused bride.

2 There was one named Phidon a Peloponnesian, affecting the seignorie of all Peloponne­sus, and being desirous that the citie of Argos his native seat should be ladie over all others, laied an ambush first for the Corinthians, to intrap them: for he sent an embassage unto Corinth, to 20 demand a levie of a thousand yoong men, that were the lustiest and most valourous gallants of the whole citie. The Corinthians sent them accordingly, under the conduct of one of their captaines, named Dexander. Now the purpose of this Phidon was, to set upon this troupe, and kill them every one, to the end that he might thereby enfeeble the Corinthians, and make the ci­tie serve his owne turne (as a strong bulwarke most commodiously seated) to command and subdue all Peloponnesus. This desseigne of his he communicated unto certeine of his friends for to be put in execution accordingly; among whom there was one named Abron, who being a familiar friend unto Dexander, revealed unto him the conspiracie: whereupon the said regiment of a thousand yong men (before they were charged by the said ambush) retired themselves, and recovered Corinth in safetie. Then Phidon bestirred himselfe to finde out the man who had thus 30 betraied and discovered his plot: which Abron fearing, withdrew himselfe to Corinth, taking with him his wife, children, and his whole familie, where he setled and remained in a village named Melissa, belonging to the territorie of that citie: there begat he a sonne, whom of the very place which he inhabited, he named Melissus; and this Melissus in processe of time had a sonne of his owne, called Actaeon, who proved the most beautifull, and withall, the modestest lad of all other youths and springals of his age; in regard whereof, many there were enamoured of him; but a­mong the rest, one especially, named Archias, descended lineally from the noble race of Her­cules, and for wealth, credit and authoritie, the greatest person in all Corinth. This Archias, see­ing that by no faire meanes and perswasions he could prevaile with yoong Actaeon, and winne his love, resolved with himselfe to use violence, and forcibly to ravish and carrie away this faire 40 boy: so he came upon a time (as it were) to make merrie, unto the house of Melissus his father, accompanied with a great traine of friends, and attended upon with a good troupe of his owne householde-servants, where he gave the attempt to have away the boy by force: but the father with his friends made resistance; the neighbours also came foorth to rescue, and did all what they could, to holde and keepe the youth with them: but what with the one side and what with the other, poore Actaeon was so pulled and tugged, that betweene them hee lost his lfe. which done, all the rest went their waies and departed; but Melissus the father brought the dead corps of his childe into the market place of the Corinthians, presented it there unto them, and demaunded justice to be done upon those who had committed this foule outrage. The Corin­thians made no greater a matter of it, but onely shewed, that they were sory for his mishap; 50 and so he returned home as he came without effect, attending and waiting for the solemne as­sembly at the Isthmicke games; where being mounted up to the top of Neptunes temple, he cried out against the whole race of the Baccharides, and withall, rehearsed by way of comme­moration, the beneficence of his father Abron unto them, and when he had called for ven­geance unto the gods, hee threw himselfe downe headlong among the rocks, and brake his necke. Not long after there fell out to be a great drouth, and the the citie was sore visued with famine, insomuch as the Corinthians sent unto the oracle, for to know by what meanes they [Page 946] might be delivered from this calamitie. unto whom the god made this answer: That the wrath of Neptune was the cause of all their miserie, who would by no meanes be appeased untill they had revenged Actaeons death: which Archias hearing, (who was himselfe one deputed to this em­bassage) he was not willing to returne againe to Corinth, but crossed over the seas into Sicily, where he founded and built the city Syracusa; and there hee begat two daughters, Ortygia and Syracusa, but in the end was himselfe trecherously murdred by one Telephus, whom in his youth he had abused as his minion, and who having the conduct of a shippe had sailed with him into sicilie.

3 A poore man named Scedasus who dwelt in Leuctra, a village within the territorie of the Thespians, had two daughters, the name of the one was Hippo, and of the other Miletia, or as some write, clepid they were, Theano and Enippe. Now this Scedasus was a bounteous and kind 10 person, yea, and a good fellow in his house, and curteous to all strangers, notwithstanding he had but small store of goods about him. So there fortuned to visit him two yoong men of Spar­ta, whom hee friendly and lovingly enterteined; who being fallen into fancie with his two daughters, had thus much power yet of themselves, that in regard of their father Scedasus, and his kindnesse unto them, they attempted nothing prejudiciall unto the honest pudicitie of the virgins for that time; but the next morning tooke their leave and went directly toward the city of Delphos, unto the oracle of Apollo Pythius, for to that purpose expresly tooke they this journey and pilgrimage: after that they had consulted with the god about such matters as they came for, they returned backe againe into their owne country; & as they passed thorough Baeo­tia, tooke Scedasus house by the way, there for to lodge; who at that time was not at Leuctra, but 20 gone forth; howbe it his daughters according to their courteous bringing up, & their usual ma­ner of intertainment, received these two guests into the house, who seeing their opportunitie, & that they were alone, forced & defloured the silly maidens: and after this deed, seeing them exceedingly offended and angry for this villany offered unto them, so as by no meanes they would be appeased, they proceeded farther & murdred them both, and when they had so done, threw them into a certeine blinde pit, and so departed. Seedasus being returned home, found all things else in his house safe and sound as hee left them, onely his two daughters hee could not meet with, neither wist he what to say or doe, untill such time as a bitch that he had began to whine and complaine, running one while to him and another while training him as it were to the pit side, whereupon at length, he suspected that which was, and so drew foorth the 30 dead bodies of his two daughters; understanding moreover by his neighbors, that the day be­fore they had seene going into his house those two yoong men of Lacedaemon, who not long before had beene lodged with him; he doubted presently that they were those who had com­mitted this crime, and namely, when he called to minde that the first time they came, they did nothing but praise the maidens, saying: That they reputed them most happy, whose fortune should be to espouse them for their wives. Well, to Lacedaemon he went, for to conferre with the Ephori about this matter; and by that time that he entred within the territory of Argos, he was benighted, so that he took up his lodging in a common inne or hostelry; within which, he found another poore old man, borne in the city Oreos, within the province Hestraea, whom when Scedasus heard to sigh and groane grievously, yea and to fall a cursing of the Lacedae­monians, 40 he demaunded what the Lacedaemonians had done unto him, that he fared thus a­gainst them, the old man set tale an end and said: That a subject he was of the Spartans, and that when one Aristodemus was sent as governour from the State of Sparta, into the citie Ore­um, he had dealt very cruelly, and committed many outrages and enormites: for being (quoth he) wantonly fallen in love with a sonne of mine, and seeing that he would not frame nor be induced to satisfie his will, he assaied to enforce him, and by violence to hale him out of the publicke wrestling place, where he exercised himselfe with other his feeres and companions: the warden of the exercises empeached the said governour, with the assistance of many yoong men, who ranne into the rescue, in such sort, as for that present Aristodemus retired without effect; but the next morrow having set out and manned a galley of purpose, hee came with 50 a second charge, and caried away my childe; and no sooner was he rowed from Oreum to the otherside of the water, but he offred to abuse his body; which when the youth would in no wise abide, nor yeeld unto, he made no more adoo but cut his throat, and killed him outright in the place, which done, he returned backe to Oreum, where hee feasted his friends and made great cheere: This accident was I soone advertised of (quoth the old man) whereupon I went and performed the last dutie unto my sonne, and solemnized his funerall; and so immediately [Page 947] put my selfe upon my journey toward Sparta, where I complained unto the Ephori or lords controulers, declaring unto them the whole fact, but they gave no eare unto me, nor made any reckoning of my grievance. Seedisus hearing this tale was il appaid & troubled in his mind ima­gining that the Spartans would make as little account of him; and therewith to requite his tale, related for his part likewise unto the stranger, his owne case; who thereupon gave him counsel, not so much as once to go unto the Ephori, but to returne immediately backe into Boeotia, and to erect a tombe for his two daughters. Howbeit, Seedasus would not be ruled by him, but held on his journey forward to Sparta, & opened his griefe unto the lords cōtroulers before said: & when he saw that they tooke small heed of his words, he addressed himselfe to the kings of Sparta; yea and afterwards to some particular burgeosies of the citie, unto whom he declared the fact, and 10 bewailed his owne infortunitie. But seeing that all booted not, heran up and downe the streets of the citie, stretching forth his hands up to heaven, and to the sun and stamping upon the ground with his feet, calling upon the furies of hell to be revenged, and at the last killed himselfe. But in processe of time the Lacedaemonians paid deerely for this their injustice: for when they were growen to that greatnes, that they commanded all Greece, and had planted their garrisons in eve­rie citie; first Epaminondas the Theban cut the throtes of those souldiers who lay in garrison at Thebes; whereupon the Lacedaemonians made warre upon the Thebanes, who went out with a power to encounter them as far as to the village of Leuctra, taking that place for a good presage unto them: for that before time they had been there delivered out of servitude, what time as Am­phictyon chased by Sthenelus, fled and retired himselfe unto the citie of Thebes; where finding 20 them subdued by the Chalcidians, and made their tributaries: after he had slaine Chalcodon the king of the Eubaeans, he eased the Thebanes of the tribute which they before had paid. So it for­tuned that the Lacedaemonians were discomfited and defeated, neere unto the verie same mo­nument or tombe of the said two daughters of Scedasus. It is reported moreover that a little before this battell, Scedasus appeared in a vision or dreame unto Pelopidas, one of the captaines of the Thebane army, who had beene altogether discouraged with certaine signes and foreto­kens, which he judged and interpreted to portend ill; whom Scedasus willed to take a good heart, for that the Lacedaemonians were thither come, for to suffer that punishment which they owed to him & his caughters; advising him withal the day before he encountred with the Lacedaemo­nians, to sacrifice a yoong white fole or colt, which he should find readie even before the sepul­cher 30 of his two daughters. And then Pelopidas, whiles the enemies lay yet encamped at Tegea, sent before unto Leuctra for to enquire of the said tombe; and being enformed thereof by the inhabitants of the countrey, advanced forward boldly with his army, and wan the field.

4 Phocus, a Baeotian borne (for descended he was from Gleisas) had a daughter named Cal­lirrhoe, a maiden of singular beautie, and surpassing honesty and sobrietie withall. So there were to the number of thirtie yoong gentlemen, the noblest and best reputed of all Boeotia, who were all suters unto her in the way of marriage. But Phocus her father made alwaies some delay or other, and found meanes to put off still from day to day, as fearing lest shee should be forced. At last seeing how he was overpressed with these instant wooers; he requested them to referre the election of him that should be her husband unto the oracle of Apollo. The yoong men taking 40 indignation at these words and answere of his, fell upon him and slew him: but in this affray and tumult the yoong maiden escaped and ran thorow the fields into the countrey: but the yoong lustie suters made after and pursued her; and shee lighting upon certaine husbandmen, who were laying together and piling up of wheat upon a floore in a ricke, by the meanes of them sa­ved herselfe; for the said husbandmen hid her within the come, so as they passed by who follo­wed in chase after her. Thus having escaped this danger, shee expected the solemne feast and generall assembly, called Pambaetia, for that all the Boeotians met together: then came shee to the citie of Coronea, and there in habite and forme of a suppliant, she sat before the altar of Mi­nerva Itonia; where she related unto all commers the enormious wickednes and mischiefe com­mitted by her wooers, rehearsing them everie one by name, and shewing in what countrey ech 50 one was borne. The Boeotians tooke pitie of the damosell, and were highly displeased and in­censed against those yoong gentlemen: which they hearing, fled into the citie Orchomenus, but the Orchomenians would not receive them: by occasion where of they meant to put themselves within Hippotae, a pretie towne neere unto Helicon, situate betweene Thebes and Coronea, which gave them entertainment. Then sent the Thebanes unto the inhabitants thereof certaine persons to calupon them for to deliver up the murderers of Phocus, that they might receive justice accor­dingly: but when they would not yeeld so to do, the Thebanes with other Boeotians, gathered [Page 948] an armie and went against them, under the leading of Phoedus, who at that time was the chiefe ru­ler of Thebes, and laid siege unto the said towne, which being otherwise strongly fortified, was in the end forced for want of water: where they stoned to death the murderers; brought the inha­bitants unto bondage and slaverie; rased their walles; overthrew their dwelling houses; and de­vided their whole territorie among the Thebanes and Coronaeans. The report goeth, that over­night before that this towne of Hippotae was wonne, there was a voice heard from the mount He­licon of one eftsoones itterating these words: Here I am, Here I am; which voice the thirty woo­ers knew all verie well to be the speech of Phocus. Also the same day that they were stoned, it is said that the monument or toombe of this old man, which stood at Gleisas, flowed and ran with saffron. Thus when Phaedus the captaine and ruler of the Thebanes, returned from warre with 10 victorie, newes came unto him that his wife was delivered of a daughter; which he taking to be a good presage, named her thereupon Nicostrata.

5 Alcippus, a Lacedaemonian borne, espoused a ladie named Democrita; by whom hee was the father of two daughters, who alwaies both giving counsell unto the citie for the best things, and also ready in person to serve, & execute the same in al occurrences presented, for the good of his countrey, incurred the envie and emulation of his concurrents in the government of the State, who with false surmises and slanderous imputations, went about to seduce the E­phori, buzzing into their heads, how this Alcippus would overthrow the lawes, and change the whole State and common-wealth of Sparta: insomuch as they banished him out of his coun­trey, and would not suffer his wife with her daughters to follow him: and that which woorse is, 20 they did confiscate his goods, to the end that his daughters might have no portions to bestow them for their advancement in marriage. And notwithstanding that divers yoong men in re­gard of their fathers vertue, made meanes for to marrie these maidens without any dowry, yet his adversaries wrought so cunningly, that they passed an act and publicke edict, forbidding expres­ly, that any man should seeke unto them for marriage: for they alledged and pretended that their mother Democrita had often times made her praiers unto the gods, that her daughters might quickly bring foorth children who might be revenged for the injurie done unto their fa­ther. Democrita then perceiving how on every side she was hardly bested & driven to a straight, observed her time, and waited a certeine solemne and festivall day, which the dames of the citie, with their daughters virgins, with their maid-servants likewise and little children, did celebrate: 30 on which day, the wives of magistrates and men of honour, watched and passed the whole night by themselves in a great and spacious hall. When this day was come, she girded herselfe with a dagger or skeine under her clothes, and taking her daughters with her, when night came, went into the temple; and observing the opportunitie of the time when all the said dames were busie in their divine service and hard at their devotions in the hall abovesaid, when all the waies and passages were shut up, she brought a great deale of wood which was provided for the sacrifice, and plled the same against the doores, and so set it on fire. But when their husbands came running for to helpe from all parts, Democrita killed her two daughters and herselfe up­on them. The Lacedaemonians not knowing upon whom to discharge their an­ger, caused the dead bodies of Democrita and her two daughters to be 40 throwen without the confines and liberties of their territo­rie: for which act of theirs, God being highly dis­pleased, sent (as the Chronicles do record) a great earthquake among the Lacedaemonians. 50

WHETHER CREATVRES BE MORE WISE, THEY OF THE LAND, OR THOSE OF 10 THE WATER.

The Summarie.

IN this treatise and discourse, affoording (among other things) much pleasure in the reading, Plutarch bringeth in two yoong gentlemen, Aristotimus and Phoedimus, who in the presence of a frequent companie plead the cause of living creatures: Aristo­timus in the first place, for them of the land; and Phoedimus in the second, for those of the water: the drift and conclusion of whose pleas commeth to this point, that with­out 20 resolving unto whom the prize ought to be adjudged, one of the companie inferreth that the ex­amples alledged both of the one side and of the other, do prove that those creatures have some use of rea­son. Moreover, we may distinctly divide this booke into three principall parts: the first conteineth a conference betweene Soclarus and Autobulus, who gave eare afterwards unto the others: for So­clarus taking occasion to speake of a written discourse recited in the praise of hunting, commendeth this exercise, and preferreth it before combats of sword plaiers and fencers; which Autobulus will in no wise approove, but holdeth that this warre against beasts, schooleth (as it were) and traineth men to learne for to kill one another afterwards. And for that some entrance and accesse there was to be gi­ven unto the principall disputation of the intelligence and knowledge which is in brute beasts, they doe examine the opinion of the Stoicks, who bereave them of all understanding passion and pleasure: which 30 opinion of theirs being at large debated, is afterward refuted; with this resolution, that man out-goeth beasts in all subtiltie and quicknesse of wit, injustice and equitie meet for civill societie: and yet beasts, although they be more dull and heavie than men, are not therefore void of all discourse and naturall reason. Then Autobulus confirmeth this by the consideration of horses and dogges enraged: a suffici­ent testimonie that such creatures before-time had reason and understanding. Soclarus opposeth him­selfe against such a confirmation, in the behalfe of the Stoicks and Peripateticks: whereupon Autobu­lus distinguisheth of the arguments, and inclining partly to the side of the Pythagoreans, sheweth what maner of justice or injustice we ought to consider in the carriage of men toward beasts. And then come the two yoong gentlemen abovenamed in place; where Aristotimus taking in hand the cause of land-beasts, discourseth at large thereupon, which is the second part of this present treatise. True it is, 40 that all the beginning of his plea is defective and wanting: howbeit, that which remaineth and is ex­tant, sheweth sufficiently the carefull industry of our author in searching into the history of nature, and examples drawen out thereof, as also out of an infinit number of books, to passing good purpose. Well then, Aristotimus sheweth in the first place, that the hunting of land-beasts, is a far nobler and more commendable exercise than that of the water: and comming then to the point; namely, to the use of reason, which consisteth in the election and preference of one thing before another, in provisions, fore­casts and prerogatives in affections, aswell those which be milde and gentle, as the other which are vi­olent; in diligence and industry in arts and sciences in hardinesse, equitie, temperance, courage and mag­nanimitie, he prooveth all this to be (without comparison) farre more in land-creatures than in other: for the proofe and verifying whereof, he produceth bulles, elephants, lions, mice, swallowes, spiders ra­vens, dogs, bees, geese, cranes, herons, pismires, wolves, foxes, mules, partridges, hares, beares, ur­chins, 50 and divers sorts besides of foure footed beasts: of fowles likewise, insects, wormes and serpents: all which are specified in particular afterwards. In the last part, Phoedimus making some excuse that be was not well prepared, taketh in hand neverthelesse, the cause of fishes; and in the very entrance, declareth, that notwithstanding it be an hard matter to shew the sufficiencie of such creatures, which are so divided and severed from us; yet notwithstanding, produce he will his proofs and arguments drawen from certeine and notable things, recommending fishes in this respect, that they are so wise [Page 950] and considerate (as he sheweth by examples) being not taught nor monished unto any waies framed and trained by man, like as most part of land beasts be; and yet by the way he prooveth by eeles, lampreis, and crocodiles, that fishes may be made tame with men, and how our auncients esteemed highly the institution of such mute creatures: after this he describeth their naturall prudence, both in defending themselves and also in offending and assailing others, alledging infinit examples to this purpose: as the skill and knowledge they have in the Mathematicks, their amity, their fellowship, their love, their kinde affection to their yoong ones: alledging in the end divers histories of dolphins love unto men: whereupon Soclarus taking occasion to speake, inferreth that these two pleaders agree in one point, and if a man would joine and lay together their arguments, proofes, and reasons, they would make head passing well and strongly against those, who would take from beasts both of land and 10 water, all discourse of reason.

WHETHER CREATURES BE more wise; they of the land, or they of the water.

AUTOBULUS.

LEonidas, a king of Lacedaemon, being demaunded upon a time what he thought of Tyrtaeus: I take him to bee (quoth he) a good 20 poet, to whet and polish the courages of yoong men; for that by his verses he doth imprint in the hearts of yoong gentlemen an ar­dent affection, with a magnanimous desire to winne honour and glorie, in regard whereof, they will not spare themselves in bat­tels and fights, but expose their lives to all perils whatsoever: Sem­blably, am I greatly affraid my very good friends, left the discourse as touching the praise of hunting, which was read yesterday in this company, hath so stirred up and excited beyond all measure our yoong men, who love that game so well, that from hencefoorth they will thinke all other things but accessaries and by-matters, or rather make no account at all of other exercises, but 30 will runne altogether unto this sport, and minde none other besides, considering that I finde my selfe now a fresh more hotly given, and youthfully affectionate thereunto than mine age would require, insomuch as according to the words of dame Phaedra in Euripides:

All my desire is now to call
And cry unto my hounds in chase,
The dapple stagge and hinde withall,
To hunt and follow hard at trace.

So neere unto the quicke did that discourse touch me, alleaging such a number of proper and pithy reasons.

SOCLARUS. 40

True it is that you say ô Autobulus, for me thought that therein he stirred up and awakened his singular eloquence and skill in Rhetoricke, which some time he had discontinued & which lay asleepe, to gratifie (as I take it) those yoong gentlemen who were present in place, and withall to solace and disport himselfe among them, but that which pleased me most was this: When hee represented unto our eies by way of comparison, sword-fencers fighting at sharpe one with another to the uttrance, alledging this for one of his reasons, wherefore he princi­pally commending hunting, in that it diverteth and calleth away a certeine affection that we have either naturally engraffed, or else acquired by use and custome to take pleasure in seeing men at swords point enter into combat for life & death one against another, & turneth it espe­cially hither, yeelding unto us a faire pure and innocent spectacle of artificial cunning, conjoi­ned 50 with hardinesse and courage, guided with reason, against brutish force and witlesse strength: and in so doing giveth us to understand that this sentence of Euripides is woorthy to be praised when he saith:

Small is mans strength and puissance corporall;
His wit is great and prudence naturall;
It tames all fish beneath in sea so deepe
And wily beasts aloft on earth that keepe.
AUTOBULUS.
[Page 951]

And yet my good friend Soclarus, some there be who hold, that this inflexible rigour and savage impassibility of not being mooved at all with pitty, came from hence into mens hearts, namely, from the custome of killing of beasts in chase, and of learning not to have in honour the sight of bloudshed, and of the grievous wounds of beasts which they received, but to take delight in seeing them to die, and to be cut in pieces: and like as in the citie of Athens, when it was reduced under the tyrannie of the thirtie usurpers, the first man whom they put to death was a sycophant, of whom it was said then, that hee had well deserved it, and was rightly ser­ved; and so they said by a second and a third: but from thence they went forward by little and little, untill they came to lay hold upon honest men, and in the end spared not the best and 10 most vertuous citizens: even so he that killed at the first a beare, or a woolfe, was highly com­mended, and thought to have done a very good deed; and an oxe or a swine that had eaten some things provided for a sacrifice or oblation to the gods, was condemned as fit and worthy to die: heereupon stagges and hinds, hares also and goates, which men began already to eat, invited also the flesh of sheepe, yea, and in some places of dogges and horses to the table. But they who taught first to dismember, and cut in pieces for meat, a tame goose, a house dove, and familiar pigeon, a dung-hill cocke, or domesticall henne of the roust, and that not for to satisfie and remedie the necessitie of hunger, as doe these weezils and cattes, and but one­ly for pleasure, and to feed a daintie tooth, surely have confirmed and strengthened all that bloudinesse and savage cruelty which was in our nature, and made it altogether inflexible and 20 immooveable without any compassion: but contrariwise enfeebled and dulled for the most part all naturall mildnesse and humanitie; whereas on the other side the Pythagoreans would have men to accustome themselves to use gentlenesse even towards beasts, as an exercise of pitty and mercy to men: for custome which traineth us familiarly by little and little to any passion and affection, hath a wonderous efficacie, to set a man forward thereunto. But I wot not how, be­ing entred into speech, we have forgotten our selves, and not kept us to that which was begun yesterday, and should be continued and held on this day: for yesterday as you know very well, having agreed upon this: That all sorts of living creatures have in them some little discourse and reason, we gave good occasion and matter of a learned and pleasant disputation, unto our yoong gentlemen, who love hunting so well, namely, as touching the wit and wisedome of 30 beasts, whether there be more in them of the land, or those of the sea? which question we are as I take it, this day to decide, in case Aristotimus and Phaedimus hold on still, and persist in their defiances and chalenges, which yesterday they gave one another; for the one of them undertooke unto his friends and companions, to mainteine that the earth bringeth foorth beasts of more sense, capacitie and understanding; and the other contrariwise promised as much in the behalfe of the water.

SOCLARUS.

That they do, Autobulus, they are of the same mind still to dispute it out, and here they wil be anon for this very purpose; for I saw them in the morning betimes, addressing & making them­selves readie: but if you thinke it good, before this combat begin, let us go in hand againe with 40 that which yesterday should have been handled, and was not; partly for that the time and place served not therto; or rather because the matter was proposed unto them at the table, and among the cups of wine, which went merrily about, and not treated of in good earnest and sadnesse in deed: for one there was, who seemed after a pragmaticall sort to resound on the adverse part not impertinently, as if he came out of the Stoicks schoole, thus much: That like as mortal is oppo­site unto immortall, corruptible unto incorruptible, and corporall to incorporall; even so, con­fesse we ought, that reasonable is contrarie to unreasonable; so that if one of them be, the other ought likewise of necessitie to be, and that this onely couple of contraries among so many other, ought not to be left defectuous or unperfect.

AUTOBULUS. 50

And what is he, friend Soclarus, who will say, that if we admit in nature, that which is reasona­ble to subsist and have being; wee should not likewise allow that which is unreasonable: for (no doubt) it is, and that in great measure, namely in all creatures which have no life nor soule: neither need we to seeke father for any other opposition unto that which is reasonable; for whatsoever is without life and soule, is incontinently opposite unto that which together with soule, hath the use of understanding and reason: and if any one there be who maintaineth, that nature for all this is not unperfect, in that everie substance having soule is either reasonable or [Page 952] unreasonable: another will say unto him likewise, that a nature endued with life and soule, is not defective, namely in that, either it hath imagination, or else is without; it is either sensitive, or else hath no sense; to the end that it may have on either side these two oppositions or privati­ons, making counterpoise one against another, about one and the same kind, as two contrarie branches arising out of one stemme or trunke. And if he thinke him to be absurd, who demaun­deth that it should be graunted unto him, that of a nature endued with soule, one branch should be sensitive, and another senslesse; for that he thinketh that everie nature which hath a soule is incontinently both sensitive, and also imaginative: yet for all this shall he have no more appa­rance to require that one should suppose this unto him for to be true; namely, that whatsoever hath soule, should be either reasonable or unreasonable, discoursing with those men, who held 10 opinon that nothing hath sense, but the same hath understanding withall; and that there is not one kind of animall creatures, but it hath some manner of opinion and discourse of reason, like as it hath sense and naturall appetite: for nature, who as men say, and that right truely, maketh all things for some cause and to some end, hath not made a living creature sensitive, onely and sim­ply to have a passive sense: but whereas there be a number of things proper and agreeable to it, and as many againe for the contrarie, it could not possibly endure and continue the minute of an houre, if it knew not how to fit it selfe with one, and to take heed and beware of the other. So it is therefore, that sense giveth unto every animall creature the knowledge of them both indiffe­rently: but the discretion which accompanieth the said sense, in chusing, receiving, and pursu­ing after that which is profitable; or refusing, rejecting and flying from that which is hurtfull 20 and pernicious: there is no apparance at all of reason to induce us to say that those creatures have, if they had not withall some meane facultie and aptitude naturall, to discourse, judge, con­ceive, comprehend, retaine, and remember: as for those creatures verily, from which you take al­together the gift of expectance, remembrance, election, provision, and preparation afore hand: and moreover, the facultie of hoping, fearing, desiring and refusing; good have they none at all of their eies, of their eares, or of any other sense, apprehension or imagination, in case there be no use thereof: and farre better it were for them, that they were cleane destitute and quite depri­ved of such faculties, than to suffer travell, paine and sorrow, and have not wherewith to put by and repell such inconveniences: and yet there is a discourse extant of the naturall philosopher Strato, shewing by plaine demonstration, that impossible it is to have any sense at all, without 30 some discourse of reason: for many times we runne over the letters in bookes and writings with our eies; yea and we heare the sound of words with our eares, without conceiving and compre­hending either the one or the other, but they fly and passe away, when as our mind is otherwise occupied: but afterwards when the mind is come againe to it selfe and united it, it runneth and pursueth after the same, and gathereth every thing together againe which was scattered: In re­gard whereof it was not said amisse in old time:

The mind it is, that doth both heare and see:
As for the rest, full deafe and blind they bee.

as if the motion and passion about the eies and eares, caused no sense at all, if the mind and un­derstanding were away. And therefore Cleomenes king of Lacedaemon, being one day at a feast in 40 Egypt, where there was rehearsed at the table a pretie Acroame or eare-delight, which pleased the companie verie well; being demaunded the question what hee thought of it? and whether hee judged it not verie well penned and set downe? As for that (quoth he) I report me unto you that heard it, and I referre it to your judgement: for mine part, my mind was all the while in Pelopon­nesus. And therefore necessarie it is, that everie creature which hath sense, should likewise be en­dued with discourse of reason and understanding, considering that by our understanding wee come to sense. But set the case that the senses have no need at all of the understanding, to exer­cise their functions & operations: but when the sense hath done her part, in discerning that which is proper and familiar unto a living creature, from it that is contrarie & adverse unto it, it passeth away and is gone: What is it then that remembreth and calleth to minde? what is it that fea­reth 50 things noisome and offensive, and contrariwise desireth those which be good and holsome? what is it that seeketh meanes to compasse and get things when they are not present? what is it that deviseth and prepareth offensive, forts and retracts, yea, and engins to catch and take; or contrariwise, shifts and policies to escape nets and grinnes laied for them when they are at the point to be caught and surprised? and yet That is to say, Stoicks. these men say as much as this comes to, when ever and anon in all their introductions they dull our eares and make our heads ake againe with their definitions; for they define [...] that is to say, a project or deliberat purpose, to be a desseigne [Page 953] of bringing somewhat to effect; [...] that is to say, endevour, to be an appetite or desire be­fore an appetite; [...] that is to say, provision, to be an action before action; [...] that is to say, remembrance or memorie, to be the comprehension of a proposition affirmative or ne­gative, already past; whereof the present trueth was otherwise comprised by the sense: for of all these faculties, there is not so much as one reasonlesse (I meane) not proceeding from the dis­course of reason: and yet they all concurre, and are to be found in every living creature: and even so verily, they define [...] that is to say, intelligences, to be notions laied up apart and re­served within; but [...] that is to say, cogitations, to be notions still in motion: as for passi­ons, they confessing and defining them all in generality to be evil judgements & false opinions, a woonder it is, how they passe over so many effects and motions which are to be found in brute 10 beasts; some proceeding from anger and choler, others againe from feare: and besides all this, envie (I may tell you) and jealousie; when as they themselves (beleeve me) sticke not to punish their horses, and beat their dogs, when they do a fault; not rashly and in vaine, but consideratly, for to correct them and make them wiser, working thereby & imprinting in them a displeasure with themselves proceeding from paine, which we call repentance: as touching other pleasures and delights, that which passeth and is received by the eares, they terme it (forsooth) [...] that is to say, an enchantment; that which commeth by the eie, [...] that is to say, bewitching: and they use both the one and the other against wilde beasts; for certeine it is, that stagges and horses do joy in the sound of whistles, flutes and hautboies: also men call forth crabfish, crevis­ses and grampels out of their holes perforce, with burning torches and light fire brands: more­over, 20 it is said, that the fish alosa hearing men to sing, to clap their hands, or otherwise to make a noise, will arise out of the water, and come abroad: likewise, the horne owle or bustard is (as it were) enchanted with the beholding of men dancing together in his sight, and so far overtaken he is with the delight thereof, that whiles he thinketh to counterfeit their jestures, stirring and moving his shoulders according to the measures with them, he suffereth himselfe (like a foole) to be taken by the fowler. As for those who of these matters speake so foolishly and absurdly, saying, that beasts rejoice not, are not angry, nor fearefull; and namely, that the [...] as Plinie re­porteth of her, unlesse you reade [...] in this sense, that the swallow doth not prepare beforehand: for Plinie also commendeth her industrie in artificiall building. hightingale doth not studie, meditate and prepare against her singing; that the bee hath no memorie; but that the swallow seemeth onely to make provision by a kinde of providence; that the lion is (as it were) angrie; and the hinde given as though she were afraied: I wot not what answer they will 30 make to those who shall urge them to this, that they may aswell say, that the same creatures nei­ther see nor heare, but seeme onely (as it were) to heare and see and to have a voice; and in one word, that they live not at all, but seeme to live: for I assure you (in my judgement) these are no more repugnant to evidence and daily experience, than the other.

SOCLARUS.

I thinke no lesse (ô Autobulus) and therefore range me among those of your opinion in this point. But to compare the maners, lives, actions, behaviours and conversations of men, with those of beasts, & to affirme that beasts herein sort with us: besides, that I see in this, great indig­nitie derogatorie to mans woorthinesse, I doubt much, and can not conceive how nature hath given unto them the beginning of vertue, which is reason, and unto which reason is reserred and 40 doth aime, considering they can not attaine unto the end: and besides, there is not one of them all that sheweth any signe of tending thereto, of progresse therein, or of desire and appetite that way.

AUTOBULUS.

Yea, but this (my good friend Soclarus) is no strange and absurd thing with these men, I meane the Stoicks: for notwithstanding that they put downe the naturall love and affection which we have to the issue of our owne bodies begotten, for the foundation of civill societie and of justice, and see the same in brute beasts very evident and puissant, yet for all that, they flatly and stoutly denie that they have any part of justice in them. And that which more is, mules are not without all the instruments of generation; for nature hath given to the males generative 50 members, and to the females the parts fit for conception; yea, and in the use of these members and instruments they have the same delight and pleasure which other creatures have; howbeit, they never speed, nor attaine to the end of generation. Consider againe on the other side, whe­ther it were not a ridiculous absurditie for such philosophers as they would seeme to be, to af­firme and mainteine, that Socrates and Plato, and such men as they, were no lesse vicious than any vile slave or wicked wretch in the world, but that all were foolish, witlesse, lascivious and un­just alike (because forsooth, all sinnes with them be equall) and then to lay the blame and fault [Page 954] in the source and beginning of vertue, that is to say, Reason, as being not pure nor perfect in brute beasts to the accomplishment of vertue: as if this were not some defect and imbecillitie of reason, seeing they confesse themselves that there is an imperfection in the use of reason, of which all beasts be full: for we see in many of them, that there is cowardise, intemperance, inju­stice and malice. Now he who affirmeth that whatsoever is not apt and fitted by nature, to re­ceive reason aright and in absolute maner is simply not capable of reason: first he doth as much as if he mainteined, that neither the ape is capable of ilfavoured deformitie, not the tortoise of slow pace, because the one of them is not susceptible of beautifull favour, nor the other of swift­nesse and good footmanship. Againe, he doth not see and marke the difference betweene rea­son perfect, and simple reason; for reason simply proceedeth from nature, but honest, vertu­ous, 10 and perfect reason commeth by industry, study, diligence, and teaching; which is the cause that all creatures endued with a sensitive soule, are capable and susceptible of a kinde of discipline and learning by the meanes of this facultie of discourse and reason: mary this ab­solute and right reason indeed which we affect and seeke for, and is nothing else but sapience and wisedome, they are not able to name any one man, that ever attained unto it. Like as there­fore a difference there is betweene sight and sight; betweene flight and flght; for haukes see otherwise than grashoppers doe; eagles also and partridges flie not alike; even so all creatures endued with reason, have not the like vivacity, promptitude and nimblenesse of reason, as to reach up to the highest pitch and perfection thereof: for we may observe in some beasts many evident tokens of just societie, of valour, of witty industry in their provision and dispose: and contrariwise, in others as many signes of insociable violence and injustice, of cowardise and 20 sottishnesse, as witnesseth that which now mooveth the contention and debate betweene our yoong gentlemen; for as if they both supposed there was a difference in this behalfe, some of them mainteine that naturally, the beasts of the land are proceeded farther in vertue; and others contrariwise affirme, the same of those in the sea and waters; a thing very evident, who­soever will compare storkes with the river horses; for those doe nourish and feede their fathers who engendred them, whereas these doe kill them, because they might ride and cover their mothers: as also who will but conferre cocke-doves with partridges; for doves doe oftentimes squash and marre the egges, yea, and otherwhiles kill the hennes when they cover or sit, because they are not willing during that time to be troden; whereas the male partridges take upon them 30 part of the care and paine in sitting upon the egges, and in their turne doe keepe them warme, that they chill not; yea, and that which more is, they be the first that bring meat in their billes unto the little ones newly hatched; and if haply the damme raunge abroad, tarie foorth too long out of the nest, the male beats and pecks her with his bill, drives her home to her egges and yoong birds. As for Antipater who reprocheth and rebuketh both asses and sheepe for their filthinesse, and being so negligent in keeping themselves cleane, he hath forgotten (I wot not how) to speake of ounces and swallowes: for the ounces seeke a by-place by themselves apart, where to bestow their urine, and by all meanes hide and conceale that fine stony sub­stance, called Lyncurium, which is engendred of it: and the swallowes teach their yoong ones to turne their tailes so, as they may meut out of their nests. Moreover, why say we not that one tree is more ignorant or untaught than another, like as we hold, and that truely, that a sheepe 40 is more dull of capacitie than a dogge? or that this herbe is more fearefull than that, like as we affirme very well, that a stagge is more timorous, or rather lesse valourous than a lion: and as in things which are unmooveable, we never say, that one is more slow than another; nor a­mong such things as yeeld no sound at all, that this hath a smaller or bigger voice than that; Semblably, it is never said, that there is lesse witte, more dulnesse, and greater intemperance in such or such things, unlesse it be in that kinde, whereof all by nature are endued with the gift of reason, and of prudence in some measure, which puissance and facultie being given to some more, and to others lesse, is that which maketh all the difference that we see. Yea mary, but there is no comparison will some man say, betweene men and beasts; so infinitly surpas­seth 50 he them in finenesse of witte, in justice and equity, beseeming civill societie, that it is won­derfull: And even so, (my good friend) there be many which in biggenesse and strength of bo­die, in swiftnesse of feet, in quicknesse of eie-sight, and subtility, of hearing out-goe all the men in the world, and leave them farre behinde, and yet for all this, wee are not to inferre and con­clude that man is blinde, that he is impotent of hand and foot, or otherwise deafe: neither hath nature deprived us altogether of bigge armes and bodies, or of strength both in the one and the other, although in comparison of the elephant and the camell, our force and bulke of bo­dy [Page 955] is nothing: after the same maner may we speake of beasts; if their discours and understan­ding be more grosse, if their witte be more dull than ours, it followeth not thereupon, that they have neither reason nor naturall witte: for without all question, both they have, feeble though they be and troubled, like as an eie is otherwhiles weake, dimme, and muddy: and were it not that I certeinly expect, and that among our yoong men who are studious, learned and verie well seene in the books of our auncient writers, that they will alledge an infinit number of ex­amples, the one from the land, and the other out of the sea; I could not conteine my selfe but recite and alledge heere before you an innumerable sort of proofes and arguments, as well of the naturall subtilty of beasts, as of their docility, which the beautifull and famous city of Rome hath affourded unto us to draw and lade up aboundantly by whole scuppets and buckets full (as 10 they say,) from the stately theaters of their emperours, and the princely games exhibited there.

But let us leave this matter fresh and entire for those yoong men, thereby to embelish their discourses, and set out their eloquence: meane while I would gladly examine and consider one point with you now that we are at leasure. For I suppose that in every part & naturall power or facultie of our bodie, there doth befall some proper defect, some maime or maladie, as namely, in the eie, blindnesse; in the legge, lamenesse; in the tongue, stutting and stammering; and that which is proper to one member, is not incident unto another: for wee use not to say, that a thing is become blinde, which never had power by nature to see, nor lame which was not or­deined to goe; neither was there ever man who would say, that a thing stammered which 20 never had tongue, or muffled and wharled, which naturally yeeldeth no voice at all: and even so we cannot (to speake properly and truely) tearme that foolish, furious, or enraged, which by course of nature is not capable of understanding, discourse and reason: for impossible it is, that a part may be said to be interessed, affected or prejudiced in a thing, which never had an aptitude or naturall power, that might receive diminution, privation, mutilation, or otherwise some infir­mitie: and yet I doubt not but you have otherwhiles seene dogges runne madde; and for mine owne part I have knowen horses enraged; and there be moreover, who affirme that kine and other beefes will be horne-wood, yea and foxes as well as dogges: but the example of dogges whereof no man makes doubt, may suffice to proove and beare witnesse, that this kinde of 30 beast hath reason and understanding, and therefore not in small measure to bee contemned but when it chanceth that it is troubled and confounded, then comes upom them that disease which is called rage and madnesse; for at such a time we cannot perceive in them, that either their sight or their hearing is altered: but like as he that should give out of a man who is over­charged with a melancholike humour, or given to rave and go beside himselfe, that his under­standing is not transported and out of order, that his discourse of reason is not out of the way, nor his braines broken, or memorie corrupt, were very absurd: for that the ordinary custome and behaviour of such foolish and bestraught persons sufficiently convinceth, that they are past themselves, and have lost the discourse of reason; even so, whosoever thinketh that mad dogges suffer any other passion, than a confusion and perturbation of that part in them, which before time was woont to imagine, discourse and remember, in such sort that when they be thus surpri­sed 40 with rage, they are so foolish and [...] follish, as they know not their best friends, who were woont to make much of them, but flie those places of their feeding and bringing up, which they used most to haunt & to converse in, & do not so much as discerne; but oversee that which is presen­ted plaine before them: this man (I say) seemeth obstinately to strive against the truth, and not to comprehend that which daily experience doth shew.

SOCLARUS.

Certes, your conjecture in mine opinion is very good, and you are in the right: but the Sto­icks and Peripateticks stifly stand against all this, and impugne it with tooth and naile, saying: That justice cannot have any other breeding and beginning; and that impossible it is to main­taine that there is any justice in the world, if it be confessed that all beasts are any waies capable of 50 reason: for that necessarie it is, either that we do injurie in not sparing them; or in case we make no use of them for our food, that impossible it were for us to live; or else our life should remaine destitute of such things as well it may not misse and be without. In summe, that we were to live in some sort a savage and beastlike life, if wee should reject the profits and commodities which they affoord. For I passe by infinit thousands and millions of the Troglodyts and Nomades, that know no other feeding, but of flesh only and nothing else: but as for us who seeme to leade a mild, civill, & more gentle life, what worke were there left for us to do upon the land; what bu­sinesse [Page 956] have wee at sea? what skill or art should wee exercise among the mountaines? what ornament or beautie would there be in our life, if wee were taught this once as a true lesson, that we ought to respect all beasts, and use all enquitie towards them, as being reasonable creatures as we are, and made of the same mould that we be? Certes, it were verie hard to say; and therefore there is no answere to assoile this doubt; no medicine or salve to heale this sore; no device to undo this knot, and difficulty which taketh away, either all civilitie, or else all justice out of mans life, unlesse we keepe that ancient limit and lawe, whereby God having separated (according as He siodus) sundrie natures and distinguished every kind a part by it selfe:

To fishes, beasts and feathered fowles, hath graunted power and might,
One of another for to feed, because they have no right 10
To men alone, he justice gave therein to take delight.

Given (I say) he hath justice unto them for to exercise among themselves: and as for other living creatures as they cannot deale justly with us; so it is certaine that we cannot use injustice to them: and looke whosoever reject this conclusion and resolution, have left no other use, nor so much as a simple way whereby justice may enter and come among us.

AUTOEULUS.

Now truely my friend, you have said this very wel, and even wel, and even according to the mind and hearts desire of these men: howbeit we are not to give & grant unto these philosophers (as the maner is to tie about those women who have hard travell, some Ocytocium, or medicinable drogue, to cause them for to have more speedy and easie deliverance) this device to hang upon them, that 20 they may with ease and without all paine, beare and bring foorth justice unto us; seeing that in the maine and most important points of all philosophie, they would not allow Epicurus so small a thing, & so vile, as to decline one only atomie, or indivisible body never so little aside, for to make way for the starres, for living creatures, and fortune to come into the world, and that thereby our free will might bee saved: for they ought either to proove by demonstration, that which is doubtfull, or to suppose that which of it selfe is manifest; and not to take this article as touching beasts, for to establish justice, seeing that it is neither confesled & granted unto them, nor they otherwise doe proove it: for another path-way there is to bring in justice among men, which is nothing so slipperie, dangerous, and full of steepe downfalles, nor that which leadeth thorough the subversion and overthrow of things most evident; even that which my sonne 30 and one of your familiar friends ( Soclarus) having learned of Plato, doeth shew and teach those who will not obstinately contest, but follow reason and learne: for that man is not altogether cleere and voide of injustice, in using beasts, and dealing with them as he doeth. Heraclitus and Empedocles receive as an undoubted truth, complaining in many places, and reproching nature, as if she were under necessity, and a very warre, having in her nothing that is simple, pure, sincere, and unmixed, but performing all her operations by many unjust accidents and passions; seeing they hold that even her generation proceeded from injustice, namely, by con­junction of mortall with immortall, and in that the thing which is engendred thereof, rejoiceth to dismember unnaturally, that which engendred it: but haply all this many seeme too bitter and exceeding sharpe: well there is another gentle meanes, and easie remedy of this inconveni­ence 40 which doth not quite breave beasts of all use of reason, and saveth justice in those who use them as they ought; which meane and indifferent way being in times past brought in by wise men, was afterwards rejected and wholly destroied by a conspiracie of gourmandise and flesh­ly pleasure together; howsoever Pythagoras would have recovered it agiane, by teaching men how they might make use and commoditie of beasts, and yet doe them no wrong nor injurie; for they who punish and put to death those wilde beasts which have no societie nor fellowship at all with man, but rather doe him much hurt and dammage, commit no injustice; no more than they who make them tame and familiar, training them up to their use and imploying them in services, whereunto they are by nature most fit:

The race of horse and asses for to breed, 50
With bulles encrease, which in the fields doe feed.

whom Prometheus in a tragoedie of Aeschylus, saith he bestowed upon us,

To serve and drudge in stead of us,
And do our works laborious.

Neither do they any wrong, who make use of dogges to keepe their flocks of goats and sheepe: nor they who milke goats and sheepe, and sheare their fleeces for the wooll, especially if they give them pasturage: for it can not be said, that men can not live, or their life is utterly undone, [Page 957] if they have not their platters of fish, or their livers of geese, or if they cut not beefs and goats in­to pieces for to serve up at their feasts: or if for their idle disport in theaters, or to take their plea­sure in chase and hunting, they put not some to the combat and force them to fight whether they will or no; and kill others which have no defence of their owne, nor any meanes to make resistance: for he who needs wil have his delights and pastimes, ought in all reason (as I thinke) to make himselfe merrie, and solace his heart with those that can play and disport together with him; and not to do (as Bion said) like to little children, who joy in throwing stones at frogs, and make a game of it; meane while, the poore frogges have no pleasure in this their game, for they are sure to die for it in good earnest; even so we are not either to hunt or fish for any delight that we have in the paine, and much lesse in the death of other creatures: no more to take a plea­sure 10 in driving or taking them away from their whelps and yoong ones, a pitifull sight to be­holde; for they be not they that commit injustice, who use beasts, but such as misuse them un­mercifully and cruelly, without any respect and commiseration.

SOCLARUS.

Stay a while, good Aristobulus, and put off this invective of yours unto another time; for now I see comming toward us neere at hand, a crew of yoong gentlemen, all great hunters and lo­vers of the game, whom it were neither an easie matter to drive off unto another day, neither is it needfull to provoke and offend them.

AUTOBULUS.

True it is that you say, and I like your admonition; but as for Eubiotus, I know very well, and 20 my nephew Ariston; the two sonnes also of Dionysius a citizen of Delphos, to wit, Aecides and Aristotimus, yea, and after them, Nicander the sonne of Euthydamus,

All skilfull hunters (in good faith)
Upon the land (as Homer saith)

and therefore (no doubt) they will side every one with Aristotimus, and take his part; whereas contrariwise, the others who be Islanders, and were borne along the sea side, I meane Heracleon of Megara, and Philostratus of the isle Eubaea,

Who cunning are upon the seas,
And there in much themselves doplease.

Loe, how they accompanie your friend Phaedimus, and are ready to stand with him: 30

As for Tydides there, 'tis hard to say,
[...]
To whether side he will in judgement sway.

I meane that same Optatus, our fellow and companion in yeeres,

Who of wilde beasts on mountaines slaine, and fishes caught in sea,
With many first fruits and essayes, to testifie his prea,
Hath often duely honoured Diana goddesse bright,
Who cleped is
Of chasing in the forest.
Agrotera, 40 and is
Of fishers casting nets, called proper­ly, [...] of casting: in which sense, the casting net is also cal­led [...]
Dictynna hight.

for lo, how he commeth directly toward us, as one who will not range himselfe to one side more than to another. How say you, Opatus, do we not conjecture well, that you meane to be an in­different arbitratour or common umpire betweene these two yoong gentlemen.

OPTATUS.

Very well guessed of you Autobulus, I purpose so indeed; for long since was that law of Solon repealed and abolished, by vertue wherof, they were punished who in a civill sedition joined not to the one side nor to the other.

AUTOEULUS.

Come hither, therefore, and sit by us, that if we have need of any testimonies, we trouble not 50 the books of Aristole, with dripping and turning over their leaves; for that we will referre our selves and stand to that which you shall say, as justly and truely delivered, in regard of your great knowledge and experience.

SOCLARUS.

How now my masters, you two gentlemen, are you agreed betweene your selves of the order, who shall begin first to speake?

PHAEDIMUS.
[Page 958]

Yes Soclarus, we are at a point for that now, although we were long enough debating about it; for in the end (to use the very words of Euripides)

Lot, Fortunes childe, hath this case tried,
As one ordein'd doubts to decide.

and hath appointed that the land-beasts cause should be pleaded before theirs of the sea.

SOCLARUS.

Well then it is time ( Aristotimus) that both you begin to speake, and we also to heare. * * * * * * * * 10

In this place a great defect and breach there is in the Greeke originall, which can not be made up and supplied without the helpe of some ancient copie, not yet extant.

The barre and the hall is for them that plead. It may [...] he speaketh of certeine [...] in the kind of fishes, by way of oppo­sition to some sand- [...] . But these destroy the spawne within the wombe, by running upon their females when they be great and neere the time of casting the same. And one kinde there is of spotted mullets, called thereupon Perdiae, which feed upon their owne Haply the [...] . slime and glutinous substance that proceedeth from themselves. As for the poulpe or polyp fish, he eateth and gnaweth himselfe, sitting still all Winter

In house full colde, without fire-light,
In wofull bale and wretched plight. 20

so idle is he, or so blockish and senselesse, or els so gluttonous, or rather subject to all these vices together: which is the reason that Plato also in his booke of lawes, forbiddeth eftsoones yoong men to set their minds upon fishing in the sea, or rather he detesteth it in them, as an abomina­ble thing, if they should take a love thereto. For no exercise there is of hardinesse and valour; no proofe of wit or triall of wisdome; no imploiment of strength, swiftnesse or activitie of bodie in combats and fights with the wide mouthed sea-pikes, with congres or guiltheads, like as there is in hunting upon the land, where the fierce and courageous beasts exercise the fortitude of those who encounter them, and stirring up their animositie to enter upon dangers: the wily and craftie, whet and sharpen the wits of such as set upon them, causing them to looke about and 30 bestirre themselves every way with great circumspection: and the swift and light-footed, trie the able, nimble, and painfull bodies of those who have them in chase: in all which respects hunting is reputed an honest and commendable exercise: whereas contrariwise, fishing hath nothing in it to commend the game, and make it honourable; neither shall you ever finde my good friend, any one of the gods, desirous to be called Congrocton̄us, that is to say, the con­ger-killer; as Apollo gloried to be named Lycocton̄us, that is to say, the killer of woolves: not any of them delighted in the name of Triglobōlos, that is to say, the striker of barbels: like as Dia­na joied in the epithit of Elaphobolos, that is to say, a shooter at stagges and hindes: and no marvell, considering that it is more laudable for a gentleman to take in chase a wilde boare, a stagge, a fallow deere, a roe bucke, yea, & it were but an hare, than to buie any of these with his 40 money: but surely it is more for his credit & reputation to go into the fish market as a cater to exchange his coine for a tunny, a lobstar, or the Or [...] , as appeereth afterwards. Amia, than to be seene fishing for them: for the cowardise, blockishnesse, stupiditie, want of shifts and meanes in fishes, either offensive, or defensive, cause the taking of them to be dishonest, discommendable, unlovely, and illiberall.

In summe, forasmuch as the proofes and arguments which philosophers alledge, to shew that beasts have some discourse and use of reason, are drawen from their projects, their electi­ons in preferring one thing before another, their provisions and forecasts, their memories, their affections, their render care of their yong, ones, their thankfulnesse to those who have done thē good, their hatred & rankor against them who have done them a shrewd turne: their industry to find ont things necessary for them, the evident apparence of vertues in them, to wit, of fortitude, 50 sociable equity & communion, temperance and magnanimitie: Let us consider these maritime sea creatures, whether they have any one at all of these parts, or if there be any little shew thereof, it is so darke and obscure, that unneth or hardly it can be perceived, how diligent so­ever we be in searching after it; whereas in these terrene beasts, and such as the land breedeth, a man may conceive, yea and plainly see most cleere, evident, and assured examples of ech, of the qualities beforesaid. First & formost behold I pray you the first setting out, the preparatives [Page 959] and flourishes as it were, that bulles and boares make against their combat, how they raise and cast up the dust with their feet al about them, as also how these whet & sharpen their tusks; the elephants likewise for that one of their two teeth wherewith they root in the earth, or plucke up and cut such matter as they feed upon, is ordinarily thereby worne dull and blunt, they use it onely for these purposes, but the other they keepe and reserve alwaies sharpe pointed and keene edged, for to serve their turnes when they are to fight; the lion when he goeth in the forrest, marcheth evermore with his pawes drawen in close and turned round, hiding his eleies and nailes within, for feare lest being worne with going, their points should be dull and blunt, as also because he would give no light by his tracts to the hunters that follow in chase; for hard­ly and with much adoo shall you trace a lion by his foot, the print of his clawes is so small that 10 it cannot be seene, whereby they that are full upon their footing, yet misse of him, and wander a contrary way.

Yee have heard I am sure of the Ichnewnon or ratte of India, how he prepares himselfe a­gainst he should fight with the crocodile, no lesse than a legionarie souldiour armed at all pie­ces, in complet harnesse, such a deale of mudde, and the same hardned and baked in maner of a crust, hath he all over his body, as it were a good curace of proofe.

What provision and preparation the swallowes or martines make against their breeding and laying time, we daily see; namely, how in building of their nests, they lay first as a ground worke underneath, good stickes, stiffe strawes, and sound bents, and those they enterlace afterwards 20 with others that be more gentle and pliable; and if they see that their nests had need of some glutinous mudde to glue and sodder all together, what doe they? mary they flie floting so close to the water of some river, lake, or the sea, that lightly they dippe their wings therewith, so that they may be onely wette, and in no wise heavy and overcharged with moisture, then they role and basker themselves in the dust, by which meanes they close up, binde, and knit as with par­get or plastre, all chinks and breaches, and whatsoever was not well compact and united toge­ther in their nests: as for the forme and figure thereof, they make them not cornered nor yeel­ding many sides and faces, but even and smooth as possible may be, and the same round as a bal; for surely this kinde of workmanship is most durable without, and of greatest capacity within, and such as giveth least hold unto other beasts abroad that lie in wait to destroy them.

The copwebs that spiders weave, which serve for patterns, as wel for our women to make their 30 webbes of cloth, as for fishers to knit and worke their nets, are in many respects very admirable: first in regard of the fine threeds, and the subtile weaving thereof, which are not distinct one from another, nor ranged after the order of the warpe & woofe in our artisiciall webbes upon the loome, but are continued and runne all into one, in maner of thinne filme, kell, & skin, united and sodred as one would say, with I wot not what glutinous humidity mingled among, after an invisible and imperceptible maner; then the tincture and colour thereof, which ma­keth it seeme a farre off like unto some thicke or duskish aire, to the end that it selfe might the lesse be perceived; but principally and above all, the very governing, conduct, and managing of this fabrick & device made by her-selfe, surpasseth; namely, when some flie or small creature 40 is gotten within the compasse of this toile & entangled, to see how immediately she perceiveth it, and can skill quickly to pull in and draw the nette; no hunter & fouler in the world, be he ne­ver so cunning, more nimbly, for to enclose the prey: al which because we daily see in our con­tinuall experience presented unto our eies, we beleeve and know to be true; otherwise we would hold all to be fables: like as wee thinke that to be a tale of the crowes and ravens in Barbary, who when they are very thirsty & the water setled so low where they should drinke, that can not reach unto it, cast stones into it for to make it arise so high as they may easily meet with it. And verily upon a time, I marvelled my selfe very much whē I saw a dog within a ship, while the marriners were out of the way, to cast little stones into an earthen pot, which was nothing neere ful of oyle, how he should discourse and reason thus in his mind, that the lighter things, as name­ly 50 oyle, must needs mount up & be driven aloft, when the weightier such as the stones were went downe to the bottome. As much may be said of the bees in Candi, and the geese of Cilicia. As for the bees, being to double a point or capelying into the sea, which is much exposed to the winds, they ballase themselves with small grit or pretie stones, for to bee able to endure the wea­ther, and not be carried away against their wils with the wind through their lightnes otherwise. And the geese aforesaid being affraid of the eagles, which have their airies upon the high rocks, at what time as they should passe over the mountaine Taurus, take every one within their bils a good big stone, thereby to stop and muzzle (as it were) their mouthes, that being by nature cla­morous [Page 960] and given much to gagling, they might make no noise nor crie at all during their flight, and so in silence and safetie both, get beyond the said hill. The verie order that cranes keepe in their flying is woonderfull and memorable: for when the aire is troubled and the wind aloft, they fly not as they use to do when it is faire weather and calme, either all afront, or in manner of the halfe moone or croissant: but presently at their first setring out, they cast themselves into a triangle with the point forward, therby to cut and pierce the wind that bloweth before and about them, to the end that their ranke thus raunged and set in order, might not possibly bee broken: afterwards when they are alighted and settled upon the ground; looke whose course and charge it is to watch al night, stands up right upon one leg, & in the foot of the other claspes a stone and holds it up a loft; for the continuall streining of themselves to hold the said stone, keepeth them 10 that long they cannot sleepe: and when once they chance to let go their hold, the stone falling upon the rocke, quickly awakneth her that let it fall. So that after I had seene this, I did not great­ly wonder at Hercules, if putting his bow under his arme hole, and clipping it hard with his migh­tie strong arme

Holding full fast in his right hand,
His massie club, a sleepe doth stand.

neither marvelled I much at him who first devised the meanes how to open an oyster close and hard shut, when I beheld once the crafrie subtiltie of herons: for the heron when he hath swallo­wed downe an oyster, or other shell fish, all whole and fast shut, although it put him to some trou­ble, yet he endureth for a time and keepeth it within his craw or gisier, untill he perceive that it 20 is mollisied and relaxed by the naturall heat of his bodie, then casteth he it up againe by vomit, findeth it gaping and wide open, and so picketh out of it the good meat therein.

As touching the industrious provision and care of housekeeping which is in pismires, to dis­course thereof in particular, and exquisitely to deliver the same were a verie hard piece of worke, if not impossible; and to passe the same over in silence, argueth supine negligence: for looke throughout the whole historie of nature, you shall not find so small a mirrour againe for to re­present greater things and more beautifull, being (as it were) a most pure and cleere drop, where­in appeareth most apparantly the full resemblance of entier vertue. Here may be seene lovely friendship and civill societie: here sheweth it selfe the verie image of valour and prowesse, with painfull patience and industrie: here may a man behold many seeds of continence, many sparks 30 of wisedome, and as many of righteousnes. Cleanthes the philosopher, although he maintaineth not that beasts have any use of reason, made report neverthelesse that he was present at the sight of such a spectacle and occurrent as this. There were (quoth he) a number of ants which went toward another ants hole, that was not their owne, carrying with them the corps of a dead ant: out of which hole, there came certaine other ants to meet them on the way (as it were) to parle with them, and within a while returned backe and went downe againe: after this they came forth a second, yea a third time, & retired accordingly untill in the end they brought up from beneath (as it were a ransom for the dead body) a grub or little worme; which the others received and tooke upon their shoulders, and after they had delivered in exchange the fore said corps, depar­ted home: moreover, it is worth the observation, although it be a thing daily seene of everie 40 man, what curtesie and civilitie they use in meeting one another, how those who be light and ca­rie nothing, willingly give way unto such as bee charged and loaden, and suffer them to passe: likewise how they gnaw asunder and divide piece meale such burdens, as they being single, can­not beare whole, to the end that the same may be carried and transported from place to place by more in number. Aratus in his prognostickes setteth this downe for a signe of raine toward, when they bring foorth their seeds and graines, and lay them abroad to take the aire:

When ants make haste with all their
[...]
Foorth of their holes to carrie them abroad.

And yet there be some who in this place write not [...] that is to say, egs, but [...] as if they would say, their goods, to wit, the fruits or seeds which they have gathered and laid up for their provisi­on, 50 on, when they perceive them to begin to mould or bee fusty, or feare that they will corrupt and putrifie. But that which surpasseth all other prudence, policie and wit, is their caution and pre­vention which they use, that their wheat or other corne may not spurt and grow. For this is cer­taine, that dry it cannot continue alwaies nor sound and uncorrupt, but it will in time waxe soft, resolve into a milkie juice, when it turneth and beginneth to swell and chit: for feare therefore that it become not a generative seed, and so by growing, loose the nature & property of food for their nourishment, they gnaw that end thereof or head, where it is woont to spurt and bud forth. [Page 961] For mine owne part, I do not admit or beleeve all that which some do anatomize of their caves and holes: who give out that there is not one direct and straight way leading downe thereinto, nor the same easie and ready for any other creature to passe through; but there be certeine se­cret allies, blinde-pathes, crooked turnings, and hollow cranks, which meet all at the end in three holes or concavities; whereof the one forsooth is the common hall for them to meet all together: the second is their cellar or ambry for their victuals and provision; and the third a by-roome where they bestow their dead.

Well, I thinke it not amisse nor impertinent, if next after pismires, I bring foorth upon the stage before you the elephants, to the end that we may know the nature of this art, and intelli­gence which now is in question, as well in the greatest beasts as the smallest creatures, and see 10 how as it appeereth in the one, so it is not defective or wanting in the other. Other men I am sure doe make a woonder at that which the elephant learneth, and is taught, whose docilitie is exhibited unto us in the theaters, by his sundry sorts of gestures, and changes in dauncing, such as fortheir varietie and exquisit elegancie, it were very hard for men with all their memorie, perfection of witte, and exercise, to remember, to expresse, and performe accordingly: but I for my part, me thinks, doe see more cleerely and evidently the prudence and sagacitie of this beast, in the passions, affections, and motions which he hath of himselfe without teaching, as being more simple, sincere, and naturall; for not long since, at Rome there were a number of them trained and exercised against the solemnity of their games and plaies, in certeine strange stations, intricate motions, and hard turnings round, to goe, to come, to stande, and wheele 20 about in a trice: but among them, there was one more dull, blockish, grosse, and slowe, than the rest, both in conceiving, and also in reteining; by reason whereof, he being ever and anon reproched and rated with shamefull words, yea, and many times beaten well for his unto wardnesse, was found otherwhiles alone by himselfe in the night, repeating as it were and conning his lessons by moone-shine, labouring hard for to expresse and atteine unto that whch hee had beene taught. Agnon writeth, that before this time, in Syria there was an elephant kept and nourished in a private mans house, whose governour had allowed unto him from his master, a certeine measure of barley every day for his provender; but there was not a day went over his head, wherein he robbed and deceived him not of the one halfe: it for­tuned, that one time above the rest, the master of the house would needs see the elephant ser­ved, 30 then his governour powred out before him his full allownce, even the whole measure that was his due; but the elephant casting an unhappy and untoward eie at him, divided his barley with the snout of his trunke, and put a part the one moity thereof, shewing the best way he could devise unto his master, the wrong that the governour aforesaid had done unto him: He reporteth like wise of another, who seeing that his keeper blended earth and stones among his barley, to make the measure to seeme compleat; spied his time and came unto the potage pot standing over the fire, wherein was flesh a seething for dinner, and filled it up with ashes.

Another being provoked and misused at Rome, by certeine little boies, who with their bod­kins and penknives used to pricke and punch his snout or trunke; caught up one of them by the middle, and held him up in the aire, so as it was thought he would have crushed and squeazed 40 the guttes out of his belly; they that saw the maner of it, tooke up a great cry incontinently for feare of the poore boy, but the elephant set him downe softly againe upon the ground, in the very place where he caught him up, and doing him no hurt at all passed by; judging it a suffi­cient chasticement for so little a childe, that he was onely put in a fright: Thus much of tame and trained elephants. As for those which are savage, and live in the wilde fields at their liberty, woonderfull things be reported of them, and namely as touching their passage over rivers; for the yoongest and least of them all, exposing himselfe to hazard for the rest, leadeth the way, and wadeth first thorough; the other seeing him landed upon the banke [...] other side, make this account, that if the least and lowest of their heard be tall enough to surmount the depth of the chanell, they which are bigger and higher, have no cause to feare any thing, but that they 50 also may get over in safety.

And since I am fallen into this argument, and proceeded so farre into it, me thinks I should not for get one example of Reinard, for the affinitie and conformity it hath with this device last rehearsed: Those who have invented fabulous tales make report, that during the great deluge, Deucalion used to let foorth a dove out of the arke, to know what weather it was like to be a­broad; for if she returned soone againe, she brought newes of tempest and raine, but if she [Page 962] flew cleane away, and came no more backe, she shewed thereby that it was calme and faire wea­ther.

But true it is that the Thracians even at this day when they purpose to passe over a river fro­zen all over with ice, take a fox with them for their guide, to sound the way before them, whether the ice be strong enough and able to beare; the fox goes gently before, and laieth his eare close to the ice, and if by the noise of the water running underneath and comming unto his eare, he guesseth that the ice is not thicke nor frozen deepe, but thinne and weake, he maketh a stay, and returneth if a man will let him: contrariwise, if hee perceive by his eare no noise at all of water running under the ice, he passeth forward confidently: Surely we cannot say that this is onely an exquisite quicknesse in the sense of hearing, without any discourse of reason, but 10 without all question a kinde of syllogisme or reasoning, by consequence drawen from that na­turall sence in this sort: that which soundeth stirreth; that which stirreth is not frozen or con­gealed; what is not congealed, must needs be liquid; and whatsoever is liquid, yeeldeth, and is not able to hold, ergo, &c.

The Logicians holde that the hound meeting with a quarreferrie or crosse way divided into many paths, useth a kinde of argumentation or reasoning, which is called a disjunct proceeding from the enumeration of many parts; in this maner discourseth with himselfe: It must needs be that the beast in chase, passed by one of these three waies: but this way it went not, nor yet that way; therefore it can not chuse, but this way he tooke, for the sent of the nosethrils yeelded him no other intelligence, than of the premisses: and it was the discourse of reason which gave 20 him to understand the necessitie of the consequence or conclusion inserted upon the said pre­misses and suppositions. Howbeit, the dogge hath need of no such testimonie of Logicians, for false it is and counterfeit, because it is the smell it selfe and sent of the nose, which by the tract of the foot and the fluxion of the odour comming from the beast, sheweth him which way it fled, bidding farewell to these propositions either disjunct or junct, neither careth it for that enumeration of parts; but by many other effects, passions, functions, offices and actions which proceed neither from sense of seeing nor of smelling, but onely from intelligence and discourse of reason, by which they are evidently performed, a man may sufficiently perceive and compre­hend what is the nature of a dogge, whose continencie, obedience, sagacitie, patience and paines-taking in chase, if I should now discourse upon, I should but make my selfe ridiculous 30 unto you, who see the same daily, and have experience and practise thereof continually. But this one example will I alledge unto you; namely, that during the civill warres at Rome, when a Romane citizen was murdered, the murderers could never cut off his head, untill they environ­ed his dogge round and stabbed him to death, who guarded his masters bodie, and fought most siercely for him. King Pyrrhus as he travelled by the way, met with a dogge who kept the dead corps of his master lately slaine, and understanding by the inhabitants of the place, that he had continued three daies already, and never stirred from thence, nor yet eat or drunke ought, he commanded the bodie to be interred, ledde the dogge away with him, and made much of him: certaine daies after, there hapned a muster or generall revew to be made of his souldiers, who shewed themselves and passed before the king sitting in his chaire of estate, and having the said 40 dog hard by him, who never quetched nor stirred all the whiles, untill he had a sight of those per­sons who murdered his master; upon whom he ranne immediatly, baying and barking at them with open mouth and in great anger, eftsoones running backe and making toward Pyrrhus; in­somuch as not onely the king, but all those who were about his person, entred into great suspi­tion that those parties were they who had killed his master; whereupon they were apprehended, put in prison, and judicially brought to their answere upon the point, and together with other presumptions and light evidences inserred against them, they were so hardly urged, that they confessed the fact, [...] suffered punishment accordingly. The like (by report) did the dogge of learned Hesiodus, who detected the sonnes of Ganyctor the Naupactian, of murder committed upon the person of his master. But that which our fathers saw themselves with their owne eies 50 whiles they were students at Athens, is more evident than all that hath beene said already. And this it was: A certaine fellow had by stealth entred into the temple of Aesculapius, & stollen from thence the fairest and goodliest jewels both of gold and silver among the oblations there, which were most portable, and thinking that he was not espied by any creature, made means to get away againe secretly. The dog which kept the said temple, and was named Capparus, did his best to barke and bay; but seeing none of the sextanes and wardens of the church to come for all that, [Page 963] pursued the church-robber as he fled away; and notwithstanding that he flung stones at him, yet gave not he over his pursute, but traced him hard at heels al the night. When day light was come, he would not approch neere unto him, but kept aloofe, followed him with his eie and never lost the sight of him; and notwithstanding that he cast him bread and other meat, he would none: so the night following the theese laid him downe to sleepe, the dog likewise kept all night hard by him; and the morrow morning when he tooke his way againe, the dog likewise arose and went after. Met he any passengers or waifaring men, hee would fawne upon them and wag his taile; contrariwise he barked eagerly at the theese, and was readie to fly upon him. They who had the charge to follow with huy and crie, being enformed thus much by the travellers whom they met, as also of what bignes, colour and haire the dog was, continued their chase more willingly, and 10 made such hot pursute that they evertooke the fellow at Crommyon, & from thence brought him to Athens. The dog he marched before them all and leade them the way, as jocound, pleasant, and gamesome as possibly could bee, as taking great joy that this church-robber had beene the game and prey that he had hunted and gotten. The Athenians when they heard the truth of this matter related unto them, ordained that the said dog should have a certaine measure of corne allowed him at the cities charges for his bread, and gave an especially charge to the priests of that temple, to have a care of him so long as he lived: following herein the kindnesse and liberallitie of their ancestours which they extended in times past to a mule. For what time as Pericles cau­sed to be built the temple of Minerva, named Hecatompedon, within the castle of the citie, there were is ordinarie for such buildings, conveighed thither daily stones, timber, and other stuffe in 20 carts and wagons drawen with beasts. Now when many of those mules which before time had willingly and painefully served, were now for verie age discharged and sent away to pasture: one there was among the rest, who everie day would come into the high broad street Ceramicum, and go before those draught beasts which drew up stones to the mount, yea & accompanie them, as if he encouraged and hartned them to labour and travell. The people of Athens commending and admiring the good heart and industrious mind of the beast, gave order by a publike decree for his maintenance and keeping at the cities cost, no lesse than they would have done for an old bruised souldier, who now was past service. And therefore we must say, that those philosophers who hold: That there is no communion nor societie of justice betweene us and bruit beasts, say true, if they restraine theirspeech unto those creatures onely, which live in the sea and deepe bot­tomlesse 30 waters, with who m in deed we can have no fellowship at all of good will, love and affe­ction, as being beasts farre remote from all gentlenesse, sweet converse, and good nature: and therefore Homer speakingunto a man, who seemed to be inhumane, cruell and unsociable, said elegantly thus:

The blackish blew sea Ithinke well,
Engendred thee, thou art so fell.

as if he would thereby give us to understand, that the sea brings forth no creature that is milde, lovely, meek and gentle: but he that should say as much and apply the former proposition unto the land-beasts, were himselfe cruell and savage; if I say, he denied that there was no reciprocall commerce of amitie and justice betweene king Lysimachus and his dog Hyrcanus, who remained 40 continnally alone about his corps when he was dead; yea and at the time that it was burned in the funerall fire, lept into it and was consumed into ashes with him for company. And reported it is, that there was another dog named Actus, did no lesse which Pyrrhus kept, I meane not the king of that name, but another private person: for after his master was dead, he would never stirre from the bodie; and when the corps was carried forth in a couch upon the biere, he leapt upon it and was borne withall: and finally sprung himselfe into the fire and was burnt with him.

When king Porus was sore wounded in a battell against king Alexander the Great; the ele­phant upon whose backe he rode and fought, drew foorth with his trunke right gently for feare of doing harme, many darts, arrowes and javelins wherewith hee was shot: and albeit himselfe was grievously hurt, yet never fainted he and gave over before he perceived that his lord the king 50 was readie to reele and sinke downe, by reason of the effusion of blood which hee had lost; and then fearing that he would fall from on high to the ground, he gently couched and yeelded with his bodie downeward to the earth, that he might alight with ease and without all danger.

King Alexanders horse called Bucephalus, all while he was bare without his saddle and capari­son, would wel enough abide that his keeper should mount upon his backe: was he trapped once and richly set out with the kings royall furniture, harnesse, and ornament, hee would suffer none to sit him but Alesander alone. And if others came neere him, and went about to get upon his [Page 964] backe, he would runne a front upon them snuffing, snorting and neighing, rising up all afore at them; and if they made not good haste to retire behind him and fly, hee would bee sure to have them under his feet and trample over them. I know full well that you thinke these examples are hudled together in a confused varietie: but surely it is no easie matter to find any action of these noble beasts, which representeth one bare vertue and no more: for together with their kindnesse and naturall love there is to be seene a certaine desire of honour: amid their generositie a man may perceive a kind of industrious sagacitie and wisedome; neither is their wit and subtiltie void of courage and magnanimitie: howbeit, if men be disposed to distinguish and separate one from another by themselves; the dogs do represent an example of a mild and gentle nature together with an haughtie courage and high mind, namely when they passe by and turne aside from those 10 that submit themselves before them, according to that which Homer saith in one place:

The dogs ran foorth with open mouth, they cried and bark't amaine:
Ulysses wise his slafe let fall, and stirred not againe.

For their manner is not to fight any longer against those who humbly fall downe prostrate, or shew any semblance of lowly suppliants. Certes, the report goeth of a principall Indian dogge, who being for a singularitie above all other, sent to fight a combat before king Alexander the Great, when there was let loose at him first a stag, then a wild boare, and afterwards a beare, made no reckoning of them, nor deigned once to stirre out of his place nor rise up: but when hee saw 20 a lion presented unto him, then incontinently he stood upon his feet, and addressed himselfe to the combat; shewing evidently that he esteemed the lion alone worthie to fight with him, and disdained all the rest. As for those here among us which are woont to hunt hares, if they them­selves chaunce to kill them with faire play in the open sield, they take pleasure to teare them in pieces; they licke and lap their blood full willingly: but if the hare being out of heart and in de­spaire of her selfe, as many times it falleth out, employ all the force and strength that shee hath in one course for all, and run her selfe out of breath, so as her winde is now cleane gone, and shee dead withall: the hounds finding her so, will not once touch her, but they keepe a wagging of their tailes round about her body, as if they would say, it is not for greedinesse of hares flesh, but an earnest desire to winne the prise in running, that we hunt thus as we do. 30

As touching the craft and subtiltie which is in beasts; forasmuch as there be infinit examples thereof, overpasse I will the wily pranks of foxes, woolves, cranes and jaies: for common they be and every man seeth them; onely produce I will the testimonie of wise Thales, the most anci­ent of the seven sages, who by report was not least admired for his skill and cunning, in that hee discovered right well the craftines in a beast, and went beyond it. There was a companie of mules that had salt a load, and were carrying it from one place to another; and as they passed through the foord of a river, one of them chanced to fall under his burden into the water: the salt in his sacke by this meanes taking wet, melted and resolved into water for the most part of it, in such sort as the mule having recovered himselfe upon all foure, found that he was well lightned of his load, and presently conceived what was the reason: which gave so deepe an impression in his 40 memorie, that ever after, as often as he was to go thorow a river, hee would be sure to stoup and couch his bodie low; first leaning of one side, and then of another, purposedly and for the nonce to wet and drench the bags on his backe which had salt in them. Thales hearing of this unhappy and shrewd wit of the mule, commaunded the muliter to fill the sacks with the same weight of wooll and spundges, in stead of salt, to lay them upon his backe, and so to drive him with the rest. The mule left not his old woont; but when he perceived that he was overcharged now with wa­ter besides his ordinary load of wooll and spunges, he tooke himselfe in the maner, and found that his craft now stood him in small stead, but did him hurt: whereupon, ever after, he would go upright whensoever he waded, and was very carefull that none of his packs or carriages should once (though full against his will) touch the water. 50

Partridges have another kinde of subtiltie and craft by themselves, and the same proceedeth from a certaine naturall love and motherly affection to their yoong birds, whom, when they are yet so feeble that they cannot flie & make shift for themselves being pursued, they teach to cast themselves on their backs, with their heeles and bellies upward, and to hold either a clot of earth or some locke of straw or such like stuffe, to cover and shadow their bodies withal: meane while, the olde rowens turne those that follow in chace another way, drawing them toward themselves in flying to and fro just before them, even at their feet, seeming (as it were) by little and little to [Page 965] retire, and making as though they were scarse able to arise from the earth, and as if they were ready to be taken, untill such time as they have trained the fowlers farre from their little ones.

The hares when they have kinled, and be afraied of the hunters, returne to their formes, and carrie their leverets, some one way and some another, so as many times there is an arpent or good acre of ground distance betweene them, to the end that if either hound or hunter should come upon them, they might not be all in danger at once to be taken; and they them­selves runne up and downe backward and forward in divers places, crossing this way and that way, leaving their tracts very confused, and in the end take one great leape as farre as ever they can, from their foresaid footing, and spring unto their forme, where they rest and take their re­pose. 10

The beare being surprised with a certeine drowsie disease, called Pholia, before she be altoge­ther so heavily benummed and stupisied therewith, that she can not well stirre maketh cleane the cave into which she meaneth to retire herselfe: & when she is to go downe into it, all the way besides which is toward it, she treadeth very lightly, bearing herselfe (as it were) upon her tip­toes: and being come neere unto it, she turnes upon her backe, and so eicheth forward her bo­die aswell as she can into her den.

Ofred deere, the hynds commonly calve neere unto highway sides, where ravenous beasts, such as live by prey, doe not ordinarily haunt. The stags when they perceive themselves to be fat, well fleshed, and good venison, seeke blinde corners to hide themselves in, for the better se­curitie of their lives, as not trusting then to their heeles and swift running. 20

The land-urchins are so wise and wary in defending and saving themselves, that they have thereby given occasion of this proverbe:

A thousand wiles and me, of craftie fox there are:
The urchin one doth know, and that is singular.

for when the urchin perceiveth Renard comming toward him,

All of a lumpe, as round as bur or ball,
His bodie lies, with pricks beset withall:
No meanes she hath, for thornie bristles thicke,
To bite, to pinch, or touch him to the quicke. 30

and yet more ingenious is their forecast and providence for the feeding of their little ones; for in Autumne, a little before vintage time, you shall have an urchin or hedge-hogge get under a vine, and with his feet shake the stocke untill the grapes from their branches be fallen upon the ground, then he rouleth himselfe round like a foot-ball among them, and catcheth them up with his sharpe pricks; insomuch as when we stood all of us sometime to behold the manner of it, it seemed as if a cluster of grapes had beene quicke, and so crept upon the ground; so beset went he and covered all over with grapes: then so soone as he is gotten into his hole or neast, he offereth them unto his yoong ones to eat, to take from him and lay up for store. This hole hath two fa­ces or prospects; the one regardeth the south, the other looketh into the north. When they 40 foresee change & alteration of weather, like as skilful ship-masters turne their sailes according to the time; even so, they shut up that hole or entrie which standeth in the wind, and set open the other: which when one of the citie Cyzicum had once observed and learned, he got a great name and reputation of a weather-wise-man, as if he foreknew of himselfe by some singular gift, and could foretell from which cost the wind would blow.

As touching social love and fidelitie, accompanied with wit and understanding, the elephants as king Juba writeth, shew unto us an evident example: for they that hunt them are woont to dig deepe trenches, and thatch them over with a thinne cote of light straw or some small brush. Now when one of the heard chanceth to fall into a trench, for many of them use to go and feed together, all the rest bring a mighty deale of stones, rammell wood, and whatsoever they can get, 50 which they fling into the ditch for to fill it up, to the end that their fellow may have meanes thereby to get up againe. The same writer recordeth also that elephants use to pray unto gods, to purifie themselves with the sea water, and to adore the sunne rising, by lifting up their trunked snout into the aire (as if it were their hād) & all thus of their own accord & untaught. And to say a truth of all beasts the elephant is most devout & religious, as K. Ptolemaeus Philopater hath wel te­stified: for after he had defaited Antiochus, & was minded to render condign thanks unto the gods for so glorious a victorie, among many other beasts for sacrifice, he slew foure elephants: but af­terwards [Page 966] being much disquieted and troubled in the night with fearefull dreames, and namely, that God was wroth and threatned him for such an uncouth and strange sacrifice; hee made meanes to appease his ire by many other propitiatorie oblations, and among the rest, hee dedi­cated unto him fower elephants of brasse, in steed of those which were killed: no lesse is the so­ciable kindnesse and good nature which lions shew one one unto another; for the yoonger sort which are more able and nimble of body, lead forth with them into the chace for to hunt and prey those that be elder and unweldy; who when they be weary, sit them downe and rest, waiting for the other; who being gone forward to hunt if they meet with game and speed, then they all set up a roaring note altogether, much like unto the bellowing of bulles, and thereby call their fellowes to them; which the old lions hearing, presently runne unto them, where they take 10 their part, and devour they prey in common.

To speake of the amatorious affections of brute beasts, some are very savage and exceeding furious: others more milde, and not altogether unlike unto the courting and wooing used be­tweene man and woman, yea, & I may say to you, smelling somewhat of wanton and venerious behaviour: and such was the love of an elephant, a counter suter or corrivall with Aristopha­nes the grammarian, to a woman in Alexandria, that sold chaplets or garlands of flowers: nei­ther did the elephant shew lesse affection to her than the man, for hee would bring her alwaies out of the fruit market, as he passed by, some apples, peares, or other fruit, and then he would stay long with her, yea, and otherwhiles put his snout, as it were his hand, within her bosome under her partlet, and gently feele her soft pappes and white skinne about her faire brest. 20

A dragon also there was enamoured upon a yoong maiden of Aetolia: it would come to vi­sit her by night, creepe along the very bare skinne of her body, yea, and winde about her without any harme in the world done unto her, either willingly or otherwise, and then would gently depart from her by the breake of day: now when this serpent had continued thus for certeine nights together ordinarily; at the last the friends of the yoong damosel remooved her, and sent her out of the way a good way off; but the dragon for three or fower nights together came not to the house, but wandred and sought up and downe heere and there as it should seem for the wench; in the end, with much adoo, having found her out, he came and clasped her a­bout, not in that milde and gentle maner as before time, but after a rougher sort; for having with other windings and knots bound her hands and armes fast unto her body, with the rest of 30 his taile he flapped and beat her legges, shewing a gentle kinde of amorous displeasure and an­ger, yet so, as it might seeme he had more affection to pardon, than desire to punish her.

As for the goose in Aegypt which fell in love with a boy; and the goat that cast a fansie to Glauce the minstrell wench: because they are histories so wel knowen, and in every mans mouth: for that also I suppose you are wearie already of so many tedious tales and narrations, I forbeare to relate them before you: but the merles, crowes, and perroquets or popinjaies, which learne to prate, and yeeld their voice and breath to them that teach him, so pliable, so tractable and docible, for to forme and expresse a certeine number of letters and syllables as they would have them, me thinks they plead sufficiently, and are able to defend the cause of all other beasts, tea­ching us as I may say, by learning of us, that capable they be not onely of the inward discourse 40 of reason, but also of the outward gift uttered by distinct words, and an articulate voice: were it not then a meere ridiculous mockerie, to compare these creatures with other dumbe beasts which have not so much voice in them, as will serve to houle withall, or to expresse a groane and complaint? but how great a grace and elegancie there is in the naturall voices and songs of these, which they resound of themselves, without learning of any masters, the best musicians and most sufficient poets that ever were do testifie, who compare their sweetest canticles and poems unto their songs of swannes and nightingals: now forasmuch as to teach, sheweth grea­ter use of reason; than to learne wee are to give credit unto Aristotle, who saith: that brute beasts are endued also with that gift, namely, that they teach one another: for hee writeth that the nightingale hath beene seene to traine up her yoong ones in singing; and this experience 50 may serve to testifie on his behalfe, that those nightingales sing nothing so well, which are taken very yong out of the nest, and were not fedde nor brought up by their dammes; for those that be nourished by them, learne withall, of them to sing, and that not for money and gaine, nor yet for glory, but because they take pleasure to sing well, and love the elegance above the profit of the voice: and to this purpose report I will unto you a storie which I have heard of ma­ny, as well Greeks as Romans, who were present and eie witnesses: There was a barber within the city of Rome, who kept a shoppe over against the temple, called Grecostisis, or Forum Grae­cum, [Page 967] and there nourished a pie, which would so talke, prate, and chatte, as it was woonderfull, counting the speech of men and women, the voice of beasts, and sound of musicall instru­ments, and that voluntarily of her selfe without the constreint of any person, onely she accu­stomed her selfe so to doe, and tooke a certeine pride and glory in it, endevouring all that she could to leave nothing unspoken, or not expressed: now it hapned that there were solemnized great funerals of one of the welthiest personages in the city, and the corps was caried foorth in a great state, with the sound of many trumpets that marched before; in which solemnitie, for that the maner was that the pompe and whole company should stand still and rest a time in that verie place, it fell out so, that the trumpetters who were right cunning and excel­lent in their arte, staied there, founding melodiouslie all the while: the morrow after 10 this, the pie became mute and made no noise at all, nor uttered not so much as her na­turall voice which she was wont to doe, for to expresse her ordinarie and necessarie passi­ons; insomuch, as they who before time woondered at her voice and prating, marvelled now much more at her silence, thinking it a very strange matter to passe by the shop and heare her say nothing; so as there grew some suspition of others professing the same art and trade, that they had given her some poison: howbeit, most men guessed that it was the violent sound of the trumpets which had made her deafe, and that together with the sense of hearing, her voice also was utterly extinct: but it was neither the one nor the other; for the trueth was this, as ap­peared afterwards: she was in a deepe studie, and through meditation retired within herselfe, 20 whiles her minde was busie and did prepare her voice like an instrument of musicke, for imita­tion; for at length her voice came againe and wakened (as it were) all on a sudden, uttering none of her olde notes nor that which she was accustomed before to parle and counterseit; onely the sound of trumpets she resembled, keeping the same periods, the same stops, pauses and straines; the same changes, the same reports, and the same times and measures: a thing, that confirmeth more and more that which I have said before; namely, that there is more use of reason in teach­ing of themselves, than in learning by another. Yet can I not conteine my selfe, but I must needs in this place recite unto you one lesson that I my selfe saw a dogge to take out, when I was at Rome: This dog served a plaier who professed to counterfeit many persons, and to represent sundry gestures; & among sundry other prety tricks which his master taught him, answerable to 30 divers passions, occasions and occurrents represented upon the stage, his master made an expe­riment on him with a drogue or medicine which was somniferous indeed and sleepie, but must be taken and supposed deadly; who tooke the piece of bread wherein the said drogue was min­gled, and within a little while after he had swallowed it downe, he began to make as though hee trembled, quaked, yea and staggered, as if he had beene astonied, in the end he stretched out himselfe, and lay as stiffe as one starke dead, suffering himselfe to be pulled, haled, and drawen from one place to another, like a very blocke, according as the present argument and matter of the place required; but afterwards, when hee understood by that which was said and done, that his time was come, and that he had caught his hint, then beganne he at the first to stirre gently by little and little, as if hee had newly revived or awakened, and stared out of a dead 40 sleepe, and lifting up his head, began to looke about him too and fro; at which object all the beholders woondered not a little; afterwards he arose upon his feet, and went directly to him unto whom he was to goe, very jocund and mery: this pageant was performed so artificially, I cannot tell whether to say or naturally, that all those who were present, and the emperour him­selfe (for Vespasian the father was there in person, within the theater of Marcellus) tooke excee­ding great pleasure, and joied woonderfully to see it.

But peradventure we may deserve well to be mocked for our labour, praising beasts as we doe so highly, for that they be so docible and apt to learne, seeing that Democritus sheweth and pro­veth, that we our selves have beene apprentises and scholars to them in the principall things of this life; namely, to the spider, for spinning, weaving, derning, and drawing up a rent; to the swallow, for architecture and building; to the melodious swanne and shrill nightingale, for 50 vocall musicke, and all by way of imitation. As for the art of physicke, and the [...] three kindes thereof, we may see in the nature of beasts, the greatest and most generous part of each of them: for they use not onely that, which ordeined drogues and medicines to purge ill humours out of the body, seeing that the tortoises take origan; wezels, rue, when they have eaten a serpent; dogges also when they be troubled with choler of the gall, purge themselves with a certeine herbe, thereupon called dogges-grasse; the dragon likewise if he finde his eies to be dimme, clenseth, scoureth, and dispatcheth the cloudinesse thereof with fenell; and the beare so soone [Page 968] as she is gone out of her denne, seeketh out the first thing that she doth, the wilde herbe called Aron, that is to say, wake-robin, for the acrimonie and sharpnesse thereof openeth her bow­els when they are growen together, yea, and at other times finding herselfe upon fulnesse, gi­ven to loth and distaste all food, she goes to finde out ants nests, where she sits her downe lil­ling out the tongue which is glibbe and soft, with a kinde of sweet and slimy humour, untill it be full of ants and their egges, then draweth she it it againe, swalloweth them downe, and thereby cureth her lothing stomacke. Semblably it is said, that the Aegyptians having obser­ved their bird Ibis, which is the blacke storke, to give herselfe a clister of sea water, by imitati­on of her did the like by themselves. Certeine it is, that their priests use to besprinkle, purifie, and hallow themselves with that water out of which she hath drunke; for let any water be vene­mous, 10 or otherwise hurtfull and unholsome, the Ibis will none of it: but also some beasts there be, which feeling themselves ill at ease, are cured by diet and abstinence; as namely woolves and lions, when they have devoured too much flesh, and are cloied or glutted therewith, they lie me downe, take their ease, cherishing and keeping themselves warme.

It is reported likewise of the tygre, that when a yoong kidde was given unto her, she fasted two daies, according to the diet which she useth, before she touched it, and the third day being very hungry, called for other food, ready to burst the cage wherein she was enclosed, and for­bare to eat the said kid, supposing that now she was to keepe it with her, as a familiar & domesti­call companion. Nay that which more is, recorded it is, that elephants practise the feat of chi­rurgery; for standing by those that are wounded in a battell, they can skill of drawing out tron­chions 20 of speares, javelin heads, arrowes and darts out of their bodies, with such dexterity and ease, that they will neither teare and hurt their flesh, nor put them to any paine whatsoever. The goats of Candy when they be shotte into the body with arrowes or darts, fall to eat the herbe Dictamus, & thereby thrust them out, and make them fal off with facility, & by this meanes they have taught women with child that this herbe hath a propertie to cause abortive birth, and the child in their wombe to miscarrie: for the said goats are no sooner wounded, but they runne pre­sently to this herbe, and never seeke after any other remedy. Woonderfull these things are (no doubt) howbeit lesle miraculous, when we consider the natures of beasts, how they be capable of arithmeticke, and have the knowledge of numbring and keeping account: as the kine and oxen about Susa; for appointed they be there to water the kings gardens, drawing up water in buckets 30 with a device of wheels that they turne about in maner of a windles; and everie one of them for their part must draw up an hundred buckets in a day: so many they will do just, but more you shal not get of them, neither by faire meanes nor foule; for no sooner have they performed their task, but presently they give over & impossible it is to force them any farther then their account: notwithstanding triall hath bene made; so justly and exactly they both know, and also keepe the reckoning, as Ctesians the Guidian hath left in writing. As for the Lybians they mocke the Ae­gyptians, for reporting this of their beast called Oryx, as a great singularitie, that hee setteth up a certaine crie that verie day and houre, when as the star named by them Sothe, and by us the Dog, or [...] doth arise: for they give out, that with them all their goats together, at the verie instant when the said starre mounteth up within their horizon with the sunne, will bee sure to turne and 40 looke into the east: and this they hold to be an infallible signe of the revolution of that starre, a­greeing just with the rules and observations of the Mathematicians. But to close up and con­clude at length this discourse, that it may come to an end, let us (as it were) take in hand the sacred anchor, and for a finall conclusion knit up all with a briefe speech of their divinitie and propheti­call nature. For certaine it is, that one of the greatest, most noble and ancient parts of divination or soothsaying, is that which being drawen from the flight and singing of birds, they call Augu­rie: and in truth the nature of these birds being so quicke, so active, so spirituall, and in regard of that agilitie & nimblenesse verie pliable, and obsequent to all visions & fantasies presented, offe­reth it selfe unto God, as a proper instrument to be used & turned which way he wil; one while to motion, another while into certaine voices, laies & tunes, yea & into divers & sundrie gestures: now to stop and stay, anon to drive and put forward, in manner of the winds; by meanes whereof 50 he impeacheth and holdeth backe some actions and affections, but directeth others unto their end & accomplishment. And this no doubt is the reason that Euripides tearmeth al birds in gene­rall the heraulds and messengers of the gods: and particularly Socrates said, that he was become a fellow servitor with the swans: semblably, among the kings, Pyrrhus was well pleased when as men called him the Eagle, and Antiochus tooke as great pleasure to be called the Sacre or the Hauke. Whereas contrariwise, when we are disposed to mocke, to flout, or to reproch those that [Page 969] be dull, indocible and blockish, wee call them fishes. To bee short, an hundred thousand things there be that God doth shew, foretell and prognosticate unto us by the meanes of beasts, as well those of the land beneath, as the fowles of the aire above. But who that shall plead in the behalfe of fishes or water-creatures, will not be able to alledge so much as one: for, deafe they be all and dombe; [...] blind also for any fore-sight or providence that they have, as being cast into a balefull place and bottomlesse gulfe, where impious Atheists & rebellious Titans or giants against God are bestowed; where they have no sight of God, no more than in hell where damned soules are; where the reasonable and intellectuall part of the soule is utterly extinct, and the rest that remai­neth, drenched or rather drowned (as a man would say) in the most base and vile sensuall part, so as they seeme rather to pant then to live. 10

HERACLEON.

Plucke up your browes, good Phaedimus, open your eies, awake your spirits, and bestirre your selfe in the defense of us poore Ilanders and maritime inhabitants: for here we have heard not a discourse iwis merrily devised to passe away the time, but a serious plea premeditate and labou­red before hand, a verie Rhetoricall declamation which might beseeme well to bee pronoun­ced at the barre in judiciall court, or delivered from a pulpit and tribunall before a publicke au­dience.

PHAEDIMUS.

Now verily, good sir Heracleon, this is a meere surprise and a manifest ambush laid craftily of set purpose; for this brave oratour (as you see) being yet fasting and sober himselfe; and having 20 studied his oration all night long hath set upon us at the disvantage, and altogether unprovided, as being still heavy in the head, and drenched with the wine that we drunke yesterday. Howbeit we ought not now to draw backe and recule for all this: for being as I am an affectionate lover of the poet Pindarus, I would not for any good in the world, heare this sentence of his justly alledged against me.

When games of prise and combats once are set,
Who shrinketh backe, and doth pretend some let,
In darknesse hides and obscuritie,
His fame of vertue and activitie.

for at great leasure we are all, and not the dances onely be at repose, but also dogs and horses, cast­nets, 30 drags, and all manner of nets besides: yea and this day there is a generall cessation given to all creatures as wel on land as in sea, for to give eare unto this disputation. And as for you my ma­sters here, have no doubt, nor be you affraid; for I will use my libertie in a meane, and not draw out an Apologie or counterplea in length, by alledging the opinions of philosophers; the fables of the Aegyptians; the headlesse tales of the Indians or Libyans, without proofe of any testimo­nies; but quickly come to the point, and looke what examples be most manifest and evident to the eie, and such as shall bee testified and verified by all those marriners or travellers that are ac­quainted with the seas, some few of them I will produce. And yet verily in the proofes and argu­ments drawen from creatures above the ground, there is nothing to empeach the sight, the view of them being so apparant and daily presented unto our eie, whereas the sea affoordeth us the 40 sight of a few effects, within it & those hardly and with much adoe (as it were) by a glaunce and glimmering light, hiding from us the most part of the breeding and feeding of fishes: the meanes also that they use, either to assaile one another or to defend themselves wherein I assure you there be actions of prudence, memory, societie, and equity not a few, which because they are not knowen, it cannot chuse but our discourse as touching this argument will be lesse enri­ched and enlarged with examples, and so by consequence the cause more hardly defended and mainteined.

Over and besides, this advantage have land beasts, that by reason of their affinity as it were, and daily conversation with men, they get a tincture as it were from them, of their maners and fashions, and consequently enjoy a kinde of nurture, teaching, discipline, and apprentising by imitation; 50 which is able to dulce, allay, and mittigate all the bitternesse and austerity of their nature, no lesse than fresh water mingled with the sea, maketh it more sweet and potable: like­wise all the unsociable wildenesse, and heavy unweldinesse therein, it stirreth up, when the same is once mooved and set on foot by the motions that it learneth by conversing with men: where­as on the otherside the life of sea-creatures being farre remote and devided by long and large confines from the frequentation of men, as having no helpe of any thing without, nor any thing to be taught it by use and custome, is altogether solitarie and by it selfe, as nature brought [Page 970] it soorth, so it continueth and goeth not abroad; neither mingled nor mixed with forren fashi­ons, and all by reason of the place which they inhabit, and not occasioned by the quality of their owne nature, for surely their nature conceiving and reteining within it selfe as much dis­cipline and knowledge as it is possible for to atteine unto and apprehend, exhibiteth unto us many tame and familiar eeles (which they call sacred) that use to come to hand; such as are a­mong the rest, of those in the fountaine Arethusa, besides many other fishes imdivers places, which are very obeisant and obsequious when they be called by their names, as is reported of Marcus Crassus his lamprey, for which he wept when it was dead; and when Domitus upon a time reproched him for it, by way of mockerie in this wise: Were not you the man who wept 10 for your lamprey when it was dead; he came upon him presently in this maner: And were not you the kinde and sweet husband who having buried three wives never shed teare for the mat­ter? the crocodiles not only know the voice of the preists when they call unto them, and endure to be handled and stroked by them, but also yawne and offer there teeth unto them to be picked and clensed with there hands, yea and to be skowred and rubbed all over with linen clothes. It is not long since that Philinus a right good man and well reputed, after his returne from his voiage out of Aegypt, where he had bin to see the countrey recounted unto us, that in the city of Anteus he had seene an olde woman ly a sleepe on a little pallet together with a crocodile, who very de­cently and modestly couched close along by her side. And it is found in old records, that when one of the kings called Ptolomaei, called unto the sacred crocodile, it would not come nor obey the voice of the priests, notwithstanding they gently praied and intreated her; a signe thought 20 to be a prognosticke and presage of his death, which soone after ensued: whereby it is plaine that the kind and generation of these water beasts, is neither incapable, nor deprived of that sa­cred and highly esteemed science of divination and foretelling future things; considering that even in the countrey of Lycia; betweene the cities of Phellos and Myrz, that is, a village called Sura, where I heare say, the inhabitants use to sit and behold the fishes swimming in the water, like as in other places they observe birds flying in the aire, marking their lying in wait and am­bush, their scudding away and pursute after them; whereby according to a certeine skill that is among them, they can foretell future things to come. But this may suffice to shew and de­clare, that their nature is not altogether estranged from us, nor unsociable.

As touching their proper wit, and naturall prudence, wherein there is no mixture at all bor­rowed 30 from other, this is ingenerall, a great argument thereof, that there is no creature that swimmeth or liveth in the waters, except those which sticke to stones, and cleave to rocks, that is so easie to be caught by man, or otherwise to be taken without trouble, as asses are by wolves; bees by the birds Meropes; grashoppers by swallowes; or serpents by stagges, who are so easily caught up by them; in Greeke they tooke the name [...] not [...] that is to say, of lightnesse: but [...] that is to say, of drawing up serpent out of his hole. The sheepe calleth as it were the woolfe, by the foote; like as by report the leopard allureth unto him the most part of beasts, who are willing to approch him for the pleasure they take in his smell, and above all others the ape. But sea creatures generally all, have a certeine inbred sagacity, a wary perceivance before hand, which maketh them to be suspicious and circumspect, yea, and 40 to stand upon their guard against all fore-laying; so that the arte of hunting and catching them is not a small piece of worke, and a simple cunning; but that which requireth a great number of engins of all sorts, and asketh woonderfull devices, and subtill sleights to compasse and goe beyond them; and this appeereth by the experience of such things, as we have daily in our hands: For first and formost the cane or reed of which the angle rodde is made, fishers would not have to bee bigge and thicke, and yet they had need of such an one as is tough and strong, for to plucke up and hold the fishes, which commonly doe mightily fling and struggle when they be caught; but they chuse rather that which is small and slender, for feare lest if it cast a­broad shadow, it might moove the doubt and suspicion that is naturally in fishes: moreover the line they make not with many water-knots, but desire to have it as plaine and even as possi­bly 50 may be without any roughnesse, for that this giveth as it were some denuntiation unto them of fraud and deceit: they take order likewise that the haires which reach to the hooke, should seeme as white as possibly they can devise, for the whiter they be, the lesse are they seene in the water, for the conformity and likenesse in colour to it: as for that which the poet Homer saith:

Downe right to bottome of the sea, like plumbe of leade she went,
[Page 971] That peiseth downe the fishers hooke, and holdes the line extent;
Which passing through transparent
[...]
horne, that rurall oxes head bare,
To greedy fishes secretly brings death ere they be ware.

Some misunderstanding these verses, would infer therupon, that men in old time used the hairs of anoxe tale to make there lines withal, saying that this word [...] which commonly in Greeke is taken for an horne, signifieth in this place haire; & that hereupon [...] is derived, which be­tokeneth to sheere or cut haire; and [...] that is to say, sheering or clipping; as also, that from 10 hence it is that Archilochus tearmeth a daintie & wanton minion, who taketh delight in tricking and trimming the haire & wearing a peruke curiously set, [...] But surely, this their collec­tion is not true, for they used as we do, the haire of horse tailes, to make their angle-lines withal, chusing those that grow either on stone-horses or geldings, and not of mares, for that ever & a­non they wet their tailes with staling, and by that means the haires of them are tenderand apt to breake. And Aristotle himselfe writeth, that in those verses above cited there is no deepe matter that requireth such an exquisit & curious scanning; for that (in truth) fishers use to overcast the line neere unto the hooke with a piece of horne, for feare lest fishes when they have swallowed down the hooke, should with their teeth bite or fret a two the line. And as for the hooks, they use those that be round, for to take mullets and the fishes amiae, because they have narrow mouthes: 20 for very wary they are to avoid the longer and streighter kind; yea, and many times the mullet suspecteth the round hooke, swimming round about it, and flurting with the taile the bait and meat that is upon it, and never linnes flapping, untill he have shaken it off, and then devoureth it: but say, he can not speed that way, he drawes his mouth together, and with the very edge and utmost brim of his lips he nibleth about the bait, untill he have gnawen it off. The wide mou­thed sea-pike, when he perceiveth that he is caught with the hooke, sheweth herein more valour and animositie than the elephant; for he plucketh not out of another the dart or arrow sticking the bodie; but maketh meanes to deliver himselfe from the said hooke, shaking his head and writhing it to and fro untill he have inlarged the wound and made it wider; enduring most stoutly and resolutely the dolour to be thus rent and torne, and never gives over, untill he have 30 wrested and wrung the hooke out of his bodie. The sea fox will not many times come neere un­to an hooke, he reculeth backe and is afraid of some deceitfull guile; but say that he chance to be surprised quickly, he maketh shift to winde himselfe off againe: for such is his strength, agili­tie and slipperie moisture withall, taht he will turne himselfe upside downe with his taile up­ward, in such sort, that when by overturning his stomacke all within is come forth, it can not chuse but the hooke looseth the hold which it had and falleth foorth.

These examples do shew a certeine intelligence, and withall a wittie and readie execution of that which is expedient for them, as need and occasion requireth. But other fishes there be, which besides this industrious sagacitie in shifting for themselves, do represent a sociable nature and loving affection one unto another; as for example, the anthiae and scari: for when the sca­rus 40 hath swallowed downe and hooke, other of his fellowes come leaping about him, and gnaw the line a sunder; and if peradventure there be any of them gotten within a net and entangled, their companions give them their tailes without, which they holde as fast as they can with their teeth, and the other lie pulling and haling of them untill they have drawen them foorth. As for the anthiae, they come to rescue and succour one of their owne kinde with more audacitie, for putting the line against their backe, they set to it the ridge bone, which is sharpe toothed in ma­ner of a saw, and with it they endevour to file and saw it in twaine. And verily, there is not a cre­ature living on the land (as farre as wee know) that hath the heart and courage to aid their fel­lowes being in danger of life, neither beare, bore, lion, nor leopard. Well may those gather all together in heaps, which are of the same kind and run one with another round about the cirque 50 or shew-place with the Amphitheaters: but to rescue or succour one another neither know they the meanes how, nor have the courage to doe it: for they fly and leape backward as farr as ever they can possibly from one that is hurt or killed in their sight: as for that story my good friend that you alledge of the elephants, that they cast into the ditch or trench whereinto one of their company is fallen all that ever they can get & gather together, thereby to make a banke, that he may cast himselfe upon, & besides so get forth, it is very strange and far fet: and because it com­meth. [...] [Page 970] [...] [Page 971] [Page 972] out of the books of king Juba, it would seeme to command us (as it were) by a roiall edict, to give credit thereto. But say it were, true there be examples of sea-creatures enough to prove that for sociable kindnesse and prudence withall, there be many of them which give no place to the wisest of all those which the land affoordeth: but as touching their communion and fellow­ship, we will treat thereof apart, and that anon.

To returne unto our fishers: perceiving as they doe, that the most part of fishes scorne the line and hooke as stale devices or such as be discovered, they betake themselves to fine force, and shut them up within great casting nets, like as the Persians use to serve their enemies in their warres, making this account, that if they be enclosed once within those nets, they are theirs sure enough, as if no discourse of reason in the world, no wit & policie whatsoever will serve them to escape: for with hoopnets or castnets are mullets caught, & the iülides, the marmyri also, the sar­gi, 10 sea-gogeon, and the wide mouthed pikes: but such as plunge themselves downe to the bot­tome of the water, called thereupon [...] such as are the barbel, the guiltheads, and the scorpi­ons of the sea, those they use to catch and draw up with great drags and sweepnets. And verily this kinde of net Homer calleth Panagra, which is as much to say, as catching and swooping all asore it. And yet as cunningly devised as these engins be, the sea-dogs have devices to avoid the same, as also the wide mouthed labrax; for when he perceiveth that the said sweepe net is a drawing along the bottome, he setteth all his strength to, scrapeth in the earth, and patteth if so, as he maketh an hole therein; and when he hath thus digged (as it were) as deepe a trench as will hide him against the incursion of the net, then he coucheth himselfe close within it, wai­ting untill the net be glided over him and past. The dolphin, if he be surprised, and perceive that 20 he is inclosed and clasped within the armes (as one would say) of a net, endureth his fortune resolutely, and never dismaieth for the matter; nay, he is very well appaied and pleased; for he is glad in his heart, that he hath so many fishes about him caught in the same net, which hee may devour and make merrie with at his pleasure without paines taking: and when he sees that he is drawen up neere to the land, he makes no more adoe but gnawes a great hole in the net, & away he goes. But say that he cannot dispatch this feat so quickly, but he comes into the fishers hands, yet hee dieth not for this at the first time; for they draw a rish or reed thorow the skinne along his crest, and so let him go: but if he suffer himselfe to be taken the second time, then they beat and cudgell him well; and know him they do by the seames or skars remaining of the fore­said reed. Howbeit, this falleth out verie seldome; for the most part of them when they have 30 beene once pardoned, do acknowledge what favour they have received, and beware for ever after how they do a fault and come into danger againe. But whereas there be infinit other examples of subtle slights and wittie wiles which fishes have invented, both to foresee and prevent a perill, & also to escape out of a danger, that of the cuttle is woorthie to be recited and would not be passed over in silence: for having about her necke a bladder or bag hanging, full of a blacke muddie li­quor, which thereupon they call [...] that is to say, Inke: when she perceives herselfe beset & compassed about, so as she is ready to be taken, she casteth forth from her the said inke full crafti­ly, that by troubling the water of the sea all about her, and making it looke thicke and blacke, she might avoid the sight of the fisher, and so make an escape unseene. Following heerein the gods in Homer, who many times with overspreading a back cloud withdraw and steale away those 40 whom they are minded to save: but enough of this.

Now as touching their craft and subtiltie in assailing and chasing others, there be many expe­riments and examples presented unto our sight: for the fish called the Starre, knowing full well, that whasoever he toucheth wil melt and resolve, offreth and yeeldeth her body to be handled, suffering as many as passe by her, or approch neere to stroke him: and as for the cramp-fish Tor­pedo, you all know well enough her powerfull propertie; not onely to benumme and stupifie those who touch her, but also to transmit a stupefactive qualitie, even along the maishes and cords of the net, to the verie hands of the fishers who have caught her. And some there be who report thus much moreover, as having farther experience of her woonderfull nature, that in case she escape and get away alive, if men do baddle aloft in the water, or dash the same upon them, 50 they shall feele the said passion running up to the verie hand, and benumming their sense of feeling, as it should seeme, by reason of the water which before was altered and turned in that manner. This fish therefore having an imbred knowledge hereof by nature, never fighteth a front with any other; neither hazardeth himselfe openly: but fetching a compasse about the prey which it hunteth after, shooteth forth from her these contagious influences like darts, infe­cting [Page 973] or charming rather the water first therewith, and after wards by meanes thereof the fish that she laieth for; so that it can neither defend it selfe, nor flie and make an escape, but remaineth as it were arrested, and bound fast with chaines, or utterly astonied.

The sea-frog, called the Fisher, which name he gat by a kind of fishing that he doth practise, is knowen well enough to many: and Aristotle saith, that the cuttle aforesaid useth likewise the same craft that he doth. His manner is to hang downe as it were an angle line, a certaine small string or gut from about his necke, which is of that nature, that hee can let out in length a great way when it is loose, and draw it in againe close together verie quickly when he list. Now when he perciveth some small fish neere unto him, hee suffreth it to nibble the end thereof and bite it, and then by litle and little and prively plucketh and draweth it backe toward him, untill he can reach 10 with his mouth the fish that hangeth to it.

As touching poulps or purcuttles, and how they change their colour, Pindarus hath ennobled them in these verses:

His mind doth alter most mutable,
To poulpe the sea fish skinne semblable,
Which changeth hue to all things sutable,
To live in all worlds he is pliable.

The poet Theognis likewise:

Put on a mind like polyp fish, and learne so to dissemble, 20
Which of the rocke whereto it sticks, the colour doth resemble.

True it is that the chamaeleon also eftsoone changeth colour, but it is not upon any craftie des­seigne that he hath, nor yet for to hide himselfe, but only for that he is so timorous; for cowardly he is by nature, and feareth everie noise. Over and besides (as Theophrastus writeth) full he is of a deale of wind; and the bodie of this creature wanteth but a little of being all lungs and lights; whereby it may bee guessed that it standeth altogether upon ventositie and wind, and so conse­quently verie variable and subject to change: whereas that mutabilitie of the polype is a power­full and setled action of his, and not a momentarie passion or infirmitie: for hee altereth his co­lour of a deliberate purpose, using it as a sleight or device, either to conceale himselfe from that 30 whereof he is affraid; or else to catch that whereof hee feedeth: and by meanes of this deceitfull wile, he praieth upon the one that escapeth him not, & escapeth the other that passeth by & sees him not. But to say that he eateth his owne cleies or long armes that he useth to stretch foorth, is a loudlie; marie that he standeth in feare of the lampray and the conger, is verie true: for these fishes do him many shrewd turnes, and he cannot requite them the like, so slipperie they be and so soone gone. Like as the lobster on the other side if they come within his clutches, holdeth them fast & squeizeth them to death: for their glibby slicknesse serveth them in no stead against his rough cleies; and yet if the polype can get & entangle him once within his long laces, hee dies for it. See how nature hath given this circular vicissitude to avoid and chase one another by turnes, as a verie exercise and triall to make proofe of their wit and sagacitie. 40

But Aristotimus hath alledged unto us the hedghoge, or land urchin, and stood much upon I wot not what foresight he hath of the winds: and a woondrous matter he hath made also of the triangular flight of cranes. As for me, I will not produce the sea urchins of this or that particu­lar coast, to wit, either of Bizantine, or of Cyzicum, but generally all in what seas soever; name­ly, how against a tempest and storme, when they see that the sea will bee very much troubled, they charge and ballast themselves with little stones, for feare of being overturned or driven to and fro for their lightnesse, by the billowes and waves of the sea: and thus by the meanes of this weight, they remaine firme and fast upon the little rocks whereto they are setled. As for the cranes, who change their maner of flying according to the winde; I say, this is a skilfull quality, not proper and peculiar to one kinde of fishes, but common unto them all; namely, to swimme 50 evermore against the waves & the current; yea, and very warie they be, that the winde blow not their tailes, and raise their skales, and so hurt and offend their bodies laid bare and naked, yea and made rugged by that meanes. Heereupon they carie their snouts and muzzels alwaies into the winde, and so direct their course: and thus the sea being cut afront at their head, keepeth downe their finnes, and gliding smoothly over their body, laieth their scales even, so as none of them stand staring up. This is a thing, as I have said, cōmon unto al fishes, except the Elops, whose nature is to swimme downe the winde and the water; neither feareth he that the winde [Page 974] will drive up his scales in so swimming, because they doe not lie toward his taile, but contrary to other fishes, to ward his head.

Moreover, the tuny is so skilfull in the solstices and equinoxes, that he hath taught men to observe them without need of any astrologicall rules; for looke in what place or coast of the sea the winter tropicke or solstice finds him, there resteth he, and stirreth not untill the equinox in the spring. But a woonderfull wisedome (quoth he) there is in the crane, to hold a stone in his foot, that by the fall thereof he may quickly awaken. How much wiser then, my good friend Aristotimus, is the dolphin? who may not abide to lie still and cease stirring, for that by nature he is in continuall motion, and endeth his mooving and living together: but when he hath need of sleepe, he springeth up with his body to the toppe of the water, and turneth him upon his 10 backe with the belly upward, and so suffreth it partly to flote and hull, and in part to be caried through the deepe, waving to and fro as it were in a hanging bedde, with the agitation of the sea, sleeping all the while, untill he settle downe to the bottom of the sea, and touch the ground: then wakeneth he, and mounting up with a jerke a second time, suffreth himselfe to bee ca­ried untill he be setled downe againe; and thus hath he devised to have his repose and rest inter­mingled with a kinde of motion. And it is said that the tunies doe the like, and upon the same cause.

And now forasmuch as we have shewed already the mathematicall and astrologicall fore­knowledge that fishes have in the revolution and conversion of the sunne, which is confirmed likewise by the testimonie of Aristotle, listen what skill they have in arithmeticke; but first (be­leeve 20 me) of the perspective science; whereof as it should seeme, the poet Aeschylus was not ignorant: for thus he saith in one place:

Like tuny fish he seemes to spie,
He doth so looke with his left eie.

For tunies in the other eie are thought to have a dimme and feeble sight: and therefore when they enter Mer major into the sea of Pontus, they coast along the land on the right side; but contrariwise when they come foorth, wherein they doe very wisely and circumspectly, to com­mit the custody of the body alwaies to the better eie. Now for that they have need of arithme­ticke, by reason of their societie (as it may be thought) and mutuall love wherein they delight; they are come to that height and perfection in this arte, that because they take a woondrous 30 pleasure to feed together, and to keepe one with another in sculles & troupes, they alwaies cast their company into a cubicke forme, in maner of a battailon, solid and square every way, close, and environed with six equall sides or faces; and arranged in this ordinance as it were of a qua­drat battell doe they swim, as large before as behind, & of the one side as of the other, in such sort, as he that lieth in espiall to hunt these tunies, if he can but take the just number how ma­ny there be of that side or front that appeereth next unto him, may presently tell what the num­ber is of the whole troupe, being assured that the depth is equall to the bredth, and the bredth even with the length.

The fish called in Greeke Of [...] that is to say, alto­gether. Hamiae, tooke that name, it may be thought, for their conversing in companies al together: and so I suppose came the Pelamydes by their name. As for other fishes 40 that be sociable & love to live & are seene to converse in great companies together, no man is able to nūber thē, they be so many. Come we rather therfore to some particular societies & in­separable fellowships that some have in living together: amōg which is that Of [...] neere. Pinnotheres, which cost the philosopher Chrysippus so much inke in his descriptiō, for in al his books as wel of mo­rall Some take it for the shrimp. as naturall philosophie, he is ranged formost. As for the Spongetheres, I suppose he never knew, for otherwise he would not have left it out. Well, this Pinnotheres is a little fish, as they say, of the crabs kind, which goeth & commeth evermore with the Nacre, a big shel fish keeping still by it, and sits as it were a porter at his shell side, which he letteth continually to stand wide open, untill he spie some small fishes gotten within it, such as they are woont to take for their food: then doth he enter likewise into the Nacres shell, and seemeth to bite the fleshy sub­stance 50 thereof; whereupon presently the Nacre shutteth the shell hard, and then they two toge­ther feed upon the bootie which they have gotten prisoners within this enclosure.

As touching the spongotheres, a little creature it is, not like unto the crabbe fish as the other, but rather resembling a spider, & it seemeth to rule and governe the spunge, which is altogether without life, without bloud and sense; but as many other living creatures within the sea, clea­veth indeed heard to the rocks, and hath a peculiar motion of the owne, namely, to stretch out and draw in it selfe: but for to do this need, she hath of the direction and advertisement of ano­ther [Page 975] for being of a rare, hollow, and soft constitution otherwise, and full of many concavities, void & so dull of sense besides, & idle withal, that it perceiveth not when there is any substance of good meat gotten within the said void and emptie holes; this little animall at such a time gi­veth a kind of warning, and with it she gathereth in her body, holdeth it fast, and devoureth the same: but much more will this spunge draw in her selfe when a man comes neere and touches her; for then being better advertised and touched to the quicke, she quaketh as it were for feare, and plucketh in her body so streight and so hard, that the divers, and such as seeke after them have no small adoe, but finde it to be a painfull matter for to get under and cut them from the rocks.

The purple fishes keepe in companies together, & make themseves a common cel, much like 10 to the combs which bees doe frame, wherein by report, they do engender & breed: and looke what they have laid up for their store and provision of victuals, to wit, mosse, reits and such sea­weeds, those they put forth out of their shels, & present them unto their fellowes for to eat, ban­quetting round as it were every one in their turne, and keeping their course to feast, one eating of anothers provision. But no great marvell it is to see such an amiable society and loving fel­lowship among them, considering that the most unsociable, cruel and lavage creature of all that live either in rivers or lakes or seas, I meane the crocodile, sheweth himselfe wonderfull fellow­like and gracious in that society and dealing that is betweene him & the trochilus. For this trochi­lus is a little bird of the kinde of those which ordinarily doe haunt meres, marishes and rivers, waiting and attending upon the crocodile as it were one of his guard: neither liveth this bird at 20 her owne finding nor upon her owne provision, but of the reliques that the crocodile leaveth. The service that she doth for it is this: when she seeth the ichneumon, having plastred his body as it were with a coat of mud baked hard in maner of a crust, and like unto a champion with his hands al dusty, ready to wrestle & prepared to take hold of his enimy, ly in wait for to surprise the crocodile asleepe, she awakeneth him partly with her voice, and partly by nebbing him with her bill. Now the crocodile is so gentle and familiar with her, that he will gape with his chawes wide open, and let her enter into his mouth, taking great pleasure that she should picke his teeth and pecke out the little morsels of flesh that sticke betweene, with her prety beake, & withall, to scarifie his gummes. But when he hath had enough of this, & would shut and close his mouth againe, he letteth fall the upper chaw a little, which is a warning unto the bird for to get forth: 30 but he never bringeth both jawes together, before he knowe that the trochilus is flowen out.

There is a little fish called the guide, for quantity & proportion of shape, resembling the gud­geon, only without forth it seemeth like unto a bird, whose feathers for feare stand up; the scales stare so, and are so rough. This fish is ever in the company of one of these great whales, swim­ming before, and directing his course as if he were his pilot, for feare lest he should light upon some shelves, runne upon the sands in the shallowes, or otherwise shoot himselfe into some narrow creeke where he can hardly turne and get foorth. The whale followeth hard after, wil­ling to be guided, and directed by him, even as a shippe by the helme: and looke what other thing soever besides commeth within the chaos of this monsters mouth, be it beast, boat, or stone, downe it goes all incontinently that foule great swallow of his, and perisheth in the 40 bottomlesse gulfe of his panch: onely this little fish he knoweth from the rest, and receiveth into his mouth and no farther, as an ancker, for within it sleepeth; and while the fish is at re­pose, the whale likewise resteth still, as if he ridde at ancker; no sooner is it gotten foorth, but he followeth on a fresh, never leaving it by day nor by night, for otherwise hee would wander heere and there: and many of these whales there have beene lost in this manner, wanting their guide & pilot, which have runne themselves a land, for default of a good pilot. For we our selves have seene one of them so cast away not long since about the isle Anticyra: and before time by report, there was another cast upon the sands, and not farre from the city Buna, which lay there stinking and purrified; whereupon by the infection of the aire, there ensued a pestilence in those parts adjoining. What should one say? Is there any other example woorthy to bee 50 compared with these societies so streightly linked, and enterlaced with mutuall benevolence? Aristotle indeed reporteth great friendship and amitie betweene foxes and serpents, joining and combiming together against their common enemie the eagle also betweene the Otides and horses; for the bird Otis delighteth in their company, and to be neere them, for that they may rake into their dung. For mine owne part, I cannot see that the very bees, or the pismires, are so industrious and carefull one for another. True it is, that they travell and labour in common for a publicke weale; but to aime at any particular good, or to respect the private benefit one [Page 976] of another, we can finde example of no beast upon the land wheresoever: but we shall perceive this difference much better, if we convert our speech to the principall duties and greatest offices of societie; generation (I meane) and procreation of yoong: First and formost, all fishes which haunt any sea, either neere unto lakes, or such as receiveth great rivers into it, when they perceive their spawning time to be neere, come up toward the land, and seeke for that fresh water which is most quiet and least subject to agitation for that calmenesse is good for their breeding; besides, these lakes and rivers ordinarily have none of these monstrous sea monsters; so as both their spawne and their yoong frie, is there in most safetie, which is the reason that there are so many fishes bred about the Euxine sea; for that it nourisheth no whales or other great fishes: onely the sea-calfe which there is but small, and the dolphin 10 who is as little. Moreover, the mixture of many great rivers which discharge themselves into the sea, causeth the temperature of the water to be very good and fit for great bellied spawners. But most admirable of all others, is the nature of the fish anthios, which Homer called the sa­cred fish; although some thinke that sacred in that place, is as much to say, as great: in which sense we tearme the great bone, [...] that is to say, sacred; whereupon the ridge bone resteth: as also the great maladie, called the falling sicknesse, is tearmed in Greeke [...] that is to say, the sacred sicknesse: others interpret it after the common and vulgar maner, namely, for that which is vowed and dedicated to some god, or otherwise abandoned: but it seemeth that Eratosthenes so called the guilthead or golden-ey, as appeareth by this verse of his:

Most swift of course, with browes as bright as golde, 20
This is the fish which I doe sacred holde.

but many take it for the elops; for rare he is to be found, and hard to be taken: howbeit, manie times he is seene about the coast of Pamphylia; and whensoever the fishers can meet with any of them, and bring them home, both they themselves weare chaplets of flowers for joy, and also they crowne and adorne their barques with garlands, yea, and at their arrivall they are received with much shouting and clapping of hands; but the most part are of opinion, that the anthios beforesaid, is he which they call the sacred fish; and so is he held to be; for that wheresoever he is, there may no hurtfull nor ravening monster be found there: insomuch as the Divers plunge downe into the sea for spunges, boldly in those coasts where these be; yea, and other fishes, both spawne and reare their yoong frie safely there, as having him for their pledge and warrant of all 30 safety and security, as in a priviledged place. The cause hereof is hardly to be rendred; whether it be that such hurtfull fishes upon a secret antipathie in nature, doe avoid him as elephants a swine, and lions a cocke; or that there be some marks & signes of those coasts which are clere of such harmfull monsters, which he knoweth well and observeth, being a fish quicke of wit, and as good of memorie. Common it is to all females for to have a naturall care and providence for their yong, but in fishes, the males generally are so respective that way, and so farre off from de­vouring the seed of their owne kinde, that they continue neere unto the spawne that the females have cast, and keepe the same, as Aristotle hath left in writing. Some milters there be, that fol­low after the spawners, and sprinkle them a little about the taile; otherwise, the spawne or frie will not be faire and great, but remaine unperfect, and come to no growth. This property particu­larly 40 by themselves have the phycides, that they build their nests with the sea weeds or reits, co­vering and defending therewith their spawne and frie against the waves of the sea. [...]

Dog-fishes give not place in any sort to the most tame and gentle beasts in the world, for kinde love and naturall affection to their yoong: for first they engender spawne, and after that, a quicke frie; and that not without, but within, nourishing and carrying the same within their owne bodies, after a kind of second generation; but when they are growen to any bignesse, they put them foorth and teach them how to swim hard by them, and afterwards receive them by the mouth into their bodie, which serveth in stead of a place of abode, of nourishment and of re­fuge, untill such time as they be so big, that they can shift for themselves.

Moreover, the provident care of the tortoise in the generation, nourishment and preservati­on 50 of yer yoong, is woonderfull: for out she goeth of the sea, and laieth her egges or casteth her spawne upon the banke side; but being not able to cove or sit upon them, nor to remaine her­selfe upon the land out of the sea any long time, she bestoweth them in the gravell, and after­wards covereth them with the lightest and finest sand that she can get: when she hath thus hid­den them surely, some say, that with her feet she draweth raies or lines, or els imprinteth certeine pricks, which may serve for privy marks to herselfe, to finde out the place againe: others affirme, that the male turneth the females upon the backe, and so leaveth the print of their shell within [Page 977] the same: but that which is more admirable, she observeth just the fortieth day (for in so many daies, the egges come to their maturity, and be hatched) and then returneth she to the place where knowing her owne treasure by the seale, she openeth it with great joy and pleasure, as no man doth his casket of jewels or cabinet where his golde lieth.

The crocodiles deale much after this maner in all other points; but at what marks they aime in chusing or finding out the place where they breed, no mortall man is able to imagine or give a reason whereupon it is commonly said, that the foreknowledge of this beast in that respect, proceedeth not from any discourse of reason, but of some supernaturall divination: for going neither farther nor neerer than just to that gage and heigth where Nilus the river for that yeere will rise and cover the earth, there laieth she her egges: so that when the paisant or countrey 10 man chanceth by fortune to hit upen a crocodiles nest, himselfe knoweth and telleth his neigh­bours how high the river will overflow that Summer following: so just doth she measure the place that will be drowned with water, that herselfe may be sure not to be drenched while she sit­teth and coveth: furthermore, when her yoong bee newly hatched, if she see any one of them (so soone as ever it is out of the shell) not to catch with the mouth one thing or other comming next in the way, be it flie, pismire, gnat, earth-worme, straw or grasse, the damme taketh it be­tweene her teeth, teareth it and killeth it presently; but such as give some proofe of animositie, audacitie and execution, those she loveth, those she cherisheth and maketh much of, bestowing her love as the wisest men judge it meet and reasonable, according to reason and discretion, and not with blinde affection. 20

The sea-calves likewise bring forth their yoong on the dry land; but within a while after they traine them to the sea; give them a taste of the salt water, & then quickly bring them back againe: thus practise they with them by little and little many times together, untill they have gotten more heart and begin of themselves to delight for to live within the sea. Frogs about their bree­ding time, cal one to another, by a certaine amorous note or nuptiall tune, called properly Olo­lugon. And when the male hath by this meanes entised and allured the female to him, they at­tend and waite together for the night: and why? In the water they cannot possibly engender, and upon the land they fear to do it in the day time; dark night is no sooner come, but boldly they go foorth of the water, and then without feare they claspe and embrace one another. Moreover against a showre of raine their crooking voice, such as it is, you shall heare more cleere and shrill 30 than ordinarie, which is a most infallible signe of raine.

But (oh sweet Neptune) what a foule fault and grosse errour was I like to have committed; how absurd and ridiculous should I have made my selfe, if being amused and busied to speake of these sea-calves and frogs, I had forgotten and overpassed the wisest creature, and that which the gods love best, of all those that do frequent and hant the sea? for what musicke of the nightingale is comparable to that of the halcyon; what [...] some read [...] that is, love to their yoong birds. artificiall building of the swallowes, and martinets; what entier amitie & love of doves; what skilfull cunning of the bees, deserveth to be put in bal­lance with these sea-fowles halcyones? Of what living creatures have the gods and goddesses so much honored the breeding, travell and birth? for it is said that there was but one onely Isle, to wit Delos, that was so wel beloved, that it received the childbirth of Latona, when she was delivered 40 of Apollo & Diana: which iland floating before time, continued afterwards firme-land; whereas the pleasure of God is such, that all seas should be still and calme without waves, winds or drop of raine falling upon them, all the while that the halcyon laieth and coveth, which is just about the winter solstice, even when the daies bee shortest: which is the reason that there is no living creature that men love so well; by whose meanes seven daies they have, and seven nights even in the verie heart of winter, during which time they may safely saile, having their voiage by sea for those daies space, more secure than their travell by land. Now if I must say somewhat likewise of ech particular vertue that this bird hath: first and foremost the female is so loving to the male her mate, that she tarrieth not with him for one season only, but al the yeere long keepeth him com­pany; and that not for shamelesse lust & wantonnesse (for she never admitteth any other male to 50 tread her) but onely upon a kind love and tender affection; even like an honest wedded wife that keepeth onely to her husband. And when the male groweth to be for age weake and unweldie, in such sort as he cannot follow her, but with much ado, she beareth and feedeth him in his old age; she never forsaketh nor leaveth him alone for any thing, but she taketh him upon her shoulders, carrieth him everie where about, tendeth him most tenderly, and is with him stil unto his dying day. Now for the affection which she beareth to her yoong, and the care that she hath of them and their safetie: when she perceiveth once that she is with egge, presently shee goeth about the [Page 978] building of her nest; not tempering mudde or cley for to make thereof morter; nor dawbing it upon the walles, and spreading it over the roufe as the swallowes do; and yet employing her whole body or the most part thereof about her worke, as doth the bee, which entring in the ho­ny-combe with her entier bodie; and working withall the six feet together, devideth the place in six angled cels: but the alcyon having but one instrument, one toole, one engine to worke with­all, even her owne bill, without any thing else in the world to helpe her in her travell and opera­tion; yet what workmanship she makes & what fabricks she frameth, like unto a master carpen­ter or shipwright, hard it were to beleeve, unlesse a man had seene it, being in deed such a fa­bricke and piece of worke, which onely of all other cannot bee overthrowen nor drenched with the sea: for first and formost shee goes and gathers a number of bones of the fish called 10 Belone, that is to say, a Needle, which shee joineth and bindeth together, interlacing them some long-wise, others overthwart, much like as the woofe is woven upon the warpe in a loome, win­ding, plaiting and twisting them up and downe one within another; so that in the end fashioned it is in forme round, yet extended out in length like unto a fishers weele or bow-net: after she hath finished this frame, shee bringeth it to some creeke, and opposeth it against the waves, where the sea gently beating and dashing upon it, teacheth her to mend that was not well com­pact, and to fortifie it in such places where shee sees it gapeth, or is not united close by reason of the sea-water that hath undone the composition thereof: contrariwise, that which was well jointed, the sea doth so settle and drive together, that hardly a man is able to breake, dissolve or doe it injurie either with knocke of stone or dint of edged toole. But that which yet maketh it 20 more admirable, is the proportion and forme of the concavitie and hole within this vessell; for framed it is & composed in such sort, that it will receive and admit no other thing, but the verie bird which made it, for nought else can enter into it, so close it is and shut up, no not so much as the very water of the sea. I am assured that there is not one of you all, but he hath many times seene this nest: but for mine owne part, who have both viewed, touched and handled it, and that verie often, I am readie to say and sing thus:

The like at Delos once I weene,
Was in Apollos temple seene.

I meane the altar made al of hornes, renowmed amongst the seven wonders of the world; for that without soder, glew, or any other matter to binde and holde the parcels together, made it was 30 and framed of hornes which grew on the right side of the head onely. But ô that this god would be so good and gracious unto me, being in some sort musicall and an islander, like himselfe, as to pardon me if I sing the praise of that sirene and mer-maid so highly commended; as also gently to heare mee laugh at these demands and interrogatories that these propound, who in mockerie seeme to aske, Why Apollo is never called [...] that is to say, the killer of con­ger, nor Diana his sister [...] that is to say, a striker of barbels, knowing that even Venus, borne as she was of the sea, and instituting her sacrifices neere unto it, taketh no pleasure that any thing should be killed. And moreover, ye wot well enough, that in the city of Leptis, the priests of Neptune eat nothing, that commeth out of the sea, as also that in the citie Elcusin, those who are professed religious, and admitted to the holy mysteries of Ceres, honour the barbell; 40 yea, and in the city of Argos the priestresse of Diana upon a devout reverence forbeareth to feed of this creature; for that these barbles doe kill and destroy all that ever they can, the sea-hare, which is so venimous and so deadly a poison to man: in regard of which benefit, reported they are friendly unto mankinde, and preservers of their health, and therefore honoured they be, and kept as sacrosanct: and yet you shall see in many cities of Greece, both temples and altars dedi­cated unto Diana surnamed Dictynna, as one would say, affected unto fishers nets: like as to A­pollo Delphinius: for certeine it is, that the place which he especially chose above all others for his abode, the posteritie descended from the Cretansians came to inhabit and people, being conducted thither by the guidance of a dolphin: and not because himselfe (as some fabulous writers report) being transformed into a dolphin, swam before their fleet: but surely a dolphin 50 he sent to direct those men their navigation, and so he brought them to the bay of Cirrha.

Also written it is in histories, that those who were sent by king Ptolomaeus surnamed Soter, to the city Sinope, for to carie the god Serapis, together with their captaine Dionysius, were by force of winde and tempest driven against their willes beyond the cape or promontorie Malea, where they had Peloponnesus on the right hand; and when they wandered and were tossed to and fro upon the seas, not knowing where they were, making account they were lost and cast away, there shewed himslefe before the prow of their ship, a dolphin, which seemed to call unto them, and [Page 979] who guided them unto those coasts where there were many commodious havens and faire baies for ships to harbour and ride in with safetie; and thus he conducted and accompanied their ship from place to place, untill at length he brought it within the rode of Cirrha; where after they had sacrificed for their safe arrivall and landing, they understood that of two images there, they were to have away that of Pluto, and carrie it with them, but the other of Proserpina to leave be­hinde them, when they had taken onely the mould and patterne thereof. Probable it is there­fore, that the god Apollo carried an affection to this dolphin, for that it loveth musicke so well: whereupon the poet Pindarus comparing himselfe unto the dolphin, saith that he was provoked and stirred up to musicke by the leaping and dauncing of this fish, 10

Like as the dolphin swimmes apace
Directly forward to that place
Whereas the pleasant shawmes do sound.
And whence their noice doth soone rebound:
What time both winds and waves do lie
At sea, and let no harmonie.

or rather we are to thinke that the god is well affected unto him, because he is so kind and loving unto man: for the onely creature it is, that loveth man for his owne sake, and in regard that he is a man: whereas of land-beasts, some you shall have that love none at all; others, and those that be of the tamest kinde, make much of those onely, of whom they have some use and benefit; namely, such as feed them or converse with them familiarly, as the dogge, the horse and the ele­phant: 20 and as for swallowes, received though they be into our houses, where they have enter­teinment, and whatsoever they need, to wit, shade, harbour and a necessary retrait for their safe­tie, yet they be afraied of man, and shun him as if he were some savage beast; whereas the dol­phin alone of all other creatures in the world, by a certeine instinct of nature, carrieth that sin­cere affection unto man, which is so much sought for and desired by our best philosophers, even without any respect at all of commoditie: for having no need at all of mans helpe, yet is he ne­verthelesse friendly and courteous unto all, and hath succoured many in their distresse; as the storie of Arion will testifie, which is so famous, as no man is ignorant thereof: and even you Aristotimus your owne selfe, rehearsed to very good purpose the example of Hesiodus:

But yet by your good leave, my friend, 30
Of that your tale you made no end.

for when you reported unto us the fidelitie of his dogge, you should have proceeded farther, and told out all, not leaving out (as you did) the narration of the dolphins: for surely the notice that the dogge gave, by baying, barking, and running after the murderers with open mouth, was (I may tell you) but a blinde presumption, and no evident argument. About the citie Nemium, the dolphins meeting with the dead corps of a man floting up and downe upon the sea, tooke it up and laied it on their backs, shifting it from one to another by turnes, as any of them were wea­rie with the carriage, and very willingly, yea, and as it should seeme, with great affection, they conveied it as farre as to the port Rhium, where they laied it downe upon the shore, and so made it knowen that there was a man murdered. Myrtilus the Lesbian writeth, that Aenalus the Ac­olian 40 being fallen in fansie with a daughter of Phineus, who according to the oracle of Amphi­rite, was by the daughters of Pentheus cast downe headlong into the sea, threw himselfe after her; but there was a dolphin tooke him up, and brought him safe unto the isle Lesbos. Over and besides, the affection and good will which a dolphin bare unto a yoong lad of the citie Iasos, was so hot and vehement, in the highest degree, that if ever one creature was in love with ano­ther, it was he, for there was not a day went over his head, but he would disport, play and swimme with him, yea, and suffer himselfe to be handled and tickled by him upon his bare skinne; and if the boy were disposed to mount aloft upon his backe, he would not refuse, nor seeme to a­voide him; nay hee was verie well content with such a carriage, turning what way soever hee reined him, or seemed to encline: and thus would hee doe in the presence of the Iasi­ans, 50 who oftentimes would all runne foorth to the sea side of purpose to behold this sight. Well on a daie above the rest, when this ladde was upon the dolphins backe, there fell an ex­ceeding great shower of raine, together with a monstrous storme of haile; by reason where­of the poore boy fell into the sea, and there died: but the dolphin tooke up his bodie dead as it was, and together with it shut himselfe upon the land; neither would he depart from the corps so long as there was any life in him, and so died, judging it great reason to take part with him of his death, who seemed partly to be the cause thereof. In remembrance of which memorable ac­cident, [Page 980] the Iasians represent the historie thereof stamped and printed upon their coine, to wit, a boy riding upon a dolphin; which storie hath caused that the fable or tale that goeth of Caeranus is beleeved for a truth: for this caeranus, as they say, borne in Paros, chanced to be upon a time at Byzantium, where seeing a great draught of dolphins taken up in a casting-net by the fishers, whom they meant to kill and cut into pieces, bought them all alive, and let them go againe into the sea. Not long after, it hapned that he sailed homeward in a foist of fiftie oares, which had aboord (by report) a number of pyrates and rovers; but in the streights betweene Naxos and Paros the vessel was cast away, and swallowed up in a gust: in which shipwracke, when all the rest perished, he onely was saved, by meanes as they say of a dolphin, which comming under his bodie as he was newly plunged into the sea, bare him up, tooke him upon his backe, and carried 10 him as farre as to a certaine cave about Zacynthus, and there landed him: which place is she­wed for a monument at this day, and after his name, is called Coeranium. upon this occasion, Archilachus the poet, is said to have made these verses:

Of fiftie men by tempest drown'd,
And left in sea all dead behind:
Coeran alone alive was found,
God Neptune was to him so kind,

Afterwards the said Caeranus himselfe died: and when his kinsfolke & friends burned his corps nere to the sea side in a funerall fire, many dolphins were discovered along the coast hard by the shore, shewing (as it were) themselves how they were come to honour his obsequies; for depart 20 they would not before the whole solemnitie of this last dutie was performed. That the scutchi­on or shield of Ulysses had for the badge or ensigne, a dolphin, Stesichorus hath testified, but the occasion and cause thereof, the Zacynthians report in this manner, as Criteus the historian bea­reth witnesse. Telemachus his sonne being yet an infant, chanced to slip with his feet, as men say, to fall into a place of the sea, where it was very deep; but by the means of certaine dolphins who tooke him as he fell, saved he was and carried out of the water: whereupon his father in a thank­full regard and honour to this creature, engraved within the collet of his signet, wherewith hee sealed the portrait of a dolphin, & likewise carried it as his armes upon his shield. But forasmuch as I protested in the beginning that I would relate to you no fables, and yet (I wot not how) in speaking of dolphins, I am carried farther than I was aware, and fallen upon Ulysses and Caeranus, somewhat beyond the bounds of likelihood and probabilitie, I will set a fine upon mine owne 30 head, and even here for amends lay a straw and make an end. You therefore my masters who are judges, may when it pleaseth you proceed to your verdict.

SOCLARUS.

As for us, we were of mind a good while since to say according to the sentence of Sophocles:

Your talke ere while which seem'd to disagre,
Will soone accord and joint-wise framed be.

for if you will, both of you conferre your arguments, proofes and reasons which you have alledged of the one side and the other, and lay them all together in common be­tweene you, it will be seene how mightily you shall confute and put 40 downe those who would deprive bruit beasts of all understanding and discourse of reason. 50

WHETHER THE ATHE­NIANS WERE MORE RE­NOWMED FOR MARTIALL 10 ARMES OR GOOD LETTERS.

The Summarie.

WE have here the fragments of a pleasant discourse written in the favour of Athenian warriours and great captaines; which at this day hath neither beginning nor end, and in the middle is altogether maimed and unperfect: but that which the infortunitie of the times hath left unto us, is such yet, as thereout we may gather some good, and the in­tention 20 of Plutarch is therein sufficiently discovered unto us: for he sheweth that the Atheutans were more famous and excellent in feats of armes than in the profession of learning. Which position may seeme to be a strange paradox, considering that Athens was reputed the habitation of the muses: and if there were ever any brave historians, singular poets, and notable oratours in the world, we are to looke for them in this citie. Yet for all this, he taketh upon him to proove that the prowesse of Athenian captaines was without all comparison more commendable and praisewoorthie than all the dexteritie of others, who at their leasure have written in the shade and within house the occurrents and accidents of the times, or exhibited pleasures and pastimes to the people upon the stage or scaffold. And to effect this intended purpose of his, be considereth in the first place, historiographers, and adjoineth thereto a briefe treatise of the art of painting: and by comparison of two persons, bring­ing 30 newes of a field fought, where of the one was onely a beholder and looker on; the other an actor him­selfe, and a souldier fighting in the battell, he sheweth that noble captaines ought to be preferred before historians, who pen and set downe their desseignes and executions. From history he passeth on to poesie, both comicall and tragicall, which he reproveth and debaseth, notwithstanding the Athenians made exceeding account thereof; giving to understand, that their valor consisted rather in martiall exploits-In the last place he speaketh of oratours, and by conference of their or ations and other reasons, proveth that these great speakers deserve not that place, as to have their words weighed in ballance against the deeds of many politike and valiant warriours.

WHETHER THE ATHENIANS 40 were more renowmed for martiall armes or good letters.

WEll said this was (in trueth) of him unto those great captaines and commanders who succeeded him, unto whom hee made way and gave entrance to the executions of those exploits which they per­formed afterwards, when himselfe had to their hands chased out of Greece the barbarous king Xerxes, and delivered the Greeks out of servitude: but aswell may the same be said also to those who are 50 proud of their learning and stand highly upon their erudition. For if you take away men of action, you shall be sure to have no writers of them: take away the politike government of Pericles at home; the navall victories and trophaes atchieved by Phormio, neere the promontorie of Rhium; the noble prowesses of Nicias about the isle Cythera, as also before the cities of Corinth and Megara; take away the sea-sight of Demosthenes before Pylos; the foure hundred captives and prisoners of Cleon; the worthy deeds of Tolmias who scowred all the coasts of Peloponnesus; the brave acts [Page 982] of Myronides, and the battell which he woon against the Boeotians in the place called Oenophy­ta; and withall, you blot out the whole historie of Thucydides; take away the valiant service of Alcibtades shewed in Hellespont; the rare manhood of Thrasylus neere unto the isle Lesbos; the happie suppression and abolition of the tyrannicall oligarchie of the thirty usurpers, by Thera­menes; take away the valourous endevours of Thrasybulus and Archippus, to gether with the rare desseignes and enterprises executed by those seven hundred, who from Phyla rose up in armes and were so hardie and resolute as to levie a power and wage warre against the lordly potentates of Sparta; and last of all Conon, who caused the Athenians to go to sea againe and maintaine the warres; and therewithall, take away Cratippus and all his Chronicles. For as touching Xenophon, 10 he was the writer of his owne historie, keeping a booke and commentarie of those occurrents and proceedings which passed under his happie conduct and direction: and (by report) he gave it out in writing, that Themistogenes the Syracusian composed the said narration of his acts, to the end that Xenophon might win more credit and be the better beleeved, writing as he did of himselfe as of a stranger, and withall, gratifying another man by that meanes with the honour of eloquence in digesting and penning the same. All other historians besides, as these, Clinodemi and Diylli, Philochorus and Philarchus, may be counted as it were the actors of other mens plaies: who setting downe the acts of kings, princes and great captaines, shrowded close under their memorials, to the end that themselves might have some part with them of their light and splendor. For surely there is a certaine image of glorie, which by a kinde of reflexion, as in a mirrour, doth rebound from those who have atchieved noble acts, even unto them that commit 20 the same to writing, when as the actions of other men are represented by their reports and re­cords.

Certes this city of Athens hath beene the fruitfull mother and kinde nourse of many and sundry arts, whereof some she first invented and brought to light; others she gave growth, strength, honour and credit unto. And among the rest, the skill of painters craft hath not beene least advanced and adorned by her. For Apollodorus the painter, the first man who devised the mixture of colours, and the manner of darkning them by the shadow, was an Athenian: over whose works was set this epigram by his owne selfe.

Sooner will one, this carpe and twit;
Than doe the like or sample it. 30

So were Euphranor and Nicias, Asclepiodor us also, and Plistaenetus the brother of Phidias, where­of some portraied victorious captaines, others painted battels, and others drew to the life the worthies and demigods: like as Euphranor who painted noble Theseus, and set this picture as a paragon in comparison with another of Parrhasius making; saying that the Theseus of Parrha­sius had eaten roses, but his Theseus had beene fed with good oxe beefe: for to say a trueth, that picture of Parrhasius was daintily and delicately made, resembling in some sort that which Eu­phranor talketh of; but he that should see this of Euphranors doing, might say (not unfitly) these verses out of Homer:

The people of Erechtheus slout, whom Pallas, daughter deare 40
Of Jupiter that mighty god, sometime did feed and reare.

Euphranor also depainted the battell of horsemen before the citie Mantinea, against Epaminon­das, which seemeth not to be without some furious and divine instinct. The argument and sub­ject matter whereof was this: Epaminondas the Theban, after the battell which he won before the towne Leuctra, puffed up with glory in this greatnesse of his, determined resolutely to insult over Sparta, which now was already downe the winde, and at once to tread and trample under foot the high spirit and reputation of that city. First therefore he invaded Laconia with a mightie power of threescore and ten thousand fighting men, spoiling and harrowing the countrey as he went; whereby he withdrew all the neighbour-nations from their confederacie and alliance with the 50 Lacedaemonians. After this, when they put themselves in battell ray, and made head against him before Mantinea, hee challenged and provoked them to fight: which they neither would nor durst accept, expecting aid that should come unto them from Athens. Whereupon he brake up his campe, and dislodging in the night season secretly and contrary to all mens expec­tation, entred againe into Laconia, in which journey and expedition he went within a little of surprising the citie of Sparta and winning it, naked as it was and without defendants. But the ir allies and confederates having intelligence of his comming, came with all speed to succour the [Page 983] citie. Then Epaminondas made femblance that hee would turne and bend his forces to the wasting and spoiling of their territorie, as hee had done before. Thus having by this stra­tageme deluded his enemies, and lulled them asleepe in securitie, hee departed suddenly by night out of Laconia, having over-runne and destroied all before him with great celeritie, and presented himselfe with his whole armie before them of Mantinea, who looked for nothing lesse than such a guest, but were in consultation for to send helpe to Lacedaemon: but he inter­rupting & breaking their counsels, immediatly commanded the Thebanes to arme, who being brave & couragious souldiors, invested the city of Mantinea round about, stroke up the alarme and gave an assault. The Mantineans heereat astonied, ran up and downe the streets, howling 10 and wailing, as being not able to sustaine, and much lesse put backe so great a puissance, which all at once in manner of a violent streame, came running upon them; neither did they thinke of any aid or meanes to relieve themselves in this distresse. But at the very point of this extre­mity, the Athenians were discovered, descending from the hilles downe into the plaines of Mantinea, who knowing nothing of this sudden surprise and present danger wherein the citie stood, marched softly, and tooke leisure; but when they were advertised heereof by a vaunt courrier who made meanes to get foorth of the city; notwithstanding they were but a handfull in comparison of the great multitude of their enemies, and withall somewhat wearie with their journey, and not seconded with any other of their allies and associates; they advaunced forward, and put themselves in order of battell against their enemies, who were in number many for one: 20 the hors-men also for their parts being likewise arranged, set spurres to their horses, and rode hard to the gates and walles of the city, where they charged their enemies so hotly with their horses, and gave them so cruell a battell, that they gat the uppeer hand, and rescued Mantinea out of the danger of Epaminondas. Now had Euphranor painted this conflict most lively in a table, wherein a man might have seene the furious encounter, the couragious charge and bloudie fight, wherein both horse and man seemed to puffe and blow againe for winde.

But I suppose you will not compare the wit or judgement of a painter, with the courage and policy of a captaine, nor endure those, who preferre a painted table before a glorious tro­phae; or the vaine shadow before the reall substance and thing indeed: howsoever Simonides said that picture was a dumbe poesie, and poesie a speaking picture: for looke what things or actions painters doe shew as present and in manner as they were in doing, writings doe re­port 30 and record as done and past; and if the one represent them in colours and figures, and the other exhibite the same in words and sentences, they differ both in matter and al­so in manner of imitation, howbeit both the one and the other shoote at one end, and have the same intent and purpose. And hee is counted the best historian who hath the skill to set out a narration, as in a painted table with divers affections, and sundry conditions of persons, as with many images and pourtraictures. And verily this may appeere in Thucydi­des, who throughout his whole history contendeth to attaine unto this diluciditie of stile, striving to make the auditour of his wordes the spectatour as it were of the deeds therein conteined, and desirous to imprint in the readers the same passions of astonishment, woonder and agony, which the very things themselves would worke when they are represented to the 40 eie. For Demosthenes who put the Athenians in ordinance of battell, even upon the very sands and shore within the creeke of Pylos; and Brasidas who hastening the pilot of his galley to runne with the prow a land, walking along the hatches himselfe, and being there wounded and ready to yeeld up his vitall breath, sunke downe among the seats of the rowers; also the Lacedaemo­ninas who fought a battell at sea, as if they had beene on firme land: the Athenians likewise who upon the land embattailed themselves, and fought as if they had beene within their gallies at sea againe, in the Sicilian warre: the description which he maketh of the two armies arranged on the land, hard by the sea side, to behold their men fighting a navall battell, wherein the vic­tory hung a long time in equall ballance, and inclined neither to the one side nor the other, by occasion of which doubtfull issue, they were in an intollerable agony, distresse, and perplexity, 50 to behold the sundry encounters and reciprocall charges and recharges, communicating their violence and heat of contention even to the very bodies of the beholders upon the strond, who puffing, blowing, panting, and sweating in as great paine and feare, as if they had beene perso­nally in the very conflict: the orderly disposition, the graphicall description and the lively nar­ration which he maketh of all this, what is it but an evident representation of a picture? Now if it be not meet to compare painters with captaines, there is as little reason to set historians in comparison with them.

[Page 984] He who brought the newes of the battell and victorie at Marathon, as Heraclides of Pontus writeth, was one Thersippus of Eroe, or as most historians report, it was one Eulees, who came running in a great heat from the field in his armour as he was, and knocking at the gates of the principall mens houses of Athens, was able to say nothing else but this, [...] & [...] that is to say, rejoice yee, all is well with us, and therewith his breath failed, and so he gave up the ghost, and yet this man came and brought tidings of that battell wherein himselfe was an actour. But tell me I pray you; if there were some goat-herd or neat-herd, who from the toppe of an hill or an high banke, had beheld a farre off this great service, and indeed greater than any words can expresse, should have come into the city with newes thereof, not wounded himselfe, nor having lost one droope of bloud, and for his good tidings demaund afterwards to have 10 the same honors and memorials which were graunted unto Cynagirus, to Callimachus, and Poly­zebus, onely because forsooth he had made report of the doughty deeds, the wounds and death of these brave men; would you not thinke that he surpassed all the impudencie that can be ima­gined? considering especially, that the Lacedaemonians, by report, sent unto him who brought the first word of the victory at Mantinea, which Thucydides described in his story, a piece of flesh from one of their dinners, or hals, called Pbiclitia, for a recompence of his happy newes? And (to say a truth) what are historiographers else? but certeine messengers to relate and declare the acts of others, having a loud and audible voice, and who by their pleasant eloquence and significant phrases, are able to set foorth the matter to the best, which they take in hand: unto whom they own indeed the reward due for good tidings, who first doe light upon their compo­sitions, 20 and have the first reading of them: for surely, praised they bee onely when they make mention of such exploits, and read they be in regard of those singular persons whom they make knowen, as the authours and actours thereof. Neither are they the goodly words and fine phra­ses in histories that performe the deeds, or deserve so greatly to be heard: for even poetry hath a grace, and is esteemed, for that it describeth and relateth things as if they had beene done, and which carie a resemblance of truth: and according as Homer in one place saith:

Many false tales how for to tell,
Much like to trueths, she knowes full well.

And it is reported, that one of Menanders familiar friends said unto him upon a time: Menam­der, the Bacchanale feasts are at hand, and hast not thou yet done thy comoedy? who returned 30 him this answer: Yes iwis have I, so helpe me the gods, composed if I say, I have: for the mat­ter thereof is laid foorth, and the disposition digested already; there remaineth no more to be done, but onely to set thereto the verses that must go to it. So that you see that the poets them­selves reputed the things and deeds more necessary and important than words and speech. The famous courtizan Corinna one day reprooved Pindarus, who then was a yoong man, and tooke a great pride in himselfe, for his learning and knowledge: Thou hast no skill at all Pinda­rus (quoth she) in poetrie, for that thou doest not invent and devise fables, which is indeed the proper and peculiar worke of poesie; as for thy tongue, it ministreth some rhetoricall fi­gures, catachreses and metaphrases, songs, musicall measures and numbers, unto the matter and argument onely, as pleasant sauces to commend the same. Pindarus pondering well these 40 words and admonitions of hers, thought better of the matter, and thereupon out of his poeticall veine, powred out this canticle:

Ismenus, or the launce with staffe of gold,
Sir Cadmus, or that sacred race of old,
Which dragons teeth they say sometime did yeeld,
Of warriours brave, when sowen they were in field:
Or Hercules who was in such account,
And his maine force of body, to surmount, &c.

Which when he had shewed to Corinna, the woman laughed a good, & said: That corne should be sowen out of ones hand, and not immediately from out of the full sacke: for in trueth much 50 after this sort had Pindarus gathered and heaped up a miscellane deale of fables, and powred them foorth all huddle together in this one canticle. But that poesie consisteth much in the fine invention of fables, Plato himselfe hath written: and verily a fable or tale is a false narrati­on, resembling that which is true, and therefore farre remote it is from the thing indeed, if it be so, that a narration is the image of an act done, & a fable the image or shadow of a narration. Whereupon this may be inferred, that they who devise and feigne fabulous deeds of armes, are so much inferiour to historiographers that make true reports, as historiographers who relate [Page 985] onely such deeds come behinde the actours and authours themselves. Certes this city of A­thens had never any excellent or renowmed worke-men in the feat of poetrie, no not so much as in the Lyrick part thereof, which professeth musicall odes and songs: for Cynesias seemeth to have made his dithyrambes or canticles in the honor of Bacchus, hardly and with much ado, and was himselfe barren and of no grace or gift at all; besides, he was so mocked and flouted by the comicall poets, that he grew to be of no reckoning and reputation, but incurred an ill and odi­ous name: As for that part of poetrie which dealeth in representation of personages in plaies upon a stage, so small account they made at Athens of the Comedians and their profession; nay they disdained and scorned it so much, that a law there was enacted, forbidding expresly, that no senatour of the counsell Areopagus, might make a comedy: contrariwise, the tragoedie 10 flourished, and was in much request, for delivering the best eare-sport, and representing the most woonderfull spectacle that men in those daies could heare or behold; giving both unto fictions, & affections a deceiveable power, which was of such a propertie, according to the say­ing of Gorgias: That he who deceived thereby, was more just than he who deceived not; and he who was deceived became wiser than he that was not deceived at all: the deceiver (I say) was more just, because he performed that which he promised, and the deceived person wiser; for that such as are not altogether grosse, doltish, and senslesse, are soonest caught with the plea­sure and delight of words.

To come now to the maine point: what profit ever brought these excellent tragoedies unto the citie of Athens, comparable unto that which the prudent policie of Themistocles effected in 20 causing the walles of the citie to be built? or to the vigilant care and diligence of Pericles, who adorned the castle and citadell with so many beautifull buildings; or to the valour of Militades who delivered the citie from the danger of servitude; or to the brave minde of Cimon, who ad­vanced that State to the soveraigntie and command of all Greece? If the learning of Euripides, the eloquence of Sophocles, or the sweet and pleasant tongue of Aeschylus had freed them from any perils and extremities, or purchased and procured them any glory more than they had be­fore, good reason peradventure it were, to compare poeticall fictions and inventions with war­like triumphs and trophaes; to set the theater against the generals pavilion and palace; and to oppose the schooling and teaching of plaiers how to act comedies and tragoedies, unto prow­esses and brave feats of armes. Will you that we bring in place the personages themselves? ca­rying 30 with them the marks, badges & ensignes that testifie their deeds, and allow either of them entrance apart by themselves, and passage along by us. Then let there march on the one side poets with their flutes, harps, lutes, and viols, singing and saying:

Silence, my masters, or all words ossing good:
[...] [...]
Depart he must, there is no remedie,
Our learning here who never under stood,
And hath no skill in play or tragoedie:
Whose tongue's impure, or who in melodie
And dance unexpret is, that doth belong
To service of the sacred muses nine, 40
Or who is not professed by the tongue
To Bacchus rites of belli-god Cratine.

Let them bring with them their furniture, their vestments and players apparel, their masks, their altars, their rolling engins and devices to be turned and removed to & [...] about the stage and scaffold, together with their trevets of gold the prises of their victories. Let them be accom­panied with their traine, of players and actors, to wit Nicostrates, Callipides, Meniscus, and Pollus and such as they, attending upon a tragoedie, to tricke and trim her, or to beare up her traine, and carry her litter, as if she were some stately and sumptuous dame; or rather as enamillers, guilders, and painters of immages following after. Let there be provision made I say of abilli­ments, of visours, of purple mantles & royall robes of estate, of fabricks & pageants devised to stand and be imployed upon the stage, of dancers, jesters, of stage keepers, wifelars & henchmen 50 a trouble some sort and be rable of grooms: and in one word let there be brought all the geere and implements belonging to such plaies exceeding costly & chargable: such as when a Laconian saw upon a time and wisely beheld, brake out into this speech, and that to very good purpose: ô how farre amisse and out of the way are the Athenians, to dispend so much mony, and im­ploy such serious study in games and fooleries: surely they deffray in the furniture and setting out of a theater, as much as would serve to set astole a royall armado at sea, and mainteine a [Page 986] puisant army upon the land. For he that would set downe and cast accoumpt, how much every comaedie cost them, shall find that the people of Athens spent more in exhibiting the tragoe­dies of Bacchae, Phenissae, of both the Oedipodes, & of Antigon, or in representing the calamities of Medea and Electra, than they disbursed in their warrs against the Barbarians, either to win the soveraignty and dominion over them, or to defend their owne freedome and libertie: for many times their great captaines and commanders led foorth their souldiers to battell, having made proclamation before, for to carrie with them such victuals as [...] Some expoūd it, unsodden, unrosted, un­baked. required no fire for their dres­sing. This is certeine, that the captaines of gallies and war-ships, for their sailers, having provi­ded no other cates and viands, but meale, onions and cheese for their mariners, aswell rowers as sailers, have so embarked them & gone to sea: whereas the wardens and Aediles who were to set 10 forth plaies and dances have (to their great cost) fed their actors and plaiers with delicate eeles, with tender lectuces, with cloves of garlicke, and with good marrow-bones, feasting them a long time before, most deintilie, and whiles they did nought els but exercise their voice, scowre their throats and cleere their brests, they made good cheere full merrily. And what good had these wastefull spenders of their goods (spent about such vanities) in the end? If their plaies sped not well, but lost the victorie, they were well mocked, hissed and laughed at for all their paines and cost: but say they went away winners and having the better hand, what got they by it? surely not a trevet or threefooted stoole nor any other marke and monument of victorie, as De­metrius said, but to remaine a lamentable example of unthrifts, who have laied all they had upon toies and fooleries, and left behinde them their houses like emptie sepulchres and imaginarie 20 tombs. This is the end that commeth of such expenses about poetrie; and no greater honour is to be looked for.

Now on the other side, let us beholde likewise their brave captaines and warriours: and while these passe along,

There should indeed be silence or good words:
They ought to void out of this company,
Who idle live, and never drew their swords
In field, or serv'd with care and agonie
In common weale: whose heart would never stand
To such exploits, whose minde is eke prosane, 30
Who neither by Miltiades his hand,
That slew the Medes nor by the Persians bane,
Themistocles, was ever institute,
And sworne to lawes of knighthood resolute,

Yea mary, heere (me thinks) I see a martiall maske, and brave shew toward: set out with squa­drons embatteled on land, with fleetes arranged for to fight at sea, loden and heavily charged with rich spoiles and glorious trophaees:

Alal' Alala, daughter deare,
Of bloudy warre, come foorth and heare.

Behold and see a forrest of pikes and launces in the fore-front, the very preamble and flourish 40 before the battell: me thinks I heare one of them resound: Embrace death most hardy knights, the best sacrifice and most sant oblations, that is, (for so saith Epaminondas the Thebane) figh­ting valiantly, and exposing your selves to the most honorable and bravest services that be in defence of countrey, of your auncestors tombes and sepulchers, and of your temples and reli­gion: mee thinks also I see their victories, comming toward mee in solemne pompe and procession, not drawing or leading after them for their prize and reward, an ox or a goat; nei­ther be the said victories crowned with ivie, or smelling strong of new wine in the lees, as the Bacchanales doe; but they have in their traine, whole cities, islands, continents, and firme lands, as well mediterranean as maritime sea-coasts, together with new colonies of ten thousand men a piece, to be planted heere and there; and withall, crowned they be and adorned on eve­ry 50 side with trophaes, with triumphes, pillage and booty of all sorts; the ensignes, badges, and armes that these victorious captaines give; the images also that they represent in shew, be their stately & beautiful temples, as the Parthenon, the Hecatompedos; their city walles on the south side; the arcenals to receive & lodge their ships; their beautifull porches and galleries; the pro­vince of the demy isle Chersonesus, & the city Amphipolis; as for the plaine of Marathon, it goeth before the laureat garland and victorie of Miltiades; Solanius accompanieth that of Themisto­cles, trampling under his feet, and going over the broken timber and shipwracke of a thousand [Page 987] vessels: as for the victory of Cimon, it bringeth with it an hundred Phaenician great gallies, from the rivers Eurymedon: that of Demosthenes and Cleon, comes from Sphacteria, with the tar­guet of captaine Brasidas wonne in the field, and a number of his souldiers captive and bound in chaines: the victory of Conon walled the city, and that of Thrasibulus reduced the people with victorie and liberty from Phyle: the sundry victories of Alcibiades set upright the State of the city, which by the infortunate overthrow in Sicilie, reeled, and was ready to fall to the ground; and by the battels fought by Neleus and Androclus in Lydia and Carta: Greece saw all Jonta rai­sed up againe and supported. And if a man demaund of each one of the other victories, what benefit hath accrued unto the city by them? one will name the isle Lesbos, and another Samos: one will speake of the Euxine sea, and another of sive hundred gallies, and he shall have another 10 talke of ten thousand talents; over and above the honour and glory of trophaees. These be the causes why this city doeth solemnize and celebrate to many festivall daies, and heereupon it is that it offreth sacrifices as it doeth to the gods; not iwis for the victory of Aeschylus or Sopho­cles, nor for the prizes of poetry: no, nor when Carcinus lay with Aerope or The names of two poets. Astidamus with Hector: But upon the sixth of May, even to this present day, the city holdeth festivall the me­mory of that victory, in the plaines of Marathon: and the sixth day of [* another *] moneth, maketh a solemne offring of wine unto the gods, in remembrance of that victorie which Cha­brias obteined neere unto the isle Naxos: and upon the 12. day of the same moneth, there is another sacrifice likewise performed in the name of a thankes-giving to the gods, for their li­berty recovered, because upon the same day those citizens which were prisoners and in bon­dage 20 within Phyle, came downe and returned into the city: upon the third day of March they wonne the famous field of Platea: and the sixteenth day of the said March, they consecrated to Diana; for on that day this goddesse shone bright, and it was full moone, to the victorious Greeks, before the isle of [...] . The noble victory which they archieved before the citie of Mantinea, made the twelfth day of September more holy, and with greater solemnity obser­ved, for upon that day when all other their allies and associates were discomfited and put to flight, they onely by their valour wonne the field, and erected a trophae over their enemies who were upon the point of victory. See what hath raised this city to such grandence! Lo what hath exalted it to so high a pitch of honor! and this was the cause that Pindarus called the city of Athens, the pillar that supported Greece; not for that by the tragedies of Phrynichus or Thespis, 30 if set the fortune of the Greeks upright, but in regard of this, that as himselfe writeth in ano­ther place, along the coast of Artemisium:

Where Athens youth as poet Pindar said,
Of freedome first the glorious ground worke laid.

And afterwards at Salamis, at Mycale, and Plataees, having setled it firme and strong as upon a rocke of diamonds, they delivered it from hand to hand unto others.

But haply some man will say: True it is indeed, all that ever poets doe, are no better than sports and pastimes: But what say you to oratours, they seeme to have some prerogative gative and ought to be compared with martiall captaines: whereupon it may seeme, as Aeschynes scoffing merily, and quipping at Demosthenes said: That there is some reason why the barre or pulpit for 40 publicke orations, may commence action and processe against the tribunall seat of generals, and their chaire of estate. Is it then meet and reasonable that the oration of Hyperides intitu­led Plataicus, should be preferred before the victory which Aristides wonne before the city Pla­tea? or the oration of Lysies against the thirty tyrants, goe before the massacre and execution of them performed by Thrasybelus and Archias? or that of Aeschines against Timarchus, be­ing accused for keeping harlots, and a brothell house, before the aide that Phocion brought into the city of Byzantium, besieged? by which succour he impeached the Macedonians, and re­pressed their insolent vilanies and outrages committed in abusing the children of the Athenian consederates? or shall we compare the oration of Demosthenes as touching the crowne, with those publicke and honorable coronets which Themistocles received for setting Greece free? 50 considering that the most excellent place of all the said oration, and fullest of eloquence is that wherein the said oratour conjureth the soules of those their auncestors, and citeth them for wit­nesses, who in the battell of Marathon exposed their lives with such resolution for the saftie of Greece? or shall we put in balance to weigh against woorthy warriours, these that in schooles teach yoong men rhetoricke, namely, such as Isocrates, Antiphon, and Isaeus? But certeine it is, that this city honored those valiant captaines with publicke funerals, and with great devoti­on [Page 988] gathered up the reliques of their bodies; yea, and the same oratour canonized them for gods in heaven, when he sware by them, although he followed not their steps: and Isocrates who extolled and highly praised those who manfully sought & willing were to spend their hartbloud in the battell of Marathon, saying, that they made so little account of their lives, as if their owne soules had bene else-where, & other mens in their bodies, magnifying this their resolution, and the small reckoning which they made of this life; yet when himselfe was very old, upon occa­sion that one asked him how he did: answered: I doe even as an aged man, (having above 90. yeeres upon my backe) may do; and who thinketh death to be the greatest misery in the world: and how waxed he thus old: certes, not by filing and sharpening the edge of his sword, not by grinding and whetting the point of his speares head, not with scouring & forbishing his head­piece 10 or morion; not with bearing armes in the field; not by rowing in the gallies: but forsooth with couching, knitting, and gluing as it were together rhetoricall tropes and figures; to wit, his antitheta, consisting of contraries, his Parisa, standing upon equall weight and measure of syllables, his homooptata, precisely observing the like termination, and falling even of his clauses, polishing, smoothing, and perusing his periods and sentences, not with the rough ham­mer and pickax, but with the file and plainer most exactly. No marvell then, if the man could not abide the rustling of harneis, and clattering of armour; no marvell (I say) if hee feared the shocke and encounter of two armies, who was afraid that one vowell should runne upon ano­ther, and led he should pronounce a clause or number of a sentence which wanted one poore syllable: for the very morrow after that Miltiades had wonne that field upon the plaines of Ma­rathon, 20 he returned with his victorious armie into the citie of Athens: and Pericles having vanquished and subdued the Samians within the space of nine moneths, gloried more than Agamemnon did, who had much adoe to winne Troie, at the tenth yeeres end: whereas Isocrates spent the time well neere of three, Olympiades in penning one oration which hee called Pane­giricus: notwithstanding all that long time, he never served in the warres, nor went in any em­bassage: he built no city, nor was sent out as a captaine of a galley and warre-ship, and yet that verie time brought foorth infinit warres: But during the space that Timotheus delivered the islle Eubaea out of bondage; all the while that Chabrias warred at sea about the island Naxos, and Iphicrates defeited and hewed in pieces one whole regiment of the Lacedaemonians, neere the port of Lechaeum, and in which time the people of Athens having enfranchised all cities, en­dued 30 Greece throughout with the same libertie of giving voices in the generall assemblie of the States, as they had themselves, hee sat at home in his house poring at his booke, seeking out proper phrases and choise words for the said oration of his; in which space, Pericles raised great porches, and the goodly temple Hecatompedes; and yet the comicall poet Cratinus, scoffing even at this Pericles, for that he went but slowly about his works, speaketh thus as touching his wal, halfe done and halfe vndone:

In words long since our Pericles, hath rear'd us up a wall,
But in effect and very deed, he doth nothing at all. 40

Consider now I pray you a little, the base minde of this great professour of rhetoricke, who spent the ninth part of his life, in composing of one onely oration: but were it meet and rea­sonable to compare the orations of Demosthenes as he was an oratour, with the martiall exploits of Demosthenes being a captaine; namely, that which he made against the considerate folly of Conon, with the trophees which himselfe erected before Pylos, or that which hee wrote against Amathusius as concerning slaves, with his woorthy service, whereby hee brought the Lacedae­monians to be slaves: neither in this respect, for that he composed one oration for the graun­ting of free bourgesie to those who were newly come to inhabit Athens, therefore he deserved as much honour as Alcibiades did, who combined the Mantineans and Elians in one league to be associates with the Athenians against the Lacedaemonians: 50 and yet this must needs be confessed, that his publicke orations deserved this praise, that in his Philip­piques, he inciteth the Athenians to take armes, and commen­deth the enterprise of Leptiues.

WHETHER OF THE TWAINE IS MORE PROFITABLE, FIRE 10 OR WATER.

The Summarie.

IN this Academicke declamation, Plutarch in the first places alledgeth the reasons which attribute more profit unto water. Secondly, he proposeth those that are in favor of the fire: Whereunto bee seemeth the rather to encline, although hee resolveth not: wherein he followeth his owne maner of philosophizing upon naturall causes; namely, not to dispute either for or against one thing: leaving unto the reader his owne liber­tie, 20 to settle unto that which he shall see to be more probable.

WHETHER OF THE TWAINE is more profitable, Fire or Water.

THe water is of all things best,
And golde like fire is in request.

Thus said the poet Pindarus: whereby it appeareth evidently, that 30 he gives the second place unto fire. And with him accordeth Hesio­dus when he saith:

Chaos was the formost thing
In all the world that had being.

For this is certeine, that the most part of ancient philosophers cal­led water by the name of Chaos, [...] that is to say, for that it followeth so easily. But if we should stand onely upon testimonies about this question, the proofe would be caried equally on both sides: for that there be in ma­ner as many who thinke fire to be the primitive element and principle of all things, and the very seed which as of it selfe it produceth all things, so it receiveth likewise all into it selfe, in that uni­versall 40 conflagration of the world. But leaving the testimonies of men, let us consider apart the reasons of the one and the other, and see to whether side they will rather draw us. First there­fore, to begin withall, may not this be laied for a ground? that a thing is to be judged more pro­fitable, whereof we have at all times and continually need, and that in more quantitie than ano­ther? as being a toole or necessarie instrument, and as it were a friend at all seasons and every houre, and such as a man would say, presenteth it selfe evermore to doe us service? As for fire, certeinly, it is not alwaies commodious unto us; nay, contrariwise, it otherwhiles doth molest and trouble us; and in that regard we withdraw our selves farre from it: whereas water serveth our turnes both in Winter and Summer, when wee are sicke, and when wee are whole, by night and by day; neither is there any time or season, wherein a man standeth in no need of it. 50 And this is the reason that they call the dead, [...] as one would say, [...] that is to say, without juice, or wanting moisture, and so by consequence deprived of life. Moreover, without fire a man hath oft continued a long time, but without water never. And withall, that which hath bene from the first beginning and creation of man, is more profitable than that which was invented afterwards. And there is no question, but that nature hath given us the one, to wit, water, for our necessarie use; but the other (I meane fire) either fortune or industrie hath devi­sed and found out as an appendant and accessarie. Neither can it be said, what time of the world [Page 990] it was when as man had no water: nor ever read we in any records that one of the gods or demi­gods was the inventer therof; for it was at the very instant with them: nay, what and we say that it gave them their being? But the use of fire was but yesterday or the other day, to speake of, found out by Prometheus: so that the time was when as men lived without fire; but void of wa­ter, our life never was. Now that this is no devised poeticall fiction, this daily and present life of ours doth plainly testifie: for there be at this day in the world divers nations that are mainteined without fire, without house, without hearth or chimney, [...] abroad in the open wide aire. And Diogenes the Cynicke, seldome or never had any use of fire, insomuch as having upon a time swallowed downe a polype fish raw: Loe (quoth he) my masters, how for your sake we put our selves in jeopardie: howbeit, without water there was never any man thought that either we 10 might live honestly and civilly, or that our nature would possibly endure it. But what need is there that I should particularize thus, and go so neere, as to search farre into the nature of man? considering that whereas there be so many, or rather so infinit kinds of living creatures, man­kinde onely in a maner knoweth the use of fire: whereas all the rest have their nourishment and food without the benefit of fire. Those that brouse, feed, flie and creepe, get their living by ea­ting herbes, roots, fruits and flesh, all without fire: but without water there is not one that can live, neither going or creeping on the land nor swimming in the sea, not yet flying in the aire. True it is, I must needs say, that Aristotle writeth, how some beasts there be, even of those that devoure flesh, which never drunke; but in very trueth, nourished they be by some moisture. Well then, that is more profitable without which no maner of life can consist or endure. Pro­ceed 20 we farther, & passe from those living creatures which use to feed upon plants & fruits, even unto the same that are by us & them used for food: Some of them there be, which have no heat at all: others so little, as it can not be perceived. Contrariwise, moisture is that which causeth all kind of seeds to chit, to bud, to grow, and in the end to bring forth fruit: for what need I to al­ledge for this purpose either wine and oile, or other liquors which we draw, presse out, or milke forth out of beasts paps, which we do see dayly before our eies? considering that even our wheat which seemeth to be a drie nutriment, is engendred by the transmutation, putrefaction and dif­fusion of moisture. Furthermore, that is to be held more profitable, which bringeth with it no hurt nor dammage: but we all know that fire, if it breake forth, get head and be at libertie, is the most pernicious thing in the world: wheras the nature of water of it selfe doth never any harme. 30

Againe, of two things, that is held to be more commodious which is the simpler, and without preparation can yeeld the profit which it hath: but fire requireth alwaies some succour and mat­ter, which is the reason that the rich have more of it than the poore, and princes than private persons; whereas water is so kind and courteous, that it giveth it selfe indifferently to all sorts of people: it hath no need at all of tooles or instruments to prepare it for use; compleat and per­fect it is in it selfe, without borowing ought abroad of others. Over and besides, that which be­ing multiplied as it were and augmented, loseth the utilitie and profit that it had, is by conse­quence lesse profitable: and such is fire, resembling herein a ravenous wild beast, which devou­reth and consumeth all that it commeth neere; in so much as it were by the industrie and ar­tificiall meanes of him who knoweth how to use it with moderation, rather than of the owne na­ture, 40 that it doth any good at all; whereas water is never to be feared. Againe, of two things, that which can do good being both alone, and also in the company of the other, is the more profita­ble of the twaine: but so it is, that fire willingly admitteth not the fellowship of water, nor by the participation thereof is any way commodious; whereas water is together with fire profitable, as we may see by the fountaines of hot water how they be medicinable, and verie sensibly is their helpe perceived. Never shall a man meet with any fire moist; but water as well hot as colde is ever more profitable to man. Moreover, water being one of the foure elements hath produced as one may say, a fift, to wit the sea, and the same well neere as profitable as any one of the rest for many other causes besides, but principally in regard of commerce and trafficke. For whereas before time, mans life was savage, and they did not communicate one with another; this ele­ment 50 hath conjoined and made it perfect, bringing societie and working amitie among men by mutuall succours and reciprocall retributions from one to the other. Heraclitus saith in one place: if there were no sunne, there had beene no night; and even as well may it be said; Were it not for the sea, man had beene the most savage creature; the most penurious and needie, yea and the least respected in all the world: whereas now this element of the sea hath brought the vine out of the Indians as farre as Greece; and from Greece hath transported it unto the farthest provinces: likewise from out of Phaenicia, the use of letters for preservation of the memorie of [Page 991] things: it hath brought wine: it hath conveighed fruits into these parts, and hath beene the cause that the greatest portion of the world was not buried in ignorance. How then can it bee otherwise, that water should not be more profitable, since it furnisheth us with another ele­ment?

But on the contrarie side, peradventure a man may begin hereupon to make instance oppo­sitely in this manner: saying, that God, as a master-workeman having the foure elements before him, for to frame the fabricke of this world withall; which being repugnant and refusing one another, earth and water were put beneath, as the matter to be formed and fashioned; receiving order and disposition, yea and a vegetative power to engender and breed such as is imparted un­to it by the other two, aire and fire, which are they that give forme and fashion unto them, [...] 10 and excite the other twaine to generation, which otherwise had lien dead without any motion. But of these two, fire is the chiefe and hath dominion, which a man may evidently know by this induction. For the earth if it be not enchafed by some hot substance, is barren, & bringeth forth no fruit: but when as fire spreadeth it selfe upon it, it infuseth into it a certaine power, which causeth it to swell (as it were) and have an appetite to engender. For other cause there can [...] none rendred why rocks, clifts, and mountaines be barren and drie, but this, that they have either no fire at all, or else participate [...] little the nature thereof: in summe, so farre off is water from being of it selfe sufficient for the owne preservation or generation of other things, that without the aide of fire it is the cause of the owne ruine and destruction. For heat it is that keepeth water in good estate, and preserveth it in her nature and proper substance, like as it doth all things be­sides: 20 and looke where fire is away or wanteth, there water doth corrupt and putrifie; in such sort as the ruine and destruction of water, is the default of heat, as we may evidently see in pools, marishes, and standing waters, or wheresoever water is kept within pits and holes without issue; for such waters in the end become putrified and stinke againe, because they have no motion, which having this propertie to [...] up the naturall heat which is in everie thing, keepeth those waters better which have a current and runne apace, in that this motion preserveth that kind heat which they have. And hereupon it is, that To live, in Greeke is expressed by [...], for that [...] sig­fieth to boile. How then can it otherwise be, that of two things it should not be more profitable which giveth being and essence to the other, like as fire doth unto water? Furthermore, that thing, the utter departure whereof is the cause that a creature dieth, is the more profitable: for 30 this is certaine and manifest, that the same without which a thing cannot bee, hath given the cause of being unto the same when it was with it. For we do see that in dead things there is a moi­sture, neither are they dried up altogether; for otherwise moist bodies would not putrifie, con­sidering that putrefaction is the turning of that which is drie to be moist, or rather the corrup­tion of humours in the flesh; and death is nothing else but an utter defect and extinction of heat: and therefore dead things be extreme cold, insomuch as if a man should set unto them the very edge of rasours, they are enough to dull the same through excessive cold. And we may see plainely, that in the verie bodies of living creatures, those parts which participate least of the nature of fire, are more senselesse than any other, as bones and haire, and such as be farthest remooved from the heart: and in manner all the difference that is betweene great and small cre­atures, 40 proceedeth from the presence of fire, more or lesse: for humiditie simply it is not, that bringeth forth plants and fruits; but warme humiditie is it that doth the deed: whereas cold wa­ters be either barren altogether, or not verie fruitful and fertill; and yet if water were of the owne nature fructuous, it must needs follow, that it selfe alone and at all times should be able to pro­duce fruit: whereas we see it is cleane contrarie; namely, that it is rather hurtfull to fruits.

And now to reason from another head and go another way to worke, to make use of fire as it is fire, need wee have not of water; nay, it [...] rather, for it quencheth and [...] it out cleane: on the other side many [...] be who cannot tell what to doe with water without fire, for being made hot it is more profitable, and otherwise in the owne kinde hurtfull. Of two things therefore, that which can do good of it selfe without need of the others helpe, is better and more 50 profitable. Moreover water yeeldeth commodity but after one sort onely, to wit, by touching, as when we feele it or wash and bathe with it: whereas fire serveth all the five senses & doth them good: for it is felt both neere at hand and also seene afarre of: so that among other meanes that it hath of profiting, no man may account the multiplicity of the uses that it affoordeth: for that a man should be at any time without fire it is impossible: nay he cannot have his first gene­ration without it: and yet there is a difference in this kinde, as in all other things. The very sea it selfe is made more [...] by heat, so as it doth heat more by the agitation and current [Page 992] that it hath, than any other waters: for of it selfe otherwise it differeth not. Also for such as have no need of outward fire, we may not say that they stand in need of none at all; but the reason is because they have plenty and store of naturall heat within them; so that in this very point, the commodity of fire ought to be esteemed the more. And as for water, it is never in that good state, but some need it hath of helpe without: whereas the exellencie of fire is such, as it is con­tent with it selfe, and requireth not the aid of the other. Like as therefore, that captaine is to be reputed more excellent, who knowes to order and furnish a citie so as it hath no need of forren allies; so we are to thinke that among elements, that is the woorthier, which may often times consist without the succour and aide of another. And even as much may be said of living crea­tures, which have least need of others helpe. And yet haply it may be replied contrariwise, that 10 the thing is more profitable which we use alone by it selfe, namely, when by discourse of reason we are able to chuse the better. For what is more commodious and profitable to men than rea­son? and yet there is none at all in brute beasts. And what followeth heereupon? Shall we in­ferre therefore that it is lesse profitable, as invented by the providence of a better nature, which is god? But since we are fallen into this argument: What is more profitable to mans life than arts? but there is no art which fire devised not, or at least wise doth not maintaine: And heere­upon it is, that we make [...] the prince and master of all arts. Furthermore, whereas the time and space of life is very short that is given unto man, as short as it is, yet sleepe as, Ariston saith, like unto a false baily or publicane, taketh the halfe thereof for it selfe. True it is, that a man may lie awake, and not sleepe all night long; but I may aswell say that his waking would serve him in 20 small stead, were it not that fire presented unto him the commodities of the day, and put a diffe­rence betweene the darkenesse of the night and the light of the day. If then there be nothing more profitable unto man than life, why should we not judge fire to be the best thing in the world, since it doth augment and multiply our life? Over and besides, that of which the five sen­ses participate most, is more profitable: but evident it is, that there is not one of the said senses maketh use of the nature of water apart and by it selfe, unlesse some aire or fire be tempered with it: whereas every sense findeth benefit of fire as of a vivificant power and quickening vertue: and principally our sight above the rest, which is the quickest of all the senses in the bodie, as being the very flame of fire, a thing that conformeth us in our faith and beliefe of the gods: and as Plato saith, by the meanes of our sight we are able to conforme our soule to the motions of celestiall bodies. 30

OF THE PRIMITIVE OR FIRST COLD. 40

The Summarie.

WE have heere another declaration of Plutarch, wherein he examineth and discusseth after the maner of the Academicke philosophers, without deciding or determining any thing, a naturall question as touching Primitive colde. And in the very first entrie thereof, refuteth those who are of opinion that this first colde is the privation of heat: shewing on the contrary side, that it is meere opposite unto heat as one substance to ano­ther, and not as privation unto habitude. Then proceedeth he to dispute of the essence, nature, and 50 fountaine of this colde: for the cleering of which point, he examineth at large three opinions: the first, of the Stoicks, who attribute the primitive colde unto aire: the second, of Empedocles and Chrysip­pus, who ascribe the cause thereof unto water. Unto all their reasons and arguments he maketh an­swer, and inclineth to a third opinion; namely, that earth is that primitive colde. Which position he con­firmeth by divers arguments, yet resolveth he not, but leaveth it to the discretion of Phavorinus, un­to whom he writeth, for to conferre all the reasons of the one part and the other, without resting in any particular opinion, supposing that to suspend and hold his judgement in matters obscure and uncertaine, [Page 993] is the wiser part of a philosopher, than to yeeld and grant his consent either to one part or the other. Wherein we may see, that in regard of naturall philosophie, our authour was of the Academicks sect: but as touching the morall part, we have seene before, and specially in divers treatises of the former [...] , that he followeth of all the ancient philosophers, those who were least impure and corrupt, such I meane, as in all their discourses had no other light to direct them, but Nature.

OF THE PRIMITIVE OR first colde.

IS there then (Ô Phavorinus) a certaine primitive power and sub­stance 10 of cold, like as fire is of heat, by the presence and partici­pation whereof, ech one of the other things is said to be cold? or rather are we to hold and say, that cold is the privation of heat, like as darknes of light, and station of mooving; and namely, conside­ring that cold is stationarie and heat motive? and the cooling of things which were hot, is not done by the entrance of any cold power, but by the departure of heat? for as soone as it is once gone, that which remaineth is altogether cooled; and the verie vapour and steim which seething waters doe yeeld, passeth away together with the heat, which is the reason that refrigeration diminisheth the quantitie therof, in as much 20 as it chaseth that heat which was, without the entrance of any other thing into the place? Or rather, may not this opinion be suspected? first and formost for that it overthroweth and taketh away many powers and puissances, as if they were not qualities and habitudes really subsisting, but onely the privations and extinctions of qualities and habitudes: as for example, heavinesse of lightnesse, hardnesse of softnesse, blacke of white, bitter of sweete, and so of other sembla­ble things, according as ech one is in puissance contrarie unto an other and not as priva­tion is opposite unto habit? Moreover, for as much as everie privation is idle and wholy without action, as blindnesse, deafnesse, silence and death, for that these bee the depar­tures of formes, and the abolitions of substances, and not certaine natures nor reall substances apart by themselves. We see that cold after it be entred and imprinted (as it were) within the 30 bodie, breedeth no fewer nor lesse accidents & alterations than doth heat; considering that ma­ny things become stiffe and congealed by cold, many things I say, are staied, retained and thic­kened by the meanes thereof: which consistence and stabilitie unapt to stirre and hard to bee moved, is not therefore idle, but it is weightie and firme, having a force and power to arrest and to hold in. And therefore privation is a defect and departure of a contrarie power; whereas ma­ny things be cooled, although they have plentie of heat within: and some things there be, which cold doth constraine and constipate so much the more, as it findeth them hotter, like as we may observe in iron red hot, when by quenching it becommeth the harder. And the stoicke philo­sophers doe hold that the naturall spirits enclosed within the bodies of yoong infants lying in the wombe, by the cold of the ambient aire environing them about is hardened (as it were) and 40 refined, and so changing the nature becommeth a soule. But this is a nice point and verie dispu­table; yet considering that we see cold to be the efficient cause of many other effects, there is no reason to thinke that it is a privation. Furthermore, privation is not capable of more or lesse; for so of twaine that see not at all, the one is not more blind than the other: and of two who can­not speake, one is not more dombe than another; neither of twaine who live not, is one more dead than the other: but among cold things we may well admit more & lesse: overmuch and not overmuch, and generally, intensions and remissions like as in those things that are hot, and therefore ech matter according as it suffreth more or lesse, by contrarie [...] produceth of it selfe some substances, cold and hot, more or lesse than others, for mixture and compositi­on there can be none of habitude with privation; neither is there any power which receiveth 50 or admitteth the contrary unto it, to bring a privation, nor ever maketh it her companion, but yeeldeth and giveth place unto it. But contrariwise, cold continueth very well, as it is mixed with heat, unto a certeine degree; like as blacke with white colours; base notes with small and shrill; sweet savours, with tart & austere; and by this association, mixture & accord of colours, sounds, drogues, savours, and tasts; there are produced many compositions exceeding plea­sant and delectable: for the opposition which is betweene habitude and privation, is alwaies a oddes and enmity, without any meanes of reconciliation, considering that the essence and [...] [Page 994] of the one, is the destruction of the other: whereas that fight which is occasioned by con­trary powers, if it meet with fit time and season, serveth oftentimes in good stead unto arts, and to nature much more, as well in other productions and procreations, as in changes and alterations of the aire: for in the orderly governance and rule whereof, God who dispen­seth and disposeth them, is called Harmonicall and Musicall; not in regard that he maketh a friendly accord betweene base and treble, or a loving medly of white and blacke, but for that by his providence he ordereth so well the accord and discord of the elementary heat & cold of the world, that in a certaine moderation, and without excesse they strive, and yet are reconciled a­game, by taking from the one and the other that which was excessive and reducing them both in such a temperature and estate as apperteineth. Semblably, a man may sensibly [...] cold as 10 well as hee doth heat; whereas you shall never see, heare, or touch, nor by any other sense perceive a privation, for it need to have some substance with it that doth affect the senses, and where there appeareth no substance, there we must suppose a privation, which is as it were the deniall of substance, like as blindnesse is the negation of sight; silence, of voice; void empti­nesse, of a body: for never shall one perceive voidnesse by the sense of feeling; but where there is not a body to be touched, there we must suppose is vacuity: neither doe we heare silence, but when we heare no noise at all, then we understand there is silence: the like we are to say of those who are blinde, of the naked and disarmed, there is no sense of such privations, but rather a barre and negative of sense: and even so, we should have no feeling and perceiverance of cold, but onely where there wanted heat, there we should have imagined cold to be, in case it were no­thing 20 else but a deprivation of heat; but if it be so, that like as heat is felt by the warmth of the [...] , and diffusion or dilatation of the flesh; even so is cold also by the astriction & conden­sation thereof, therefore it appeereth evidently, that it hath a proper, principle, and particular source, as well as heat: over and besides, in every kind, privation is one and simple, but substan­ces have many differences, and as many powers and faculties, for silence is never but after one sort, whereas the voice is divers, one while troublesome, another while delightsome. Senses, colours, and figures semblably have like differences, which dispose and affect diversly the sub­ject which they approch unto, but that which is not palpable, not coloured, and generally not qualified with any quality, hath no diversitie, but is ever alike. Now then, doth this cold resem­ble these privatives in such sort, as it worketh no diversitie in the accidents thereof? Or rather is 30 it cleane otherwise? for as sometimes there come unto bodies great and profitable pleasures by cold, so contrariwise it findeth as much hurt, as great displeasure, trouble, and encombrance thereby: by the offensive qualities whereof, the naturall heat of the body is not alwaies cha­ced quite soorth and cleane gone, but oftentimes being pent and restreined within the body, it fighteth and maketh resistance, which combat of two contraries, is called horrour, quaking or trembling; but when the said heat is altogether vanquished, there must needs ensue a benum­ming and congelation of the body, but if heat get the victorie, it bringeth a certeine warmth and [...] with pleasure, which Homer by a proper tearme calleth [...]: whereby it appee­reth evidently unto every man, and as much by these accidents it is manifest, or rather more, than by any other arguments, that cold is opposit unto heat, as one substance to another, or as 40 passion to passion; but not as privation to habitude, or negation to affirmation: and that it is not the corruption or utter destruction of heat, but a nature and [...] active by it selfe and powerfull, to corrupt and destroy: for if it were not so, wee must not have winter to bee one of fower seasons of the yeere; nor the north winde one of the fower windes; as if the one were but a privation of the hotte season, and the other of the south winde, and we shall be driven to say, that they have no proper source and peculiar principle: howbeit there being in the uni­versall world fower principall bodies, which in regard of their pluralitie, simple nature and puissance, most men call the elements, and suppose them to be the principles of all other bo­dies, to wit, fire, water, aire, and earth, it followeth by necessary consequence, that there be also fower primitive and simple qualities: and which be they, if they be not heat, cold, moisture, 50 and drinesse? by the meanes whereof, the said elements, both doe and suffer all things inter­changeably? And like as in the elements and principles of Grammar, which be the letters, there be brieves and longs; like as also in musicke notes, there is high and lowe, base, and treble, and one of these is not the privation of the other; even so we are to thinke, that in these naturall bo­dies of the elements, there be contrarieties of moisture against drinesse, and of colde against heat, if we will beleeve either reason or outward sense: or else we must say as old Anaximenes was of opinion; that there is nothing hot or colde absolutely in substance; but wee must con­fidently [Page 995] thinke that these be common passions of the matter comming, and occasioned after mutations: for he affirmeth that the thing which is pent, constrict, and thickned in any matter, the same is colde, and that which openeth & relaxeth it selfe, for so he useth this proper tearme [...], is hot; and therefore it is not without some reason, that we commonly say, that a man bloweth both hot and cold out of his mouth; for the breath is cooled when it is pressed [...] betweene the lippes, but issuing foorth of the mouth all open, it is hot by reason of the raritie and laxity thereof: howbeit, Aristotle saith; that it was meere ignorance in him thus to say: For that when we breath with our mouthes wide open, wee let foorth the hot aire that is within us, but when we make a blast with our lippes together, we blow not out the breath that [...] from our selves, but drive that aire from us that is before our mouth, which is cold, & felt before the 10 other that commeth out of us. Seeing then that upon necessitie enforced by so many reasons, we must admit a substance of colde and heat, proceed we and continue our first intent to search what is the substance, nature, and fountaine of the foresaid primitive colde? They then who say that starknesse and stiffenesse for colde, trembling and quaking of the body, and the [...] and standing of haires upright, and such like accidents and passions, are occasioned by certeme triangular formes with unequal sides which are within our bodies, although they faile and misse the marke in particularity: yet so it is, that they fetch the beginning from whence they should, for surely the foundation and original of this inquisition ought to be drawen as it were from the goddesse Vesta, after the common proverbe, even from the universall nature of all things. And heerein it seemeth, that a philosopher most of all differeth from an empiricke physician, a 20 husbandman, a minstrell, and other such particular artificers, whom it suffiseth to know and un­derstand the last and conjunct causes. For so it be, that a physician doe comprehend the neerest and next cause of his patients malady, for example, of an ague, that it is a shooting or falling of the bloud out of the veines into the arteries; and the husbandman conceive that the cause of blasting or Maying his corne, is an hot gleame of the sunne after a shower of raine: and the plaier upon the [...] comprise the reason of the base sound, is the bending downward of his instrument, or the bringing of them one neere unto another: it is sufficient for any of these to proceed to their proper worke and operation: But a naturall philosopher who searcheth in­to the trueth of things, onely for meere knowledge and speculation, maketh not the know­ledge of these last causes the end, but rather taketh from them his beginning, and ari­seth 30 from them to the primitive and highest causes. And therefore well did Plato and De­mocritus, who searching into the causes of heat and of heavinesse, [...] not the course of their inquisition, when they came to fire and earth, but referring and reducing things sen­sible unto intelligible principles, proceeded forward, and never staied untill they came unto the least parcels as it were to the smallest seeds and principles thereof. Howbeit, bet­ter it were first to handle and discusse these sensible things, wherein Empedocles, Straton, and the Stoicks do repose the essences of all powers: the Stoicks attributing the primitive colde unto aire, but Empedocles and Straton unto water: and another peradventure would suppose the earth rather to be the substantiall subject of cold. But first let us examine the opinions of these before named. Considering then that fire is both hot and shining; it must needs be that the na­ture 40 of that which is contrarie unto it, should be colde and darke: for obscuritie is opposite un­to brightnesse, like as cold to heat: and like as darknesse and obscuritie doth confound and trou­ble the sight; even so doth colde the sense of feeling: whereas heat doth dilate the sense of him that toucheth it, like as cleerenesse the sight of him that seeth it: and therefore we must needs say, that the thing which is principally darke and mistie, is likewise colde in nature. But that the aire above all things els is dimme and darke, the very poets were not ignorant: for the aire they call darkenesse, as appeareth by these verses of Homer:

For why, the aire stood thicke the ships about,
And no moone shine from heaven shewed throughout.

And in another place: 50

The aire anon he soone dispatch't, and mist did drive away:
With that, the sunne shone out full bright, and battell did display.

And hereupon it is, that men call the aire wanting light, [...], as one would say, [...], that is to say, void of light: and the grosse aire which is gathered thicke together, [...], by way of privation of all light. Aire also is called [...] and [...], that is to say, a mist: and looke what [Page 996] things soever hinder our sight, that we cannot see thorow, be differences all of the aire: and that part of it which can not be seene and hath no colour, is called [...], that is to say, [...], to wit, in­visible, [...], which is as much to say, as [...], for want of colour. Like as therefore the aire remaineth darke, when the light is taken from it; even so when the heat is gone, that which re­maineth, is nothing but colde aire. And therefore, such aire by reason of coldnesse, is named Tartarus, which Hesiodus seemeth to insinuate by these words, [...], that is to say, the airie Tartarus; and to tremble and quake for cold, he expresseth by this verbe, [...]. These are the reasons [...] in this behalfe. But forasmuch as corruption is the change of anything into the contrary, let us consider whether it be truely said, The death of fire is the birth of aire? For fire dieth aswell as living creatures, either quenched by force, or by languishing and going 10 out of it selfe. As for the violent quenching and extinction thereof, it sheweth evidently, that it turneth into aire: for smoake is a kinde of aire, and according as Pindarus writeth,

The vapour of the aire thicke,
Is [...] against the smoake to kicke.

And not onely that, but we may see also that when a flame beginneth to die for want of nourish­ment, as in lamps and burning lights, the very top and head thereof doth vanish and resolve in­to a darke and obscure aire: and this may sufficiently be perceived, by the vapour which after we are bathed or sit in a stouph, flieth and steimeth up along our bodies, as also by that smoake which ariseth by throwing cold water upon; namely, that heat when it is extinguished, is con­verted into aire, as being naturally opposite unto fire: whereupon it followeth necessarily, that 20 the aire was first darke and cold. But that which is more, the most violent and forcible impressi­on in bodies by cold, is congealation, which is a passion of water, & action of the aire: for water of it selfe is given to spread and flow, as being neither solide nor compact and fast by nature; but hard it becommeth, thicke also and stiffe, when it is thrust close to by the aire, and cold together comming betweene: and therefore thus we say commonly:

If after South, the North-winde straight do blow,
We shall be sure anon to have some snow.

For the South winde prepareth the matter which is moisture, and the aire of the North winde comming upon it, doth frize and congeale the same: which appeareth manifestly in snow, for no sooner hath it evaporated and exhaled a little the thinne and colde aire in it, but immediatly 30 it resolveth and runneth to water. And Aristotle writeth, that plates and plummets of lead doe melt and resolve with the cold and rigor of Winter, so soone as water only commeth unto them and be frozen upon them. And the aire (as it should seeme) by pressing such bodies together with colde, breaketh and knappeth them asunder. Moreover, the water that is drawen out of a well or spring, is sooner frozen and turned to ice, than any other, for that the aire hath more power over a little water, than a great deale. And if a man draw up a small quantitie of water in a bucket out of a pit or well, and let the same downe againe into the well, yet so, as the vessell touch not the water, but hang in the aire, and so continue there but a while, that water will be much colder than that which is in the bottome of the well: whereby it appeareth manifestly, that the primitive cause of cold, is not in water, but in aire. And that so it is, the great rivers will testifie, 40 which never are frozen to the bottome, because the aire is not able to pierce and enter so low, but as much as it can take holde of with the colde, either in touching or approching neere unto it, so much it frizeth and congealeth. And this is the reason that Barbarians when they are to passe great rivers frozen over with ice, send out foxes before the: for if the ice be not thicke, but superficiall, the foxes hearing the noise of the water running underneath, returne backe againe. Some also that are disposed to fish, do thaw and open the ice with casting hot water upon it, and so let downe their lines at the hole; for then will the fishes come to the bait and bite. Thus it ap­peareth that the bottome of the river is not frozen, although the upper face thereof stand all o­ver with an ice, and that so strong, that the water thereby drawen and driven in so hard, is able to crush and breake the boats and vessels within it; according as they make credible relation unto 50 us, who now doe winter upon the river Donow with the emperour, And yet, without all these farre-fet examples, the very experiments that we finde in our owne bodies, doe testifie no lesse: for after much bathing or sweating, alwaies we are more colde and chill; for that our bodies be­ing then open and resolved, we receive at the pores, cold together with aire in more abundance. The same befalleth unto water it selfe, which both sooner cooleth and groweth also colder, after it hath beene once made hot: for then more subject it is to the injurie of the aire: considering also that even they who fling and cast up scalding water into the aire, do it for no other purpose, [Page 997] but to mingle it with much aire. The opinion then of him, ô Phavorinus, who assigneth the first cause of cold unto aire, is founded upon such reasons and probabilities as these. As for him who ascribeth it unto water, he laieth his ground likewise upon such principles: for in this ma­ner writeth Empedocles:

Beholde the Sunne how bright alwaies, and hot he is beside,
But [...] is ever blacke and darke, and colde on every side.

For in opposing cold to heat, as blacknesse unto brightnesse, he giveth us occasion to collect and inferre, that as heat and brightnesse belong to one and the same substance, even so cold and 10 blacknesse to another. Now that the blacke hew proceedeth not from aire, but from water, the very experience of our outward senses is able to proove: for nothing waxeth blacke in the aire, but every thing in the water. Do but cast into the water and drench therein a locke of wooll or peece of cloth be it never so white, you shal when you take it foorth againe, see it looke blackish, and so will it continue, untill by heat the moisture be fully sucked up and dried, or that by the presse or some waights it be squeized out. Marke the earth, when there falleth a showre of raine, how every place whereupon the drops fall, seemes blacke, and all the rest beside retaineth the same colour that it had before. And even water it selfe, the deeper that it is, the blacker hew it hath, because there is morequantity of it: but contrariwise, what part soever thereof is neere unto aire, the same by and by is lightsome and cheerefull to the eie. 20

Consider among other liquid substances, how oile is most transparent, as wherein there is most aire: for proofe wherof, see how light it is; and this is it which causeth it to swim above all other liquors, as being carried aloft by the meanes of aire. And that which more is, it maketh a calme in the sea, when it is flung and sprinkled upon the waves, not in regard of the slipery smoothnesse, whereby the windes do glide over it and will take no hold, according as Aristotle saith; but for that the waves being beaten with any humor whatsoever, will spred themselves and ly even: and principally by the meanes of oile, which hath this speciall and peculiar property above all other liquors, that it maketh clere, and giveth meanes to see in the bottome of the wa­ters, for that humidity openeth and cleaveth when aire comes in place: and not onely yeel­deth a cleere light within the sea to Divers, who fish-ebb in the night for spunges, and plucke 30 them from the rocks whereto they cleave, but also in the deepest holes thereof, when they spurt it out of their mouths, the aire then is no blacker than the water, but lesse colde: for triall heer­of, looke but upon oile, which of all liquors having most aire in it, is nothing cold at all, and if it frize at all, it is but gently, by reason that the aire incorporate within it, will not suffer it to gather and congeale hard: marke worke-men also and artisanes, how they doe not dippe and keepe their needles, buckles, and claspes, or other such things made of iron, in water, but in oile, for feare left the excessive colde of the water would marre and spoile them quite. I stand the more heereupon, because I thinke it more meet to debate this disputation by such proofes, rather than by the colours; considering that snowe, haile, and ice, are exceeding white and cleere, and withall most colde; contrariwise, pitch is hotter than hony, and yet you 40 see it is more darke and duskish. And heere I cannot chuse but woonder at those who would needs have the aire to be colde, because forsooth it is darke; as also that they consider not how others take and judge it hot, because it is light: for tenebrositie and darknesse be not so famili­ar and neere cousens unto colde, as ponderositie and unweldinesse be proper thereto: for many things there be altogether void of heat, which notwithstanding are bright and cleere: but there is no colde thing light and nimble, or mounting upward; for clouds the more they stand upon the nature of the aire, the higher they are caried and flie aloft, but no sooner resolve they into a liquid nature and substance, but incontinently they fall and loose their lightnesse and agilitie, no lesse than their heat, when colde is engendred in them: contrariwise, when heat commeth in place, they change their motion againe to the contrary, and their substance mounteth up­ward 50 so soone as it is converted into aire. Neither is that supposition true as touching corrup­tion; for every thing that perisheth is not transmuted into the contrary: but the trueth is, all things are killed and die by their contrary: for so fire being quenched by fire turneth into aire. And to this purpose Aeschylus the poet said truely, although tragically, when hee called water the punishment of fire, for these be his words:

[...].
The water stay, which fire doth stay.

[Page 998] And Homer in a certaine battell opposed Vulcane to the river, and with Neptune matched A­pollo, not so much by way of fabulous fiction, as by physicall and naturall reason: and as for [...] , a wicked woman, who meant cleane contrary to that which she said and shewed, wrote elegantly in this wise:

The crafty queane in right hand water cold,
And in the left, hot fire did closely hold.

And among the Persians the most effectuall maner of supplication and that which might in no wise be rejected and denied, was, if the suppliant with fire in his hand entred into a river, & there menaced to fling it into the water, if he might not have his request granted: & then he obtatined verily his petitiō, but afterwards punished he was for that threatning which he used, as being wic­ked, 10 wretched & unnatural. And what proverbe is there readier in every mans mouth than to say, when we would signify an unpossible thing, This is to mingle fire and water together? which te­stifieth thus much, that water is the mortall enimy unto fire, warring with it, punishing & quen­ching it, and not the aire, which receiveth & entertaineth fire, & into the substance whereof it is transmuted: for if that into which a thing is turned when it perisheth, were contrary unto it, then fire should be more contrary to aire than water is. For aire when it doth gather and thicken is converted into water, but when it is made more subtil it resolveth into fire: as also in like case, water by rarefaction is resolved into aire and by condensation becommeth earth, not upon any enmity or contrariety that it hath to these both, as I take it, but rather by reason of some amity 20 and kindred that is betweene them. Wel, whether way of these two it is that these philosophers will take, they overthrow still their intent and purpose. But to say that it is the aire which cau­seth water to frize and become yce, it is without all sense and most absurd: for we see that the very aire it selfe is never conglaciate nor frozen, nor hardened, considering that mists, [...] and clouds are no congealations, but onely gatherings and thickenings of a moist and vapourous aire: for the true aire indeed which hath no vapour at all and is altogether drie, admitteth no such refrigeration as may alter it to that degree and heigth. And certeine mountaines there be which are not subiect either to clouds, mists, or dewes, for that their heads reach up to that regi­on of the aire which is pure and exempt from all humidity: wherby it is apparent, that these ga­therings and thickenings which are seene in the aire beneath, proceed from cold and moisture, 30 which is mingled therewith & ruuneth from elswhere. As for the bottoms of great rivers which be never frozen to [...] ; great reason there is of it: for that the upper part being glazed over with ice, [...] not the exhalation which ariseth from beneath to passe thorow, but keepeth it enclosed & striketh it downward, wherby is engendred a certaine heat in the water that runneth in the bottome. And heereof we may see a faire demonstration in this, that when the yce is bro­ken, the water riseth up, and there mounteth withall a great quantity of vapours and exhalati­ons; which is the reason also that the bellies and other concavities within the bodies of living creatures, are alwaies hotter in winter, for that they hold and containe the heat, which the cold­nesse of the circumstant aire driveth inward. As for the drawing & flinging up of water into the aire, it taketh not onely the heat away from waters but also their cold, and therefore they that 40 desire to have their snow or the liquor expressed out of it exceeding cold, moove it as little as they can, for this stirring chaseth away the colde both of the one and the other. But that it is the inward power of the water and not of the aire that doth it, a man may thus discourse and be­gin againe: First and formost, it is not probable that the aire being so neere as it is to the ele­mentarie fire, touching also as it doth that ardent revolution, and being touched of it againe, hath a contrary nature and power unto it: neither is it possible that it should be so, considering that their two extremities are contignate, yea, and continuate one to the other: neither sound­eth it and is conformable to reason, that nature hath fastened with one tenon (as they say) and placed so neere together the killer and that which is killed, the consumer and that which is con­sumed; as if the were not the mediatresse betweene them of peace, unitie and accord, but ra­ther the workmistresse of warre, debate and discord. For surely her order and custome is not to 50 joine front to front, substances that be altogether contrarie, and open enemies one to the other; but to place betweene them such as participate with the one and the other, which are so seated, disposed and interlaced in the middle, as that they tend not to the destruction, but to the associ­ation of two contraries. Such a situation and region hath the aire in the world, being spred un­der the fire, and before the water, for to accommodate and frame it selfe both to the one and the other, and to conjoine and linke them both together, being of it selfe neither hot nor colde, but is as it were a medley and temperature of them both; not (I say) a pernicious mixture, but a gra­cious, [Page 999] which gently enterteineth and receiveth these contrarie extremities. Furthermore, the aire is alwaies equall, and yet the Winter is not evermore colde a little: but some parts of the world be cold and exceeding moist; others colde and as dry, and that not casually and by for­tune, but for that one and the same substance is susceptable both of heat and colde. For the greater part of [...] is hot and dry, altogether without water. And those who have travelled through Scithia, Thracia and Pontus, doe report that there be exceeding great lakes therein, and that those kingdoms be watered with many mighty deepe rivers; also that the countries in the midst betweene, and those parts which adjoyne upon those huges, meres, and fens be extreeme colde, by reason of the vapours that arise from them. As for Posidonius when he saith that the cause of that moisture is this, that the fenny and morish aire is ever fresh and moist, he hath not 10 solved the question which was probable, but made it more doubtfull and without probability; for the aire seemed not alwaies so much colder as it is more fresh, in case cold be not engendred of moisture: and therefore Homer said much better:

The winde from river, if that it hold,
Is [...] bleake, and blowes full cold.

as if he pointed with his very finger to the source and fountaine of colde. Moreover, our sense doth oftentimes beguile and deceive us, as namely, when wee touch wooll or clothes that be colde, for we thinke that they be moist and wet, for that there is one substance common to both these qualities, and both these natures be neighbours and familiar. Also in those climates of the world where the winter is extreme hard and rough, the colde many times cracketh and 20 breaketh vessels of brasse and of earth; not any I meane that is voide and emptie, but all full, by reason that the water by the coldnesse thereof doth violence unto them: howsoever Theo­phrastus thinketh, that it is the aire that bursteth such vessels; using colde as it were a spike or great naile to doe the feat. But take heed that this be not rather a prety & elegant speech of his, than sounding to trueth; for if aire were the cause, then should vessels full of pitch or milke, sooner burst than other. More likely it is therefore, that water is colde of it selfe and [...] , for contrary it is to the heat of fire, in regard of that coldnesse, like as to the drinesse thereof, in respect of humidity. To be briefe, the property of fire ingenerall, is to dissipate, divide, and segregate; but contrariwise, of water to joine, conglutinate, unite, and binde, knitting and closing together by the vertue of moisture. And this makes me thinke that Empedocles upon 30 this occasion, ever and anon calleth fire a pernicious debate, but water a fast amity; for sewell and food of fire, is that which turneth into fire, and every thing turneth which is most proper and familiar; as for that which is contrary, the same is hardly to be turned, as water which of it selfe it is impossible to burne, causing both greene or wet herbs, as also [...] or drenched wood hardly to take fire, and so in the end with much a doe, they kindle and catch fire, although the same be not light and cleere, but darke, dimme, and weake, because the viridity or greenenesse by the meanes of colde, fighteth against the heat, as his naturall enemie.

Peising now and weighing these reasons, conferre them with the others. But for that Chry­sippus esteeming the aire to be the primitive colde, in that it is dimme and darke, hath made mention of those onely who say, that water is more distant and farther remote from the elemen­tary 40 fire, than the aire, and being desirous to say somewhat against them: By the same reason (quoth he) may a man aswel [...] that the earth is the said primitive cold; for that it is farthest from the elementary fire, rejecting this argument and reason as false, and altogether absurd. Me thinks that I can well shew that the earth it selfe wanteth no probable [...] , laying my foundation even upon that which Chrysippus hath taken for the aire: And what is that? name­ly, because it is principally and above all things els obscure & dark; for if he taking two contra­rieties of powers, thinketh of necessitie the one must follow upon the other; [...] , there be in­finit oppositions and repugnances betweene the earth and the aire, for the earth is not opposit unto the aire, as heavy unto light, nor as that which bendeth downward unto that which tendeth upward onely; nor as massie, unto rare; or slow and stedfast unto quicke and mooveable; but as 50 most heavy unto most light; most massie unto most rare; and finally, as immooveable in it selfe, unto that which mooveth of it selfe; or as that which holdeth still the center in the mids, unto that which turneth continually round. Were it not then very absurd to say; that upon so many, and those so great oppositions, this also of heat and cold did not likewise jointly follow? Yes verily: but fire is cleere and bright, and earth darke: nay rather it is the darkest of all things in the world, and most without light; for aire is that which doth participate of the first light & brightnesse, which soonest of all other burneth: being also once full thereof, it distributeth that [Page 1000] light every where, exhibiting it selfe as the very body of light: for as one of the Dithyrambick poets said:

No sooner doth the sunne appeere
In our horizon faire and cleere,
But with his light the pallace great
Of [...] and windes is all repleat.

And then anon it descendeth lower, and imparteth one portion thereof to the lakes and to the sea; the very bottomes of the rivers doe rejoice and laugh for joy, so farre foorth as the aire [...] and entreth into them: the earth onely, of all other bodies, is evermore destitute of light, and not [...] with the radiant beames of sunne and moone; well may it be war­med 10 a little, and present it selfe to be fomented with the heat of the sunne, which entreth a little way into it, but surely the solidity of it will not admit the resplendent light thereof; onely it is superficially illuminated by the sunne, for all the bowels and inward parts of it be called Orph­ne, Chaos, and Ades, that is to say, darkenesse, confusion, and hell it selfe: and as for Erebus, it is nothing else, to say a truth, but terrestriall obscurity, and mirke darknesse within the earth. The poets seigne the night to be the daughter of the earth; and the mathematicians by reason and demonstration, proove, that it is no other thing than the shadow of the earth, opposed a­gainst the sunne: for the aire as it is full of darknesse from the earth, so it is replenished with light from the sunne; and looke how much of the aire is not lightned nor illuminate, to wit, all the shadow that the earth casteth, so long is the night, more or lesse; and therefore both man 20 and beast make much use of the aire without their houses, although it be night season: and as for beasts, many of them goe to reliefe and pasturage in the night, because the aire hath yet some reliques and traces left of light, and a certeine influence of brightnesse, dispersed heere and there: but he that is enclosed within house, and covered with the roufe thereof, is as it were blinde and full of darknesse, as one environed round about within the earth: and verily the hides and hornes of beasts, so long as they bee hole and sound, transmit no light through them: let them be cut, sawed, pared, and scraped, they become transparent, because aire is admitted into them. And I thinke truely that the poets eftsoones heereupon call the earth blacke, meaning thereby darke and without light, so that the most important and principall opposition, between cleere and darke, is found rather in the earth than in the aire: But this is impertinent to our 30 question in hand; for we have shewed already that there be many cleere things which are knowen to be cold, and as many browne and darke which be hot.

But there be other qualities and pussances more proper unto colde, namely, ponderositie, steadinesse, soliditie, & immutability, of which the aire hath not so much as one, but the earth in part hath them all more than the water. Furthermore, it may be saide, that colde is that which most sensibly is hard, as making things stiffe and hard: for Theophrastus writeth, that those [...] which be frozen with extreme rigour of colde, if they be let fal upon the ground, breake and knap in pieces, no lesse than glasses or earthen vessels: and your selfe have heard at Delphi, of those who passed over the hill Pernassus, to succour and relieve the women called [...] who were surprized with a sharpe pinching winde and drifts of snow; that their cloakes 40 and mantels through extremity of colde, were as starke and stiffe as pieces of wood, insomuch as they brake and rent into [...] , so soone as they went about to stretch them out. To say yet more, excessive colde causeth the sinewes to be so stiffe, as hardly they will bend: the tongue likewise so [...] , that it will not stirre or utter any voice, congealing the moist, soft, and [...] parts of the body; which being [...] by daily experience, they proceed to gather this consequence: Every power and facultie which getteth the maistrie, is woont to turne and convert into it selfe, that over which it is predominant: whatsoever is overcome by heat, becommeth fire; that which is conquered by spirit or winde, changeth into aire; what falleth into water, if it get not foorth againe, dissolveth, and in the end runneth to water. Then must it needs follow, that such things as are exceeding colde, degenerate into that primitive colde 50 whereof we speake: now excessive colde is first; and the greatest alteration that can be devised by colde, is when a thing is congealed & made an ice, which congelation altereth the nature of the thing so much, that in the end it becommeth as hard as a stone; namely, when the cold is so predominant, as well all the moisture of it is congealed, as the heat that it had driven out [...] . [...] it is that the earth toward her center, and in the bottom thereof, is frozen al­together, and in maner nothing else but ice, for that the excessive colde which never will yeeld and [...] , there dwelleth and [...] continually, as being thrust and driven into that corner, [Page 1001] farthest off from the elementary fire. As touching those rocks, cragges, and cliffes, which we see to appeere out of the earth: Empedocles is of opinion, that they were there set, driven up, susteined, & supported by the violence of a certeine boiling and swelling fire within the bowels of the earth: but it should seeme rather, that those things out of which all the heat is evapo­rate and slowen away, be congealed and conglaciat so hard by the meanes of colde: and this is the cause that such cragges be named in Greeke [...], as one would say, congealed: toward the head and toppe whereof, a man shall see in them many places blacke againe, namely, whereas the heat flew out when the time was, so as to see to, one would imagine that they had heereto­fore beene burnt; for the nature of colde is to congeale all things, but some more, others lesle; but above all, those in which it is naturally at the first inhaerent: for like as the property of fire 10 is to alleviate, it cannot otherwise be, but the hotter that a thing is, the more light also it is: and so the nature of moisture is to soften; insomuch as the moister any thing is, the softer also it is found to be: semblably, given it is to colde, to astringe and congeale: it followeth therefore of necessity, that whatsoever is most astrict and congealed, as is the earth, is likewise the coldest; and looke what is colde in the highest degree, the same must be principally and naturally that colde, whereof we are in question. And thereupon we must conclude, that the earth is [...] by nature colde, and also that primitive colde; a thing apparent and evident to our very sense; for dirt and clay is colder than water: and when a man would quickly suffocate and put out a fire, he throweth earth upon it. Blacke-smithes also, and such as forge iron, when they see it redde hot, and at the point to melt, they strew upon it small powder, or grit of marble or other stones that 20 have fallen from them, when they were squared and wrought, for to keepe it from resolving too much, and to coole the excessive heat: the very dust also that is used to bee throwen upon the bodies of wrestlers, doth coole them and represse their sweats. Moreover, to speake of the commodity that causeth us every [...] to [...] and change our lodgings, what is the mea­ning of it? winter maketh us to seeke for high lofts, and such chambers as be [...] from the earth; contrariwise, summer bringeth us downe to the halles and parlours beneath, driving us to seeke retiring roomes, and willingly we love to live in vaults within the bosome of the earth: doe we not thus thinke you, directed by the instinct of nature, to seeke out & acknowledge that which is naturally the primitive colde? and therefore when winter comes, we lay for houses and habitations neere the sea side, that is to say, we flie from the earth as much as we can, be­cause 30 of colde, and we compasse ourselves with the aire of the sea, for that it is hot: contrariwise, in summer time, by reason of immoderate heat, we covet mediterranean places farther with­in the land, and farre remooved from the sea, not for that the aire of it selfe is colde, but be­cause it seemeth to spring and budde as it were out of the primitive colde, and to have a tin­cture as I may so say, after the maner of iron from the power which is in the earth: and ve­rily among running waters, those that arise out of rocks, and descend from mountaines, are evermore coldest: but if [...] and pittes, such as be deepest yeeld the coldest waters: for by reason of their profunditie, the aire from without is not mingled with these; and the others passe thorough pure and sincere earth, without the mixture of aire among. As for example, such is the water neere the cape of Taenarus, which they call Styx, destilling by 40 little and little out of the rocke, and so gathered unto an head: which water is so extreeme colde, that there is no vessell in the world will holde it, but onely that which is made of an asses hoofe; for put it into any other, it cleaveth and breaketh it. Moreover, we heare physicians say, that to speake generally, all kinds of earth do restraine and coole: and they reckon unto us a number of minerals drawen out of entrails of the earth, which in the use of physicke yeeld unto them an astringent and binding power: for the very element it selfe from whence they come, is nothing incisive, nor hath the vertue for to stirre and extenuate; it is not active and quicke, not emollitive, nor apt to spread; but firme, steadfast and permanent, as a square cube or die, and not to be removed: whereupon, being massie and ponderous as it is, the colde also thereof ha­ving a power to condensate, constipate and to expresse forth all humors, [...] by the aspe­rity 50 and inequalitie of the parts, shakings, horrors and quakings in our bodies: and if it prevaile more and be predominant, so that the heat be driven out quite and extinct, it imprinteth an ha­bitude of congealation and dead stupefaction. And hereupon it is, that the earth either will not burne at all, or els hardly and by little and little: whereas the aire manytimes of it selfe sendeth forth flaming fire, it shooteth and floweth, yea, and seemeth as inflamed, to lighten and flash: and the humiditie which it hath, serveth to feed and nourish the heat thereof. For it is not the [Page 1002] solide part of wood that burneth, but the oleous moisture thereof; which if it be once evaporate and spent, the solide substance remaineth drie, and is nothing els but ashes. As for those who labour and endevour to shew by demostration, that the same also is changed and consumed, for which purpose they sprinckle it estsoones with oile, or temper it with greace, and so put it into the fire againe, prevaile nothing at all: for when the fattie and uncteous substance is burnt, there remaine still evermore behinde, the terrestriall parts. And therefore earth being not onely im­mooveable in respect of situation, but also immutable in regard of the very substance, the anci­ent called [...], that is to say, vesta, standing as it were sure and stedfast within the habitation of the gods: of which steadinesse and congealation, the bond and linke is cold, as Archilochus the Naturallist said: And nothing is there able to relax or mollifie it, after it hath once bene baked 10 in the fire or hardened against the Sun. As touching those who say that they feele very sensibly the winde and the water colde, but the earth not so well; surely these do consider this earth here, which is next unto us, and is no other thing in trueth, than a mixture and composition of aire, water, sunne and heat; and me thinks this is all one, as if a man should say, that the elementarie fire is not the primitive and originall heat, but rather scalding water, or an iron red hot in the fire; for that in trueth there is no touching of these or comming neere unto them; as also that of the said pure and celestiall fire, they have no sensible experience nor knowledge by feeling, no more than they have of the earth which is about the center, which we may imagine to be true, pure and naturall earth, as most remote and farthest separate from all other: howbeit, wee may have some guesse and token thereof by these rockes heere with us, which from their 20 profunditie send forth a vehement colde, which is in maner intolerable. And they likewise who desire to drinke their water passing colde, use to throw pibble stones into it, which there­by commeth to be more colde, sharpe and piercing, by occasion of the great and fresh colde that ariseth from the said stones. And therefore we ought thus to thinke, that when our ancients, those deepe clearks and great scholars I meane, thought there could be no mixture of earthly things with heavenly, they never looked to places high or low, as if they hung in the scales of a ballance, but unto the difference and diversitie of their powers; attributing the qua­lities of heat, cleerenesse, agilitie, celeritie and lightnesse, unto that immortall and eternall na­ture: but colde, darknesse and tarditie, they assigned as the unhappie lot and wretched portion of those infernall wights that are dead and perished. For the very bodie of a creature, all while 30 that it doth breathe and flourish in verdure as the Poets say, hath life and heat, but so soone as it is destitute of these, and left in the onely portion and possession of the earth, it presently becom­meth stiffe and colde, as if heat were in any other body naturally, rather than in that which is ter­restriall.

Compare now good sir Phavorinus, these arguments with the reasons of other men, and if you finde that they neither yeeld in probabilitie, nor over-way them much, bid all opinions and the stiffe mainteining of them farewell, and thinke that to forbeare resolution and to holde off in matters obscure and uncerteine, is the part of the wisest philosopher, rather than to settle his judgement and assent to one or other. 40

NATVRALL QVESTIONS.

The Summarie. 50

THis collection of divers questions taken out of Naturall philosophie, and resolved by the authour according to the doctrine of Naturalists, being so cleerely distinguished by it selfe, requireth no long deduction: for that at the very first sight ech question may sufficiently [...] understood.

NATVRALL QVESTIONS.

1

What is the cause that sea water nourisheth no trees?

IS it for the same reason, that it nourisheth no land-creatures? for that a plant according to the opinions of Plato, Anaxagoras and De­mocritus, is a living creature of the land. For say that it serves for food to plants growing within the sea, as also to fishes, and is to 10 them their drinke, yet we must not inferre thereupon, that it feed­eth trees that be without the sea and upon the land: for neither can it pierce downe to their rootes, it is so grosse, nor rise up in the na­ture of sappe, it is so heavy. That it is grosse, heavy, and terrestriall, appeereth by many other reasons, and by this especially, for that it beareth up and susteineth both vessels and swimmers more than any other.

Or is it principally for this, that whereas nothing is more offensive and hurtfull to trees than drinesse, the water of the sea is very [...] ? which is the reason that salt withstandeth pu­trifaction so much as it doth, and why the bodies of those who are washed in the sea, have in­continently their skin exeeding dry and rugged. 20

Or rather may it not be, for that oile is naturally an enimy to all plants, causing as many of them as are rubbed or anointed therewith to die? Now the sea water standeth much upon a kinde of sartinesse, and is very uncteous, in such sort that it will both kindle and also increase fire: and therefore we give warning and forbid to throw sea water into flaming fire.

Or is it because the water of the sea is bitter and not potable, by reason (as Aristotle saith) of the burnt earth that is mixed with it? like as lie, which is made by casting fresh water aloft upon ashes: for the running and passing through the said ashes marreth that sweet and potable qua­lity of the water: as also within our bodies, the unnaturall heats of an ague turne [...] into cholar. As for those plants, woods or trees, which are said to grow within the red sea, if they doe, certeinly they beare no fruit; but nourished they are by the fresh rivers, which bring in with 30 them a deale of mud; an argument heereof is this: for that such grow not farre within the sea but neere unto the land.

2

What might the reason be, that trees and seeds are nourished better with raine, than any other wa­ter that they can be watered withall?

IS it for that raine as it falleth, by the dint that it maketh, openeth the ground and causeth litle holes, whereby it pierceth to the rootes, as Laetus saith?

Or is this untrue? and Laetus was ignorant heereof, namely that morish plants and such as grow in pooles, as the reed mace, canes and rushes, will not thrive if they want their kinde 40 raines in due season? But true is that which Aristotle saith: That the raine water is all fresh and new made, whereas that of meeres and lakes is old and stale.

Or haply, this carieth more shew and probabilitie, with it than trueth, for certeine it is, that the water of fountaines, brookes, and rivers, come as new and fresh as they: for as Heraclitus saith: It is impossible for a man to enter into one and the same river twice, because new wa­ter commeth still, and runneth away continually, and yet these nourish lesse than raine wa­ters.

Is this therefore the reason, because the water from heaven is light, subtile, aireous, and mixed with a kinde of spirit, which by that subtilitie, entreth soone, and is easily caried to the root of plants: and heereupon in the fall it raiseth little bubbles, because of the aire and spirit 50 enclosed within.

Or doth raine water nourish more in this regard, that it is sooner altered and overcome by that which it nourisheth; for this is it that we call concoction properly: contrariwise, cruditie and indigestion, when things are so strong and hard that they will not suffer; for such as be thinne, simple, and unsavory, are most easily and soonest altered: of which kinde is raine water, for being engendred as it is in the aire and the winde, it falleth pure and cleane; whereas spring­ing waters, are like to the earth, out of which they issue, or the places through which they [...] , [Page 1004] gathering thereby many qualities, which cause them unwilling to be digested, and more slow to be reduced by concoction, into the substance of that which is to be nourished thereby: on the other side, that raine waters be easie to be changed and transmuted, it appeereth by this; that more subject they are to corruption and putrefaction, than those either of rivers, or of pittes and welles: and concoction seemeth to be a kinde of putrefaction: as Empedocles beareth wit­nesse saying:

When in vine-wood the water putrifies,
It turnes to wine, whiles under barke it lies.

Or rather the truest and readlest reason that can be alledged, is the sweetnesse and holsom­nesse of raine waters, falling as they doe so presently, so soone as the winde sends them downe: 10 and heereupon it is that beasts desire to drinke thereof before any other: yea, and the frogges and paddocks expecting a raine, for joy sing more shrill and merily, ready to receive and en­terteine that which will season the dead and dormant waters of standing lakes, as being the very seed of all their sweetnesse: for Aratus reckoneth this also for one of the signes of a showre to­ward, writing thus:

When wretched brood,
The adders food, from out of standing lake,
(The tad-pole sires,
Imeane) desires fresh raine, and loud doth
Coaxant. Lat. [...] [...] .
coake. 20

3

What might be the cause that shepherds and other herdmen give salt unto their sheepe and cattell which they feed?

IS it as most men doe thinke, to the end that they should fall the better to their meat, and so consequently feed fatte the sooner? because the acrimony of salt provoketh appetite, and opening the pores, maketh way unto the nourishment for to be digested and distributed more casily throughout the whole body? in regard whereof the physician Apollonius, the sonne of Herophilus, gave counsell and prescribed leane folke and such as thrived not in their flesh; not 30 [...] sweet wine, thicke gruell, and frumentie, but salt fish out of the pickle, anchoves, powdred meats, and such as were condite in brine: the subtile acrimonie whereof might in maner of setting a peruke for want of haire, serve to apply nutriment through the pores of the body into those parts that need it.

Or rather may it not be for health-sake? in which regard they use their cattell to little salt, thereby to take downe their ranke feeding, and restreine their grossenesse and corpulencie? for such as grow exceeding fatte, are subject to breed diseases: but salt consumeth and dispatch­eth this fatte; and by this meanes also when they be killed, they are sooner and with greater ex­pedition flaied, because the fatte which knit and bound the skinne fast to the flesh, is now be­come more thinne, gentle, and pliable through the acrimony of the salt: besides, the bloud al­so 40 of such as be ever licking of salt, becommeth more liquid; and nothing there is within, that will gather and grow together, in case there be salt mingled therewith.

It may be moreover, that they doe it for to make them more fruitfull and apter for generati­on; for we see that salt bitches which have beene fed with salt meats, are more hot, apter to goe proud, and sooner with whelpe. And for this cause, those keeles and barges that transport salt, breed greater store of mice, for that they engender the oftener.

4

How commeth it to passe, that of raine waters, such as fall with thunder and lightning, which there­upon be called [...], are better for to water seeds or yong plants, than any other? 50

MAy it not be, because they be full of winde and ventositie, by reason of the trouble and confused agitation of the aire? And the nature of wind and spirit is to stirre the humidi­tie; and by that meanes doth send it forth and distribute it the better?

Or is it not rather, that heat fighting against colde, is the cause of thunder and lightning in the aire? which is the reason that seldome there is any thunder in winter: but contrariwise, very [Page 1005] often in the Spring and Autumne, for the inconstant and unequall distemperature of the [...] which being supposed, the heat concocting the humiditie, causeth it to be more pleasant and profitable unto the plants of the earth.

Or why may it not be, because it thundreth and lightneth especially and more often in the Spring, than in any other season of the yeere, for the reason before alledged: now the Spring showers and raines are most necessarie for seeds and herbs, against the Summer time: where­upon those countries wherein there be many good ground showers in the Spring, as the [...] [...] , bring forth plentie of good fruits.

5

How is it, that there being eight kind of [...] [...] object of [...] , [...] as [...] to [...] , and [...] [...] [...] or [...] when [...] although I know, we co­monly attri­bute [...] to our [...] : but [...], as I thinke. savours, there is no more but onely one of them, to wit, 10 saltish, that can not be found naturally in fruits? For as touching the buter savour, the olive hath it at first; and the grape is soure at the beginning: but as these fruits begin to change and grow to their ripenesse, the bitternesse of the olive turneth into a [...] and unctuous savour, and the sharpe verdure of the grape into a smacke of wine: semblably, the harshnesse in the un­ripe dates, as also the austere and unpleasant sharpnesse in pomgranats changeth into sweetnesse. As for pomgranats, some there be, as also other apples, which are [...] soure, and never have o­ther taste. And as for the sharpe and [...] savour, it is ordinarie in many roots and seeds.

IS it for that the salt savor is not primitive not engendred originally, but is rather the corrup­tion of other primitive savors; and in that regard can not serve to nourish any creature, living 20 with grasse or graine? but it is to some in stead of a sauce, because it is a meanes that they should not upon fulnesse either lothe or distaste that which they feed upon.

Or because, that like as they who boile sea water, rid it from that salt, brackish and biting qua­litie that it hath: so, in those that are hot by nature, the salt savour is dulled and mortified by heat?

Or rather, for that a savour or smacke, according as Plato saith, is a water or juice passing tho­row the stem or stalke of a plant: but we see that the sea water rūning as thorow a streiner, loseth the saltnesse, being the terrestriall and grossest part that is in it. And hereupon it is, that when as men digge along by the sea side, they meet with springs of fresh and potable water. And many there be, who draw out of the very sea, fresh water and good to be drunke; namely, when it hath 30 [...] thorow certeine vessels of wax, by reason that the terrestriall and saltish parts thereof be streined out. In one word, [...], haply [...] setting. cley or marle also, yea, and the carrying of sea water in long con­duct pipes, causeth the same when it is so streined, to be potable, for that there are kept still in them the terrestriall parts, and are not suffered to passe thorow. Which being so, very probable it is that plants neither receive from without forth any salt savour, nor if haply any such qualitie breed in them, doe they transfuse the same into their fruits; for that the conducts of their pores being very small and streight, there can not be transmitted thorow them any grosse or terrestri­all substance.

Or els we must say, that saltnesse is in some sort a kinde of bitternesse, according as Homer signifieth in these verses: 40

Bitter salt-water at mouth he cast againe,
And all therewith his head did drop amaine.

And Plato affirmeth, that both the one and the other savour is abstersive and liquefactive; but the saltish, lesse of the twaine, as that which is not rough: and so it will seeme that bitter differeth from salt in excesse of drinesse, for that the salt savour is also a great drier.

6

What is the cause, that if folke use ordinarily and continually to goe among yong trees or shrubs full of deaw, those parts of their bodies which do touch the twigs of the said plants, are wont to have a scurfe or mange rise upon their skin? 50

IS it (as Laet us saith) for that the deaw by the subtiltie thereof doth fret and pierce the skin?

Or rather, because like as the blast and mil-deaw is incident to those [...] or plants that take wet and be drenched; even so, when the smoothe and tender superficiall parts of the skinne be fretted, scarified, and dissolved a little with the deaw, there ariseth a certeine humour, and fil­leth the fretted place with a smart and angry scurfe: for lighting upon those parts which have but little bloud, such as be the smalles of the legs and the feet, it [...] & [...] the superficies [Page 1006] of them. Now that there is in deaw a certeine inordinate qualitie, it appeareth by this, that it maketh those who are grosse and corpulent, to be leaner and more spare of bodie: witnesse our women who are given to be fat, and would be fine, who gather deaw with linnen clothes, or els with locks or fleeces of wooll, thinking therewith to take downe and spend their fogginesse, and make themselves more gant and slender.

7

What is the cause that barges and other vessels in Winter time, go more slowly upon the rivers than at other seasons; but they do not so upon the sea?

WHat say you to this? May it not be, for that the aire of rivers being alwaies grosse and heavy, in Winter is more inspissate by reason of the circumstant cold, and so is an hin­drance 10 to the course of ships?

Or haply this accident is to be imputed to the water of rivers, rather than to the aire about them; for colde driving in and restraining the water, maketh it more heavy and grosse; as we may perceive in water houre-glasses, for the water runneth out of them more leasurely and slowly in winter then in summer. And Theophrastus writeth that in Thracia, neere unto the mount called Pangaeon, there is a fountaine, the water whereof is twice as much heavie in winter than it is in summer, waigh it in one & the same vessell full. That the thicknesse of water maketh a vessell to passe more sluggishly, it may appeare by this, that the barges of the river carry grea­ter fraights by farre, in winter than in summer: because the water being thicke, is stronger and able to beare more. As for the sea water it cannot be made more thicke in winter, by reason of 20 the owne heat, which is the cause that it congealeth not, and if it gather any thickening, it see­meth to be very slender and little.

8

What is the reason that we observe, all other waters, if they be mooved and troubled, are the colder, but the sea the more surging and waving, the hotter it is?

IS it because, if there be any heat in other waters, the same is a stranger unto it, and comming from without, and so the motion and agitation thereof doth dissipate and drive the same forth againe: but that heat of the sea which is proper and naturall to it, the windes doe stirre up and augment. That the sea is naturally hot, may evidently be proved by this, that it is so transpa­rent 30 and shining; as also for that it is not ordinarily frozen, heavy though it be and terrestriall.

9

What should be the cause that in winter the sea water is lesse bitter and brackish in taste?

FOr so (by report) writeth Dionysus the great convaier of conduicts, who in a treatise of that argument, saith that the bitternesse of the sea water is not without some sweetnesse, seeing that the sea receiveth so many and so great rivers: for admit that the sunne doe draw up that which is fresh and potable out of it, because it is light and subtill; that is but from the upper part onely: and withall, it doth more in Summer than in any other season, by reason that in Winter his beames are not so strong to strike, for that his heat likewise is but saint and feeble: 40 and so a good portion of the sweetnesse remaining behinde, doth delay that excessive bitter­nesse and brackishnesse, like a medicine that it hath. And the same befalleth unto river waters, and all other that be potable: for even such in Summer time become worse and more offensive to the raste than in Winter, by how much the heat of the sunne doth resolve and dissipate the light and sweet parts thereof: but in Winter it runneth alwaies new and fresh; whereof the sea cannot chuse but have a good part, as well because it is evermore in motion, as also for that the rivers running into it, be great and impart their fresh water unto it.

10

What is the reason, that men are wont to powre sea water into their wine vessels, among the wine? 50 And the common report goeth that there were sometime certeine mariners and fisher-men who brought with them an oracle, commanding to plunge and dip Bacchus in the sea: And such as dwell farre from the sea, insteed of sea water, put in baked plaster of Zacynthus?

IS it to this end, that the heat thereof should helpe to resist the colde, that it take not away the heart of the wine? Or rather cleane contrary, doth it not weaken the headinesse of wine, by extinguishing the power and strength thereof?

[Page 1007] Or it may be, that seeing wine is much subiect to alteration, and will quickly turne, the terre­striall matter which is cast into it, having a naturall property to restraine, to binde and to stoppe, doth in some sort condensate and stay the waterish and spirituall substance of it. Now the salt together with the sea water, comming to subtiliate and consume that which is superfluous, and naught in the wine, and not the proper substance thereof, keepeth it so, as it will not suffer any strong & evill smell or corruption to be ingendred therin: Besides all the grosse and terrestriall parts of the wine, sticking and cleaving to that which setleth to the bottom, and being drawen downward with it, maketh a residence of the lees and dregges, and by consequence leaveth the rest more cleere, pure, and neat.

11 10

What is the cause that those who saile upon the sea, are more sicke in the stomacke, than they that saile upon rivers, yea, though [...] weather be faire and the water calme?

IS it for that of all the senses, smelling, and of all passions, feare, causeth men most to be sto­macke sicke? for so soone as the apprehension of any perrill seiseth upon a man, he trembleth and quaketh for feare, his haire stareth and standeth upright, yea and his belly groweth to be loose. Wheras there is none of all this that troubleth those who saile or row upon the river: for why, the smell is aquainted with all fresh and potable water, neither is the sailing so perillous: whereas upon the sea men are offended with strange and unusuall smelles, yea, and be est­soones affraid, how faire soever the season be, not trusting upon that which they see present, but 20 misdoubting that which may fall out. And therefore little or nothing serveth the calme without, when the minde within is tossed, troubled, and vexed, partly with feare, and in part with distrust, drawing the body into the fellowship of like passions and perturbations.

12

What is the reason that if the sea be sprinckled aloft with oile, there is to be seene a cleere transpa­rence together with a calme and tranquility within?

WHether is it (as Aristotle saith) because the winde gliding and glauncing over oile which is smooth and even, hath no power to stirre it, or to make any agitation.

Or, this reason may well carie with it some probability as touching the outward part, and up­most 30 superficies of the sea: but seeing that they also by report, who plunge and dive to the bot­tome thereof, holding oile within their mouthes, if they spurt the same foorth when they are in the bottome, have a light all about them, and are able to see cleerely in the deepe; a man can­not attribute the cause thereof unto the gliding over of the wind. See therefore if it may not ra­ther be, for that the oile by the solidity and thicknesse that it hath, doth drive before it, cut, and open the sea water first, being terrestriall and unequall; which after being returned and drawen together againe into it selfe, there be left still in the mids betweene, certeine little holes which yeeld unto the eies a through-light and transparence.

Or rather is it, for that the aire mingled within the sea, is by reason of heat, naturally light­some and perspicuous; but when it is troubled and stirred, becommeth unequall and shadowy; 40 when as the oile therefore by meanes of solidity commeth to pollish and smooth the said ine­qualitie, it resumeth againe the owne plainnesse and perspicuity.

13

What is the reason that fisher mens nets doe rot in Winter rather than in Summer, notwithstan­ding that all other things putrifie more in Summer than in Winter?

IS it because (as [...] supposeth) the heat then beset round about with the circum­stant colde, giveth place thereto, and therefore causeth the bottome of the sea as well as of the earth, to be the hotter? which is the reason that spring waters be warmer, yea and both lakes 50 and rivers doe reike and smoake more in Winter than in Summer, because the heat is kept downe, and driven to the bottome by the colde, which is predominant over it?

Or rather are we to say, that the nets rot not at all, but whensoever they be stiffe congealed with colde which drieth them up, soone broken afterwards they are with the violence of the waves, and so seeme as if they were rotten and putrified indeed; for in more danger they are in colde and frosty weather; and like as strings and sinewes over-stretched doe breake, seeing espe­cially that the sea in Winter most commonly is troubled, which is the reason that they use to [Page 1008] restreine and thicken them with certeine tinctures, for feare they should be overmuch relaxed and resolved; for otherwise, if it were not for that doubt, being not so died and besmeared all over, they would sooner deceive fishes, because they could not perceive them so soone; for that the colour naturally of the lines and threds resembling the aire, is very meet to deceive with­in the sea.

14

What is the reason that the [...], some translate [...] husband­men, reading [...] , [...]. pray for to have ill inning of their hey?

IS not this the cause, because hey is not well inned wet, or having taken a showre? for mowen downe it is not dry, but while it is greene and full of sappe; and if it take wet withall, it rot­teth 10 incontinently and is marred: whereas contrariwise if standing corne be moistened with [...]. raine a little before harvest, it taketh much good against hot southerne windes, which will not suffer the corne to gather and knit in the eare, but cause it to be loose that it cannot eare well by meanes of heat, were it not by the drenching and watering of the ground, the moisture did coole and mollifie the earth.

15

What is the reason that a fat, strong, and heavy clay ground, beareth wheat best: but contrariwise alight and sandy soile, is better for barley?

MAy not this be a reason, that of all corne, that which is more strong and solide, requireth 20 larger food, and the weaker lesse, and more slender nourishment? now it is well knowen that barley is a more feeble and hollow graine than wheat is: in which regard it will not abide and beare plentifull nouriture and strong. An argument and testimonie hereof we may have of that kinde of wheat which is called three-moneth wheat, for that in drier grounds it liketh bet­ter, and commeth up in greater plenty: the reason is, because it is not so firme and solid as o­thers, and therefore requireth lesse nutriment: in regard whereof, also it commeth sooner to ripenesse and perfection.

16

How commeth this common prover be: Sow wheat in durt, and barley in dust?

IS it not as I said before, because wheat is able to overcome more nourishment, but barley 30 can not endure much moisture to drench and drowne it?

Or in this respect, that wheat being a stiffe and hard kinde of graine, resembling the nature of wood, doth sooner come and chit within the ground, in case it be well soked and softened with moisture, and therefore liketh better of a wet ground; whereas the drier soile at the first sowing agreeth better with barley, and is more commodious for it, being as it is, a more loose and spungeous kinde of graine.

Or because such a temperature of the ground in regard of the heat, is more proportionable and lesse hurtfull unto barley, being as it is the colder graine?

Or rather, husbandmen are affraid to [...], hap­ly it should be [...], or [...], that is to say, to [...] , unlesse [...] under­stand it thus, that their [...] of corne and [...] were neere unto [...] corne lands. thrash their wheat upon a dry and sandy floore, be­cause 40 of For [...] breed in [...] . ants; for soone will they take to that kind of graine in such a place. As for barley, they use lesse to beare it, because the cornes thereof be hard to be caried and recaried from one place to another, they are so bigge.

17

What is the cause that fishers chuse the haire of stone-horsetailes, rather than of mares, to make their angling lines?

IS it because the male, as in all other parts, so in haire also, is more strong than the female?

Or rather, for that they thinke the haire of mares tailes, drenched and wet as it is ever and anon with their staling, is more brittle and woorse than the other? 50

18

What is the reason that when the Some take it for the [...] . Calamacie fish is seene in the sea, it is a signe of a great tempest?

IS it because all soft and [...] fishes are very impatient of colde and of foule-weather, they be so bare and naked, and have withall their flesh exceeding tender, as being covered, neither with shell nor thicke skinne, ne yet scale; but contrariwise, having their hardy, gristly, and bony [Page 1009] substance within? which is the reason that all such fishes be called Malacia, as one would say, Soft and tender. For which cause naturally they soone foresee a tempest, and feele colde com­ming, for that it is offensive unto them: and therefore likewise, when the Poulpe or Polyp run­neth to land, and catcheth holde of some little rocks, it is a token that there is great winde to­ward. And for the Calamacie, he leapeth forth for to avoid the colde and the trouble or agitati­on of the water in the bottome of the sea: for of other soft fishes, his flesh is most tender and ap­test to be pierced and hurt.

19

Why doth the Polyp change his colour? 10

IS it according to the opinion of Theophrastus, because it is a fearefull and timorous creature by nature; and therefore when he is troubled or amazed as his spirit turneth, so he altereth withall his colour, even as we men do? whereupon we say in the common proverbe:

The coward, in view
Soone changeth hew.

Or may this be a good probable conjecture of the change, but not sufficient, for the resem­blance? considering that he changeth so, as heresembleth the rocks which he setleth upon. Un­to which propertie, Pindarus alluded in these verses:

His minde doth alter most mutable,
To Poulpe the sea-fish skin semblable; 20
Which changeth hue to echthing sutable:
To live in all worlds he is pliable.

And Theognis:

Put on a minde like Polype fish, and learne so to dissemble:
Which of the rocke whereto it sticks, the colour doth resemble.

Also, men usually say, such as surpasse others for cunning and cautelous dealing, studie and practise this: that for to save themselves, and not to be seene or knowen of those about them, they alwaies will be like unto the poulpe, and change their colours, that is to say, their maners 30 and behaviour.

Or do they thinke such an one to make use of his colour readily, as of a garment, to change and put on another whensoever he will?

Well then, the poulpe fish himselfe, by his feare may haply give the occasion and begin­ning of this change and passion; but the principall point of the cause consisteth in something els. And therefore weigh and consider what Empedocles writeth:

Wot well, all mortall things that be,
Defluxions havein some degree.

For there passe away continually, many defluxions, not onely from living creatures, plants, earth and sea, but also from stones, brasse and iron: for all things perish and yeeld a smell, in 40 that there runneth something alwaies from them, and they weare continually: insomuch as it is thought that by these defluxions are all attractions and insultations: and some suppose their embracings and connexions; others, their smilings: some their impulsions, and I wot not what circumplexions and environments, to be attributed unto such defluxions; and especially from rocks and stones along the sea continually, washed and dashed with the waves, therebe decisions passe of some parcels and small fragments, the which do cleave unto other bodies, and cling a­bout those which have their pores more strict and close, or els passe thorow such as have the same over rare and open. As for the flesh of the Polype, it is to see to, fistulous and spongeous, like unto hony-combs, apt to receive all such defluxions and decisions from other bodies, when as then he is afraid, his winde goeth and commeth, and withall, shutteth up his bodie, and 50 bringeth it together, that he may receive and reteine in the superficies of his skin, the defluxi­ons that come from that which is next it: for the rivels and wrinckles of his soft skin, which are knit with feare, are in stead of crooke and bending cleies fit to enterteine the defluxions and par­cels lighting upon them, which scatter not heere and there, but gathering upon the skin, make the superficies thereof to be of semblable colour. And that this is a true cause, it may appeare by one great argument, namely, that neither the Polyp doth resemble in colour all that which is [Page 1010] neere unto it, not the Chamaeleon the white colour; but both the one & the other, such things onely, as the defluxions whereof are proportionate unto their pores and small passages.

20

What is the cause that the teares of wilde boares be sweet, but of stagges and hinds, saltish and un­pleasant to the taste?

HEat and colde are the cause of both; for the stagge is colde of nature, but the bore excee­ding hot and fierie: whereupon it is, that the one fleeth away, the other maketh head, and stands to it when he is assaulted, and then is it most of all that he sheddeth teares, upon a fell 10 heart: for when plentie of heat (as I said before) mounteth up unto his eies,

His bristles stare and stand upright,
His ardent eyes like fire are bright.

and so the humour that distilleth from his eies, is sweet. Others say, that these teares are pressed and wrong out from the bloud being troubled, like as whey from milke: and of this opinion was Empedocles. And forasmuch as the bloud of the wilde bore is blacke and thicke in regard of heat, but that of stags and hinds, thin and waterish, great reason there is that the teares which passe from the one in anger, and the other in feare, should be such as is aforesaid.

21 20

What is the reason, that tame swine do farrow often in one yeere, some at one time, and some at ano­ther; whereas the wilde of that kinde, bring forth pigs but once in the yeere, and all of them in a maner upon the same daies, and those are in the beginning of Summer: whereupon we say in our vulgar proverbe:

The night once past, of wilde sowes farrowing:
T'will raine no more be sure, for any thing.

IS it (thinke you) for the plentie they have of meat; as in trueth, fulnesse brings wantonnesse, and of full feeding comes lust of breeding: for abundance of food causeth superfluitie of seed, aswell in living creatures as in plants. As for the wilde swine, they seeke their victuals them­selves, 30 and that with travell and feare: whereas the tame have alwaies store thereof, either natu­rally growing for them, or els provided by mans industry.

Or is the cause of this difference to be attributed unto the idle life of the one, and the pain­full labour of the other: for the domesticall and tame are sluggish, and never wander farre from their swineherds: but the other range and rove abroad among the forrests and mountaines, running to and fro, dispatching quickly all the food they can get, and spending it every whit upon the substance of their bodies, leaving no superfluities, expedient for geniture or seed.

Or may it not be, that tame sowes doe keepe company, feed and goe in heards together with their bores, which provoketh their lust, and kindleth the desire to engender: according as Empedocles hath written of men in these verses: 40

The sight of eie, doth kindle lust in brest,
Of looking, liking, then loving and the rest.

Whereas the wilde, because they live apart, and pasture not together, have no such desire and lust one to another; for their naturall appetite that way is dulled and quenched.

Or rather, that is true which Aristotle saith, namely, that Homer calleth a wilde bore [...], as having but one genetorie, for that the most part of them, in rubbing themselves against the trunks and stocks of trees, doe crush and breake their stones.

22

What is the reason of this usuall speech: that beares have a most sweet hand, and that their flesh is 50 most pleasant to be eaten?

BEcause those parts of the body which doe best concoct and digest nourishment, yeeld their flesh most delicate: now that concocteth and digesteth best, which stirreth most, and doth greatest exercise: like as the beare mooveth most this part, for his forepawes he useth as feet to goe and runne withall, he maketh use also of them as of hands to apprehend and catch any thing.

23

What is the cause that in the spring time wilde beasts are hardly hunted by the sent, and followed by the trace?

IS it for that hounds, as Empedocles saith,

By sent of nosthrils, when they trace
Wilde beast, to finde their resting place.

doe take hold of those vapours and defluxions which the said beasts leave behind them in the wood as they passe: but in the spring time these are confounded or utterly extinct by many other smels of plants and shrubs, which as then be in their flower, and comming upon the aire that the beasts made, and intermingled therewith, do trouble and deceive the sent of the 10 hounds, whereby they are put out and at default, that they cannot truly hunt after them by their trace; which is the reason, (men say) that upon the mountaine Aetna, in Sicilie, there is never any hunting with hounds, for that all the yeere long there is such abundance of flowers, both in hilles and dales, growing as it were in a medow or garden, whereof the place smelleth all over so sweet, that it will not suffer the hounds to catch the sent of the beasts: And verily, there goeth a tale, that Pluto ravished Prosperpina as she was gathering flowers there: in which regard the inhabitants honouring the place with great reverence and devotion, never put up or hunt the beasts that pasture about that mountaine.

24

What is the reason, that when the moone is at the full, it is very hard for hounds to meet with wilde 20 beasts by the trace or sent of the footing?

IS it not for the same cause before alledged, for that about the full moone there is engendred store of deaw: whereupon it is that the poet Aleman calleth deaw the daughter of Jupiter, and the moone in these verses:

Dame Deaw is nourse, whom of god Jupiter
And lady Moone, men call the daughter.

For the deaw is nothing else but a weake and feeble raine: and why? because the heat of the moone is but infirme: whereof it commeth to passe, that she draweth up vapours indeed from the earth, as doeth the sunne, but not able to fetch them up aloft, not there to comprehend 30 them, letteth them fall againe.

25

What is the cause that in a white or hoarie frost, wilde beasts are hardly traced?

WHether is it for that they being loth for very colde to range farre from their dennes, leave not many marks of their footings upon the ground: which is the reason that at other times they make spare of that prey which is neere unto them, for feare of danger if they should be forced to range farre abroad in Winter, and because they would have ready at hand about them at such an hard season to feed upon.

Or else is it requisit that the place where men doe hunt, have not onely the tracts of the beast to be seene, but also of force to affect the sent of the hounds, and to set their nosthrils a worke; 40 but then doe they moove this sense of theirs, when as they are gently dissolved and dilated as it were by heat: whereas the aire if it be extreme colde, congealing as it were the smels, will not suffer them to spread and be diffused abroad, thereby to move the sense: and heereupon it is (as folke say) that perfumes, ointments, and wines, be lesse fragrant and odoriferous in Winter, or in cold weather, than at other times, for the aire being it selfe bound and shut close, doth like­wise stay within it all sents, and will not suffer them to passe foorth.

26

What is the cause that brute beasts, so often as they are sicke, or feele themselves amisse, seeke after 50 divers medicinable meanes for remedie, and using the same, finde many times helpe? as for example: dogges when they be stomacke sicke, fall to eat a kinde of quitchy grasse, because they would cast and vomit choler; hogges search for craifishes of the river, for by feeding upon them they cure their headach; the tortois is likewise having eaten the flesh of a viper, eateth upon it the her be origan; and the beare when she is full in the stomacke and doth loath all victuals, licketh up pismires with her tongue, which she no sooner hath swallowed downe, but she is wa­rished, and yet none of all this were they taught, either by experience, or some casuall occasion?

[Page 1012] IS it then the smel that mooveth them to seeke these remedies, and like as the hony combes by the odor stirre up the bee: and the flesh of dead carions the vultures, drawing and alluring them a farre of: so the craifishes invite unto them swine, origan the tortoise, and pismires the beare, by certaine sents and fluxions which are accommodate and familiar unto them, without any sense leading them thereto by discourse of reason, and teaching them what is good and pro­fitable?

Or rather be they the temperatures of the bodies disposed unto sicknesse, that bring unto these creatures such appetites, engendring divers ceremonies, sweetnesses, or other strange & unusu­all qualities: as we [...] it ordinary in great bellied women, who during the time that they go with 10 childe fall to eat grit & earth with greedinesse? in so much as expert phisitians fore-know by the sundry appetites of their patients, whether they shall live or die, for so [...] the phisitian doth report, that in the beginning of the Pneumonie or inflamation of the lungs, one patient of his, longing for to eate onions escaped that maladie; and another whose appetite stood to figgs, died for it, of the same disease: for that the appetites follow the temperatures, and the tem­peratures are proportionate to the diseases.

It standeth therefore to great reason that beasts likewise, such as are not surprised with mor­tall [...] , nor sicke to death, have that disposition and temperature, whereby their appetites doe moove and provoke each one to that which is good and holsome, yea and expedient to the cure of their sicknesse.

27 20

What is the cause that must or new wine, cotinueth sweet a long time, in case the vessell wherein it is kept be colde round about it?

IS it because the alteration of this sweet savour into the naturall taste of wine, is the very con­coction of the wine; and colde hindereth the said concoction, which proceedeth from heat

Or contrariwise, because the proper joice and naturall savour of the grape is sweet, for we say that then the grape beginneth to ripen, when it waxeth sweet. Now colde not suffring new wine to exhale, but keeping the kinde heat thereof within, preserveth the said sweetnesse still. And this is the very cause that those who make their vintage in a rainy constitution of the weather, 30 doe finde that their new wine wil not worke so wel in the vault, because that such ebullition pro­ceedeth of heat, and the colde doth restraine and refresh the said heat.

28

What is the cause that of all savage beasts, the beare doth never lightly gnaw the net and toile with her teeth, whereas wolves and foxes use ordinarily to eate the same?

IS it for that her teeth grow farre within her mouth, in such sort that she cannot get within the cords of the nets, having besides so great and thicke lippes betweene, that they hinder her for catching hold with her said fangs.

Or rather because she having more force in her fore-feet, which she useth in stead of hands 40 therewith she doth teare and breake the cords; or else having use both of her pawes and also of her month: she imploieth those to the bursting of the nets, and with her teeth fighteth, and ma­keth her part good against the hunters. Besides the tumbling and rolling of her body that she doth practise, serveth her in as good stead as any thing else. And therefore seeing her selfe in danger to be taken within the [...] many times, casteth her selfe round upon her head, and in­devoureth that way to escape, rather than either by pawes or fangs to burst the toile.

29

What is the reason that we woonder not to see any sources or springs of colde water, like as we doe of hot? notwithstanding it is evident that as heat is the cause of these so is colde of the other. 50

FOr we must not say as some holde opinion, that heat indeed is an habitude of it selfe, but colde nothing else but the privation of heat: for it were in truth more woonderfull how that which hath no subsistance, should be the cause of that which hath a beeing. But it seemeth that nature would have us to woonder heereat, onely for the rare sight heereof; and because it is not often seene, therefore we should enquire for some secret cause, and demand how that may be, which is but seldome observed.

[Page 1013]
But seest thou this starry firmament,
So high above and in [...] vast,
In bosom moist of water element,
The earth beneath how it encloseth fast,

How many strange and woonderfull sights doth it represent unto us in the night season, and what beauty sheweth it unto us in the day time? and the common people woonder at the na­ture of these things * * As also at the rainebowes, and the divers tinctures formes and pictures of the clouds appeering by day: and how they be adorned with sundry shapes, breaking out of them in maner of bubbles. 10

30

What is the cause that when vines or other yoong plants, which be ranke of leaves, and otherwise fruitlesse, are said [...]?

IS it because that goats in Greeke [...], which are exceding fat, be lesse apt to engender, and hardly for their fatnesse can leape the females. For generative seed is the superfluous excre­ment of that nourishment which is conglutinate to the substantiall parts of the body. Now when as any living creature or plant is in very good plight and growen grosse, it is an evident signe, that the nouriture is imploied and spent altogether in the maintenance of it selfe, leaving no excrement at all, or the same very small, and not good for generation. 20

31

What is the reason, that if a vine be sprinkled and drenched with wine, especially that which came of the owne grape it drieth and withereth away?

IS there not the same reason heereof as of the baldnesse in great drinkers, when as the wine by meanes of heat, causeth the moisture to evaporate which should feed the haire of their head?

Or is it not rather, because the very liquor of wine commeth in some sort of putrefaction, according to the verses of Empedocles:

When in vine-wood the water [...] , 30
It turnes to wine, whiles under barke it lies.

When as then a vine commeth to be wet with wine outwardly, it is as much as if fire were put into it, which doth corrupt the naturall temperature of that humour which should nourish it?

Or rather, pure wine, being of an astringent nature, soketh and [...] to the very root, where shutting up and enclosing the pores, it empeacheth the entrance of that sap (by vertue whereof, the vine is woont to bud, burgen, and flourish) that it can not runne to the stocke?

Or may it not be, it is cleane contrary to the nature of a vine, that the liquor which once went out of it, should returne againe into it? for a liquor or humour whiles it is within the plant in the nature of a sap, may well have power to feed the same; but that being departed once from thence, it should joine thereto againe, or become a part thereof, I cannot see how it is possible. 40 * I finde no more of these [...] in the Greeke origi­nall, or the French tran­slation, but in one Latine translation it followeth on in this wise,

* * * * * * * * * * *

32

Why doth the date tree onely of all others arise archwise, and bend upward, when a weight is laide thereupon?

WHether may it not be that the fire and spiritual power which it hath and is predominant in it, being once provoked, and as it were angred, putteth foorth it selfe so much the more, and mounteth upward?

Or because the poise or weight aforesaid forcing the boughes suddenly, oppresseth and kee­peth 50 downe the airie substance which they have, and driveth all of it inward: but the same after­wards having resumed strength againe, maketh head afresh, and more egerly withstandeth the weight?

Or lastly, the softer and more tender branches not able to susteine the violence at first, so soone as the burden resteth quiet, by little and little lift up themselves, and make a shew as if they rose up against it.

33

What is the reason that pit-water is lesse nutritive than either that which ariseth out of springs, or falleth downe from heaven?

IS it because it is more colde, and withall hath lesse aire in it?

Or, for that it conteineth much salt therein, by reason of such store of earth mingled there­with: now it is well knowen, that salt above all other things causeth leannesse.

Or because standing as it doeth still, and not exercised with running and stirring, it getteth a certaine malignant quality, which is hurtfull and offensive to all living creatures drinking thereof; for by occasion of that hurtfull qualitie, neither is it well concocted, nor yet can it 10 feed or nourish anything. And verily the same is the very cause that all dead waters of pooles and meares be unholsome, for that they cannot digest and dispatch those harmefull qualities which they borrow of the evill propertie, either of aire or of earth.

34

Why is the west wind held commonly to be of all other the swiftest, according to this verse of Homer:

Let us likewise bestir our feet,
As fast as westerne winds do fleet.

IS it not thinke you, because this winde is woont to blow when the skie is very well [...] , 20 and the aire exceeding cleere and without all clouds; for the thicknesse and impuritie of the aire, doth not (I may say to you) a little impeach and interrupt the course of the winds.

Or rather, because the sunne with his beames striking through a cold winde, is the cause that it passeth the faster away; for whatsoever is drawen in by the refrigerative force of the windes, the same if it be overcome by heat as his enemie, we must thinke is driven and set forward both farther, and also with greater celeritie.

35

What should be the cause that bees cannot abide smoake?

WHether is it because the pores and passages of their vitall spirits be exceeding streight, 30 and if it chance that smoke be gotten into them and there kept in and intercepted, it is enough to stop the poore bees breath, yea and to strangle them quite?

Or is it not the acrimony and bitternesse (thinke you) of the smoke in cause? for bees are de­lighted with sweet things, and in very trueth they have no other nourishment; and therefore no marvell if they detest and abhorre smoke, as a thing for the bitternesse most adverse and contra­ry unto them: and therefore hony masters when they make a smoke for to drive away bees, are woont to burne bitter herbes, as hemlock, centaury, &c.

36

What might be the reason that bees will sooner sting those who newly before have committed 40 whoredome?

IS it not because it is a creature that woonderfully delighteth in puritie, cleanlinesse and ele­gancie? and withall she hath a marvellous quicke sense of smelling: because therefore such uncleane dealings betweene man and woman in regard of fleshly and beastly lust, immoderate­ly performed, are wont to leave behind in the parties much filthinesse and impurity; the bees both sooner finde them out, and also conceive the greater hatred against them: heereupon it is that in Theocritus the shepherd after a merry and pleasant maner, sendeth Venus away into An­chises to be well stung with bees, for her adultery; as appeereth by these verses:

Now go thy wate to Ida mount, go to Anchises now,
50
Where mightie okes, where banks along of square Cypirus grow,
Where hives and hollow truncks of trees, with hony sweet abound,
Where all the place with humming noise of busie bees resound.

[Page 1015] And Pindarus:

Thou painfull bee, thou pretie creature,
Who hony-combs six-angled, as they be,
With feet doest frame, false Rhoecus and impure,
With sting hast prickt for his [...] .

37

What is the cause that dogges follow after a stone that is throwen at them, and biteth it, letting the man alone who flang it? 10

IS it because he can apprehend nothing by imagination, nor call a thing to minde: which are gifts and vertues proper to man alone? and therefore, seeing he can not discerne nor con­ceive the partie indeed that offered him injurie, he supposeth that to be his enemie which see­meth in his eie to threaten him, and of it he goes about to be revenged?

Or thinking the stone whiles it runnes along the ground, to be some wilde beast, according to his nature he intendeth to catch it first: but afterwards, when he seeth himselfe deceived and put besides his reckoning, he setteth upon the man?

Or rather, doth he not hate the stone and man both alike; but pursueth that onely which is next unto him?

38 20

What is the reason that at a certeine time of the yeere, shee woolves doe all whelpe within the com­passe of twelve daies?

ANtipater in his booke conteining the historie of living creatures, affirmeth, that shee woolves exclude foorth their yoong ones about the time that mast-trees doe shed their blossomes; for upon the taste thereof their wombs open: but if there be none of such blowmes to be had, then their yoong die within the bodie, and never come to light. He saith moreo­ver, that those countries which bring not foorth oaks and mast, are never troubled nor spoiled with wolves. Some there be who attribute all this to a tale that goes of Latona; who being with childe, and finding no abiding place of rest and safetie by reason of Juno, for the space of 30 twelve daies; during which time, the went to Delos, being transmuted by Jupiter into a wolfe, obteined at his hands, that all wolves for ever after might within that time be delivered of their yoong,

39

How commeth it, that water seeming white aloft, sheweth to be blacke in the bottome?

IS it, for that depth is the mother of darkenesse, as being that which doth dimme and marre the Sunne beames before they can descend so low as it: as for the uppermost superficies of the water, because it is immediatly affected by the Sunne, it must needs receive the white brightnesse of the light; the which Empedocles verily approveth in these verses: 40

Ariver in the bottome seemes, by shade of colour blacke;
The like is seene in caves and holes, by depth, where light they lacke.

Or many times the bottome of the sea and great rivers being full of mud, doth by the refle­xion of the Sunne-beames represent the like colour that the said mud hath?

Or is not more probable, that the water toward the bottome is not pure and sincere, but cor­rupted with an earthly qualitie, as continually carying with it somewhat of that, by which it run­neth and wherewith it is stirred; and the same setling once to the bottome, causeth it to be more troubled and lesse transparent? 50

PLATONIQVE QVE­STIONS. 10

The Summarie.

IN these gatherings, Plutarch expoundeth the sense of divers hard places, which are found in the disputations of Socrates, conteined in the Dialogues of Plato his disciple, but especially in Timaeus; which may serve to allure yoong students to the reading of that great Philosopher, who under the barke of words, hath delivered grave and pleasant matters.

PLATONIQUE QUESTIONS. 20

1

What is the reason, that God other-whiles commanded Socrates to do the part of a Midwife, in hel­ping others to be delivered of child-birth, but for had himselfe in any wise to procreate children? according as it is written in a treatise entituled Theaetetus. For we ought not to thinke that if he had [...] to cavill, to [...] or to speake ironically in this place, he would have abused the name of God. Besides, in this selfe same treatise he attributeth many other high and magnificall speeches unto Socrates, & namely this among many others: Certes (quoth he) there be many men 30 (right good sir) who cary this minde to me-ward, that they are disposed plainly to carpe and bite me, in case at any time I seeme to rid them of any foolish opinion that they have, neither thinke they that I do it of good will and meaning well unto them; shewing themselves herein far short of this doctrine, That no God beareth evill will to men: no more verily do I this unto them upon any malice: but surely I can not otherwise chuse, neither doe I thinke it lawfull for me either to smoother up and pardon a lie, or to dissemble and suppresse a trueth.

IS it for that he tearmeth his owne nature, as being more judicious and inventive, by the name of God? like as Menander doth, saying:

This minde, this our intelligence. 40
In trueth is of divine essence.

And Heraclitus:

Mans nature we must needs confesse,
Is heavenly and a god doubtlesse.

Or rather in very trueth, there was some divine and celestiall cause, which suggested and inspired into Socrates this maner of philosophy; whereby sifting as hee did continually, and exami­ning others, he cured them of all swelling pride, of vaine errour, of presumptuous arrogancy; likewise of being odious, first to themselves, and afterwards to those about them of their com­pany: for it fortuned about his time, that a number of these sophisters swarmed over all Greece, 50 unto whom yong gentlemen resorting & paying good summes of money for their salary, were filled with a great weening and opinion of themselves, with a vaine perswasion of their owne learning and zelous love to good letters, spending their time in idle disputations, and frivolous contentions, without doing any thing in the world, that was either good, honest, or profita­ble. Socrates therefore, who had a speciall gift by his maner of speech and discourse, as it were by some purgative medicine, to argue and convince, was of greater authority and credit when [Page 1017] he confuted others, in that he never affirmed nor pronounced resolutely any thing of his owne; yea, and he pierced deeper into the soules and hearts of his hearers, by how much he seemed to seeke out the trueth in common, and never to favorize and mainteine any opinion of his owne: for this begetting of a mans owne fansies, mightily empeacheth the facultie and power to judge another, for evermore the lover is blinded in the behalfe of that which he loveth: and verily there is nothing in the world that loveth so much the owne, as a man doth the opi­nions and reason whereof himselfe was the father; for surely that distribution and partition among children which is commonly said to be most and equall, is in this case of opinions and reasons most unjust; for in the former every one must take his owne, but in this hee ought to chuse the better, yea, though it were another mans: and therefore once againe, he that fathereth 10 somewhat of his owne, becommeth the worse judge of other mens: And like as there was some­time a sophister or great learned man, who said: That the Elians would be the better umpires and judges of the sacred Olympick games, in case there were never any Elian came in place to performe his prizes; even so, he that would be a good president to sit and determine of divers sentences and opinions; no reason there is in the world that he should desire to have his owne sentence crowned, no nor to be one of the parties contending, and who in truth are to be jud­ged by him. The Grecian captaines after they had defaited the Barbarians, being assembled in counsell to give their voices unto those whom they deemed woorthy of reward and honour, for their prowesse; judged themselves all to have done the best service, and to be the most valorous warriours. And of philosophers I assure you there is not one but he would doe as much, un­lesse 20 it were Socrates and such as he, who confesse that they neither have, nor know ought of their owne: for these in truth be they who onely shew themselves to be uncorrupt, and compe­tent judges of the truth, and such as cannot be chalenged: for like as the aire within our eares if it be not firme and steady, nor cleere without any voice of the owne, but full of singing sounds, and ringing noises, cannot exactly comprehend that which is said unto us; even so, that which is to judge of reasons in philosophie, if it meet with any thing that resoundeth and keepeth an hammering within, hardly will it be able to understand that which shall be delivered without foorth: for the owne particular opinion which is domesticall and dwelleth at home, of what matter soever it be that is treated of, will alwaies be the philosopher that hitteth the marke, and toucheth the truth best; whereas all the rest shall be thought but to opine probably the trueth. 30 Moreover, if it be true that a man is not able perfectly to comprise or know any thing, by good right and reason then did God forbid him to cast forth these false conceptions as it were of untrue and unconstant opinions, and forced him to reproove and detect those who ever had such: for no small profit, but right great commoditie comes by such a speech as is able to deli­ver men from the greatest evill that is, even the spirit of error, of illusion and vanitie in opi­nion:

So great a gift as God of spectall grace,
Gave never to Asclepius his race,

For the physicke of Socrates was not to heale the body, but to clense and purifie the soule, feste­stered inwardly and corrupt. Contrariwise, if it be so, that the trueth may be knowen, and that 40 there be but one truth, he who learned it of him that found it not out, hath no lesse than the in­venter himselfe; yea, & better receiveth it he, who is not perswaded that he hath it: nay, he recei­veth that which is simply best of all: much like as hee who having no naturall children of his owne body begotten, taketh the best that he can chuse, for to make his adopted childe. But con­sider heere with me, whether other kinds of learning deserve not haply to have much study im­ploied in them, as namely, Poetry, Mathematicks, the art of Eloquence, and the opinions of Sophisters and great clerks: Therefore God of that divine power whatsoever, forbad Socrates to engender them; but as touching that which Socrates esteemed to be the onely wisedome, to wit, the knowledge of God and spirituall things, which hee himselfe calleth the amorous sci­ence, 50 there be no men that beget or invent it, but call the same onely to remembrance: whereupon Socrates himsele never taught any thing, but proposing onely unto yoong men cer­teine beginning of difficulties and doubts, as it were the fore throwes of child-birth, stirred up, awakened, and drew foorth their owne naturall wits, and inbred intelligences: and this was it that he called the midwives art, which brought nothing into them from without, as others would make them beleeve, who conferred with them, that they infused reason and understan­ding, but shewed onely and taught them, that they had already within themselves a minde and [Page 1018] understanding of their owne, and the same sufficient to nourish, though it were confused and unperfect.

2

What is the reason that in some places he called the soveraigne God, father and maker of all things?

WAs it for that he is in trueth the father of gods, such as were ingendred, and also of men, as Homer calleth him, like as the maker of those creatures which have neither reason nor soule? for according as Chryisppus saith, we use not to cal him the father of the secondine where­in the infant is inwrapped within the wombe, who conserred genetall seed, although the said se­condine be made of the seed.

Or useth he not a metaphor, as his maner is, when figuratively he tearmeth him Father of the 10 world, who is the efficient cause, according to his usuall maner of speaking; as namely, in the Dialogue entituled Symposium, where he maketh Phaedrus the father of amatorious discourses, for that he it was, who proposed and set abroad the same: like as he named Callipedas in a dia­logue bearing his name, The father of philosophicall discourses, for that there passed many beautifull speeches in philosophy, whereof he ministred the occasion and beginning?

Or rather was it not, because there is a difference betweene father and maker, as also betweene generation and creation? for whatsoever is ingendred, is made, but not è conversò; whatsoever is made, is likewise ingendred: semblably, who hath begotten, hath also made; for generation is the making of a living creature: but if we consider a workeman, to wit, either a mason or carpen­ter, a weaver, a lute maker, or imager; certes, the worke is distinct and separate from the maker: 20 whereas the mooving principle, and the puissance of him who begetteth, is infused into that which is begotten; it conteineth his nature, being as it were a parcell distracted from the very substance of him who ingendred it. Forasmuch then, as the world doth not resemble a conjun­ction of many pieces, set, joined, fastened and glued together; but hath in it a great portion of the animall life, yea, and of divinity, which God hath infused and mingled in the matter, as deri­ved from his owne nature and substance; good reason it is therefore, that he should be surna­med both the father and maker of the world, being a living creature as it is. These points being very conformable and proportionate to the opinion of Plato, consider withall a little, if this also which I shall deliver, be not likewise accordant thereunto; namely, that the world being com­posed of two parts, to wit, of body and of soule: the one, which is the body, God hath not ingen­dred; 30 but having the matter thereof exhibited unto him, he hath formed, shaped and fitted it, binding and limiting it according to the infinitie thereof, with termes, bounds and figures pro­per thereto: but the soule having a portion of understanding discourse of reason, order and har­monie, is not onely the worke, but also a part of God, not by him, but even of him, and issuing from his owne proper substance. In his booke therefore of Politiques or Common wealth, ha­ving divided the whole world, as it were a line into two segments or sections unequall, he sub­divideth either section into other twaine, after the same proportion: for two generall kinds he maketh of all things; the one sensible and visible, the other intelligible: unto the intelligible kinde he attributeth in the first degree the primitive formes and Ideae; in the second degree, the 40 Mathematicks: and as for the sensible kinde, he attributeth thereto in the first ranke, all solide bodies; and in the second place, the images and figures of them. Also to every one of these foure members of his said division, he giveth his owne proper judge: to the first of Idaees, under­standing; to the Mathematicks, imagination; to the solide bodies, faith and beleefe; to the i­mages and figures, conjecture. To what end then, and upon what intention hath he divided the whole world into two sections, and the same unequall? and of those two sections, whether is the greater, that of sensible objects, or that of intelligible? As for himselfe, he hath not shewed and declared it: but presently it wil appeare, that the portion of sensible things is the greater: for the indivisible substance is of things intellectuall, being evermore of one sort, and resting upon the same subject in one state, and reduced to very short and narrow roome, and the same pure and neat: whereas the other being spread and wandering upon bodies, is that section of sensible 50 things. Moreover, the propertie of that which is incorporall, is to be definite and determinate. And a bodie as touching the matter thereof, is indefinite and undeterminate; becomming sen­sible, when by participation of the intelligible it is made finite and limitable. Over and besides, like as every sensible thing hath many images, many shadowes, and many figures, and general­ly, out of one onely patterne there may be drawen many copies and examples, imitated as well [Page 1019] by art as by nature; so it can not chuse, but the things that here be sensible, should be more in nūber than they above, which are intelligible, according to the opinion of Plato, supposing this, that things sensible be as it were the images and examples of the originall patterns, to wit, the intelligible Ideae. Furthermore, the intelligence of these Idaees and formes by substraction, de­duction and division of bodies, is ranged answerable to the order of the Mathematicks, arising frō Arithmeticke which is the science of Numbers, into Geometry, to wit, the skill of measures; then afterwards to Astrologie, which is the knowledge of the stars, & in the highest place above all the rest, setteth Harmonicae, which is the skill of sounds and accords: for the subject of Geo­metrie is this, when as to quantity in generall, there is adjoined magnitude in length & bredth: of Stereometrie, when to the magnitude of length and bredth, there is added depth or profundi­tie. 10 Likewise, the proper subject of Astrology is this, when to the solid magnitude there cōmeth motion. The subject of harmony or musick, when to a bodie moving, there is adjoined sound or voice. If we subtract then and take away, from moving bodies, voice; from solid bodies, motion; from superficies, depth and profundity; and from quantities, magnitude; we shall come by this time to the intelligible Ideae which have no difference among them, in regard of one and sole thing: for unitie maketh no number, unlesse it come once to touch binarie or two, which is infi­nite: but in this wise having produced a number, it proceedeth to points and pricks, from pricks to lines, and so forth from lines to superficies, from superficies to profundities; from thence to bodies, and so forward to the qualities of bodies subject to passions and alrerations. Moreover, of intellectuall things, there is no other judge but the understanding or the mind; for cogitati­on 20 or intelligence, is no other thing but the understanding, so long as it is applied unto Mathe­maticals, wherein things intellectuall appeare as within mirrours; whereas, for the knowledge of bodies, by reason of their great number, nature hath given unto us five powers and faculties of severall and different senses for to judge withall: and yet sufficient they are not to discover all objects; for many there be of them so [...], some reade [...], that is to say, they are so farre off. small, that they can not be perceived by the senses. And like as, although every one of us being composed of soule and bodie, yet that principall part, which is our spirit and understanding, is a very small thing, hidden and inclosed within a great masse of flesh; even so, very like it is, that there is the same proportion within the universall world, betweene things sensible and intellectuall: for the intellectuall are the beginning of cor­porall: now that which proceedeth from a beginning, is alwaies in number more, and in mag­nitude 30 greater, than the said beginning.

But on the contrary, a man may reason thus and say: First and formost, that in comparing sensible and corporall things with intellectuall, we doe in some sort make mortall things equall with devine, for God is to be reckened among intellectuals. Now this is to be granted, that the content is alwaies lesse then the continent; but the nature of the universall world, within the in­tellectuall, comprehendeth the sensible. For God having set the soule in the midst, hath spred and stretched it through all within, and yet without forth hath covered all bodies with it. As for the soule it is invisible, yea and inperceptible to all the naturall senses, according as he hath written in his booke of lawes: and therefore every one of us is corruptible; but the world shall never perish: for that in each of us that which is mortall and subject to dissolution, con­taineth 40 within it the power which is vitall; but in the world it is cleane contrary, for the princi­pall puissance and nature, which is ever after one sort immutable, and doth alwaies preserve the corporall part, which it containeth and imbraceth within it selfe. Besides, in a bodily nature and corporall, a thing is called individuall and importible for the smallnesse therof, to wit, when it is so little that it cannot be devided, but in the spirituall and incorporall, it is so called for the simplicity, sincerity & purity thereof, as being exempt from all multiplicity & diversity: for o­therwise folly it were to cast a guesse at spirituall things by corporal. Furthermore the very pre­sent time which we call Now, is said to be inpartible and indivisible: howbeit, instant together it is every where, neither is their any part of this habitable world without it: but all passions, all actions, all corruptions & generations throughout the world are comprised in this very present 50 Now. Now the onely instrument to judge of things intellectuall is the understanding, like as the eie, of light; which for simplicity is uniforme, & every way like unto it selfe: but bodies ha­ving many diversities & differences, are comprehended by divers instruments, & judged some by this, and others by that. And yet some there be who unwoorthily disesteeme and contemne the intellectuall puissance and spirituall which is in us: for in truth, being goodly and great, it surmounteth every sensible thing and reacheth up as farre as to the gods. But that which of all others is most, himselfe in his booke entituled Symposium, teaching how to use love and love [Page 1020] matters, in withdrawing the soule from the affection of beauties corporall, and applying the same to those which are intellectuall, exhorteth us not to subject and inthrall our selves into the lovely beauty of any body, nor of one study and science, but by erecting and lifting up our mindes aloft from such base objects, to turne unto that vast ocean indeed of pulcritude and beauty, which is vertue.

3

How commeth it to passe, that considering he affirmeth evermore the soule to be more ancient than the body, as the very cause of the generation of it, and the beginning likewise thereof, yea contra­riwise he saith, that the soule was never without the bodie, nor the understanding without the soule, and that of necessitie the soule must be within the bodie, and the understanding in the soule? for it seemeth that heere in there is some contradiction; namely, that the body both is, and 10 is not, in case it be true, that it is together with the soule, and yet neverthelesse ingendred by the soule?

IS it because that is true which we oftentimes doe say? namely, that the soule without under­standing, and the body without forme have alwaies beene together, & neither the one nor the other had ever commensment of being nor beginning of generation; but when the soule came to have participation of understanding and of harmonie, and became to be wise by the meanes of consonance and accord, then caused she mutation in matter, and being more powerfull and strong in her owne motions, drew and turned into her the motions of the other? and even so the bodies of the world had the first generation from the soule, whereby it was shaped and made 20 uniforme. For the soule of her selfe, brought not foorth the nature of a body, nor created it of nothing, but of a body without all order and forme whatsoever, he made it orderly and very obeisant: as if one said that the force of a seed or kernell is alwaies with the bodie, but yet ne­verthelesse the body of the sig tree or olive tree is engendred of the seed or kernell, he should not speake contrarieties: for the very body it selfe being mooved and altered by the seed, springeth and groweth to be such: semblably the matter void of forme and indeterminate, having once bene shapen by the soule, which was within, received such a forme and disposition.

4 30

What is the reason, that whereas there be bodies and figures some consisting of right lines and o­thers of circular, he hath taken for the foundation and beginning of those which stand of right lines, the triangle Isosceles, with two equall sides, and scalenum, with three sides all unequall. Of which, the triangle with two even legs composed the cube or square bodie, which is the ele­ment and principle of the earth: and the triangle with three unequall legs made the pyramidall body, as also octaedron with eight faces, and cosaedron with twenty faces whereof the first is the element and seed of fire, the second of aire, and the third of water: and yet he hath over passed quite all bodies and figures circular: notwithstanding that he made mention of the sphaericall figure or round body when he said, that every one of those figures above named is apt to divide a globe or sphaericall body into equall parts? 40

IS it as some doe imagine and suppose, because he attributed the Dodecaedron, that is to say, the body with twelve faces unto the globe or round sphaere, in saying that God made use of this forme and figure, in the framing of the world? for in regard of the multitude of elements, and bluntnesse of angles, it is farthest off from direct and right lines, whereby it is flexible, and by stretching foorth round in maner of a ball made of twelve pieces of leather, it appro­cheth neerest unto roundnesse, and in that regard is of greatest capacitie; for it conteined twenty angles solid, and every one of them is comprized and environed within three flatte ob­tuse or blunt angles, considering that every of them is composed of one right and fift part: moreover compact it is and composed of twelve pentagones, that is to say, bodies with five an­gles, 50 having their angles and sides equall; of which every one of thirty principall triangles, with three unequall legges: by reason whereof, it seemeth that he followed the degrees of the Zodiacke, and the daies of the yeere together, in that division of their parts so equal and just in number.

Or may not this be the reason, that by nature the right goeth before the round? or rather, to speake more truely, that a circular line seemeth to be some vicious passion or faulty qualitie of the right, for we use ordinarily to say, that the right line doth bow or bend; and a circle is drawen [Page 1021] and described by the center, and the distance from it to the circumference, which is the verie place of the right line, by which it is measured out; for the circumference is on every side equally distant from the center. Moreover, the Conus, which is a round pyramys; and the Cy­lindre, which is as it were a round columne or pillar of equall compasse, are both made of figures with direct lines, the one, to wit, the Conus, by a triangle, whereof one side remaineth firme, and the other with the base goeth round about it: the Cylindre, when the same befalleth to a paral­lell. Moreover, that which is lesse, commeth neerest unto the beginning, and resembleth it most: but the least and simplest of all lines is the right; for of the round line that part which is within, doth crooke and curbe hollow, the other without doth bumpe and bunch. Over and be­sides, numbers are before figures, for unity is before a pricke; seeing that a pricke is in position 10 and situation an unity, but an unity is triangular, for that every number triangular, eight times repeated or multiplied, by addition of an unity becommeth quadrangular, and the same also befalleth to unity; and therefore a triangle is before a circle, which being so, the right line go­eth before the circular. Moreover, an element is never divided into that which is composed of it: but contrariwise, every thing else is divided and resolved into the owne elements whereof it doth consist. If then the triangle is not resolved into any thing circular; but contrariwise, two diametres crossing one another, part a circle just into fower parts; then we must needs inferre the figure consisting of right lines, went before those which are circular: now that the right line goeth first, and the circular doth succeed and follow after, Plato himselfe hath shewed by demonstration, namely when hee saith, that the earth is composed of many cubes or 20 square solid bodies, whereof every one is enclosed, and conteined with right lined super­fices, in such maner disposed, as yet the whole body and masse of the earth seemeth round like a globe, so that we need not to make any proper element thereof round; if it be so that bo­dies with right lines, conjoined and set in some sort one to another, bringeth forth this forme; Over and besides the direct line, be it little or be it great, keepeth alwaies the same rectitude: whereas contrariwise we see the circumferences of circles if they be small, are more coping, bending, and contracted in their outward curvature: conrrariwise, if they be great, they are more extent, lax, and spred, insomuch as they that stand by the outward circumference of cir­cles, lying upon a flat superfices, touch the same underneath, partly by a pricke if they be smal, and in part by a line if they be large; so as a man may very well conjecture, that many right 30 lines joined one to another taile to taile by piece-meale, produce the circumference of a circle. But consider whether there be none of these our circular or sphaericall figures, exquisitely and exactly perfect; but in regard of the extentions and circumtentions of right lines, or by rea­son of the exilitie and smalnesse of the parts, there can be perceived no difference, and there­upon there sheweth a circular and round figure: And therefore it is, that there is not a bodie heere, that by by nature doth moove circularly, but all according to the right line; so that the round and sphericall figure is not the element of a sensible body, but of the soule and understan­ding, unto which he attributeth likewise the circular motion as belonging unto them naturally.

5 40

In what sense and meaning delivered he this speech in his booke entituled Phaedrus, that the na­ture of a wing, where by that which is heavy and ponderous, is caried up aloft, of all other things that belong unto a body, hath a certeine communion and participation with God?

IS it because he discourseth there of love; and love is occupied about the beauty of the bo­dy, and this beauty for the resemblance that it hath to divinity, doth moove the minde, and excite the reminiscence thereof?

Or rather are we to take it simply without curious searching farther into any mystery there­of? namely, that the soule being within the body, hath many faculties & powers, whereof that which is the discourse of reason and understanding, doth participate with the deitie, which hee not unproperly and impertinently tearmeth a wing, because it lifteth up the soule from things 50 base and mortall, unto the consideration of heavenly and celestiall matters.

6

How is it that Plato in some places saith, the Anteperistasis of motion, that is to say, the circum­stant contrariety debarring a body to moove, in regard that there is no voidnesse or vaculty in nature, is the cause of those effects which we see in physicians ventoses and cupping glasses of swallowing downe our viands, of throwing of [...] waights, of the course and conveiance of wa­ters [Page 1022] of the fall of lightenings, of the attraction that amber maketh of the drawing of the lode­stone, and of the accord and consonance of voices? For it seemeth against all reason to yeeld one onely cause, for so many effects so divers and so different in kinde. First, as touching the respira­tion in living creatures, by the anteperistasis of the aire, he hath elsewhere sufficiently decla­red, but of the other effects, which seeme as he saith to be miracles, and woonders in nature, and are nothing, for that they be nought else but bodies reciprocally and by alternative course, dri­ving one another out of place round about, and mutually succeeding in their roomes, he hath left for to be discussed by us, how each of them particularly is done?

FIrst and formost for ventoses and cupping glasses thus it is. The aire that is contained with­in 10 the ventose, stricking as it doth into the flesh, being inflamed with heat, and being now more fine and subtil than the holes of the brasse (box or glasse) whereof the ventose is made, getteth forth, not into a void place, for that is impossible, but into that other aire which is round about the said ventose without forth, and driveth the same from it; and that forceth other be­fore it, and thus as it were from hand to hand, whiles the one giveth place, and the other driveth continually, and so entreth into the vacant place which the first left, it commeth at length to fall upon the flesh which the ventose sticketh fast unto, and by heating and inchasing, it expresseth the humor that is within, into the ventose or cupping vessell.

The swallowing of our victuals is after the same maner, for the cavities as well of the mouth as of the stomacke, be alwaies full of aire: when as then, the meat is driven within the passage or 20 gullet of the throat, partly by the tongue and partly by the glandulous parts or kernelles called tonsells, and the muscles which now are stretched, the aire being pressed and strained by the said meat, followeth it hard as it giveth place, and sticking close, it is a meanes to helpe for to drive it downeward.

Semblably the waighty things that be flung, as bigge stones and such like, cut the aire and di­vide it, by reason that they were sent out and levelled with a violent force; then the aire all about behind, according to the nature thereof, which is to follow where a place is lest vacant and to fill it up, pursueth the masle or waight aforesaid that is lanced or discharged forcibly, and setteth forward the motion thereof.

The shooting and ejaculation of lightening is much what after the maner of these waights 30 throwen in maner aforesaid, for being enflamed and set on a light fire, it flasheth out of a cloud by the violence of a stroke, into the aire, which being once open and broken, givith place unto it, and then closing up together above it, driveth it downe forcibly against the owne nature.

As for amber, we must not thinke that it draweth any thing to it of that which is presented be­fore it, no more than doth the lode stone; neither that any thing comming nere to the one or the other, leapeth thereupon. But first, as touching the said stone; it sendeth from it I wot not what strong and flatuous fluxions, by which the aire next adjoining giving backe, driveth that which is before it; and the same turning round and reentring againe into the void place, doth [...] from it and withall carry with it the yron to the stone. And for amber it hath likewise a certeine flagrant and flatulent spirit, which when the out-side thereof is rubbed, it putteth forth by reason 40 that the pores thereof are by that meanes opened. And verily that which issueth out of it, wor­keth in some measure the like effect that the Magnet or lode-stone did: and drawen there are unto it such matters neere at hand as be most light and dry, by reason that the substance com­ming thereof is but slender and weake: neither is it selfe strong nor hath sufficient waight and force, for to chase and drive before it a great deale of aire, by means whereof it might overcome greater things, as the lode-stone doth. But how is it that this aire driveth and sendeth before it neither wood nor stone, but yron onely, and so bringeth it to the Magnet? This is a doubt and dificulty that much troubleth all those who suppose that this meeting and cleaving of two bo­dies together, is either by the attraction of the stone, or by the naturall motion of the yron. Y­ron is neither so hollow and spungeous as is wood, nor so fast and close, as is gold or stone, but it 50 hath small holes, passages and rough aspecties, which in regard of the unequality are well pro­portionate and fortable to the aire, in such wise, as it runneth not easily through, but hath cer­taine staies by the way to catch hold of, so as it may stand steady and take such sure footing, as to be able to force and drive before it the yron untill it have brought it to kisse the lode-stone. And thus much for the causes and reasons that may be rendred of these effects.

As considering the running of water above ground, by what maner of compression and co­arctation roud about, it should be performed it is not so easy either to be perceived or declared. [Page 1023] But thus much we are to learne, that for waters of lakes, which stirre not but continue alwaies in one place, it is because the aire, spred all about, and keeping them in on every side, mooveth not nor leaveth unto them any vacant place. For even so the upper face of the water, as well in lakes as in the sea, riseth up into waves and billowes, according to the agitation of the aire; for the water still followeth the motion of the aire, and floweth or is troubled with it, by reason of the inequalities. For the stroke of the aire downeward maketh the hollow dent of the wave: but as the same is driven upward it causeth the swelling and surging tumor of the wave untill such time as all the place above containing the water be setled and laied, for then the waves also doe cease, and the water likewise is still and quiet. But now for the course of waters which glide and run continually above the face of the ground: the cause thereof is because they alwaies follow 10 hard after the aire that giveth way and yet are chased by those behinde by compression and dri­ving forward, and so by that meanes maintaine a continuall streame that never resteth: which is the reason also that great rivers when they are full and doe overflow the banks, run with a more swift and violent streame: and contrariwise when there is but a little water in the chanell, they glide more slowly, because the aire before doth nothing so much give place, for that they are more feeble: neither is there so great an antiperistasis to urge and presse them forward; and even so the spring waters must of necessity boile and rise upward, for that the outward aire enter­ing closely into the void hollow places within the ground sendeth up againe the water forth.

The paved floore of a darke close house, conteining in it a great deale of still aire, without a­ny 20 winde from without entring into it, if a man doe cast water upon it, engendreth presently a winde and colde vapour; by reason that the aire is displaced and removed out of his seat, by the water which fell, and is thereby beaten, and receiveth the stroake and dint thereof. For this is the nature of them, to drive one another, and likewise to give place one to the other inter­changeably, admitting in no wise any emptinesse, wherein the one of them should be so setled, as that it did not reciprocally feele the change and alteration of the other.

To come now unto the above named symphonie and consonance, himselfe hath decla­red how it is that that sounds and voices do accord: for the small and treble is quicke and swift; whereas the bigge and base is heavie and slow. And thereupon it is, that small and shrill sounds do move the sense of hearing before others: but if when these begin to fall and decay, the [...] and base begin to succeed and receive then the mixture and temperature of them both, by a kind 30 of conformitie yeeldeth a delight and pleasure to the eare, which they call a symphonie or ac­cord. And that here of the aire is the instrument, it may evidently appeare by that which we have said already: for voice is a stroake or percussion by the aire of that which the eare doth heare; for as the aire is smitten by motion, so it striketh againe the auditorie organ forcibly, if the mo­tion be quicke; and gently, if the same be slow: and that which is stricken forcibly with a vio­lence, commeth first into the sense of hearing, but afterwards, turning about and meeting with that which is more slow, it followeth and accompanieth the sense.

7

What is the meaning of Timaeus, when he saith: That the soules are dispersed and sowen (as it 40 were) upon the ground the moone and all other instruments of time what soever.

IS it because he was of opinion, that the earth did move like unto the sunne, moone and other five planets, which he calleth the instruments of time, because of their conversions? and held besides, that we ought not to imagine the earth so framed, as if it were firme and immoveable, fast fixed and perpetually to the axletree or pole that passeth thorow the world; but that it tur­neth round in maner of a wheele: like as afterwards Aristarchus and Seleucus have shewed; the one supposing it onely, the other affirming so much flatly. To say nothing of that which Theo­phrastus wrote; namely, how Plato toward the latter end of his daies, repented that he had as­signed unto the earth the center and middle of the world, a place [...] unfit and unmeet for it? 50

Or rather, because this is directly repugnant unto many sentences which this philosopher undoubtedly held, we ought therefore to change the writing of this place of [...] , by putting the dative case in stead of the genetive, to wit, [...] for [...] yea, and to understand by the in­struments of time, not the planets or starres, but the bodies of living creatures; according as A­ristotle hath defined the soule, to be a continuall act of a bodie, Naturall, Organicall, having life potentially: so that the sentence in the foresaid place should be read thus; The soules have bene disseminated and [...] by time in organicall bodies, meet and agreeable for them. And yet [Page 1024] even this also is contrary unto his owne-opinion: for that not in one onely place, but in many, he hath called the starres, instruments of time, considering that he affirmeth that the very sunne was made to distinguish and keepe the number of time with other planets. The best way is therefore to understand, That the earth is the instrument of time, not because it moveth as doe the starres; but for that so continuing as it doeth, alwaies firme and steady in it selfe, it giveth meanes unto the starres moving round about it, to rise and to fall; whereby are limited the day and the night, which are the first measures of time: and therefore himselfe hath called it the Guardien, yea, the [...] in deed and right truely of night and day: for the Gnomons in Sun dials, not moving with the shadowes, but standing still and keeping their place, are the instru­ments and measures of time, representing the obstacle of the earth opposite unto the Sun moo­ving 10 round about it; like as Empedocles saith:

The earth set just twixt Sun beames and our sight,
Shuts up the day and bringeth in the night.

And thus much for the enodation of this knot.

But haply this a man may doubt to be a strange and absurd speech, to say that the Sun, toge­ther with the Moone & the planets, were made for distinction of times: for otherwise by it selfe, great is the dignitie of the Sun; and Plato himselfe in his books of Common-wealth, calleth him the king and lord of all the sensible world, like as Good he pronounceth to be the sovereign of the intelligible world. And the Sun (saith he) is the very issue extract from that Good, gi­ving unto things visible, together with their apparance, being also, & subsistance; like as Good 20 giveth unto intelligible things this gift, both to have a being, and also to be knowen. Now, that God having such puissance and so great, should be the instrument of time, and an evident rule and measure of the difference that is of swiftnesse or of slownesse among the eight heavenly sphaeres, seemeth not very decent; no nor any consonant to reason. It remaineth therefore thus much to say, those who trouble themselves about these points, for very ignorance are deceived, supposing that time according to the definition of Aristotle, is the measure of motion, and the number in regard of prioritie and posteriority: or the quantity in motion after the opinion of Speusippus: or else the distance of motion, and no other thing, as the Stoicks describe it, desi­ning forsooth one accident, but never comming neere unto the substance and power thereof, which as it should seeme, the poet Pindarus imagined and conceived not amisse when he said: 30

In right of age, time hath this ods,
That it surpasseth all the gods.

Pythagor as also, who being asked what time was? answered: The soule of the heaven: for time be it what it will be, is not some accident or passion of any motion, but it is the cause, the puis­sance and the principle of that proportion, and order that conteineth and holdeth together all things, according to which, the nature of the world, and this whole universality, which also is animate, doth move, or rather the very same proportion it selfe and order which doth moove, is the thing that we call time:

For walke it doth with silent pace,
In way where as no noise is made: 40
Conducting justly to their place,
All mortall things that passe and fade.

And verily according to the minde of auncient philosophers, the substance of the soule was de­fined to be a number mooving it selfe; which is the reason why Plato said: That time and hea­ven were made together; but motion was before heaven, at what time as there was no heaven at all; for why, there was no order nor measure whatsoever, no nor any distinction, but an un­determinate motion, like as the matter was rude without forme & figure: but after that nature once had cast this matter into a colour, and had shaped it with forme and figure, and then de­termined motion with periodicall revolutions, she made withall, both the world and time both at once; which two are the very images of God: to wit, the world of his substance, and time of 50 his eternitie; for God in that he mooveth, is time, and in that he hath being, is the world. This is the reason why he saith: That both of them comming together, shall likewise both be dissol­ved together, in case that ever there will be any dissolution of them. For that which had a be­ginning and generation, cannot be without time, no more than that which is intelligible with­out eternity; in case the one is to continue for ever, and the other being once made, shall ne­ver perish and be dissolved. Time then being so necessarily linked and interlaced with the hea­ven, is not simply a motion, but as we have said already, a motion ordeined by order, which [Page 1025] hath a just measure, set limits and bonds, yea and certeine revolutions; of all which, the sunne being superintendent, governour and directour, for to dispose, limit, and digest all; for to dis­cover, set out and shew, the alterations and seasons the which bring foorth all things, as [...] saith: confessed it must be, that he is a workeman cooperant with that chiefe and sove­taigne God, the prince of all, not in petie, base, and frivolous things, but in the greatest and most principall works that be.

8

PLato in his books of common-wealth, having excellently well compared the symphony of the three faculties & powers of the soule, to wit, the reasonable, the irascible & concupisci­ble, 10 unto the musicall harmony of the notes, Mese, Hypate, and Nete, hath given occasion for a man to doubt, whether hee set the irascible or reasonable part, correspondent to the meane? seeing that he shewed not his meaning in this present place; for according to the situation of the parts of the body, wherein these faculties are seated, surely the couragious and irascible is placed in the middes, and answered to the region of Mese the meane: but the reasonable is ran­ged into the place of Hypate: for that which is aloft, first and principall our auncestours used to call Hypaton: according to which sense Xenocrates calleth Jupiter or the aire (that I meane which converseth above where all things continue the same, and after one sort) Hypatos; like as that which is under the moone, Neatos. And before him Homer speaking of the soveraigne God and prince of princes, saith thus [...], that is to say, our soveraigne and supreme of all rulers. And in trueth, nature hath by very good right given unto the best part of the 20 soule, the highest place in lodging the discourse of reason, as the governour of the rest within the head; but hath remooved farre from thence to the base and inferior members, the concu­piscible: for the low situation is called Neate, according as appeereth by the denomination of the dead, who are tearmed [...] and [...], that is to say, inferior or infernall: and for this cause, some therebe who say, that the winde which bloweth from beneath, and out of pla­ces unseene, that is to say, from the pole Antarticke, is called [...], that is to say, the south. Since then it is so, that there is the same proportion of contrariety betweene concupiscible and reasonable parts of the soule, as there is betweene lowest and highest, last and first; it is not pos­sible, that reason should be the highest and principall, and not withall, correspondent to Hy­pate, 30 but to some other note in musicke: for they who attribute unto her as unto the princi­pall faculty and power Mese, that is to say, the meane, see not (ignorant as they be) how they take from her that which is more principall, to wit, Hypate, which cannot fit well either with ire or lust, for both these, the one and the other are made for to follow, and be comman­ded by reason, and not to command or goe before reason. Moreover, it should seeme by na­ture, that anger ought to have the meane and middle place, considering that naturally reason is to command; and anger both to command and be commanded, as being on the one side sub­ject to the discourse of reason, and on the other side, commanding lust, yea, and punishing it, when she is disobedient to reason. And like as in grammar, those letters which wee call semi­vowels, be of a middle nature, betweene mute consonants and vowels: for that as they sound more than the one, so they sound lesse than the other: even so in the soule of man, wrath is not 40 simply a meere passion, but hath many times an apparence of duty and honesty mixed with de­sire of revenge. And Plato himselfe comparing the substance of the soule unto a couple of horses drawing a chariot, and guided by a chariot man, who driveth them, and understandeth by the driver & guide, as every man well knowes the discourse of reason: now of the two steeds, that of lusts and pleasures is frampold, skittish, flinging, winsing, unruly altogether, and unbro­ken, stiffenecked, deafe, hardly caring either for whip or spurre; where as the other of [...] , is for the most part tractable, and obeisant to the bridle of reason, yea, and ready to joine with it in execution of good things. And like as in a chariot with two horses, the driver or chariot-man is not in vertue and puissance the middle, but rather one of the horses, which is woorse than the chariot man, and better than his [...] that draweth with him: even so likewise hath not he gi­ven 50 the middle place unto that part which doth rule and governe in the soule, but unto that wherein there is lesse passion than in the first, and more reason than in the third: for this order and disposition observeth the proportion of the irascible to the reasonable part, as is of [...] to Hypate; and to the concupiscible, as Dapente to Nete: also of the reasonable part to the concupiscible, as Hypate to Nete, which is Dia-pason: But if we draw reason and the discourse thereof to the meane, anger shall be farther off from lust and concupiscence, which [Page 1026] some of the philosophers held to be one and the selfe-same thing, for the great similitude and resemblance betweene them.

Or rather, it is but a ridiculous thing to attribute unto the places, first, [...] , and last, seeing (as we do) how in a harpe, lute, or stringed instrument, Hypate hath the first and highest place; but in flutes and pipes the lowest & the last: furthermore, the meane in what place soever of the harpe or lute you set it, you shal find it soundeth alwaies the same note still, to wit, smaller than Hypate, & bigger than Nete: for the very eie it selfe hath not the same situation in al crea­tures, but in any creature, and in what place soever it is set according to nature, alwaies it is or­deined and made for to see. Like as therefore the paedagogue or governour of youth, who or­dinarily commeth behinde, and goeth not before his children, is notwithstanding said to lead 10 and guide them: And the captaine of the Trojanes in Homer:

Who with the formost in the front, sometimes appeer'd in sight,
And in the reereward other whiles, his men strr'd up to fight.

As well in the one part as the other, was alwaies the chiefe, and had the principall power: even so we ought not to force the parts of the soule to any places or names, but to examine and search the power and proportion of them; for that the discourse of reason in situation should be set in the first and principall place of mans body, falleth out accidentally: but the first and principall power it hath, as being Mese or the meane, in regard of Hypate, the concupiscible 20 part; and Nete the irascible, by letting downe and setting up, by making consonance and ac­cord, by taking from the one and the other that which is excessive; and againe, by not suffring them either to be let loose and slacke altogether, or to lie asleepe: for mediocrity and a com­petent temperature, is limited by a meane; or rather to speake more properly, a principall piece of worke this is, and a singular gift and puissance of reason, to make and imprint in passi­ons, meanes and mediocrities, if we may so say, which are called holy and sacred, consisting in a temperature of two extremities with reason, yea and betweene them both by the meanes of reason: for the teeme of two steeds hath not for the meane & in the middest, that of two which is better: neither are we to imagine, that the government of them is one of the extremities; but rather we ought to thinke, that it is the middes and mediocritie betwixt the immoderate ce­leritie 30 or slownesse of the two steeds; like as the power of reason which holdeth in the passions when they stirre without measure and reason, and by composing and framing them unto her in measurable proportion, setteth downe a mediocritic and meane betweene too much, and over little, betweene excesse (I say) and defect.

9

What is the reason that Plato saith: Our speech is tempered and composed of nownes and of verbes? for he seemeth to make no account of all other parts of speech beside these two: and to thinke that Homer in a gallant youthfull humour to shew his fresh wit affected to thrust them all eight into this one verse: 40

The sense of this is altoge­ther [...] , depen­ding of the precedent and subsequent verses, but ser­ving the turne as it stands, it [...] not to be done in­to English.
[...],

For heere you have a Pronoune, a Participle, a Nowne, a Verbe, a Preposition, an Article, a Con­junction, and an Adverbe for the Participle, [...], is put in stead of the Preposition [...], that is to say, to: and [...], that is to say, to thy tent, is after the maner of [...], that is to say, to Athens: But what shall we answer in the behalfe of Plato.

IS it for that in olde time they called that [...], that is to say, the first speech, which then was named [...], that is to say, a proposition, and now they tearme [...], that is to say, dig­nitie: which when they utter first, they either lie or speake trueth. And this proposition is com­pounded of a Nowne and a verbe, whereof the one is called by the Logicians, [...], that is to say, 50 the case; the other, [...], that is to say, the predicable or praedicatum. For when we heare one say, Socrates teacheth; and againe, Socrates is turned; we say the one is true, and the other is false: and we require no more words. For it is probable that men at the first had need of speech and voice articulate, when they were desirous to explaine and signifie one unto another the actions and the persons and the doers thereof: like as the passions and the persons who suffer the same. Forasmuch then, as by the Verbe we expresse sufficiently the actions and passions; [Page 1027] and by the Nowne, the persons doing or suffering according as he himselfe saith; it seemeth that these be the two parts of speech that he meaneth: as for the rest, a man may well and truely say, that they signifie nothing, no more than doe the groanes, sighes and lamentations of plaiers in a tragoedie, yea, and many times iwis, a smile, a reticence or keeping silence, which o­therwhiles may well expresse a speech, and make it more emphaticall; but surely, no necessarie and significative power have they to declare ought, like as the Verbe & the Nowne hath: onely they serve as accessary adjuncts, to vary, illustrate & beautifie the speech; like as they also diver­sifie the very letters, who put to their spirits and aspirations, their accents also to some, whereby they make them long & short, and reckon them for elements & letters indeed, whereas they be passions, accidents, & diversifications of elements, rather than distinct elements by themselves; 10 as it appeareth manifestly by this, that our ancients contented themselves sufficiently to speake and write with sixteene letters and no more. Moreover, consider and see whether we doe not take the words of Plato otherwise than he delivered them; when he saith that the speech is tem­pered of these two parts, and not by them. Take heed (I say) we commit not the same errour as he doth, who should cavill and finde fault with one for saying, that such an ointment or salve was made of wax and galbanum, alledging against him for so saying, that he left out fire and the vessell, without which a man knoweth not how to temper the said simples or drogues: for even so, if we should reproove him because he omitted the naming of Conjunctions, Prepositions and other parts of speech, we were likewise to be blamed: for in trueth, a speech or sentence is not compounded of these parts, but by them and not without them. For like as he, who should 20 pronounce simply these Verbs, To beat, or To be beaten; or otherwise these bare Nownes, So­crates or Pythagoras; giveth some light (such as it is) of a thing to be conceived & understood: but he that should come out with these odde words, For, or Of, and say no more, a man can not [...]. imagine what he meaneth thereby, nor gather any conception either of action or of body; for if there be not some other words pronounced with them or about them, they resemble naked sounds and vaine noises without any significations at all: for that neither by themselves alone, nor one with another, it is possible that they should betoken any thing. Nay, admit that we should conjoine, mingle and interlace together Conjunctions, Articles and Prepositions all in one, minding to make one entire bodie of them all, we shall seeme rather to creake than speake: but so soone as a Verbe is joined to a Nowne, that which resulteth thereupon is immediatly a 30 sentence and significant speech. And therefore not without good reason some doe thinke that these two (to speake properly) be the onely parts of speech. And peradventure Homer had some such meaning, and gave us so much to understand, by saying in so many places,

[...].
He spake the word, and with the same,
Immediatly out came the name.

For by [...], that is to say, the word; his maner is to signifie a Verbe: as namely in this other verse,

[...].
Now surely woman, much to blame thou art,
This word to speake, it strikes so to my hart. 40

As also elsewhere:

[...]
[...].
[...] good Father; guest and friend
Farewell: And if some word unkind
Hath bene let fall, I wish it may
By winds and stormes be caught away.

For surely it is neither Conjunction, Article, nor Preposition, that can be said either unkinde or to touch the heart, but some Verbe signifying a shamefull deed, proceeding from an unde­cent and dishonest passion. And therefore you see how we are woont to praise poets and histo­riographers, 50 or otherwise to blame and dispraise them, saying in this wise: Such a poet hath u­sed Atticke Nownes and elegant Verbs: and contrariwise, Such an historiographer hath used triviall and base Nownes and Verbs. And no man will say that either Euripides or [...] wrote a stile consisting of Articles that were homely and base, or otherwise elegant and Atticke.

How then (may some one say) serve these parts to no purpose in our speech? Yes iwis say I, even as much as salt in our meats, or water for our bread and gruell. Euenus was wont to say that fire also was an excellent kinde of sauce: and even so be these parts of speech the seasoning of [Page 1028] our language, like as fire and salt of our broths and viands, without the which we can not well do: and yet our speech doth not alwaies of necessitie stand in need of them: for so me thinks I may very well affirme of the Romane language, that all the world I see in maner useth at this day: for the Romans take away all Prepositions, except a very few; and as for those that be called Arti­cles, they admit not so much as one, but use their Nownes plaine, and as one would say, without skirts and borders. Whereat we may wonder the lesse, considering that Homer, who for trimme and beautifull verses surpassed all other poets, set to very few Nownes any Articles as eares unto cups and other vessels, for to take hold by, or as pennaches and crests upon morions: and there­fore looke in what verses he useth so to doe, be sure they were of speciall marke, or els suppositi­ons and suspected to be none of his making. As for example:

[...] 10
[...].
This speech the courage most of all excited then anon,
Of Ajaz, him I meane, who was the sonne of Telamon.

Againe:

[...].
This did he that, by flying thus apace,
He might escape the whale that was in chace.

And a few others besides these. But in the rest which are innumerable, although there be no Ar­ticle, 20 yet the phrase of speech is thereby nothing diminished or hurt either in beautie or perspi­cuitie. And thus we see, that neither living creature, if it be maimed or dismembred, nor instru­ment, nor armour, nor any thing in the world whatsoever, by the want and defect of any proper part belonging thereto, is the more beautifull or active thereby, neither more pleasant than it was therefore: whereas a speech or sentence, when all the Conjunctions be taken quite away, is many times more emphaticall, yea, and carieth a power and efficacie more patheticall and ap­ter to move and affect, as this:

One sound, unhurt, she catching fast, another wounded new, 30
Alive she held, another dead, in sight by heeles she drew.

Also this place of Demosthenes his oration against Midias: ‘For many things may he doe who striketh, whereof, some the party who suffereth, can not declare unto another, by jesture, his port, by regard, his eie, in his voice, when he wrongeth insolently in a bravery, when he offereth injurie as an enemie, when with the clutched fist, when upon the cheeke, when upon the eare: this mooveth, this is that remooveth, that transporteth men beside themselves, who are not ac­quainted with outrages, who have not beene used to beare such abuses. And againe another place afterwards. But it is not Midias. He from this day is a speaker, he maketh orations, he rai­leth, exclameth, he passeth somewhat by his voice: Is there any election? Midias the Anagyr­rhasian 40 is propounded, he is nominated. Midias interteineth Plutarch in the name of the ci­ty, he knoweth all secrets; the city is not sufficient to hold him. This is the reason that they who write of rhetoricall figures, so highly praise Asyndeton: whereas those who are so precise, so religious, and too observant of Grammar, that they dare not leave out one Conjunction otherwise than they were accustomed to doe:’ The said rhetoricians thinke blamewoorthy and to be reprooved, as making the stile dull, enervate, without affection, tedious and irksome, by reason that it runnes alwaies after one sort, without change and variety.

Now whereas logicians have more need than any other professours in learning of Con­junctions copulatives, for to knit and connex their propositions or disjunctives, to disjoine and distinguish them; like as waine-men or carters have need of yokes or geeres; or as Ulysses 50 had of osiers in Cyclops his cave to binde his sheepe together: This doth not argue, nor proove that the Conjunction is a substantiall member or part of speech; but a prety instrument and meanes to binde and conjoine according as the very name of it doth import, and to keepe and hold together not all words or sentences indifferently, but such alone as are not simply spo­ken: unlesse men will say, that the coard or girt wherewith a packe or fardell is bound, is a part of the said packe, or the paste and glue a part of the booke; or donatives and largesses, a part of politike government; like as Demades was woont to say: That the dole of mony distri­buted [Page 1029] by the poll to the citizens in the theaters for to see the plaies, was the very glew of the popular State. And tell me what conjunction is that which will make of many propositions one, by couching and knitting them together, as the marble doth unite the iron that is cast and melted with it by the fire; and yet I trow no man will say, that the marble for all that is part of the iron, or so to be called. Howbeit, such things verily as enter into a composition, and which be liquefied together with the drogues mingled therewith, are wont after a sort to doe and suf­fer reciprocally from the ingredients. But as for these conjunctions, there be who deny that they doe unite any one thing, saying: That this maner of speaking with conjunctions is no other but a certeine enumeration, as if a man should reckon in order all our magistrates, or count the daies of a moneth 10.

Moreover, of all other parts of speech, it is very evident, that the Pronoune is a kinde of Noune, not onely in this respect, that it is declmed with cases, as the Noune is; but also for that some of them being pronounced and uttered of things and persons determinate, doe make a most proper demonstration of them accordant to their nature: neither can I see, how he who hath expresly named Socrates, hath declared his person more, than hee who said. This man heere.

To come now unto that which they tearme a Participle, surely it is a very medly and mix­ture of a Noune and a Verbe, and not a part of speech subsisting alone of it selfe, no more than those Nounes or names which are common to Masculine and Feminine: and these Participles are raunged with them both; with Nounes in respect of their cases, and with Verbes in regard 20 oftenses: and verily the logicians call such, tearmes reflected, as for example, [...], that is to say, wiisely foreseeing; is a reflexion of a wise foreseer: and [...], that is to say, minding sobriety, is a reflexion of a sober minded person, that is to say, as if they had the nature and power of Nounes and appellations.

As touching Prepositions, a man may liken them very well to pennaches, crests, or such like ornaments above morions or head attires, or else to bases, predstals, and footsteps under statues and pillers: forasmuch as they are not so much parts of speech, as busie and conversant about them: but see I pray you whether they may not be compared to truncheons, pieces, and fragments of words, like as those who when they write a running hand in haste, doe not alwaies make out the letters full, but use pricks, minims and dashes. For these two Verbes [...], and 30 [...], be both of them manifest clippings of the full and compleat words [...], and [...], whereof the one signifieth to enter in, the other to goe foorth. Likewise [...], is a plaine abbreviation of [...], that is to say, to be borne, or have being before. Also [...], of [...], that is to say, to sit downe, or cause one to sit downe. Semblable [...], and [...] men are disposed to say for [...], and [...], that is to say to fling stones, and to digge through walles, when they are disposed to make haste to speake short. And therefore a man may well say, that every one of these, excepting Noune and Verbe, doe some good in our speech, and helpe well in a sentence, but for all that, they cannot be called either elements of speech: for there is none but the Noune and the Verbe, as it hath 40 beene said before, that maketh this composition, conteining verity and falsity, which some tearme proposition, others axiome, and [...] nameth speech or oration. 50

A COMMENTARIE OF THE CREATION OF THE SOULE, WHICH PLATO DE­SCRIBETH 10 IN HIS BOOKE TIM AE US.

The Summarie.

AMong those discourses which may exercise the wittes, and busie the braines of most curious spirits, those of Plato may be raunged, which in divers places of his dialogues, but especially in his Timaeus he hath delivered, and namely, where he treateth of na­ture metaphysically, intermingling with a certeine deepe and profound maner of 20 doctrine (as a man may perceive by his writings) his resolutions as I may say irresolute, proceeding all from the ignorance of the sacred story and the true sense of Moyses. As for example, that which he saith as touching the soule of the world: an absurd and fantasticall opinion, if it be not handled and expounded aright. Our authour being minded in this treatise to dispute philosophically upon the creation of the said soule, runneth thorow numbers, tones, tunes and harmonies, aswell terre­striall as celestiall, for to declare the meaning of Plato: but with such brevitie in many places, that a man had need to reade with both his eies, and to have his minde wholly intentive and amused upon his words, for the under standing of him. Meanewhile, this would be considered, seeing that in such mat­ters we have (God be thanked) sufficient to resolve us in the word of God, and the good books of the doctours of the church, all this present discourse should be read, as comming out of the hands of a man 30 walking in darknesse; and to speake in one word, of one blinde himselfe and following a blinde guide: to the end that in stead of highly admiring these subtilties of Plato, as some in these daies doe, whose heads are not staied and well setled, we might know that the higher that man in his wisdome mounteth with his pen, farre from Gods schoole, the lesse he is to be received and accepted of.

A COMMENTARIE OF THE creation of the soule, which Plato describeth in his booke Timaeus. 40

The father to his two sonnes AUTOBULUS and PLUTARCH, Greeting.

FOrasmuch as ye are of this minde, that whatsoever I have heere and there said and written in divers places by way of exposition touch­ing that which I supposed in mine opinion Plato held, thought and understood concerning the soule, ought to be reduced & brought together into one; and that I should doe well to declare the same at 50 large in a speciall [...] apart by it selfe, because it is not a matter which otherwise is easie to be handled and managed; as also for that seeming as it doth, somewhat contrary to most of the Plato­nique philosophers themselves: in which regard it had need to be well mollified. I will therefore in the first place set downe the very text of Plato in his owne proper tearmes, word for word, as I finde them written in his booke en­tituled Timaeus.

[Page 1031]

Of that indivisible substance which alwaies continueth about the same things; as also of that which is divisible by many bodies, he composed a third kinde of substance in the mids of them both, holding partly of the nature of The same, and in part of The other: and this he ordeined and set in the mids betweene the indivisible substance conversant about the same things, and the other which is divisible by bodies. Then taking these three natures or substances, he mixed them altogether into one forme or idea, and fitted perforce the nature of The other, which was unto ward to be mixed, to that nature of The same. Having thus mingled them with Substance, and of three made one, he divided this whole againe into such portions, as were fit and conve­nient: ech one of them being mingled with The same, with The other, and with Substance. And this division of his he began in this maner, &c. 10

To begin withall if I should discourse unto you at this present what a number of disputations and contentious debates, these words have ministred unto those who tooke upon them to expound the same, it were for my selfe a peece of worke endlesse, and for you who have read the most part of them together with me, a labour needlesse. But seeing that of the most princi­pall and excellent professours, Xenocrates hath drawen some unto his opinion, in defining the substance of the soule to be a number mooving it selfe: and others have ranged them selves to Crantor of Soli, who affirmed the [...] to be tempered of the nature intellectuall & of the other which is opinionative about objects sensible; I suppose that these two sentences being well dis­plaied and opened will make the way and give you an easie entrance to the understanding and finding of that which we seeke for and is in question. And verily there need not many words 20 for the exposition of them both. For [...] and [...] . the one sort of them thinke that Plato meaneth no­thing else but the generation of number, by the said mixture of indivisible with divisible: for that unity is indivisible, and plurality divisible: of which twaine is engendred and produced number, whiles unity doth determine plurality, and limit out an end to that which is infinit, to wit, the binary or two indeterminate: which is the reason that Zaratas the master of [...] called two the mother, and one the father of numbers: as also for that the better numbers be those which resembled unity: and yet for all that this number is not the soule, because that both the motor and the moovable is wanting: but when The same and the other were mingled toge­ther, of which the one is the beginning of motion and mutation, the other of rest and station, then commeth the soule to have a being, which is as well the principall, to staie and to be staied, 30 as it is to moove and to be mooved.

But Crantor and his followers supposing that the proper and principall operation of the soule was to judge things intelligible and sensible, together with the similitudes and dissimili­tudes which they have, as well them selves, as one in respect of another, affirme, that the soule is composed of All, to the end that she may judge of all. The which All aforesaid standeth upon fower principall kindes; the first is a nature intelligible, which is alwaies one and evermore after the same sort: the second a nature passible and mutable concerning bodies: the third the nature of the same: and the forth the nature of the other: for the two first, participate in some sort both of the same and also of the other. But all these doe jointly and equally holde, that the soule was never after a certaine time, nor ever engendred, but hath many powers and faculties, into 40 which Plato resolving for speculative disputation sake, the substance of her, supposeth in word onely, that she was engendred mixed and tempered, saying moreover that he thought as much of the world: for full well he knew, that eternal it was and ingenerable, but seeing it was not easie to comprehend how, and in what order it was found, composed, governed and administred, for those who at the first presupposed not the creation and generation neither of it selfe, or of such things as concurred thereto, he therefore tooke the course to speake in such sort.

This much you see in sum what they both doe say: which when Eudorus well considered, he thought there was good probability both in the one and the other of their opinions, but for mine owne part, perswaded verily I am, that neither of them twaine hath touched the point, or come neere unto the minde and meaning of Plato. 50

If we wil use the rule of probability & verisimilitude indeed, not fully building our owne pro­per opinions, but be willing for to say something agreeable & accordant thereto; for that mix­ture of the substance intelligible and sensible which they speake of, giveth not us to understand thereby, that it is the generation of the soule, more than of any other thing whatsoever that a man may name. For the very world and every part thereof is compounded of a substance intel­ligible or spirituall, and of a substance sensible or corporall: whereof the one hath furnished the thing that is made and engendred with forme and shape, the other with subject matter. And as [Page 1032] much of the matter as is forme by participation or resemblance of the intelligible, becommeth incontinently palpable and visible: but the soule is not perceptible by any sense. Neither was it ever found that Plato called the soule number, but alwaies a motion mooving of it selfe, yea the very fountain & beginning of motion. True it is, I confesse that embelished he hath & ador­ned the substance therof with number, proportion, accord & harmony, which he hath bestowed therein as in a subject capable & susceptible of the most beautifull forme that can be imprinted therein, by those qualities before said. And I suppose it is not all one to say that the soule is composed by number, and that the substance thereof is number: for certaine it is that it hath the subsistence and composition by harmony, but harmonie it is none, according as himselfe hath shewed in his treatise of the soule. Moreover altogether ignorant they are, what Plato mea­neth, 10 by the same and the other: for they say, that the same conferreth to the generation of the soule, the power or faculty of station and rest: the other, of motion: whereas Plato himselfe in his booke entituled, The Sophister, putteth downe, that which is, the same, the other, motion and station, as five distinct things differing the one from the other, severing them a part, as ha­ving nothing to doe in common one with another; which they all with one accord, yea and many more even of those who lived and conversed with Plato, fearing and being mightily trou­bled with, doe devise and immagin all that they can, bestir themselves wresting forcibly, heaving and shooving and turning every waie, as in case of some abominable thing and not to be na­med, supposing that they ought either altogether, for his honour and credit to denie, or at least wise to cover and conceale that which he had delivered, as touching the generation or creation 20 of the world, and of the soule thereof, as if the same had not bene from all eternity, nor had time out of minde their essence: whereof we have particularly spoken a part else where; and for this present suffice it shall to say by the way, that the arguing and contestation, which Plato confes­seth himselfe to have used with more vehemencie than his age would well beare, against Athe­ists: the same I say they confound and shufflle up, or to speake more truely abolish altogether. For if it be so, that the world be eternall and was never created, the reason of Plato falleth to the ground, namely that the soule being more ancient than the bodie, and the cause and prin­cipall author of all motion and mutation, the chiefe governour also and head Architect, as he himselfe hath said, is placed and bestowed therein. But what, and where of the soule is, and how it is said and to be understood, that it is more ancient than the body and before it in time, the 30 progresse of our discourse hereafter shall declare: for this point being either unknowen or not well understood, brings great difficulty as I thinke in the well conceiving, and hinderance in be­leeving the opinion of the trueth?

In the first place therefore I will shew what mine owne conceit is, proving and fortifying my sentence, and withall, mollifying the same (because at the first sight it seemeth a strange para­dox) with as probable reasons as I can devise: which done, both this interpretation and proofe also of mine, I will lay unto the words of the text out of Plato, and reconcile the one unto the o­ther. For thus (in mine opinion) stands the case.

This world (quoth Heraclitus) there was never any god or man that made: as if in so saying he feared, that if we disavow God for creatour, we must of necessitie confesse that man was the 40 architect and maker thereof. But much better it were therefore, that we subscribe unto Plato, and both say and sing aloud, that the world was created by God: for as the one is the goodliest piece of worke that ever was made, so the other the most excellent workman and greatest cause that is. Now the substance and matter whereof it was created, was never made or engendred, but was for ever, time out of minde and from all eternitie, subject unto the workman for to dis­pose and order it, yea and to make as like as possible was to himselfe. For of nothing and that which had no being, there could not possibly be made ought: but of that which was notwell made nor as it ought to bee, there may be made somewhat that is good; to wit, an house, a garment, or an image and statue. But before the creation of the world, there was nothing but a chaos, that is to say, all things in confusion and disorder: and yet was not the same without a bo­die, 50 without motion, or without soule: howbeit, that bodie which it had, was without forme and consistence; and that mooving that it had, was altogether rash, without reason and under­standing: which was no other but a disorder of the soule not guided by reason. For God crea­ted not that bodie which was incorporall, nor a soule which was inanimate; like as we say that the musician maketh not a voice, nor the dancer motion; but the one maketh the voice sweet, accordant and harmonious; and the other, the motion to keepe measure, time, and compasse with a good grace. And even so, God created not that palpable soliditie of a bodie, nor that [Page 1033] moving and imaginative puissance of the soule; but finding these two principles, the one darke and obscure, the other turbulent, foolish and senselesse: both imperfect, disordered and indeter­minate, he so digested and disposed them, that he composed of them the most goodly, beauti­full and absolute living creature that is. The substance then of the bodie, which is a certeine na­ture that he calleth susceptible of all things, the very seat, the nourse also of all things engendred, is no other thing than this. But as touching the substance of the soule, he tearmeth it in his booke entituled Philebus, Infinitie, that is to say, the privation of all number and proportion, having in it neither end, limit, nor measure, neither excesse nor defect, neither similitude nor dissimilitude. And that which hee delivereth in Timaeus, namely, that it is mingled with the indivisible nature, & is become divisible in bodies, we must not understand this to be either 10 multitude in unities, or length and breadth in points or pricks, which things agree unto bo­dies, and belong rather to bodies than to soules: but that mooving principle, disordinate, indefinite, and mooving of it selfe, which hee calleth in manie places Necessitie, the same in his books of lawes hee tearmeth directly, a disorderly soule, wicked and evill doing. This is the soule simply, and of it selfe it is so called; which afterwards was made to participate un­derstanding, and discourse of reason, yea, & wife proportion, to the end that it might become the soule of the world. Semblably, this materiall principle, capable of all, had in it a certeine magnitude, distance, and place: beauty, forme, proportionate figure, and measure it had none; but all these it gat afterwards, to the end that being thus digested and brought into decent or­der, it might affoord the bodies and organs of the earth, the sea, the heavens, the starres, the 20 plants and living creatures, of all sorts. But as for them who attribute & give that which he cal­leth in Timaeus, necessitie; and in his treatise Philebus, infinity and immensity of excesse & de­fect of too much and too little; unto matter, and not unto the soule: how are they able to main­taine that it is the cause of evill, considering that he supposeth alwaies that the said matter is without forme or figure whatsoever, destitute of all qualities and faculties proper unto it, com­paring it unto those oiles, which having no smell of their owne, perfumers use in the composi­tion of their odors and precious ointments: for impossible it is that Plato should suppose the thing which of it selfe is idle, without active qualitie, without mooving and inclination to any thing, to be the cause and beginning of evill, or name it an infinity, wicked & evill doing; not likewise a necessitie, which in many things repugneth against God, as being rebellious, and 30 refusing to obey him: for as touching that necessitie, which overthroweth heaven, as he saith in his Politiques, and turneth it cleane contrary; that inbred concupiscence and confusion of the first and auncient nature, wherein there was no order at all, before it was ranged to that beautifull disposition of the world as now it is; how came it among things, if the subject, which is matter, was without all qualities, and void of that efficacie which is in causes? and consi­dering that the Creatour himselfe being of his owne nature all good, desired as much as might be, to make all things like unto himselfe? for a third, besides these two principles, there is none. And if we will bring evill into the world, without a precedent cause & principle to beget it, we shall run and fall into the difficult perplexities of the Stoicks; for of those two principles which are, it cannot be that either the good, or that which is altogether without forme and quality 40 whatsoever, should give being or beginning to that which is naught. Neither hath Plato done as some that came after him, who for want of seeing and understanding a third principle and cause, betweene God and matter, have runne on end, and tumbled into the most absurd and falsest reasons that is, devising forsooth I wot not how, that the nature of evill should come without forth casually and by accident, or rather of the owne accord: forasmuch as they will not graunt unto Epicurus that the least atome that is, should turne never so little or decline a side, saying, that he bringeth in a rash and inconsiderate motion, without any cause prece­dent; whereas they themselves the meane-while affirme that sin, vice, wickednesse and ten thou­sand other deformities and imperfections of the body, come by consequence without any cause efficient in the principles. But Plato saith not so, for he ridding matter from al different quality, 50 and remooving farre from God all cause of evill, thus hath hee written as touching the world in his Politiques: The world (quoth he) received al good things from the first author who crea­ted it; but what evill thing soever there is, what wickednesse, what injustice in heaven, the same it selfe hath from the exterior habitude, which was before, and the same it doth transmit, & give to the creatures beneath. And a little after he proceedeth thus: In tract of time (quoth he) as oblivion tooke holde and set sure footing, the passion and imperfection of the old dis­order [Page 1034] came in place and got the upper hand more and more; and great danger there is, least growing to dissolution, it be plunged againe into the vast gulfe, and bottomlesse pit of con­fused dissimilitude.

But dissimilitude there can be none in matter, by reason that it is without qualitie, and void of all difference: whereof Eudemus among others being ignorant, mocked Plato for not put­ting that to be the cause, source, and first originall of evill things, which in many places he cal­leth mother and nurse: for Plato indeed tearmeth matter, mother and nurse: but he saith like­wise: That the cause of evill is the motive puissance resiant in the said matter, which is in bo­dies become divisible, to wit, a reasonlesse and disorderly motion; howbeit, for all that, not without soule, which plainly and expresly in his books of lawes, he tearmeth a soule, contrary 10 and repugnant to that which is the cause of all good; for that the soule may well be the cause and principle of motion; but understanding is the cause of order and harmony in motion: for God made not the matter idle, but hath kept it from being any any more [...] & troubled with a foolish and rash cause: neither hath he given unto nature the beginnings and principles of mutations and passions, but being as it was enwrapped and enfolded with all sorts of passions and inordinate mutations, hee cleered it of all enormities, disorders, and errors whatsoever, using as proper instruments to bring about all this, numbers, measures, and proportions; the effect whereof, is not to give unto things, by mooving and mutation the passions and differen­ces of the other and of diversitie, but rather to make them infallible, firme, and stable, yea, and like unto those things which are alwaies of one sort, and evermore resemble themselves. 20

This is in my judgement the minde and sentence of Plato, whereof my principall proofe and argument is this: that by this interpretation is salved that contrariety which men say, and see­meth indeed to be in his writings: for a man would not attribute unto a drunken sophister, much lesse than unto Plato, so great unconstance and repugnance of words, as to affirme one and the same nature to be created, and uncreated; and namely in his booke entituled Phaedrus, that the soule is eternall, and uncreated: but in Timaeus, that it was created and engendied. Now as tou­ching those words of his in the treatise Phaedrus, they are well neere in every mans mouth verie rife; whereby he prooveth that the soule can not perish, because it was never engendred: and semblably he prooveth, that generation it had none, because it mooveth it selfe. Againe, in the booke entituled Timaeus, God (quoth he) hath not made the soule to be yoonger than the body, 30 according as now in this place we purpose to say, that it commeth after it, for never would he have permitted that the elder being coupled and linked with the yoonger should be commaun­ded by it. But we standing much (I wot not how) upon inconsiderate rashnesse and vanity, use to speake in some sort accordingly: for certaine it is, that God hath with the bodie joined the soule, as precedent both in creation and also in power and vertue, like as the dame or mistresse with her subject, for to rule and commaund. Againe, when he had said that the soule being tur­ned upon her selfe, began to live a wise and eternall life, The body of the heaven (quoth he) was made visible, but the soule invisible, participating the discourse of reason and of harmony, en­gendred by the best of things intellectuall and eternall, being likewise it selfe the best of things engendred and temporall. Where it is to be noted that in this place expresly calling God the 40 best of all eternall things, and the soule the best of things created and temporall, by this most evident antithesis and contrariety, he taketh from the soule that eternity which is without begin­ning and procreation.

And what other solution or reconciliation is there, of these contradictions, but that which himself giveth to those who are willing to receive it; for he pronounceth that soule to be inge­nerable and not procreated, which mooved all things rashly and disorderly before the constitu­tion of the world: but contrariwise he calleth that, procreated and engendred, which Godfra­med and composed of the first, and of a parmanent, eternall, and perfect good substance, name­ly by creating it wise and well ordered, and by putting and conferring even from himselfe unto sense, understanding; and order unto motion: which when he had thus made, he ordained and 50 appointed it to be the governor and regent of the whole world. And even after the same maner he pronounceth; that the body of the world is in one sort eternall, to wit, not created, nor en­gendred; and after another sort both created and engendred. For when he saith that whatsoe­ver is visible, was never at rest, but mooved rashly and without all order: and that God tooke the same, disposed and ranged it in good order: as also when he saith that the fowre generall ele­ments, fire, water, earth, and aire, before the whole world was of them framed and ordered de­cently [Page 1035] made a woonderfull trouble & trembling as it were in the matter, and were mightily sha­ken by it, such was their deformity and inequality. It appeareth plainly that he maketh these bodies in some sort to have a being and subsistence before the creation of the world. Contrari­wise when he saith that the body is yoonger than the soule, and that the world was made and created in as much as the same is visible and palpable, as having a body, and that all things ap­peare so as they are, when they were once made and created, manifest it is, and every man may see, that he attributeth a kinde of nativity to the nature of the body; and vet for all that farre is he off, from being contradictory and repugnant to himselfe so notoriously, and that in the most maine points. For it is not the same body nor of the same sort, which he saith was created by God, and to have bene before it was; for that were directly the case of some mount-banke or 10 jugling enchanter; but himselfe sheweth unto us, what we are to understand by this, generation or creation: For before time (quoth he) all that is in the world, was without order, measure and proportion: but after that the universall world began to be fashioned, and brought into some decent forme, whereas he found the fire first, the water, the earth and the [...] pell mell in the same places, and yet having some shew and token what they were, but confusedly hudled every where, (as a man may well thinke that every thing must needs be so, where God is absent) in this case as they were then, God I say finding them, first brought the same into frame and fashion, by the meanes of formes and numbers. Furthermore, having said before that it was the worke not of one onely proportion, but of twaine, to joine and frame together the fabricke of the world, a 20 solid masse as it was and carying a depth and thicknesse with it: and declared moreover, that God after he had bestowed water and aire, betweene fire and earth, conjoined withall and framed the heaven, together with them. Of these things (quoth he) such as they were, and fower in number, the body of the world was in engendred, agreeable in proportion and entertaining a­mity by that meanes: Insomuch as being once thus united and compact, there is nothing that can make disunion or dissolution, but he alone who first limited and brought all together; teach­ing us hereby most plainely that God was the father and author, not of the body simply, nor of the frame, fabricke and matter onely of the world, but also of that proportion, measure, beauty and similitude which is in the body thereof: semblably thus much we are to thinke of the soule, as if one were not created by God, nor the soule of the world, but a certaine power of motion, 30 fantasticall, turbulent, subject unto opinion, stirring and moving of it selfe, and alwaies, but with­out any order, measure, or reason whatsoever. The other, when God had adorned it with num­bers & proportions convenient, he ordained to be the regent & governesse of the world created like as it selfe was also created. Now that this is the true sentence & meaning of Plato, and not by a fantasticall manner of speculation and inquisition, as touching the creation or generation, as well of the world as of the soule: this besides many others, may be an argument, that of the soule, he saith it was created and not created; of the world alwaies, that it was engendred and cre­ated, but never eternall and not created. To proove this, we need not for to cite testimonies out of the booke Timaeus, considering that the said booke throughout, from the one end to the o­ther, treateth of nothing else, but of the generation or creation of the world. And of other bookes, in his Atlanticke Timaeus making his praiers, nameth him who beforetime was by his 40 worke, and now by his word, God. And in his Politique, his Parmenidian guest saith, that the world being framed and made by God, became partaker of many good things: and in case there be any evill thing in it, the same is a remnant mingled within the first habitude and estate where­in it was at first, before the constitution thereof, all irregular and disorderly. And in his bookes of Common-wealth, speaking of that number, which some call the Mariage, Socrates began to discourse and say thus: The God (quoth he) who is created and engendred, hath his period and conversation, which the perfect number doth comptise. In which place, what can he call the God created and engendred, but the world. * * * * *

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 50

The first copulation is of one and two, the second of three and foure, the third of five and six; of which there is not one that maketh a quadrate number either by it selfe or by others: the fourth is of seven and eight, which being joined to the first, make in all the square quadrat num­ber six and thirtie.

[Page 1036]

[figure]

10

But of those numbers which Plato hath set downe the quaternarie, hath a more perfect and absolute generation; namely, when even numbers are multiplied by even intervals, and un­even numbers likewise by odde intervals: for first it conteineth unitie as the very common stocke of all numbers as well even as odde and of those under it; two and three be the first flat and plaine numbers, and after them foure and nine are the first squares, then follow eight and seven and twentie, the first cubique numbers, putting the unitie out of this account. By which it appeareth that his will was not, that these numbers should be all set one above another directly in a right line; but apart, one after another alternatively, the even of the one side and the odde of the other, according to the description above made. Thus shall the files or conjugations also 20 be of like with like, and make the notable numbers, aswel by composition or addition as by mul­tiplication of one with another: by composition, thus, Two and three make five; foure & nine make thirteene; eight and seven and twentie arise to five and thirtie. For of these numbers the Pythagoreans call five, [...], as much to say, as a sound, supposing that of the spaces and in­tervals of Tone, the fift, was the first that spake or sounded: thirteene they tearmed [...], that is to say, the Remanent or Defect, like as Plato did; despairing to divide a Tone in two equall por­tions: and five and thirtie they tearme Harmonie, for that it is composed of the first numbers cubique, proceeding from even and od of the foure numbers, to wit, six, eight, nine and twelve, conteining an Arithmeticall and Harmonicall proportion. But this will appeare more evident­ly by this figure here described and represented to the eies. Suppose then there be a figure set 30 downe in forme of a tile, called Parallelogrammon, with right angles, A.B.C.D.

[figure]

40 where of the one side (to wit, the lesse) A.B. is of five; the other, and namely, the longer, A.D. is of seven parts: let the lesse side be divided into unequall sections, to wit, into three and three, unto E. and the greater into other two unequall sections, three and foure to F. Then draw lines from the sections, crossing directly one another, by E.G.H. and F.G.I. So A.E.G.F. shall be six, A.B.I.G. nine, G.H.D.F. eight, and G.I.C.H. twelve. This tile-forme figure cal­led 50 Parallelogrammon, being more long than broad, composed of five and thirtie parts, contei­neth in it all the proportions of the first accords and consonances of Musicke in the numbers of the spaces into which it is divided. For six and eight have the proportion Epitritos, to wit, the whole and one third part; wherein consisteth the symphonie Diatessaron, that is to say, a fourth. Six and nine cary the proportion Hemiolion, to wit, the whole and halfe; and therein [Page 1037] consisteth Diapente, that is to say, a fifth. Betweene six and twelve there is the double proporti­on, & therin consisteth Diapason, that is to say, an eighth. There is also the proportion of Tone sesquioctave, in nine and eight, which is the reason that the number five and thirtie conteining the proportions of tones, the consonances also and accords, they call Harmonie, which being multiplied by six, ariseth to two hundred and tenne, the very just number of daies wherein seven moneth children have their perfection in the wombe, and are ready to be borne. Item, goe to worke another way, and begin by multiplication in this wise: Twice three make six, and foure times nine come to six and thirtie, and seven and twentie multiplied by eight, ariseth to two hundred and sixteene. Now the perfect number is six, for that it standeth of equall parts, and in regard of the copulation of even and odde it is called the Mariage. Againe, that which is 10 more, it consisteth of the beginning and foundation of number, to wit, Unitie or One, of the first even number which is two, and of the first and odde number that is three. Moreover, six and thirtie is the first number both foure-square and also triangular. Foure-square, if it arise from the basis, six, and triangular, from eight: for it ariseth by multiplication of two quadrate num­bers, to wit, of foure, multiplying nine; and by addition of three [...] , one, eight, and seven and twentie, which being put together, make up sixe and thirtie, the number before described. Furthermore, it may be drawen out in forme of a tile, more one way than another from the two sides, and ariseth by multiplying twelve by three, or nine by foure. Now if a man take the num­bers of the sides in those figures before described, to wit, six of the foure-square, and eight of the 20 triangle; nine of one of Parallelograms, and twelve of the other; he shall sinde that they will make the proportions of all the symphonies or accords in Musicke. For twelve compared with nine, will be Diatessaron or the fourth, which is the proportion that Nete hath to Mese; but compared with eight, it is Diapente or a fifth, the proportion of Mese or the Meane to Hypate; with twelve, it will be Diapason or a just eighth, which is the proportion betweene Nete and Hypate. As for the number of two hundred and sixteene, it is a cubique, arising from six, as the basis, and is equall to the owne compasse or circuit. These numbers proposed, having such ver­tues and properties, yet the last seven and twentie hath this peculiar qualitie by it selfe, that it is equall unto all the other before it, being put together; namely, one, two, three, [...] , eight, and nine. Moreover, it conteineth the just number of the daies of the moones revolution. 30 The Pythagoreans also doe place the Tone of distances & intervals of sounds in this very nūber, which is the reason that they call 13 [...], as one would say, the default, for that it wan­teth one of being the halfe of twenty seven. Moreover, that these numbers conteine the propor­tions of all the consonances & accords in musicke, it is easie to be understood; for there is the proportion double of two to one, & therein consisteth Diapason; the Hemiolion or one and halfe of three & two, wherein is Diapente: likewise Epitritos, of fower to three, and therein con­sisteth Diatessaron: also the triple of nine and three, wherein you shall finde Diapason and Di­apente, to wit, a fift above a duple. Item, the quadruple of eight and two wherein is Dis diapa­son. There is besides, the sesquioctave, of eight to nine, wherein is Toniaeon. If then a man count the unitie which is common unto the numbers as well even as odde unto foure, the 40 whole yeeldeth ten: and the even numbers betweene it and ten, with the unity being put to­gether make fifteene, a number triangular, arising from the basis five: as for the odde num­bers, to wit, one, three, nine, and twenty seaven, arise to forty, if they be summed together, and this number of forty is composed of thirteene and twenty seven, by which the mathematicians doe precisely measure the intervals of musicke and melody in song, calling the one Diesis, and the other Tonos: and the said number of forty ariseth by way of multiplication, by the vertue of quaternity; for if you multiply foure times every one of the foure; first, whereas by them­selves to wit, one, two, three, foure, there will arise foure, eight, twelve, and sixteene, which being all summed together, make forty; which number conteineth besides, all the proportions of consonances and accords: for compare sixteene with twelve, you shall have the proportion Epitritos, that is to say, one and the third part, with eight duple, with foure quadruple: also 50 twelve compared to eight, hath the proportion Hemiolion, that is to say, one and a halfe, to foure triple, which comprehend the proportions just of Diatessaron, Diapente, Diapason, and Dis-diapason: Over and besides, the foresaid number of forty, is equall to the first two qua­drats, and the two first cubicke numbers taken together, for the two first squares or quadrats be one and foure, the cubicks eight and twenty seaven, which if they be put together, amount to forty: So that the quaternity of Plato is in the disposition thereof more ample, of greater [...] and perfection than that quaternity of Pythagoras.

[Page 1038] But forasmuch as the numbers proposed, affoord not places for the medieties which are infer­red; necessary it was to extend the numbers to larger tearmes and bondes, reteining still the same proportions: in regard whereof, we must say somewhat what they be, and treat first of these medieties. The former then, is that which both surmounting, & being also surmounted in equall number, is called in these daies Arithmeticall: the other which surmounteth, and is sur­mounted by the same part of their extremities, is named Hypenantia, that is to say, subcontrary; as for example: The two limits or extremities and the mids of the arithmetical, be six, nine and twelve: for nine which is in the middes, surmounteth sixe just as much in number as it is sur­mounted of twelve, that is to say, by three: but of the subcontrary, these be the extremities and the mids, six, eight, and twelve, for eight which is the mids, surmounteth six by two, and is sur­mounted 10 of twelve by foure, which foure is the third part of twelve, like as two is the third part of sixe. Thus it falleth out in the medietie Arithmaticall, the middes surmounteth the one of these extremities, and is surmounted of the other, equally by the same part of the owne, but in the subcontrary by the same part, not of the owne, but of the extremities out gone of the one, and outgoing the other: and heereupon it is called subcontrary, and the same they likewise call harmonicall, because it affourdeth to the extremities the first resonances, to wit, be­tweene the greatest and the least Diapason, that is to say, an eight; betweene the greatest and the mids, Diapente, that is to say, a five; & betweene the mids and the least, Diatesseron, that is to say, a fourth: for the greatest tearme or extremity being set upon the note or string Nete, and the least upon Hypate, the middes will be found just upon Mese, that is to say, the meane, which 20 maketh in regard of the greatest Diapente, and of the least Diatessaron: so that by this reason, eight shall be upon the meane, twelve upon Nete, and six upon Hypate: but how to know easi­ly and readily these medieties aforesaid, Eudorus hath shewed the maner plainly and simply: And first and formost in the Arithmeticall, consider thus much: for if you take the two ex­tremities, and put them together, and then the moity of the entire sum, the same will fall out to be the medietie Arithmeticall: or take the moitie of ech one of the [...] , & adde them one to the other, that which ariseth thereof shall be mediatie arithmeticall, in duples & triples alike: but in the subcontrary, or harmonicall, if the two extremities be one to the other in pro­portion duple, take the halfe of the greater, and the third part of the lesse, and the number ari­sing of those two shall be the medietie Harmonicall: but in case the two extremities be in pro­portion 30 triple, then contrariwise a man ought to take the moitie of the lesse, and the third part of the greater, for then the summe will be the medietie that he looketh for: as for example, let the lesse extremity be in triple proportion six, and the greater eighteene, if you take the halfe of six which is three, and the third part of eighteene which is six, you shall come to nine, for the medietie which doth surmount, and is surmounted by the same part of the two extre­mities, that is to say, the one halfe. Thus you see how the medieties are taken: now the same must be interjected and placed betweene, for to fill and make up the places or intervals double and triple; but of the number proposed, some have no place of the middle, others, not suffici­ent; and therefore the maner is to augment and set them out, in reteining alwaies still the same proportions, and so by that meanes make places and receptacles sufficient for to receive the 40 said medieties or mediocrities: First therefore, for the lesse end or [...] , in stead of one they put six, because of all numbers it is the first that hath a halfe and a third part, and multiply all the numbers under by six, as it is written underneath, for to receive both the medieties in duple intervals:

12. 2. 1. 3. 18.
24. 4.   9. 54.
48. 8.   27. 162.

[...] for that Plato hath said, the intervals being made sesquialterall, sesquitertia, and sesqui­octaves, out of these links in the precedent distances, he filled all the epitrites, with the intervall of sesquioctave, leaving one part of ech, and this distance of this part being left number to 50 number, having for the tearmes & extremities, two hundred fifty six, and two hundred forty three, &c. Upon these words of the text, forced they were to reduce these numbers, and make them greater, forby order two ought to have sesquioctave proportion, seeing that six of it selfe could not have proportion sesquioctave, & if it were divided by cutting the units peece-meale, the intelligence and doctrine thereof would be very intricate and hard to be conceived, there­fore he called this operation in some sort multiplication, like as in the harmonicall mutation, where if you extend and augment the first number, necessarily the discription of all the other [Page 1039] notes must be stretched out and enlarged likewise. And therefore Eudorus following herein Crantor, taketh for the first number three hundred fowre-score and fowre, which ariseth by mul­tiplying three-score and fowre, by six: and these were induced so to doe by the number three­score and fowre, having for the sesquioctave, eight, which is the proportion betweene three­score and fowre and threescore and twelve. But it agreeth better with the text, and the wordes of Plato, to suppose a moity. For the default which they call [...], will have the sesquioctave pro­portion in the numbers which Plato hath set downe, two hundred six and fiftie, and two hundred three and fortie, having put for the first one hundred fourescore and twelve: and if the double of it be supposed for the first, the [...] shall be of the same proportion, but in number double, which five hundred and twelve hath to foure hundred eighty foure: for two hundred fiftie & six 10 are in epitrite or sesquitertiall proportion to one hundred fourescore and twelve, and five hun­dred and twelve to foure hundred fourescore and foure. And verily, the reduction to this num­ber was not without reason and proportion, but yeelded a probable reason to Crantor: for the number of threescore and foure is a cube, proceeding from the first quadrate, and a quadrate likewise, arising from the first cube, and being multiplied by three, the first odde number: the first triangular number, the first perfect number and sesquialter, make one hundred fourescore and twelve, which number also (as we will shew) hath his sesquioctave. But first of all you shall understand better what is [...], as also what is the meaning of Plato, if you call to minde a little, that which is usually taught and delivered in the Pythagoreans schooles: for Diastema, that is to say, intervals or space in matter of song, is whatsoever is betweene two sounds different in Te­nour 20 or Tension. Of these intervals, one is called Tonus, to wit, that whereof the harmonie Dia­pente surmounteth Diatessaron. Of this entier Tone, as Musicians do holde, cut in twaine, by the moitie are made two intervals, and both of them, the one aswell as the other, goe under the name Haemitonium. But the Pythagoreans do not thinke that it can be equally divided: where­as therefore the two sections be unequall, they call the lesse [...], that is to say, the default, be­cause it is somewhat lesse than the one halfe. And therefore some masters of Musicke there be, who make the accord Diatesseron, of two Tones and a Demi-tone or Haemitonion: others a­gaine of two Tones and a [...]. So as it seemeth that the testimonie of hearing accordeth with the harmonicall Musicians; and of demonstration with the Mathematicians: and their proofe of demonstration goeth in this maner. This is put downe by them for certeine, and approo­ved 30 by their instruments, that Diapason hath a double proportion, Diapente a sesquialterall, Diatessaron a sesquitertiall, and a Tone a sesquioctave. And the trueth heereof, a man may trie presently by an experiment, namely, by hanging two weights double, unto two strings that be equall, or by making two concavities in pipes, the one twice as long as the other, otherwise e­quall: for the shawme or hautboies, which is the longer, will sound more base and loud, as Hy­pate in regard of Nete: and of the two strings, that which was stretched by the heavier weight will sound higher & smaller as Nete in comparison of Hypate: and this is the very consonance Diapason. Semblably, three compared unto twaine, be it in length or in weight, will make Dia­pente; and foure to three, Diatessaron: for the one hath the proportion epitrite, and the other hemiolion. And if the unequalitie of the foresaid lengths or weights be in proportion hemio­ctave, 40 that is to say, of seven to eight, it will make the intervall Toniaeon, not altogether an har­monicall accord, howbeit (as one would say) somewhat musicall and melodious; for that these sounds, if one strike, touch or sound one after another, make a pleasant noise and delectable to the eares; but if altogether, the noise will be troublesome and offensive: whereas contrariwise, in consonances and accords, howsoever one touch them, either together, or one after another, the eare receiveth the consent and accord with great delight. And yet this may moreover be shewed by reason, for the harmonie Diapason is composed of Diapente and of Diatessa­ron, like as in number the double is composed of Hemiolion and Epitritos; for twelve is in proportion of Epitritos to nine, and Hemiolion to eight, and double to six: so that the double proportion is compounded of the sesquialterall and the sesquitertion, like as Diapason of Dia­pente 50 and Diatessaron: but as there Diapente is greater than Diatessaron by a Tone, so heere in numbers, Hemiolion is greater than Epitritos by a sesquioctave. This being thus prooved by demonstration, let us see now, whether our sesquioctave may be divided into two equall secti­ons; for if it can not, no more then, can the Tone: and for that eight and nine make the first proportion sesquioctave, and have no intervall betweene; both the one and the other being doubled, the number falling out betweene, maketh two intervals; so that it appeareth, that if the two intervals be equall, the sesquioctave may bee equally divided in twaine. Now the double [Page 1040] of nine is eighteene, and of eight, sixteene, which admit betweene them, seventeene. So it fal­leth out that one of the intervals is greater, and the other lesse; for the former is of eighteene to seventeene, and the other of seventeene to sixteene. Then the sesquioctave proportion is divi­ded into portions and sections unequall, and so consequently the tone also: and therefore this division being made, none of the sections is properly a Demytone, but one of them by good right hath beene tearmed by the mathematicians [...]: and this is it that Plato said: God when he filled the epitrites with sesquioctaves, left a portion of ech: whereof there is the same reason and proportion, that two hundred fiftie six have unto two hundred forty three; for take a Dia­tessaron in two numbers, which have betweene them a proportion Epitritos, as two hundred fifty and six, to one hundred nintie two; of which let, the lesse number, one hundred nintie two 10 beset upon the base note of a tetracord, and the greater, to wit, two hundred fiftie and six upon the highest note: It must be shewed, that if this be filled with two sesquioctaves, there remaineth an intervall as great as is betweene two hundred fiftie six and two hundred forty three. For if the baser sound be stretched one tone; which is the proportion sesquioctave it maketh two hundred and sixteene: and againe if it be stretched another tone, it becommeth two hundred forty three, which surmounteth two hundred & sixteene, by twenty & seven, and two hundred and sixteene surmounteth one hundred fourescore & twelve by foure and twenty, of which, the seven and twenty is the sesquioctave of two hundred and sixteene, and foure and twentie, of one hundred fourescore and twelve: and therefore of these three numbers, the greatest sesquioctave is of the middest, and the middle of the least; and the distance or intervall, from the least to the 20 greatest, to wit, from one hundred fourescore and twelve unto two hundred fortie and three, two tones filled with two sesquioctaves: which intervall being taken away, there remaineth the inter­vall of the whole, which is betweene two hundred fortie and three, and two hundred fiftie and sixe, and that is thirteene: and that is the reason why they called that number [...], that is to say, a default or residue.

For mine owne part, I thinke verily, that the sense of Plato is most cleerely expounded and declared in these numbers. Others having put downe the ends and tearmes of Diatesseron, for the treble two hundred eighty eight, and for the base, two hundred sixteene; goe through with the rest proportionably, save onely that they take the two defaults or remnants, betweene the two extremities: for the base being set up one tone or note, maketh two hundred fortie three: 30 and the treble being let downe another note, becommeth two hundred fiftie six: for these be sesquioctaves, two hundred forty three, and two hundred sixteene; likewise two hundred eighty eight, and two hundred fifty six; so that either of the intervals is Toniaeon: and there remaineth that which is betweene two hundred forty three, and two hundred fifty six, which is not a Demytone, but lesse: for two hundred eighty eight, is more than two hundred fifty six, by thirty two; and two hundred forty three, more than two hundred sixteene, by twenty seven; and two hundred fifty sixe more than two hundred forty three, by 13: and both these are lesser than the advantages or surplussages by halfe: and therefore Diatessaron is found to be of two tones and a [...], and not of two and a halfe. And thus you see the demonstration of this: and so it is no hard matter to understand by that which we have delivered: what is the reason 40 why Plato having said, that intervals sesquialterall, sesquitertian and sesquioctaves are made by filling the sesquitertians with sesquioctaves; made no mention of the seqsuialterons, but hath left them behind, namely, for that the sesquialter is filled, when one putteth a sesquioctave to asesquitertiall, or rather a sesquitence to a sesquioctave.

These things thus shewed in some sort by way of demonstration: now to fill the intervals, and to interject the Medieties if none before had shewed the meanes and maner how, I would leave you to do it for your exercise: but the same having beene done already by many worthy personages, and principally by Crantor, Clearchus, and Theodorus, all borne in the city Soli: It will not be impertinent to deliver somewhat as touching the difference betweene them; for Theodor us maketh not two files of nnmbers as the other doe, but rangeth them all in the same 50 line directly one after another, to wit, the duple and the triple: and principally he groundeth and fortifieth himselfe by this position (which they so call) of the substance drawen out in length, making two branches as it were from one trunke, and not foure of twaine: then he saith, that the interpositions of the Medieties ought so to take place; for otherwise there would be a trouble and confusion: and anon passeth immediately from the first duple to the first triple, when they should be that which ought to fulfill the one and the other. On the other side, there maketh for Crantor, the position and situation of plaine numbers with plaine, squares with [Page 1041] squares, and cubes with cubes, which are set one against another in opposite files, not accor­ding to their range, but alternatively, * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Heere is a [...] ; [...] . which is of one sort as Idea or forme: but that which is divided by bodies, is the subject and the matter; and the mixture of them both in common, is that which is complet and perfect.

As touching then the substance indivisible, which is alwaies one and of the same sort; wee are not thus to thinke, that it admitteth no division for the smalnesse thereof, like to those lit­tle bodies called Atomi: but that of it which is simple, pure, and most subject to any passion or alteration whatsoever, alwaies like it selfe, and after one maner, is said to be indivisible, and to have no parts; by which simplicity, when it commeth to touch in some fort, such things as be 10 compounded, divisible, and caried to and fro, it causeth that diversitie to cease, restreineth that multitude, and by meanes of similitude, reduceth them to one and the same habitude. And if a man be disposed to call that which is divisible by bodies, matter, as subject unto it, and parti­cipating the nature thereof, using a certeine homonymie or equivocation, it mattereth not much, neither skilleth it as touching the thing in question: but those who would have the corporall matter to be mixed with the indivisible substance, be in a great errour: first, because Plato hath not now used any names thereof, for that he hath evermore used to call it a recepta­cle to receive all, and a nurse, not divisible by bodies, but rather a body divided into individu­all particulars. Againe, what difference would there be, betweene the generation of the world, and of the soule, if the constitution of the one and the other, did consist of matter and things 20 intelligible?

Certes, Plato himselfe as one who would in no wife admit the soule to be engendred of the body, saith: That God put all that which was corporall within her; and then, that without forth the same was enclosed round about with it: In sum, when he had framed and finished the soule according to proportion, he inferreth and annexeth afterwards a treatise of matter, which be­fore when he handled the creation of the soule, he never required nor called for, because crea­ted it was without the helpe of matter.

The like to this may be said by way of confutation against Posidonius and his sectaries; for very farre they went not from matter; but imagining that the substance of tearmes and extre­mities, was that which he called divisible by bodies, and joining with the intelligible, they af­firmed 30 and pronounced, that the soule is the Idea of that which is distant every way, and in all the dimensions, according to the number which conteineth harmony, which is very erroni­ous: For the Mathematicks (quoth he) are situate betweene the first intelligible and sensible things: but the soule having of intelligible things an eternall essence, and of sensible objects, a passible nature: therfore meet it is that it should have a middle substance between both. But he was not ware, that God after he had made and finished the soule, used the bounds & termes of the body, for to give a forme to the matter, determining the substance thereof dispersed, and not linked or conteined within any limits, by environing it with superficies, composed of tri­angles, all joined together. And yet more absurd than that it is, to make the soule an Idea, for that the soule is alwaies in motion; but the Idea is immooveable, neither can the Idea be mix­ed 40 with that which is sensible, but the soule is alwaies linked fast with the body: besides, God did imitate Idea as one who followed his patterne; but he wrought the soule as his piece of worke: And that Plato held the soule not to be a number, but rather a thing ordeined by num­ber, we have already shewed and declared before.

But against both these opinions and their patrons, this may be opposed in common: That neither in numbers nor in tearmes and limits of bodies, is there any apparence or shew of that puissance, whereby the soule judgeth of that which is sensible; for the intelligence and facultie that it hath, was drawen from the participation and societie of the intelligible principle: But opinions, beliefs, assents, imaginations, also to be passive and sensitive of qualities inherent in bodies, there is no man will thinke that they can proceed from unities, pricks, lines, or super­ficies: 50 and yet not onely the soules of mortall men have the power to judge of all the exterior qualities perceptible by the senses; but also the very soule of the world, as Plato saith, when it returneth circularly into her selfe, and toucheth any thing that hath a substance dissipable and apt to be dispersed; as also when it meeteth with ought that is indivisible, by mooving herselfe totally, she telleth in what respect any thing is the same, and in what regard divers and different; whereto principally ech thing is meet, either to doe or to suffer, where, when, and how it is affected, alwel in such as are engendred, as in those that are alwais the same. Moreover, [Page 1042] making a certeine description with all of the ten predicaments, hee declareth the same more cleerely afterwards: True reason (quoth he) when it meeteth with that which is sensible, and if therewith the circle of the other goeth directly to report the same, throughout the whole soule thereof, then there be engendred opinions and beliefes that be firme and true: but when it is conversant about that which is intelligible and discoursing by reason, and the circle likewise of the same, turning roundly with facility, doth shew the same, then of necessity there is bred per­fect and accomplisht science; and in whatsoever these two things be infused, if a man call it otherwise than soule, he saith any thing rather than the truth: whence commeth it then that the soule had this motion opinative, which comprehendeth that which is sensible, divers and diffe­rent from the other intellective that endeth in science? Hard it were to set this downe, unlesse 10 a man firmly presuppose that in this place, and at this present, he composeth not the soule sim­ply, but the soule of the world, with the parts above mentioned, of a better substance, which is indivisible; and of a woorse that he calleth divisible by bodies; which is nothing else, but an imaginative & opinionative motion, affected & accordant to that which is sensible, not engen­dred, but as the other of an eternall subsistance: for nature having the [...] vertue, had also the facultie opinionative: but the intellective power is unmoveable, impassible, founded & set upon that substance, which abideth alwaies in one sort: whereas the other is divisible and wandering, in as much as it toucheth a matter that is alwaies floting, carried to and fro and dissi­pable. For the matter sensible had before time no order at all, but was without all forme, bound or limitation whatsoever, and the faculty therein had neither expresse opinions articulate and 20 distinct, nor her motions all certaine and composed in order: but for the most part resembling turbulent and vaine dreames, troubling that which was corporall, unlesse haply they fell upon a­ny thing that was better. For betweene two it was, having a nature conformable, and accordant to the one ond the other: chalenging matter by that which is sensitive, and by the judiciall part those things which are intelligible. And this declareth he himselfe in these proper termes: By my reckoning (quoth he) let this be the summe of the whole account that these three things had their being three waies before the heaven was, to wit, essence, space, and generation. As for space or place, he calleth matter by that name, as it were the seat, and otherwhiles a receptacle: the essence, that which is intelligible; and the generation of the world as yet not made, can be no other thing but a substance subject to motions and alterations, situate betweene that which imprinteth a forme and which is imprinted, dispensing and distributing the images from thence 30 hither: which is the reason it was called divisible, for that of necessitie both the sensitive must be divided and goe with the sensible, and also the imaginative with the imaginable. For the sensitive motion being proper unto the soule mooveth toward the sensible without: but the in­telligence & understanding was of it selfe, stable, firme and immovable: howbeit being infused once into the soule and become master and lord thereof, it rolleth and turneth upon it selfe, and accomplisheth a round & circular motion, about that which is alwaies permanent, and touch­ing that principally which is, and hath being. And therefore hard was the mixtion and associa­tion which mingled the divisible with the indivisible, that which is every way moovable, with that which never mooveth, and forcing in one word the other to meet and joine with the same. 40 So the other was not motion, no more than the same was station; but the beginning both of Di­versity and also of Identity or The samenesse: for the one and the other descend from divers principles, to wit, the same from unity, and the other, from binary, and were at the first mingled [...] here in the soule; as tied by numbers, proportions and medieties harmonicall: and the other being imprinted into the same, maketh difference: but the same infused into the other, causeth order; as it appeareth manifestly in the first powers of the soule, to wit, the faculties of moving and of judging. As for motion, it sheweth incontinently about the heaven, diversity in identity by the revolution of the planets, and identity in dive sity by the setled order & situation of the fixed starres: sor in these, the same beareth sway and is more predominant; but contrari­wise, the other, in those that be neerer to the earth. But judgement hath two principles, to wit, 50 understanding, from the same, for judging of things universall; and sense, from the other, to judge of particulars. Now reason is mingled of them both, being intelligence in things generall and intelligible; but opinion onely in matters sensible, using for instruments, both the fansies and imaginations betweene, and also the memories; whereof the former make the other in the same; but the latter, the same in the other. For intelligence is the motion of the intelligent a­bout that which is stable and permanent; but opinion is the mansion of the sentient about that which moveth. As for imagination or fansie, being a connexion of opinion to the sense, the [Page 1043] same, placeth it in memorie; and contrariwise, the other stirreth it in the difference and distincti­on of that which is past, and that which is present, touching both identity and diversitie toge­ther.

Now the better to understand the proportion wherewith he made the soule, we must take [...] patterne and example, from the constitution of the bodie of the world: for whereas the two ex­tremes, to wit, pure fire and earth, were by nature hard to be tempered one with another; or­to say more truely, impossible to be mixed and incorporate together: he placed in the [...] betweene, aire before fire, and water before earth: and so contempered first these two meane e­lements, and afterwards by their helpe, the other extremes also, which he fitted and framed to­gether, both with the said meanes, and also with themselves one with another. And heere a­gaine, 10 the same and the other, being contrary puissances and extremities, fighting one against the other as meere enemies, he brought together, not immediatly by themselves, but by put­ting betweene other substances, to wit, the indivisible, before the same, and the divisible before the other, according as in some sort the one had affinitie and congruency with the other: af­terwards when these were mixed together, he contempered likewise the extreames, and so warped and wove, as one would say, the whole forme of the soule, making as farre as it was pos­sible, of things unlike, semblable, and of many one. But some there bee who give out, that [...] was not well said of Plato: That the nature of the other, was hard to bee mixed and tempered; considering (say they) that it is not altogether insusceptible of mutation, but a friend to it, and rather the nature of the same, being firme and hard to be turned and remooved, admitteth not 20 easily any mixture, but flieth and rejecteth it, to the end that it may remaine simple, pure, and without alteration: but they who reproove this, are ignorant that the same, is the Idea of such things as be alwaies of one sort; and the other, the Idea of those that change. Also that the effect of this, is evermore to divide, separate, and alter that which it toucheth; and in a word, to make many of one: but the effect of that is, to conjoine and unite by similitude, many things there­by into one forme and puissance. Thus you see what be the powers and faculties of the soule of this universality, which entring into the fraile, mortall, and passible instruments of bodies, however they be in themselves incorruptible, impatible and the same; yet in them now appec­reth more the forme of an indeterminate duality: but that forme of the simple unitie, sheweth it selfe more obscurely, as deepely setled within: howbeit for all that, hardly shall one see and 30 perceive in a man, either passion altogether void of reason, or motion without understanding, wherein there is no lust, no ambition, no joy or griefe: and therefore some philosophers there be, who would have the perturbations of the mind to be reasons; as if forsooth, all disire, sorow, and anger, were judgements. Others also doe hold, that all vertues be passions: for in [...] (say they) there is foure, intemperance, pleasure, injustice, lucre. Howbeit, the soule being both contemplative, and also active at once, as it doth contemplate universal thing; so it practi­seth particulars, seeming to conceive the one by intelligence, and to perceive the other by sense: common reason meeting alwaies the same, in the other, and likewise, the other, in the same, endevoureth verily to sever by divers bonds and partitions, one from many; and the indivisible from the divisible, but it can not bring it so about, as to be purely in the one or the other, for 40 that the principles be so enterlaced one within another, and hudled pell-mell together.

In which regard, God hath appointed a certeine receptacle for the same, and the other, of a di­visible, and indivisible substance, to the end, that in diversity there should be order; for this was as much as to be engendred. Seeing that without this, the same should have had no diversitie, and consequently no motion nor generation; neither should the other have had order, and so by consequence also, neither consistence nor generation: for if it should happen to the same, to be divers from the other, and againe, to the other, to be all one with the same; such a communi­on and participation, would bring foorth of it selfe nothing generative, but require some third matter to receive them, and to be digested and disposed by them. And this is that which God ordeined and composed first, in defining and limiting the infinity of nature, mooving about 50 bodies, by the firme steadinesse of things intellectuall. And like as there is one kinde of bru­tish voice, not articulate nor distinct, and therefore not significant; whereas speech consisteth in voice, that giveth to understand what is in the minde: and as harmony doeth consist of ma­ny sounds and intervals; the sound being simple and the same, but the intervall a difference and diversitie of sounds, which when they be mixed and tempered together, make song and melo­dy: Even so the passible part of the soule, was infinit, unstable, and disordinate; but afterwards became determinate, when tearmes and limits were set to it, and a certeine forme expelled to [Page 1044] that divisible and variable diversity of motion. Thus having conceived and comprised the same, and the other, by the similitudes and dissimilitudes of numbers, making accord of difference: thereof the life of the universall world became wise and prudent, the harmony consonant, and reason drawing with her [...] , tempered with grace and perswasion, which the common sort call fatall destiny; Empedocles named concord and discord together: Heraclitus the oppo­site tension and harmony of the world, as of a bow or harpe, wherein both ends bend one a­gainst another: Parmemdes, light and darknesse: Anaxagoras, understanding and infinitie: Zoroastes, God, and the devill; tearming the one Oromasdes, and the other Arimanius: But Euripides did not well to use the disjunctive for the copulative, in this verse,

Jupiter, natures necessity,
Or humane minde, whether he be?

For in truth, that puissance which pierceth and reacheth through all things, is both necessitie, 10 and also a minde. And this is it which the Aegyptians would covertly give us to understand, un­der the vaile of their mysticall fables, that when Horus was condemned and dismembred, his spirit and bloud was given and awarded to his father, but his flesh and grease to his mother: But of the soule there is nothing that remaineth pure and sincere, nothing unmixt and apart from others; for as Her aclitus was woont to say: Hidden harmony, is better than the apparant: for that therein, God who tempered it, hath bestowed secretly and concealed, differences and diversities: and yet there appeereth in the unreasonable part, turbulent perturbations, in the rea­sonable setled order: in senses necessitie and constreint; in the understanding full power and 20 entier libertie: but the terminant and defining power, loveth the universall and indivisible, by reason of their conjunctions and consanguinity. Contrariwise, the dividing puissance, en­clineth and cleaveth to particulars by the divisible. The totall universalitie joieth in a setled or­der, by the meanes of the same, and againe, so farre foorth as need is, in a mutation by the meanes of the other: but the difference of inclinations to honesty or dishonesty, to pleasure, or displeasure; the ravishments and transportations of the spirit in amorous persons, the com­bats in them, of honour against voluptuous wantonnesse; doe evidently shew, and nothing so much, the commixion of the nature divine and impassible with the mortall and passible part in bodily things; of which himselfe calleth the one the concupiscence of pleasure ingenerate and inbred in us, the other an opinion induced from without, desirous of the soveraigne good: 30 for the soule of it selfe produceth and yeeldeth passibility; but the participation of understan­ding commeth to it without foorth, [...] by the best principle and cause, which is God: so the very nature of heaven is not exempt from this double societie and communion; but that a man may see how otherwhiles it doth encline and bend another way, by the revolution of the the same which is more predominant, and so doth governe the world: and a portion of time will come, like as it hath beene often heeretofore, when as the wisedome thereof shall be dul­led and dazeled, yea and laid asleepe, being filled with the oblivion of that which is meet and decent for it: and that which from the beginnings is familiar and conformable to the body, shall draw, weigh downe, and turne backe the way and course of the whole universality on the right hand: but breake and undoe the forme thereof quite it shall not be able, but reduce it againe to 40 the better, and have a regard unto the first pattern of God, who helpeth the endevours thereof, and is ready to reforme and direct the same.

Thus it is shewed unto us in many places, that the soule is not altogether the worke of God; but having a portion of evill inbred in her, she hath bene brought into order and good dispose by him who hath limited infinity by unity; to the end that it should becom a substance bounded within the owne tearmes: and hath set by the meanes of the same and the other, order, change, dif­ference, and similitude: and hath contracted and wrought a society, alliance and amity of all things one with another, as farre as possible it was, by the meanes of numbers and proportions. Of which point, albeit you have heard much speech, and read many books and writings; yet I shall not doe amisse, but greatly to the purpose, if briefely I discourse thereof. First setting 50 downe the words of Plato. ‘God (quoth he) deducted first from the universall world, one part: and then double so much: afterwards a third portion, to wit, the one, and halfe of the second, and the triple of the first: Soone after a fourth, to wit, the double of the second: & anon a fift, namely the triple of the third: After that a sixt, to wit, the octuple of the first, and a seventh, which was the first seven twenty fold. This done he filled the double and triple intervals; cutting from them also certaine parcels from thence, which he interjected berweene these: in such sort as in every intervall there were two medieties: the one surmounting, and surmounted by the same [Page 1045] portion of the extremites: the other, surmounting by equall number, one of the extremities and surmounted of another by the like. But seeing the intervals carry the proportions sesquial­terall, sesquitercian and sesquioctave: of these ligaments in the first precedent distances, he fil­led up all the sesquiterces with the intervall of the sesquioctave, leaving of each of them one part: And this distance of the part or number being left of number to number, it had for the tearmes and bonds thereof in proportion to that which is betweene, two hundred fiftie six, and two hundred forty three.’ Here first and formost a question is mooved as touching the quantity of these numbers: and secondly, concerning the order: and thirdly, of their power. For the quantity and sum: what they be which he taketh in the duple intervals? For the order, to wit, whether they ought to be set and disposed all in one range, as Theodor us did? or rather as Cran­tor, 10 in the figure of the letter lamda. [...] . setting upon the point or top thereof unity or the first, & then in one file apart, the duples, and the triples in another, for the use and power, namely what they conferre to the constitution and composition of the soule. As concerning the first, we will reject those who say, that it sufficeth in these proportions to cōsider of what nature be the inter­vals, and of what the midieties which fill them up, in what numbers soever a man may suppose that they have places capable betweene of the proportions aforesaid: for that the doctrine go­eth after the same maner. And albeit that which they say, were true, yet the proofe and demon­stration thereof is but slender without examples, and hindreth another speculation, wherein there is contained a pleasant kinde of learning and philosophy. If then, beginning at unity, we put apart by them selves the numbers duple and the triple as he himselfe teacheth us, there will be 20 of the one side two, foure, and eight, on the other, three, nine, and twenty seven; which are in all seven, taking the unity as common, and proceeding forward in multiplication unto fowre. For it is not in this place onely, but also in many others, where the consent and agreement is very evident, that is betweene the quarternary and the septenary. And as for that quaternity of the Pythagoreans so much voiced and so highly by them celebrated, it is of thirty six, which hath this admirable matter in it above all others, that it is compounded of the fowre first even numbers, & of the fowre first od numbers: and it ariseth by the fourth couple or conjugation of number, ranged in order one after the other. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

For the first is of one and two: the second of one and three which be od. For setting one in 30 the first place, as indifferent and common to both; then taketh he eight, and twenty seven, shewing and as it were pointing with the finger, what place he giveth to the one and the other kinde.

But to treat hereof after a more exact and exquisit maner, appertaineth unto others: But that which remaineth is proper to the subject matter in hand. For it was not upon any ostenta­tion of skill and sufficiencie in the Mathematicall arts that Plato hath inserted within a treatise of naturall philosophy, this Arethmeticall and harmonicall medieties, but as a discourse verie meet and fit to serve for the composition and constitution of the soule; howsoever there bee some who seeke for these proportions in the swiftnesse more or lesse of the wandring sphaeres; others rather in their distances; some in the magnitudes of the starres; and others a­gain, 40 after a more curious maner, in the Diamiters of the Epicycles, as if that creatour had in re­gard thereof, and for this cause applied and fitted the soule distributed into seven parts, unto the celestiall bodies. Many there be moreover who bring hither and accomodate to this matter the Pythagoreans inventions, tripling the distances of bodies from the midst: which they doe after this maner, setting upon fire unity; and upon the earth opposit unto ours, three; upon the earth nine; upon the Moone twenty seven; upon Mercurie fowre-score and one; upon Ve­nus two hundred forty three; and upon the Sun himselfe 729. for that it is both quadrat and cube: which is the reason that they call the sun also one while quadrat and another while cube: and after the same sort they reduce the other starres by way of triplation. But these philosophers doe miscount greatly, and stray farre from reason and proportion indeed, if so be that Geome­tricall 50 demonstrations do availe ought: yet in comparison of them, well fare they who goe to worke another way; and albeit they prove not their positions exactly, yet (I say) they come neerer to the marke, who give out, that the Diameter of the sunne, compared to the Diameter of the earth, is in the same proportion that twelve is to one: that the Diameter or Dimetient line of the earth is triple to that of the moone: and the least fixed starre that is to be seene, hath no lesse a Diameter, than the third part of the Diameter of the earth: also that the totall globe of the earth, compared with the sphaere of the moone, carieth the proportion of twentie [Page 1046] seven to one: The Diameters of Venus and the earth, are in double proportion, but their globes or sphaeres beare octuple proportion, to wit, eight for one. Semblably, the intervall of the ecleptory, and the shadow which causeth the eclipse, is triple to the Diameter of the moone. Also the latitude of the moones declination from the Zodiaque on either side, is one twelfth part: likewise that the habitudes and aspects of her to the sunne, in distances triqueter, or qua­drangular, take the formes and figurations either of the halfe moone, at the first quarter, or else when she swelleth and beareth out on both sides: but after she hath passed sixe signes of the Zodiaque, she maketh a full compasse, and resembleth a certeine harmonicall symphonie of Diapason in Hexatonos. And forasmuch as the sunne about the solstices or tropicks, as well of summer as winter mooveth least, & most slowly; but contrariwise, about the two equinoxes 10 in Spring and Autumne, most swiftly, and exceeding much: the proportion of that which he taketh from the day, and putteth to the night, or contrariwise, is after this maner in the first thirty daies; for in that space after the solstice in winter, hee addeth to the day the sixt part of that exuperance, whereby the longest night surmounteth the shortest day: and in another thir­tie daies following after that, a third part, and so forward in the rest of the daies one halfe, until you come to the aequinox, in fextuple and triple intervals, to make even the inequality of the times. But the Chaldeans say, that Spring in regard of Autumne carieth proportion Diatessa­ron, in respect of winter Diapente, and in comparison of summer Diapason: But if Euripides hath well limited the foure quarters of the yeere when he said:

For summer hot, foure moneths or deined be, 20
For winter colde likewise are other foure:
Shorter is rich Autumne by one [...] ,
And pleasant Spring whiles it remaines in floure.

then the seasons doe change after the proportion Diapason. Some attribute to the earth, the place of the musicall note Proslambanomenos: unto the moone Hypate: unto Mercurie and Lucifer Diatonos and Lichanos: the sunne they set upon Mese (they say) containing Diapason in the middes, distant from the earth one fifth or Diapente, and from the sphaere of the fixed starres a fourth, or Diatesseron. But neither the prety conceited imagination of these toucheth the trueth any way, nor the reckoning and account of those other, commeth precisely to the point. Well, those who affirme that these devices agree not to the minde of Plato, are yet of 30 opinion, that those other agree very well to the propositions described in the Tablature of musicians, which consisteth of five tetrachords, to wit, the first Hypaton, as one would say, of base notes; the second, Meson, that is to say, of meanes; the third, Synemmenon that is to say, of conjuncts; the fourth, Diezeugmernon, that is to say, of disjuncts; & the fift, Hyperbolaeon, to wit, of the high and excellent notes: semblably, say they: The planets be set in five distan­ces, where of the one is from the moone unto the sunne, and those which have the same revolu­tion with him, as Mercurie and Venus; a second, from these three unto the firie planet Mars; the third, from thence to Jupiter; the fourth, from him to Saturne; and the fift reacheth unto the starry skie: so that the founds and notes which determine the five terrachords, answere to the proportion of the planets or wandring starres. Moreover, we know very well, that the an­cient 40 musicians, did set downe no more notes but two Hypates, three Netes, one Mese, and one Parame: so as their musicall notes were equall in number to the planets: but our moderne ma­sters of musicke, have added that which is called Proslambanomenos, namely, lower by one note than Hypate, and enclining to the base: and so the whole composition they made Dis­diapason; not keeping and observing the order of the consonances according to nature, for Diapente is before Diatesseron, by adding one note or tone to Hypate toward the base; where­as it is certeine that Plato tooke one note to it toward the treble; for hee saith in his books of Common-wealth: That every one of the eight sphaeres hath a sirene sitting upon it, causing the same to turne about, and that ech one of them hath a severall and proper voice of their owne: but of altogether there is contempered a certeine harmonie: these sirenes being dispo­sed 50 to solace themselves, sing for their pleasure divine and heavenly tunes, dauncing withall a sacred daunce, under the melodious consent of eight strings: as also there were eight princi­pall tearmes at first of proportions double and triple; counting for one of these tearmes or li­mits unitie to either part: but the more auncient sort have given unto us nine muses, to wit, eight as Plato himselfe saith, about the celestiall bodies, and the ninth about the terrestriall, cal­led foorth from the rest to dulce and set them in repose, in stead of errour, trouble, and inequa­lity. Consider now I pray you, whether the soule being become most just and most wise, doth [Page 1047] not manage the heaven and celestiall things by the accords and motions therein? And thus en­dued she is by proportions harmonicall; the images where of are imprinted upon the bodies and visible parts of the world which are seene: but the first and principall power is visibly inser­ted in the soule which sheweth herselfe accordant & obeisant to the better & more divine part, all the rest consenting likewise thereto. For the soveraigne creatour, finding a disorder and con­fusion in the motions of this disordinate and foolish soule, being evermore at discord with her selfe, divided and separated some; reconciled and reunited others; using thereto numbers and proportions; by meanes where of, the most deafe bodies, as blocks and stones, wood, barks of trees, and the very rennets and mawes of beasts, their guts, their galles and sinewes, being fra­med, contempered, and mixed together in proportion, exhibite into us the figures of statues 10 woonderfull to see to, and drogues and medicines most effectuall, yea and sounds of musicall instruments right admirable. And therefore Zeno the Citiean, called foorth yong men to see and beholde minstrels playing upon flutes and hautboies: That they might heare (quoth he) and learne, what sweet sounds and melodious noises, hornes, pieces of wood, canes and reeds do yeeld, yea and whatsoever matters els musicall instruments be made of, when they meet with proportions and accords. As for that which the Pythagoreans were woont to say and affirme, namely, that all things resembled number, it would aske a long discourse for to declare it. But that all the gods who were before at discord and debate, by reason of their dissimilitude, and whatsoever els jarred, grew to accord and consonance one with another, where of the cause was the contemperature, moderation and order of number and harmonie, the very Poets were not 20 ignorant of, who use to call such things as be friendly, [...] and pleasing, [...]: but adversa­ries and enemies they terme [...], as if discord and enmitie were nothing els but dispropor­tion: and verily that Poet whoever he was, that made a funerall dittie for Pindarus, when he said thus of him,

[...].
To strangers kinde he was and affable,
To citizens friendly and pliable.

shewed very well, that he held it for a singular vertue to be sociable, and to know how to sort and agree with others: like as the same Pindar us himselfe,

When God did call, he gave attendance, 30
And never bragd of all his valiance,

meaning and signifying Cadmus. The olde Theologians and Divines, who of all Philosophers are most ancient, have put into the hands of of the images of the gods, musicall instruments, minding nothing lesse thereby, than to make this god or that a minstrell, either to play on lute or to sound the flute, but because they thought there was no greater piece of worke than ac­cord and harmonicall symphonic could beseeme the gods. Like as therefore, hee that would seeke for sesquitertian, sesquialterall or double proportions of Musicke, in the necke or bridge, in the belly or backe of a lute, or in the pegs and pinnes thereof, were a ridiculous foole (for howsoever these parts ought to have a symmetrie and proportion one to another in regard of length and thicknesse; yet the harmonie where of we speake, is to be considered in the sounds 40 onely.) Even so, probable it is, and standeth with great reason, that the bodies of the starres, the distances and intervals of sphaeres, the celeritie also of their courses and revolutions, should be proportionate one unto the other, yea and unto the whole world, as instruments of musicke well set and tuned, albeit the just quantitie of the measure be unknowen unto. But this we are to thinke, that the principall effect and efficacie of these numbers and proportions, which that great and sovereigne Creatour used, is the consonance, accord, and agreement of the soule in it selfe; with which she being endowed, she hath replenished both the heaven it selfe, when she was setled thereupon, with an infinite number of good things; and also dispo­sed and ordeined all things upon the earth, by seasons, by changes and mu­tations, tempered and measured most excellently well and with sur­passing 50 wisdome, aswell for the production and generation of all things, as for the preservation and safety of them, when they were crea­ted and made.

AN EPITOME OR BREVIARIE of a Treatise as touching the creation of the Soule, according to Plato in Timaeus.

THis Treatise, entituled, Of the creation of the soule, as it is described in the booke of of Plato named Timaeus, declareth all that Plato, and the Plato­niques have written of that argument; and inferreth certeine proportions and similitudes Geometricall, which he supposeth pertinent to the specu­lation 10 and intelligence of the nature of the soule: as also certeine Musical and Arithmeticall Theoremes. His meaning and saying is, that the first matter was brought into forme and shape by the soule. Hee attribu­teth to the universall world a soule; and likewise to every living creature a soule of the owne by it selfe, which ruleth and governeth it. He bringeth in the said soule in some sort not engen­dred, and yet after a sort subject to generation. But hee affirmeth that eternall matter to have bene formed by God; that evill and vice is an impe springing from the said matter, To the end (quoth he) that it might never come into mans thought, That God was the authour or cause of evill.

All the rest of this Breviarie, is word for word in the Treatise it selfe, 20 therefore may be well spared in this place, and not rehearsed a second time.

OF FATALL NECESSITY. 30

This little Treatise is so pitiously torne, maimed, and dismembred thorowout, that a man may sooner divine and guesse thereat (as I have done) than translate it. I beseech the readers therefore, to holde me excused, in case I neither please my selfe, nor content them, in that which I have written.

ENdevour I will, and addresse my selfe to write unto you (most deere 40 and loving friend Piso, as plainly and compendiously as possible I can) mine opinion as touching Fatall destinie, for to satisfie your request: albeit you know full well how wary and precise I am in my writing. First and formost therefore, thus much you must under­stand, That this terme of Fatall destinie is spoken and understood two maner of waies: the one, as it is an action, and the other, as it is a substance. In the first place, Plato hath figuratively drawen it forth, & under a type described it as an action, both in his diologue entituled Phaedrus, in these words: It is an Adrastian law or inevita­ble ordinance, which alwaies followeth and accompanieth God. And also in his treatise called 50 Timaeus, after this maner: The lawes which God hath pronounced and published to the im­mortall soules, in the procreation of the universall world. Likewise, in his books of Common­wealth, he saith, That Fatall necessitie is the reason and speech of Lachesis the daughter of Ne­cessitie. By which places he giveth us to understand, not tragically, but after a theologicall ma­ner, what his minde and opinion is. Now if a man (taking the said places already cited & quoted) would expound the same more familiarly in other words, he may declare the former descriptiō [Page 1049] in Phaedrus after this sort, namely, that Fatall destinie is a divine reason or sentence intransgres­sible and inevitable, proceeding from a cause that cannot be diverted nor impeached. And ac­cording to that which he delivereth in Timaeus, it is a law consequently ensuing upon the nature and creation of the world, by the rule whereof all things passe and are dispenced, that be done. For this is it that Lachesis worketh & effecteth, who is in trueth the daughter of Necessity, as we have both alreadie said, & also shall better understand by that which we are to deliver hereafter in this and other treatises at our leasure. Thus you see what Destinie is, as it goeth for an action; but being taken for a substance, it seemeth to be the universall soule of the whole world, and ad­mitteth a tripartite division. The first Destiny is that which erreth not; the second seemeth to erre; and the third is under heaven & conversant about the earth: of which three, the highest is 10 called Clotho; that next under it is named Atropos; and the lowest, Lachesis: and she receiveth the influences of her two celestiall sisters, transmitting and fastening the same upon terrestriall things, which are under her governmēt. Thus have we shewed summarily, what is to be thought & said as touching Destiny, being taken as a substance; namely, What it is; what parts it hath; after what sort it is; how it is ordeined; and in what maner it standeth, both in respect of it selfe, and also in regard of us: but as concerning the particularities of all these points, there is ano­ther fable in the Politiques of Plato, which covertly in some sort giveth us intelligence there­of; and the same have we assaied to explane & unfolde unto you, as wel as possibly we can. But to returne unto our Destiny as it is an action, let us discourse thereof, forasmuch as many que­stions, naturall, morall and rationall depend thereupon. Now for that we have in some sort suf­ficiently 20 defined already, what it is, we are to consider consequently in order, the qualitie and maner thereof; howsoever there be many that thinke it very strange and absurd to search there­into. I say therefore, that Destiny is not infinite, but sinite and determinate, however it com­prehend as it were within a circle the infinitie of all things that are, and have beene time out of minde, yea and shall be worlds without end: for, neither law, nor reason, nor any divine thing whatsoever, can be infinite. And this shall you the better learne and understand, if you consider the totall revolution and the universall time, when as the eight sphaeres, as Timaeus saith, having performed their swift courses, shall returne to the same head and point againe, being measured by the circle of The same, which goeth alwaies after one maner: for in this definite and determi­nate reason, all things aswell in heaven as in earth, the which doe consist by the necessitie of that 30 above, be reduced to the same situation, and brought againe to their first head and beginning. The onely habitude therefore of heaven, which standeth ordeined in all points, aswell in regard of it selfe, as of the earth, and all terrestriall matters, after certeine long revolutions, shall one day returne, yea and that which consequently followeth after, and those which are linked in a continuity together, bring ech one by consequence that which it hath by necessity. For to make this matter more plaine, let us suppose that all those things which are in and about us, be wrought and brought to passe by the course of the heavens and celestiall influences, all being the very efficient cause both of that which I write now, and also of that which you are doing at this present, yea and in that sort as you do the same: so that hereafter, when the same cause shall turne about and come againe, we shall do the very same that now we do, yea and after the same 40 maner; yea we shall become againe the very same men. And even so it shall be with all other men: and looke whatsoever shall follow in a course or traine, shall likewise happen by a conse­quent and dependant cause: and in one word, whatsoever shall befall in any of the universall re­volutions; shall become the same againe. Thus apparent it is, as hath already beene said, That Destiny being in some sort infinite, is neverthelesse determinate and not infinite; as also, that according as we have shewed before, it is evident that it is in maner of a circle: for like as the motion of a circle in a circle, and the time that measureth it is also a circle; even so the reason of those things which are done and happen in a circle, by good right may be esteemed and said to be a circle.

This therefore, if nought els there were, sheweth unto us, in a maner sufficiently, what is de­stiny 50 in generality, but not in particular, nor in ech severall respect: What then is it? It is the generall, in the same kinde of reason, so as a man may compare it with civill law: For first and formost, it commaundeth the most part of things, if not all, at leastwise by way of supposition, and then it compriseth as much as is possible all matters apperteining to a city or publike state, generally: and that we may better understand both the one and the other, let us exemplifie and consider the same in specialty: The civill or politique law speaketh and ordeineth generally of a valiant man, as also of a run-away coward, and so consequently of others: howbeit, this is not [Page 1050] to make a law of this or that particular person; but to provide ingenerall principally, and then of particulars by consequence, as comprised under the said generall; for we may very well say, that to remunerate and recompense this or that man for his valour is lawfull; as also to punish a particular person for his cowardise, and forsaking his colours; for that the law potentially and in effect, hath comprized as much, although not in expresse words: like as the law (if I may so say) of Physicians, and of masters of bodily exercises, comprehendeth speciall and particular points within the generall: and even so doth the law of nature, which first and principally doth determine generall matters; and then particulars secondarily & by consequence. Semblably, may particular and individuall things in some sort be said to be destined, for that they be so by consequence with the generals. But haply some one of those who search and enquire more cu­riously 10 and exactly into these matters will hold the contrary, and say; that of particular & indi­viduall things, proceed the composition of the generals, and that the generall is ordeined and gathered for the particular. Now that for which another thing is, goeth alwaies before that which is for it; but this is not the proper place to speake of these quiddities; for wee are to re­ferre them to some other: howbeit, that destiny doth not comprehend all things purely and expresly, but onely such as be universall and generall, is resolved upon for this present, and ser­veth for that which we have to say heereafter, yea, and agreeth also to that which hath beene delivered somewhat before; for that which is finite and determinate, properly agreeable to di­vine providence, is more seene in universall and generall things, than in particular; of this na­ture is the law of God, and such is likewise the civill law, whereas infinity consisteth in parti­culars. 20

After this we are to declare, what meaneth this tearme, By supposition: for surely destiny is to be thought such a thing. We have then called, By supposition, that which is not set downe of it selfe, nor by it selfe, but supposed and joined after another; and this signifieth a sute and consequence: This is the law or ordinance of Adrastia, that is to say, a decree inevitable; unto which, if any soule can associate it selfe, the same shall be able to see by consequence, all that will ensue, even unto another generall revolution, and be exempt from all evill; which if it may be able alwaies to doe, it shall neither susteine any damage nor doe harme. Thus you see what it is that we call, By supposition & in generall. Now that Fatall destiny is of this kind evi­dently appeereth, as well by the substance as the name thereof; for it is called in Greek [...], 30 as if one would say [...], that is as much as dependant and linked, and a law it is and ordi­nance, for that things therein be ordeined and disposed consequently, and in maner of those which are done civilly.

Heereunto is to be annexed a treatise of relation, that is to say, what reference and respect hath Fatall destiny unto divine providence, as also unto fortune: likewise, what is that which is in us; what is contingent; and such like things. Moreover, we are to decide, wherein and how it is false; wherein also, and how it is true; that all things happen and come to passe by Fatall destiny: for [...] it import and imply thus much, That all things are comprised and conteined in Fatall destiny, we must grant this proposition to be true: and say one put thereto all things done among men, upon the earth, and in the very heaven, and place them within Fatall destiny, let 40 us grant as much for the present. But if we understand that this word Fatall (as it rather see meth) doth import not all things, but that onely which followeth and is dependant, then wee may not grant and say, that all things be comprehended in Fatall destiny; considering all that which the law doeth comprehend, and where of it [...] , is not lawfull, nor according to law: for why? it compriseth treason; it treateth of cowardise; of running away from ones co­lours and place in battell; of adultery and many things semblable: of which we cannot say, any one is lawfull: forasmuch as, even to performe valorous service in the wars, to kill tyrants, or to exploit any vertuous deed, I would not tearme lawfull, because properly that is lawfull, which is commanded by the law; and if the law did command those things, how can they avoid to be rebellious and transgressors of the law, who have not done valiant exploits in armes, have not 50 killed tyrants, nor performed any other notable acts of vertue? and in case they be offenders of the law, why are they not punished accordingly? But if to punish such, be neither just nor rea­sonable, then confesse we must, that these matters be not legall, nor according to law; for legall and according to law is that, which is namely prescribed, set downe, and expresly commanded by the law, in any action whatsoever. Semblably, those things onely be Fatall and according to destiny, which are done by a divine disposition proceeding, so that Fatall destiny may well cō ­prise all things: howbeit many of those which be comprised therein, and in maner all that went [Page 1051] before, to speake properly, cannot be pronounced Fatall, nor according to Fatall destiny, which being so, we ought to declare now in order consequently, how that which is in our owne power, to wit, free will, how fortune, possible, contingent, and other such like things, which be ranged and placed among the premisses, may subsist safely with fatall distiny; and how fatall distiny may stand with them: for fatall distiny comprehendeth all, as it seemeth: and yet these things happen not by any necessity, but every of them according to there owne nature. The na­ture of possible is to have a presubsistence as the gender, and to goe before the contingent, and the cōtingent as the subject matter ought to be presupposed before the things which are in our power: for that which is in us, as a lord and master useth the contingent. And fortune is of this nature, to intercurre betweene our free will and what is in us, by the property of contingencie 10 enclining to the one side and to the other, which you may more easily apprehend and under­stand, if you consider, how every thing that is produced forth, yea and the production it selfe and generation, is not without a certaine puissance: and no puissance or power there is without a substance: as for example the generation of man, and that which is produced and engendred, is not without a power, and the same is about the man, but man himselfe is the substance. Of the puissance or power being betweene, commeth the substance which is the puissant: but the production and that which is produced, be both things possible. There being therefore these three, puissance, puissant, and possible: before puissance can be, of necessitie there must be pre­supposed a puissant, as the subject thereof: and even so it must needs be that puissance also sub­sist before that which is possible. By this deduction then, in some sort is declared, what is that 20 which we call possible; so as we may after a grosse maner define it to be, that which puissance is able to produce: and to speake more properly of the same, by adjoining thereto thus much, pro­vided alwaies that nothing without-forth doe impeach or hinder it. But among possible things, some there be that never can be hindred, as namely in heaven, the rising and setting of the stars, and such like: others may be impeached, as the most part of humane affaires, yea and many me­teors in the aire. As for the former, as things hapning by necessitie, they be called necessarie; the other for that they fall out sometime contrariwise, we tearme contingent; and in this sort may they be described. Necessary is that possible thing, which is opposit to impossible: contin­gent is that possible, whereof possible also is the contrary. For that the sun should go downe, is a thing both necessary & possible, as being contrary unto this impossibility, namely, that the sun 30 should not set at all: but that when the sun is set, there should come raine or not raine, are both of them possible and contingent. Againe of things contingent, some there be which happen of­tentimes and for the most part; others rare and seldome; some fall out indifferently, as well one waie as another, even as it hapneth. And plaine it is, that these be opposit and repugnant to themselves: as for those which happen usually and very often, contrary they be to such things as chance but seldome: and these indeed for the most part are subject to nature: but that which chanceth equally, one way as well as another, lieth in us and our will: for examples sake, that un­der the Dog starre it should be hot and colde; the one commonly and for the most part, the o­ther very seldome, are things both, submitted to nature: but to walke or not to walke and such things whereof the one and the other be subject to the free will of man, are said to be in us and 40 in our choise and election: but rather and more generally, they be said to be in us. For as touching this tearme, To be in us, it is to be understood two maner of waies, and thereof are two kindes, the one proceedeth from passion as namely from anger or concupisence; the other from discourse of reason or judgement and understanding, which a man may properly say, to be in our election. And some reason there is that this possible contingent which is named to be in us, and to proceed from our appetite and will, should be called so, not in the same regard, but for divers: for in respect of future time it is called possible and contingent; but in regard of the present it is named, In us and in our free will: so as a man may thus define and distinguish of these things: Contingent is that which both it selfe and the contrary whereof is possible: that which in us, is the one part of contingent, to wit, that which presently is in doing according to 50 our appetite. Thus have we in maner declared, that by nature possible goeth before contin­gent, and contingent subsisteth before that which in us; also, what ech of them is, and whereup­on they are so called, yea and what be the qualities adjoining thereto: it remaineth now, that we should treat of Fortune and casuall adventure, and of whatsoever besides, that requireth dis­course and consideration. First, this is certeine, that Fortune is a kinde of cause: but among causes, some are of themselves, others by accident: as for example, of an house or ship, the pro­per causes and of themselves, be the Mason, Carpenter or Shipwright; but by accident, the [Page 1052] Musician and Geometrician, yea, and whatsoever incident to the mason, carpenter, or ship­wright, either in regard of body or minde, or outward things: whereby it appeereth, that the essentiall cause which is by it selfe, must needs be determinate, certeine in one; whereas the ac­cidentall causes are not alwaies one and the same, but infinit, and indeterminate; for many ac­cidents in number infinit, and in nature different one from another, may be together in one and the same subject. This cause then by accident, when it is found not onely in such things which are done for some end, but also in those wherein our election and will taketh place, is called fortune: as namely, to find treasure when a man diggeth a hole or grave to plant a tree in, or to do and suffer any extraordinary thing, in flying, pursuing, or otherwise going and mar­ching, or onely in retiring: provided alwaies, that he doeth it not to that end which ensueth 10 thereupon, but upon some other intention. And heereupon it is, that some of the anncient philosophers have defined fortune, to be a cause unknowen, and not foreseene by mans reason: But according to the Platoniques, who come neerer unto it in reason, it is defined thus: For­tune is an accidentall cause in those things that are done for some end, and which are in our e­lection; and afterwards they adjoine moreover, not foreseene nor knowen by the discourse of humane reason; although that which is rare and strange, by the same meanes, appeareth also in this kinde of cause by accident. But what this is, if it appeere not manifestly by the oppositi­ons and contradictory disputations, yet at leastwise it will be declared most evidently, by that which is writtē in a treatise of Plato, entituled Phaedon, where these words are found. What? Have you not heard how & in what maner the judgement passed? Yes iwis: For one there was, who 20 came and told us of it: whereat we marvelled very much, that seeing the sentence of judgement was pronounced long before, he died a good while after. And what might be the cause there­of, Ô Phaedon? Surely, there hapned unto him, Ô Echecrates, a certeine fortune: For it chanced that the day before the judgement, the prow of the galley which the Athenians sent to isle Delos was crowned: In which words it is to be noted, that by this tearme; There hapned, you must not understand, There was; but rather, it so befell, upon a concourse and meeting of many causes together, one after another. For the priest adorned the ship with coronets for another end and intention, and not for the love of Socrates; yea, and the judges had condemned him al­so for some other cause: but the event it selfe was so strange & admirable, as if it had hapned by some providence, or by an humane creature, or rather indeed by some superior nature. And 30 thus much may suffice as touching fortune, and the definition thereof: as also, that necessarily it ought to subsist together with some one contingent thing of those which are meant to some end; whereupon it tooke the [...] name: yea, and there must be some subject before of such things which are in us and in our election.

But casuall adventure reacheth and extendeth farther than fortune: for it compriseth both it, and also many other things which may chance aswell one way as another: and according as the very etymologie and derivation of the word [...], sheweth it is that which hapneth for and in stead of another, namely, when that which was ordinary sell not out, but another thing in lieu thereof: as namely, when it chanceth to be colde weather in the Dog daies; for sometimes it falleth out to be then colde: and not without cause. In summe, like as that which is in us and 40 arbitrary, is part of contingent; even so is fortune a part of casuall or accidental adventure: and both these events are conjunct and dependant one of another; to wit, casual adventure hangeth upon contingent, and fortune upon that which is in us and arbitrarie; and yet not simply and in generall, but of that onely which is in our election, according as hath beene before said. And hereupon it is, that this casuall adventure is common aswell to things which have no life, as to those which are animate; whereas fortune is proper to man onely, who is able to performe vo­luntarie actions. An argument whereof is this, that to be fortunate, happie and blessed, are thought to be all one; for blessed happinesse is a kinde of well doing; and to doe well, properly belongeth to a man and him that is perfect. Thus you see what things are comprised within fa­tall destiny, namely, contingent, possible, election, that which is within us, fortune, casuall acci­dent 50 or chance & adventure, together with their circumstant adjuncts, signified by these words, haply, peradventure or perchance: howbeit, we are not to inferre, that because they be contei­ned within destinie, therefore they be fatall.

It remaineth now to discourse of divine providence, considering that it selfe comprehendeth fatall destinie. This supreame and first providence therefore, is the intelligence and will of the sovereigne god, doing good unto all that is in the world; whereby all divine things universally and thorowout, have bene most excellently and wisely ordeined and disposed. The second pro­vidence, [Page 1053] is the intelligence and will of the second gods who have their course thorow the hea­ven; by which, temporall and mortall things are ingendred regularly and in order; as also what­soever perteineth to the preservation and continuance of every kinde of thing. The third, by all probabilitie and likelihood may well be called the providence and prospicience of the Dae­monds or angels, as many as be placed and ordeined about the earth as superintendents, for to observe, marke and governe mens actions. Now albeit there be seene this threefolde provi­dence, yet properly and principally that first and supreame is named Providence: so as we may be bolde, and never doubt to say, howsoever herein we seeme to contradict some Philosophers, That all things are done by fatall destinie, and by providence, but not likewise by nature: how­beit, some by providence; and that after divers sorts, these by one, and those by another: yea and 10 some also by fatall destinie. As for fatall destinie, it is altogether by providence; but providence in no wise by fatall destinie: where, by the way, this is to be noted, that in this present place I un­derstand the principall and sovereigne providence. Now whatsoever is done by another (be it what it will) is evermore after that which causeth or maketh it; even as that which is erected by law is after the law; like as what is done by nature, must needs succeed and come after nature. Semblably, what is done by fatall destiny, is after fatall destiny, & of necessity must be more new & moderne: and therfore the supreme providence is the ancientest of all, excepting him alone, whose intelligence it is or wil, or both twaine together, to wit, the sovereigne authour, creatour, maker and father of all things.

‘And for what cause is it, saith Timaeus, that he hath made & framed this fabricke of the world? 20 for that he is all good, and in him being all good, there can not be imprinted or engendred any envie: but seeing he is altogether void and free from it, his will was, that as much as possibly might be, all things should resemble himselfe. He then who shall receive and admit this for the most principall and and proper originall of the generation and creation of the world, such as wise men have delivered unto us by writing, is in the right way, and doeth very well. For God willing that all things should be good, and nothing at all (to his power) evill, tooke all that was visible, restlesse as it was, and mooving still rashly, confusedly, irregularly and without order, which he brought out of confusion, and ranged into order, judging this to be every way farre better than the other: for neither it was, nor is convenient and meet, for him who is himselfe right good, to make any thing that should not be most excellent and beautifull. Thus there­fore 30 we are to esteeme that providence (I meane that which is principall and soveraigne) hath constituted and ordeined these things first, and then in order such as ensue and depend thereof, even as farre as to the soules of men. Afterwards having thus created the universall world, hee ordeined eight sphaeres, answering in number to so many principall starres; and distributed to every one of them a severall soule; all which he set, ech one (as it were) within a chariot over the nature of the whole, shewing unto them the lawes and ordinances of Fatall destiny * * *’ What is he then who will not beleeve, that by these words he plainly sheweth and declareth Fa­tall destiny, and the same to be (as one would say) a tribunall, yea, & a politicke constitution of civill lawes, meet and agreeable to the soules of men? whereof afterwards he rendreth a reason. And as touching the second providence, he doeth after a sort expresly signifie the same in these 40 words, saying: Having therefore prescribed all these lawes unto them, to the end that if after­wards there should be any default, he might be exempted from all cause of evill: he spred and sowed some upon the earth, others about the moone, and some againe upon other organs and instruments of time: after which distribution, he gave commandement and charge to the yoong gods for to frame and create mortall bodies, as also to make up and finish that which re­mained and was wanting in mans soule; and when they had made perfect all that was adhaerent and consequent thereto, then to rule and governe after the best and wisest maner possible, this mortall creature, to the end that it selfe should not be the cause of the owne evils and miseries: for in these words where it is said: That he might be exempt, and not the cause of any evill en­suing afterwards, he sheweth cleerely and evidently to every one the cause of Fatall destiny. The order also and office of these petie-gods declareth unto us the second providence, yea, and 50 it seemeth that in some sort it toucheth by the way, the third providence, in case it be so, that for this purpose these lawes and ordinances were established, because he might not be blamed or accused as the author of any evill in any one afterwards: for God himselfe being cleere & ex­empt from all evill, neither hath need of lawes, nor requireth any Fatall destiny: but ech one of these petie-gods, led and haled by the providence of him who hath engendred them, doth their owne devoir and office, belonging unto them. That this is true, and the very minde and [Page 1054] opinion of Plato, appeereth manifestly in my conceit, by the testimonie of those words which are reported by the law-giver in his books of lawes in this maner: If there were any man (quoth he) so by nature sufficient, or by divine fortune so happily borne, that he could be able to com­prehend this, he should require no lawes to command him: for no law there is, nor ordinance of more woorth and puissance, than is knowledge and science: neither can he possibly be a ser­vile slave or subject to any, who is truely and indeed free by nature, but he ought to command all. For mine owne part thus I understand and interpret the sentence of Plato: For whereas there is a triple providence: the first, as that which hath engendred Fatall destiny, in some sort comprehendeth it: the second being engendred with it, is likewise wholly comprised in it: the third engendred after Fatal destiny, is comprised under it, in that maner, as, That which is in us, 10 and fortune, as we have already said: for those whom the assistance of the power of our Daemon doth aid (according as Socrates saith) expoūding unto Theages what is the inevitable ordinance of Adrastia, these (I say) are those whom you understand well enough; for they grow and come forward quickly with speed, so as, where it is said, that a Daemon or angell doth favour any, it must be referred to the third providence; but that suddenly they grow and come to proofe, it is by the power of Fatall destiny: And to be short, it is very plaine and evident, that even this al­so is a kinde of destiny. And peradventure it may seeme much more probable, that even the se­cond providence is comprehended under destiny; yea, and in summe, all things whatsoever be made or done, considering that destiny according to the substance thereof, hath bene rightly divided by us into three parts. And verily that speech as touching the chaine and concatenati­on, comprehendeth the revolutions of the heavens, in the number and raunge of those things 20 which happen by supposition: but verily of these points I will not debate much, to wit, whether we are to call them, Hapning by supposition, or rather conjunct unto destiny; considering that the precedent cause and commander of destiny it selfe, is also fatall. And thus to speake summarily, and by way of abridgement, is our opinion: but the contrary sentence unto this, or­deineth all things to be not onely under destiny, but also according to destiny, and by it. Now all things accord unto the other, and that which accordeth to another, the same must be gran­to be the other: according then to this opinion, contingent is said to be the first; that which is in us the second; fortune the third; accident or casuall chance and adventure the fourth, toge­ther with all that dependeth thereupon, to wit, praise, blame, and those of the same kinde; the fifth and last of all, may bee said to be the praiers unto the gods, together with their services 30 and ceremonies. Moreover, as touching those which are called idle, and harvest arguments, as also that which is named beside or against destiny, they are no better than cavils and sophistries according to this opinion; but according to the contrary sentence, the first and principall conclusion is, that nothing is done without cause, but all thing depend upon precedent cau­ses: the second, that the world is governed by nature, which conspireth and is compatible with it selfe; the third may seeme rather to be testimonies unto these; whereof the first is divi­nation, approved by all nations, as being really and truely in God; the second the aequanimitie and patience of wise men, taking and bearing well all accidents and occurrents whatsoever, as comming by divine ordinance; the third, which is so common a speech, and divulged in 40 every mans mouth, namely, that every proposition is either true or false. Thus have we drawen this discourse into a small number of short articles, to the end that we might remember and comprise in few words, the whole matter and argument of Destinie. All which points, both of the one and the other opinion, are to be discussed and examined with more diligent inquisition, whereof par­ticularly we will treat afterwards. 50

A COMPENDIOVS RE­VIEW AND DISCOURSE, THAT THE STOICKS DELIVER 10 MORE STRANGE OPINIONS, THAN DO THE POETS.

The Summarie.

APetie declaration this is against the sect of the Stoicks, which briefly and in a word is maketh odious; giving out in plaine tearmes, that such persons be the loudest liers in the world; and that their opinion as touching the change and alteration of that party 20 who rangeth himselfe unto them, is so monstrous and ridiculous, that the discovery only thereof is a sufficient refutation.

A COMPENDIOUS REVIEW and discourse, That the Stoicks deliver more strange opinions, than do the Poets.

PIndarus was reprooved, for that after a strange maner, and without 30 all sense and probabilitie hee fained Caeneus one of the Lapithae, to have had a bodie so hard, as it could not be pierced by any weapon of iron and steele, but that he remained unhurt, and so afterwards

Went under earth without en wound,
When with stiffe foot he cleft the ground.

But this Lapith of the Stoicks, to wit, their imagined wise man, be­ing forged by them of impassibilitie, as of a mettall harder than the diamond, is not such an one as is not otherwhiles [...] , diseased and assailed with paine: howbeit, as they say, he abideth still feare­lesse and without sorrow and heavinesse; he continueth invincible, he susteineth no force nor 40 violence, howsoever he be wounded, what paine soever he suffereth, be he put to all tortures, or see his native countrey sacked and destroied before his face, or what calamities els beside be presented to his eies. And verily, that Caeneus whom Pindarus describeth, notwithstanding [...] were smitten, and bare many stroakes, yet was unwounded for all that: but the wise man whom the Stoicks imagine, although he be kept enclosed in prison, yet is not restreined of libertie; say he be pitched downe from the top of a rocke, yet susteineth no violence; is he put to the strap­pado, to the racke or wheele, yet for all that is he not tormented; and albeit he frie in the fire, yet he hath no harm; nay, if in wrestling he be foiled and take a fall, yet he persisteth unconquered; when he is environed within a wall, yet is he not besieged; and being solde in port sale by the e­nemies, yet is he no captive, but remaineth impregnable; resembling most properly for all the 50 world, those ships which have these goodly inscriptions in their poups, Happie voyage, Luckie navigation, Saving providence, and Remedie against all dangers: and yet the same neverthelesse be tossed in the seas, split upon the rocks, cast away and drowned. Iolaus, as the Poet Euripides hath fained, by a certeine praier that he made unto the gods, of a feeble and decrepit olde man, became all of a sudden a yong and lustie gallant, ready for to fight a battell: but the Stoicks wise man, who longer agoe than yesterday, was most hatefull, wretched and wicked, all at once to day [Page 1056] is changed into a good and vertuous person; he is of a rivelled, pale, leane and poore sillie aged man, and as the Poet Aeschylus saith,

Who suffereth pangs in flanke, in reines and backe,
With painfull cramps, stretcht as upon aracke.

become, a lovely, faire, beautifull, and personable youth, pleasant both to God and man, Mi­nerva in Homer rid Ulisses from his wrinkles, his baldnesse, and ill fovoured deformity, that he might appeare full of favour and amiable: but this wise man of there making, albeit withered olde age leave not his body, but contrariwise increase still and grow more and more with all the discommodities that follow it, continuing still for example sake bunch backt, if he were so be­fore, one eied, and toothlesse, yet forsooth is not for all this, foule, deformed and ill favoured. 10 For like as by report the bettils fly from good and sweet odors, seeking after stinking sents, even so the Stoicks love (conversing with the most foule ilfavoured and deformed, after that by their sapience and wisdome they be turned into all beauty and favor) departeth and goeth from them. With these Stoicks he who in the morning haply was most wicked, will proove in the evening a right honest man: & who went to bed foolish, ignorant, injurious, outragious, intemperat, yea a very slave, a poore & needy begger, will rise the morrow morning, a king, rich, happie, chaste, just, firme and constant, nothing at all subject to variety of opinions: not for that he hath all on a suddaine put forth a beard, or become under growen, as in a yoong and tender body: but ra­ther engendred in a weake, soft, effeminate and inconstant soule, a perfect minde, perfect under­standing, soveraine prudence, a divine disposition, comparable to the gods, a settled and assured 20 science, not wandring in opinions and an immutable and stedfast habitude: neither went that leawd wickednesse of his away by little & little, but all at once (I may well neeresay) he was trans­muted from a most vile beast into a demy god, a daemon, or a very god indeed. For so soone once as a man hath learned vertue in the Stoicks schoole, he may say thus unto himselfe:

Wish what thou wilt, and what thou list to crave,
All shall be done; doe thou but aske and have.

This vertue brings riches, this carieth with it roialty, this giveth good fortune, this makes men happie, standing in need of nothing, contented in themselves, although they have not in all the world so much as a single drachme of silver, or one grey groat. Yet are the fables of Poets devi­sed with more probability and likelihood of reason: for never doe they leave Hercules altoge­ther 30 destitute of necessaries: but it seemeth that he hath with him alwaies one living source or other, out of which there runneth evermore foison and plenty for himselfe and the company a­bout him. But he who hath once gotten the goat Amalthea by the head, and that plentifull horne of abundance which the Stoicks talke of, he is rich incontinently, and yet beggeth his bread and victuals of others; he is a king, although for a peece of mony he teacheth how to re­solve syllogismes: he onely possesseth al things, albeit he pay rent for his house, buieth his meale and meat with the silver that many times he taketh up of the usurer, or else craveth at their hands who have just nothing of their owne to give. True it is indeed, that Ulisses the king of Ithaca begged almes, but it was because he would not be knowen; counterfaiting all that he could

To make himselfe a begger poore, 40
Like one that went from doore to doore.

whereas he that is come out of the Stoicks schoole, crying aloud with open mouth, I onely am a king, I am rich and none but I, is seene oftentimes at other mens doores standing with this note,

Give Hipponax a cloke, his naked corps to folde,
For that I quake and shiver much for colde. 50

THE CONTRADIC­TIONS OF STOICK PHILOSOPHERS. 10

The Summarie.

PLutarch being of the Academique sect, directly contrary to the Stoicks, examineth in this treatise the opinons of those his adversaries, and sheweth by proper [...] out of their owne writings, and namely of Chrysippus their principall doctor, that there is nothing firme and certeine in all their doctrine: perusing and sifting to this end the chiefe points of all the parts of philosophie, not binding himselfe precise­ly 20 to any speciall or der, but proposing matters according as they come into his remembrance, or were presented to his etes. Moreover, in the recitall of then repugnancics and contradictions, he [...] certeine expositions, to aggravate the absurdity of this sect of his adversaries, and to withdraw the reader from them: which is a very proper and singular maner of declaming and disputing against inveterate errors, and such as have a great name in the world: for in shewing that those who are re­puted most able and sufficient to teach and mainteine them, know not what they say, and do consound themselves, is as much as to reproch every man who doth adhaere unto them, with this imputation, that his is deprived of common sense, in receiving that for a certeine verity, wherein their very [...] are not well resolved, or admitting that which they practise, otherwise than they say. 30

THE CONTRADICTIONS of Stoicke philosophers.

FIrst above all things, I would have to be seene a conformitie and accord betweene the opinions of men and their lives: for it is not so necessary, that the oratour, according as Lysias saith, and the law, should sound the same note, as requisite that the life of a phi­losopher should be conformable and consonant to his words and 40 doctrine: for the speech of a philosopher is a voluntary and parti­cular law which hee imposeth upon himselfe, if it beso as men esteeme, that philosophie is (as no doubt it is) the profession of that which is serious, grave, and of weighty importance, and not a gamesome sport, or vaine and toyish pratling, devised onely for to gaine glory. Now we see, that Zeno himselfe hath written much by way of disputation and discourse; Cleanthes likewise, and Chrysippus most of all, concerning the politique government of common-wealth, touching rule and obedience, of judgement also and pleading at the barre: and yet looke into all their lives throughout, you shall not finde that ever any of them were cap­tains and commanders, neither law-givers, nor senatours, & counsellers of State, ne yet orators 50 or advocates pleading judicially in court before the judges; nay, they were not so much as em­ploied in any warre, bearing armes, and performing mattiall service for the defence of their countries: you shal not find (I say) that any of them was ever sent in embassage, or bestowed any publicke largesse or donative to the people; but remained all the time of their life (and that was not short, but very long) in a strange and forren countrey, feeding upon rest and repose, as if they had tasted of the herbe Lotus in Homer, and forgotten their native foile, where they spent their time in writing books, in holding discourses, and in walking up and downe. Heereby it [Page 1058] manifestly appeereth, that they lived rather according to the sayings and writings of other, than answerable to that which themselves judge and confesse to be their duty, having passed the whole course of their life in that quiet repose, which Epicurus and Hieronymus so highly praise and recommend. And verily to proove this to be a trueth, Chrysippus himselfe in his fourth booke entituled, Of Lives, is of opinion, and so hath put downe in writing, that a scholasticall life, to wit, that of idle students, differeth not from the life of voluptuous persons. And to this purpose I thinke it not amisse to alledge the mans speech word for word: They (quoth he) who thinke that this scholastical and idle life of students even from the first beginning, is most of all beseeming and agreeable to philosophers, in my conceit, seeme much deceived weening as they do, that they are to philosophize for their pastime or recreation, and so to draw out in 10 length the whole course of their life at their booke in their studies, which is as much to say in plaine tearmes, as to live at ease and in pleasure. Neither is this opinion of theirs to be hidden and dissembled; for many of them give out as much openly, howsoever others, and those not a few deliver the same more obscurely; and yet where is he who grew old and aged more in this idle scholasticall life, than Chrysippus, Cleanthes, Diogenes, Zeno and Antipater? who forsooke and abandoned even their native countries, having no cause or occasion in the world to com­plaine of or to be discontent; onely to this end, that they might lead their lives more sweetly at their pleasure, studying and disputing with ease, and letting out their girdle slacke as they list themselves. To approove this that I say, Aristocreon the disciple of Chrysippus, and one of his familiar friends, having caused a statue of brasse to be erected for him, set over it these elegant 20 verses in maner of an epigram:

This image, Aristocreon erected fresh and new
For Chrysip, Academicke knots who like an ax did hew

Lo, what maner of person was Chrysippus, an aged man, a philosopher, one who praised the life of kings, and of those who are conversant in weale publike, and he who thought there was no dif­ference betweene the idle scholasticall life, and the voluptuous. And yet others among them as many I meane as deale in state affaires, are found to be more repugnant and contradictory to the resolutions of there owne sect: for they beare rule as chiefe magistrates, they are judges, 30 they be Senatours and set in counsell, they ordaine and publish lawes, they punnish malefac­tours, they honour and reward those that doe well; as if they were cities indeed wherein they governe and manage the state; as if those were senatours, counsellers and judges, who yeerely alwaies are by lot created or otherwise to such places; captaines and commanders who are elec­ted by the suffrages and voices of citizens; and as if those were to be held good lawes which Clisthenes, Lycurgus & Solon made: and yet the same men they avow and maintaine to have bene witlesse fooles, and leawd persons. Thus you see how albeit they administer the common weale, yet they be repugnant to their owne doctrine.

In like maner Antipater, in his booke of the dissention, betweene Cleanthes, and Chrysippus reporteth, that Zeno and Cleanthes would never be made citizens of Athens, for feare forsooth 40 lest they might be thought to offer injurie to their owne country. Now if they herein did well, let Chrysippus goe, and say wee nothing of him that he did amisse, in causing himselfe to be en­rolled and immatriculated in the number of Athenian citizens; for I will not stand much upon this point: onely this I holde, that there is a strange and woonderfull repugnance in their deeds and actions, who reserve still the bare names of their native countries, and yet bereave the same of their very persons and their lives, conversing so farre off in forraine lands: much like as if a man who hath cast off and put a way his lawfull wedded wife, should dwell, live and lie ordinary with another as his concubin, yea and beget children of her body, and yet will in no wise espouse her and contract marriage with her, lest forsooth he might seeme to doe wrong and injurie to the former. Furthermore Chrysippus in his treatise that he made of Rhetoricke writing thus, that 50 a wise man will in such sort plead, make orations to the people, and deale in state matters, as if riches reputation and health were simply good things, testifieth hereby and confesseth that his precepts and resolutions induce men not to goe forth of doores nor to intermedle in politicke and civill affaires, and so by consequence that their doctrines and precepts cannot sort well with practise, nor be agreeable unto the actions of this life.

Moreover, this is one of Zenoes quodlibets or positions: that we ought not to build temples to the honour of the gods: for that a temple is no such holy thing, nor so highly to be estee­med [Page 1059] considering it is the workemanship of masons, carpenters and other artificers: neither can any worke of such artisans be prised at any woorth. And yet even they who avow and approve this as a wise speech of his, are themselves professed in the religious mysteries of those churches; they mount up to the castle and frequent there the sacred temple of Minerva; they adore the shrines and images of the gods; they adorne the temples with chaplets and guarlands, not­withstanding they be the workes of masons, carpenters and such like mechanicall persons. And will these men seeme indeed to reproove the Epicureans as contrary to themselves, who deny­ing that the gods be occupied or imploied in the government of the world, yet offer sacrifice unto them, when as they checke and refute themselves much more in sacrificing unto the gods within their temples and upon their altars, which they maintaine that they ought not to stand at 10 all, nor once to have bene built?

Zeno putteth downe & admitteth many vertues according to their several differences, like as Plato doth, to wit, prudence, fortitude, temperance & justice; saying that they be all in very deed and in nature inseparable nor distinct a sunder: howbeit in reason divers and different one from another. And againe when he would seeme to define them severally one after another, he saith That fortitude is prudence in the execution of matters: justice is prudence in the distribution of things, &c. as if there were no more but one sole vertue, which according to divers relati­ons, unto affaires and actions, seemeth to differ and admit distinction. So you see, that not Zeno alone seemeth to be repugnant unto himselfe in these matters, but Chrysippus also, who reprooveth Ariston for saying, that all vertues are nothing else but the divers habitudes and re­lations 20 of one and the same, and yet defendeth Zeno when he defineth ech vertue in this wise by it selfe.

As for Clearches in his commentaries of nature, having set this downe, that the vigour and firmitude of things, is the illision and smiting of fire, which if it be in the soule so sufficient, that it is able to performe the duties presented unto it, is called strength and power, he annex­eth afterward these words: And this very power and strength (quoth he) when as it is emploied in such objects where in a man is to persist, and which he ought to conteine, is called Conti­nency; if in things to be endured and supported, then it is named Fortitude; if in estimation of worthinesse and desert, beareth the denomination of Justice; if in choises or refusals, it carieth the name of Temperance. Against him who was the authour of this sentence, 30

For beare thy sentence for to passe, and judgement see thou stay,
Untill such time as thou hast heard what parties both can say.

Zeno alledged such a reason as this on the contrary side. Whether the plaintife who spake in the first place hath plainly proved his cause or no, there is no need at all to heare the second, for the matter is at an end already, and the question determined: or whether he hath not proved it, all is one; for it is even the same case, whether he that is cited be so stubburne as not to appeare for to be heard, or if he appeare, doe nothing els but cavill and wrangle: so that proove he or proove he not his cause, needlesse it is to heare the second plead. And yet even he who made 40 this Dilemma, and wrote against the books of Policie and common wealth that Plato compo­sed, taught his scholars how to affoile and avoid such Sophisticall arguments, yea and exhor­ted them to learne Logicke with all diligence, as being the art which sheweth them how to per­forme the same. Howbeit a man might come upon him by way of objection in this maner: Certes, Plato hath either proved or els not proved those points which he handled in his Poli­ticks: but whether he did or no, there was no necessitie at all to write against him as you did; for it was altogether vaine, needlesse and superfluous. And even the same may be said of Sophisti­call arguments and cavillations.

Chrysippus is of opinion, that yong scholars and students should first learne those arts which concerne speech, as Grammar, Logicke and Rhetoricke; in the second place, morall sciences; 50 in the third, naturall philosophie; and after all these, in the last place, to heare the doctrine as touching religion and the gods: which being delivered by him in many passages of his wri­tings, it shall be sufficient to alledge that onely which he hath written thus word for word in the third booke of his Lives. First and formost (quoth he) it seemeth unto mee, according to the doctrine of our ancients, that of Philosophicall speculations there be three kinds; Logicall, as touching speech; Ethicall, concerning maners; and Physicall, belonging to the nature of things: of which, that which is respective unto speech ought to precede and be ranged first; se­condly, [Page 1060] that which treateth of maners; thirdly, that which handleth naturall causes. Now of these Physicks and naturall arguments, the last is that which treateth of God: and this is the rea­son that the precepts and traditions of divine matters and of religion, they called [...], as one would say, the very last and comming in the end. Howbeit, this treatise of the gods, which by his saying ought to be set last, himselfe in the very same booke, rangeth above maners, and set­teth before all other morall questions. For neither seemeth he to speake of the ends, nor of ju­stice, nor of good and evill things, nor of marriage, nor of the nouriture and education of chil­dren, [...] yet of law nor of the government of the Common-wealth in any sort; but as they who propose and publish decrees unto cities and States, make some preamble before of good lucke or happie fortune; so he useth the preface of Jupiter, of Fatall destinie, of Divine providence: also, that there being but one world, the same doth consist and is mainteined by one mightie 10 power. Which points, no man doth firmly beleeve nor can be resolutely perswaded in, unlesse he wade deeply into the profoundest secrets and discourses of naturall Philosophie. But hear­ken I beseech you, a little, to that which he saith of these matters, in his third booke of the gods: It is not possible (quoth he) to finde out any other fountaine and original beginning of justice, than from Jupiter and common nature: for from hence it must needs be, that every such thing is derived, if that we meane to discourse of good things and evill. Againe, in his Treatise of na­turall positions, there is no other way, or at leastwise not a better, of proceeding to the discourse of good things and bad, nor of of vertues, nor of sovereigne felicitie, than from common na­ture, and the administration of the world. Moreover, as he goeth forward in another place, We are to annex and adjoine hereunto (quoth he) a treatise of good and evill things, considering 20 there is not a better beginning thereof, nor yet a reference and relation more proper: nei­ther is the speculation and science of nature in any other respect requisit or necessarie to be learned, but onely for to know the difference of good and evill. And therefore according to Chrysippus, this naturall science both goeth before and also followeth after morall things; or to say a trueth at once in more expresse termes, it were a strange and difficult inversion of order, to holde, that it is to be placed after them, considering that without it it were impossible to com­prehend any of the other: and a very manifest repugnance it were to affirme, that science naturall is the beginning of morall, which treateth of good and evill, and yet ordeine neverthe­lesse, that it should be taught not before, but after it. Now if any man say unto me, that Chrysip­pus 30 in his booke entituled, The use of speech, hath written, that he who first learneth Logicke, I meane the knowledge and philosophie concerning words, ought not altogether for to for­beare the learning of other parts, but that he ought to take a taste of them, according as he hath meanes thereto, well may he speake a trueth, but withall, confirme he shall my accusation still of his fault: for he fighteth with himselfe, in ordering one while that a man should learne in the last place and after all, the science that treateth of God, as if that were the reason why it was cal­led [...], which is as much as [...], that is to say, Finall; and another while teaching cleane contrarie, that the same is to be learned even with the very first, and at the beginning: for then farewell all order for ever, and welcome confusion, if we must learne all things hudled together at all times. But yet this is not the woorst, for having set this downe for a reasolution: That the doctrine as touching good things and evill, ought to begin and proceed from the know­ledge 40 of God; yet, he will not have them who settle themselves and enter into the studie of morall philosophie, to take their beginning there: but that in learning this, to catch somewhat of that by the way, even as much as they have easie meanes to come by; and afterwards to re­passe from morall philosophy unto Theologie, without which (he saith) there can bee neither entrance nor progresse in the knowledge of maners.

Moreover (he saith) that, To dispute of one and the same question, pro & contra, to and fro, he disalloweth not simply and in generality: but his advise is, to use the same so warily and with such discretion, as otherwhiles oratours doe in pleading, when they alledge the reasons of their adversaries, not to uphold and mainteine the same, but onely for to refure and disproove that likelihood and probabilitie which they pretend: For otherwise (quoth he) thus to doe, is the 50 maner of those Skepticks, who be alwaies doubtfull, and withhold their consent in every thing: a meere shift that serveth their turne, for whatsoever they hold: but as for those who would worke and establish in mens hearts, a certeine science, according to which they might un­doubtedly guide and conduct themselves, they ought to sound and search the contrary, and from point to point by stepmeale, to direct their novices newly entred, even from the begin­ning to the very end: wherein there falleth out otherwhiles fit opportunity to make mention [Page 1061] of contrary sentences and opinions, for to refute and resolve that which might seeme to have apparence of trueth; as the maner is in pleading before judges: for these be the very words and proper tearmes that he useth. Now what an absurd and impertinent a thing it is, that philoso­phers should thinke they were to put downe the contrary opinions of other philosophers, and not withall, their reasons and arguments, but onely as advocates pleading at the barre to dis­able and weaken their proofes, and so to weary their adversaries; as if disputation were onely to win the honour of victory, and not to finde out a trueth: we have elsewhere discoursed against him sufficiently. But that himselfe not heere and there in his disputations, but oftentimes and in many places hath confirmed with might and maine, yea, and with so great asseveration and contention, contrary resolutions, unto his owne opinions, that it were a right hard matter 10 for any man to discerne, which of them he approoveth most, they themselves in some sort doe say, who admire the subtilty of the man, and the vivacity of his spirit, who also both thinke and sticke not to affirme, that Carneades spake nothing of his owne invention, but by the helpe and meanes of which arguments Chrysippus used to proove his owne assertions, hee returned the same contrariwise upon himselfe to confute his precepts, insomuch as eftsoones in disputation he would, alluding to a verse in Homer, cry out aloud in this maner:

Unhappy man, thus for to doe,
Thine owne pure strength will worke thy woe.

as if he lay open and ministred great advantages and meanes against himselfe, to those who went about for to infringe and calumniate his opinions. But as touching those treatises and dis­courses 20 which he hath put foorth and set out against ordinary custome, his followers do so glo­riously boast and joy, that they give out, if all the books of the Academiques that ever lived, were laid together, they deserved not to be compared with that which Chrysippus wrote in ca­lumniation of the senses: an evident signe either of their ignorance who say so, or els of their owne blinde selfe-love. Howbeit, certeine it is, that afterwards being desirous to defend cu­stome and the senses, he was found much inferior to himselfe, and the latter treatise came farre short of the former, and was nothing at all so pithy; in such sort as he is contradictorie and re­pugnant to himselfe: whiles he alwaies prescribeth and willeth to conferre and oppose contra­ry sentences, not as one patronizing any, but making an ostentation that they be false: and af­terwards sheweth himselfe to be a more vehement accuser, than a defender of his owne proper 30 sentences; and counselling others to take heed of repugnant and contrary disputations, as those which distract and impeach their perception, himselfe is more studious and diligent to addresse such proofes as overthrow perception, than those which are to establish and confirme the same: and yet that he feared no lesse, hee declareth plainly in the fourth booke of his lives, where he writeth thus: We are not rashly nor without good respect and advisement to admit and allow repugnant disputations and contrary opinions to be proposed, nor to answere those probable arguments which are brought against true sentences: but heerein we must warily goe to worke, and cary our selves so, as fearing [...] lest the hearers being thereby distracted and diverted, let goe this apprehension and conception, and be not of sufficient capacity to comprehend their solutions, but after such a feeble sort, as that their comprehensions be ready 40 to falter and shake, considering that even they who customably comprehend sensible objects and other things which depend of senses, quickly forgo the same, being distracted as well by Megarian interrogatories, as by others more forcible, and in greater number. Now would I gladly demand of these Stoicks whether they thinke these Megarian interrogatories more pu­issant than those which Chrysippus hath written in sixe bookes; or rather Chrysippus himselfe would be asked the question. For marke I pray you, what he hath written of the Megarian dispu­tation in his booke entituled; The use of speech, after this maner: Such a thing as befell in the disputation betweene Stilpo and Menedemus, both renowmed personages for their learning and wisedome; and yet the whole maner of their arguing is now turned to their reproch and plain mockery, as if their arguments were either very grosse, or else too captious & sophistical: and yet good sir these arguments which it pleaseth you to scorne and tearme the reproach of 50 those who make such interrogatories, as containing in them notorious leawdnesse, you feare lest they should divert any from perception: And even your owne selfe [...] so many books as you doe against custome whereunto you have adjoined whatsoever you could devise and in­vent, labouring to surmount and surpasse Arcesilaus; did you never expect and looke to scare and terrifie any of the readers that should light upon them? For Chrysippus verily useth not onely slender and naked arguments in disputing against custome, but as if he were an advocate [Page 1062] pleading at the barre, mooveth affections being passionate and affectionate himselfe, breaking out eftsoones into these tearmes of giving the foole, and imputing vanity and sottishnesse; and to the end that he might leave no place for contradiction at all, but that he delivereth repug­nances and speaketh contraries, thus hath he writen in his Positions naturall. A man may very well, when he hath once perfectly comprised a thing, argue a little on the contrary side, and ap­ply that defence which the matter it selfe doth affoord: yea and otherwhiles, when he doth com­prehend neither the one nor the other, discourse of either of them pro & contra, as much as the cause will yeeld. Also in that treatise of his concerning the use of speech, after he had said, we ought not to use the power and faculty of disputation, no more than armes or weapons, in things that tend to no purpose, and when the case requireth it not, he addeth soone after these 10 words: For we ought to imploy the gift of reason and speech to the finding out of trueth, and such things as resemble it: and not contrariwise; howsoever many there be that are wont so to doe. And peradventer by these Many, he meaneth those Academicks, who ever doubt and give no assent to any thing: and they verily, for that they comprehend neither the one nor the o­ther, doe argue on both parts to and fro, that it is perceptible: as if by this onely or especiall meanes the trueth yeelded a certeine comprehension of it selfe, if there were nothing in the world comprehensible. But you who accuse and blame them, writing the contrary to that which you conceive as touching custome, and exhorting others to doe the same, and that with an af­fectionate defence, doeplainly confesse, that you use the force of speech and eloquence, in things not onely unprofitable, but also hurtfull, upon a vaine ambtious humor of shewing your 20 ready wit, like to some yoong scholar.

These Stoicks affirme, that a good deed, is the commandement of the law, and sin the prohi­bition of the law: and therefore it is that the law forbiddeth fooles and leawd folke to doema­ny things, but prescribeth them nothing; for that indeed they are not able to doe ought well. And who seeth not that impossible it is for him who can doe no vertuous act, to keepe himselfe from sin and transgression? Therefore they make the law repugnant to it selfe, if it command that which to performe is impossible, and forbid that which men are not able to avoid. For he that is not able to live honestly, cannot chuse but beare himselfe dishonestly; and whosoever he be, that cannot be wise, must of necessity become a foole: and even them selves doe holde that those lawes which are prohibitive, say the same thing, when they forbid one, and command like­wise 30 another. For that which saith thou shalt dot steale, saith verily the same, to wit, Steale not, but it forbiddeth withall to steale; and therefore the law forbiddeth fooles and leawd persons nothing, for otherwise it should command them somewhat. And thus they say that the Physi­cian biddeth his apprentise or Chyrurgian to cut or to cauterize, without adding thereto these words, handsomly, moderatly, and in good time. The Musician likewise commandeth his scho­lar to sing or play upon the harpe a lesson, without putting thereto, in tune, accord and good measure. Howbeit they punnish and chastice those that doe amisse and contrary to the rules of art, for that they were willed and enjoined to doe the thing well, but they did it ill. And even so a wise man commanding his servant to say or doe a thing, if he punnish him for doing it unto­wardly, out of season, and not as he ought, certeine it is that he commanded him to performe a 40 good duty, and not a meane and indifferent action. Now if wise men command fooles and lewd persons to doe things indifferent, what should hinder them but that the commandements of the lawes may be semblable?

Moreover, that instinct or naturall motion which is called [...], according to him, is nothing els but the reason of man, inciting him to do a thing, as himself hath written in his treatise of the law, ergo, that diversion, contrariwise called [...], can be nothing els but reason withdrawing a man from the doing of a thing: and therefore that inclination is a reasonable inclination: and this warry caution, is as much as the reason of a wise man, forbidding him to doe a thing: for to beware, and to take heed, is the part and property of wise men and not of fooles. If then the rea­son of a wise man be one thing, and the law another, wise men have this warie caution repugnant 50 unto the law: but in case law, and the reason of a wise man be both one, it will be found that the law forbiddeth wise men to doe those things, which they doubt and be affraid of. To foolish and wicked persons (quoth [...]) there is nothing profitable, neither hath such an one, use or need of ought. Having delivered this sentence in his first booke of perfect duties or offices, he commeth afterwardes and saith, that utility or commodiousnesse and grace perteine and reach unto meane and indifferent things, whereof according to the Stoicks doctrine there is not one profitable: and more than that, he saith there is nothing proper, nothing meet and convenient [Page 1063] for a foolish leawd man: and so by consequence it followeth upon these words; there is nothing strange, nothing unfitting for a wise and honestman, like as nothing fit and familiar for a leawd foole: for as goodnesse is proper to the one, so is leawdnesse to the other. How commeth it then to passe that he maketh our heads to ake againe, with telling us so often in all his bookes as well of naturall philosophy as morall, that presently from our nativity and birth, [...] be affectio­nate to our selves, to our proper members, and to the issue descending from us [...] in the first booke of Justice he saith, that even wilde beasts are propense and affected unto their yoong ac­cording as their need and necessity requires, all save fishes: for their yoong fry are nourished by themselves. But there is no sense, where is no sensible object, nor appropriation, where no­thing is proper and familiar: for surely this appropriation seemeth to be the sense and percepti­on 10 of that which is familiar. And this opinion is conformable to their principles.

Moreover, Chrysippus, albeit in divers places he write many things contrarily, yet he accor­deth to this sentence manifestly, that there is no one vice greater, nor sinne more grievous than another; as also reciprocally, there is not one vertue more excellent, not one vertuous deed (which they call perfect duetie) better than another, considering that he hath this in the first booke of Nature: that like as it beseemeth Jupiter well, to magnifie and glorifie himselfe and his life, as also if we may so say, to beare his head aloft, highly to esteeme his owne greatnesse, and to speake big, considering he leadeth a life woorthy of grandeloquence and hautie speech: even so it befitteth and becommeth all honest men to do the like, considering that in no respect they be inferior to Jupiter. And yet himselfe againe in the third booke of Justice saith, that those who affirme Pleasure to be the end and sovereigne good of man, overthrow Justice; but whosoever 20 say it is simply good, do not destroy Justice. And the very words which he useth, be these: Per­adventure (quoth he) it may be, that if we leave unto Pleasure this attribute, To be simply and onely good, although it be not the end of all good things, and that honesty and vertue is of the kinde of those things which be eligible for themselves: haply, by this meanes we may save Ju­stice, in esteeming Honesty and Justice to be a more perfect and absolute good thing than is Pleasure: but in case it be so, that the thing onely which is honest is good, he erreth much who affirmeth that pleasure is good; howbeit, lesse than he who should say that it is the end of all good things; for that as the one doth abolish and destroy utterly all Justice, the other doth so preserve and mainteine it: for according to the latter of the twaine, all humane societie perish­eth, 30 whereas the former reserveth yet some place for bountie and civill humanitie. I let passe to relate what he saith in the booke entituled, Of Jupiter, namely, that vertues grow, that they also passe; because I would not be thought to lie at vantage, and to catch at words; howsoever Chry­sippus himselfe in this kind of reprehension dealeth bitterly with Plato and other Philosophers, for taking holde of words: but whereas he forbiddeth to praise all that is done vertuously, he gi­veth us to understand, that there is some difference in dueties and offices. Now this is the verie text in his treatise of Jupiter. For albeit vertuous acts be commendable, yet we are not to infer thereupon and say, that we ought to commend all that seemeth to proceed from vertue, as namely, to praise for a valiant act, the stiffe stretching out of the finger; or for temperance and continenencie, the abstinence from an old trot, who hath one foot already in her grave; or for 40 prudence, to understand aright and without errour, that three will not make foure: for he that went in hand to praise and commend a man for such things as these, should shew himselfe to be very bold and absurd even in the highest degree. And as much as this in a maner writeth he in the third booke of the gods: For I thinke verily (quoth he) that the praises of such matters be impertinent and absurd, although they seeme to depend of vertue, as namely, to forbeare an old trot now at the pits brincke, or to abide a flie-biting. What other accuser should he looke for then of his opinions, but himselfe: for if it be so, that hee is absurd who commendeth these things, then must he be thought much more absurd, who supposeth ech one of these vertuous deeds to be not onely great, but also most magnificent. For if it be a valiant act to endure the biting of a flie; and likewise the part of a chaste and continent person, to abstaine from carnall 50 dealing with an olde woman ready to drop into her grave; then it makes no matter, but it is all one, to praise an honest man [...] for one thing as another. Moreover, in his second booke of Friendship, whenas he giveth a precept, that we ought not to dissolve amities for every fault or defect, he userh these very tearmes: For there be faults (quoth he) which we must overpasse quite, and make no stay at them; others there be againe, whereat we should a little stand, and take offence; and others besides, which require more chastisement; but some there are, which we must thinke [...] to breake friendship for ever. And more than all this, in the same [Page 1064] booke he saith, that we ought to converse and be acquainted with some more, and with others lesse, according as they be our friends more or lesse: which difference and diversitie extendeth very far, insomuch as some are worthy of such an amitie, others of a greater; some deserve thus much trust and confidence, others more than it: and so it is in other matters semblable. And what other is his drift in all these places, but to put a great difference betweene those things, for which friendships are engendred? And yet in his booke of Honestie, to shew that there is no­thing good but that which is honest, he delivereth these words: A good thing is eligible and to be desired: that which is eligible and desirable, is also acceptable: that which is acceptable, is likewise commendable: and that which is commendable, is honest withall. Againe, a good thing is joious and acceptable: joious is venerable, and venerable is honest. But these speeches 10 are repugnant to himselfe: for be it, that all that is good were laudable (and then chastly to for­beare for to touch an olde riveled woman, were a commendable thing) or say that every good thing were neither venerable nor joious and acceptable; yet his reason falleth to the ground: for how can it be that others should be thought frivolous and absurd in praising any for such things, and himselfe not worthy to be mocked and laughed at, for taking joy and pleasing him­selfe in such ridiculous toies as these?

Thus you see how he sheweth himselfe in most part of his writings; and yet in his disputati­ons which he holdeth against others, he is much more carelesse to be contrary and repugnant to himselfe: for in his treatise which he made as touching exhortation, reproving Plato for say­ing, that it was not expedient for him to live at all, who is not taught, nor knoweth not how to 20 live, he writeth in these very tearmes: This speech of his (quoth he) is both contradictory & re­pugnant to it selfe, and besides, hath no force nor efficacy at all to exhort: for first and for­most in shewing us that it were expedient for us, not to live at all, and giving us at it were counsell to die, he exhorteth us to any thing rather than to the practise of studie of philo­losophie, because it is not possible for a man to philosophize, unlesse he live: nether can he be­come wise, survive he never so long, if he lead an evill and ignorant life. And a little after hee saith farther: That it is as meet and convenient also even for leawd and wicked persons to re­maine alive. But I care not much to set downe his very words: First of all, like as vertue barely in it selfe considered, hath nothing in it, for which we should desire to live: even so vice hath as little, for which we ought to leave this life. What need we now turne over other books of Chry­sippus 30 and drip leafe by leafe, to proove how contrary and repugnant he is to himselfe: for even in these which now we cite and alledge, he commeth out otherwhiles with this saying of An­tisthenes, for which he commendeth him, namely, that a man is to be provided either of wit to understand, or else of a with to under-hang himselfe: as also this other verse of Tyrtaus:

The bounds of vertue first come nie,
Or else make choise before to die.

And what other meaning is there of these words but this, that it is more expedient for foolish and lewd persons to be out of the world, than to live: and in one passage, seeming to correct Theognis: He should not (quoth he) have said [...] &c.

A man from poverty to flie, 40
(O Cyrnus) ought himselfe to cast
Headlong, from rocks most steepe and hie,
Or into sea as deepe and vast.

But rather thus, [...], &c.

Aman from sinne and vice to flie, &c.

What other things else seemeth he to doe, than to condemne and scrape out of other mens writings, the same things, propositions and sentences, which himselfe hath inserted in his own books? For he reprooveth Plato when he prooveth and sheweth, that it is better not to live at all, than to lead a life in wickednesse or ignorance: and in one breath hee giveth counsell to Theognis to set downe in his poesie; That a man ought to fling himselfe downe headlong into 50 the deepe sea, or to breake his necke from some high rocke for to avoid sinne and wicked­nesse. And praising as hee did Antisthenes for sending fooles and witlesse folke, to an halter wherewith to hang themselves; he blamed him neverthelesse who said, that vice was not a suffi­cient cause, wherefore we should shorten our lives. Moreover, in those books against Plato himselfe, concerning justice, he leapeth directly at the very first into a discourse as touching the gods, and saith: That Cephalus did not divert men well from evill dooing, by the feare of the gods: affirming moreover, that the discourse which he made as touching divine vengeance, [Page 1065] might easily be infringed and refuted, for that of it selfe it ministreth many arguments and pro­bable reasons on the contrary side; as if the same resembled for all the world the fabulous tales of Acco and Alphito, wherewith women are woont to scarre their little children, and to keepe them from doing shrewd turnes. Thus deriding, traducing, and backbiting Plato, hee praiseth elsewhere, and in many places else alledgeth these verses out of Euripides:

Well, well, though some this doctrine doe deride,
Be sure, in heaven with other gods beside,
Sits Jupiter, the deeds of men who see,
And will in time revenged surely bee.

Semblably, in the first booke of Justice, when he had alledged these verses heere out of He­siodus, 10

Then Saturnes sonne, god Jupiter, great plagues from heaven did send,
Even dearth and death, both which, of all the people made an end.

he saith, that the gods proceed in this wise, to the end that when the wicked be thus punished, others also advertised and taught by their example, might beware how they commit the like, or at leastwise sinne lesse.

What should I say moreover, how in this treatise of Justice, having affirmed, that those who hold pleasure to be good, but not the soveraigne end of good, may in some sort withall preserve 20 & mainteine justice, for, so much he hath put downe in these very termes: For haply, admitting pleasure to be good although not the supreme good or the end: and honesty to be of the kind of those things, which are eligible and to be desired for their owne sake, wee may by that meanes save justice, while we permit and allow that which is honest and just to be a greater good than pleasure. Having (I say) delivered the same also in his books of pleasure: yet in his treatise a­gainst Plato, reprooving him for raunging health in the number of good things, he affirmeth, that not onely justice, but also magnanimity, temperance, and all other vertues are abolished and perish, in case we hold that either pleasure, or health, or any other thing whatsoever, can be numbred and reputed among good things, unlesse the same be honest. Now as touching the apologie or answer that may be made in defence of Plato, I have elsewhere written against 30 Chrysippus: but even in this very place there is manifestly to be seene a repugnancy and contra­diction against himselfe: considering that one while hee saith, that justice may stand well e­nough, if a man suppose pleasure joined with honesty to be good; and another while contrari­wise, he findeth fault with all those, who repute any thing else to be good, but onely that which is honest; as if thereby they abolished and overthrew all vertues. And because he would leave no meanes at all to salve and save his contradictions, writing of justice against Aristotle, he challengeth him for untrueth, in that hee affirmeth, that if pleasure were granted to bee the soveraigne good, both Justice were overthrowen, and therewith also every vertue besides: For this is certaine (quoth he) that those who are of this opinion, doe indeed abolish Justice; howbeit I see no let why other vertues may not stand, if not those which be of them selves ex­petible, 40 yet such at leastwise as be good and vertuous really. And thereupon he proceedeth presently to name them every one severally. But it were not a misse to recite his ownelwords as he delivered them: For suppose (quoth he) that by this discourse and reason, Pleasure seeme the very end of all good things, yet we are not to inferre hereupon, that all is comprised under it: and therefore we must say, that neither any vertue is to be desired, nor vice to be eschued for it selfe, but all these things are to be referred unto a scope and marke proposed: and yet in the meane time what should hinder, but that fortitude, prudence, continence, patience, and other such vertues, may be good and expetible, like as their contraries bad and to be avoided. What man therfore was there ever in his speeches and disputations more rash and audacious than he? considering that he charged the two princes of Phylosophers with imputations: the one for a­bolishing 50 all vertue, in that he confessed not that onely to be good which is honest: and the o­ther, in that if pleasure were supposed and set downe to be the end of good things, he thought not that all vertues except onely Justice might subsist and be maintained? what a woonderfull liberty, and monstrous licentiousnesse rather is this, in discoursing of one and the same subject matter, to tax and reproove that in Aristotle, which he setteth downe himselfe: and afterwards in accusing Plato, to subvert and undo the very same? And yet in his demonstrations, as touch­ing Justice, he affirmeth expresly that every perfect duety, is a lawfull deed and a just action. [Page 1066] Now, whatsoever is performed by continence, by patience, by prudence, or by fortitude is a per­fect duty, ergo, it followeth, that it is likewise a lawfull action. How chanceth it then that he leaveth not justice for them, in whom he admitteth prudence, continence, and valour, consider­ing that all the acts which they performe according to these vertues, be perfect duties, and by consequence just and lawfull operations?

Whereas Plato, in a certeine place hath written, that injustice being a certaine intestine sedi­tion and corruption of the soule, never casteth off and loseth her power even in those who have it within them: for she causeth a wicked man to fight with himselfe, she troubleth, vexeth, and tormenteth him. Chrysippus reproving this assertion of his, saith, that it was falsely and absurdly spoken, that any one could doe wrong or injurie to himselfe: For (quoth he) all injurie and 10 outrage must needs be to another: but afterwards forgetting himselfe and what he had said, in that treatise of his entituled, The demōstrations of justice, he affirmeth, that whosoever doth in­justice, wrongeth himselfe, and in offering injurie to another, doth himselfe wrong, in that he is the very cause why himselfe transgresseth the lawes: wherein unworthily he hurteth and woun­deth his owne person. Lo what he said against Plato, discoursing that injustice could not be against a mans selfe, but against another: For to be perticularly and privately unjust, there must (quoth he) be many such as speake contrary one unto another: and otherwise this word injustice is taken as if it were amongst many that are in such fort injuriously affected one to another: wheras no such matter can properly and fitly argree to one alone, but in as much as he is so dis­posed and affected to another. But contrary to all this, in his demonstrations he argueth and 20 reasoneth thus, to prove that the injust man doth wrong and injury to himselfe: The law (quoth he) followeth expresly, to be the author or cause of transgression; but to commit injustice is a transgression: he therefore who causeth himselfe to doe injury, transgresseth the law of himselfe. Now be that trespasseth against any one, doth him wrong and injurie: he therefore who wron­geth any other whomsoever, doth injure to himselfe. Againe, sinne is of the kinde of hurts and dammages that are done; but every man that sinneth, offendeth and sinneth against himselfe: and therefore, whosoever sinneth, hurteth also and endamageth himselfe unwoorthi­ly; and if he doe so, then by consequence he must needs wrong himselfe. Furthermore, thus also hee reasoneth: Hee that suffereth hurt and dammage by another, woundeth and offen­deth himselfe withall unworthily: and what is that else but to doe wrong and injury? he there­fore 30 that receiveth injury of any other whatsoever, wrongeth his owne selfe. That the doc­trine of good things and evill (which himselfe bringeth in and approoveth) he saith, is most ac­cordant unto mans life, yea and connexed as much as any thing else with those prenotions and anticipations which by nature are inbred and ingenerate in us: for, so much hath he deli­vered in his third booke of Exhortations: but in the first booke he affirmeth quite contrary, that this doctrine doth divert and withdraw a man from all things else, as if they were of no moment nor helpefull and effectuall any jot to the atteining of happinesse & soveraigne felicity. See how he accordeth herein with himselfe, when he affirmeth that doctrine of his which plucketh us a­way from life, from health, from indolence and integrity of senses; and teacheth besides that whatsoever we crave in our praiers at gods hands, concerne us not at all nor appertaine unto us, 40 to be most accordant unto humane life, and the common prenotions & inbred anticipations of knowledge abovesaid. But to the end that no man might denie that he is repugnant and con­trary to himselfe, loe what he saith in his third booke of justice. This is it (quoth he) that by rea­son of the surpassing grandure & beawty of our sentences, those matters which we deliver, seeme feined tales and devised fables exceeding mans power and farre beyond humane nature. How can it be that any man should more plainly confesse, that he is at war with himselfe, than he doth who saith that his propositions and opinions, are so extravagant and transcendent, that they re­semble counterfeit tales, and for their exelency surmount the condition and nature of man: and yet forsooth for all this, that they accord and agree passing well with humane life, yea and come neerest unto the said inbred prenotions and anticipations that are in us. 50

Hee affirmeth that the very essence and substance of infelicitie, is vice; writing and firmly mainteining in all his books of morall and naturall philosophy, that to live in vice, is as much as to live in misery and wretchednesse: but in the third booke of Nature, having said before that it were better and more expedient to live a senselesse foole, yea though there were no hope that ever he should become wise, than not to live at all, he addeth afterwards thus much: For there be such good things in men, that in some sort the very evill things goe before, and are better than the indifferent in the middes betweene. As for this, how he hath written elswhere, that there is [Page 1067] nothing expedient and profitable in fooles, and yet in this place setteth downe in plaine termes, that it is expedient to live foolish and senselesse, I am content to overpasse; but seeing hee saith now that evill things goe before, and one better than the indifferent or meane (which with them of his sect are neither good nor ill) surely it is as much as if hee affirmed that evill things are better than things not evill: and all are, as to say that to be wretched is more expedient than not to be wretched: and so by that meanes, he is of opinion, that not to be miserable is more unprofitable than to be miserable; and if it be more unprofitable, than also it must be more hurtfull and dammageable. But being desirous in some sort to mollifie this absurditie, and to salve this sore, he subnexeth as touching evill things, these words: My meaning is not (quoth he) that they should go before and be preferred, but reason is the thing wherewith it is better to 10 live, although a man should ever be a foole, than not to live at all. First and formost then, hee calleth vice an evill thing, as also whatsoever doth participate of vice and nothing els: now is vice reasonable, or rather to speake more properly, reason delinquent: so that to live with rea­son, if we be fooles and void of wisdome, what is it els, but to live with vice? now to live as [...] , is all one as to live wretched. Wherein is it then, and how commeth it about, that this should go before meane and indifferent things? for it was not admitted that happie life should go be­fore miserie: neither was it ever any part (say they) of Chrysippus his meaning to range and count among good things, To remaine alive; no more than among bad, To depart this life: but he thought that these things were of themselves indifferent and of a middle nature; in which 20 regard otherwhiles it is meet for happy men to leave this life, and for wretches to continue alive. And what greater contrariety can there be, as touching things eligible or refusable, than to say that for them who are happy in the highest degree, it is sit and beseeming to forgoe and for sake the good things that be present, for want of some one thing that is indifferent? And yet Chrysip­pus is of this minde, that no indifferent thing is of the owne nature to be desired or rejected; but that we ought to chuse that onely which is good, and to shun that alone which is bad: so as ac­cording to their opinion, it comes to passe, that they never divert their dessignments or actions to the pursute after things desirable, nor the avoidance of things refusable; but another marke it is that they shoot & aime at, namely, at those things which they neither eschue nor chuse, & according thereto, they live & die. Chrysippus avoweth & confesseth that there is as great a dif­ference 30 betweene good things & bad, as possibly may be; as needs there must, in case it be true, that as the one sort of them cause those in whom they are, to be exceeding happy, so the other, extreme wretched & miserable. Now in the first booke of the end of good things, he saith that aswell good things as bad, be sensible; for these be his very words: That good and evill things be perceptible by sense, we must of necessity acknowledge upon these arguments: for not onely the very passions indeed of the minde, together with their parts and severall kinds, to wit, sad­nesse, feare and such like, be sensible; but also a man may have a sense of theft, adultery, and sem­blable sinnes; yea and of follie, of cowardise, and in one word, of all other vices, which are in number not a few: and not onely joy, beneficence, and other dependances of vertuous offices, but also prudence, valour and the rest of the vertues, are object to the sense. But to let passe all 40 other absurdities conteined in these words, who will not confesse, but that there is a meere con­tradiction in that which they delivered, as touching one that becomes a wise man, and knowes not thereof? for, considering that the present good is sensible, and much different from that which is evill, that one possibly should of a wicked person proove to be vertuous, and not know thereof, & not have sense of vertue being present, but to thinke that vice is still within him; how can this otherwise be, but most absurd? for either no man can be ignorant and out of doubt, whether he hath all vertues together; or els he must confesse, that there is small difference and the same hard to be discerned, betweene vice and vertue, felicity and infelicity, a right honest life, and a most dishonest, in case a man should passe from the one to the other, and possesse one for the other, without ever knowing it.

One worke he wrote, entituled, Of lives, and the same divided into foure books: in the fourth 50 whereof, he saith, That a wise man medleth not with great affaires, but is occupied in his owne businesse onely, without being curious to looke into other mens occasions: his very words to this purpose, be these; For mine owne part, of this opinion I am, that a prudent man gladly a­voideth a stirring life, intermedleth little, and in his owne matters onely: for to deale simply in a mans owne affaires, and to enter into little businesse in the world, be both alike commendable parts, and the properties of civill and [...] persons. And in maner the same speeches or ve­ry [Page 1068] like thereto, he hath delivered in the third booke of such things as be expetible and to be cho­sen for themselves, in these termes: For in truth (quoth he) it seemeth, that the quiet life should be without danger, and in perfect security, which few or none of the vulgar sort are able to com­prehend and understand. Wherein first and formost, it is evident, that he commeth very neere to the errour of Epicurus, who in the government of the world disavoweth divine providence: for that he would have God to rest in repose, idle, and not emploied in any thing. And yet Chrysippus himselfe, in his first booke of Lives saith: That a wise man willingly will take a king­dome upon him, yea, and thinke to make his gaine and profit thereby: and if he be not able to reigne himselfe, yet he will at leastwise converse and live with a king, yea, goe foorth with him to warre, like as Hydanthyrsus the Scythian did, and Leucon of Pontus. But I will set downe his 10 owne words, that we may see whether, like as of the treble and base strings, there ariseth a con­sonance of an eight; so there be an accord in the life of a man, who hath chosen to live quietly without doing ought, or at leastwise to intermeddle in few affaires, yea, and yet afterwards ac­companieth the Scythians riding on horsebacke, and manageth the affaires of the kings of Bos­phorus upon any occasion of need that may be presented? For as touching this point (quoth he) that a wise man will go into warlike expeditions with princes, live, and converse with them, we will consider againe thereof heereafter; being as it is, a thing that as some upon the like ar­guments imagine not, so we for the semblable reasons admit and allow. And a little after: Not onely with those who have proceeded well in the knowledge of vertue, and beene sufficiently in­stituted and trained up in good maners, as were Hydanthyrsus and Leucon abovesaid. Some there 20 be who blame Calisthenes for that he passed over the seas to king Alexander into his campe, in hope to reedifie the city Olynthus, as Artstotle caused the city Stagyra to be repaired, who highly commend Ephorus, Xenocrates and Menedemus, who rejected Alexander: But Chry­sippus driveth his wise man by the head forward, for his gaine and profit, as farre as to the city Panticapaeum, and the deserts of Scythia. And that this is (I say) for his gaine & profit he shewed before, by setting downe three principall meanes, beseeming a wise man for to practise and seeke his gaine by: the first by a kingdome, and the beneficence of kings; the second by his friends; and the third besides these, by teaching literature: and yet in many places he wearieth us with citing this verse of Euripides:

For what need mortall men take paine? 30
Onely for things in number
See a little after.
twaine.

But in his books of Nature he saith: That a wise man if he have lost the greatest riches that may be, esteemeth the losse no more than if it were but a single denier of silver, or one grey groat. Howbeit, him whom he hath there so highly extolled and pussed up with glory, heere hee ta­keth downe and abaseth as much, even to make him a meere mercenary pedante, and one that is faine to teach a schoole: for he would have him to demaund and exact his salary sometime before hand of his scholar, when he enters into his schoole; and otherwhile after a certeine pre­fixed time of his schooling is come and gone: And this (quoth hee) is the honester and more civill way of the twaine; but the other is the furer, namely, to make him pay his mony afore­hand; for that delay and giving attendance is subject to receive wrong and susteine losse: and 40 thus much he uttereth in these very termes: Those teachers that be of the wiser sort, cal for their schoolage and minervals of their scholars, not all after one maner, but diversly: a number of them, according as the present occasion requireth, who promise not to make them wise men, and that within a yeere; but undertake to doe what lies in them, within a set time agreed up­on betweene them. And soone after, speaking of his wise man: He will (quoth he) know the best time, when to demaund his pension, to wit, whether incontinently upon the entrance of his scholar, as the most part do; or to give day, and set downe a certeine time; which maner of dea­ling is more subject to receive injurie, howsoever it may seeme more honest and civill. And how can a wise man, tell me now, be a despiser of money, in case hee make a contract and bar­gaine at a price to receive money, for delivering vertue; or if he doe not deliver it, yet require 50 his salary neverthelesse, as if he he had performed his part fully? Either how can he be greater than to susteine a losse and damage, if it be so that he stand so strictly upon this point, and be so warie, that he receive no wrong by the paiment of his wages? For surely no man is said to bee injuried, who is not hurt nor endamaged: and therefore how ever otherwise he hath flatly de­nied, that a wise man could receive warning; yet in this booke he saith, that this maner of dea­ling, is exposed to losse and damage.

[Page 1069] In his booke of Common-wealth, he affirmeth, that his citizens will never doe any thing for pleasure, no nor addresse and prepare themselves therefore, praising highly Euripides for these verses:

What need men, but for two things, onely swinke?
Bread for to eat, and water shere to drinke.

And soone after, he proceedeth forward, and praiseth Diogenes, for abusing himselfe, by forcing his nature to passe from him in the open street, and saying withall to those that stood by: Oh, that I could chase hunger as well from my belly. What reason then is there, in the selfesame bookes to commend him for rejecting pleasure, and withall for defiling his owne body as hee did, so beastly in the sight of the whole world, and that for a little filthy pleasure? In his books 10 of Nature, having written that nature had produced and brought foorth many living creatures for beauty onely, as delighting and taking pleasure in such lovely varietie, and therewith ha­ving adjoined moreover a most strange and absurd speech, namely, that the peacocke was made for his tailes sake, and in regard of the beauty thereof: cleane contrary to himselfe, in his books of Common-wealth, he reprooveth very sharpely those who keepe peacocks and nightingals, as if he would make lawes quite contrary to that soveraigne law-giver of the world, deriding na­ture for taking delight, and employing as it were her study in bringing foorth such creatures; unto which a wise man wil give no place in his city and common-wealth. For how can it other­wise be but monstrous and absurd for to finde fault with those who nourish such creatures, as if it were wantonnesse so to doe, in case he praise the divine providence for creating them? In his 20 fift booke of Nature, after he had shewed that wal-lice or punaises serve in good stead to awa­ken us out of sleepe, as also that mice advertise us to beware and take heed where we lay up and bestow every thing; and that it is probable that nature taketh pleasure in producing faire creatures, and joieth in diversitie, he commeth out with this sentence word for word: This ap­peereth most evidently in the peacocks taile: for heere he signifieth that this bird was made for the tailes sake, and not contrariwise; and so when the cocke was once created, the hen followed after.

In his booke of common-wealth when he had said, that we are come almost to the painting of dung-hils, a little after: There be some (quoth he) who adorne & embelish their corn-fields, with vines climbing and growing upon trees, ranged directly in order, as also with myrtle rowes; 30 who nourish also peacocks and doves, yea and partridges, for to heare them cal and record unto them, as also nightingales for their pleasant song. But I would gladly know of him, what hee thinketh, and what his conceit is of bees and of hony; for it would by good consequence fol­low, that he who had said, that punaises and wal lice were profitably created; should also in­ferre that bees were made for no profit. Now if he allowed these a place in his Common­wealth, how is it that he forbiddeth his citizens to enterteine those things which delight the eare. To be briefe, like as he were very absurd who should find fault with those guests at a feast, who fell to eat comfits, and sweet banketting conceits, to drinke wine also, and to feed of de­licate viands; and in the meane while commend the man who invited them to such dainties, and provided the same for them: even so, he who praising the divine providence for creating 40 delicate fishes, deinty birds, sweet hony, and pleasant wine, should reproove those who reject not these gifts, nor be content to eat bare bread, and drinke sheere water, things that be ever at hand, and which are sufficient for our food, were as farre out of reason, and makes no reckoning at all how he doth contradict himselfe, and what contrary opinions he holdeth.

Moreover, having in his treatise of Exhortations said, that it was no reason, that folke should be defamed or blamed, for having to doe carnally with their owne mothers, daughters, or si­sters; for eating any kinde of meats whatsoever, for going directly out of the bed from a wo­man, or from a dead body and mortuarie, unto a temple or sacrifice: And heerein (quoth he) we ought to have a regard and eie unto brute beasts, and taking example by them, to collect and conclude, that in all this, there is no absurdity at all, nor any thing against nature; for fitly 50 and to the purpose very well a man may alledge this, and compare the usage of other creatures, to shew that they neither being coupled together nor engendring, no nor dying in temples, do pollute and defile the divinitie. Contrary to all this, in the fift booke of nature he saith: That the poet Hesiodus did very well to admonish and forbid us, not to pisse into fountaines, nor running rivers; yea, and much rather to forbeare to make water against an altar, or any image and statue of the gods: neither mattereth, or skilleth it all, if dogs, affes, and yoong children, doe so, seeing they have no discretion nor consideration in such things: and therefore it is [Page 1070] very absurd to say in one place: That it is meet to consider the savage example of wilde beasts; and in another, as absurde to alledge the same.

Some philosophers there be, who imagine a certeine accessary motion from without in the principall part of our soule; for that a man seemeth to give the head and liberty unto divers in­clinations, when he is forced to a thing by outward causes: which motion appeereth prin­cipally in doubtfull and variable things; for when of two objects equall in power, and eve­ry way semblable, we are of necessity to chuse one, and there is no cause at all to incline us more to the one than to the other, this foresaid accessary and adventitious puissance, com­ming in otherwise, and seazing upon the inclination of the soule, decideth all the doubt. Against these philosophers, Chrysippus disputing, as if they did violence to nature by the con­trary, 10 and by devising an effect without a cause; among sundry other examples, alledgeth the cockall bone, the balance, and many such like things which cannot fall, incline and bend now on one side, and then on another, without some cause & difference which is entirely in them, or [...] commeth from without forth: for this is generally held; that whatsoever is without cause can have no subsistence, no more than meere hazard and chance: but in these adventitions and accessarie motions which they suppose, there be certeine hidden irreptitious causes, which se­credy moove and induce our appetite and inclination, even without our knowledge to one part or other: and this is that which he often repeateth in the most notable works that he hath put forth; but that which himselfe afterward delivereth cleane contrary, because it is not exposed so openly to the view of the whole world, I will alledge verbatim as he hath delivered it: For in his 20 treatise concerning the office of a Judge, supposing for example sake, that two curriers who ranne a course, were come both together unto the goale, he demandeth what the Judge should doe in this case; namely, whether it were lawfull for him, to give unto whether of them hee pleased, the victorious branch of the date tree? this being supposed withall, that they were both so inward & familiar with him, that he should rather gratifie them both, even out of his owne in some sort, than seeme to defraud either of them of the victorious garland, which seemeth to be common to them both: Whether (I say) it be lawfull for him to encline unto one or to the other, and so award the victory as if they had drawen lots therefore: To encline (I say) casually & without any reason; like as when two groates are presented unto us, every way semblable one to the other, we incline rather to that which we take. And in the sixt booke of Duties, having said, 30 that there be certeine things that require no great adoo, nor intentive consideration, hee is of opinion, that in such cases we are to yeeld the choise into the casuall propension of the minde, even as to the adventerous hazard of a lot: as for example; if the question be to make triall of the said two groates, one saith, this is the better, and another that: but for that we are to take one of the twaine, without more adoo and farther triall of their betternesse, we take that which comes first; and in another place he saith: in putting this to the aventure of a lot, it falleth out otherwhiles, that wee hit upon the woorse: in these places the casuall inclination of the minde, to the first object, and the putting of the matter to the hazard of a lot, is nothing else but to bring in a choise of things indifferent without any cause.

In the third booke of Logique, having premised thus much, that Plato, Aristotle and their 40 successours and disciples even as farre as to Polemon and Straton, had bestowed great study and travelled much therein: but above all others, Socrates, with this addition, that a man would wish with so many and such noble personages to erre for company: he commeth in afterwards with these words: If they had (quoth he) treated and discoursed hereof cursarily or by the way, a man haply might laugh at this place well enough: but since that they have so seriously and exactly disputed of Logique, as if it were one of the greatest faculties and most necessarie sciences, it is not like that they were so grosly deceived, being men throughout all the parts of philosophy, so singular as we repute them to be. How is it then, may a man reply and say, that you neverrest baying and barking at these so woorthy and excellent personages, and convincing them as you suppose to have erred? For there is no likelihood that they writing so diligently and exactly as 50 they have done of Logique, should of the principles and elements, of the end of good things, of Justice and the gods, write carelessely and after a loose maner, howsoever you are disposed to [...] their treatises and discourses, blinde, repugnant to themselves, and stuffed with an infinit [...] of faults and errors. In one place he denieth that the vice [...], that is to say a joy to see evill happen unto another, hath any being or reall subsistence: For that (quoth he) no good man was ever knowen to rejoice at the harme of another: but in his second booke as touching Good, having declared what Envie is, namely a griefe for another mans well fare: because [Page 1071] men are desirous to detract and debase their neighbours, to the end they might be superiours themselves: he addeth afterwards, the joy for another mans harme, and that in these words: An­nexed thereunto (quoth he) is the joy for another mans harme, because men are desirous that their neighbours about them, should be brought low for the like causes: but when they decline and turne to other naturall affections, there is engendred Pity and Mercie: In which words it appeareth that he ordaineth [...] to be a thing really subsistent as well as envie and pittie, which notwithstanding elsewhere he said had no being at all in the world no more than the ha­tred of wickednesse or the desire of filthy lucre.

Having in many places affirmed, that men are never a whit more happie, for long continu­ance of felicity, but that they be still as happy who enjoy felicity but one minute of an [...] : in 10 as many other places againe he avoucheth the contrary, saying that a man should not so much as put forth his finger for a transitory and momentany prudence, which endureth but a while, & passeth away like unto the flash and leame of a lightening. But it shal suffice to relate the very words, which he hath written in his sixth booke of morall questions as touching this matter: for when he had premised thus much, that every good thing doth not cause equall joy, nor all vertuous duties like vantery, he commeth after with these words: For if a man is to have pru­dence one moment of time, or the last daie onely of his life, he should not so much as hold up or stretch out his finger for a prudence that lasteth so small a while: although no man is said to be the more blessed for long continuance of happinesse, neither is eternall beatitude more expetible or desirable, than that which passeth away within a minute of an houre. Now if he 20 had thought that prudence were a good thing bringing forth blessednesse, as Epicurus did, a man could have found fault with nothing else but the absurdity onely of so strange an opinion and paradox. But seeing that prudence is no other thing than beatitude, of it selfe, and even very felicity, how can it be avoided that herein there should not be a contradiction and repug­nancy of speech, namely, to say that transitory happinesse is as eligible and as much to be de­sired, as that which is perpetuall: and to hold, that the felicity of one moment is worth naught

He affirmeth that vertues doe follow and accompany one another not onely in this respect, that he who hath one, hath likewise all the rest, but also in this that he who worketh by one, wor­keth with all according to the other: neither (saith he) is any man perfect, unlesse he be posses­sed of all vertues. Howbeit in the sixt booke of morall questions, Chrysippus saith that neither a 30 good and honest man doth alwaies beare himselfe valiantly, nor a naughty man behave himselfe cowardly, for that as certeine objects be presented into mens fantasies, it behooveth one man to persevere and persist in his judgements, and another to forsake and relinquish the same: for probable he saith it is that even the wicked man is not alwaies lascivious. Now in case it be so, that to be a valiant man, is as much as to shew valour, and to be a coward, the same that to use cowardise, they speake contraries who affirme, that a naughty person practising one vice, wor­keth by all together: and that a valiant man useth not alwaies valour, nor a dastard cowardise.

He denieth Rhetorique to be an art, as touching the ornament, dispose and order of an ora­tion pronounced: and besides in the first booke he hath thus written: And in mine opinion re­quisit it is to have not onely a regard of an honest, decent & simple adorning of words, but al­so 40 a care of proper gestures, actions, pauses and staies of the voice, as also a meet conformation of the countenance and the hands. Being as you see thus exquisit and curious in this passage: yet in the same booke cleare contrary, having spoken of the collision of vowels, and hitting one of them upon another: We are not only (quoth he) to neglect this, and to thinke of that which is of greater moment and importance but also to let passe certeine obscurities and defects, solaecismes also and incongruities, of which many others would be ashamed. Now one while to permit and allow such exquisit curiosity in the orderly dispose of a manstongue, even as far as to the decent setting of the countenance and gesture of the hands: and another while not to bash at the committing of grosse incongruities, defects and obscurities, is the property of a 50 man who cares not what he saith, but speakes whatsoever comes in his head.

Over and besides in his naturall positions, treating of those things which require the view of the eie and experience, after he had given warning that we should go warily to worke, and not rashly yeeld our assent thereto, he saith, Let us not therefore be of Platoes opinion, to thinke that our liquid food, to wit, our drinke, passeth directly to the lungs, and our dry nourish­ment, that is, our meat, into the stomacke; neither let us fall into such like errours as these. For mine owne part, thus I thinke, That for a man to reprehend others, and afterwards to incurre the same faults and errours which he reproved, is the greatest repugnancy and contrariety that may [Page 1072] be, and the foulest and most shamefull fault of all others. And verily himselfe saith, that the connexions which are made by the ten principall Axiomes, that is to say, Propositions, ex­ceed in number ten hundred thousand; when as neither he had by himselfe diligently enough enquired and searched into the thing, nor by other men well exercised in that art of Arethme­ticke, attained to the trueth. And yet Plato had to testifie on his side, the most renowmed Phy­sicians that were, namely, Hippocrates, Philistion and Dioxippus the disciple of Hippocrates: also of Poets, Euripides, Alcaeus, Eupolis and Eratosthenes, who all with one voice affirme, that the drinke passeth by the lungs. And as for all the Arithmeticians well practised in the knowledge of numbers, they reprove Chrysippus: and Hipparchus among the rest, proving and shewing that in the foresaid speech of his, he erred most grosly in his computation, if it be true that the affir­mative 10 maketh of the said ten Axiomes to the number of 103049 connexions, and the nega­tive 952, over and above three hundred and ten thousands. Some of the ancients said of Zeno that it befel unto him as unto one who had sowre wine of his owne, which he could not sell and, make away either for vineger or wine: for, that precedent of his which they call [...], [...] could not put off neither for a thing that is good, nor so much as indifferent. But Chrysippus hath made the matter farre more intricate and different: for in some passages of his, he saith, that they are starke mad, who make no account of riches, health, voidnesse of paine and integri­ty of the body, nor care how to attaine thereto; and having alledged this verse out of Hesiodus,

O Perses, borne of noble race,
Thy businesse plie, and worke apace. 20

he addeth thereto and saith, it were meere madnesse to advise the contrarie, and say,

O Perses, borne of noble race,
Plie not thy worke in any case.

And in his treatise of Lives he writeth, that a wise man will court it with kings and princes, if he may raise his commoditie and gaine thereby; yea, he will keepe a schoole and teach for mo­ney, taking of some scholars his [...] aforehand, and bargaining with others for a [...] time. Also in the seventh booke of his offices, he saith, that he will not sticke to tumble downe upon his head, and that three times, so he may be sure to have a talent for his labour. In his first booke of Good things, he permitteth and granteth unto whosoever will, to call those [...] or precedents aforesaid, Good, and the contrary thereto, Bad, in these very tearmes: If a man list (quoth he) according to such premutations as these, he may call one thing good unto him­selfe, 30 and another thing ill; so as he have an eie and regard unto the things, and wander not in­considerately, nor faile in the understanding of things signified, but otherwise accommodate himselfe to the use and custome of the denomination. Having thus in this place set his Prece­dent so [...] and linked it with Good; in other passages he saith cleane contrary, that none of all this concerneth us at all, but reason doth divert and plucke us quite away from all such things: for, so much hath he set downe in his first booke of Exhortations. But in the third booke of Nature, he saith, that some kings and rich persons are reputed blessed and happie; which is as much as if they were to be accounted happy, who made water in golden chamber pots, or swept the floure with the golden traines of their costly robes. But a good man, if he lose his whole pa­trimonie 40 and all his estate, weigheth it no more than the losse of a grote or single denier, and maketh no greater matter of sicknesse, than of stumbling or tripping alittle with his foot. And therefore, filled he hath with such contrarieties, not [...] onely, but also providence. For ver­tue will appeare exceeding base, mechanicall and foolish, if it be emploied in things so vile and contemptible, commanding a man to saile for them as farre as to Bosporus, yea and to throw himselfe upon his head. And Jupiter is very ridiculous, delighting to be called either Ctesius, that is to say, The enricher and donor of possessions, or Epicar pius, that is to say, The giver of [...] , or Charidotes, that is to say, The gratifier and authour of favours: for that unto leawd and [...] persons he affoordeth golden chamber pots, and robes garded and bordered round [...] the [...] with golde; but vouchsafeth unto good men, trash hardly woorth a grote, when 50 they are become rich through the providence of Jupiter. And yet Apollo is much more ridicu­lous, if it be so, that he sits giving answeres and oracles as touching golden chamber pots, gards and fringes of gold, yea and the tripping and stumbling of the foot. This repugnance and con­trarietie they make more evident and apparent still by their demonstration: For that ( [...] they) which may be well or ill used, is neither good nor bad. Now, certeine it is, that all evill and foolish persons use riches, health and strength of the body, amisse; and therefore none of these may be called Good. If then, God give not vertue unto men, but Honesty commeth of it [Page 1073] selfe, and yet bestoweth riches and health without vertue, surely it is upon them who will not use the same well but ill, that is to say, unprofitably, shamefully and mischievously. And verily if the gods can give vertue, they are not good if they doe not: and againe, if they can not make good men, neither are they able to helpe them any way, considering, that without it, there is no­thing good nor profitable. For, to say that the gods judge those to be good by vertue and by strength, who are otherwise good than by them, is to no purpose, but a vaine conceit: for even so good men do judge the evill by vertue and by strength: so that by this reckoning, they profit men no more, than they be profited by men. And verily Chrysippus judgeth neither himselfe to be a good man, nor any either of his scholars or teachers. What is their opinion then, think you, of others, if it be not that which themselves say, namely, that they are mad and senselesse 10 fooles, that they be miscreants and infidels, lawlesse, and in one word, come to the very heighth and pitch of all infelicitie and miserie? And yet forsooth they hold, that men so wretched and unhappie as they be, are notwithstanding governed and ruled by divine providence. Now, if the gods, changing their minde, should determine to hurt, afflict, plague, destroy and crush us quite, they could not bring us to a woorse state and condition, than wherein we are already; ac­cording as Chrysippus saith, That mans life can not be brought to a lower ebbe, nor be in woorse plight and case than now it is, insomuch as if it had a tongue and voice to speake, it would pro­nounce these words of Hercules:

Of miseries (to say I dare be bold)
So full I am, that more I can not hold. 20

And what assertions or sentences may a man possibly finde more contrary and repugnant one against another, than those of Chrysippus, as touching both gods and men, when he saith, That the gods are most provident over men, and carefull for their best; and men notwithstanding are in as wofull state as they may be?

Certeine Pythagoreans there are, who blame him much, for that in his booke of Justice he hath written of dunghill cocks, that they were made and created profitable for mans use: For (quoth he) they awaken us out of our sleepe, and raise us to our worke; they hunt, kill and de­voure scorpions; with their fighting they animate us to battell, imprinting in our hearts an ar­dent desire to shew valour: and yet eat them we must, for feare that there grow upon us more 30 pullaine, than we know what otherwise to do withall. And so farre foorth mocketh he and scor­neth those who finde fault with him for delivering such sentences, that he writeth thus in his third booke of the Gods, as touching Jupiter the Saviour, Creatour and Father of justice, law, equity and peace: And like as cities (quoth he) and great townes, when they be over full of peo­ple, deduct and send from thence certeine colonies, and begin to make warre upon some other nations; even so God sendeth the causes that breed plague and mortalitie: to which purpose he citeth the testimony of Euripides and other authours, who write that the Trojan warre was raised by the gods, for to discharge and disburden the world of so great a multitude of men wherewith it was replenished. As for all other evident absurdities delivered in these speeches, I let passe, for my purpose is not to search into all that which they have said or written amisse, but 40 onely into their contradictions and contrarieties to themselves. But consider, I pray you, how Chrysippus hath alwaics attributed unto the gods the goodliest names and most plausible termes that can be devised; but contrariwise, most savage, cruell, inhumane, barbarous and Galatian deeds. For such generall mortalities and carnages of men, as the Trojan warre first brought, and afterwards the Median and Peloponnesiacke warres, are nothing like unto colonies that ci­ties send forth to people and inhabit other places; unlesse haply one would say, That such mul­titudes of men that die by warre and pestilence, know of some cities founded for them in hell and under the ground to be inhabited. But Chrysippus maketh God like unto Deiotarus the king of Galatia, who having many sonnes, and minding to leave his realme and roiall estate unto one of them and no more, made away & killed all the rest besides him, to the end that he being left alone, might be great and mightie: like as if one should prune and cut away all the branches of 50 a vine, that the maine stocke might thrive and prosper the better: and yet the cutter of the vine disbrancheth it when the shoots be yoong, small and tender: and we also take away from a bitch many of her whelps when they be so yoong as that they can not yet see, for to spare the damme: whereas [...] who hath not onely suffered and permitted men to grow unto their perfect age, but [...] given them himselfe their nativitie and growth, punisheth them and pla­gueth them afterwards, devising sundry meanes, and preparing many occasions of their death and destruction, when as indeed he should rather have not given unto them the causes and prin­ciples [Page 1074] of their generation and birth. Howbeit, this is but a small matter in comparison; and more grievous is that which I will now say; for there are no warres bred among men, but by oc­casion of some notable vice; seeing the cause of one is fleshly pleasure; of another, avarice; and of a third, ambition and desire of rule. And therefore, if God be the authour of warres, he is by consequence, the cause of wickednesse, and doth provoke, excite and pervert men: and yet him­selfe in his treatise of judgement, yea and his second booke of the Gods, writeth that it stands to no sense and reason that God should be the cause of any wicked and dishonest things. For like as the lawes are never the cause of breaking and violating the lawes, no more are gods of im­pietie: so that there is no likelihood at all that they should move and cause men to commit any foule and dishonest fact. Now what can there be more dishonest, than to procure and raise 10 some to worke the ruine and perdition of others, and yet Chrysippus saith, that God ministreth the occasions and beginnings thereof. Yea, but he contrariwise (will one say) commendeth Euripides, for saying thus:

If Gods do ought that lewd and filthy is,
They are no more accounted Gods, iwis.

And againe,

Soone said that is: Mens faults t'excuse,
Nothing more ready than Gods t' accuse.

as if forsooth we did any thing els now, but compare his words and sentences together that be opposit and meere contrary one unto another. And yet this sentence which now is heere com­mended, 20 to wit,

Soone said that is, &c.

we may alledge against Chrysippus, not once, nor twice nor thrice, but ten thousand times. For first, in his treatise of Nature, having likened the eternity of motion to a drench or potion made confusedly of many herbs and spices, troubling and turning all things that be engendred, some after one sort and some after another, thus he saith, Seeing it is so, that the government and ad­ministration of the universall world proceedeth in this sort, necessary it is that according to it we be disposed in that maner as we are; whether it be that we are diseased against our owne na­ture, maimed or disinembred, Grammarians or Musicians. And againe, soone after, accor­ding to this reason, we may say the like of our vertue or vice, and generally of the knowledge or 30 ignorance of arts, as I have already said. Also within a little after, cutting off all doubt and am­biguity: There is no particular thing, not the very least that is, which can otherwise happen than according to common nature, and the reason thereof: now that common nature, and the rea­son of it is fatall destinie, divine providence and Jupiter, there is not one, search even as farre as to the Antipodes, but he knoweth: for this sentence is very rife in their mouthes: And as for this verse of Homer,

And as ech thing thus came to passe,
The will of Jove fulfilled was.

he saith that well and rightly he referred all to destiny, and the universall nature of the world, whereby all things are governed. How is it possible then, that these two positions should sub­sist 40 together, namely, that God is in no wise the cause of any dishonest thing: and, that there is nothing in the world be it never so little that is done, but by common nature, and according to the reason thereof? For surely, among all those things that are done, necessarily there must be things dishonest: and yet Epicurus turneth and windeth himselfe on every side, imagining and devising all the subtill shifts that he can to unloose, set free, and deliver our voluntary free will from this motion eternall, because he would not leave vice excuseable & without just repre­hension; whereas in the meane while he openeth a wide window unto it, and giveth it libertie to plead: That committed it is not onely by the necessitie of destiny, but also by the reason of God, and according to the best nature that is. And thus much also moreover is to be seene written word forword: For considering that common nature reacheth unto al causes; it cannot 50 otherwise be, but all that is done, howsoever, and in what part soever of the world, must be ac­cording to this common nature, and the reason thereof, by a certeine stint of consequence without impeachment; for that there is nothing without, that can impeach the administrati­on thereof, neither mooveth any part, or is disposed in habitude otherwise, than according to that common nature. But what habitudes and motions of the parts are these? Certeine it is that the habitudes be the vices and maladies of the minds, as covetousnesse, lecherie, ambition, cowardise, and injustice: as for the motions, they be the acts proceeding from thence, as adul­teries, [Page 1075] thefts, treasons, manslaughters, murders, and parricides, Chrysippus now is of opinion, That none of all these, be they little or great, is done without the reason of Jupiter, or against law, justice, and providence: insomuch as to breake law, is not against law; to wrong another, is not against justice; nor to commit sinne against providence. And yet he affirmeth, that God punisheth vice, and doth many things for the punishment of the wicked. As for example, in the second booke of the gods: Otherwhiles there happen (quoth he) unto good men grievous calamities, not by way of punishment, as to the wicked, but by another kinde of oeconomy and disposition, like as it falleth out usually unto cities. Againe, in these words: First, we are to understand, evill things and calamities as we have said heeretofore; then to thinke, that distri­buted they are according to the reason and dispose of Jupiter, either by way of punishment, or 10 else by some other oeconomie of the whole world. Now surely, this is a doctrine hard to bee digested, namely, that vice being wrought by the disposition and reason of God, is also puni­shed thereby: howbeit, this contradiction he doeth still aggravate and extend in the second booke of Nature, writing thus: But vice in regard of grievous accidents, hath a certeine peculiar reason by it selfe: for after a sort it is committed by the common reason of nature, and as I may so say, not unprofitably in respect of the universall world: for otherwise than so, there were no good things at all: and then proceeding to reproove those who dispute pro & contra, and discourse indifferently on both parts, he (I meane) who upon an ardent desire tobroch alwaies and in every matter some novelties & exquisite singularities above all other, saith, It is not un­profitable, to cut purses, to play the sycophants, or commit loose, dissolute, and mad parts: no 20 more than it is incommodious, that there should be unprofitable members, hurtfull and wret­ched persons: which if it be so, what maner of god is Jupiter, I meane him, of whom Chrysip­pus speaketh, in case (I say) he punish a thing, which neither commeth of it selfe, nor unprofi­tably: for vice according to the reason of Chrysippus were altogether irreprehensible, and Ju­piter to be blamed, if either he caused vice, as a thing unprofitable, or punished it when he had made it not unprofitably. Moreover, in the first booke of Justice, speaking of the gods, that they oppose themselves against the iniquities of some: But wholly (quoth he) to cut off all vice, is neither possible nor expedient, is it if it were possible, to take away all injustice, all trans­gression of lawes, and all folly. But how true this is, it perteineth not to this present treatise for 30 to enquire and discourse. But himselfe taking away and rooting up all vice as much as lay in him, by the meanes of philosophy, which to extirpe, was neither good nor expedient, doeth heerein that which is repugnant both to reason and also to God. Furthermore, in saying that there be certeine sinnes and iniquities, against which the gods doe oppose themselves, he gi­veth covertly to understand, that there is some oddes and inequality in sinnes. Over and besides, having written in many places, that there is nothing in the world to be blamed, nor that can be complained of, for that all things are made and finished by a most singular and excellent na­ture: there be contrariwise, sundry places, wherein hee leaveth and alloweth unto us certeine negligences reprooveable, and those not in small and trifling matters. That this is true, it may appeere in his third book of Substance; where having made mention, that such like negligences might befal unto good & honest men: Commeth this to passe (quoth he) because there be some 40 things where of there is no reckoning made, like as in great houses, there must needs be scatte­red and lost by the way some bran, yea and some few graines of wheat, although in generality the whole besides, is well enough ruled and governed? or is it because there be some evill and malignant spirits, as superintendents over such things, wherein certeinly such negligences are committted, & the same reprehensible? and he saith moreover, that there is much necessitie in­termingled among. But I meane not hereupon to stand, nor to discourse at large, but to let passe what vanity there was in him, to compare the accidents which befell to some good and vertu­ous persons, as for example, the condemnation of Socrates, the burning of Pythagoras quicke by the Cylonians, the dolorous torments that Zeno endured under the tyrant Demylus, or those which Antiphon suffred at the hands of Dionysius, when they were by them put to death, 50 unto the brans that be spilt and lost in great mens houses. But that there should bee such wicked spirits deputed by the divine providence, to have the charge of such things, must needs redound to the great reproach of God, as if he were some unwise king who committed the go­vernment of his provinces unto evill captaines and rash headed lieutenants, suffering them to abuse and wrong his best affected subjects, and winking at their rechlesse negligence, having no care or regard at all of them. Againe, if it be so, that there is much necessity and constraint mingled among the affaires of this world, then is not God the soveraigne lord and omnipotent [Page 1076] master of all, neither be all things absolutely governed and ruled by his reason and counsell.

Moreover he mightily opposeth himselfe against Epicurus and those who take from the ad­ministration of the world divine providence, confuting them, principally by the common no­tions and conceptions inbred in us as touching the gods, by which perswaded we are that they be gracious benefactours unto men. And for that this is so vulgar and common a thing with them needlesse it is to cite any expresse places to proove the same: And yet by his leave, all na­tions doe not beleeve that the gods be bountifull and good unto us. For doe but consider what opinion the Jewes and Syrians have of the gods: looke into the writings of Poets, with how many superstitions they be stuffed. There is no man in maner to speake of who imagineth or conceiveth in his minde, that god is either mortall and corruptable, or hath bene begotten: And 10 Antipater of Tarsis (to passe others over in silence) in his booke of Gods, hath written thus much word forword. But to the end (quoth he) that this discourse may be more perspicuous and cleare, we will reduce into few words the opinion which we have of God. We understand therefore by God a living nature or substance happie, incorruptible, and a benefactor unto men: and afterwards in expounding each of these tearmes and attributes, thus he saith: And ve­rily all men doe acknowledge the gods to be immortall. It must needs be then, that by Antipa­ters saying, Chrysippus of all those, is none. For he doth not thinke any of all the gods to be in­corruptiblesave Jupiter onely: but supposeth that they were all engendred a like, and that one day they shall all likewise perish. This generally throughout all his bookes doth he deliver: howbeit one expresse passage will I alledge out of his third booke of the gods. After a divers 20 sort (quoth he) for some of them are engendred and mortall: others not engendred at all. But the proofe and demonstration here of, if it should be fetched from the head indeed, apperteineth more properly unto the science of Naturall Philosophy. For the Sunne and Moone and other gods of like nature, were begotten: but Jupiter is sempiternall. And againe somewhat after: The like shall be said of Jupiter and other gods, as touching their corruption and generation: for some of them do perish: but as for his parts they be incorruptible. With this I would have you to compare, a little of that which Antipater hath written: Those (quoth he) who deprive the gods of beneficence and well doing, touch but in some part the prenotion and anticipati­on in the knowledge of them: and by the same reason they also who thinke they participate of generation and corruption. If then he be as much deceived and as absurd, who thinketh that the 30 gods be mortall and corruptible, as he who is of opinion that they beare no bountifull and lo­ving affection toward men, Chrysippus is as farre from the trueth as Epicurus, for that as the one bereaveth God of immortallity and incorruption, so the other taketh from him bounty and li­berality.

Moreover Chrysippus in his third booke of the gods speaking of this point, and namely how other gods are nourished, saith thus: Other gods (quoth he) use a certaine nourishment, where­by they are maintained equally: but Jupiter and the world after a nother sort, than those who are engendred, and be consumed by the fire. In which place, he holdeth, that all other gods be nou­rished, except Jupiter and the world. And in the first booke of Providence, he saith that Jupiter groweth continually untill such a time, as all things be consumed in him. For death being the 40 separation of the body and soule, seeing that the soule of the world never departeth at all but augmenteth continually, untill it have consumed all the matter within it, we cannot say that the world dieth. Who could speake more contrary to himselfe, than he who saith that one and the same god is nourished and not nourished? And this we need not to inferre and conclude by necessary consequence, considering that himselfe in the same place hath written it plainly. The world onely (quoth he) is said to be of it selfe sufficient: because it alone hath all in it selfe whereof it standeth in no need, of it selfe it is nourished and augmented, whereas other parts are transmuted and converted one into another. Not onely then is he contradictorie and rupug­nant to himselfe in that he saith, other gods be nourished, all except the world and Jupiter, but also here in much more, when he saith that the world groweth by nourishing it selfe: whereas 50 contrariwise there had bene more reason to say, the world onely is not augmented, having for foode the distruction thereof: but on the contrary side, other gods doe grow and increase, in as much as they have their nourishment from without: and rather should the world be consumed into them, if it be true that the world taketh alwaies from it selfe, and other gods from it. The second point conteined in that common notion and opinion imprinted in us as touching the gods, is that they be blessed, happie and perfect. And therefore men highly praise Euripides for saying thus.

[Page 1079]
If God [...] God indeed and really,
He needs none of this poets vertly;
His [...] in hymnes and verses for to write:
Such [...] wretched are which they endite.

Howbeit our Chrysippus here, in those places by me alledged saith, that the world alone is of it selfe sufficient, as comprehending within it all that it hath need of. What then ariseth upon this proposition, that the world is sole-sufficient in it selfe, but this, that neither the Sun nor the Moone, nor any other of the gods whatsoever is sufficient of it selfe, and being thus insufficient, they cannot be blessed and happie.

Chrysippus is of opinion, that the infant in the mothers wombe, is nourished naturally, no 10 otherwise than a plant within the earth; but when it is borne, and by the aire cooled and hard­ned (as it were) like [...] , it mooveth the spirit, and becommeth an animall or living creature; and therefore it is not without good reason, that the soule was called [...], in regard of [...], that is to say, refrigeration. But not forgetetting to be contrary unto himselfe, he supposeth that the soule is the more subtile, rare, and fine spirit of nature: For how is it possible that a subtile thing should be made of that which is grosse, and that a spirit should be rarefied by re­frigeration and astriction or condensation? Nay, that which more is, how commeth it about, that [...] as he doth the soule of an infant to be engendred by the means of refrigeration, he should thinke the sun to become animat, being as it is of a firy nature, & engendred of an exhalation transmuted into fire? For thus he faith in his third booke of Nature: The mutati­on 20 (quoth he) of fire is in this maner; by the aire it is turned into water, and out of water having earth under it, there ex haleth aire, which aire comming to be subtilized, the fire is produced and environeth it round about; & as for the stars, they are set on fire out of these, together with the sunne; what is more contrary, than to be set on fire and to be cooled? what more opposite to subtilization and rarefaction, than inspissation and condensation? the one maketh water and earth, of fire and aire; the other turneth that which is moist and terrestriall, into fire and aire. And yet in one place he maketh kindling of fire, and in another refrigeration, to bee the cause of quickning and giving soule unto a thing: for when the said firing and inflammation comes generall throughout, then it liveth and is become an annimall creature; but after it commeth to be quenched and thickned, it turneth into water and earth, and so into a corporall substance. 30 In the first booke of Providence, he writeth thus: For the world being throughout on fire, pre­sently it is with all, the soule and governour of it selfe; but when it is turned into moisture and the soule left within it, and is after a sort converted into a soule and body, so as it seemeth com­pounded of them both, then the case is altered: In which text he affirmeth plainly, that the ve­ry inanimat parts of the world by exustion and inflammation, turne and change into the soule thereof; and contrariwise by extinction, the soule is relaxed and moistned againe, and so retur­neth into a corporall nature. Heereupon I inferre that he is very absurd, one while to make of senselesse things, animat and living, by way of refrigeration; and another while to transmure the most part of the soule of the world into insensible and inanimat things.

But over and above all this, the discourse which he maketh as touching the generation of the 40 soule, conteineth a proofe & demonstration contrary to his owne opinion; for he saith: That the soule is engendred after that the infant is gone out of the mothers wombe; for that the spi­rit then is transformed by refrigeration; even as the temper is gotten of steele. Now to prove that the soule is engendred, and that after the birth of the infant, hee bringeth this for a prin­cipall argument; Because children become like unto their parents in behaviour and natu­rall inclination; wherein the contrariety that he delivereth is so evident, as that a man may see it by the very eie; for it is not possible that the soule which is engendred after birth, should be framed to the maners and disposition of the parents before nativity; or else we must say (and fall out it will) that the soule before it was in esse, was already like unto a soule; which is all one, as that it was by similitude and resemblance, and yet was not, because as yet it had not a reall sub­stance: 50 Now if any one doe say, that it ariseth from the temperature and complexion of the bodies, that this similitude is imprinted in them, howbeit when the soules are once engendred, they become changed, he shall overthrow the argument and proofe, whereby it is shewed that the soule was engendred; for heereupon it would follow, that the soule although it were inge­nerable, when it entreth from without into the body, is changed by the temperature of the like.

Chrysippus sometime saith, that the aire is light, that it mounteth upward on high; and other­whiles [Page 1080] for it againe: that it is neither heavy nor light. To prove this, see what he saith in his se­cond booke of Motion, namely, that fire having in it no ponderosity at all, ascendeth aloft: semblably the aire; and as the water is more conformable to the earth, so the aire doth rather resemble the fire. But in his booke entituled Naturall arts, he bendeth to the contrary opinion, to wit, that the aire hath neither ponderosity nor lightnesse of it selfe: He affirmeth that the aire by nature is darke, and for that cause by consequence it is also the primitive cold; and that te­nebrosity or darknesse is directly opposite unto light and cleerenesse, and the coldnesse there­of to the heat of fire. Mooving this discourse in the first booke of his Naturall questions, con­trary to all this in his treatise of Habitudes, he saith: That these habitudes be nothing else but aires: For that bodies (quoth he) be [...] by them, and the cause why every body contei­ned by any habitude is such as it is, is the continent aire; which in iron is called hardnesse, in 10 stone, spissitude or thicknesse; in silver whitenesse; in which words there is great contrariety, and as much false absurditie: for if this aire remaine the same still as it is in the owne nature, how commeth blacke in that which is not white, to be called whitenesse; softnesse in that which is not hard, to be named hardnesse; or rare in that which is not solide and massie, to be called solidity? But in case it be said, that by mixture therein it is altered, and so becommeth semblable, how then can it be an habitude, a faculty, power, or cause of these effects, where­by it selfe is brought under and subdued? for that were to suffer rather than to doe; and this al­teration is not of a nature conteining, but of a languishing impotencie, whereby it loseth all the properties and qualities of the owne: and yet in every place they hold, that matter of it selfe 20 idle and without motion, is subject and exposed to the receit of qualities, which qualities are spirits, and those powers of the aire, which into what parts soever of the matter they get and insinuate themselves, doe give a forme and imprint a figure into them. But how can they mainteine this, supposing as they do, the aire to be such as they say it is; for if it be an habitude and power, it will conforme and shape unto it selfe, every body, so as it will make the same both blacke and soft: but if by being mixed and contempered with them, it take formes contrary un­to those which it hath by nature, it followeth then, that it is the matter of matter, and neither the habitude, cause, nor power thereof.

Chrysippus hath written often times, that without the world there is an infinit voidnesse; and that this infinitie hath neither beginning, middle, nor end. And this is the principall reason 30 whereby they resute that motion downward of the [...] by themselves, which Epicurus hath brought in: for in that which is infinit, there are no locall differences, whereby a man may un­derstand or specifie either high or low. But in the fourth booke of Things possible, he suppo­seth a certeine middle space and meane place betweene: wherein he saith the world is founded. The very text where he affirmeth this runneth in these words. And therefore we must say of the world that it is corruptible: and although it be very hard to proove it, yet me thinks rather it should be so, than otherwise. Neverthelesse, this maketh much to the inducing of us to beleeve that it hath a certeine incorruptibility, if I may so say, namely the occupation or taking up of the middle place, wherein it standeth, because it is in the mids: for if it were thought otherwise to be founded, it were altogether necessarie that some corruption should take holde of it. And a­gaine, a little after: for even so in some sort hath that essence bene ordeined from all eternity, to 40 occupie the middle region, being presently at the very first such as if not by another maner, yet by attaining this place, it is eternall and subject to no corruption. These words conteine one manifest repugnance and visible contrariety, considering that in them he admitteth and allow­eth in that which is infinit a middle place. But there is a second also, which as it is more darke and obscure, so it implieth also a more monstrous absurditie than the other: for supposing that the world can not continue incorruptible, if it were seated and founded in any other place of the infinitie, than in the mids; it appeareth manifestly that he feared, if the parts of the sub­stance did not moove and tend toward the mids, there would ensue a dissolution & corruption of the world. But this would he never have feared, if he had not thought that bodies naturally 50 from all sides tend to the middes not of the substance but of the place that conteineth the sub­stance; where of he had spoken in many places, that it was a thing impossible and against nature, for that within voidnesse there is no difference, by which bodies can be said to move more one way than another: and that the construction of the world is cause of the motion to the center, as also that all things from every side do bend to the mids. But to see this more plainly, it may suffice to alledge the very text in his second booke of Motion: for when he had delivered thus much, That the world is a perfect body, and the parts of the world not perfect, because they are [Page 1081] respective to the whole, and not of themselves. Having also discoursed as touching the motion thereof: for that it was apt and fitted by nature to moove it selfe in all parts, for to conteine and preserve, and not to breake, dissolve and burne it selfe, he saith afterwards, But the universall world tending and mooving to the same point, and the parts thereof having the same motion from the nature of the body; like it is, that this first motion is naturally proper to all bodies, namely, to encline toward the mids of the world, considering that the world mooveth so in re­gard of it selfe; and the parts likewise, in that they be the parts of the whole. How now my goodfriend, may some one say, what accident is befallen unto you, that you should forget to pronounce these words withall, That the world, in case it had not fortuned for to settle in the 10 mids, must needs have bene subject to corruption and dissolution? For if it be proper and natu­rall to the world to tend alwaies to the same middle, as also to addresse the parts thereof from all sides thereto, into what place soever of the voidnesse it be carried and transported, certes thus [...] and embracing (as it were) it selfe, as it doth, it must needs continue incorruptible, immortall, and past all danger of fracture or dissolution: for to such things as be broken, brui­sed, dissipated and dissolved, this is incident, by the division and dissolution of their parts, when ech one runneth and retireth into their proper and naturall place, out of that which is against their owne nature. But you sir, supposing that if the world were seated in any other place of voidnesse but in the mids, there would follow a totall ruine and corruption thereof; giving out also as much, and therefore imagining a middle in that where naturally there can be none, to wit, in that which is infinit, have verily quit cleane and fled from these tensions, cohaerences and 20 inclinations, as having in them no assured meanes for to mainteine and holde the world toge­ther, and attributed all the cause of the eternall maintenance and preservation thereof, unto the occupation of a place. And yet, as if you tooke pleasure to argue and convince yourselfe, you adjoine to the premisses, thus much: In what sort every severall part moveth, as it is cohaerent to the rest of the body, it stands with good reason, that after the same maner it should moove by it selfe alone; yea, if for disputation sake we imagine and suppose it to be in some void part of this world: and like as being kept in and enclosed on every side, it would move toward the mids, so it would continue in this same motion, although by way of disputation we should admit, that all on a sudden there should appeare some vacuity and void place round about it. And is it so indeed, that every part what ever it be, compassed about with voidnesse, forgoeth not her natu­rall 30 inclination to move & tend to the mids; and should the world it selfe, unlesse some fortune & blind chance had not prepared for it a place in the mids, have lost that vigor & power which conteineth and holdeth all together, & so some parts of the substance of it moove one way, and some another? Now surely heerein there be many other maine contrarieties repugnant even to natural reason; but this particularly among the rest, encountreth the doctrine of God & divine providence, to wit, that in attributing unto them the least and smallest causes that be, he taketh from them the most principall and greatest of all other. For what greater power can there be, than the maintenance and preservation of this universall world, or to cause the substance u­nited together in all parts to cohaere unto it selfe? But this according to the opinion of Chrysip­pus, 40 hapneth by meere hazzard and chance: for if the occupation of a place, is the cause of worlds incorruption and eternity, and the same chanced by fortune, we must inferre there upon, that the safety of all things dependeth upon hazzard and adventure, and not upon fatall destiny and divine providence. As for his doctrine & disputation [...], that is to say of things possible, which Chrysippus hath delivered directly agaisnt that of fatall destiny, how can it chuse but be repugnant to it selfe: for if that be not possible, according to the opiniō of Diodorus, which either is or shall be true, but whatsoever is susceptible naturally of a power to be, although the same never come into act or esse, is to be counted possible; there will be a number of things pos­sible which never shal have being, by destiny invincible, inexpugnable, & surmoūting al things. And therefore either this doctrine overthroweth al the force and puissance of destiny: or if it be admitted as Chrysippus would have it, that which potentially may be, wil fal out oftentimes to be 50 impossible; & whatsoever is true, shall be also necessary, as being comprised & contained by the greatest and most powerfull necessity of all others; and whatsoever is false, impossible, as having the greatest and most puissant cause withstanding and impeaching it ever for being true. For looke whose destiny it is to die in the sea, how can it possible be, that he should be [...] of death upon the land? And how is it possible, that he who is at Megara should come to Athens, being hindred and prohibited by fatall destiny?

Moreover his resolutions as touching fantasies and imaginations repugne mainely against [Page 1080] fatall destiny: For intending to proove that fantasie is not an entire and absolute cause of assent he saith, that Sages and wise men will prejudice and hurt us much, by imprinting in our mindes false imaginations, if it be so that such fantasies doe absolutely cause assent. For many times wise men use that which is false, unto leawd and wicked persons, representing unto them a fanta­sie that is but onely probable, and yet the same is not the cause of assent: for so also should it be the cause of false opinion and of deception. If then a man would transferre this reason and argu­ment from the said wise men unto fatall destiny, saying that destiny is not the cause of assents (for so he should confesse that by destiny were occasioned false assents, opinions and decepti­ons, yea and men should be endamaged by destiny) certes the same doctrine and reason which exempteth a wise man from doing hurt at any time, sheweth withall that destiny is not the cause of all things. For if they neither opine nor receive detriment by destiny: certeinly they 10 doe no good, they are not wise, they be not firme and constant in opinion, neither receive they any good and profit by destiny: so that this conclusion which they hold for most assured, falleth to the ground and commeth to nothing, namely, that fatall destiny is the cause of all things. Now if paradventure one say unto me, that Chrysippus doth not make destiny the entire and ab­solute cause of all things, but only a procatarcticall and antecedent occasion, here againe will he discover how he is contradictorie to himselfe, whereas he praiseth Homer excessively for saying thus of Jupiter:

Take well in worth therefore what he to each of you shall send; 20
And whether good or bad it be, doe not with him contend.

As also where he highly extolleth Euripides for these verses:

O Jupiter what cause have I to say,
That mortall wretches we should prudent be?
Depend we doe of thee, and nothing may
Bring to effect, but that which pleaseth thee.

Himselfe also writeth many sentences accordant hereunto, and finally concludeth, that nothing doth rest and stay, nothing stirre and moove, be it never so little, otherwise than by the counsell and minde of Jupiter, whome he saith to be all one with fatall destiny. Moreover the antecedent 30 cause is more feeble and weake than that which is perfit and absolute, neither attaineth it to any effect, as being subdued & kept down, by others mightier than it selfe, rising up & making head against it. And as for fatall destiny Chrysippus himselfe pronouncing it to be a cause invincible, inflexible, and that which cannot be impeached, calleth it Atropos & Adrastia, as one would say, a cause that cannot be averted, avoided or undone. Likewise necessity and Pepromene, which is as much to say as setting downe [...], that is to say, an end and limit unto all things. How then? whether doe we not say, that neither assents, vertues, vices, nor well or ill doing, lie in our free will and power: if we affirme fatall destiny is to be maimed or unperfect and [...], that is to say, a fatality determining all things, to be [...], that is to say, without power to finish and effect ought: and so the motions and habitudes of Jupiters will to remaine imperfect and unaccomplished? for of these conclusions the one will follow, if we say that destiny is an abso­lute 40 and perfect cause: and the other, in case we hold that it is onely a procatarcticall or antece­dent occasion. For being an absolute and all sufficient cause, it overthroweth that which is in us, to wit, our free will: and againe, if we admit it to be only antecedent it is marred for being ef­fectuall and without the danger of impeachment. For not in one or two places onely but every where in maner throughout all his commentaries of naturall philosophy he hath written, that in particular natures and motions there be many obstacles and impediments, but in the motion of the universall world there is none at all. And how is it possible that the motion of the universall world should not be hindred and disturbed, reaching as it doth unto particulars, in case it be so, that they likewise be stopped and impeached. For surely the nature in generall of the whole 50 man is not at liberty and without impediment, if neither that of the foot nor of the hand, be void of obstacles: no more can the motion or course of a ship be void of let and hinderance, if there be some stay about the sailes, & oares, or their works. Over & besides all this, if the fantasies and imaginations, are not imprinted in us by fatall destiny, how be they the cause of assents? Or if because it imprinteth fantasies that lead unto assent, thereupon all assents are said to be by fatall destiny, how is it possible that destiny should not be repugnant to it selfe? considering that in matters of greatest importance, it ministreth many times different fantasies; and those which [Page 1081] distract the minde into contrary opinions? whereas they affirme that those who settle unto one of the said fantasies, and hold not of their assent and approbation doe erre and sinne: For if they yeeld (say they) unto uncertaine fantasies they stumble and fall: if unto false, they are deceived: if to such as commonly are not conceived and understood, they opine. For of necessity it must be one of these three: either that every fantasie is not the worke nor effect of destiny; or that every receit & assension of fantasie is not void of error; or else that destiny it selfe is not irrepre­hensible. Neither can I see how it should be blamelesse, objecting such fansies & imaginations as it doth: which to withstand and resist, were not blameable, but rather to give place and follow them: and verily in the disputations of the Stoicks against the Academicks, the maine point a­bout which both Chrysippus himselfe, and Antipater also contended and stood upon, was this: 10 That we doe nothing at all, nor be enclined to any action, without a precedent consent: but that these be but vaine fictions and devised fables, and suppositions, that when any proper fan­tasie is presented, incontinently we are disposed, yea, and incited thereto, without yeelding or giving consent. Againe, Chrysippus saith: That both God and the wise man doe imprint false imaginations, not because they would have us to yeeld or give our consent unto them, but that we should doe the thing onely, and incite our selves to that which appeereth: As for us, if wee be evill by reason of our infirmity, we condescend to such fansies and imaginations. Now the repugnance and contrarietie in these words is easily seene; for hee who would not have us to consent unto the fantasies which he presenteth unto us, but onely to worke and doe them, be he 20 God or wise man, knoweth well enough that such fantasies are sufficient to cause us to fall to operation, and that those assents are altogether superfluous: and so if he knowing that the fanta­sie imprinteth no instinct into operation without consent, ministreth unto us false or probable fantasies: wilfull and voluntary is the cause that we stumble, erre, and offend, in giving our as­sent to such things as are not perfectly understood and comprehended.

OF COMMON CON­CEPTIONS AGAINST THE STOICKS. 30

The Summarie. 40

HAving shewed in my former discourse, that the Stoicks are contradictory to them­selves in all the principall articles of their doctrine, and so consequently that he needed no more but their owne words to condemne them: In this dialogue he joineth more closely to them, disputing against their rules and precepts, which he examineth and refuteth; whereas before he was content to oppugne them by their owne selves. For to make an entrance into this dialogue, he bringeth in Lamprias, requesting Diadumenus to rid him of those scruples that certeine Stoicks had [...] into his head: Where unto the other accordeth, and so they enter into the matter. The summe of whose whole discourse throughout is this: That the Stoicks would by their principles abolish mans senses, and the common conceptions proceeding from thence, there by more easily to establish their owne paradoxes: whom he refuteth, dividing his dialogue 50 into three principall parts: in the first where of is considered, the morall; in the second, the naturall; in the third, the metaphysicall or supernaturall philosophy of the Stoicks: Howbeit, he observeth no exact order nor method, in the disposition of his matters, but entreth out of one discourse into another, accor­ding as things were presented unto him, and came first into his minde, yet in such sort, as there is suf­ficient to content the reader, who is desirous to know what was the sect and doctrine of the Stoicks, and the maner of the anncient Academicks in their disputations: which being referred to the true [Page 1082] marke and scope indeed, of all that which we may learne in the world, teacheth every man to humble himselfe before the majestie of him who is onely wise, and out of whose sacred word we ought to fetch the resolution of the questions debated heere in this dialogue, but of those above the rest, which treat of maners, religion, and divinity.

OF COMMON CONCEPTI­ons against the Stoicks.

LAMPRIAS. 10

IT should seeme verily that you Diadumenus passe not much what any man either thinks or saies of you & other Academicks, such as your selfe, in that you do philosophize cleane contrary to the com­mon notions and conceptions, confessing as you doe, that you make no great account of the five naturall senses, from whence pro­ceed the most part of the said common conceptions, having for their foundation and seat, the beliefe and assurance of the imagina­tions which appeere unto us. But I pray you for to assay and goe in hand to cure me, either by some words, or charmes and enchant­ments, 20 or by what other meanes and kinds of physicke that you know, comming as I doe unto you, full in mine owne conceit of great trouble and strong per­turbation, so exceedingly troubled I have beene, and held in perplexed suspense, I may tell you, by certeine Stoicks; men otherwise the best in the world, and I may say to you, my inward and familiar friends: howbeit, over bitterly bent, and in hostile maner set against the Acade­mie, who for very small matters uttered by me, modestly and in good sort, withall respect and reverence, have (I will not lie unto you) reprooved, checked, and taken me up very unkindly, with some hard words, and breaking foorth in heat of choler, called our auncient Philosophers, Sophisters, corrupters, and perverters of good sentences in Philosophy, yea, and seducers of those who otherwise walked in the true path and traine of doctrine surely established; with ma­ny 30 other more strange termes, both speaking and thinking of them very basely; untill in the end as if they had beene driven with a tempest, they fell upon the Common conceptions, re­proching those of the Academie, as if they brought in some great confusion and perturbation in the said notions: and one among them there was, who stucke not to say; That it was not by fortune, but by some divine providence that Chrysippus was borne and came into the world, af­ter Arcesilaus, and before Carneades: of which twaine, the one was the great authour and pro­moter of the injury and outrage done unto custome; and the other flourished in name and re­nowme above all other Academicks. Now Chrysippus comming as he did betweene them, by his writings contrary to the doctrine of Arcesilaus, stopped up the way also against the powerful eloquence of Carneades, and as he left unto the senses many aides and succours, as it were to 40 hold out a long siege; so he remooved out of the way, and fully cleered all the trouble and con­fusion about anticipations and common conceptions, correcting ech one, and reducing them into their proper place; insomuch, as whosoever afterwards would seeme to make new trou­bles, and violently disquiet matters by him setled, should not prevaile nor gaine ought, but in­curre the obloquie of the world, and be convinced for malicious persons, and deceitfull so­phisters. Having thus (I say) by these words beene chafed and set on fire this morning among them, I had need of some meanes to quench the heat as it were of an inflammation, and to rid me of these doubts, which are risen in my minde.

DIADUMENUS.

It fareth haply with you, as with many of the vulgar sort; but if you beleeve the poets who 50 give out, that the ancient citie Sipylus in Magresia, was in old time destroied and over­throwen by the providence of the gods, when they chastised and punished Tantalus; you may as well be perswaded by our old friends the Stoicks to beleeve, that nature hath brought foorth into the world, not by chance and fortune, but by some speciall divine providence, Chrysippus, when she was minded to pervert and overturne the life of man and course of the world, turning all things up side downe, and contrariwise downe side up: for never was there man better made [Page 1083] and framed for such a matter than he. And as Cato said of that Iulius Caesar Dictator, that be­fore him there was never knowen any to come sober and considerate to manage affaires of state with a purpose to worke the ruin of the common weale; even so this man in mine opinion, with most diligence, greatest eloquence, & highest conceit of spirit seemeth as much as lieth in him to destroy and abolish custome. And there witnesse against him no lesse even they who magni­fie the man otherwise: namely, when they dispute against him as touching that sophisme or syl­logisme which is called Pseudomenos, for to say my good friend, that the augmentation cōposed of contrary positions is not notoriously false, and againe to affirme, that syllogismes having their premisses true, yea and true inductions, may yet have the contrary to their conclusions 10 true, what conception of demonstrations, or what anticipation of beleefe is there, which it is not able to overthrow?

It is reported of the Pourcuttle or Pollyp fish, that in winter time he gnaweth his owne cleies and pendant hairy feet, but the Logicke of Chrysippus, which taketh away and cutteth off the prin­cipall parts of it, what other conception leaveth it behinde but that which well may be suspec­ted? For how can that be imagined steady and sure which is built upon foundations that abide not firme, but wherein there be so many doubts and troubles? But like as they who have either dust or durt upon their bodies, if they touch another therewith or rub against him, doe not so much trouble and molest him, as they doe begrime and beray themselves so much the more and seeme to exasperate that ordure which pricketh and is offensive unto them; even so, some 20 there be who blame and accuse the Academicks, thinking to charge upon them those imputati­ons, wherewith themselves are found to be more burdened. For who be they that pervert the common conceptions of the senses more, than do these Stoicks? But if you thinke so good, lea­ving off to acuse them, let us answere to those calumniations and slanders which they would seeme to fasten upon us.

LAMPRIAS.

Me thinks Diadumenus that I am this day much changed, and become full of variety: me thinks I am a man greatly altered from that I was ere while: for even now I came hither much dismaied and abashed, as being depressed, beaten downe and amazed; as one having need of some advocate or other to speake for me and in my behalfe: whereas now I am cleane turned to an humor of accusation, and disposed to enjoy the pleasure of revenge, to see all the packe of 30 them detected and convinced, in that they argue and dispute themselves against common con­ceptions and anticipations, in defence whereof they seeme principally to magnifie their owne sect, * * saying that it alone doth agree and accord with nature.

DIADUMENUS

Begin we then first, with their most renowmed propositions, which they themselves call para­doxes, that is to say, strange and admirable opinions: avowing as it were by that name & gently admitting such exorbitant absurdities; as for example that such Sages as themselves are onely kings, onely rich and faire, onely citizens, and onely Judges: or pleaseth it you that we send all this stuffe to the market of olde and stale marchandise, and goe in hand with the examination of these matters which consist most in action and practise, whereof also they dispute most serious­ly? 40

LAMPRIAS

For mine owne part I take this to be the better. For as touching the reputation of those pa­radoxes, who is not full thereof, and hath not heard it a thousand times?

DIADUMENUS.

Consider then in the first place this, whether according to common notions, they can pos­sibly accord with nature, who thinke naturall things to be indifferent: and that neither health, nor good plight and habitude of body nor beawty, nor cleane strength be either expetible, pro­fitable, expedient, or serving in any stead to the accomplishment of that perfection which is ac­cording 50 to nature: nor that the contraries hereunto are to be avoided, as hurtfull, to wit, maimes and mutilations of members, deformities of body, paines, shamefull disgraces and diseases. Of which things rehearsed, they themselves acknowledge that nature estrangeth us from some, and acquainteth us with other. The which verily is quite contrary to common in­telligence, that nature should acquaint us with those things which be neither expedient nor good, & alienate us from such as be not hurtfull nor ill: and that which more is, that she should either traine us to them or withdraw us from them so farre forth, as if men misse in obtaining [Page 1084] the one, or fall into the other, they should with good reason abandon this life, and for just cause depart out of the world. I suppose that this also, is by thē affirmed against common sense, name­ly, that nature her selfe is a thing indifferent: and that to accord and consent with nature hath in it some part of the soveraigne good. For neither to follow the rule of the law nor to obey reason is good and honest, unlesse both law and reason be good and honest. But this verily is one of the least of their errors. For if Chrysippus in his first booke of exhortations hath written thus: A blessed and happie life consisteth onely in living according to vertue: and as for all other ac­cessaries (quoth hee) they neither touch nor concerne us at all, neither make they any whit to beatitude: he cannot avoid but he must avow, that not onely nature is indifferent, but also which is more, senselesse and foolish, to associate and draw us into a league with that which in no respect concerneth us, and we our selves likewise are no better than fooles, to thinke that the 10 soveraigne felicity, is to consent and accord with nature which leadeth and conducteth us to that which serveth nothing at all to happinesse. And yet what agreeth and sorteth sooner to common sense, than this, that as things eligible are to be chosen and desired for the profit and helpe of this life; so naturall things serve for to live answerable to nature? But these men say otherwise: for although this be their supposition that to live according to nature is the utmost end of mans good, yet they hold, that things according to nature be of themselves indifferent. Neither is this also lesse repugnant to common sense and conception, that a well affected, sensi­ble and prudent man, is not equally enclined and affectionate to good things that be equall and alike: but as some of them he waigheth not, nor maketh any account of, so for others againe he is prest to abide and endure all things, although I say the same be not greater or lesse, one than 20 another. For these things they hold to be equall, namely, for a man to fight valiantly in the de­fence of his country, and chastly to turne away from an olde trot, when for very age she is at the point of death: for both the one and the other doe that alike which their duty requireth. And yet for the one, as being a worthie and glorious thing, they would be prest and ready to lose their lives, whereas to boast and vaunt of the other were a shamefull and ridiculous part. And even Chrysippus himselfe, in the treatise which he composed of Jupiter, and in the third booke of the Gods, saith that it were a poore, absurd and foolish thing to praise such acts, as proceeding from vertue, namely to beare valiantly the biting of a flie, or sting of a wespe, and chastly to ab­staine from a crooked old woman, stooping forward & ready to tumble into her grave. Do not these Philosophers then teach and preach even against common sense and notion, when those 30 actions which they are ashamed to commend, they avow and consesse to be excellent, and no­thing in the world better? For where is that expetible, or how can that be approovable, which deserveth not that a man should praise and admire it, but is such as whosoever doe commend and admire the same, they are reputed no better than sots and absurd fooles? And yet I suppose you will thinke it more against common sense and reason, that a wise and prudent man should not care nor regard a jot whether he enjoy or enjoy not the greatest goods in the world, but car­ry himselfe after one and the same maner in things indifferent, as he would in the management and administration of those good things which are so singular. For we all,

As many as on fruits do feed,
Which for our use the earth doth breed. 40

are of this judgement, that the thing which being present bringeth us helpe and profit, and if it be away, we desire to have, and find a misse of it, is good, expetible and profitable: but that which a man passeth not for, neither in earnest nor in game, and where of he maketh no account either for his sport, pastime or commodity and ease, the same is indifferent: for by no other marke do we distinguish a diligent, painfull and industrious man in deed, from a vaine busie bo­dy, and a curious medler in many matters, than by this, That as the one travelleth and troubleth himselfe in unprofitable trifles or things indifferent, so the other laboureth for such as be com­modious and expedient. But these Philosophers do quite contrary: for according to their do­ctrine, a wise and prudent man, although he meet with many conceptions and the memories of 50 the said comprehensions, yea and remember divers things whereof he hath a certeine and per­fect knowledge, thinketh some few of them to concerne him; and as for the rest, making no reckoning of them, he supposeth that he neither loseth nor winneth, by remembring that hee had the other day the comprehension, that is to say, the certeine knowledge either of Dion snee­sing or Theon playing at tennis. And yet every comprehension in a wise man, and all memory that is firme and surely setled, is presently science, yea and a great good thing, nay the greatest [Page 1085] that is. How then? for I would gladly know, whether a wise man were secure and carelesse alike, when his health faileth, when some one of his senses decaieth or is amisse, and when he loseth his goods, thinking none of all this to touch him; or whether when he feeleth himselfe sicke, gi­veth unto Physicians their fees when they come unto him; and for to gaine riches, saileth to Leucon a great prince and potentate about Bosporus, or travelleth as farre as to Indathyrsus the Scythian king, as Chrysippus saith; and of his senses, if he lose some, he will not endure to live any longer? How is it then, that these men doe not acknowledge and confesse that they deliver doctrine even against common notions, who about things indifferent, carke, care and travell so much; and yet take the matter indifferently, and reake not much whether they enjoy or be with­out great good things? 10

Moreover, this also is an opinion of theirs, even against common conceptions, That he who is a man, feeleth no joy when out of the greatest evils and most grievous calamities he entreth into a world of good things and a most blessed and happy state. And yet thus doth their wise man: for passing from extreame vice, unto exceeding great vertue; escaping also out of a most miserable life, and atteining unto the happiest condition that is, he sheweth no signe or token at all of joy: neither doth so great a change lift up his heart, or once move him, seeing himselfe how he is delivered out of the greatest miserie and wickednesse that may be, and arrived now to a most firme assured accomplishment of all felicitie and goodnesse. Againe, contrary it is to common sense, That this should be the greatest good of a man, namely, a constant judge­ment 20 and immutable resolution; and yet that he who is mounted up to the heigth and pitch of all, hath no need hereof, neither careth for it when it is come; insomuch as many times he will not once put forth his finger for this assurance and stability, notwithstanding they esteeme it to be the sovereigne and perfect good. Neither do these Stoicks stay here, but stil broch more pa­radoxes & strange opinions, namely, that continuance of time be it never so long, augmenteth not any good thing: but if a man chance to be wise and prudent but the minute onely of an houre, he is nothing inferior in felicity to him, who all his time hath lived in vertue, and led his whole life blessedly therein. Howbeit, as bravely and as stoutly as they deliver these positions, yet on the other side, they sticke not to say, that transitory vertue which continueth but a while, is worth nothing: for what would it availe or benefit him who incontinently is to suffer ship­wracke 30 and to perish in the sea, or otherwise to be throwen headlong downe from some steepe rocke, if he were possessed of wisdome a while before? And what would it have booted Lychas being flung by Hercules as it were out of a sling into the mids of the sea, if suddenly he had bene changed from vertue to vice? These positions therefore savour of these men, who not onely philosophize against sense and common notions, of the whole world, but also confusedly huddle their owne conceits, making a mish-mash of them and contradicting themselves, if it be so that they thinke, that the holding and possessing of vertue a short time, wanteth nothing of sovereigne felicity, & withall, make no account of so short a vertue, as if in deed it were nothing worth. And yet this is not it that a man would wonder most at in their strange doctrine, but this rather, that they eftsoones give out and say: That when this soveraigne vertue & felicity is pre­sent, he that is possessed of it, hath no sense nor feeling thereof; neither perceiveth he how being 40 erewhile most miserable and foolish; he is now all at once become both wise & happy: for not onely it were a pretie jest, and ridiculous conceit to say; That a wise and prudent man is igno­rant even of this one point, that he is wise; and knoweth not that he is now past ignorance, and want of knowledge: but also to speake all in a word; they make goodnesse to be of no moment, nor to cary any weight and poise with it, they make it I say very obscure, enervat and feeble, in case when it commeth, a man is not able to feele and perceive it: for according to them, it is not by nature imperceptible; and even Chrysippus himselfe hath expresly written in his bookes entituled, Of the end, That good is perceptible by sense; and as hee thinketh, so hee maketh proofe and demonstration thereof. It remaineth therefore that it is long either of weakenesse or smalnesse that it is not perceived, when they who have it present, feele it not, nor have any 50 knowledge thereof. Moreover, it were very absurd to say, that the eie sight should perceive and discerne things that be but whitish a little, or middle colours betweene, and not bee able to see those that be exceeding white in the highest degree; or that the sense of feeling should appre­hend that which is meanly hot or warme, and yet have no sense at all of such things, as be excec­ding hot. But there is more absurdity in this, that a man should comprehend that which mean­ly and commonly is according to nature, to wit, health, or the good plight of the body; and [Page 1086] be ignorant againe of vertue, when it is present, considering withall, that they hold it to be principally and in highest degree accordant to nature; for how can it otherwise be, but against common sense, to conceive well enough the difference betweene health and sicknesse, and to be ignorant of that distinction which is betweene wisedome and follie; but to thinke the one to be present when it is gone, and when a man hath the other, not to know so much, that he hath it? Now forasmuch as after that one advanced and proceeded forward as farre as may be, he is changed into felicity and vertue, one of these two must of necessitie follow; that either this estate of progresse and profit, is neither vice nor infelicity; or else that there is no great diffe­rence and distance betweene vice and vertue; but that the diversitie of good things and evill is very small and unperceptible by the sense, for otherwise men could not be ignorant when they had the one or the other, or thinke they had the one for the other: so long then as they depart 10 not from any contrariety of sentences, but will allow, affirme, and put downe all things what­soever, to wit, That they who profit and proceed are still fooles and wicked; that they who are become wise and good, know not so much themselves, but are ignorant thereof; that there is a great difference betweene wisedome and folly: Thinke you, that they shew a woonderfull con­stance and uniformity in the maintenance of their sentences and doctrines?

Well, if in their doctrine they goe against common sense, and are repugnant to themselves; certes, in their life, in their negotiations and affaires, they doe much more: for pronoun­cing flatly, that those who be not wise, are all indifferently and alike, wicked, unjust, disloiall, faithlesse, and foolish; and yet forsoorth, some of them they abhorre and will not abide, but be ready to spit at them; others, they will not vouchsafe so much as to salute if they meet with them 20 upon the way; and some againe they will credit with their monies, nominate and elect by their voices to be magistrates, yea and bestow their daughters upon them in mariage. Now in case they hold such strange and extravagant positions in sport and game, let them plucke downe their browes, and not make so many surrowes as they doe in their foreheads: but if in earnest, and as grave Philosophers, surely, I must needs tell them, that it is against common notions, to reproove, blame, and raile upon all men alike in words, and yet to use some of them in deeds as honest persons, & others hardly to intreat as most wicked; and for example, to admire Chrysip­pus in the highest degree, & make a god of him; but to mocke and scorne Alexinus, although they thinke the men to be fooles alike, and not one more or lesse foolish than the other. True it is say they; and needs it must be so. But like as he who is but a cubit under the top of the water, 30 is no lesse strangled and drowned than he who lies five hundred fathom deepe in the bottom of the sea: even so they that be come within a little of vertue, are no lesse in vice still than those who are agreat way off: and as blinde folke be blinde still, although haply they shall recover their eie-sight shortly after; even so they that have wel proceeded and gone forward, continue fooles still and sinfull, untill such time as they have fully attained to vertue; but contrary to all this, that they who profit in the schoole of vertue, resemble not those who are starke blinde, but such ra­ther as see not clerely; nor are like unto those who be drowned, but unto them that swimme, yea and approch neere unto the haven; they themselves do beare witnesse by their deeds, and in the whole practise of their life; for otherwise they would not have used them for their counsellors, captaines, and lawgivers, as blinde men do guides for to lead them by the hands, neither would 40 they have praised and imitated their deeds, acts, sayings and lives of some as they did, if they had seene them all drowned alike and suffocated with folly and wickednesse.

But letting that goe by, consider these Stoicks, that you may woonder the more at them in this behalfe, that by their owne examples they are not taught to quit and abandon these wise men who are ignorant of themselves, and who neither know nor perceive, that they cease to be stifled and strangled any longer, and begin to see the light, and being risen aloft, and gotten a­bove vice and sinne, take their winde and breath againe. Also it is against common sense, that for a man furnished with all good things, and who wanteth nothing of perfect blisse and happi­nesse, it should be meet and befitting, to make himselfe away and depart voluntarily out of this life; yea, and more than so; that he who neither presently hath, nor ever shall have any good 50 thing; but contrariwise, is continually haunted and persecuted with all horrible calamities, mi­series, and mishaps that can be, should not thinke it fit and covenient for himselfe to leave and for sake this life, unlesse some of those things which they hold be indifferent, be presented, and doe befall unto him. Well these be the goodly rules and trim lawes in the Stoicks schoole; and verily many of their wise men they cause indeed to go out of this life, bearing them in hand, that [Page 1087] they shall be more blessed and happie; although by their saying a wise man is rich, fortunate, blessed, happy every way, sure, and secured from all danger: contrariwise, a foole and leawd man is able to say of himselfe,

Of wteked parts (to say I dare be hold)
So full I am, that unneth I can hold.

And yet forsooth, they thinke it meet and seemely for such as these to remaine alive, but for those to forgo this life. And good cause why, quoth Chrysippus, for we are not to measure our life by good things or evill, but by such as are according to nature. See how these Philosophers mainteine ordinary custome, and teach according to common notions. Say you so (good sit) ought not he who maketh profession of looking into the estate of life and death, to search also 10 and consider

What rule at home in house, what worke there is;
How things do stand; what goes well, what antis.

Should not he (I say) ponder and examine as it were by the ballance, what things incline and bend more to felicity and what to infelicity, and thereby to chuse that which is profitable? but to lay his ground and make his reckoning to live happily or no by things indifferent, which nei­ther do good nor hurt? According to such presuppositions and principles as these, were it not convenient for him who wanteth nothing of all that is to be avoided, to chuse for to live: & con­trariwise, for him to leave this life, who enjoieth all that is to be wished for and desired? And al­beit 20 (my good friend Lamprias) it be a senselesse absurdity, to say that those who taste of no e­vill, should forsake this life: yet is it more absurd and beside all reason, that for the not having of some indifferent thing, a man should cast away and abandon that which is simply good; like as these men doe, leaving felicity and vertue, which they presently enjoy, for default of riches and health, which they have not. And to this purpose we may well and fitly alledge these verses out of Homer:

And then from Glaucus, Jupiter all wit and sense did take,
When he with Diomedes would a foolish bargaine make;
For brasen armour to exchange his owne of golde most fine, 30
An hundred
Or pieces of come having the forme of­an ox stam­ped upon them.
oxen richly worth, for that which went for nine.

And yet those armes made of brasse, were of no lesse use in battell, than the other of golde: whereas the decent feature of the bodie and health, according to the Stoicks, yeeld no profit at all, nor make one jote for felicity. Howbeit, these men for all that, are content to exchange wis­dome for health, inasmuch as they holde that it would have become Heraclitus well enough and Pherecydes, to have cast off their wisdome and vertue, had it beene in their power so to do, in case thereby they might have bene rid of their maladies, the one of the lowsie disease, and the other 40 of the dropsie. And if Circe had filled two caps with severall medicines and potions, the one making fooles of wise men, and the other, wise men of fooles, ulysses ought to have drunke that of folly, rather than to change his humane shape into the forme of a beast, having in it wisdome withall, and by consequence felicity also. And they say, that even wisdome and prudence it selfe teacheth as much and commandeth in this wise: Let me alone, and suffer me to perish, in case I must be caried to and fro in the forme and shape of an asse. But this wisedome and prudence will some man say, which prescribeth such things, is the wisedome of an asse; if to be wise and happy is of it selfe good, and to beare the face of an asse indifferent. There is (they say) a nation of the Aethiopians where a dogge is their king; he is saluted by the stile and name of a king, and hath all honours done unto him, and temples dedicated, as are done unto kings. But men they 50 be that beare rule and performe those functions and offices which apperteine unto governours of cities and magistrates. Is not this the very case of the Stoicks? for vertue with them hath the name, and carieth the shew and apparence of good, it alone they say, is expetible, profitable, and expedient; but they frame all their actions, they philosophize, they live and die, according to the will, prescript, & commandement as it were of things indifferent. And yet there is not an Aethiopian so hardy as to kill that dog their king; but he sitteth upon a throne under a cloth of estate, and is adored of them in all reverence: but these Stoicks destroy this vertue of theirs, [Page 1088] and cause it to perish whiles they are wholly possessed of health and riches. But the corollarie which Chrysippus himselfe, hath for a finiall set unto these their doctrines, easeth me of farther paines, that I need not to stand more upon this point: For whereas (quoth he) there be in na­ture things good, things bad, and things meane or indifferent; there is no man but hee would chuse rather to have that which is good, than the indifferent, or that which is bad: and to proove the trueth hereof, let us take witnesse of the very gods, when as we doe crave of them in our praiers and orisons, principally the possession and fruition of good things; if not, yet at least­wise the power and grace to avoid evils; but that which is neither good nor evill, we never de­sire for to have in stead of good; mary we can be content and wish to enjoy it, in lieu of evill. But this Chrysippus heere inverting and perverting cleane the order of nature, transposeth and transferreth out of the middle place betweene, the meane and indifferent into the last, and redu­cing 10 the last bringeth it backe into the mids; giving as tyrants doe to wicked persons, the pre­eminence of superior place, with authority and credit unto evill things; enjoining us by order of law, first to seeke for that which is good; secondly, for that which is evill; & last of all to repute that woorst, which is neither good nor evill: as if a man should next unto heaven set hell, and reject the earth and all the elements about it into the pit of Tartarus beneath:

Right farre remote, where under ground
The gulfe that lies, no man can sound.

Having then said in his third booke of Nature: That it is better for a man to live in the state of a foole, yea though he never should become wise, than not to live at all; he addeth thus much moreover word for word: For such are the good things of men, that even the evill things after a 20 sort are preferred before those which are meane and in the mids betweene; not that these go before, but reason, with which jointly to live, availeth more although we should continue fooles all the daies of our life: yea and to be plaine, albeit we should be wicked, unjust, breakers of the lawes, enemies to the gods, and in one word, wretched and unhappie; for all these concurre in those that live fooles. Is it better then to be unhappy, than not unhappie; to suffer harme, ra­ther than not to suffer harme; to commit injustice, than not to commit injustice; to transgresse the lawes, than not to transgresse the lawes: which is as much to say, as is it fit and expedient to do those things which are not fit and expedient; and beseemeth it to live otherwise than it be­seemeth? Yea forsooth: For worse it is to bee without reason and senslesse, than to be foolish. What aile they then, and what takes them in the head, that they will not avow and confesse that 30 to be evill, which is woorse than evill? And why do they affirme that we are to avoid folly alone, if it be meet to flie no lesse, nay rather much more, that disposition which is not capable nor susceptible of folly? But wherefore should any man be offended and scandalized hereat, if hee call to mind that which this philosopher wrote in his second booke of Nature, where he avou­cheth: That vice was not made without some good use and profit, for the whole world? But it will be better to recite this doctrine, even in his owne words, to the end that you may know in what place they range vice, and what speech they make thereof, who accuse Xenocrates and Speu­sippus, for that they reputed not health to be an indifferent thing, nor riches unprofitable. As for vice (quoth he) it is limited in regard of other accidents beside: for it is also in some sort accor­ding to nature; and if I may so say, it is not altogether unprofitable in respect of the whole, for 40 otherwise there would not be any good; and therefore it may be inferred, that there is no good among the gods, in as much as they can have none evil: neither when at any time Jupiter having resolved the whole matter into himselfe, shall become one, & shall take away all other differen­ces, wil there be any more good, considering there will be no evill to be found. But true it is, that in a daunce or quier, there wil be an accord & measure, although there be none in it that singeth out of tune & maketh a discord: as also health in mans body, albeit no part thereof were pained or diseased: but vertue without vice can have no generation. And like as in some medicinable confections there is required the poyson of a viper or such like serpent, and the gall of the beast Hvaena; even so there is another kind of necessarie convenience betweene the wickednesse of Melitus, and the justice of Socrates; betweene the dissolute demeanor of Cleon, and the honest 50 [...] of Pericles. And what meanes could Jupiter have made, to bring foorth Hercules and Lycurgus into the world, if he had not withall made Sardanapalus and Phalaris for us? And it is a great marvell if they [...] not also, that the Phthisicke or ulcer of the lungs, was sent among men for their good plight of bodie, and the gout for swift footmanship: and Achilles had not worne long haire, unlesse Thersites had beene bald. For what difference is there betweene those [Page 1089] that alledge these doting fooleries or rave so absurdlie; and such as say that loosenesse of life and whoredome were not unprofitable for continence, and jniustice for justice? So that we had need to pray unto the gods that there might be alwaies sinne and wickednes,

False leasing, smooth and glosing tongue,
Deceitfull traines and fraud among.

in case when these be gone, vertue depart and perish withal. But will you see now and behold the most elegant devise and pleasantest invention of his? For like as Comoedies (quoth he) carrie otherwhiles ridiculous Epigrams or inscriptors, which considered by themselves, are nothing woorth, how be it they give a certaine grace to the whole Poeme: even so, a man may well blame and detest vice in it selfe, but in regard of others it is not unprofitable. And first to say that vice 10 was made by the divine providence, even as a lewd Epigram composed by the expresse will of the Poet, surpasseth all imagination of absurditie: for if this were true, how can the gods be the givers of good things, rather than of evill? or how can wickednes any more be enemie to the gods, or hated by them? or what shall we have to say and answere to such blasphemous senten­ces of the Poets, sounding so ill in religious eares, as these:

God once dispos'd some house to overthrow,
Twixt men some cause and seeds of strife doth sow.

Againe:

Which of the gods twixt them did kindle fire,
Thus to contest in termes of wrath andire. 20

Moreover, a foolish and leawd epigram doth embelish and adorne the Comedie, serving to that end for which it was composed by the Poet, namely, to please the spectatours, and to make them laugh. But Jupiter whom we surnamed, Paternall, Fatherly, Supreame, Sovereigne, Just, Righteous, and according to Pindarus, [...], that is to say, the best and most perfect artisan, making this world as he hath done, not like unto some great Comedie or Enterlude, full of vari­etie, skill, and wittie devices, but in maner of a city common to gods and men, for to inhabit to­gether with justice and vertue in one accord and happily, what need had he, to this most holy and venerable end, of theeves, robbers, murderers, homicides, parricides and tyrans? for surely vice and wickednesse was not the entry of some morisque-dance or ridiculous eare-sport, carry­ing a delectable grace with it and pleasing to God; neither was it set unto the affaires of men 30 for recreation and pastime, to make them sport, or to move laughter, being a thing that carrieth not so much as a shadow, nor representeth the dreame, of that concord and convenience with nature, which is so highly celebrated and commended. Furthermore, the said lewd epigram, is but a small part of the Poeme, and occupieth a very little roome in a Comedie: neither do such ridiculous compositions abound overmuch in a play, nor corrupt and marre the pleasant grace of such matters as seeme to have beene well and pretily devised: whereas all humane affaires are full thorowout of vice: and mans life even from the very first beginning and entire as it were of the prologue unto the finall conclusion of all and epilogue, yea and to the very plaudite, being disordinate, degenerate, full of perturbation and confusion, and having no one part thereof 40 pure and unblamable, as these men say, is the most filthy unpleasant and odious enterlude of all others, that can be exhibited. And therefore gladly would I demaund and learne of them, in what respect was vice made profitable to this universall world: for I suppose he will not say it was for divine and celestiall things: because it were a mere reciculous mockery to affirme that unlesse there were bred and remained among men vice, malice, avarice, and lesing, or unlesse we robbed, pilled and spoiled, unlesse we slandered and murdered one another, the sun would not run his ordinary course, nor the heaven keepe the set seasons and usuall revolutions of time, [...] yet the earth seated in the midst and center of the world, yeeld the causes of winde and raine. It remaineth then, that vice & sin was profitably engendred for us and for our affaires: and hap­ly this is it which they themselves would seeme to say. And are we indeed the better in health for being sinfull? or have we thereby more plenty and aboundance of things necessary? availeth 50 our wickednesse ought to make us more beawtifull and better favoured, or serveth it us in any stead to make us more strong and able of body? They answere No. But is this a silent name onely, and a cretaine blinde opinion and weening of these night-walking Sophisters, and not like indeed unto vice which is conspicuous enough & exposed to the view of the whole world, in such sort as it is not possible that it should bring any detriment or ought that is unprofitable, and least of all, ô good god, of vertue, for which we were borne. And what absurdity were it to [Page 1090] say, that the commodious instruments of the husband man, the mariner or the carter, should serve their turnes for to attaine unto their purpose and entended end: but that which hath bene created by God for vertue, should corrupt, mar, and destroy vertue? But peradventure it is more than time now, to passe unto some other point, and to let this goe.

LAMPRIAS

Nay I beseech you good sir of all loves and for my sake doe not so: For I desire to know and understand how these men bring in evill things before the good, and vice before vertue.

DIADUMENUS.

You say well, and certes my friend this is a point worth the knowledge: much vaine jangling and prittle prattle verily doe these men make, but in the end they come to this conclusion, that 10 prudence is the science of good things & evil together: for that otherwise it could not stand but must needs altogether fall to the ground: For like as if we admit that there be truth, it cannot otherwise be but that falsity and untruth should be likewise hard by: so it is meet and stands to good reason, that if there be good things, the evill also must have their being.

LAMPRIAS

To grant the one of these not to be amisse said, yet me thinks I see of my selfe, that the other is cleane contrary. For I discerne very well the difference: because that which is not trueth, must immediatly be false: but that which is not evill, is not by and by good: For betweene true and false there is no meane: but betwixt good and evill there is: to wit, indifferent. Neither follow­eth it necessarily, that both good and evill things should have their substance together, and that 20 if the one be, the other likewise should ensue. For it may be that nature had good, and required not the evill, so that it might have that which was neither good nor evill. But as touching the former reason, if your Academicks say ought of it. I would gladly heare from your mouth.

DIADUMENUS.

Yes mary (quoth he) much there is alledged by them, but for this present relate I will, that which is most necessarie. First and formost, a mere folly it is to thinke that good things and e­vill have their subsistence for prudence sake. For contrariwise, when good and evill was before, then prudence followed after: like as physicke ensued upon things holsome and breeding disea­ses, which are supposed to have bene before. For surely the good and the evill came not up nor were brought forth, to the end that there should be prudence: but that faculty or power whereby 30 we judge and discerne betweene evill and good is called prudence: like as the sight is a sense which serveth to distinguish blacke from white, which colours had not their being first, to the end that we should have our seeing, but contrariwise need we had of our seeing for to discerne the said colours. Secondly when the world in that generall confiagration, which they hold and talke of, shall be all on a light fire and burnt, there will remaine behind nothing that evill is, but all shall then be wise and prudent: And therefore confesse they must, will they nill they, that there is prudence although there be no evill, neither is it necessary, that if wisdome be, evill also should have a being. But say it were absolutely so, that prudence were the science of evill and good, what harme or absurdity would follow, if upon the abolishing & annulling of evill things there were no prudence any more, but some other vertue in lieuthereof, which were not the 40 science of evill and good together, but onely of good? Like as among colours, if the blacke were quite perished and gone for ever, who will force us to confesse that the sense of seeing is likewise lost? And who would impeach or debarre us for saying that sight is not the sense of discerning blacke and white? Surely if any man would force upon us the contrary, what inconve­nience and absurdity were there to answere him thus, Sir if we have not that sense that you speake of, yet we have another sense and naturall power insteed of it, whereby we apprehend co­lours that be white and not white. And verily for mine owne part I doe not thinke that if there were no bitter things in the world, our taste should be therefore utterly lost, or the sense of fee­ling in case all dolour and paine were gone: no more am I perswaded that prudence should be a­bolished, if all evill were rid out of the way. But like as those senses would remaine to appre­hend 50 sweet savours and pleasant objects of feeling, so this prudence also would continue to be the sciences of things good and not good. As for those who are of another opinion, let them take the name to themselves, so they leave us the thing indeed. But over and besides all this, what should binder us to say, that the evill is in cogitation and intelligence; but good in reali­ty and essence? like as, I suppose the gods enjoy the reall presence of health, where as they have the intelligence of the fever and pleurisie: considering that we also, albeit we were pestred with [Page 1091] all the evils in the world, and had no affluence at all of good things as these men say, yet we want not the understanding what is prudence, what is good and what is felicity.

And this is a woonderfull thing, if there being no vertue present, yet some there are who teach what vertue is, and enforme us in the comprehension thereof; whereas if there were no such thing, it is impossible to have the intelligence of it; for doe but consider what they would perswade us to, who reason philosophically against common conceptions, namely, That by foolishnesse and ignorance, wee comprehend wisdome and prudence; but prudence without follie and ignorance, cannot conceive so much, as ignorance it selfe. And if nature had neces­sarily need of the generation of evill, certes, one example or two at the most of evill were suffi­cient; or if you will have it so, requisit it was that there should be brought foorth ten wicked 10 persons, or a thousand, or ten thousand, and not such an infinit multitude of vices, as the sands of the sea, the dust, or the feathers of divers plumed birds, could not affoord so great a number: but of vertue not so much as a bare dreame or vaine vision. They that were the wardens and ma­sters at Lacedaemon, of those publike halles or dining places called Phiditia, were woont to bring foorth and shew openly unto their youth, two or three of their slaves called Helotae, full of wine, and starke drunken, that they might know thereby, what a shamefull and foule thing it was to be drunken, and so take heed of that vice, and learne to be sober. But in this life there be many such examples of vice in our actions; for there is not so much as one sober unto vertue, but we all trip and stumble, nay we wander as if our braines turned round about, living shamefully in misery; and so farre foorth are we intoxicate with our owne reason and selfe conceit, filled with 20 so great perturbation and folly, that wee may be well and fitly likened to those dogs which as Aesope tels the tale, seeing [...] skinnes floting above the water, gaped so greedily for to have them, that they would needs drinke up all the sea before them, for to be sure of the said skinnes; but ere they could come by them, they drunke so much as they burst againe: and even we hoping by reason to acquire glory and reputation, and thereby to attaine unto vertue, are spoiled, marred, and destroied therewith, before we can reach thereunto, being before hand loden with a mighty deale of meere, heady, and bitter vice, if it be so, as these men give it out, that even they who have made good progresse and proceeded to the end, feele for all that no ease, no alteration, no remission or breathing time at all from folly and infelicity. But marke I pray againe, how he who saith, that vice was not produced and brought foorth into the world 30 unprofitably, depainteth it unto you what maner of thing hee describeth it to be, and what an heritage it is for him who hath it? For in his treatise of Duties or Offices he saith: That the vici­ous and sinfull person, hath no want nor need of anything; that nothing is profitable, nothing meet and convenient for him. How then is vice commodious, wherewith neither health it selfe is expedient, nor store of money, ne yet advancement and promotion? And hath a man no need of those things, whereof some are precedent, preeminent, and to be preferred, yea, and beleeve me, very profitable and commodious; others according to nature, as they themselves terme them? And of all these doeth no man finde need, unlesse he become wise? And so by this reckoning, hath the leawd and foolish man no need to become wise; neither be men thirsty or hungry, before they are made wise? So that if they be dry, have they no need of water, nor if 40 hungry, bread?

Resembling right those gentle guests, who nought else did require,
But under roufe to shrowd their heads, and warme themselves at fire.

And so belike he had no need of covert nor of mantell, who said:

Give Hipponax a cloke his corps to fold,
For why, I shake and shiver hard for cold?

But will you pronounce a paradox indeed, such an one as is extravagant and singular by it selfe? Say hardly then; That a wise man wanteth nought, and hath need of nothing; he is rich, he is 50 full and fortunate, he is of himselfe sufficient, blessed, happy, & every way absolute. But what a dizzinesse & giddinesse of the braine is this to say; That he who is indigent of nothing, yet hath need of the good things which he hath; and that the lewd and vicious person is indigent of ma­ny things, and yet needeth nothing? for this is the very assertion which Chrysippus holdeth: That wicked persons have no need, and yet are indigent, turling, shifting, and transposing the common notions, like unto cockall bones or chesse-men upon the boord. For all men deeme thus, that to have need, goeth before indigence, supposing him that standeth in need of things [Page 1092] which are not ready at hand, nor easie to be gotten, is indigent. To make this more plaine, no man is said to be indigent of hornes or of wings, for that he hath no need of them; but we say tru­ly and properly, that some have need of armour, of monie, and of apparell, when in the penury and want of these things, they neither have them nor can come by them, to supply their neces­sity. But these Stoicks are so desirous to be thought alwaies for to broch somewhat against com­mon sense and conception, that many times they forget themselves and slip out of their owne proper opinions, so much affected they are and given to new conceits; like as in this place, if you please to cast your eie unto Chrysippus, and looke somewhat behinde, calling to minde what hath heeretofore beene delivered.

This is one of his positions, affirmed even against common sense, and vulgar opinion, that 10 no evill and foolish man can finde good and profit by any thing; and yet many of them by insti­tution and teaching, proceed forward and profit; many who were slaves, become enfranchized; besieged, are delivered; drunken, are guided and lead by the hand; sicke and diseased, are cured of their maladies: but for all this forsooth, they are never the better whatsoever is done unto them; no benefits they receive, no benefactours they have, no nor neglect those who de­serve well of them: and so vicious persons are not unthankfull, no more than are good and wise men. And thus ingratitude is not at all, nor hath any being; for that the good never inter­vert, nor miscognize the favour and benefit which they have received; and the wicked are ca­pable of none at all. But see (I pray you) what shift they make to salve & answer all this: They say (forsooth) that grace, favour, or benefit is ranged in the number of meane things: and that to 20 helpe or be helped, apperteineth onely to the wise. True it is say they, that wicked receive also a grace or benefit. What is that? Those who have part in a benefit, have not they also a part of use and commodity? and whereto a grace or benefit reacheth, doth nothing that is commodi­ous and convenient, extend thither? And is there ought else that maketh a demerit or plea­sure done to be a grace, than that the party who doth the pleasure should in some respect be commodious unto the needy receiver?

LAMPRIAS.

But let these matters passe, and tell us what is that [...], that is to say, utility, which they prise so highly, and whereof they make so great account?

DIADUMENUS.

This is a thing (I may tell you) which they reserve and keepe as a great matter and a singula­ritie 30 for their Sages onely, and yet leave them not so much as the name of it. If one wise man, say they, do but put forth his finger prudently, wheresoever it be, all the wise men that are in the whole continent and habitable world find this [...] and utility by it. This is the onely gift and worke of the amity that is among them, and in this doe determine and end the vertues of wise men, namely, the entercourse of common profit and utility, passing to and fro betweene them. As for Aristotle, he doted, Xenocrates also doted, who taught and affirmed that men had helpe from the gods, helpe from their parents, and helpe by ther teachers and scholemasters: but ne­ver understood they this wonderfull helpe and commoditie, which these wise men receive one from another, when they be moved to vertue, although they be not together, no nor so much as 40 know one another. And verily all men do thinke, that to gather, to lay up, to keepe, to dispense and bestow, is condrucible and profitable, when there is received profit and commodity by such things. And a good substantiall housholder buyes himselfe locks and keies, he keepeth his cel­lars, his closets and coffers,

Taking great joy his chamber doore with hand for to unlocke,
Where lies of golde and silver both, his treasure and his stocke.

But to gather and lay up, to keepe with great care, diligence and paine, those things which are for nothing profitable, is neither honourable, nor yet seemly and honest. If then Ulysses being [...] by Circe to make that fast knot, had with it tied sure and sealed up as it were, not the gifts 50 and presents which Alcinous gave him, to wit, trefeets, pots, plate clothes, apparell and gold; but some trash, as sticks, stones and other pelfe raked together, thinking it a great felicity for him to possesse and keepe charily such riffe-raffe and trumperie: who would have praised and commen­ded him for it, or imitated this foolish forecast, witlesse, providence, and vaine diligence? And yet this is the goodly and beautifull honesty of the Stoicks profession in generall, this is their honourable gravity, this is their beatitude; and nothing els is it, but an heaping up, a keeping [Page 1093] and preserving of things unprofitable and indifferent. For such be those which they say are ac­cording to nature; and much more those outward matters: forasmuch as sometime they com­pare the greatest riches with fringes and chamber-pots of golde, yea and (I assure you) other­whiles as it falleth out, with oile cruets. And aftewards, like as those who thinke they have most insolently and proudly abused with blasphemous words and polluted the temples, the sacred ce­remonies and religious services of some gods or divine powers, presently change their note, and become penitent persons, and falling downe prostrate, or sitting humbly below upon the ground, blesle and magnifie the heavenly power of the Godhead; even so they, as incurring the vengeance and plague of God for their presumptuous follies, arrogant and vaine speeches, are found puddering and raking againe in these indifferent things, nothing indeed pertinent 10 unto them; setting out a throat and crying as loud as they can, what a gay matter, what a good­ly and honourable thing it is, to gather and lay up such commodities, and especially the com­munion and fellowship of enjoying and using them: also that whosoever want the same, and can not come by them, have no reason to live any longer; but either to lay violent hands on themselves, or by long fasting and abstinence from all viands, to shorten their lives, bidding ver­tue farewell for ever. And these men verily, howsoever they repute Theognis to be a man alto­gether of a base and abject minde, for saying thus in verse,

Aman from povertie to flie,
O Cyrmis, ought himselfe to cast
Headlong from rocks most steepe and hie, 20
Or into sea as deepe and vast.

themselves meane while in prose give these exhortations, and say, that to avoid a grievous mala­die, and escape exceeding paine, a man ought (if he had not a sword or dagger neere at hand, nor a poisoned cup of hemlocke) to cast himselfe into the sea, or els fall headlong and breake his necke from some steepe rocke: yet affirme they, that neither the one nor the other is hurtfull, evill or unprofitable; nor maketh those miserable, who fall into such accidents. Whence then shall I begin (quoth he) what ground-worke and foundation of duety shall I lay, or what shall I make the subject and matter of vertue, leaving nature, and abandoning that which is according to nature? And whereat (I pray you, good sit) begin Aristotle and Theophrastus? what princi­ples take Xenocrates and Polemon? And even Zeno himselfe, hath he not followed them, in sup­posing 30 Nature and that which is according to Nature, for to be the elements of felicitie? But these great clerks verily, rested here in these things, as eligible, expetible, good and profitable; adjoining moreover unto them, vertue, which emploieth the same, and worketh by ech of them according to their proper use; thinking in so doing, to accomplish a perfect and entire life, and to consummate that concord and agreement which is in trueth sortable and consonant unto Nature. For they made no confused mish-mash, nor were contrary to themselves, as those who leape and mount on high from the ground, and immediatly fall downe upon it againe, and in naming the same things, meet to be chosen, and yet not expetible; proper and convenient, and withall not good; unprofitable, and yet fit for good uses; nothing at all pertinent unto us, and yet forsooth, the very principles of dueties and offices. But looke what was the speech of 40 these noble and famous personages, the same also was their life; their deeds (I say) were answe­rable and conformable to their words. Contrariwise, the sect of these Stoicks, doth according to that craftie woman whom Archilochus describeth, to cary water in the one hand, and fire in the other: for in some of their doctrines and assertions they receive and admit nature, in ano­ther they reject her: or to speake more plainly; in their acts and deeds they adhere and cleave unto those things which are according to nature, as being eligible and simply good; but in their disputations and discourses they refuse and condemne the same as things indifferent and no­thing available to vertue for the acquiring of felicitie: nay, that which woorse is, they give her hard and reprochfull tearmes. And forasmuch as all men generally are perswaded in their minds, that the sovereigne good is a thing joious, exoptable, happie, most honourable, and of 50 greatest dignitie, [...] of it selfe, and wanting nothing. See now this sovereigne good of theirs, and examine it according to this common opinion: To put forth ones finger like a sage and wise Philosopher, doth this make that joious good? or what exoptable thing I pray you, is a prudent torture? who casteth himselfe downe headlong from an high rocke, so he do it with a colour of reason and honesty, is he happy and fortunate? is that most honourable and of grea­rest price and dignity, which reason many times chuseth to reject, for another thing that of it selfe is not good? is that all-sufficient in it selfe, accomplished and perfect, which whosoever do [Page 1094] presently injoy, if haply they can not obteine with all, some one of these indifferent things, they will not deigne to live any longer? was there ever knowen any discourse or disputation wherein use and ordinary custome suffered more outrage and abuse, which stealing and plucking from it the true and naturall conceptions, as legitimate children of her owne, putteth in the place, ba­stards, changelings, of a monstrous and savage kinde, and constreineth it to love, cherish and keepe them in lieu of the other? And thus have they done in treating of good things and evill, expetible and to be avoided, proper and strange; which ought to have beene more cleerely and plainly distinguished, than hot from colde, or white colours from blacke. For the apprehensi­ons and conceits of these qualities, are from without forth brought in by the senses naturall; but the other are within vs, taking their originall from those good things that we have within us. 10 Now these men entring into the question and common place of sovereigne felicity, with their Logicke subtilties, as if they were to handle the lying sophisme called Pseudomenos; or that ma­sterfull maner of reasoning named Kyritton, have not solved one of the doubts and questions which there were, but mooved and raised an infinite number of others that were not there be­fore.

Moreover, there is no man who knoweth not that there being two sorts of good things; the one which is the very utmost end, and the other, the meanes to attaine thereto: the one is more excellent and perfect of the twaine. And Chrysippus himselfe knoweth well enough this diffe­rence, as it may appeare by that which he hath written in his third booke of Good things: for he disagreeth with those who are of opinion, that the end of sovereigne good, is science; and 20 putteth this downe in his treatise of Justice: If there be any who supposeth that pleasure is the end of good things, hee thinketh not that justice can be safe; if not the finall end, but simply good and no more, he is of another minde. I do not thinke that you would heare me at this pre­sent to rehearse his owne words, for his third booke as touching Justice, is extant and to be had every where. When as they say therefore (my friend) elsewere, that no good thing is greater or lesse than another, but that the finall end is equall with that which is not the end, and no bet­ter than it, it is evident that they be contrary and repugnant not onely to the common notions, but also to their owne very words. And againe, if of two evils, the one maketh us woorse than we were when it came unto us; and the other hurteth us indeed, but maketh vs not woorse: that evill in mine opinion is the greater which maketh us worse: neither doth that more hurt, which 30 causeth us not to be the woorse. And Chrysippus verily confesseth, that there be certeine feares, sorrowes and deceitfull illusions, which well may hurt and offend us, but not make us woorse. But reade over and peruse the first of those books which are written against Plato as concerning Justice: for in respect of other causes, it were very well done and worth your labour, to note the frivolous babling in that place of this man, where he makes no spare to deliver all matters and doctrines whatsoever indifferently, even those aswell of his owne sect as of other strangers, slat opposit to common sense: as for example, That it is lawfull to propose two ends and two scopes of our life, and not to referre all that ever we do unto one end. And yet more than that, is this also a common notion, That the end verily is one, but every thing that is done, ought to have a relation to another; and yet of necessitie, they must abide the one or the other. For if 40 the first things according to nature be not expetible for themselves and the last end; but rather the reasonable election and choise of them; and if every man doth what lies in him, to have and obteine those things which are first according to nature, and all actions and operations have their reference thither, namely, to acquire and enjoy the principall things according to nature: if (I say) they thinke so, it must needs be that without aspiring and aiming for to get and atteine those things, they have another end to which they must referre the election and choise of the said things, and not the things themselves: for thus will be the end, even to know how to chuse them well and to take them wisely; but the things themselves and the enjoying of them, will be of small moment, being as a matter and subject which hath the dignity and estimation: for thus 50 I suppose they use and put downe in writing this very word to shew the difference.

LAMPRIAS.

Certes you have passing well and woorthily reported unto us, both what they say, and how they deliver it.

DIADUMENUS.

But marke I beseech you, how they fare like unto those who will needs streine themselves to leape over and beyond their owne shadow; for they leave not behinde, but carie evermore with them some absurdity in their speech, and the same farre remote alwaies from common [Page 1095] sense: for as if one should say, That an archer doeth all that lieth in him, not to hit the marke, but to doe all that ever he can; he might be justly taken for a man, who spake aenigmatically & by darke riddles, and uttered strange and prodigious words: even so doe these old doting fooles, who with all their power endevour to maintaine, that to obteine the things according to nature, is not the end of aiming and aspiring to things according to nature; but forsooth to take and chuse them; and that the desire of health and seeking after it in any man, endeth not in health of ech one, but contrariwise, that health is referred to the appetite and seeking after it: saying moreover, that to walke, to read, or speake aloud, to endure sections or incisions, yea and to take purging medicines, so all be done by reason, are the ends of health, and not it, the end of those meanes. Certes, these men dote, rave, & speake idly, as well as they who should say; 10 let me goe to supper, that we may sacrifice, bath, or sweat in the stouph. Nay (that which more is) that which these men say, perverteth order and custome, and conteineth a confusion, shufling & turning upside downe of al our affaires whatsoever: We study not say they, to walke in due time, for to concoct & digest our meats well; but we concoct and digest our meat, because we might walke in due season. Why? Hath nature given us health for Ellebore, or rather brought foorth Ellebor for health sake? For what could be uttered more strange and absurd, than such proposi­tions as these? and what difference is there betweene him who saith, that health was made for medicinable drogues, and not drogues medicinable for health? and another who holdeth, that the gathering, the choise, the composition and use of such medicines, is to be preferred before health it selfe? or rather he thinks that health is not in any respect expetible: but hee setteth 20 downe the very end in the penning and handling of those medicines, affirming forsooth that appetite is the end of fruition, and not fruition of appetite: And why not (quoth he) all while there be added thereto these termes; considerately and with reason. True will we say againe, if a man have regard unto the obteining and enjoying of the thing which he pursueth; for other­wise that considerate reason is to no purpose, in case all be done for to obteine that, the fruition whereof is neither honorable nor happy.

LAMPRIAS.

And since we are fallen upon this discourse, a man may say, that any thing else whatsoever, is according to common sense rather, than to hold, that without having notice or conception of good, a man may desire and pursue after it; for you see how Chrysippus himselfe driveth Ari­ston 30 into these streights, as to imagine and dreame of a certeine indifference in things tending to that which is neither good nor ill, before that the said good and ill is sufficiently knowen and understood; for so it might seeme that this indifference must needs subsist before if it be so, that a man cannot conceive the intelligence of it, unlesse the good were first understood, which is nothing else but the onely and soveraigne good indeed.

DIADUMENUS.

But consider I pray you, and marke now this indifference [...], not [...]. taken out of the Stocks schoole, and which they call [...], after what maner, and whereby it hath given us the meane to ima­gine and conceive in our minde that good? for if without the said good, it is not possible to conceive and imagine the indifference respective to that which is not good; much lesse the 40 intelligence of good things yeeldeth any cogitation unto them, who had not before some prenotion of the good. But like as there is no cogitation, of the art of things which be holsome or breeding sicknesse in them who had not a precogitation before of those things: even so it is impossible for them to conceive the science of good and evill things, who had no fore-conceit what were good and what were evill? What then is good? nothing but prudence; and what is prudence, nothing but science: and so according to that old common proverbe A by-word which noteth the [...] of fault in arguing, called [...] like as [...] the [...] also of the [...] round within the motter. [...], that is to say, Jupiters Corinth; is oftentimes applied unto their maner of reasoning. For let be I pray you, the turning of the pestill round about, because you may not be thought to scoffe and laugh at them, although in trueth their speech is much after that maner; for it seemeth that for the intelligence of good, one hath need to understand prudence: & againe, to seeke for pru­dence 50 in the intelligence of good; being driven to pursue the one alwaies for the other, and so to faile both of the one and the other, which implieth a meere contrariety, in that we must al­waies understand the thing before, which cannot be understood apart. Besides, there is another way, whereby a man may perceive and see, not the perversion and distortion, but the very ever­sion and destruction of all their reasons.

They hold that the very substance of good, is the reasonable and considerate election of that which is according to nature; now this election is not considerate which is directed to some [Page 1096] end, as is before said: And what is this? Nothing else say they, but to discourse with reason in the elections of those things which be according to nature. First and formost then, the concep­tion of the soveraigne good, is perished and cleane gone; for this considerate discoursing in elections, is an operation depending of the habitude of good discourse; and therefore being compelled to conceive this habitude from the end, and the end not without it, we come short of the intelligence of thē both. And againe, that which yet is more, by all the reason in the world, it must needs be that the said reasonable and considerate election, was the election of things good, profitable, and cooperant to the atteining of the end. For to chuse such things, which be neither expedient, nor honourable, nor yet any way eligible; how can it stand with reason: for suppose it were as they say; that the end were a reasonable election of things which have 10 some dignity and worthinesse, making unto felicitie. See I beseech you how their discourse and disputation ariseth unto a trim point and goodly conclusion in the end: For the end (say they) is the good discourse, in making choise of those things which have dignity, making unto happinesse. Now when you he are these words, thinke you not my good friend, that this is a ve­ry strange and extravagant opinion?

LAMPEIAS.

Yes verily; but I would willingly know, how this hapneth?

DIADUMENUS.

Then must you lay your eare close, and harken with great attention, for it is not for every one to conceive this aenigmaticall riddle: But heare you sir, and make me answer: Is not the 20 end by their saying, the good discourse in elections according to nature?

DIADUMENUS.

That is their saying.

LAMPRIAS.

And these things which be according to nature, they chuse (doe they not) as good, or ha­ving some dignities and preferences inducing to the end, or to some other thing else.

DIADUMENUS.

I thinke not so: but surely, to the end.

LAMPRIAS

Having discovered thus much already, see now to what point they are come, namely, that 30 then end is to discourse well of felicity.

DIADUMENUS.

They say directly, that they neither have nor conceive any other thing of felicity, but this precious rectitude of discourse touching the elections of things that are of worth. Howbeit some there be who say that all this refutation is directed against Antipater alone, and not the whole sect of the Stoicks, who perceiving himselfe to be urged & hardly pressed by Carneades, fell into these vanities and foolish shifts for his evasion.

Moreover, as touching that which is discoursed and taught in the Stoicks schoole, Of Love, ven against common notions, it concerneth all the Supposts in generall of that sect, who have every one of them their hand in the absurdity thereof: for they avouch that yong youths, are 40 foule and deformed, if they be vicious and foolish: but the wise onely are beawtifull: and yet of these that are thus faire and beawtifull, there was never any one yet either beloved, or lovely and amiable. And yet this is not so absurd: but they say moreover, that such as are in love with those who be foule, cease to love them when they are become faire. And who hath ever seene or knowen such a kinde of love which should kindle and shew it selfe presently upon the discovery of the bodies deformity and the soules vice: and incontinently, be quenched and vanish away after the knowledge of passing beawty, together with justice and temperance? And verily such I suppose doe properly resemble these gnats, which love to settle upon vineger, soure wine or the fome thereof: but the good and pleasant potable wine they care not for, but flie from it. As for that emphaticall apparence of beawty (for that is the terme they give it) which they say is the al­luring 50 & attractive bait of love: first and formost it carieth no probability with it nor likelihood of reason. For in those who are most foule and wicked in the highest degree there can be no such emphaticall apparence of that beawty: in case it be so as they say that the leawdnesse of maners [...] in the face and infecteth the visage: for there be some of them who expound this strange position as strangly, saying that a foule person is worthy to be loved, because there [...] hope and expectance that one day he will become faire: mary when he hath gotten this beawty once, and is withall become good and honest, then he is beloved of no man. For love [Page 1097] say they, is a certaine hunting as it were after a yong body, as yet rude and unperfect, howbeit framed by nature unto vertue.

LAMPRIAS.

And what other thing do we now, my good friend, but refute the errors of their sect, who do thus force, pervert and destroy all our common conceptions with their actions which be sense­lesse, and their words and termes as unusuall and strange? For there was no person to hinder this love of wise men toward yong folke if affection were away: although all men and women to, both thinke and imagin love to be such a passion, as the woers of Penelope in Homer seeme to acknowledge,

Whose heat of love was such that in their hart 10
They wisht in bed to lie with her apart.

Like as Jupiter also said to Juno in another place of the said poet:

Come let us now to bed both goe, and there with sweet delight
Solace our selves: for never earst before remember I
That any love to women fatre no nor to Goddesse bright
Thus tam'd my hart, or prict me so, with them to company.
DIADUMENUS

Thus you see how they expell and drive morall philosophy into such matters as these,

So tntricate and tortuous,
So winding qutte throughout 20
That nothing sound is therein found,
But all turnes round about.

And yet they deprave vilipend, disgrace and flout all others, as if they were the men alone who restored nature and custome into their integrety as it ought to be, instituted their speech accor­dingly: But nature of it selfe doth divert and induce, by appetitions, pursuits inclinations and impulsions, ech thing to that which is proper and fit for it. And as for the custome of Logicke being so wrangling and contentious as it is, it receiveth no good at all nor profit: like as the eare diseased by vaine sounds is filled with thickenesse and hardnesse of hearing. Of which if you thinke so good we will begin anew and discourse else were another time: but now for this present let us take in hand to run over their naturall philosophy, which no lesse troubleth and 30 confoundeth common anticipations and conceptions in the maine principles and most im­portant points, than their morall doctrine as touching the ends of all things. First and formost this is apparently absurd and against all common sense, to say, that a thing is, & yet hath no be­ing nor essence: and the things which are not, yet have a being: which though it be most ab­surd, they affirme even of the universall world: for putting downe this supposition that there is round about the said world a certaine infinit voidnesse, they affirme that the universall world is neither body nor bodilesse: whereupon ensueth that the world is, and yet hath no existence. For they call bodies onely, existent: for as much as it is the property of a thing existent, to doe and suffer somewhat: And seeing this universall nature hath no existence; therefore it shall nei­ther doe nor suffer ought: neither shall it be in any place, for that which occupieth place is a bo­die, 40 but that universall thing is not a body. Moreover that which occupieth one and the same place is said to remaine and rest: and therefore the said universall nature doth not remaine, for that it occupieth no place: and that which more is, it mooveth not at all, first because that which mooveth ought to be in a place and roome certaine. Againe, because whatsoever mooveth, ei­ther mooveth it selfe, or else is mooved by another: now that which mooveth it selfe, hath cer­teine inclinations either of lightnesse or ponderosity: which ponderosity and lightnesse, be ei­ther certeine habitudes, or faculties & powers, or else differences of ech body: but that universa­lity, is no body: whereupon it must of necessity follow that the same is neither light nor heavy, and so by good consequence hath in it no principle or beginning of motion; neither shall it be mooved of another, for without & beyond it there is nothing: so that they must be forced to 50 say, as they doe indeed, that the said universall nature doth neither rest nor moove. In sum, for that according to their opinion, we must not say in any case that it is a body, and yet the heaven, the earth, the living creatures, plants, men and stones be bodies: that which is no body it selfe shall by these reckonings have parts thereof, which are bodies and that which is not ponderous, shall have parts weightie, and that which is not light, shall have parts light: which is as much against common sense and conceptions, as dreames are not more; considering that there is nothing so evident and agreeable to common sense than this distinction, If any thing be not a­nimate, [Page 1098] the same is inanimate: and againe, if a thing be not inanimate, the same is animate. And yet this manifest evidence they subvert and overthrow, affirming thus as they do, that this universal frame is neither animate nor inanimate. Over and besides, no man thinketh or imagi­neth that the same is unperfect, considering that there is no part thereof wanting: and yet they holde it to be unperfect: For (say they) that which is perfect, is finite and determinate; but the whole and universall world, for the infinitenesse thereof is indefinite. So by their saying, some thing there is, that is neither perfect not unperfect. Moreover, neither is the said uni­versall frame a part, because there is nothing greater than it; nor yet the whole: for that which is whole, must be affirmed like wise to be digested and in order; whereas being as it is, infinite, it is indeterminate and out of order. Furthermore, The other, is not the cause of the universall 10 world, for that there is no other beside it; neither is it the cause of The other, nor of it selfe, for that it is not made to do any thing: and we take a cause to be that which worketh an effect. Now set case we should demand of all the men in the world, what they imagine NOTHING to be, and what conceit they have of it, would they not say (thinke you) that it is that which is neither a cause it selfe, nor hath any cause of it; which is neither a part, nor yet the whole; neither perfect nor unperfect; neither having a soule, nor yet without a soule; neither moving nor stil & quiet, nor subsisting; and neither body nor without body? For what is all this, but Nothing? yet, what all others do affirme and verifie of Nothing, the same doe they alone of the universall world: so that it seemeth they make All and Nothing, both one. Thus they must be driven to say, that Time is nothing, neither Praedicable, nor Proposition, nor Connexion, nor Composition, 20 which be termes of Logicke, that they use, no Philosophers so much; and yet they say, that they have no existence nor being. But (that which more is) they holde that Trueth, although it be, yet it hath no being nor subsistence, but is comprehended onely by intelligence, is perceptible and beleeved, although it have no jote of effence. How can this be salved and saved, but that it must surpasse the most monstrous absurdity that is? But because it may not be thought that all this smelleth overmuch of the quirks and difficulties in Logicke, let us treat of those which are more proper unto Naturall philosophie. Forasmuch therefore, as

Jupiter is the first, the mids, the last, even all in all,
By him all things begin, proceed, and have their finiall.

they themselves give out, they of all men especially ought to have reformed, rectified redressed 30 and reduced to the best order, the common conceptions of men as touching the Gods, if haply there had crept into them any errour and perplexed doubt; or if not so, yet at leastwise, to have let every man alone, and left them to the opinion which the lawes and customes of the coun­treys wherein they were borne, prescribed unto them as touching religion and divinitie.

For neither now nor yesterday
These deepe conceits of God began,
Time out of [...] , they have beene ay,
But no man knowes, where, how, nor whan.

But these Stoicks having begunne even from the domesticall goddesse Vesta (as the proverbe saith) to alter and change the opinion established and received in every countrey, touching re­ligion 40 and the beliefe of God, they have not left so much as one conceit or cogitation that way sound, syncere and incorrupted. For where is or ever was the man, besides themselves, who doth not conceive in his minde, that God is immortall and eternall? what is more generally ac­knowledged in our common conceptions as touching the Gods, or what is pronounced with more assent and accord than such sentences as these?

And there the Gods do alwaies joy
In heavenly blisse, without annoy.

Also,

In heaven the Gods immort all ever be:
On earth below, pooremort all men walke we. 50

Againe,

Exempt from all disease and erasie age,
The Gods do live injoy, and paine feele none:
They feare no death nor dread the darke passage
Over the Frith of roaring Acheron.

There may peradventure be found some barbarous and savage nations, who thinke of no God at all; but never was there man having a conception and imagination of God, who esteemed [Page 1099] him not withall to be immortall and everlasting. For even these vile wretches called [...], that is to say, Atheists, such as Diagor as, Theodor us, and Hippon, godlesse though they were, could never finde in their hearts to say and pronounce, That God was corruptible. Onely, they could not beleeve and be perswaded in their minde, that there was any thing in the world not subject to corruption. Thus howsoever they admitted not a subsistence of immortality & incorrupti­bility, yet reteined they the common anticipation of the Gods: but Chrysippus & Cleanthes, ha­ving made the heaven, the earth, the aire and sea to ring againe, as a man would say, with their words, and filled the whole world with their writings of the Gods, yet of so many Gods, they make not one immortall, but Jupiter onely; and in him they spend and consume all the rest: so that this propertie in him, to resolve and kill others, is never a jote better, than to be resolved 10 and destroied himselfe. For as it is a kinde of infirmitie, by being changed into another for to die; so it is no lesse imbecillitie to be mainteined and nourished by the resolution of o­thers into it selfe. And this is not like to many other absurdities collected and gathered by consequence out of their fundamentall suppositions, or inferred upon other affertions of theirs; but even they themselves crie out with open mouth expresly in all their writings, of the gods, of providence, of destiny and nature, that all the gods had a beginning of their ef­fence, and shall perish and have an end by fire, melted and resolved, as if they were made of waxe or tinne. So that to say that a man is immortall, and that God is mortall, is all one, and the one as absurd and against common sense as the other: nay rather I cannot see what difference there will be betweene a man and God, in case God be defined, a reasonable animall, and cor­ruptible: 20 for if they oppose and come in with this their fine and subtile distinction, that man in deed is mortall, but God not mortall, yet subject to corruption; marke what an inconveni­ence doth follow and depend thereupon: for of necessity they must say, either that God is im­mortall and corruptible withall; or else neither mortall nor immortall: then which a man can not (if he would of purpose study for it) devise a more strange and monstrous absurdity. I speake this by other; for that these men must be allowed to say any thing, neither have there escaped their tongues and pens, the most extravagant opinions in the world.

Moreover Cleanthes minding still to fortifie and confirme that burning and conflagration of his, saith: That the sunne will make like unto himselfe, the moone with all other starres, and turne them into him. But that which of all others is most monstrous, the moone and other 30 starres, being forsooth gods, worke together with the sunne, unto their owne destruction, and conferre somewhat to their owne inflammation. Now surely this were a very mockerie, and ridiculous thing for us to powre out our praiers and orasons unto them for our owne safety, and to repute them the saviours of men, if it be kinde and naturall for them to make haste unto their owne corruption and dissolution. And yet these men cease not by all the meanes they can to in­sult over Epicurus, crying, Fie, fie for shame, & redoubling, Out upon him, for that by denying the divine providence, he troubled & confounded the general prenotion and conception mour minds of the gods; for that they are held and reputed by all men, not onely immortall and hap­py, but also humane and benigne, having a carefull eie, and due regard to the good and welfare of men, as in trueth they have. Now if they who take away the providence of God, doe withall 40 abolish the common prenotion of men as touching God; what doe they then, who avouch that the gods indeed have care of us; but yet are helpefull to us in nothing, neither give they us any good things, but such onely as be indifferent; not enduing us with vertue, but bestowing upon us riches, health, procreation of children, and such like, of which there is not one profitable, ex­pedient, eligible or availeable. Is it not certeine that these [...] throw the common concepti­ons that are of the gods? neither rest they heere, but fall to flouting, frumping, and scoffing, whiles they give out that there is one god, surnamed [...], that is to say, the superinten­dent over the fruits of the earth; another [...], that is to say, the patron of generation; ano­the [...], that is to say, the protectour of plants; another [...], and [...], that is to say, the president of physicke and divination; meane while neither is health simply good, nor gene­ration, 50 ne yet fertilitie of the ground and abundance of fruits, but indifferent, yea and unprofi­table to those who have them.

The third point of the comon conception of the gods is, that they differ in nothing so much from men, as in felicity and vertue: but according to Chrysippus, they are in this respect nothing superior to men: for he holdeth, that for vertue Jupiter is no better than Dion; also that Jupiter & Dion being both of them wise, doe equally and reciprocally helpe one another: for this is the good that the gods doe unto men, and men likewise unto the gods, namely, when they proove [Page 1100] wise and prudent, and not otherwise. So that if a man be no lesse vertuous, he is not lesse hap­py; insomuch as he is equall unto Jupiter the saviour in felicitie, though otherwise infortunate, and who for grievous maladies and dolorous dismembring of his body, is forced to make him­selfe away, and leave his life, provided alwaies that he be a wise man. Howbeit, such an one there neither is nor ever hath bene living upon the earth: whereas contrariwise infinit thousands and millions there are and have beene of miserable men and extreme infortunate under the rule and dominion of Jupiter, the government & administration wherof is most excellent. And what can there be more against common sense, than to say, that Jupiter governing and dispensing all things passing well, yet we should be exceeding miserable? If therefore (which unlawfull is once to speake) Jupiter would no longer be a saviour, nor a deliverer, nor a protectour, and sur­named 10 thereupon Soter, Lysius, and Alexicacos, but cleane contrary unto these goodly and beau­tifull denominations, there can not possibly be added any more goodnesse to things that be, ei­ther in number or magnitude as they say; whereas all men live in the extremitie of miserie and wickednesse, considering that neither vice can admit no augmentation, nor misery addition: and yet this is not the woorst nor greatest absurdity: but mightily angry and offended they are with Menander for speaking as he did thus bravely in open theater:

I hold, good things exceeding meane degree,
The greatest cause of humane miserie.

For this (say they) is against the common conception of men; meane while themselves make God, who is good and goodnesse it selfe, to be the author of evils: for matter could not verily 20 produce any evill of it selfe, being as it is without all qualities; and all those differences and vari­eties which it hath, it received of that which moved and formed it, to wit, reason within, which giveth it a forme and shape, for that it is not made to moove and shape it selfe. And therefore it cannot otherwise be, but that evill if it come by nothing, should proceed and have being from that which is not; or if it come by some mooving cause, the same must be God. For if they thinke that Jupiter hath no power of his owne parts, nor useth ech one according to his owne proper reason; they speake against common sense, and doe imagine a certeine animall, where­of many parts are not obeisant to his will; but use their owne private actions and operations, whereunto the whole, never gave incitation, nor began in them any motion. For among those creatures which have life and soule, there is none so ill framed and composed, as that against the 30 will thereof, either the feet should goe forward, or the tongue speake, or the horne push and strike, or the teeth bite; whereof God of necessity must endure & abide the most part, if against his will, evill men being parts of himselfe doe lie, doe circumvent and beguile others, commit burglary, breake open houses, to rob their neighbors, or kill one another. And if according as Chrysippus saith, it is not possible that the least part should be have it selfe otherwise than it plea­seth Jupiter, and that every living thing doeth rest, stay, and moove, according as he leadeth, manageth, turneth, staieth and disposeth it:

Now well I wot, this voice of his,
Sounds worse and more mischcivous is.

For more tolerable it were by a great deale to say, that ten thousand parts, through the impoten­cie 40 and feeblenesse of Jupiter, committed many absurdities perforce even against his nature and will, than to avouch that there is no intemperance, no deceit and wickednesse, where of Jupiter is not the cause

Moreover seeing that the world by their saying is a city, and the Sarres citizens: if it be so, there must be also tribes and magistracies: yea and plaine it is, that the Sunne must be a Sena­tour, yea & the evenning starre, some provost, major or governor of the city. And I wot not wel whether he who taketh in hand to confute such things, can broch and set abroad other greater absurdities in naturall matters than those doe, who deliver and pronounce these doctrines. Is not this a position against common sense to affirme, that the seed should be greater and more than that which is engendred of it? For we see verily that nature in all living creatures, and 50 plants even those that be of a wilde and savage kinde, taketh very small and slender matters, such as hardly can be seene, for the beginning & the generation of most great and huge bodies. For not onely of a graine or corne of wheat it produceth a stalke with an eare, and of a little grape stone it bringeth forth a vine tree, but also of a pepin, kernill, akorne or bery escaped and fallen by chance from a bird, as if of some sparkle it kindled and set on fire generation, it sen­deth forth the stocke of some bush or thorne or else a tall and mighty body of an oake, a date or pine tree. And hereupon it is that genetall seed is called [...], in Greeke, as one would say [Page 1101] [...], that is to say, the enfolding and wrapping together of a great masse into a small quantity: also nature taketh the name of [...], as it were [...], that is to say, the inflation and defusion of proportions and numbers, which are opened & loosened under it. And againe, the fire which they say is the seed of the world, after that generall conflagration, shall change into the owne seed, the world, which from a smaller body and little masse is extended into a great inflation and defusion, yea and moreover occupieth an infinite space of voidnesse which it filleth by his augmentation: but as it is engendered, that huge greatnesse retireth and setleth anon, by reason that the matter is contracted and gathered into it selfe upon the generation. We may heare them dispute, and reade many of their books, and discourses, wherein they argue and crie out a­loud against the Academicks, for confounding all things with their Aparalaxies, that is to say, 10 indistinguible identities striving and forcing to make in two natures, one endued with the like quality. And yet what man living is their who conceiveth and knoweth not as much? or supposeth not the contrary, namely, that it were a mervellous strange thing & a very absurdity, if neither stocke-dove to stocke-dove, bee to bee, wheat-corne to wheat-corne, and as the com­mon proverbe goeth, one figge unto another hath bene at all times alike and semblable.

But this in very deed and trueth is cleanc contrary to all common sense, that these men holde and affirme: how in one substance, there be properly and particularly two qualified, and how the same substance having particularly one qualified, when there commeth another to it, recei­veth and keepeth them both, the one as well as the other. For if we admit two, I avouch it may as well have three, fowre, five and as many as one will name, in one and the same substance, I say 20 not in divers parts, but all equally and indifferently, though they were infinit, even in the whole. Now Chrysippus saith, that Jupiter, as also the world, resembleth a man, and providence the soule: when as then that conflagration of the world shall be, Jupiter, who onely of all the gods is im­mortall, shall retire unto providence, and both twaine shall remaine together in the substance of the skie. But leave we now the gods for this present, and pray we unto them that they would vouchsafe to give unto the Stoicks, a common sense and understanding according with other men, and let us see now what they say as touching the elements. This first and formost standeth not with the received conceit and opinion of the world, that a bodie should be the place of a body, and that one body should enter and pierce through another bodie, considering that nei­ther the one nor the other containeth vacuity: but that which is full entereth into that which is 30 full, and that which hath no distance receiveth into it selfe that which is mingled with it, but that which is full and solid, hath no void distance in it selfe by reason of continuity. And these men verily not thrusting one into one, nor two nor three, nor ten together, but cast all parts of the world cut peece-meale, into one, which they first meet with, even the least that is by sense perceptible: saying moreover that it will containe the greatest that shall come unto it. Thus in a braverie after their old maner in many other things, make of that which convinceth and refel­leth them, one of their sentences and resolutions, as they who take for [...] , those things which be repugnant to common sense. And thus upon this supposall, there must needs enfue many monstrous and prodigious positions when they once confusedly mingle whole bo­dies with whole: and among those absurd paradoxes this also may goe for one, That three be 40 fowre. For even that which others bring in & alledge for an exsample of that which cannot fall into mans imagination, they holder for an undoubted trueth: saying, that when one cyath of wine is mingled with two of water, it wanteth not but is equall in the whole, and thus confoun­ding them together, they bring it so about, that one is made twaine, by the equall mixture of one with two: for that one remaineth, and is spred as much as twaine, making that which is e­quall to a duple. Now if by the mixture with two, it taketh the measure of two in the defusion, this must needs be the measure together, both of three and of fowre: of three because one is mingled with twaine: and of fower, for that being mingled with twaine, it hath as much in quan­tity, as those wherewith it is mingled. This fine device hapneth unto them, because they put bo­dies within a body, and for that it cannot be imagined how they cause one to containe another. 50 For, of necessity it must be that bodies making a penetration one within another by mixture, that the one should not containe and the other be contained, nor the one receive and the other be received within. For so this should not be a commixion but a contiguity and touching of superficies one close to another, whiles one entreth within forth, and the other encloseth with­out, when the other parts remaine pure and entire without mixture, and so shall be one of many divers and differing afunder. But it cannot otherwise be as they would have it, that when there is a mixture, the things mingled, should not be mixed one within another: and that one selfe [Page 1102] same thing being within should not withall be contained: and likewise in receiving, containe a­nother: and possible it is not, that either the one or the other should be: but fall out it will, that the two which be mingled, should pierce one within the other; neither can so much as one part of the one or the other remaine by it selfe apart, but necessarily they be all full one of ano­ther. And heere ariseth that legge of Arcesilaus, so much talked of in the schooles, which insulteth and daunceth upon their monstrous absurdities with much laughter; for if these mixtions be through the whole, what should hinder, but that if a legge bee cut off, putri­fied, cast into the sea, and in processe of time all diffused; not onely the fleet of Antigo­nus might faile in and thorow it, as said Arcesilaus, but also the 1200. saile of Xerxes, yea and the three hundred gallies of the Greeks might give a navall battell within the said legge? for faile 10 it never will to be extended and spread more and more, nor the lesse cease within the greater, [...] yet will that mixture ever come to an end, no nor the extremitie of it touch where it will end, and so pierce not thorow the whole, but will give over to be mingled: or if it be not mixed tho­rowout the whole, surely the said legge will not affoord roome so much as for the Greekes to give a navall battell in it, but even the same must needs putrifie and be changed. But if a cyath of wine, or no more but one drop, falling into the Aegean or Candiot-sea, passe directly into the Ocean, or maine Atlantique sea, it shall not touch onely the superficiall part of the water loft, but spred throughout, in breadth, depth & length. And verily Chrysippus admitteth so much in the very beginning of his first booke as touching Naturall questions, saying that one drop of wine will not faile but be mingled throughout the whole sea. And that we should not marvell 20 so much hereat, he saith moreover, that the said drop by the meanes of mixture, will extend throughout the whole world: which is so absurd and without all appearance of reason, as I can­not devise any thing more. And is not this also against common sense, that in the nature of bo­dies, there is no supreame, nor first or last, to conclude & determine the magnitude of the body? but that which is proposed as the subject, runneth on still infinitely without end, so as whatso­ever is added, yet somewhat more seemeth may be put thereto? for we cannot conceive or com­prehend one magnitude greater or lesse than another, if it be incident to both parts thus to pro­ceed in infinitum, which is as much as to take away the whole nature of inequalitie. For of two magnitudes that be understood unequall, the one commeth first short of the last parts, and the other goeth beyond and surpasseth; but if there be no inequalitie of length in them, it follow­eth 30 that there will be no unevennesse in the upper superfices nor asperitie: for this unevennesse is nothing else, but the inequalitie of the superficies with it selfe; but asperitie is an inequalitie of the superficies with hardnesse. Of which qualities they allow none, who determine no bodie in an extreme or utmost part, but draw out all still by a multitude of parts infinitly: and yet who knoweth not evidently, that man is compounded of a greater number of parts, than is his fin­ger, and the world more than a man? for all men know and thinke as much, unlesse they become Stoicks: but proove they once to be Stoickes, they both say and opine the contrarie; namely, that man is not composed of more parts than is his finger, nor the world of more than is man: for section reduceth bodies into infinitum; and in things infinite there is neither more nor lesse; neither is there any multitude that surpasseth; neither shall the parts of that which is left, 40 cease to be alwaies subdivided still, yea and to furnish out a multitude of themselves. How then do they wind out of these difficulties and untie these knots? certes, with great slight, verie sub­tilly and valiantly: for Chrysippus saith, that when we be demaunded, if we have any parts, and how many there be? also whether they be compounded of other, and of how many? we are to flie unto this distinction; supposing and setting downe, that the whole entire bodie, consisteth of head, breast and legges, as if this were all that was demaunded and doubted of. But if they should proceed in their interrogatories to the extreme parts: then saith he, no such answere is to be made, but we are to say, neither that they consist of any certaine parts, nor likewise of how many? neither of infinite nor determinate. But I thinke it were better if I alledged his verie owne words, to the end you may see how he keepeth and observeth the common conceptions, 50 forbidding us as he doth, to thinke, imagine or say, of what parts, and how many ech bodie is compounded, and that it consisteth neither of finite or infinite. For if there were a meane be­tweene finite and infinite, like as there is betweene good and bad, to wit, indifferent; he should pronounce what the same was, and so salve the difficultie. But, if as that which is not equall, incontinently becommeth unequall; and that which is not corruptible, presently is incor­ruptible; so that which is not finite, is immediately infinit, I suppose, that to say, A bodie is composed of parts neither finit or infinite, is all one as to say, that an argument is composed [Page 1103] neither of true nor of false propositions, and a number neither of even nor odde. But after all this, vaunting himselfe youthfully, he letteth not to say, that whereas a pyramis consisteth of tri­angles, the side sinclining to the commissure or joint, are unequall, and yet exceed one ano­ther, in that they be bigger. Thus you see how trimly he kept and observed common concepti­ons; for if there be any thing greater, and yet surpasseth not, there must be also somewhat lesse, and yet the same faileth not, and so there shall be also somthing unequall, that neither exceedeth nor wanteth, which is as much to say, as it shall be equall and yet unequall, not greater but yet greater, not lesse and yet lesse. See moreover I pray you a little, how he answereth unto Demo­critus disputing and doubting physically and earnestly, if a cone or round pyramis be cut at the base thereof by the plumb or level, what we ought to conceive and judge as touching the su­perficies 10 of the sections whether they be equal or unequal: for if they be unequal, they wil make the said cone or pyramis uneven; and admitting many deepe rabbotted incisions, and rough asperities in maner of steps and grees: and if they be equall, then the sections also must be e­quall, and so it will be found that the round pyramis or cone shall have the same befall unto it that a cylinder hath, namely, to consist of circles equall and not unequall, which were very ab­surd. Herein, making Democritus to be an ignorant person and one who knew not what he said, he commeth in with this, and saith, that the superficies be neither equall nor unequall, but that the bodies be unequall, in that the superficies be neither equall nor unequall. Now to set downe by way of ordinance and to affirme, that allowing the superficies to be unequall, it may fall out, that bodies should not be unequall, were the part of a man who permitteth himselfe to have a 20 woonderfull libertie to write and speake whatsoever comes into his head. For both reason and manifest evidence, giveth us to understand quite contrary, namely, that of unequall bodies the superficies also be unequall, and the bigger that a body is, the greater is the superficies, un­lesse the excesse whereby it surpasseth the smaller, be altogether devoid of a superficies: for if the superficies of greater bodies exceed not those of the lesser, but rather faile before they come to an end, then we must of necessitie say, that a part of that bodic which hath an end, is without end, and not determinate: for if hee alledge and say that hee is driven perforce thereunto, lest the inequalitie of superficies might seeme to make unequall incisions, there is no such cause why hee should feare: for those rabbotted incisions which hee suspecteth in a cone or round Pyramis, it is the inequalitie of the bodies, and not of the superficies that 30 causeth them. So that it were a ridiculous follie, by taking away the superficies, for to be convinced to leave an inequalitie and unevennesse of the bodies. But to persist still in this matter, what can there be more contrary to common conception, than to faine and devise such stuffe? for if we admit that one superficies is neither equall nor unequall to another, wee we may consequently affirme, that neither magnitude is equall or unequall, nor number either even or odde; considering that we can not set downe nor conceive in our minde, any meane be­tweene unequall and unequall, which is neuter. Moreover, if there were any superficies neither equall nor unequall, what should let but that we may imagine circles also neither equall nor un­equall? for verily these superficies of the sections of cones or round Pyramides, be circles: and if we allow thus much in circles, then we may aswell admit so much of the Diameters of circles, 40 namely, that they be neither equall nor unequall. And if this goe for good, of angles likewise and triangles, of Parallelograms, and of superficies parallel or equally distant. For if longitudes be neither equall nor unequall one to another, then shall not weight, nor percussion, no nor bo­dies be equall or unequall. Furthermore, how dare they reproove those who bring in vacuities, and certeine indivisible bodies mainteining combat one against another, supposing that they neither stirre nor stand still; when as they themselves mainteine that such propositions as these be false? If any things be not equall one to the other, the same be unequall one to the other: and these things here be not equall one to the other; neither are they unequall one to the other. But forasmuch as he saith, that there is something greater, which notwithstanding surpasseth not; it were good reason therefore to doubt and demand, whether the same be agreeable and 50 fitting one to the other? and if they agree, how then can either of them be the bigger? Now if it be not sortable, how is it possible that the one should not exceed, and the other come short? for these things can not hang together, to say, that neither the one nor the other surpasseth: and it agreeth not with the greater: or it agreeth, and yet the one is greater than the other. For of necessitie it must follow, that those who reteine not nor observe common conceptions, be troubled with such perplexities.

Over and besides, it is against all common sense, to say that no one thing toucheth another: [Page 1104] as also, that bodies touch one another, and yet do in no part touch. Now it must needs be, that they admit this, who allow not the least parts of a body, and so they suppose alwaies something before that which seemeth to touch, and never cease to passe on farther still: which is the thing that they principally object against those, who defend & maintein the indivisible parcels called [...] ; namely, that there is no totall touching, but that it is a mixture, considering that such indivisible bodies have no parts. How is it then, that they themselves fall not into the like in­convenience, seeing they admit no part to be either first or last? for that they say, bodies doe touch one another mutually in the whole by a certeine terme or extremity, and not by a part, and the said terme or point is no body. Then a body shall touch a body, by a thing which is no body: and contrariwise, shall not touch, the incorporall being betweene. And if it touch, it 10 shall do likewise and suffer somewhat, being it selfe a body, by that which is incorporall and no body. For the propertie of bodies, is to do and suffer somewhat mutually, yea, and to touch one another: and if the body have a touching in part by the meanes of that which is incorporall, it shall likewise have a generall and totall connexion, even a mixtion and incorporation. Againe, in these connexions and mixtures, necessarie it is that termes or extremities of bodies, either continue or not continue, but perish: but both the one and the other is against common sense. For even they themselves allow not corruptions and generations of things incorporall: and impossible it is, that there should be a mixtion or totall touching of bodies reteining still their proper termes and extremities. For it is this terme or extremity that determineth and consti­tuteth the nature of a body: and as for mixtions (if there were no approching nor application of 20 parts to parts) they confound all things wholly which are mixed. And as these men say, we must admit the corruption of extremities in mixtures; and likewise againe, their generations, in the distractions & separations of them. But no man there is able to comprehend this easily: for in regard that bodies touch one another, they also are pressed, thrust and crushed one by the other. And impossible it is, that a thing incorporall should suffer or do thus; neither can we imagine so much: yet would they constraine us to thinke no lesse. For if a sphaere or boule touch a flat or plaine bodie onely by a point, certeine it is, that it may be trained and rolled along the said plaine or flat body, by a point. And if the foresaid boule be painted in the superficies therof with vermillion, it shall imprint a red line onely upon the same plaine body; and being yellow, or of a firie colour, it shall likewise give the same tincture to the superficies of the flat bodie. 30 Now that a thing incorporall should either give or take a colour, is against all common sense. And if we imagine a boule of earth, of Crystall or glasse, to fall from on high upon a smooth bodie of stone, it were against all reason to thinke that it would not breake the same into pieces, namely, when as it shall light upon that which is solide, hard, and able to make resistance: but more unreasonable it were to say, that it were broken by a terme or point that is incorporall: in such maner, as in every sort, their anticipations & common conceptions as touching things in­corporall and bodies, must needs be troubled and confounded, or rather utterly abolished, in supposing thus many things impossible.

Against common sense it is to say, that there is a future time, and a time past, but none at all present; as also, that the time which was erewhile and not long since, hath a subsistence, whereas 40 that which now is hath no being at all. And yet this is an usuall and ordinary matter with these Stoicke philosophers, who admit not the least time that is betweene, and will not allow the pre­sent to be indivisible; but of all that which a man doeth thinke and imagine as present, they af­firme the one part to be of that which is already past, and the other of the future; insomuch as there remaineth and is [...] in the mids no piece at all of the time present; in case of that which is said to be the very instant, part is attributed unto things past, and part to things to come; whereupon of necessitie one of these twaine must follow, that either in admitting the tense, It was; or It shalbe; the tense It is, must wholly be abolished, or in admitting the present time, It is, one part thereof is past, and the other to come: as also to say, that of that which is, part is yet fu­ture, and part already past: likewise of that which now is present, one parcell is before, and ano­ther 50 behinde; in such sort as present, is that which yet is not present, and not present any more; for that is not present any longer, which is already past; nor present at all, which is yet to come: And thus in dividing the present, they must also needs say, that of the yeere and of the light, part was of the yeere past, and part of the yeere to come; likewise of that which is together and at once, there is some before, and some after: For no lesse troubled are they, in hudling and confounding after a strange maner these termes, Not yet, Already, No more, Now & not now, as if they were all one; whereas other men doe conceive and thinke, that these tearmes, Ere [Page 1105] while, or not long since, & a while after or anon, are different parts from the present time, setting the one before, & the other after the said present. And among these, Archidemus who affirmeth that the present Now, is a certeine beginning, joint or commissure of that which is already past and neere at hand to come, seeth now how in so saying, he utterly abolisheth all time; for were it true that Now is no time, but onely a terme of extremity of time & that every part of time is as it were Now, it would seem then, that this present Now, hath no part at al, but is resolved wholy into ends & extremities, joints, commissures, & beginnings. As for Chrysippus willing to shew himselfe witty & artificial in his divisions, in that treatise which he composed as touching void­nesse, and in other places affirmeth, that the Past and the Future of time subsisteth not, but hath subsisted; and that the present onely hath being: But in the third, fourth, & [...] books of Parts, he 10 avoucheth, that of the instant or present, part is Future, & part Past; in such sort as by this means he divideth the substance of time, into those parts of subsistent, which are not subsistent, or to speake more truely, he leaveth no part at al subsistent, if the instant & present hath no part at al, which is not either past or to come: and therefore the conceit that these men have of time, re­sembleth properly the holding of water in a mans hand, which runneth and sheddeth the more, by how much harder it is pressed together. Come now unto actions and motions, all light and evidence is by them darkned, troubled, and confounded; for necessarily it ensueth, that if the Instant or present is divided into that which is past, and to come, part of that which now moo­veth at this instant, should partly be moved already, and in part to remoove afterwards, and withall, that the beginning and end of motion should be abolished: also that of no worke there 20 should be any thing first or last, all actions being distributed and dispersed together with time: for like as they say, that of the present, some is past, and some to come: even so of every action in doing, some part is already done, and other resteth to be done. When had then beginning, or when shal have end, To dine, to write, & to go, if every man who dineth, hath dined already, and shall dine; and whosoever goeth, hath gone and shall go? and that which is (as they say) of al absurdities most monstrous, if it be granted, that he who now liveth, hath lived already, & shal live; life had neither beginning, nor ever shall have end: but every one of us as it should seeme by this reckoning, was borne without beginning of life, & shall die without giving over to live: for if there be no extreme part, but ever as one that now liveth shal have somewhat of the pre­sent remaining for the future, it will never be untruely said; Socrates shal live, so long as it shal be 30 truely said, Socrates liveth; so that as often as it is true, Socrates liveth, so often it is false, Socrates is dead. And therefore if it be truely said in infinit parts of time, Socrates shall live; in no part of time shal it ever be truly said, Socrates is dead. And verily what end shal there be of any worke? & where shal any action stay & cease, in case as often as it shall be truly said; a thing is now doing, so often likewise it shall be truly said, It shall be done: for lie he shall who saith, This is the end of Plato writing or disputing; for that one day Plato shall cease to write or dispute: if at no time it be a lie to say, of him that disputeth, He shall dispute; or of him who writeth, He shall write. Moreover, of that which is done, there is no part, which either is not finished already, or shall be finished, and either is past or to come. Besides, of that which is already done, or of that which shal be done, of that which is past or future, there is no sense. And so in one word, and to speake 40 simply, there is no sense of any thing in the world; for we neither see nor heare that which is past or to come; ne yet have we any sense of things which have bene or which shall be; no nor although a thing should be present, is it perceptible & subject to sense, in case that which is pre­sent, be partly to come, and in part past already; if I say one part thereof hath beene, and ano­ther shall be: and yet they themselves cry out upon Epicurus, as if he committed some great in­dignitie, and did violence to common conceptions, in mooving as he doeth all bodies with equall celerity, and admitteth no one thing swifter than another: But farre more intolerable it is, and farther remot from common sense to hold, that no one thing can reach or overtake another:

No not although Adrastus horse 50
So swift, a Tortois flow should course.

according as we say in our common proverbe: which must of necessity fall out, if things move according to Before and Behind; and in case the intervals which they passe through, be divisi­ble into infinit parts, as these men would have them: for if the tortoise be but one furlong be­fore the horse, they who divide the said interval or space betweene into infinit parts, and moove both the one and the other according to Prius and Posterius, shall never bring the swiftest close unto the slowest, for that the slower alwaies winneth some space or interval, before that which is [Page 1106] divisible, into other infinit intervals. And to say, that water which is powred forth out of a cup or boll, shall never be powred all cleane out; how can this chuse but be against common sense? & doeth not this consequently follow upon those things that these men avouch? for never shall a man comprehend or conceive that the motion of things infinitly divisible, according to be­fore, hath fully performed the whole intervall, but leaving alwaies some space divisible, it will evermore make all the effusion, all the running foorth or shedding of the liquor, all the motion of a solid body; or the fall of a weighty poise, to be imperfect. I let passe many absurdities de­livered in their doctrine; and touch those onely, which are directly against common sense.

As for the question touching augmentation, it is very auncient: For according as Chrysip­pus saith; it was by Epicharmus put foorth. And for that the Academicks thought it to be not 10 very easie and ready all of a sudden to be cleered; these men come with open mouth against them, accusing them for overthrowing all anticipations, whereas they themselves keepe not at all the common conceptions: and that which more is, pervert the very senses. For whereas the question is plaine and simple; these men grant and allow such suppositions as these, that al par­ticular substances flow and runne, partly by yeelding and sending foorth somewhat out of themselves, and in part by receiving other things from without; and that by reason of the num­ber and multitude of that which comes in, or goes out, things continue not one and the same, but become altered and divers by the foresaid additions and detractation, so as their substance receiveth a change. Also that contrary to all right and reason, custome hath so farre prevailed, that such mutations be called augmentations and diminutions: whereas rather they ought to be 20 termed generations, and corruptions, for that they force an alteration of one present state and being, into another; but to grow and diminish are passions and accidents of a body, and sub­ject that is permanent. Which reasons and assertions being after a sort thus delivered in their schooles, what is it that these defenders of Perspicuity and Evidence, these canonicall refor­mers (I say) of common notions would have? namely, that every one of us should be double like twinnes, or of a two-fold nature: not as the poets feigned the Molionides, to be in some parts [...] and united, and in other severed and disjoined, but two bodies, having the same colour, the same shape, the same weight and place: a thing that no man ever saw before: mary these Philosophers onely have perceived this duplicity, this composition and [...] ; whereby every one of us are two subjects, the one being substance, the other * * 30 the one of them runneth and floweth continually, and yet without augmentation and di­minution, or remaining in the same state such as it is; the other continueth still, and yet grow­eth and decreaseth, and yet suffreth all things quite contrary to the other, wherewith it is con­corporate, united, and knit, leaving to the exteriour sense no shew of distinct difference. And yet verily it is said of that [...] , how in old time hee had so quicke and piereing an eie­sight, that he was able to see through stocks and stones. And one there was by report, who fit­ting in Sicily, could from a watch-tower sensibly discerne the shippes sailing out of the haven of Carthage, which was distant a day & a nights failing with a good forewind. And as for Callicra­tes and Myrmecides, they have the name to have made chariots so smal, as that the wings of a fly might cover them: yea & in a millet graine or sesam seed to have engraven Homers verses. But 40 surely this perpetuall fluxion & diversity in us, there was never any yet that could divide & di­stinguish: neither could we our selves ever find that we were double, & that partly we ranne out continually, and in part againe remained alwaies one and the same, even from our nativity to our end. But I am about to deale with them more simply and plainly; for whereas they devise in every one of us foure subjects, or to speake more directly, make ech of us to be foure, it shall suffice to take but two, for to shew their absurditie. When we doe heare Pentheus in a tragedy saying, that he seeth two Sunnes, and two cities of Thebes, we deeme of him, that he seeth not two, but that his eies doe dazzell and looke amisse, having his discourse troubled, and under­standing cleane transported. And even these persons, who suppose and set downe, not one city alone, but all men, all beasts, all trees, plants, tooles, vessels, utensils, and garments, to be 50 double, and composed of two natures; reject wee not and bid farewell, as men who would force us not to understand any thing aright, but to take every thing wrong? Howbeit, hap­ly heerein they might be pardoned and winked at, for feining and devising other natures of sub­jects, because they have no meanes else, for all the paines they take, to mainteine and preserve their augmentations: But in the soule, what they should aile, what their meaning might be, and upon what grounds and suppositions, they devised to frame other different sorts and formes of bodies, and those in maner innumerable, who is able to say? or what may be the cause, unlesse [Page 1107] they ment to displace, or rather to abolish and destroy altogether the common and familiar conceptions, inbred in us, for to bring in and set up new fangles, and other strange and forren novelties? For this is woonderfull extravagant and absurd, for to make bodies of vertues and vices, and besides of sciences, arts, memories, fansies, apprehensions, passions, inclinations and assents: and to affirme that these neither lie, nor have any place subsisting in any subject, but to leave them one little hole like a pricke within the heart, wherein they range and draw in, the principall part of the soule, and the discourse of reason, being choked up as it were with such a number of bodies, that even they are not able to count a great sort of them, who seeme to know best how to distinguish and discerne one from another. But to make these not onely bodies, but also living creatures, and those endued with reason, to make (I say) a swarme of them, & the 10 same not gentle, mild, & tame, but a turbulent sort & rable by their malicious shrewdnesse, op­posit & repugnant to al evidence, & usual custome, what wanteth this of absurdity in the highest degree. And these men verily do hold that not onely vertues & vices be animall and living crea­tures, nor passions alone, as anger, wrath, envy, griefe, sorrow & malice, nor apprehensions one­ly, fantasies, imaginations, and ignorances, nor arts and mysteries, as the shoomakers & smiths­craft: but also over and besides al these things, they make the very operations and actions them­selves to be bodies, yea and living creatures: they would have walking to be an animall dancing likewise, shoping, saluting, and reprochfull railing: and so consequently they make laughing & weeping to be animall. And in granting these, they admit also, coughing, sneesing and groa­ning, yea and withall, spitting, reaching, snitting and snuffing of the nose and such like actions, 20 which are as evident as the rest. And let them not thinke much and take it grievously, if they be driven to this point by way of particular reasonning, calling to minde Chrysippus, who in his third booke of Naturall questions saith thus: What say you of the night, is it not a body: eve­ning, morning, midnight, are they not bodies? Is not the day a body? The new moone is it not a bodie? the tenth, the fifteenth, the thirtieth day of the moone, the moneth it selfe, Summer, Autumne, and the whole yeere, be they not bodies? Certes all these things by me named they hold with tooth and naile, even against common prenotions: But as for these hereafter, they maintaine contrary to their owne proper conceptions, when as they would produce the hottest thing that is by refrigeration, and that which is most subtile by inspissation. For the soule is a substance most hot and consisting of most subtill parts: which they would make by the refrige­ration 30 and condensation of the body, which as it were by a certaine perfusion and tincture it hardeneth & altereth the spirit, from being vegetative to be animate. They say also that the Sun is become animate, by reason of the moisture turned into an intellectuall and spirituall fire. See how they imagin the Sun to be engendred and produced by refrigeration? Xenophanes, when one came upon a time and tolde him that he had seene Eeles to live in hot scalding water, Why doe we not seethe them then (quoth he) in colde water? If therefore they will cause heat by re­frigeration, and lightnesse by astriction and condensation: it foloweth on the other side againe, by good consequence, that by keeping a certaine proportion and correspondensie in absurdity, they make heat by colde, thickning by dissolving, and waighty things by rarefaction. As for the very substance and generation of common conception and sense, doe they not determine 40 it even against common sense it selfe? For conception is a certaine phantasie or apprehension: and this apprehension is an impression in the soule. The nature of the soule is an exhalation, which by reason of the rarity thereof can hardly receive an impression: and say that it did re­ceive any, yet impossible it were to keepe and retaine it. For the nutriment and generation of it consisting of moist things, holdeth a continuall course of succession and consumption. The commerce also and mixture of respiration with the aire, engendreth continually some new ex­halation turning and changing by the flux of aire comming in and going forth reciprocally. For a man may imagin rather that a river of runing water keepeth the formes, figures & images imprinted therein, than a spirit caried in vapours & humors, to be mingled with another spirit or breath from without continually, as if it were idle and strange unto it. But so much forget 50 they or misunderstand themselves, that having defined cōmon conceptions to be certaine intel­ligences laid up apart: memories to be firme permanent, & habituall impressions having fixed sciences likewise, every way fast and sure, yet within a while after they set under al this a founda­tion and base, of a certaine slippery substance, easie to be dissipated, caried continually, and ever going and comming to and fro. Moreover this notion and conception of an element and principle, all men have imprinted in their minde, that it is pure, simple, not mingled nor com­pofed: [Page 1108] for, that which is mixed, cannot be an element nor a principle, but rather that, whereof it is mixed and composed.

Howbeit these men devising God the principle of all things to be a spirituall bodie, and a minde or intelligence seated in matter, make him neither pure nor simple, nor uncompound, but affirme that he is composed of another and by another. As for matter, being of it selfe with­out reason and void of all quality, it carieth with it simplicity, and the very naturall propertie of a principle: and God, if it be true, that he is not without body and matter, doth participate of matter as of a principle. For if reason and matter, be all one and the same, they have not done well to define matter for to be reasonlesse: but if they be things different, then doth God consist of both twaine, and not of a simple essence, but compounded, as having taken to his intellectu­all 10 substance a bodily nature out of matter. Furthermore, considering they call these fower primitive bodies, to wit, earth, water, aire and fire, the first elements, I can not see how they should make some of them simple, and others mixed or compound: for they hold, that the earth and water cannot containe either themselves or any other, and that it is the participation of spirit and fellowship of fire, whereupon dependeth the preservation of their unity: as for the aire and fire by their owne power they fortifie themselves, which being medled with the other two, give them their force vigor and firmitude of substance. How is it then, that either earth is an element or the water, seeing neither of them both is simple, first, or sufficient to keepe and preserve it selfe, but having need of another without to containe them alwaies in their being and to save them? for they have not left so much as any thought that they be a substance. But surely 20 this reason of theirs as touching the earth, that it consisteth of it selfe, containeth much confu­sion and great uncertainty, for if the earth be of it selfe, how commeth it to passe that it hath need of the aire, to binde and conteine it? for so it is no more earth of it selfe, nor water; but the aire hath by thickning & hardning matter, made thereof the earth: and contrariwise, by dis­solving and mollifying it, hath created the water: and therefore we may inferre thus much, that neither of these is an element, seeing that some other thing hath given them their essence and generation. Over and besides, they affirme, that substance and matter are subject to qualities, and so in maner doe yeeld their limit and definition: and then on the other side, they make the said qualities to be bodies; wherein there is a great confusion: for if qualities have a certeine proper substance, whereby they are termed and be really bodies indeed, they require no other substance, for that they have one of their owne: but if they have this onely under them which is 30 common, and which they call essence or matter, certeine it is, that they doe but participate of the bodie; for bodies they are not. For that which is in the nature of the subject and doeth re­ceive, must of necessitie differ from those things which it receiveth, and whereof it is the subject. But these men see by the halfe; for they terme the matter [...], that is to say, without qualities: but they will not name the qualities [...], that is to say, void of matter. And yet how is it possi­ble to make a body without quality, but wee must imagine a quality without a bodie? for that reason, which coupleth a body with all maner of qualities, permitteth not the thought to com­prehend any body without some qualitie. Either therefore he that fighteth against a bodilesse qualitie, seemeth to resist likewise a matter void of qualitie; or if he separate the one from the o­ther, hee parteth and divideth them both asunder. And as for that reason which some of them 40 seeme to pretend, as touching a substance which they name [...], not because it is void of all qualitie, but because it is capable forsooth of every qualitie; it is contrary to common notion, and nothing so much. For no man taketh or imagineth that to be [...], that is to say, un­qualified, which is participant of al qualities and uncapable of none; nor impassible, that which is apt to receive and suffer every passion; nor immoovable, which is moovable every way. And as for this doubt, it is not solved, that howsoever we alwaies understand mat­ter with some quality, yet we conceive withall, that matter and qualitie 50 be different one from the other.

AGAINST COLOTES, THE EPICUREAN. 10

The Summarie.

WE have in many places before, but principally in two severall Treatises of the former tome, perceived how Plutarch is quite contrary unto the Epicureans, and namely, in one of those Treatises he dealeth with a certaine booke (which he now expresly refu­teth) where Colotes endevoured to proove, that a man can not possibly live well, ac­cording to the opinions of other Philosophers, Plutarch sheweth on the contrarie side, that impossible it is to leade a joifull life after the doctrine of Epicurus, and that it is accompanied with overweening, impudency and slanderous calumniation. And not contenting himselfe thus to have 20 confuted them of purpose once or twice, he setteth upon them in this discourse, and particularly he co­peth with Colotes, whose slouth, filthinesse and impiette he heere describeth. The summe of all which declamation is this, That these Epicureans are not any way worthy the name of Philosophers: who con­trariwise tread and trample under foot all the parts of true Philosophie, discovering in their writings aswell as thorowout all their lives, meere beastly brutalitie. But all that is delivered in this Treatise may be reduced well to two principall points: The one conteineth a defence or excuse of the doctrine taught by Democritus, Empedocles, Parmenides, Socrates, and other ancient Philosophers, stan­dered by Colotes, who extolled farre above them, the traditions and precepts of his master. The other discovereth divers absurdities and strange opinions of the Epicureans, even by their owne testimonies: whom Plutarch refelleth soundly; handling in this disputation many articles of Philosophie, Naturall, 30 Morall and Supernaturall: and particularly of the Senses, of Nature, of the Atomes, of the Universall world, of the Knowledge of man, of the Opinion of the Academicks, of the Apprehensions, faculties, pas­sions and affections of the soule: of the certeintie of things sensible, of the falsitie and trueth of imagina­tions, of the use of Lawes, of the profit of Philosophie, of the sovereigne good, of religion, and of other such matters, the principles whereof the Epicureans abolished, bringing in paradoxes woonderfull strange, for to shuffle things confusedly, and make all uncerteine. All which is marked particularly in the traine and course of the authours owne words, and therefore needlesse it is to specifie thereof any more, because I would avoid tantologies & unnecessary repetitions. True it is, that in certeine refutati­ons Plutarch is not so firme as were to be desired: but that may be imputed to his ignorance of the true God. As for the rest, it may suffice & serve, to know the misery & wretchednes of the Epicureans: and 40 that other Philosophers had many good parts, and delivered many beautifull speeches, whereof all vertuous persons may reape and gather great fruit in applying and referring the same to their right use. And for to close up all, he maketh a comparison betweene true Philosophers and the Epicureans, proving in very many places, that Co­lotes and his fellowes like himselfe, are people not onely unpro­fitable, but also most pernicious, and so by consequence unworthy to live in the world. 50

AGAINST COLOTES THE Epicurean.

COlotes, whom Epicurus was wont (ô Saturninus) to call by way of slattering diminution, Colatar as and Colatarius, composed and put forth a little booke, which he entituled, That there could be no life at all according to the opinions of other Philosophers: and dedi­cated the said booke unto king Ptolemaeus. Now what came into 10 my minde to speake against this Colotes, I suppose you would take pleasure to reade the same in writing; being as you are, a man who loveth elegancie and all honest things, especially such as concerne the knowledge of antiquity; & besides, esteemeth it the most prince like exercise and roiall study, to beare in minde and have alwaies in hand, as much as possibly may be the discourses of auncient Sages. Whereas therefore of late this booke was in reading, one of our familiar friends, one whom you know well enough, Ari­stodemus by name, an Aegian borne, a man exceeding passionate, and of all the Acade­micks a most sranticke sectary of Plato, although hee carie not the ferula like unto the madde supposts of Plato, I wot not how contrary to his usuall maner, was very patient and silent 20 all the while, giving care most civilly even to the very end. But so soone as the lecture was done: Goe to now my masters (quoth he) whom were we best to cause for to arise and fight with this fellow in the quarrell and defence of Philosophers? For I am not of Nestors minde, neither doe I greatly praise him, for that when there was to be chosen the most valiant warrior of those nine hardy knights who were presented, to enter into combat with Hector hand to hand, committed the election unto fortune, and put all to the lot: But you see also (quoth I) that even he referred himselfe to be ordered by the lot, to the end that the choise might passe accor­ding to the dispose and ordinance of the wisest man:

The lot out of the helmet then did fall,
Of Ajax, whom themselves wisht most of all. 30

And yet if you command me to make election,

How can I ever put out of mind,
Divine Ulysses, a prince so kind?

Consider therefore and be well advised how you may be able to refell this man. Then Aristode­demus: But you know full well (quoth he) what Plato sometime did, who being offended with his boy that waited upon him, would not himselfe swindge him, but caused Speusippus to doe so much for him, saying withall, That he was in a fit of choler. And even so, I say as much to you, Take the man to you I pray, and entreat him at your pleasure; for my selfe am very angry with him. Now when all the rest of the company were instant with me, and praied me to take this charge in hand: Well I see (quoth I) that I must speake, seeing you will needs have it so: but 40 I am affraid lest I may seeme my selfe to be more earnestly bent against this booke than it de­serveth, in the defence and maintenance of Socrates, against the incivility, rudenesse, scurrility, and insolence of this man, who presenteth (as one would say) unto him hay, as if he were a beast, and demaundeth how he may put meat into his mouth, and not into his care: whereas haply the best way were to laugh onely at him for such railing, especially considering the mildnesse and gentle grace of Socrates in such cases. Howbeit in regard of the whole host beside of other Greeke Philosophers, namely, Democritus, Plato, Empedocles, Parmenides, and Melissus, who by him are foully reviled, it were not onely a shame to be tongue tied and keepe silence, but also meere sacriledge and impiety, to remit any jot, or forbeare to speake freely to the utmost in their behalfe, being such as have advanced philosophy to that honour and reputation which it 50 hath. And verily our parents together with the gods have given us our life: but to live well, we suppose and that truely, that it commeth from the philosophers, by the meanes of that doctrine which we have received from them, as cooperative with law and justice, and the very bridle that doth chastice and restraine our lusts. Now to live well, is to live sociably, friendly, tempe­rately, and justly: of which good qualities and conditions, they leave us not so much as one, who cry out with open mouth, that the soveraigne good of man lieth in his belly, and that all the vertues in the world if they were put together, they would prize no better woorth than one [Page 1111] crackt brasen piece of coine, without pleasure, and in case all maner of delights were quite re­mooved from them. Also the annex heere to their discourses, as touching the soule & the gods, wherein they hold that the soule perisheth, when it is once separate from the body: and that the gods meddle not with our affaires. Moreover the Epicureans reproch other Philosophers, for that by their wisdome and sapience, they undoe mans life: and they againe object unto them, that they teach men to live loosely, basely, and beastly. And verily such matters as these be min­gled in all the writings of Epicurus, and spred throughout his whole philosophy. But this Colotes heere having made an extract of certaine words or voices void of matter and substance, and drawen some pieces and broken fragments without reasons and arguments for to proove and confirme his doctrines, or to give light for their understanding and credit, hath made his booke 10 in manner of a shop full of all sort of wares; or of a table or stall representing strange shewes and monsters: which you (I say) know best of all others, for that you have continually in your hands and doe reade the works of ancient writers. So he seemeth unto me that like to the Lydi­an, he openeth not one gate and no more upon him, but enwrappeth Epicurus in very many doubts & difficulties, and those of all other, the greatest: for he beginnes with Democritus, who no doubt received at his hands a goodly salary and reward for his apprentissage, being a thing certeinly knowen, that for a long time Epicurus called himselfe a Democritian, like as others also doe say, and namely Leonteus, one of the scholars and disciples of Epicurus, in the highest forme: who in a letter which he wrote unto Lycophron, saith, that Epicurus honored Democri­tus, for that he attained before him to the true and sound understanding of the truth: and that in 20 generall the whole treatise of naturall things, was called Democritian, because hee light first upon the principles, and met with the primitive fountaines and foundations of nature. And Metrodorus said directly and openly of Philosophy, That if Democritus had not led the way, Epicurus had never arrived to wisdome and learning. Now if it be true as this Colotes saith, That to live according to Democritus and other philosophers opinions, is no life [...] all, Epicurus was a very foole for following Democritus as he did, leading him to that doctrine whereby a man could not live. And first he reprooveh him, for that in saying that every thing is no more such than such, he made a confusion of mans life. But so farre off was Democritus from holding the said opinion, namely, that nothing is rather such than such: that he oppugned Pro­tagoras the Sophister for saying so, against whom he [...] many elegant commentaries, full of 30 good arguments concluding the contrary: which our Colotes never seeing, nor so much as dreaming of, was much deceived in the right understanding of the mans words, and namely in one place where he disertly saith and determineth that [...], is no more than [...] in which place he nameth a body [...], and voidnesse [...]: meaning thereby and giving us to understand, that voidnesse had a proper nature and subsistence of the owne, as wel as a body. But he who is of opinion, that nothing is more such than such, followeth one of the decrees & sentences of Epi­turus, wherein he delivered, that all apprehensions and imaginations that come by sense, are true. For if when two men give out and say, the one, that the wine is hard: the other, that it is sweetand pleasant, neither of them is deceived in his sense but speaketh true, why should the wine be rather harsh than sweet. And yet it is seene oftentimes that one and the same bath, some 40 find to be hot, & others cold: for that, as these command cold water, so those bid hot water to be powered in. It is said that a certaine dame or good wife of Lacedaemon went upon a time to visit Berronice the wife of king Deiotarus, but when they approached [...] together, they turned away immediatly one from the other: the one, as it should seeme abhorring the smell of ranke butter, and the other offended with the perfume of a sweet ointment or pomander. If then the sense of one be not more true than the sense of another, probable it is and very like that both water is not more cold than hot, and that the ointment and the butter no more senting pleasantly than stink­ing strongly. For if a man say, that it seemeth thus to one, and so to another, he affirmeth be­fore he is aware, that they be both the one and the other. And as for these symmetries, propor­tions and accords of the pores or passages in the organs of the senses, whereof they talke so 50 much: as also the divers mixtures of seeds, which they say being disseminate and dispersed throughout all savors, odors and colours, do move the sense; doe they not directly drive them to this point, that things are no more one than another? For such as thinke that the sense is de­ceived, for that they see contrary events and passions doe proceed from the same objects, they pacifie againe and salve this objection, by teaching that whereas all things be mingled and con­founded together, yet neverthelesse this is more sortable and fitting to one and that to another: whereby there is not the contractation and apprehension of one and the same quality, neither [Page 1112] doth the object move all indifferently at once and alike in all parts, but every one meeting with those qualities onely, whereunto they have all sense proportionate, they doe not well to stand so stifly upon this, that a thing is coloured or not coloured, white or not white, thinking to fortifie and establish their owne senses by destroying those of others. Whereas it behoveth neither to oppugne the senses, for they all touch and reach one quality or other (each one drawing as [...] of a lively and large fountaine, from this confused mixture, that which is fit and sutable) nor ac­cuse and blame the whole, in touching onely the parts; ne yet thinke that all ought to suffer the same thing, considering that one suffereth by one qualitie and power of it, and another by ano­ther. So that now we are to consider and search, what men they be, who bring in this opinion, as touching things that be not such rather than others, rather than these who hold, that whatso­ever 10 is sensible is a confused mixture of all qualities together, like unto a wind-instrument com­posed for all kinds of melodious musicke? But they confesse that all their rules are lost, and their judgement quite gone, if they admit any object in some sort pure and syncere, and allow not ech one thing to be many.

See moreover in this place, what discourse and disputation Polyaenus held with Epicurus in his banquet as touching the heat of wine. For when he demanded in this maner, How now Epi­curus, say you not that wine doth heat? one made answere, That he affirmed not universally, that wine did cause heat: and a little after; For it seemeth that wine is not universally a heater, but rather, that such a quantitie of wine may be said to enchafe and set such an one in heat. And then adjoining the cause, he alledgeth the concurrences, compressions and dispersions of the 20 Atomes; the commixtions and conjunctions of others, when the wine commeth to be ming­led with the body: and then he addeth this conclusion; And therefore generally we are not to say that wine doth heat; but so much wine may well heat such a nature, and so disposed: whereas another nature it cooleth in such and such a quantity. For in such a masse, there be those natures and complexions, of which, cold if need were, may be composed, and being joined with others as occasion serveth, may cause a vertue refrigerative. And hereupō it is, that some are deceived, saying that wine uniuersally is hot, and others againe, affirming it to be universally colde. He then who saith that the multitude and most part of men do erre, in holding that to be simplie hot, which doth heat, and that likewise to be cold, which doth coole, is deceived himselfe, if he thinketh not, that it followeth by good consequence upon that which hee hath said, that one 30 thing is more such than such. And afterwards he inferreth this speech, that many times wine entring into the body, bringeth with it neither a calefactive nor a refrigerative vertue; but that when the masse of the body is moved and stirred, so as there is a transposition made of the parts, then the Atomes which are effective of heat, concurre together one while into one place, and through their multitude, set the body into an heat and inflamation; but another while by dis­persing and severing themselves asunder, inferre coldnesse.

Moreover he dissembleth not but that he is proceeded thus farre, as to say, that whereas wee take things to be, and doe call them bitter, sweet, purgative, soporiferous, and lightsome, none of them all have any entier quality or perfect property to produce such effects, nor to be active more than passive, all while they be in the body, but that they be susceptible of sundry tempera­tures 40 and differences. For even Epicurus himselfe, in his second booke against Theophrastus, in saying that colours are not naturall unto bodies, but are engendred according to certeine si­tuations and positions, respective to the eie-sight of man, saith by this reason, that a bodie is no more destitute of colour, than coloured. And a little before, word for word he writeth thus: But over and beside all this, I know not how a man may say, that these bodies which be in the darke, have any colour at all; and yet oftentimes when the aire a like darke is spred round about, some there be who can distinguish the diversity of colours, others perceive nothing at all, by reason of their feeble & dim-sight. Againe when we goe into a darke house, we see not at our first en­trance, any colours, but after we have beene there a pretie while, we perceive them well enough: And therefore we are to say, that ech body is not rather coloured than not coloured. If then co­lour 50 be a relative, and hath being in regard of some other things, white also is a relative, and blew likewise: if these, then sweet and bitter semblably: so that a man may truely affirme of every quality, that it is not more such, than not such. For to those who are so disposed, a thing shall be such, and to them that are not so affected, not such. So that Colotes doeth all to dash and be­ray both himselfe and his master also, with the same mire and dirt, wherein he saith those doe sticke who hold that things are not more such than such. What then? doth this egregious clerke heerein onely shew himselfe, according to the old proverbe:

[Page 1113]
Aleech professing others for to cure,
Whiles he himselfe is full of sores impure?

No verily: but much more yet in his second reprehension, he chaseth ere he is aware Epicurus together with Democritus out of this life: for he giveth out that Democritus said, The atomes are unto the senses by a certeine law and ordinance colour, by the said law sweet, and by the same law bitter: Also that he who useth this reason, and holdeth this opinion, knoweth not himselfe, if he be a man? nor whether he be dead or alive? To contradict these speeches I wot not well how: but thus much I say, that this is as much inseparable from the sentences and doc­trine of Epicurus, as figure and weight by their saying from the Atomes: for what saith Demo­critus? That there be substances in number infinite, which are called Atomes, because they 10 cannot be divided: howbeit different, without qualitie and impassible, which doe moove and are caried, dispersed to and fro in the infinit voidnesse, which when they approch one another, or concur and meet together, or else be enterlaced & enfolded one about another, then appee­reth of these thus heaped and hudled together, one thing water, another fire, another a plant, and another a man: That all these be Atomes still, termed by him [...] , and nothing else. For there can be no generation of that which is not; no more than that which once was can become nothing, by reason that these Atomes are so firme and solid, that they can neither change nor alter, not suffer. And therefore neither can there be colour made of those things which have no colour, nor nature or soule of such as be without quality and are impassible. Whereupon Democritus is to be blamed in that he confesseth not those things that be accident unto princi­ples, 20 but supposeth those to be principles, whereto these happen: For he should not have put downe principles immutable: or at leastwise, when he had supposed them to be such, not to see withall, that therewith the generation and breeding of all qualities perisheth. And to denie an absurdity when one seeth it, is impudence in the highest degree. As for Epicurus, he saith verily, that he supposeth the same principles that Democritus doth, but he saith not, that colour sweet, white, and other qualities are by law and ordinance. Now if he confesse not that he saith, which neverthelesse he said, it is no other but an old custome of his, & that which he is woont to doe. For much like it is to this, that he will seeme to take away divine providence, and yet hee saith, that he alloweth piety and religious devotion toward God: And albeit he giveth out that for pleasure, he maketh choise of amity and friendship, yet for his friends sake he willingly en­dureth 30 most grievous paines: also for all he supposeth the universall world to be [...] , yet hee taketh not away, above and beneath. But this is not like unto the maner of drinking one unto another at a table, where a man may take the cup in hand and drinke what he will, and so give backe the rest. But in this disputation especially, it behooved to remember well the notable [...] or saying of the wise man. Of what things the beginnings are not necessarie, the ends and consequences fall out to be necessary. Necessary it was not therefore to suppose, or (to speake more truely) to wring from Democritus thus much, That Atomes be the principles of the whole and universall world: or when he had supposed and set downe this doctrine, and withall made a glorious shew of the first probabilities and faire apparences thereof, he should likewise have swallowed that which was troublesome therein, or shewed how those bodies which 40 have no quality, could give unto others all sorts of qualities, onely by meeting and joining to­gether. As for example, to speake of that which is next to hand, this that we call fire, whence came it, and how groweth it to these indivisible bodies called Atomi? if they neither had heat when they came, nor became hot after they met together? For the former presupposeth that they had some quality, and the latter, that they were fit to receive the same, and to suffer: But neither of them twaine ye say, fitteth well with the Atomes, in that they be incorruptible. How then? did not Plato, Aristotle and Xenocrates produce golde, of that which was not golde; and stone of that which is not stone; yea, and many other things out of the foure simple bodies called elements? Yes Iwis: but together with the said bodies there concurre immediatly at the first, the principles also, to the generation of every thing, bringing with them great contributi­ons, 50 to wit, the first qualities which be in them: afterwards, when there come to meet in one and joine together, dry with moist, cold with heat, solid and firme with that which is gentle and soft, that is to say, active bodies with such as be apt to suffer, and to receive all change and alteration, then ensueth generation, which is the passage from one temperature to another: whereas this Atome or indivisible bodie being of it selfe naked and alone, is destitute of all qualitie and gene­rative facultie; but when it hapneth to run upon others, it can make a sound and noise onely, by reason of the hardnesse and solidity thereof, but no other accident els; for strike they doe, and [Page 1114] are stricken againe continually: and so farre be they off from composing and making by this meanes a living creature, a soule, or a nature, that they are not able so much as to raise a round masse or heape of themselves together: for that as they jurre and beat one upon another, so they rebound and flie backe againe asunder. But Colotes verily, as if hee dealt with some king that was ignorant and unlettered, falleth againe upon Empedocles, breathing out these verses:

One thing will I say more to thee: there is no true nature
Of mortall wights: of grisly death, no seed nor geniture.
A mixture onely first there is of things, then after all, 10
The same grow to disunion: and this men Nature call.

For mine owne part, I doe not see how this is repugnant and contrary unto life, among them especially who are of opinion that there is no generation of that which is not at all, nor corrup­tion of that which is and hath being: but the meeting and union of such things as be, is called Generation; the dissolution likewise and disunion of the same, is termed Death and corrupti­on. For, that he taketh Nature for Generation, and that he meaneth so, himselfe hath declared, when he set Nature opposite unto Death. And if those live not nor can live, who put generati­on in union, and death in disunion; what thing els doe these Epicureans? And yet Empedocles, 20 sodering as it were and conjoining the elements by heats, softnesse and humidities, giveth them in some sort a mixtion and composition unitive: but they who drive together the Atomes which they say to be immutable, sturdy and impassible, compose nothing that proceedeth from them, but rather make many and those continuall percussions of them. For their interlacing which impeacheth dissolution, doth stil augment their collision: in such sort, as this is no mixti­on nor conglutination, but a certeine troublesome striving and combat, which according to them is called Generation. And these Atomes or indivisible bodies which meet together but a moment, if one while they recule and start backe for the resistance of the shocke which they have given, and another while returne againe and recharge after the blow past, they are more than twice so long apart one from another without touching or approching, so as nothing can 30 be made of them, not so much as the very body without a soule. But sense, soule, understanding and prudence, there is no man able to thinke and imagine, would he never so faine, how they can be formed of voidnesse and of these Atomes: which neither of themselves apart have any qualitie, nor yet passion or alteration whatsoever, when they are met together, considering that this meeting is no incorporation nor such a coition as might make a mutuall mixture and con­glutination, but rather jurrs and reciprocall concussions: in such maner, as according to the do­ctrine of these folke, supposing as they doe, such void, impassible, invisible, undivine and un­helpful principles, yea & such as will not receive any mixture or incorporation whatsoever, To live and to be a creature animall, falleth to the ground and comes to nothing. How commeth it then, that they admit or allow Nature, Soule and Living creature? Forsooth, even as they do 40 an oth, a vow, praier, sacrifice and adoration of the gods, to wit, in word and mouth onely; pro­nouncing and naming in semblance and outward appearance, that which by their principles and doctrines they quite abolish and anull. And even so, that which is borne, they terme Na­ture, and that which is engendred, Generation: like as they who ordinarily call the frame of wood and timber, Wood it selfe, and those voices or instruments that accord together, Sym­phonie. And what should he meane to object such speech against Empedocles? Why trouble we and weary our selves (quoth he) in being so busie about our owne selves, in desiring certeine things as we doe, and avoiding others? for neither are we our selves, neither live we by using o­thers. But be of good cheere (may one haply say) my loving and sweet Colotarion: have no feare man: no man hindreth you, but that you may regard your selfe, teaching that the nature 50 of Colotes, is Colotes himselfe and nothing els: neither that you need or desire to use certeine things. As for these things among you, they be pleasures: shewing withall, that it is not the na­ture of tarts, cakes and marchpanes, nor of odors, nor of love sports that you desire, but tarts and marchpanes themselves, sweet perfumes and women they be that you would have. For the Grammarian who saith, the force and strength of Hercules is Hercules, denieth not thereby that Hercules is: nor those who say that symphonies, accords or opinations are bare prolations or pronunciations, affirme not therewith all, that there be no sounds, nor voices, nor opinions: [Page 1115] forasmuch as there be some, who abolishing the soule and prudence, seeme not to take away either to live or to be prudent. And when Epicurus saith, The nature of things that have being, are the bodies and the void place of them, doe we take his words, as if he meant that nature were somwhat els than the things that be? or that things being, do shew their nature and nothing els? even as for examples sake, the nature of voidnesse, he is wont to call voidnesse it selfe: yea, and I assure you, the universall world it selfe, the nature of all. Now if a man should demaund of him: How now Epicurus, say you indeed that this is voidnesse, & that is the nature of voidnesse? Yes verily, will he answere againe, but this communication of names the one for another, is taken up and in use. And in trueth, that the law and custome warranteth this maner of speech, I also avouch. 10

And what other thing I pray you hath Empedocles done than taught that nature is nought else but that which is bred and engendred, nor death any thing but that which dieth? But like as Poets otherwhiles by a trope or figurative speech representing as it were the image of things say thus:

Debate, [...] , uprore and stomacke fell,
With deadly fude and malice there did dwell.

Even so the common sort of men doe use the termes of generation and corruption in things that are contracted together and dissolved. And so farre was he from stirring or remooving those things that be, or opposing himselfe against things of evident appearance, that he would not so much as cast one word out of the accustomed use: but so far forth as any figurative frawd 20 might hurt or endammage things, he rejected and tooke the same away, rendring againe the usuall and ordinary signification to words, as in these verses:

And when the light is mixed thus with aire in heavenly sky,
Some man is made or wilde beasts kinde, or birds aloft that flie:
Or else the shrubs: and this rightly is cleap'd their geneture,
But death, when as dissolved is the foresaid fast joincture. 30

And yet I say my selfe, that Colotes having alledged thus much, knew not that Empedocles did not abolish men, beasts shrubs or birds in as much as he saith that all these are composed and fi­nished of the elements mixed together: But teaching and shewing them how they were decei­ved, who finde fault with naming this composition a certaine nature or life: and the dissoluti­on unhappy fortune and death to be avoided, he annulled not the ordinary and usuall use of words in that behalfe. For mine owne part I thinke verily that Empedocles doth not alter in these places the common maner of pronouncing and using the said words: but as before it was rela­ted, did really as of a different minde as touching the generation of things that had no being, which some call nature. Which he especially declareth in these verses.

Fooles as they be of small conceit, for farre they cannot see, 40
Who hope that things which never were, may once engendred be,
Or feare that those which are shall die, and perish utterly.

For these verses are thundred out and do sound aloud in their hearing who have any eares at all, that he doth not abolish generation absolutely, but that alone which is of nothing: nor yet cor­ruption simply, but that which is a totall destruction, that is to say, a reduction to nothing. For unto a man who were not willing, after such a savage, rude and brutish maner but more gently to cavil, the verses following after might give a collourable occasion to charge Empedocles with 50 the contrary, when he saith thus:

No man of sense and judgement sound, would once conceive in minde
That whiles we living here on earth, both good and bad doe finde,
So long onely we being have: (yet this, men life doe call)
[Page 1116] And birth before, or after death, we nothing are at all.

Which words verily are not uttered by a man, who denieth them their being who are borne and live, but rather by him who thinketh that they who are not yet borne, as also those that be alredy dead have their being. And even so Colotes doth not altogether reproove him for this: but he saith that according to his opinion we shall never be sicke nor wounded. And how is it possible that he who saith that men before life and after life, are accompanied with good and bad indiffe­rently, should not leave for them that be alive the power to suffer? What be those then, good Colotes, who are accompanied with this immunity, that they can neither be hurt nor diseased? E­ven your selfe and such as you are, who be altogether made of an Atome and voidnesse, for by 10 your owne saying, neither the one nor the other hath any sense. But no force. For I here of no harme yet. Mary here is the griefe, that by this reason you have nothing in you to cause delight and pleasure, seeing that an Atome is not capaple of such things as moove pleasure: and void­nesse is unapt to be affected by them. But for as much as Colotes for his part would needs immediatly after Democritus seeme to interre and bury Permenides for ever, and my selfe in putting off a little and passing over the defence of Parmenides, have betweene both taken in hand the maintenance of that which was delivered by Empedocles, because me thought they did more properly adhere and hang to those first imputations, let us now come againe to Parmenides. And whereas Colotes chargeth him with setting abroad certaine shamefull sophistries yet hath the man thereby made friendship nothing lesse honourable nor, voluptuousnesse and sensuallity 20 more audacious and unbrideled. He hath not bereft honesty of that attractive property to draw unto it selfe, nor of the gift of being venerable of it selfe: neither hath he troubled & confounded the opinions as touching the gods. And in saying that All is One, I see not how he hath hin­dered our life. For when Epicurus himselfe saith, that [All] is infinite, ingenerable and incor­ruptible, that it cannot be augmented nor diminished, he speaketh and disputeth of All, as of some one thing. And in the beginning of his treatise concerning this matter, having delivered that the nature of All things being, consisteth in small indivisible bodies which he termeth Ato­mes, and in voidnesse: hee made a division as it were of one thing into two parts: whereof the one in trueth is not subsistent, but termed by you impalpable void and bodilesse: whereby it commeth to passe, that even with you, All commeth to be but One: unlesse you will use vaine 30 words and void of sense, speaking of voidnesse, and fighting in vaine, as with a shadow, against those auncient Philosophers.

But these Atomes you will say, are according to the opinion of Epicurus in number infinite, and every thing that appereth unto us, ariseth from them. Beholde now what principles you put downe for generation, to wit, infinity and voidnesse: whereof the one is without action, im­passible and bodilesse: the other, namely, infinity, disorderly, void of reason, incomprehensible, dissolving and confounding it selfe, for that by reason of multitude it cannot be circumscribed nor contained within limits. But Permenides hath not abolished either fire or water, or any rocke, no nor the cites (as Colotes saith) inhabited as well in Europe as in Asia, considering that he hath both [...]. some divide this & reade [...], that is to say, hath made [...] the world. instituted an orderly dispose & digestion: and also tempering the elements to­gether, 40 to wit, light and darke, of them and by them absolutely finisheth all things visible in the world, for written he hath at large of Earth, of Heaven, of Sunne, Moone and starres: as also, spoken much of mans generation: and being as he was a very ancient Philosopher, he hath left nothing in Physiologie unsaid, and whereof he hath not delivered both by word and writing his owne doctrine not borrowed else where, passing over the repugnancie of other received principall opinions. Moreover he of all others first, and even before Socrates himselfe observed and understood, that in nature there is one part subject to opinion, and another subject to intel­ligence. And as for that which is opinable, inconstant it is and uncertaine, wandring also and carried away with sundry passions and mutations, apt to diminish and paire: to increase also and growe, yea and to be diversly affected, and not ever after one sort disposed to the same in 50 sense alike. As for the intelligible part, it is of another kinde:

For sound it is, whole and not variable,
Constant and sure, and ingenerable.

as he himselfe saith, alwaies like to it selfe & perdurable in the owne nature & essence. But Colotes like a [...] , cavilling at him, & catching at his words, without regard of the matter, not argu­ing against his reasons indeed, but in words onely, affirmeth flatly, that Parmenides overthrow­eth all things in one word, by supposing that All is One. But he verily on the contrary side abo­lisheth [Page 1117] neither the one nature nor the other, but rendreth to ech of them that which is meet, and apperteineth thereto. For the intelligible part he rangeth in the Idea of One, and of That which is, saying that it is and hath being, in regard of eternity and incorruption: that it is one: because it alwaies resembleth it selfe, and receiveth no diversity. As for that part which is Sensible, he placeth it in the ranke of that which is uncerteine, disorderly and ever mooving. Of which two, we may see the distinct judgement in the soule, by these verses:

The one reteins to truth which is syncere
Perswasive, breeding science pure and cleere.

For it concerneth that which is intelligible, and evermore alike and in the same sort.

The other rests on mens opinions vaine, 10
Which breed no true beleefe but uncertaine.

For that it is conversant in such things as receive al maner of changes, passions, & mutabilities. And verily how possibly he should admit and leave unto us sense and opinion, and not withall allow that which is sensible and opinable, a man is not able to shew. But forasmuch as to that which is existent indeed, it appertaineth to remaine in being, and for that things sensible, one while are, and another while are not, but passe continually from one being to another, and alter their estate, insomuch as they deserve rather some other name than this, of being: This speech as touching All, that it should be one, is not to take away the plurality of things sensible, but to shew the difference betweene them and those that be intelligible, which Plato in his treatise of Ideae minding to declare more plainly, gave Colotes some advantage for to take holde of him. 20 And therefore me thinks it good reason to take before me all in one traine, that also which he hath spoken against him. But first let us consider the diligence, together with the deepe and profound knowledge of this Philosopher Plato, considering that Aristotle, Xenocrates, Theo­phrastus, and all the Peripateticks have followed his doctrine. For in what blinde corner of the world unhabitable wrot he his booke? that you Colotes in heaping up together these crimi­nations upon such personages, should never light upon their works, nor take in hand the books of Aristotle as touching the heaven and the soule: nor those compositions of Theophrastus against the Naturalists, nor that Zoroastres of Heraclitus, one booke of Hell and infernall spi­rits, another of Doubts and questions Naturall: that also of Dicaearchus concerning the soule. In all which books they are contradictory and repugnant, in the maine and principall points of 30 Naturall philosophy unto Plato? And verily the prince of all other Peripateticks, Strato, accor­deth not in many things with Aristotle, and mainteineth opinions cleane contrary unto those of Plato, as touching Motion, Understanding, the Soule, and Generation. And in conclusion, he holdeth that the very world is not animall: and whatsoever is naturall is consequent unto that which is casuall, and according to fortune. As for the Ideae for which Aristotle every where seemeth to course Plato, and mooveth all maner of doubts concerning them in his Ethicks or morall discourses, in his Physicks, in his Exotericall dialogues, he is thought of some to dis­pute and discourse with a more contentions and opinative spirit than became a Philosopher, as if he propounded to himselfe for to convell and debase the Philosophy of Plato, so farre was hee from following him. What impudent and licentious rashnesse therefore is this, 40 that one having never knowen nor seene what these learned clerks had written, and what their opinions were, should coine and devise out of his owne fingers ends, and falsly charge upon them, those things which never came into their heads, and in perswading himselfe that he re­prooveth and refuteth others, to bring in a proofe and evidence written with his owne hand, for to argue and convince himselfe of ignorance, or rash and audacious impudence, saying, that those who contradict Plato, agree with him, and they that repugne against him doe follow him? But Plato (quoth he) hath written: That horses are in vaine counted by us horses, and men likewise. And in what odde corner of Platoes works hath Colotes found this hidden? As for us wee reade in all his books, that horses be horses, and men be men, and that fire even by him is esteemed fire; for hee holdeth every one of these things to be sensible and opina­ble, 50 and so he nameth them. But this our trim man Colotes, as though hee wanted never a jot of the highest pitch of sapience and knowledge, presumeth forsooth and taketh it to be all one and the same, to say, A man is not, and A man is that, which hath no being. But Plato thinketh that there is a woonderfull great difference betweene these termes, Not to be at all, and To be that which is not: for the former importeth a nullity and abolishment of all sub­stance; and the other sheweth the difference of that which is participated and that which doth [Page 1118] participate: which distinction and diversity they who came after, have reduced onely unto a different raunge, of kinds, formes, and of certeine common and proper qualities or accidents, but higher than so they mounted not, falling downe upon some doubts and difficulties more reasonable: for the same reason and proportion there is betweene the thing participated and participating, as is betweene the cause and the matter, the originall and the image, the power and the passion. Wherein principally differeth that which is by it selfe, and ever the same, from that which is by another, and never keepeth one state: for that the one never shall be, nor ever was not existent: and for this cause, it is truely and altogether subsistent; whereas the other hath not so much as that being constant, which it hapneth to participate from another, but doth de­generate and grow out of kinde, through imbecilitie; in that the matter doth glide and slide a­bout 10 the forme, receiving many passions and mutations bending toward the image of substance, in such sort, as continually it mooveth and shaketh to and fro. Like as therefore he who saith, that Plato is not the image of Plato, taketh not away the sense and substance of an image, but sheweth the difference betweene that which is of it selfe, and the other which is in regard of it: even so they abolish not the nature, the use nor sense of men, who say, that every one of us by participating the Idea of a certeine common substance, is become the image of that which gi­veth similitude and affinity unto our generation. For neither he who saith, that iron red hot is not fire, or the Moone, the Sunne, but (to use the very words of Parmenides)

Aflame that beares a borowed light,
Wandring about the earth by night. 20

doth take away the use of a burning gleed, or the nature of the moone: but if he should affirme, that it were no bodie nor illuminate, then he went against the senses, as one who admitted nei­ther body nor living animall, nor generation nor sense. But he that by opinion imagineth these things to have no subsistence but by participation, and withall, how farre they are short and di­stant from that which hath alwaies being, and which gave them the power to be, considereth not amisse the sensible, but is dim-sighted in the intelligible: neither doth he annihilate and o­verthrow the passions which arise and appeare in us, but sheweth unto them that are docible and follow him, that there be other more firme and stable things than these, as touching essence, for that they neither are engendred nor perish, nor yet suffer ought: but teacheth more cleerely & purely, noting and touching the difference by the very termes and names, calling the one sort 30 existent, & the other breeding or ingendred. The same usually befalleth also to our late [...] writers, who deprive many great and weighty things of this denomination of subsistence, as namely, Voidnesse, Time, Place, and generally, the whole kinde of those speeches wherein are comprised all things true. For these things being, they say are not; and yet they say some are; yea and use the same aswel in their life as their doctrine and philosophy, as having subsistence & being. But I would gladly demand of this accuser of ours himselfe, whether he and his fellowes in their affaires perceive not this difference, whereby some things be permanent and immuta­ble in their substances, like as they affirme of their Atomes, that they be at all times and conti­nually after one and the same sort, by reason of their impassibility and stiffe soliditie? whereas all things compounded and compact of them, be flexible, pliable, mutable, breeding and perish­ing: 40 for that an infinite number of images doe passe and flow from them evermore, yea and an innumerable sort of other things, by all likelihood, from out of the ambuent aire do reflow and have recourse unto them, for to supply and fill up the heape still, which masse is become much altered, diversified and transvased as it were by this permutation, in that the Atomes which are in the bottome of the said masse can never cease nor give over stirring, but reciprocally beat one upon another, as they themselves affirme. So there is in things such a difference of sub­stance as this: and yet Epicurus is more wise and learned than Plato, in that he tearmeth all things equally subsisting, Voidnesse impalpable, the Body solid and resisting, the Principles, things composed: and for that hee thinketh that the eternall doeth not so much as participate in the common substance with that which is ingendred; the immortall with that which doth perish; 50 the natures impassible, perdurable, immutable, which never can fall or be deprived from their being, with those which have their essence in suffering and changing, and never can continue in one and the same state. Now were it so, that Plato had most justly of all men in the world deser­ved to be condemned for his error heerein, yet my good friend, there should no imputation be charged upon him by these our great masters heere, who speake purer and finer Greeke and more exquisitly than he, but onely for confounding some words and speaking improperly; nor [Page 1119] to be blamed for abolishing the matters themselves, or taking us out of this life, because he ter­med them ingendred, and not existent, as these men do.

But seeing wee have passed over Socrates after Parmenides, wee must now take his defence in hand. Colotes then began directly at the first (as we say in the common proverbe) to remoove him from the sacred line or tribe: and having related how [...] had brought an answere from the Oracle at Delphos, as touching Socrates, which we all know to be so, saith thus: As for this discourse and narration (quoth he) of Chaerephon, for that it is altogether odious, captious, sophisticall, and full of untrueth, we will overpasse. Then is Plato likewise (to say nothing of others) odious and absurd, who hath put the said answere downe in writing. Then are the Lace­daemonians more odious and intolerable, who keepe that Oracle delivered, as touching Lycur­gus, 10 among their most ancient writings and authenticall records. Semblably, the discourse and narration of Themistocles was a sophisticall and counterfeit device, whereby he perswaded the Athenians to abandon their citie, and so in a navall battell defaited the barbarous prince Xerxes. And even so all the noble lawgivers and founders of Greece are to be counted odious and into­lerable, who established the most part of their temples, their sacrifices and solemne feasts, by the answere from the Oracle of Apollo. But if it be so, that the Oracle brought from Delphi as touching Socrates, a man ravished with a divine and heavenly zeale to vertue, whereby he was declared and pronounced wise, were odious, fained and sopsticall: by what name shall we truely and justly call your cries, your shouts, your hideous noises, your applauses and clapping of hands, your adorations and canonizations wherewith you exalt and celebrate him, who incited 20 and exhorted you to continuall pleasures one after another, who in one of his letters sent unto Anaxarchus hath written thus: As for me, I invite and call you to continuall pleasures, and not to these vaine and unprofitable vertues, such as have nothing but turbulent hopes of uncerteine fruits. And yet Metrodorus writing unto Timarchus, saith thus unto him, Come on (quoth he) let us do some goodly and honest thing for those who are faire and beautifull, so that we be not plunged in these semblable and reciprocall affections, but retiring anon out of this base and terrestriall life, let us advance our selves to these true, holy and divine ceremonies and myste­ties of Epicurus. And even Colotes himselfe hearing [...] one day [...] of Naturall things, fell downe at his feet immediatly, and tooke holde of his knees, as if hee had beene a god. And Epicurus likewise taking no small pride and glorie heerein, writeth thus unto him a­gaine: 30 For as if you adored that which then was delivered by mee, there came upon you sud­denly a desire and zeale proceeding from no cause in nature, to come toward mee, to pro­strate your selfe upon the ground, to clip and claspe my knees, and to use those gestures unto me, which ordinarily they doe, who worship the gods and pray unto them: So that you have (quoth he) made mee also reciprocally to deifie and adore you. Certes I could finde in my heart to pardon them, who say they would not spare for any cost, but give they cared not what for a table or picture, wherein they might see lively represented to the [...] this story depainted; namely, how the one lieth prostrate at the others feet, and embraceth his knees: who mutu­ally againe adoreth him, and maketh his devout praiers unto him. And yet this devotion and service of Colotes, how well soever it was by him ordered and precisely observed, rea­ped 40 not the condigne fruit thereof: for he was not by him declared A wise man: onely this blessing he had from him againe, Goe thy waies and walke immortall, and repute us also sem­blably immortall. These men knowing full well in their owne consciences that they use such foolish words, ridiculous jestures, and fond passions, yet forsooth they are so bold as to call o­ther men odious. And Colotes verily having given us a taste of his goodly first fruits, & wise po­sitions as touching Naturall senses, namely, That we do eate our viands and cates, not hay or forage, and that when the rivers be high, wee ferry over them in botes, but when they be low and passable, we wade easily on foot through the fourd, exclameth and [...] out after­wards: You use ô Socrates vaine speeches, you interteine those who come and speake unto you with one thing in word, and do practise others cleane contrary in deed. And say you so Colotes? 50 First I would gladly know wherein the words of Socrates were vaine & arrogant, considering that he was wont ordinarily to say, that he knew nothing at all, but was a learner continually, and went to search and finde out the trueth? But if haply you should light upon such speeches from Socrates his mouth, as those were which Epicurus wrote unto Idomeneus, send us then the first fruits, for the furniture of our sacred body, for us (I say) & our children: For thus it comes upon me to speake, what more insolent and [...] words could you devise to speake? And yet, that Socrates never said otherwise than he did, he hath given us marvellous proofes in the battell of [Page 1120] Delium, and in that of Potidea: That which he did during the time of the thirty tyrants against Archelaus and against the people of Athens: his poverty; his death; his cariage and demea­nour in all these times and occasions, be they not answerable every way to the sayings and doc­trines of Socrates? This had beene a true proofe indeed, to have shewed that hee lived and did otherwise than he spake and taught, in case he had proposed the end of man to be a joifull and pleasant life, and then lived as he did. Thus much as touching the reprochfull termes that hee hath given Socrates. Moreover, he perceiveth not how himselfe is attaint even in those points which he reprooveth and objected as touching things [...], some read [...], understanding thereby the crime of [...] . evident and apparent. For one of the positions and decrees of Epicurus is this, That no person ought irrevocably to beleeve or be perswaded to a thing, but onely the wise man. Now seeing that Colotes became not one of the 10 Sages, for all that adoration & worship which he performed unto Eptcurus, let him demand first and formost these questions, How it is, that he falleth to cates, and not to hay, when he hath need of victuals? and why he casteth a robe about his owne body, and not upon a pillar? consi­dering that he is not assuredly perswaded, that cates be cates, or that a robe is a robe: But if he doe so, namely, feed upon viands, and weare a robe: if he venture not to wade through rivers when they be risen and high; if he flie from serpents and woolves, being not in a sure be­leefe that any thing is such as it seemeth, but doing every thing according as it appeereth unto him; the opinion as touching senses, would not hinder Socrates at all, but that he might like­wise use that which seemeth not him. For bread seemed not bread unto Colotes, nor hay to be hay, because he had read those holy canons and sacred rules of Epicurus which fell from heaven 20 out of Jupiters lap: and Socrates upon a vaine arrogance of his owne, conceived an imaginati­on of bread that it was hay, and of hay that it was bread. For these wise men heere, have better opinions and rules to goe by than we. But to have sense, and to receive an impression in the imagination of things evident, is common as well to ignorant persons as to Sages, for that it proceedeth from causes that need no discourse of reason. But that position, that our naturall senses are not certeine nor sufficient enough to proove a thing, and cause beliefe, is no hinde­rance, but that every thing may appeere unto us: but when we use the senses in our actions, ac­cording to that which appeereth, it permitteth us not to trust thē, as if they were every way true and without error: for that sufficeth in them, which is necessary and commodious for use, be­cause there is nothing better. As for Science, knowledge, and perfection, which the soule of 30 a Philosopher desireth to have of every thing, the senses have just none. But of these matters which Colotes hath charged upon many others, he will give us occasion else where to discourse thereof.

Furthermore, that wherein he doth vilipend and mocke Socrates most, in that he demaun­deth the question, What is man? and in a youthfull bravery, and childishly as he saith, affir­meth that he knoweth not, it is evident that even hee who derideth him, never came himselfe where it was, nor atteined thereto: whereas Heraclitus contrariwise, as one who had done a great and worthy matter, said thus, I have beene seeking out my selfe. And of all those senten­ces which are written over the gates of Apolloes temple at Delphos, this was thought to be most heavenly and divine, Know thy selfe: which gave unto Socrates occasion first to doubt and en­quire 40 thereof; according as Aristotle hath set downe in his Platonique questions. But this for­sooth seemeth unto Colotes to be a foolish and ridiculous thing. I marvell then why he mock­eth not his master likewise for doing so, as often as he writeth and discourseth as touching the substance of the soule, and the beginning of that confused masse: for if that which is compoun­ded of both, as they themselves doe teach, to wit, of such a body & soule, be man, he who sear­cheth the nature of the soule, searcheth consequently the nature of man, even from his prin­cipall & chiefe principle. Now that the same is hardly by reason to be comprehended, but by the outward sense altogether incomprehensible, let us learne not of Socrates, a vaine glorious man & sophisticall disputer, but rather of these wise men here, who doe forge & frame the substance of the soule so farre onely as to the faculties extending to the flesh, whereby she giveth heat, 50 softnesse & strength to the bodie, of I wot not what heat and aireous spirit, never wading so far as to that which is the principall, but faint & give over in the way. For that faculty whereby she judgeth, whereby she remembreth, whereby she loveth or hateth, and in one word, that reason which wisely foreseeth & discourseth, he saith, is made of a certaine quality which is namelesse. Now that this nameles thing is a mere confession of shameful ignorance, in them that say they cannot name that, which indeed they are not able to comprehend and understand, we know well enough. But this also may well deserve pardon, as they are wont to say. For it seemeth that this [Page 1121] is no small and light matter neither a thing that every one can finde out and reach unto, being deeply settled in the bottom of some by-place far remote and in some obscure and hidden cor­ner, seeing that among so many words and termes which be in use, there is not one significant enough and sufficient to declare and explaine the same. And therefore Socrates was no foole nor lob, for seeking and searching what himselfe was, but they rather be dolts who go about en­quiring after any other thing before this, the knowledge whereof is so necessary and hard to be found. For hardly may he hope to attaine unto the knowledge of any other thing, who is not able to understand the principall part of himselfe. But say we should graunt and yeeld thus much unto him, as to confesse that there is nothing so vaine, so unprofitable and so odious, as for a man to seeke himselfe, we will be so bolde as to demaund, what confusion of mans life this 10 should be, or how it is that a man cannot continue in life, when he comes to discourse & reason thus with himselfe, Who and what mought I be? Am I after the maner of some composition, confected and mingled of soule and body? or rather a soule making use of the body, as the hors­man doth of his horse? and not a subject composed of horse and man? or whether the princi­pall part of the soule whereby we understand, we discourse, we reason and doe every action, is every each one of us? and all the parts besides both of soule and body, be nothing but the or­gans and instruments serving to this puissance and faculty? Or to conclude, whether there be no substance of the soule apart, but onely a temperature and complexion of the body, so dispo­sed, that it hath power to understand and to live. But Socrates herein saith he doth not over­throw the life of man, considering that all naturall philosophers doe handle this argument, 20 Mary they be those monstrous questions that trouble the common-wealth, and turne all upside downe, which are in the Diologue Phaedrus, wherein he thinketh that he ought to examine and consider himselfe, namely whether he be a beast more savage, more subtill, cautelous and furi­ous than ever was that Typhon: or rather some animall more tame and gentle by nature, and endued with a portion more divine, and a condition nothing proud and insolent. But yet by these discourses and reasonings he overturneth not the life of man, but he chaseth out of it pre­sumption & arrogance, proud and puffed up opinions and vaine overweenings of a mans selfe: For this is that fell Typhon, which your good master and teacher hath made to be so great in you, warring as he doth both against the gods and all good and godly men.

After he hath done with Socrates and Plato, he falleth in hand with the Philosopher Stilpo. 30 As for the true doctrines and good discourses of the man, whereby he ordered and governed himselfe, his native country, his friends, & those kings and princes who affected him and made good account of him, he hath not written a word: neither what gravity and magnanimity was in his heart and the same accompanied with mildenesse, moderation, and modesty: but of those little sentences or propositions which Stilpo was wont to use & cast forth in meriment against the Sophisters, when he was disposed to laugh and play with them, he made mention of one: and without alledging any reason against it or solving the subtilty thereof, he made a tragoedie, and kept a foule stirre with him about it, saying that by him the life of man and the whole course of this world was subverted: because he said, that one thing could not be affirmed and ve­rified of another. For how should we live (quoth Colotes) if we may not say a good man, or a 40 man is a captaine, but we must pronounce apart, man is man, good is good, and captaine is a captaine: neither ten thousand horsmen, nor a fensed city, but horsmen be horsmen, ten thou­sand be ten thousand, and so of the rest? But tell me I pray you, what man ever lived the worse for saying thus? And who is he who having heard these words and this maner of arguing, did not conceive and understand straight waies that it was the speech of a man disposed to make some game and disport learnedly, or to propose unto others this Logicall quillet for exercise sake? It is not Colotes, such a greivous scandall and hainous matter as you would make it, to say man is not good or horsmen be not ten thousand: marry to affirme that god is not god as you and the rest doe, who will not confesse that there is a Jupiter president over generation, or a Ce­res that giveth lawes, or a Neptune superintendent over plants, is a dangerous point. This is the 50 separation of names and words that is pernicious, this filleth our life with contemptuous impie­ty, Athisme & dissolute audaciousnesse: For when you plucke from the gods these attributes & appellations that essentially be linked & tied to them, you abolish there with all holy sacrifices, divine mysteries, sacred processions and solemnefeasts: for unto whome shall we performe the nuptiall sacrifices called Proteleia; unto whom shall we offer the oblations for health named So­teria? How shall we accomplish the rites of Phosphoia, the Bacchanals, and the ceremonies go­ing before mariage, if we leave not any priests of Bacchus, if we admitte not Phosphori [...] , [Page 1122] and the saving gods Soteres? For I tel you, this toucheth the maine & principal points, this bree­deth error in the things themselves & not about certaine bare voices in the Syntaxes and con­struction of words or use of termes. Now if these be matters that trouble and subvert this life of ours, who be they that offend and be delinquent more in their phrase & language than you? who making prepositions to be the only substance of speech, abolish altogether all simple voices, & admitting such as come next hand, you abolish in the meane while the things by them signifi­ed; whereby all discipline, doctrines, erudition, anticipations, intelligences, inclinations and as­sents are performed, and holde generally that all these be just nothing. But as for Stilpo thus the case standeth: If we affirme of an horse, to runne: he doth not say that the thing affirmed which the Logicians call Predicatum, is all one with the Subjectum, of which it is affirmed; but 10 that the essential definition of a man is one, and that of good is another; as also, to be an horse is different from to be running: For if we asked the definition of the one and the other, we will not give the same for both, and in that regard, they doe amisse who affirme the one of the other. For if a man and Good were all one: likewise, an horse, and to runne were both one: how com­meth it to passe that the terme Good is affirmed of some meate, drogue, or medicine, and to run likewise, of a lion and a dog? But if the Predicatum or thing affirmed be different, then we doe not well, to say, Good man, or the horse runneth. Now if Stilpo in these matters doe exorbitate and be fouly deceived, admitting no copulation at all nor connexion of such things as are said to be in or about the subject, together with the said subject itselfe: but every one of them if it be not absolutely the very same with that unto which it hapneth, hee thinketh not that the same 20 ought to be said and affirmed thereof as an accident: and if therein he be offended with some termes, and go against the ordinary custome of speech, he doth not therefore streightwaies sub­vert and overthrow mans life, nor humane affaires, as all the world may see well enough.

Colotes now having done with the ancient Philosophers, turneth himselfe to those of his owne time, and yet he nameth not one. Howbeit, he should have done better to have argued aswell against these moderne as those ancients, by name, or not at all to have named those of old time. But he who so often hath pricked Socrates, Plato & Parmenides with his pen, sheweth plainly, that it was for meere cowardise that he durst not be seene to deale with the living; and not upon any modesty or reverence that he spared their names, considering that he used them, who were farre more excellent than they, in no good sort and respect. His meaning was as I 30 suspect and guesse, to assaile the Cyrenaiques first, and then in a second place the Academicks, sectaries of Arcesilaus: for as these were the Philosophers who doubted of all things and yeel­ded their assent in nothing at all; so the other reposing passions and imaginations in them­selves, thought that the beliese proceeding from thence, was not sufficient to assure & confirme things, but faring like unto those who are besieged within a citie, abandoning and forsaking all without, they keepe themselves shut within their passions, using this word ordinarily, It seemeth: and of things without, affirming and pronouncing, It is. And therefore (quoth Colotes) they cannot live nor have the use of things. And then, playing his part as it were in a Comedie: These men (saith he) denie that a man, a horse and a wall are; but they say, that they become walles, horses and men; abusing first and formost cautelously and wickedly these termes, like 40 slanderous and foule mouthed sycophants: for surely this is an ordinary cast and usuall with these men. But it behooved to declare the thing it selfe, according as they teach: for they af­firme, that things become sweet, wax bitter, prove lightsome, or grow darke, when ech of these hath the proper efficacie of these passions in it selfe naturally inbred, and such as can not be di­stracted from it. But if home be said sweet, an olive branch bitter, haile colde, meere wine hot, the aire of the night darke; there be many beasts, many things, and many men, that will testifie the contrary: whiles some are offended with honie and abhorre it, others are delighted with the taste of the olive branch; some are burnt and sindged by haile, others cooled with wine; some can not abide the light of the Sun but their sight there with is dazled and dimmed, others againe see well enough by night. And therefore opinion persisting still and abiding in the passions, 50 keepeth it selfe from offence and errour: but going foorth once, and busily judging or pro­nouncing of things exterior, it troubleth many times it selfe, and repugneth with others, who of the same objects receive contrary passions, and different imaginations. And as for Colotes, he resembleth for all the world yoong children who newly begin to learne their A. B. C. for be­ing used to pronounce and name the letters which they see engraven in their owne battleders, when they finde them written elswhere, they sticke at them, and are much troubled: and even so the very words and sayings which he approoveth, praiseth and embraceth in the writings of Epi­curus, [Page 1123] hee will not understand nor acknowledge, when they are uttered by others. For when there is presented unto us one image round and another broken, they who say that the sense ve­rily is truely informed and hath a true impression, but will not suffer us to pronounce that the tower is round, but the oare broken, surely they confirme thereby that their passions be their owne fansies and imaginations, but they will not avow and confesse, that the things without are so affected. But as they before are to say, that they be not horse or wall, but become horse and wall; even so of necessitie we must say, that the sight is imprinted with a round figure or triangu­lar with three unequall sides, but not that a tower is necessarily either triangular in that sort or round: for that the image wherewith the sight is affected may well be broken, but the oare from whence proceedeth the image is not broken. Seeing then there is a difference be­tweene 10 the passion and the subject without, either we must say that the beliefe abideth in the passion, or els that the being which is affirmed by the apparence is convinced of untrueth, and not found to be so. And whereas they cry out and be offended and angry about the sense, they doe not say that the thing without is hot, but that the passion in the sense is so: is it not all one with that which is spoken as touching the taste, as if one should say, that the thing without is not sweet, but that it is some passion and motion about the sense, that is become such? And he who saith, that hee apprehendeth the imagination of a mans forme, but perceiveth not that it is a man, whereupon hath he taken occasion to say so? Came it not from them who say that they receive an imagination and apprehension of a bowing forme and figure, but the sight doth not affirme that it is bowing and bending, neither that it is round, but some imagina­tion 20 and impression about the sense is become round? True it is will some one say: but as I approch neere unto a tower, or else touch an oare, I will pronounce and assirme, that the the one is streight, and the other hath many angles and many faces: But he when he shall come neere, will confesse and say that it seemeth so and that it appeareth such unto him, but no more. O yes good sir, and more than so, when hee seeth and observeth the conse­quence heereupon, namely, that every fantasie and imagination is semblably of it selfe suffi­cient to procure beleefe, and none at all, in regard of another, but be all of equall condition. But this your opinion is come just to nothing, namely, that fantasies be all true, and none false and incredible, in case you thinke that these ought to pronounce affirmatively of that which is without, and beleeve not the other a farre off no farther than in that which they suffer: 30 for if they be of equall condition and beleeved alike, when they are neere, and when they be far off, meet it is and just, that either all indifferently or else not these, should have the affirmative judgement following upon them, to pronounce, that a thing is. But if there be a difference of passion in things that be nere, & those which are farther off, then is it false that neither imagi­nation nor sense is one more expresse and evident than another: like unto those which they call attestations which are nothing to the sense, but unto the opinion: so that in following thē, they would have their followers to affirme and pronounce of [...] things, attributing to opini­on the judgement, that a thing is, and to sense, the passion that appereth: whereby they trans­port the judgement from that which is alwaies true, unto that which [...] often times to be so. But what need is there at this time to shew, the confusion and contradiction that is herein? But 40 it seemeth that the reputation of Artesilaus, who of all Philosophers in his time was best belo­ved and most esteemed, was no small thorne in Epicurus his [...] , but troubled him beyond all measure: For he giveth out of him, that delivering as he did nothing of his owne invention he imprinted in the minds of ignorant and [...] men a certaine opinion and conceit of him, that he was a [...] and very well seene in all kinde of literature. But so far was Arcesilaus, from affecting any glorie & [...] in the world by broching novelties or strange opinions and derogating from the [...] ascribing anything of theirs to himselfe, that the Sophis­ters in his daies reprooved and [...] him for [...] upon Socrates, Plato, Parmenides and [...] the opinions as touching the retention of assent and the incōprehensibility of things who indeed never sought nor [...] so much at his hands, onely because he would referre the 50 same unto such famous [...] , [...] to be confirmed by the authority of their name. How be it for this; thanks be to [...] and everyone who saith that the Academicke doctrine was more ancient than [...] , and [...] derived from others before his time unto him. But as for the [...] of assent, & the [...] of all things, not so much as they verily who have greatly travelled in the matter and have strived to that purpose for to write many great bookes and large treatises, could ever remoove or overthrow: but bringing in at the last out of the ve­ry schoole and doctrine of the Stoicks, the cessation from all actions, as it were the fiend [Page 1124] Gorgon to scare folke withall, were weary and gave over in the plaine field, after they saw once, that what attempt soever they made, & which way soever they turned themselves their instinct and appetition was never so obeisant as to become a consent and approbation, neither received sense for the beginning of propension and inclination, but seemed to present it selfe to actions, as having no need to be joined with others. For surely with these men the combate is lawfull and the conflict just.

For looke what words thou doest to others give,
The like thou maist be sure to heare, believe.

And verily to speake unto Colotes, as touching instinct and appetition, is all one as to sound the harpe before an asse. But this point of learning would be delivered unto those who can give 10 eare and conceive, that there be in our soule three kindes of motions, Imaginative Appetitive and Assenting. As for the Imaginative, we cannot take it away, would we never so faine; for as things approch and objects be presented, we cannot chuse but be informed and receive as it were an impression and suffer by them. The Appetitive being stirred up by the imaginative, moveth a man effectually to those things which are proper and convenient for him, as if in the principall and reasonable part thereof there were some propension and inclination. And verily this motion do not they overthrow and anul who hold off, and keepe in their assent, doubting of every thing, but make use of this appetition or instinct, conducting naturally every man to that which is proper and meet for him. What is the onely thing then that the Academicks flie and avoid? even that wherein alone there is engendred leasing, deceit and falshood, to opine, to 20 apply the assent, which is ayeelding through imbecillity to that which appeareth, and hath no true profit. For our action requireth two things, to wit, the apprehension or imagination of that which is convenient and familiar: and the instinct or appetition driving unto the same: whereof neither the one nor the other is repugnant to the cohibition of assent. For the dis­course of reason withdraweth us from opinion, and not from appetition or imagination. When as therefore that which is pleasant and delectable seemeth unto us to be proper for us and familiar, there is no need at all of opinion for to move and carry us to it, but appetition im­mediatly presenteth it selfe, which is nothing else but amotion and incitation of the minde. Now for that there must be a sense as it were of these things, and the same consisting of flesh and blood, the same pleasure and delight likewise will appeare good. And therefore it will sem­blably 30 seeme good unto him who holdeth off his assent, for surely he hath senses, and is made of flesh, blood and bone, and so soone as he hath apprehended the imagination of good, he hath an appetite and desire thereto, doing all that ever he can, not to misse it nor leese the fruition thereof: but as much as is possible to cleave and adhere continually to that which is proper un­to him, as being driven and drawen thereto, by Naturall and not Geometricall constraints. For these goodly, pleasant, gentle and tickling motions of the flesh, be of themselves without any other teacher attractive enough, as they themselves forget not to say, and are able to draw and traine him whosoever he be, that will not confesse nor be knowen, but stoutly denieth that he is made soft and pliable by them. But paradventure you will aske me how it comes to passe that one of these that are so retentive and deinty of their assent, climeth not up some hill, but to 40 the baine or hot house: or when hee riseth and purposeth to goe into the market place, why hee runneth not his head against a post or the wall, but taketh his way directly to the dore? And aske you me this question indeed, you that holde all fenses to bee infallible, the appre­hensions also and imaginations to bee certaine and true? Forsooth it is because the baine seemeth unto him a baine and not a mountaine, the dore also appeareth to be a dore, and not the wall: And so is it to be said likewise of such otherthings everie one: For the doc­trine delivered as touching this cohibition of assent, doth not pervert the sense, nor worke in it by strange passions and motions any such change and alteration as may trouble the ima­ginative faculty. Onely it taketh away and subverteth opinions, but useth all other things, according to their nature. But impossible it is not to yeeld consent unto apparent eviden­ces. 50 For to denie those things which wee are verily perswaded of and doe beleeve, is more absurd, than neither to deny nor affirme any thing at al. Who be they then that deny such things as they beleeve, and goe against things evident? even they who overthrow divination, and de­nie that there is any government by divine providence: they who say that neither the [...] ani­mall nor the moone, which all men honour and adore, to which they make their praiers and of­fer sacrifice. As for you, doe yee not anull that which is apparent to the whole world, to wit, that naturally infants & yong ones, are conteined within their mothers and dams? and that be­tweene [Page 1125] paine and pleasure there is no meane, even against the sense and experience of all men? saying that not to be in paine, is to have pleasure; and not to do, is to suffer; as also, not to joy, is to be sorowfull? But to let passe all the rest, what is more evident, and so fully believed gene­rally, than this, that those who have their braines troubled, and their wits distracted, or otherwise sicke of melancholicke diseases, weene they see and heare those things which they neither heare nor see? namely, when their understanding comes to be in such sort affected and transported, as to breake out into these speeches?

These women here in habit blacke yclad, hold in their hands,
To dart at me and burne mine eies, torches and firy brands. 10

Also:

Loe how she in her armes doth beare
My mother deare, who did me reare.

These verily, and a number besides of other illusions more strange and tragicall than these, re­sembling the prodigious monsters that Empedocles describeth like anticks, which they make sport and laugh at,

[...],
Or [...] [...],
[...].

That is to say,

With crooked shanks and winding seet, resembling rammes in pace, 20
In bodie made like ox or cow, like man before, in face.

And all other sorts of monstrous shapes and strange natures, mixed together all in one, fetched from troublesome dreames and alienations of the minde. But these men say, that none of all this is any deception or errour of the sight, or vaine apparition, but be all true imaginations of bodies and figures, which passe to and fro out of the inconstant aire about them. Tell me now, what thing is so impossible in nature, that we need to doubt, if it be possible to beleeve these? For such things as never any conceited maske-maker or deviser of visards, any inventive potter, glasse-maker, or curious painter and drawer of woonderfull shapes, durst joine together, either 30 to deceive the beholders, or to make them sport for their pastime: these men supposing verily and in good earnest that they be really subsistent; and that which more is, affirming all firme and constant beliefe, all certitude of judgement and of trueth, to be quite gone for ever, if such things have not their subsistence, these men I say be they, which involve all in obscuritie and darknesse, who overthrow all apparence, and bring into our judgement feare and terrour, into our actions doubtfull suspition; in case our ordinary and usuall actions, and such affaires of ours which are dayly ready at hand, be caried in the same imagination, beleefe and perswasion, that these enormious, absurd, and extravagant fansies: for the equalitie which they suppose in all, plucketh away more credit from things ordinary, than it addeth unto such as be uncouth and unusuall: which is the cause that we know Philosophers not a few, more willing to avouch, 40 that no imagination is true, than that all be true without exception; and who distrust all men whom they had not conversed withall, all things which they had not tried, generally all speeches which they had not heard, rather than beleeve so much as one of these imaginations and illusi­ons which madde and franticke folke, fanaticall persons possessed with a furious spirit, or drea­mers in their sleeps doe apprehend. Seeing then, some imaginations we may utterly abolish, and others not, lawfull it is to reteine our assent and doubt of things whether they be or no, if there were no other cause els but this discordant, which is sufficient to worke in us suspition of things, as having nothing assured and certeine, but all incertitude and perturbation. As for the dissensions and differences about the infinite number of worlds, the nature of the Atomes, be­ing indivisible bodies, and their declinations to a side, although they trouble and disquiet many 50 men, yet this comfort there is and consolation, that in all this there is nothing neere at hand to touch us, but rather every one of these questions be farre remote, and beyond our senses; wher­as this distrust and diffidence, this perturbation and ignorance about sensible things and ima­ginations, presented to our eies, our eares and our hands, this doubt, I say, whether they be true or false, what opinion is it that they doe not shake and make to waver, what judgement and as­sent do not they turne up-side downe? For if men, being not drunke nor intoxicate, nor other­wise troubled in their braines, but sober, well in their wits and sound of judgement, professing [Page 1126] also to write of the trueth, and of the canons and rules to judge by, in the most evident passions and motions of the sense, set downe that for true which can not possibly subsist, and for false that which subsisteth, it is not to be marvelled nor thought incredible, if they give no judgement of such things which evidently appeare, but rather be of contrary judgements. For a man may lesse woonder at one for affirming neither the one nor the other, and keeping himselfe in a meane betweene two opposits, than for putting downe things repugnant and meere contrary. For he that neither affirmeth nor denieth, but holds himselfe quiet, is lesse repugnant both un­to him who putteth downe his opinion, than he who denieth it; and also to him that denieth it, than he who puts it downe. And if it be possible to make doubt and sticke at these things, it is not impossible then to doe so of others; at leastwise according to you who are of opinion, that there 10 is no difference at all betweene sense and sense, betweene imagination and imagination: and therefore this doctrine as touching the retention of beliefe and assent, is not as Colotes saith, a vaine fable, nor a captious toy of rash and light-headed yong men, that love to jangle and prate, but a setled resolution and habituall disposition of staied men, who be wary and take heed that they mistake not any thing, and fall into inconvenience, or abandon at aventure their judg­ment to the senses, so conjecturall and doubtfull, and not suffring them to be deceived and cari­ed away with those, who hold that things uncerteine, if they seeme and appeare, ought to be beleeved as well as if they were certeine, notwithstanding they see so great obscurity and incer­titude in imaginations and apparent things: But rather the infinity that you put downe, and the images which you dreame of be fables. And as for heady rashnesse and a vaine humour of much 20 babble, hee engendreth in yoong students who writeth of Pythocles being not fully eighteene yeeres of age, that there was not in all Greece a better or more towardly nature; as being one who with admiration was able most excellently to expresse the conceptions of his minde; and that his case was much like to the incomparable beauty of women, wishing and praying there­fore, that all those surpassing gifts and most rare parts might not worke the yoong man hatred and envie.

But busie Sophisters they be, and vaine fellowes, who against so great and excellent perso­nages, dare write so impudently and proudly: And yet I confesse, Plato, Aristotle, Theophra­stus, and Democritus gainsaied and contradicted those who wrote before them: Howbeit there was never man knowen but himselfe so bold, as to make a booke against all indifferently, and 30 with such a proud inscription as he did: And than afterwards forsooth, like unto those who have offended and displeased the gods: in the end of the said booke, as one confessing his faults, he saith: That they who have established lawes and ordinances, who have erected roiall govern­ments and politicke rule of cities and states, have set the life of man in great quiet, safety, and security, yea and delivered it from dangerous troubles: which if they were abrogated and put downe, we should lead a savage life like wilde beasts; one would eat another as they met toge­ther; for these be the very words that he useth, though unjustly and untruly: For say a man did abolish lawes, and yet withall leave behind unrepealed and uncondemned the doctrines and books of Parmenides, Socrates, Heraclitus, and Plato, we should be farre for all that from devou­ring one another, or living a savage life; for we should feare and forbeare dishonest things, we 40 should even for vertue and honesty, honour justice, beleeve that the gods, good magistrates, and the angels or spirits have the guarding, keeping, and superintendance of mans life, think­ing all the gold that is both above and under the ground, not able to counterpeize vertue, and doing willingly by reason and learning as Xenocrates was woont to say, that which now we doe perforce for feare of the lawes. But when shall our life become beastly, savage, and insociable? Mary when, the lawes being taken away, there shall be left remaining, books and discourses, in­citing and soliciting men unto pleasure: when it shall be thought and beleeved, that the world is not ruled and governed by Gods providence, when they shall be deemed Sages and wise men, who spit against honesty and vertue, unlesse it be joined with pleasure, and when they shall de­ride and mocke such sentences as these, 50

In Justice is an eie,
Which all things doth espie.

And

Godneere doth stand,
And sees all at hand.

As also this old said sawe; God having in his power the beginning, mids, and end of the whole world, passeth directly throughout all nature, and goeth round about, attended upon by Justice, [Page 1127] to punish those who transgresse the law divine. For they that despise and contemne these in­structions as idle fables, and suppose that the sovereigne good consisteth in the belly and other parts, whereby we enjoy pleasure, be those who had need of the law, they ought to feare the whip, and stand in awe of some king, prince, and magistrate, who hath the sword of justice in his hand, to the end that they might not devour their neighbour by insatiable gluttony, which up­on Atheisme and impiety, would grow to excessive outrage: For verily such is the life of brute beasts, for that they know nothing better than pleasure, they have no sense of Gods justice, they neither honour nor regard the beauty of vertue: But if nature hath endued them with any har­dinesse, craft, and industrious activity, they employ the same, to satisfie their fleshly pleasure, 10 and accomplish their lusts. And therefore Metrodorus is reputed a great wise man, for saying, that all the fine, subtill, witty, and exquisit inventions of the soule, have beene devised for to please and delight the flesh, or else for the hope to obteine and enjoy the same; and looke what art soever tendeth not thereto, is vaine & to no purpose. By such discourses and Philosophicall reasons as these, downe goe holsome lawes, and in place thereof enter in lions pawes, woolves teeth, oxes paunches, and camels necks and throates: and for want of writings and speech, the very beasts doe preach and teach such doctrines and opinions as these, with their bleating, bel­lowing, neighing, and braying: For all the voice that they have, is nothing but belly cheere, and the pleasure of the flesh, which they either embrace presently, or joy in the expectation thereof; unlesse haply there be some kind of them that delighteth naturally in gagling, cack­ling, 20 and garrulity. So that no man is able to praise those sufficiently, and to their full de­sert, who to represse such furious and beastly affections, have set downe law, established po­licie and government of State, instituted magistrates, and ordeined holsome decrees and edicts. But who bee they that confound, yea, and utterly abolish all this? Are they not those, who give out that all the great empires and dominions in the worlde are nothing comparable to the crowne and garland of [...], haply [...], that is to say, [...] and confu­sion. fearelesse tranquillity and repose: Are they not those, who say, that to be a king and to reigne is to sinne, to erre and wander out of the true way leading to felicity: yea and to this purpose write disertly in these termes, we are to shew, how to maintaine in best sort and to keepe the end of nature: and how a man may avoid at the very first not to enter willingly and of his owne accord into offices of state and government of the multitude. Over and besides, these speeches also be theirs, there is no need at all henceforth for 30 a man to labour and take paines for the preservation of the Greeks, nor in regard of wisdome and learning to seeke for to obtaine a crowne at their hands, but to eate and drinke, Ô Timocrates, without hurt doing to the body, or rather withall contentment of the flesh. And yet the first and most important article of the digests and ordinance of lawes and policie which Colotes so highly commendeth, is the beleefe and firme perswasion of the gods: whereby Lycurgus in times past sanctified the Lacedēmonians, Numa the Romans, that ancient Ion the Athenians, and whereby Deucalion brought all the Greeks universally to religion: which noble and renow­med personages made the people devout & affectionate zealously to the gods in praiers, othes, oracles and prophesies, by the meanes of hope and feare together, which they imprinced in 40 their hearts: In such sort, that if you travell through the world, well you may finde cities without wals, without literature, without kings, not peopled and inhabited, without housen, [...] , and such as desire no coine, which know not what Theaters or publicke hals of bodily exercise meane: but never was there nor ever shall be any one city seene, without temple, church or chappell, without some god or other, which useth no praiers nor othes, no prophesies and divi­nations, no sacrifices either to obtaine good blessings or to avert heavy curses and calamities: nay, me thinks a man should sooner finde a city built in the aire without any plot of ground whereon it is seated, than that any common wealth altogether void of religion & the opinion of the gods should either be first established, or afterwards preserved and maintained in that [...] . This is it that containeth and holdeth together all humane society, this is the foundation, prop 50 and stay of all lawes which they subvert and overthrow directly, who goenot round about the bush as they say, nor secretly and by circuit of covert speeches, but openly and even at the first as­sault set upon the principall point of all, to wit, the opinion of God, and religion: and then afterwards as if they were haunted with the furies, they confesse how greivously they have sin­ned, in shuffling and confounding thus, all rights and lawes, and in abolishing the ordinance of justice and pollicy, to the end that they might obtaine no pardon, for to slip and erre in opini­on, although it be not a part of wise men, yet it is a thing incident to man: but to impute and ob­ject those faults unto others which they commit themselves, what should a man call it if he for­beate [Page 1128] to use the proper termes & names that it deserveth? For if in writing against [...] or Bion the Sophister, he had made mention of lawes, of pollicy, of justice and government of com­mon weale, might not one have said unto him as Electra did to her furious brother Orestes.

Poore soule, be quiet feare none ill
Deare hart, in bed see thou be still.

cherishing and keeping warme thy poore body? As for me, let them argue and expostulate with me about these points, who have lived oeconomically or politickly. And such are they all whom Colotes hath reviled and railed upon. Among whom Democritus verily in his writings admonisheth and exhorteth, both to learne military science, as being of all others the greatest, and also to take paines, and endure travels. Whereby men attaine to much renowme and ho­nour. 10 As for Parmenedes hee beawtified and adorned his owne native countrey with most excellent lawes which he ordained: in so much as the magistrates every yeere when they newly enter into their offices, binde the citizens by an oth to observe the slatutes and lawes of Parme­nides. And Empedocles not onely judicially convented and condemned the principall persons of the city wherein he dwelt, for their insolent behaviour and for distracting or embeselling the publicke treasure, but also delivered all the territorie about it from sterility and pestilence, whereunto before time it was subject, by emmuring and stopping up the open passages of a cer­taine mountaine, through which the southern winde blew and overspred all the plaine country underneath. Socrates after he was condemned to death, when his frends had made meanes for him to escape, refused to take the benefit thereof, because he would maintaine and confirme the 20 authority of the lawes; chusing rather to die unjustly, than to save his life by disobaying the lawes of his country. Melissus being praetor or captaine generall of the city wherein he dwelt, defaited the Athenians in a battell at sea. Plato left behinde him in writing many good dis­courses of the lawes and of civill government: but much better imprinted he in the hearts and minds of his disciples & familiars, which were the cause that Dion freed Sicily from the tyrany of Dionysius; and Thrace likewise was delivered by the meanes of Python and Heracledes, who killed king Cotys. Chabrtas and Phocion, worthy commaunders of the Athenians armie, came both out of the schoole Academia. As for Epicurus he sent as farre as into Asia certaine persons of purpose to taunt and revile Timocrates, yea and caused the man to be banished out of the kings court, onely for that he had offended Metrodorus his brother. And this you may read written 30 in their owne books. But Plato sent of those friends which were brought up under him Aristo­nimus to the Arcadians, for to ordeine their common wealth, Phormio to the Elians Menedemus to those of Pyrrha, Eudoxus to the Cnidians, and Aristotle to those of Stagira, who being all his disciples and samiliars, did pen and set downe lawes. Alexander the Great requested to have from Xenocrates rules and precepts as touching the government of a kingdome. And he who was sent unto Alexander from the Greeks dwelling in Asia & who most of all other set him on a light fire and whetted him on to enterprise the warre against the barbarous king of Persia, was Delius an Ephesian, one of Platoes familiars. Zenon also ascholar of Parmenides undertooke to kill the tyrant Demylus, and having no good successe therein, but missing of his purpose, main­tained the doctrine of Parmenides to be pure and fine golde tried in the fire from all base met­tal, 40 shewing by the effect, that a magnanimous man is to feare nothing, but turpitude and disho­nour and that they be children and women, or else effeminate and heartlesse men like women, who are affraid of dolor and paine: for having bitten off his tongue with his owne teeth, he spit it in the tyrants face. But out of the schoole of Epicurus, and of those who follow his rules and doctrines, I doe not aske what tyrant killer there was or valiant man and victorious in feats of armes, what lawgiver, what counsellour, what king or governour of state, either died or suffred torture for the upholding of right and justice: but onely which of all these Sages did ever so much as imbarke and make a voiage by sea in his countries service and for the good thereof? which of them went in embassage or disbursed any mony thereabout? or where is there extant upon record any civill action of yours in matter of government. And yet because that Metrodo­rus 50 went downe one day from the city, as far as to the haven Pyraeaeum, & tooke a journey of five or six miles to aide Mythra the Syrian one of the king of Persias traine and court, who had bene arrested and taken prisoner, he wrot unto all the friends that he had in the world, of this exploit of his: and this doubty voiage Epicurus hath magnified & exalted in many of his letters. What a doe would they have made then, if they had done such an act as Aristotle did who reedified the city of his nativity Stagira, which had bene destroied by king Philip? or as Theophrastus, who twice delivered and freed his native city being held and oppressed by tyrants? Should not thinke [Page 1129] you the the river Nilus have sooner given over to beare the popyr reed, than they bene weary of discribing their brave deeds. And is not this a grievous matter and a great indignity, that of so many sects of Philosophers that have bene, they onely in maner enjoy the good things and be­nefits that are in cities, without contributing any thing of their owne unto them? There are not any Poets Tragedians or Comedians, but they have endevoured to doe or say alwaies some good thing or other for the defence of lawes and policie: but these here, if peradventure they write ought, write of policie, that we should not intermeddle at all in the civill government of state: of Rhetoricke, that we should not plead any causes eloquently at the barre: of Roialty, that we should avoid the conversing and living in kings courts: neither doe they name at any time those great persons who manage affaires of common weale, but by way of mockerie for to de­base 10 and abolish their glorie. As for example of Epaminondas they say that he had indeed some good thing onely in name and word, but the same was but [...], that is to say, as little as might be, for that is the very terme that it pleaseth them to use. Moreover they name him heart of y­ron demaunding why he marched up and downe through out all Peloponnesus with his armie as he did, and sat not rather quiet at home in his owne house with a dainty chaplet upon his head given wholly to make good chere, and to sleepe with his belly full in a whole skin. But me thinks I should not for any thing omit in this place to rehearse what Metrodorus hath written in his booke of philosophy, wherein abjuring all dealing in government of state, he saith thus, Some there be of these wisemen (quoth he) who being full of vanity and arrogancy, had so deepe an insight into the businesse thereof, that in treating of the rules of good life and of vertue 20 they suffer themselves to be carried away with the very same desires that Lycurgus and [...] fell into. What? was this vanity indeed and the aboundance of vanity and pride, to set the city of Athens free, to reduce Sparta to good policy, and the government of holsome lawes, that yong men should doe nothing licenciously nor get children upon curtisans and harlots? and that riches, wanton delicacie, intemperance, loosenesse & dissolution should beare no sway nor have the commaund in cities, but law onely and justice; for these were the desires of Solon. And thus Metrodorus by way of scorne and contumelious reproch addeth thus much more for a conclu­sion to the rest, And therefore (quoth he) it is well beseeming a gentleman, to laugh a good and right heartly at all other men, but especially at these Solones and Lycurgi. But verily such an one were not a gentleman Metrodorus, nor well borne, but servile, base, unruly and dissolute and who 30 deserved to be scurged not with the whip which is for free borne persons, but with that whip Astragalote, where with the maner was to whip and chastice those gelded sacrificers called Gally when they did amisse in the cerimonies and sacrifices of Cylote the great mother of the gods. Now, that they warred not against the lawgivers but the very lawes themselves, a man may heare and learne of Epicurus; for in his questions he demaundeth of himselfe, whether a wise man be­ing assured that no man ever should know, would doe and commit any thing that the law forbid­deth? and he maketh an answere which is not full nor an open, plaine and simple affirmation, saying, doe it I will, marry confesse it and be knowen thereof I will not. Againe, writing as I suppose unto Idomeneus, he admonisheth him not to subject and enthrall his life unto lawes and the opinions and reputations of men: unlesse it be in this regard onely that otherwise there is 40 prepared odious whipping chere and that neere at hand. If then it be so, that they who abolish lawes, governments and policies, do withall subvert and overthrow mans life: if Metrodorus and Epicurus doe no lesse, withdrawing and averting their friends and followers from dealing in pub­licke affaires, and spitefully hating those who doe meddle therein, miscalling and railing at the chiefe and wisest lawgivers that ever were, yea and willing them to contemne the lawes, so that they keepe themselves out of the feare of the whip and dan­ger of punnishment, I cannot see that Colotes hath in any thing so much belied others, and raised false imputations against them, as he hath indeed and truely accused the 50 doctrine and opinions of Epicurus.

OF LOVE.

The Summarie. 10

THis Dialogue is more dangerous to be read by yoong men than any other Treatise of Plutarch, for that there be certeine glaunces heere and there against honest marri­age, to upholde indirectly and under hana, the cursed and [...] filthinesse covert­ly couched under the name of the Love of yoong boyes. But minds guarded and armed with true chastitie and the feare of God, may see evidently in this discourse the mise­rable estate of the world, in that there be found patrons and advocates of so detestable a cause; such I meane as in this booke are brought in under the persons of Protogenes and Pisias. Meane while they may perceive likewise in the combot of matrimoniall love against unnaturall Poederastie not to be na­med, 20 that honestie hath alwaies meanes sufficient to defend it selfe for being vanquished, yea and in the end to go away with the victorie. Now this Treatise may be comprised in foure principall points: of which, the first (after a briefe Preface wherein Autobulus being requested to rehearse unto his com­panions certeine reports which before time hee had heard Plutarch his father to deliver as touching Love, entreth into the discourse) conteineth the historie of Ismenodora, enamoured upon a yoong man named Bacchon; whereupon arose some difference and dispute: of which, Plutarch and those of his companie were chosen arbitratours. Thereupon Protogenes seconded by Pisias, (and this is the second point) setting himselfe against Ismenodora, disgraceth and discrediteth the whole sex of wo­man kinde, and praiseth openly enough the love of males. But Daphnaeus answereth them so fully home and pertinently to the purpose, that he discovereth and detecteth all their filthinesse, and confu­teth 30 them as be hoovefull it was, shewing the commodities and true pleasure of conjugall love. In this defence, assisted he is by Plutarch, who prooveth that neither the great wealth, nor the forward af­fection of a woman to a man, causeth the mariage with her to be culpable or woorthy to be blamed, by divers examples declaring that many women even of base condition, have beene the occasion of great evils and calamities. But as he was minded to continue this discourse, newes came how Bacchon was caught up and brought into the house of Ismenodora, which made Protogenes and Pisias to dis­lodge; insomuch as their departure gave entrie into the third and principall point concerning Love what it is? what be the parts, the causes, the sundry effects and fruits thereof, admirable in all sorts of persons, in altering them so as they become quite changed and others than they were before: which is confirmed by many notable examples and similitudes. In the last point Plutarch discourseth upon this 40 argument, and that by the Philosophy of Plato and the Aegyptians, conferring the same with the doctrine of other Philosophers and Poets. Then having expresly and flatly condemned Paede­rastie, as a most [...] and abhominable thing, and adjoined certaine excellent ad­vertisements for the entertening of love in wedlocke, betweene husband and wife, of which he relateth one proper example, his speech endeth by occasion of a messenger who came in place, and drew them all away to the wedding of Ismenodora and Bacchon, beforesaid. 50

OF LOVE.

FLAVIANUS.

IT was at HeliconAutobulus) was it not, that those discourses were held as touching Love, which you purpose to relate unto us at this present, upon our request and intreaty, whether it be that you have put them downe in writing, or beare them well in remembrance, considering that you have so often required and demanded them of your father? 10

AUTOEULUS.

Yes verily, in Helicon it was (ô Flavianus) among the Muses, at what time as the Thespians solemnized the feast of Cupid: for they celebrate certeine games of prise every five yeeres, in the honour of Love, as well as of the Muses, and that with great pompe and magnificence.

FLAVIANUS.

And wot you what it is that we all here that are come to heare you, will request at your hands?

AUTOBULUS.

No verily, but I shall know it when you have tolde me.

FLAVIANUS. 20

Mary this it is: That you would now in this rehersall of yours, lay aside all by-matters and needlesse preambles, as touching the descriptions of faire medowes, pleasant shades; of the crawling and winding Ivie; of rils issuing from fountaines running round about; and such like common places, that many love to insert, desirous to counterfeit and imitate the description of the river Ilissus, of the Chast-tree, and the fine greene grasse and prety herbs growing daintily upon the ground, rising up alittle with a gentle assent, and all after the example of Plato in the beginning of his Dialogue Phaedrus, with more curiositie iwis and affectation, than grace and elegancie.

AUTOBULUS.

What needs this narration of ours (my good friend Flavianus) any such Prooeme or [...] ? 30 for the occasion from whence arose and proceeded these discourses, requireth onely an affectionate audience, and calleth for a convenient place as it were a stage and scaffold, for to relate the action: for otherwise, of all things els requisit in a Comedie or Enterlude, there wan­teth nothing: onely let us make our praiers unto the Muses Mother, Ladie Memorie, for to be propice unto us, and to vouchsafe her assistance, that we may not misse, but deliver the whole narration. My father long time before I was borne, having newly espoused my mother, by oc­casion of a certeine difference and variance that fell out betweene his parents and hers, tooke a journey to Thespiae, with a full purpose to sacrifice unto Cupid the god of Love; and to the feast hee had up with him my mother also, for that [...] principally apperteined unto her to performe both the praier & the sacrifice. So there accompanied him from his house, certeine of his most 40 familiar friends. Now when he was come to Thespiae, he found Daphnaeus the sonne of Archida­mus, and Lysander who was in love with Simons daughter, a man who of all her woers was best welcome unto her and most accepted: Soclarus also the sonne of Aristion, who was come from Tithora: there was besides, Protogenes of Tarsos, and Zeuxippus the Lacedaemonian, both of them his olde friends and good hosts, who had given him kinde enterteinment: and my father said moreover, that there were many of the best men in [...] there, who were of his acquain­tance. Thus as it should seeme, they abode for two or three daies in the citie, enterteining one another gently at their leasure with discourses of learning, one while in the common empaled parke of exercises, where they youth used to wrestle, and otherwhiles in the Theaters and Shew­places, keeping companie together. But afterwards, for to avoid the troublesome contentions 50 of Minstrels and Musicians, where it appeared that all would go by favour, such labouring there was before hand for voices, they dislodged from thence for the most part of them, as out of an enemies countrey, and retired themselves to Helicon, and there sojourned and lodged among the Muses: where, the morrow morning after they were thither come, arrived and repaired un­to them Anthemion and Pisias, two noble gentlemen, allied both and affectionate unto Barchon, surnamed The Faire, and at some variance one with another by reason of I wot not what jealou­sie, in regard of the affection they bare unto him. For there was in the city of Thespiae, a certeine [Page 1132] Dame named Ismenodora, descended of a noble house and rich withall: yea and of wise and ho­nest carriage besides in all her life: for continued shee had no small time in widowhood with­out blame, reproch or touch, notwithstanding shee was yoong, and therewith beautifull.

This fresh widow whiles she treated of a mariage to be made betweene Bacchon a yoong gen­tleman, a neighbours childe, whose mother was a very familiar friend of hers; a certeine yoong maiden a kinswoman of her owne, by often talking with him, and frequenting his com­pany much, fell herselfe in some fancie with the yoong man: Thus both hearing and speaking much good and many kinde speeches of him, and seeing besides a number of other gentlemen and persons of good woorth to be enamoured upon him; by little and little she also fell to bee in hot love with the youth: howbeit, with a full intention and resolution to doe nothing that 10 should be dishonest, or unbeseeming her place, parentage, & reputation, but to be wedded unto Bacchon lawfully in the open sight of the world, and so to live with him in the estate of wedlocke. As the thing it selfe seemed at the first very strange, so the mother of the yoong man of one side doubted and suspected the greatnesse of her state, and the nobility & magnificence of her house & linage, as not meet & correspondent to his cōdition, for to be a lover or to be matched there; and on the other side, some of his companions who used to ride forth a hunting with him, con­sidering that the yoong age of Bacchon was not answerable to the yeeres of Ismenodora, buzzed many doubts in his head, and frighted him from her what they could, saying: That she might be his mother, and that one of her age was not for him; and thus by their jesting and scoffing, they hindered the mariage more, than they who laboured in good earnest to breake it: for hee 20 began to enter into himselfe, and considering that he was yet a beardlesse youth, and scarcely undergrowen, he was abashed and ashamed to mary a widow. Howbeit in the end, shaking off all others, he referred himselfe to Anthemion and Pisias, for to tell him their minds upon the point, and to advise him for his best: Now was Anthemion his cousen german, one of good yeeres, and elder than himselfe farre; and Pisias of all those that made love unto him, most au­stere: and therefore he both withstood the mariage, and also checked Anthemion, as one who abandoned and betraied the yoong man unto Ismenodora. Contrariwise, Anthemion charged Pisias and said he did not well: who being otherwise an honest man, yet heerein imitated leawd lovers, for that he went about to put his friend beside a good bargaine, who now might be sped with so great a mariage, out offo worshipfull an house, and wealthy besides; to the end that he 30 might have the pleasure to see him a long time stripped naked in the wrestling place, fresh still, and smooth, and not having touched a woman. But because they should not by arguing thus one against another, grow by little and little into heat of choler, they chose for umpiers and judges of this their controversie, my father and those who were of his company; and thither they came: assistant also there were unto them, other of their friends, Daphnaeus to the one, and Protogenes to the other, as if they had beene provided of set purpose to plead a cause: As for Protogenes who sided with Pisias, he inveighed verily with open mouth against dame Ismenodo­ra: whereupon Daphnaeus: O Hercules (quoth he) what are we not to expect, and what thing in the world may not happen; in case it be so that Protogenes is ready heere to give defiance and make warre against love, who all his life both in earnest and in game, hath beene wholy in love, 40 and all for love, which hath caused him to forget his booke, and to forget his naturall countrey, not as Laius did, who was but five daies journey distant: for that love of his was slow and heavy, and kept still upon the land: whereas your Cupid, Protogenes

With his light wings displaied and spred,
Hath over seafull swiftly fled

from out of Cilicia to Athens, to see faire boies, and to converse and goe up and downe with them (for to say a trueth, the chiefe cause why Protogenes made a voiage out of his owne coun­trey, and became a traveller, was at the first this and no other) Heere at the company tooke up a laughter, and Protogenes: Thinke you (quoth he) that I warre not against love, and not rather stande in the defence of love against lascivious wantonnesse, and violent intemperance, which 50 by most shamefull acts and filthy passions, would perforce chalenge and breake into the fairest, most honest, and venerable names that be? Why (quoth Daphnaeus then) do you terme mariage and the secret of mariage, to wit, the lawfull conjunction of man and wife, most vile and disho­nest actions, than which there can be no knot nor linke in the world more sacred and holy? This bond in trueth of wedlocke (quoth Protogenes) as it is necessary for generation, is by good right praised by Polititians and law-givers, who recommend the same highly unto the people and common multitude: but to speake of true love indeed, there is no jot or part therof in the socie­tie [Page 1133] and felowship of women: neither doe I thinke that you and such as your selves, whose affec­tions stand to wives or maidens, do love them no more than a flie loveth milke, or a bee the ho­ny combe; as caters and cookes who keepe foules in mue, and feed calves and other such beasts fatte in darke places, and yet for all that they love them not. But like as nature leadeth and con­ducteth our appetite moderately, and as much as is sufficient to bread and other viands; but the excesse thereof, which maketh the naturall appetite to be a vicious passion, is called gourman­dise, and pampering of the flesh: even so there is naturally in men and women both a desire to enjoy the mutuall pleasure one of another: whereas the impetuous lust which commeth with a kinde of force and violence, so as it hardly can be held in, is not fitly called love, neither de­serveth it that name: For love if it seise upon a yoong, kinde, and gentle heart, endeth by amity 10 in vertue: whereas of these affections and lusts afterwomen, if they have successe and speed ne­ver so well, there followeth in the end the fruit of some pleasure, the fruition and enjoying of youth and a beautifull body, and that is all. And thus much testified Aristippus, who when one went about to make him have a distaste and mislike of Lais the curtisan, saying, that she loved him not, made this answer: I suppose (quoth he) that neither good wine, nor delicate fish lo­veth me, but yet (quoth he) I take pleasure and delight in drinking the one, and eating the o­ther. For surely the end of desire and appetite, is pleasure and the fruition of it. But love if it have once lost the hope and expectation of amity and kindnesse, will not continue nor cherish and make much for beauty sake, that which is irksome and odious, be it neverso gallant and in the flower and prime of age, unlesse it bring foorth and yeeld such fruit which is familiar unto 20 it, even a nature disposed to amity and vertue. And therefore it is that you may heare some hus­baud in a comoedie, speaking tragically thus unto his wife:

Thou hatest me: and I againe, thine hatred and disdaine
Will eas'ly beare: and this abuse turne to my proper gaine.

For surely, more amorous than this man is not hee, who not for lucre and profit, but for the fleshly pleasure of Venus, endureth a curst, shrewd and froward wife, in whom there is no good nature nor kinde affection. After which maner Philippides the Comicall Poet scoffed at the Oratour Stratocles and mocked him in these verses: 30

She winds from thee, she turnes away unkind,
Hardly thou canst once kisse her head behinde.

But if we must needs call this passion Love, yet surely it shall be but an effeminate and bastard love, sending us into womens chambers and cabinets as it were to Cynosarges at Athens, where no other youthes do exercise but misbegotten bastards: or rather, like as they say, there is one kinde of gentle faulcons or roiall eagles bred in the mountaines, which Homer calleth the Blacke eagle for game: whereas other kinds there be of bastard hawks, which about pooles and meres catch fish or seaze upon heavie winged birds and slow of flight; which many times wanting their prey, make a piteous noise and lamentable cry for very hunger and famine: even so the true and naturall love is that of yoong boies, which sparkleth not with the ardent 40 heat of concupiscence, as Anacreon saith the other of maidens and virgins doeth: it is not be­smered with sweet ointments, nor tricked up and trimmed, but plaine and simple alwaies a man shall see it, without any intising allurements in the Philosophers schooles, or about publicke parks of exercise and wrestling places, where it hunteth kindly and with a very quicke and pier­cingeie after none but yoong striplings and springals, exciting and encouraging earnestly un­to vertue, as many as are meet and woorthy to have paines taken with them: whereas the other delicate and effeminate love, that keepeth home and stirreth not out of dores, but keepeth con­tinually in womens laps, under canapies or within curtaines in womens beds and soft pallets, seeking alwaies after daintie delights, and pampered up with unmanly pleasures, wherein there is no reciprocall amitie, nor heavenly ravishment of the spirit, is worthy to be rejected and cha­sed 50 farre away: like as Solon banished it out of his common wealth, when he expresly forbad all slaves and those of servile condition to love boies or to be anointed in the open aire without the baines, but he debarred them not from the companie of women. For amitie is an honest, civill and laudable thing: but fleshly pleasure, base, vile, and illiberall. And therefore that a ser­vile slave should make love to a sweet youth, it is neither decent, civil nor commendable: for this is no carnall love nor hurtfull any way, as that other is of women. Protogenes would have conti­nued his speech and said more, but Daphnaeus interrupting him: Now surely, you have done it [Page 1134] very well (quoth he) and alledged Solon trimly for the purpose; and wee must belike, take him for the judge of a true lover, and the rule to go by, especially when he saith:

Thoushalt love boies, till lovely downe upon their face doth spring,
Catching at mouth their pleasant breath, and soft thighs cherishing.

Adjoine also unto Solon (if you thinke good) the Poet Aeschylus, whereas he saith:

Unthankfull man, unkinde thou art
For kisses sweet which thou hast found,
Regarding not of thy deare hart, 10
The thighs so streight and buttocks round.

Here are proper judges indeed of love. Others I wot well there be, who laugh at them, because they would have lovers like to sacrificers, bowel-priers and soothsaiers, to cast an eie to the han­ches and the loines: but I for my part, gather from hence a very good and forcible argument in the behalfe of women: for if the companie with males that is against kinde, neither taketh a­way nor doth prejudice the amitie and good will of lovers, farre more probable it is that the love to women which is according to nature, is performed by a kinde of obsequious favour, and endeth in amity: for the voluntarie submission of the female to the male, was by our ancestors in olde time, ô Protogenes, termed [...], that is to say, Grace or Favour: which is the reason that Pindarus saith Vulcane was borne of Juno [...], that is to say, without the Graces. And 20 Sappho the Poetresse speaking to a yoong girle not as yet for her tender yeeres marriageable:

Too yoong (my childe) you seeme to me,
Withouten Grace also to be.

And Hercules was asked the question of one in these termes:

What did you force the maiden by compulsion,
Or win her grace and favour with perswasion.

whereas the submission in this kinde of males to males, if it be against their will, is named vio­lence and plaine rape: but if it be voluntarie, and that upon an effeminate weaknesse they be so farre beside their right wits as to yeeld themselves to be ridden as it were and covered, for those be Platoes words, in maner of foure footed beasts; I say such love is altogether without Grace, 30 without decencie, most unseemly, filthy and abominable. And therefore I suppose verily, that Solon powred out those verses when he was a lustie yoonker, ranke of blood and full of naturall seed, as Plato saith: for when he was well stept in yeres he sung in another tune and wrote thus:

The sports of VENUS Lady bright,
And BACCHUS now are my delight:
In MUSICKE eke I pleasure take:
For why? these three men joies do make.

when he had retired and withdrawen his life as it were out of a troublesome sea and tempestuous storme of Paederafltum, into the quiet calme of lawfull marriage and studie of Philosophie.

Now if we will consider better, & looke nerer into the truth, the passion of Love (ô Protoge­nes) 40 be it in one sex or another, is all one & the same: but if upon a froward and contentious hu­mor you will needs divide and distinguish them, you shall finde that this love of boies doth not conteine it selfe within compasse, but as one late borne and out of the seasonable time of age and course of this life, a very bastard and begotten secretly in darknesse, it would wrongfully drive out the true legitimate naturall love, which is more ancient. For it was but yesterday or two daies ago as one would say my good friend, and namely, since yong lads began in Greece to dis­robe & turne themselves naked out of their clothes, for the exercise of their bodies, that it crept into these impaled places, where youthes prepared themselves for to wrestle: & there closely set­ling it selfe, lodged and was enstalled; where by little and little when the wings were full growen, it became so insolent, that it could not be held in, but offer injury and outrage to that nuptiall 50 love, which is a coadjutresse with nature, to immortalize mankind, in kindling it immediately againe by generation according as the same is extinguished and put out by death. But this Pro­togenes heere would seeme to deny that the said love tendeth to any pleasure: The truth is this, he is ashamed to confesse, and afraid to avow so much. But there must needs be devised some pretie reason, and cleanly excuse, for the touching, feeling, and handling of these faire yoong boies. Wel the pretence and colour to cover al, is amity and vertue. He bestreweth himselfe with dust against he should wrestle, he doth bath and wash in cold water, he knitteth & bendeth his [Page 1135] browes full gravely, he giveth it out and maketh his boast that he studieth Philosophie, that he is chaste and continent: and all this is abroad and before folke, for feare of the lawes; but when the night comes, and that every man is retired to his rest,

Sweet is the fruit that stollen is secretly,
And gather'd close, while keeper is not by.

And if as Protogenes saith this Paederastium aimeth not at carnall conjunction, how then can it be love, if Venus be not there? considering that of all other gods and goddesses, her alone Cupid is destined and devoted to serve and attend upon, having neither honour, power nor authoritie, no farther than she will impart and bestow upon him. And if you say unto mee, that there may be some love without Venus, like as there is drunkennesse without wine, for a man may drinke of 10 a certein decoction of figs, or barly made into malt, & be drunke therewith: I answer you, that as this is but a flatulent exagitation, so the motion of such love is fruitlesse, unperfect, bringing lothsome satietie, and wearisome fulnesse soone. Whiles Daphnaeus thus spake, it appeered evi­dently, that Pisias found himselfe galled, and was [...] against him. Therefore so soone as he had made an end of his speech, after some little pause: O Hercules (quoth hee) what intolle­rable impudency and inconsiderate rashnesse is this, that men should confesse and avow, that like dogs they be tied to women by their naturall parts, and so chase and banish this god Cupid, out of the publicke places of exercise, out of the open galleries and walks; from the pure con­versation in open aire, sunne-shine, and before the whole world for to be ranged and brought, to little spades, hatchets, drogues, medicines, charmes and sorceries of these wanton and lasci­vious 20 women? For to speake of chaste and honest dames, I say, it is not beseeming that they should either love or be loved. And heereat verily my father said, that himselfe tooke Protogc­nes by the hand, reciting this verse out of the Poet:

Such words as these no doubt will make
The Argives, armes anon to take.

For surely Pisias through his insolencie, causeth us to side with Daphnaeus, and undertake to mainteine his part, seeing he so farre exceedeth the bonds of all reason, as to bring into mariage and wedlocke, a society without love, and void of that divine instinct of amity, and inspired from heaven above: which we see how we have enough to doe for to mainteine and hold with al the yokes, bittes and bridles, of feare and shame, if this hearty affection and grace be away. 30 Then Pisias, I passe little (quoth he) for all these words: and as for Daphnaeus me thinks I see how it fareth with him, as it doth with a piece of brasse, which melteth not so much by force of fire, as it doth by another piece of brasse melted, if a man power the same upon it, for then anon it will be liquefied and runne together with it. And even so, the beauty of Lysandra doth not so greatly affect and trouble him, as this that conversing along time with one that is enflamed and full of fire, by touching her he is himselfe all fire: and evident it is, that unlesse hee retire with speed unto us, he will melt and [...] to liquor: But I perceive (quoth he) that I do that which Anthemion should most desire and wish, namely, that I am offensive both to the judges and to my selfe; wherefore I will hold my peace & say no more: You say true indeed (quoth Anthemi­on) you do me a great pleasure, for you should at the very first have said somwhat to the point, 40 and upon the particular matter now in question: I say therefore (quoth Pisias, but I protest be­fore hand, & that aloud, that for mine owne part I will be no hinderance, but that every woman may have her lover) that this yoong man Bacchon had need to take heed and beware of the riches and wealth of Ismenodora; otherwise if wee match him with such an house of so great state and magnificence, we shall ere we be aware consume him to nothing, like a piece of tinne among brasse. For a great matter I may tell you it were, if being so yoong as he is, and espousing a wife of meane and simple degree, he should in such a mixture hold his owne, and keepe the predo­minance as wine over water. But we may see that this gentlewoman heerel seemeth alreadie to looke for to commaund and be his master: otherwise she would never have refused and rejec­ted so many husbands as she hath done of such reputation, so nobly descended, and so wealthy 50 withall, for to woo and sollicite as she doth a very boy new crept out of the shell, no better than a page but the other day, one iwis that had more need to goe to schoole still, and be under a tu­tour and governour. And heereupon it is, that those husbands who are of the wiser sort, doe of themselves cast away, or else clip and cut the wings of their wives, that is to say, their goods and riches, which cause them to be proud and insolent, sumptuous and wasteful, full of shrewdnesse, vaine, light, and foolish; and with these wings they mount many times, take their flight and a­way; or if they stay at home, better it were for a man to be bound with fetters of gold, as the [Page 1136] maner is to encheine prisoners in Aethiopia, than to be tied with the wealth and riches of his wife: But he hath said nothing as yet (quoth Protogenes) heereof, nor once touched this string, namely, how in admitting this mariage, we shall in maner invert and that ridiculously and with absurdity enough the sentence of Hesiodus who giveth counsell in these words:

At thirty yeeres (not much above nor under) of thine age,
Wed thou a wife: this is the time, most meet for mariage:
At foureteene yeeres a damosell doth signes of ripenesse shew, 10
At fifteene would she maried be, and her bedfellow know.

And we heere cleane contrary almost, will match a yoong man before he be ready for mariage, unto a woman as old againe well neere as himselfe, as if one should set dates or figges upon old stocks, to make them ripe. And why not? some one will haply say; for she is enamoured upon him; she burnes & is ready to die for love of him, I marvel much who hinders her that she goeth not to his house in a maske, that she sings not lamentable ditties at his dore, & amorous plaints, that she adorneth not his images with garlands and chaplets of flowers, and that she entreth not into combat with her corrivals, and winne him from them all by fight and feats of activity: for these be the casts of lovers; let her knit her browes; let her forbeare to live bravely and daintily, 20 putting on the countenance and habit meet for this passion: but if she be modest, shamefaced, sober, and honest, as that she is abashed so to doe; let her sit womanly and decently as it be­commeth, at home in her house, expecting her lovers and woers, to come and court her there. For such a woman as doth not dissemble, but bewraieth openly that she is in love, a man would avoid and detest, so farre would he be from taking her to be his wife, or laying for the ground of his mariage such shamelesse incontinence. Now when Protogenes had made an end of his speech, and paused a while: See you not ô Anthemion (quoth Daphnaeus) how they make this a common cause againe and matter of disputation, enforcing us to speake still of nuptiall love, who denie not our selves to be the mainteiners thereof, nor avoid to enter into the daunce as they say, and to shew our selves to be the champions of it? Yes mary do I (quoth Anthemion) & 30 I pray you take upon you to defend at large this love: and withall let us have your helping hand about this point, as touching riches, which Pisias urgeth especially, and wherewith he seemeth to affright us more than with any thing else: What can we doe lesse quoth my father then; for were it not a reproch offred unto woman kind, and would it not greatly redound to their discre­dit and blame, in case we would reject and cast off Ismenodora, for her love and her wealth sake? But she is brave, she is sumptuous, costly, and bearing a great port: What matters that, so long as she is faire, beautifull, and yoong? But she is come of a noble house and highly descended? What harme of that if she live in good name, and be of good reputation? for it is not necessa­ry that wives to approove their honesty and wisdome, should be sower, austere, curst & shrewd: for chaste dames and sober matrons, doe indeed detest bitternesse, as an odious thing and in­tollerable. 40 And yet some there be that call them furies, and say they be curst shrewes unto their husbands, when they be modest, wise, discret, and honest. Were it not best therefore to espouse some od Abrotonon out of Thracia, bought in open market: or some Bacchis, a Milesian [...], that is to say, whose open sale is a pawne for as­surance, that she will bee true and obe­dient to her husband, as some inter­pret it. passing in exchange for raw hides, and prized no deerer: And yet we know there be many men, whom such women as these hold most shamefully under their girdles, and rule as they list: For even minstrell wenches of Samos, and such as professed dauncing, as Aristonica, Oenanthe, with her tabour and pipe & Agathocleia, have over-topped kings and princes, yea troaden their crownes and diademes under foot: As for Semiramis a Syrian, she was at first no better than a poore wench, servant and concubine to one of the great king Ninus slaves: but after that the king him­selfe had set his [...] and fancie upon her, he was so devoted unto her, & she againe so imperious­ly 50 ruled over him, and with such contempt, that she was so bold to require at his hands, that he would permit her to sit one day upon her roiall throne, under the cloth of estate, with the dia­deme about her head, and so to give audience and dispatch the affaires of the kingdome in stead of him; which when Ninus had graunted, & given expresse charge withall, that all his subjects whatsoever should yeeld their loiall obedience to her as to his owne person, yea and performe whatsoever she ordeined and decreed: she caried herselfe with great moderation in her first commandements, to make triall of the pensioners and guard about her; and when she saw that [Page 1137] they gainsaid her in nothing, but were very diligent and serviceable; she commanded them to arrest and apprehend the body of Ninus the king, then to binde him fast, and finally to doe him to death. Al which when they had fully executed, she reigned indeed, & for a long time in great state and magnificence ruled all Asia. And was not Belestie I pray you a Barbarian woman, bought up even in the very market among other slaves? and yet those of Alexandria have cer­teine temples, chappels & altars, which king Ptolomaeus who was enamoured upon her, caused to be entituled by the name of Venus Belestie? And Phryne the famous courtensan, who both heere and also at Delphos is shrined in the same temple and chappell with Cupid, whose statue all of beaten gold standeth among those of kings and queenes; by what great dowry was it that she had all her lovers in such subjection under her? But like as these persons through their effeminate 10 softnesse and pusillanimity, became ere they were aware a very prey and pillage to such women: so on the other side, we finde others of base degree and poore condition, who being joined in mariage to noble & rich wives, were not utterly overthrowen with such matches, nor struck saile or abated ought of their generositie and high spirit, but lived alwaies loved and honored by those wives, yea and were masters over them to their dying day. But he that rangeth and redu­ceth his wife into a narrow compasse and low estate, as if one bent a ring to the slendernesse of his finger, for feare it should drop off, resembleth those for all the world, who clip and shave the maines of their mares, and plucke the haire off their tailes, and then drive them to water, into some river or poole: for it is said, that when they see themselves in the water so ill favouredly shorne and curtailed, they let fall their courage, stomacke, and hautie spirit, so as they suffer 20 themselves afterward to be covered by asses. And therefore like as to preferre the riches of a woman above her vertue, or to make choise thereof before nobility of birth were base and illi­berall: so to reject wealth joigned with vertue and noble parentage is meere folly. King Anti­gonus writing unto a captaine of his whom he put with a garison into the fortresse Munichia in Athens, the which he fortified with all diligence possible, commanded him not onely to make the collar and cheine strong, but the dogge also weake and leane: giving him thereby to under­stand, that he should empoverish the Athenians, and take from them all meanes whereby they might rebell or rise against him. But a man who hath taken to wife a rich and beautifull woman, ought not to make her either poore, or foule and ill-favoured; but rather by his discretion, good government & wisdome, and by making semblance that he is ravished with no admiration 30 of any thing that she hath, to beare himselfe equall unto her and in no wise subject, giving by his good demeanour and carriage a counterpeise to the balance for to hold her firme, or a waight rather to make her incline and bend that way which is good for them both. Now to re­turne unto Ismenodora, her yeeres are meet for mariage, and her person fitte for breeding and bearing children, and I heare say the woman is in the very floure and best of her time; for elder she is not (and with that he smiled upon Pisias) than any of her suters and corrivals, neither hath she any gray haires, as some of those that be affectionate to Bacchon and follow him. Now if they thinke themselves of a meet age to converse familiarly with him, what should hinder her but she should affect and fancie the yong mans person as well (if not better) as any yong maiden whatsoever. And verily these yong folke are otherwhiles hard to be matched, united and con­corporated 40 together, and much a doe there is but by long continuance of time, to cast aside and shake off wantonnesse and wildenesse: for at the first there is many a soule day and blustring tempest, and [...] will they abide the yoke and drawe together: but especially if there be any inkling or jelousie of other loves abroad, which like unto windes when the pilot is away do trou­ble and disquiet the wedlocke of such yoong persons as neither be willing to obey, nor have the skill to commaund. If it be so then, that a nourse can rule her little babe sucking at her pap; a schoolemaster the boy that is his scholar; a master of exercises, the yong springall; a lover, the youth whom he loveth; the law and the captaine, a man growen and him that is able to beare armes; insomuch as there is no person of what age soever without government, and at his owne libertie to doe what he list: what absurdity is it if a wife that hath wit and discretion, and is be­sides 50 the elder governe and direct the life of a yong man her husband? being as she is profitable unto him in regard she is the wiser, and besides milde and gentle in her government, for that she loveth him? Over and besides, to conclude, we all that are Boeotians (quoth he) ought both to honour Hercules, and also not to be offended with the mariage of those who are in yeeres une­quall, knowing as we doe that he gave his owne wife Megara being thirty three yeeres olde, in mariage to Iolaus being then but sixteene yeeres of age. As these words passed to and fro, there came (as my father made report) one of [...] companions galloping hard one horsebacke [Page 1138] from out of the city bringing newes of a very strange and wonderfull occurrent. For Ismenodo­ra, perswading her selfe (as probable it was) that Bacchon misliked not this mariage in his heart but that he held off, for the respect and reverence that he carried unto those who seemed to di­vert him from it, resolved, not to give over her suit, nor to cast off the yong men. Whereupon she sent for such of her friends, as were lusty yong and adventurous gallants, and withall her favourits those that wished well to her love: certaine women also who were inward with her and most trusty: and when she had assembled them all together in her house and communicated her mind unto them, she waited the very houre, when as Bacchon was wont ordinarily to passe by her dores, going well and orderly appointed forth to the publicke place of wrestling. Now when he approched nere unto her house all enhuiled and anointed as he was, accompanied only 10 with two or three persons, Ismenodora her selfe stepped forth of dores, crossed the way upon him and only touched the mandilion that he had about him: which signall being given, all at once her friends leapt forth & faire caught up this faire youth in his mandilion and dublet as he was, and gently caried him into her house, and immediatly shut the dores fast locked. No sooner had they gotten him within dores, but the women in the house turning him out of his upper mandi­lion aforesaid, put upon him a faire wedding robe, & with all the servants of the house ran up and downe, and adorned with ivie and olive branches the dores and gates not onely of Ismenodora but also of Bacchons house: and with that a minstrill wench also passed along through the street piping and singing a wedding song. As for the citizens of Thespiae and the strangers who were there at that time, some of them tooke up a laughter, others being angry and offended hereat, 20 incited the masters and governours of the publicke exercises (who indeed have great authority over the youth and carry a vigilent eie unto them, for to looke nerely unto all their behaviours) whereupon they made no account at all of the present exercises then in hand, but leaving the theater, to the dore they came of Ismenodora, where they fell into hot reasoning and debating of the matter one against another. Now when the said friend of Pisias was come in all haste ri­ding upon the spurre with this newes, as if he had brought some great tidings out of the campe in time of warre, he had no sooner uttered, panting for want of winde and in maner breathlesse, these words, Ismenodora hath ravished Bacchon, but Zeuxippus, as my father told the tale, laughed heartily, and out of Euripides (as he was one who alwaies loved to reade that Poet) pronounced this sentence: 30

Well done faire dame: you having wealth at will,
Are worldly wise, your minde thus to fulfill.

But Pisias, rising up in great choler, cried out, O the will of God, what will be the end of this li­centious libertie, which thus overthroweth our citie? seeing how all the world is growen alrea­dy to this passe, that through our unbrideled audaciousnesse, we doe what we list, and passe for no lawes? but why say I lawes, for haply it is but a ridiculous thing to take indignation for the transgressing of civill law and right: for even the very lawe of nature is violated by the insolent rashnesse of women. Was there ever the like example seene in the very isle Lemnos? Let us be gone (quoth he) goe we and quit from hence foorth the wrestling schooles, and publike place of exercises, the common hall of justice, and the senate house, and commit all to wo­men, 40 if the city be so inervate as to put up such an indignitie. So Pisias brake company and de­parted in these termes, and Protogenes followed after him, partly as angry as he, and in part ap­peasing & mitigating his mood a little. Then Anthemion: To say a trueth (quoth he) this was an audacious part of hers, and savouring somwhat of the enterprise of those Lemnian wives in old time, and no marvell; for we our selves know that the woman was exceeding amorous. Here­at Soclarus: Why thinke you (quoth he) that this was a ravishment indeed, and plaine force, and not rather a subtile devise and stratageme, as it were of a yong man himselfe, who hath wit at wil, to colour and excuse himselfe, in that escaping out of the armes of his other lovers, he is fallen into the hands of a faire, yoong and wealthie Ladie. Never say so (quoth Anthemion) nor in­terteine such an opinion of Bacchon: for say that he were not of a simple nature (as he is) and 50 plaine in all his dealings, yet would he never have concealed so much from me, considering that he hath made me privie to all his secrets, and knoweth full well that in these matters I was of all other most ready to second and set forward the sute of Ismenodora. But a hard matter it is to withstand not anger as Heraclitus saith, but love: for whatsoever it be that it would have, com­passe the same it will, though it be with the perill of life, though it cost both goods and reputa­tion. For setting this thing aside, was there ever in all our citie, a woman more wise, sober and modest than Ismenodora? when was there ever heard abroad of her, any evill report, and when [Page 1139] went there so much as a light suspition of any unhonest act out of that house? Certes we must thinke and say, that she seemes to have beene surprised with some divine instinct supernaturall and above humane reason. Then laughed Pemptides: You say even true (quoth he) there is a certeine great maladie of the bodie, which thereupon they call sacred: is there any marvell then that the greatest and most furious passion of the minde some do terme sacred and divine? But it seemes unto me, that it fares with you here, as I saw it did sometime with two neighbours in Ae­gypt, who argued & debated one with another upon this point, that whereas there was presented before them in the way as they went, a serpent creeping on the ground, they were resolved both of them, that it presaged good & was a luckie signe; but either of them tooke & challenged it to himselfe: for even so when I see that some of you draw love into mens chambers, and others in­to 10 womens cabinets, as a divine and singular good thing, I nothing wonder thereat, considering that this passion is growen to such power and is so highly honoured, that even those who ought to clip the wings thereof, and chace it from them of all sides, those be they that magnifie and [...] it most. And verily hitherto have I held my peace as touching this matter in question, for that I saw the debate and controversie was about a private cause rather than any publicke matter: but now that I see how Pisias is departed, I would gladly heare and know of you, whereat they ai­med and tended, who first affirmed that Love was a God? When Pemptides had propounded this question, as my father addressed himselfe and began to make his answere, there came ano­ther messenger in place, whom Ismenodora had sent from the citie, for to bring Anthemion with him; for that the trouble and tumult in maner of a sedition grew more and more within the 20 towne, by occasion that the two masters of the publicke exercises, were at some difference one with another, whiles the one was of this minde that Bacchon was to be redemanded and delive­red, the other againe thought that they were to deale no farther in the matter. So Anthemion arose incontinently and went his way with all speed and diligence possible: and then my father calling to Pemptides by name, and directing his speech unto him: You seeme Pemptides (quoth he) in my conceit, to touch a very [...] and nice point, or rather indeed to stirre a string that would not be stirred, to wit, the opinion and [...] that we have as touching the gods, in that you call for a reason and demonstration of them in particular. For the ancient faith and beleefe received from our ancients in the country where we are borne is sufficient, than which there can not be said or imagined a more evident argument: 30

For never was this knowledge found,
By wit of man or sense profound.

But this tradition being the base and foundation common to all pietie and religion, if the certi­tude and credit thereof received from hand to hand be shaken and mooved in one onely point, it becommeth suspected and doubtfull in all the rest. You have heard no doubt how Euripides was coursed and troubled for the beginning of his Tragoedie Menalippe, in this maner:

[...], &c.
Jupiter whose name I know
By heare-say onely and no mo.

And verily he had a great confidence in this Tragoedie, being as it should seeme magnificent­ly 40 and with exquisit elegancie penned: but for the tumultuous murmuring of the people, [...] changed the foresaid verses, as now they stand written:

[...], &c.
God Jupiter (which name in veritie
Doth sort full well to his [...] .)

And what difference is there by our words and disputation, betweene calling the opinion which we [...] of Jupiter and of [...] into question and making doubt of Cupid or Love? For it is not now of late, and never before, that this God begins to call for altars or to challenge sacrifi­ces: neither is he a stranger come among us from some barbarous superstition, like as certeine Attae and I wot not what Adonides and Adonaei, brought in by the meanes of some halfe-men or 50 mungrell Hermaphrodites and odde women; and thus being closely crept in, hath met with cer­teine honours and worships farre unmeet for him, in such sort as he may well be accused of ba­stardice and under a false title to have beene enrolled in the catalogue of the gods: for my good friend, when you heare Empedocles saying thus,

And equall to the rest in length and bredth, was Amitie;
[Page 1140] But see in [...] thou it beholde, not with deceitfull eie.

you must understand him, that he writeth thus of Love; for that this God is not visible, but ap­prehended onely by opinion and beleefe, among other Gods which are most ancient. Now if of all them in particular, you seeke for a proofe and demonstration, laying your hands upon echtemple, and making a sophisticall triall by every altar, you shall find nothing void and free from calumniation and envious slander: for not to go farre off, marke but these verses:

But Venus uneth can I see
How great a goddesse she should be:
Of Cupid she the mother is, 10
And she alone that Love doth give:
Whose children we (you wot wel this)
Are all, who on the earth do live.

And verily, Empedocles called her [...], that is to say, fertile or giving life: Sophocles, [...], that is to say, fruitfull: both of them using most fit and pertinent attributes. Howbeit, this great and admirable worke, to wit, Generation, is wrought principally and directly by Venus, but collaterally and as an accessary by Love: which if love be present, is pleasant & acceptable; con­trariwise, if love be away, and not assistent thereto, surely the act thereof remaineth altogether not expetible, dishonorable, without grace and unamiable. For the conjunction of man and woman without the affection of love, like as hunger and thirst which tend to nothing else but 20 satiety and fulnesse, endeth in nought that is good, lovely and commendable: but the goddesse Venus, putting away all lothsome satiety of pleasure, by the meanes of love, engendred amitie and friendship, yea and temperature of two in one. And herereupon it is that Parmentdes verily affirmeth love to be the most ancient worke of Venus, writing thus in his booke intituled Cos­mogenia, that is to say, the creation of the world.

And at the first she framed love
Before all other gods above.

But Hesiodus seemeth in mine opinion more physically to have made love more ancient than any other whatsoever, to the end that all the rest by it might breed and take beginning. If then we bereave this love of the due honours ordained for it, certes those which belong to Venus will 30 not keepe their place any longer. Neither can it be truely said that some men may wrong and reproch love, and forbeare withall to doe injurie unto Venus. For even from one and the same stage we doe here these imputations, first upon love:

Love idle is it selfe, and in good troth
Possesseth such like persons, given to sloth.

And then againe upon Venus:

Venus (my children) hath not this onely name
Of Venus or of Cypris: for the same
Answere right well to many an attribute,
And surname, which men unto her impute. 40
For hellshe is: and also violence
That never ends, but aie doth recommence
And furious rage, yong folke for to incense

Like as, of the other gods there is not one almost, that can avoid the approbrious tongue of un­lettered rusticity and ignorance. For do but consider and observe god Mars, who as it were in an Caldaean and Astronomicall table standeth in a place diametrally opposit unto love, [...] I say, what great honours men have yeelded unto him, and contrariwise what reprochfull termes they give him againe:

Mars is starke blinde and seeth not (faire dames) but like wilde bore, 50
By turning all things up side downe, works mischeife evermore.

Homer calleth him [...], that is to say, imbrued with blood and polluted with murders; likewise [...], that is to say, variable and leaping from one side to another. As for Chrysippus, by ety mologizing and deriving this gods name, fastneth upon him a criminous accusation, saying that [...], for so he is named, in Greeke, cometh of [...], that is to say to murder and destroy: [Page 1141] giving thereby occasion unto some, to thinke that the facultie and power in us, prone to warre, fight, debate, quarrell, anger, and fell stomacke, is called [...] , that is to say, Mars. Like as others also will say, that concupiscence in us, is termed Venus; our gift of speaking, Mercurie; skill in arts and sciences, Muses; and prudence, Minerva. See you not how deepe a pit and downe­fall of Atheisme and impietie is ready to receive and swallow us up, in case we range and distri­bute the gods according to the passions, powers, faculties and vertues that be in us?

I see it very well (quoth Pemptides:) but neither standeth it with pietie and religion, to make gods to be passions; nor yet contrariwise, to beleeue that passions be gods. How thinke you then (quoth my father) is Mars a god, or a passion of ours? Pemptides answered, That he thought him to be a god, ruling and ordering that part of our soule wherein is seated animosi­tie, 10 anger and manly courage. What Pemptides, cried out my father then, hath that turbulent, warring, overthwart and quarrelling part in us, a deitie to be president over it; and shall this that breedeth amity, societie and peace, be without a divine power to governe it? Is there indeed, a martiall and warlike god of armes, called thereupon Stratius and Enyalius, who hath the superin­tendance and presidence of mutuall murders wherein men kill and bekilled, of armour, wea­pons, arrowes, darts and other shot of assaults and scaling walles, of saccage, pillage and boo­ties? Is there never a god, to be a witnesse, guide, director and coadjutour of nuptiall affection and matrimoniall love, which endeth in unitie, concord and fellowship? There is a god of the woods and forests, named Agroteros, who doth aide, assist and encourage hunters, in chasing and crying after the roe-bucke, the wilde goat, the hare and the hart; and they who lie in secret 20 wait for to intercept woolves and beares in pitfalles, and to catch them with snares, make their praiers to Aristaeus,

Who first, as I have heard men say,
Did grinnes and snares for wilde beasts lay.

And Hercules when he bent his bowe, and was ready to shoot at a bird, called upon another god: and as Aeschylus reporteth,

Phoebus the hunter, directed by-and-by,
His arrow straight, as it in aire did fly.

And shall the man who [...] after the fairest game in the world, even to catch friendship and amitie, have no god nor demi-god, no angell to helpe, to favorise, and speed his enterprise and 30 good endevours? For mine owne part, my friend Daphnaeus, I take not man to be a more base plant or viler tree, than is the oake, the mulberie tree, or the vine which Homer honoureth with the name of Hemeris, considering that in his time and season he hath a powerfull instinct to bud and put foorth most pleasantly, even the beauty both of body and minde. Then (quoth Daph­naeus) who ever was there, before God, that thought or said the contrary? Who? answered my father: mary even all they verily, who being of opinion, that the carefull industrie of plowing, sowing and planting, apperteineth unto the gods:

For certaine Nymphs they have hight Driades
Whose life they say is equall with the trees.

And as Pindar us writeth, 40

God Bacchus who the pure resplendent light
Of Autumne is, and with his kinde influence
Doth nourish trees, and cause to graw upright,
And fructifie at length in affluence.

Yet for all this are not perswaded that the nouriture and growth of children, and yong folke, who in their prime and flour of age, are framed and shaped to singular beauty and feature of personage, belongeth to any one of the gods or demy gods. Neither by their saying, any deitie or divine power, hath the care & charge of man, that as he groweth he should shoot up streight, and arise directly to vertue; and that his naturall indument and generous ingenuity should be perverted, daunted and quelled, either for default of a carefull tutour and directour, or through 50 the leawd and corrupt behaviour of bad company about him. And verily were it not a shame­full indignity and ingratitude thus to say: and in this behalfe to drive God as it were from that bounty and benignity of his to mankinde, which being defused spred and dispersed over all, is defectious in no part, no not in those necessary actions and occasions, where of some have their end more needfull iwis many times than lovely or beautifull to see to. As for example, even our very birth at first, is nothing sightly at all nor pleasant, in regard of the bloud and bitter pangs that do accompany it, yet hath the same a goddesse to be the president & overseer there­of, [Page 1142] to wit Lucina, called thereupon Lochia and Ilithyta. Besides, better it were for a man never to have bene borne, than to become evill and naught, for want of a good governor and guardian. Moreovor the deitie and devine power, leaveth not man destitute when he is sicke, no nor when he is dead: but some God there is or other, that hath an office and function even then, and is powerfull in those occasions: there is one, I say, that helpeth to convey the soules of such as have ended their life, from hence into another world, and to lay them in quiet repose, who for bestowing and transporting of them in that sort is called Catunastes and Psychopompos accor­ding as he saith.

The shady night never bare
(The harps to sound) a fine musician: 10
Nor prophet secrets to declare:
Ne yet in cures a good phisitian:
But for the soules of dead, below,
In their due place, them to bestow.

And yet in these ministeries and functions many odious troubles and incombrances there be: whereas contrariwise there can be named no worke more holy, no exercise, game of price or profession of maisteries, whatsoeuer, whereof it beseemeth a god better, to have the dispose, pre­sidence and oversight, than is the charge and regard, to order and rule the desires of lovers, af­fecting and pursuing beautifull persons in the floure and prime of their age. For herein their is nothing foule, nothing forced not by constraint: but that gentle perswasion & attractive grace, 20 which yeelding in trueth a pleasant and sweet labor, leadeth all travell whatsoever unto vertue and amitie; which neither without a god can attaine unto the desired end which is meet and convenient, nor hath any other god, for the guide, master, and conductor, than Love which is the companion of the Muses graces and Venus;

For Cupid sowing secretly
In heart of man a sweet desire,
And heat of Love, immediatly
By kindling milde and gentle fire.

According as Menalippedes saith, tempereth the pleasantest things that be with those that are most faire and beautifull. How say you Zeuxippus, is it not so? Yes verily (quoth he) I am alto­gether 30 of that minde: for to hold the contrary were very absurd. Then (quoth my father a­gaine) and were it not as monstrous, that whereas amitie hath foure severall kindes and bran­ches, according as the ancient Philosophers haue divided it: The first in nature, then that of propinquity and locall affinity, the third of society, and the last this of love, every one of the rest should have a god to be the president and governour thereof, to wit, surnamed either [...], or [...], or [...], and [...], and this amorous amitie onely or love as accursed, in­terdicted and excommunicate, be left without a lord and ruler? considering that it requireth more care, solicitude and government than all the rest? It doth indeed (quoth Zeuxippus) and need it hath out of that which is strange but proper and familier, of the owne.

Moreover (quoth my father) a man may here take hold by the way of Plato his opinion and 40 doctrine to this purpose: to wit, that there is one kind of furie transmitted from the body to the soule proceeding from certaine indispositions and malignant distemperatures of ill humours, or else occasioned by some hurtfull winde or pernitious spirit that passeth and entreth into it, and this furie is a sharpe and dangerous disease. There is another not without some divine in­stinct: neither is it engendred at home and within us: but a strange inspiration it is, comming from without, a very alienation of reason, sense, and understanding, the beginning and motion whereof ariseth from some better power and a certaine divine puissance. And this passion in ge­nerall is named Enthusiasmus, as one would say, a divine inspiration. for like as, [...], in Greeke signifieth repletion with spirit or winde. And [...], that which is full of prudence and wit: Even so saith he an agitation and shaking of the soule is called [...] by the partici­pation 50 and society of some more heavenly and divine power. Now this enthusiasme is subdevi­ded: for one part thereof is propheticall, and can skill of foretelling naturall things, when one is inspired and possessed by Apollo. A second is Bacchanall sent from Bacchus whereof Sophocles speaketh in one place thus,

And see you dance.
With Corybants.

For those furies of dame [...] the mother of the gods, as also Panique & terrors frights hold [...] [Page 1143] of the Bacchenall sacred ceremonies. The third proceedeth from the Muses, which meeting with a tender and delicate soule, not polluted with vice, stirreth up and raiseth a poeticall spi­rit, and musicall humour: as for that raging and martiall Enthusiasme ( for Arinianius it is called) that furious inspiration breathing warre, is well knowen to every man, for to proceed from god Mars; a furie wherein there is no grace, no musicall sweetnesse, hindring the gene­ration and nourishment of children, and inciting people to take armes. There remaineth one alienation more of the understanding ô Daphnaeus, and an exstacie or transportation of mans spirit, and the same not obscure, nor quiet and calme: concerning which I would demand of Pemptides heere,

What god is he, that shakes the speare 10
In hand, which doth so faire fruit beare.

Even this ravishment of love, setled as well upon faire and goodboies, as honest and sober dames; which is the hottest and most vehement transportation of the minde: for see you not that even the very soldier and warrior himselfe, comming once to be surprised therewith, laide downe his armes presently, and cast off his warlike furie,

For then his servants joy did make,
And corselet from his shoulders take.

and himselfe having no more minde to battell, sat still looking upon others that fought. And as for these Bacchanail motions, these wanton skippings and frisks of the Corybantes, they use to appease and stay by changing, onely in dauncing of the measures, the foot Trochaeus into 20 Spondaeus; and in song, the Phrygian tune into the Dorique: semblably Pythia the priestresse of Apollo, being once come downe from her three footed fabricke, upon which she receiveth that incentive spirit of furie, remaineth quiet and in calme tranquillity: whereas the rage of love, after it hath once in good earnest caught a man, and set him on fire, there is no musicke in the world, no charme, no lenitive song, no change of place able to stay it: for amorous persons when they be present, doe love, if they be absent, doe long; in the day time they follow after their sweet hearts, by night they lie and watch at their doores; fasting and sober they call upon their faire paramours, full and drunken, they sing and chant of them: neither are poeticall fan­cies and inventions, as one sometimes said for their lively and effectuall expression, the dreams of persons waking; but rather this may be verified of lovers imaginations, who devise and talke 30 with their loves absent, as if they were present, they salute, embrace, chide, and expostulate with them, as if they saw them in place: for it seemeth that our ordinarie sight doth depaint o­ther imagination with liquid and waterish colours, which quickly passe away, are gone and de­parted out of our minds: but the fancies and visions of Lovers being imprinted in their cogita­tions by fire or enambled, leave in their memorie lively images surely engraved, which move, live, breath, speake, remaine and continue euer after; like as Cato the Romane said, that the soule of the lover lived & dwelt in the soule of the loved: for that there is setled sure in him the visage, countenance, manners, nature, life, and actions of the person whom he loveth, by which being led and conducted, he quickly dispatcheth and cutteth off a long jorney, as the [...], some read [...], that is, [...] Poets. Cynicks are wont to say, finding a short, compendious and directway unto vertue: for hee 40 passeth speedily from love to amity and friendship, being caried on end by the favour of this God of Love, with the instinct of his affection, as it were with winde and tide, with weather and water together: in summe, I say, that this enthusiasme or ravishment of lovers is not with­out some divine power, and that there is no other god to guide and governe it, than he whose feast we solemnize, and unto whom we sacrifice this very day: howbeit, for that we measure the greatnesse of a god by puissance especially & profit, according as among all humane goods, we holde roialty and vertue to be most divine, and so to call them. It is time now to consider first and formost, whether Love be inferior to any other god in power? And verily Sophocles saith:

Venus in power doth much availe,
To win a prise and to preuaile. 50

Great also is the puissance of Mars: and verily we see the power of all other gods to be after a sort divided in these matters two waies, the one is allective, and causeth us to love that which is beautifull and good, the other is adversative, and maketh us to hate that which is soule and bad, which are the first impressions, that from the beginning are engraven in our mindes, according as Plato in one place speaketh of the Idea. Let us now come to the point, and consider how the very act alone of Venus may be had for a groat or some such small piece of silver, neither was [Page 1144] there ever man knowen to endure any great travell, or to expose himselfe to any danger, for the enjoying of such a fleshly pleasure, unlesse he were amorous withall and love sicke. And to forbeare heere to name such curtisanes as Phryne and Lais were, we shall finde my good friend, that Gnathaenium the harlot,

At lanterne light in euening late,
Waiting and calling for some mate.

is many time passed by and neglected: but otherwhiles againe

If once some sudden spirit moove,
The raging fit of fervent love.

it maketh a man to prize and esteeme the foresaid pleasure which erewhile he reckoned nothing 10 woorth, comparable in value to all the talents as they say, of Tantalus treasure, and equall to his great seignorie and dominion; so enervate is the delight of Venus, and so soone bringeth it lothsome sacietie, in case it be not inspired with the power of love: which we may see yet more evidently by this one argument; namely, that therebe many men who will be content to part with others in this kind of venereous pleasure, yea, and can find in their harts to prostitute unto them not only their mistresses and concubines, but also their owne espoused wives; as it is reported of that Galba or Cabbas a Romane, who, if I doe not mistake, invited Maecenas upon a time unto his house, & feasted him; where perceiving how from him to his wife there passed some wanton nods and winkings, which bewraied that hee had a minde and fancie to her, he gently rested his head upon a pillow or cushion, making semblance as though he would take a 20 nap and sleepe, whiles they dallied together: in the meane time when one of the servants which were without spying his time, came softly to the table for to steale away some of the wine that stood there; avaunt unhappy knave (quoth Galba) being broad awake, and open eied, knowest thou not that I sleepe onely for Maecenas sake? But peradventure this was not so strange a mat­ter, considering that the said Galba was no better than one of the buffons or pleasants that pro­fesse to make folke merry and to laugh. I will tell you therefore another example: At Argos there were two of the principall citizens concurrents, and opposite one to the other in the go­vernment of the city, the one was named Philostratus, & the other Phaulius; now it fortuned up­on a time that king Philip came to the towne: and commonly thought it was, that Phaulius plot­ted and practised to atteine unto some absolute principallity and sovereignty in the city, by the 30 meanes of his wife, who was a yoong and beautifull ladie, in case he could bring her once to the kings bed, and that she might lie with him. Nicostratus smelling and perceiving as much, wal­ked before Phaulius doore and about his house for the nonce, to see what he would do: who in­deed having shod his wife with a paire of high shooes, cast about her a mantle or mandilion, and withall set upon her head a chaplet or hat after the Macedonian fashion, and dressed her every way like unto one of the kings pages; sent her secretly in that habit and attire unto his lod­ging. Now considering there hath beene in times past and is at this present such a number of amourous persons and lovers, have you ever read or knowen that any one of them hath beene the bawd to prostitute his owne love, though he might thereby have gained sovereigne majesty, and obteined the divine honours of Jupiter? I verily beleeve no: for why? there is not a person 40 dare quetch to contradict and oppose himselfe in government of State against the actions of princes and tyrants? But on the other side, corrivals they have and concurrents many in love, such as will not sticke to beard them in the question of faire, yong and beautifull persons, whom they affect and fancie. For it is reported that Aristogiton the Athenian, Antileon the Meta­pontine, and Menalippus of Agrigentum never contended nor contested with the tyrants, for all they saw them to waste and ruinate the common-weale, yea, to commit many [...] outrages; but when they began once to sollicit and tempt their paramors and loves, then they rose up as it were in the defence of their sacred temples and sanctuaries, then they stood against them even with the hazzard and perill of their lives. It is said, that king Alexander wrote unto Theodorus the brother of Proteas in this wise: Convey unto me that Musicall wench of thine, 50 that sings so daintily, and receive for her ten talents, which I send by this bearer; let me have her, I say, unlesse thou thy selfe be in love with her. When Antipatrides another of his minions, came in a maske on a time to his house, accompanied with a prety girle that plaied upon the psaltery, & sung passing well; Alexander taking great delight & contentment in the said damo­sell, demanded of Antipatrides, whether he were not himselfe enamoured of her. And when he answered, Yes verily, and that exceeding much. A mischiefe on thee (quoth he) leud varlet as [Page 1145] thou art, and the divell take thee: but the wench he absteined from, and would not so much as touch her. But marke moreover & besides, of what power, even in martiall feats of armes, Love is: Love I say, which is not (as saith Euripides)

Of nature slow, dull, fickle, inconstant,
Nor in soft cheeks of maidens resiant.

For a man that is possessed secretly in his heart with Love, needeth not the assistance of Mars when he is to encounter with his enemies in the field; but having a god of his owne with­in him, and presuming of his presence,

Most prest he is and resolute, to passe through fire and seas; 10
The blasts of most tempestuous windes, he cares not to appease.

And all for his friends sake, and according as he commandeth him. And verily, of those chil­dren, aswell sonnes as daughters, of lady [...] , who in a Tragoedie of Sophocles are represented to be shot with arrowes, and so killed, one there was, who called for no other to helpe and [...] her at the point of death, but onely her paramor, in this wise:

Oh that some god my Love would send,
My life to save, and me defend.

Ye all know I am sure, doe ye not? how and wherefore Cleomachus the Thessalian died in combat? Not I for my part (quoth Pemptides) but gladly would I heare and learne of you. 20 And it is a storie (quoth my father) worth the hearing and the knowledge. There came to aide the Chalcidians, at what time as there was hot warre in Thessalie against the Eretrians, this Cle­omachus: now the Chalcidians seemed to be strong enough in their footmen, but much adoe they had, and thought it was a difficult piece of service, to breake the cavallerie of their enemies, and to repell them. So they requested Cleomachus their allie and confederate, a brave knight, and of great courage, to give the first charge, and to enter upon the said men of armes. With that, he asked the youth whom he loved most entirely, and who was there present, whether he would beholde this enterprise, and see the conflict: and when the yong man answered Yea, and withall, kindly kissing and embracing him, set the helmet upon his head; Cleomachus much more hardy and fuller of spirit than before, assembled about him a troupe of the most valou­rous 30 hosemen of all the Thessalians, advanced forward right gallantly, and with great resolution set upon the enemies, in such sort, as at the very first encounter he brake the front, disarraied the men of armes, and in the end put them to flight. Which discomfiture, when their infante­rie saw, they also fled: and so the Chalcidians woon the field, and archieved a noble victorie. Howbeit, Cleomachus himselfe was there slaine, and the Chalcidians shew his sepulchre and monument in their Market place, upon which there standeth, even at this day, a mighty pillar erected. And whereas the Chalcidians before-time held this paederastie or love of yoong boies an in famous thing, they of all other Greeks ever after affected and honoured it most. But Aristotle writeth, that Cleomachus indeed lost his life after he had vanquished the Eretrians in battell: but as for him who was thus kissed by his lover, he saith that he was of Chalcis in Thrace, 40 sent for to aide those of Chalcis in [...] : and hereupon it commeth that the Chalcidians use to chant such a caroll as this:

Sweet boies, faire impes extract from noble race,
Endued besides with youth and beauties grace,
Envie not men of armes and bolde courage,
Fruition of your prime and flowring age:
For here aswell of Love and kinde affection,
As of prowesse, we all do make profession.

The lover was named Anton, and the boy whom he loved Philistus, as Dionysius the Poet writeth in his booke Or entitu­led [...] . of Causes. 50

And in our city of Thebes, ô Pemptides, did not one Ardetas give unto a youth whom he loved, a complet armour, the day that he was enrolled souldier, with the inscription of Ardetas his owne name? And as for Pammenes an amorous man and one well experienced in love mat­ters, he changed and altered the ordinance in battell of our footmen heavily armed, reprooving Homer as one that had no skill nor experience of love; for ranging the Achaeans by their tribes and wards, and not putting in array the lover close unto him whom he loveth: for this indeed had beene the right ordinance, which Homer describeth in these words:

[Page 1146]
The Morians set so close, and shield to shield
So iointly touch'd, that one the other held.

And this is the onely battalion and armie invincible. For men otherwhiles in danger abandon those of their tribe, their kindred also and such as be allied unto them: yea, and beleeve me, they forsake their owne fathers and children: but never was there enemie seene, that could passe through, and make way of evasion betweene the lover and his darling, considering that such, ma­ny times, shew their adventerous resolution in a bravery, and how little reckoning they make of life, unto them being in no distresse nor requiring so much at their hands. Thus Thero the Thessalian laying and clapping his left hand to a wall, drew forth his sword with the right, and cut off his owne thumbe, before one whom he loved, and challenged his corrivall to doe as much, 10 if his heart would serve him. Another chanced in fight to fall groveling upon his face, and when his enemie lifted up his sword to give him a mortall wound, he requested him to stay his hand a while untill he could turne his body, that his friend, whom he loved, might not see him wounded in his backe part. And therefore we may see, that not onely the most martiall and warlicke nations are most given to Love, to wit, the Boeotians, Lacedaemonians, and Candiots, but also divers renowmed princes and captaines, of olde time: as namely, Meleager, Achilles, Aristomenes, Cimon, Epaminondas. And as for the last named, he had two yong men whom he deerely loved, Asopicus and Zephiodorus, who also died with him in the field at Mantinea, and was likewise interred neere unto him. And when Asopicus became hereupon more terrible un­to his enemies, and most resolute, Euchnanus the Amphyssian, who first made head against him, 20 resisted his furie, and smote him, had heroique honors done unto him by the Phocaeans. To come now unto Hercules; hard it were to reckon and number his loves they were so many: But among others, men honour and worship to this day Iolaus, because they take him to have beene Hercules his derling, in so much as upon his tombe the manner is of lovers to take a corporall oth and assurance of reciprocall Love. Moreover it is reported of Apollo, that being skilfull in Physicke, he saved the life of Alcestis being desperatly sicke, for to gratifie Admetus, who as he loved her intirely being his wife, so he was as tenderly beloved of him. For the Poets doe fable, that Apollo, being inamoured, for pure Love,

Did serve Admetus one whole yeere
As one that his hir'd servant were. 30

And here it falleth out, in some sort well, that we have made mention of Alcestis: for albeit wo­men have ordinarily much dealing with Mars, yet the ravishment and furious fits of Love dri­veth them otherwhiles to enterprise somewhat against their owne nature, even to voluntarie death: and if the [...] fables are of any credit, and may goe currant for trueth, it is evident by such reports as goe of For Alcestis was reported to die for the love of [...] , & to save his life. Alcestis of Protesilaus, and Euridice the wife of Orpheus, that Pluto o­beieth no other god but onely Love, nor doth what they command. And verily howsoever in regard of all other gods, as Sophocles saith,

He cannot skill of equity, of favour and of grace.
But onely with him Iustice straight, and rigour taketh place. 40

Yet he hath good respect and reverence to lovers, and to them alone he is not implacable nor inflixible. And therefore a good thing it is, my friend, I confesse, to be received into the re­ligious confraternity of the Eleusinian mysteries: but I see that the votaries professed in Love, are in the other world in better condition accepted with Pluto: And this I say as one who nei­ther am too forward in beleeving such fables of Poets, nor yet so backward as to distrust and discredit them all: for I assure you they speake well, and by a certaine divine fortune and good hap they hit upon the trueth, saying as they do, that [...] but lovers returne from hell unto this light againe: but what way and how they wot not; as wandring indeed and missing of the right path, which plato of all men first by the meanes of philosophy found out and knew. And yet a­mong 50 the Aegyptians fables, there be certaine small slender and obscure shadowes of the truth, dispersed here an there. Howbeit they had need of an expert and well experienced hunter, who by small tracts knoweth how to trace and finde out great matters. And therefore let us passe them over.

And now that I have discoursed of the force and puissance of Love being so great as it ap­peareth, I come now to examine and consider the bountie and liberality thereof to mankinde, not whether it conferre many benefits upon them, who are acquainted with it, and make use [Page 1147] thereof (for notable they be and well knowen to all men) but whether it bringeth more and greater commodity to those that are studious of it, and be amorous? For Euripides, howsoever he were a great favourit of Love; yet so it is, that he promised and admired that in it, which of all others is least, namely when he said,

Love teacheth Musicke, marke when you will
Though one before thereof had no skill.

For he might as well have said, that it maketh a man prudent and witty, who before was dull and foolish; yea & valiant, as hath [...] said, who before was a coward; like as they that by putting into fire burning peeces of wood, make them firme and straight, where as they were before weake and tender: Semblably, every amorous person becommeth liberall and magnificent, al­though 10 he had, beene aforetime a pinching snudge: For this base avarice and micherie waxeth soft, and melteth by love, like as iron in the fire, in such sort, as men take more pleasure to give away and bestow upon those whom they love, than they doe, to take and receive of others. For yee all know well how Anytus the sonne of Anthenion was inamoured upon Alcebiades, and when he had invited certaine friends and guests of his unto a sumptuous and stately feast in his house, Alcibiades came thither in a maske to make pastime; and after he had taken with him one halfe of the silver cups that stood upon the boord before them, went his waies, which when the guests tooke not well, but said that the youth had behaved himselfe vere proudly and malipertly toward him. Not so (quoth Anytus) for he hath dealt very courteously with me, in that, when he might have gone away withall, he left thus much behinde for me. Zeuxippus taking ioy hereat: 20 O Hercules (quoth he) you want but a little of ridding quite out of my heart that hereditary ha­tred derived and received from our ancestors, which I have taken against Anytus, in the behalfe of Socrates and Philosophie, in case he were so kinde and courteous in his love. Be it so (quoth my father) but let us proceed: Love is of this nature, that it maketh men otherwise melancho­licke, austere, and hard to be pleased or conversed withall, to become more sociable, gentle and pleasant: for as ye know well enough,

More stately is that house in sight,
Wherein the fire burnes cleere and bright.

and even so, a man is more lightsome and jocund, when he is well warmed with the heat of love. But the vulgar sort of men are in this point somewhat perversly affected and beside all reason; 30 for if they see a flashing celestiall light in an house by night, they take it to be some divine appa­rition, and woonder thereat: but when they see a base, vile, & abject mind suddenly replenished with courage, libertie, magnificence, desire of honour, with grace, favour and liberality, they are not forced to say as Telemachus did in Homer:

Certes some god, I know full well,
Is now within, and here doth dwell.

And is not this also, quoth Daphnaeus, (tell me, I pray you, for the love of all the Graces) an ef­fect of some divine cause, that a lover who regardeth not, but despiseth in a maner all other things, I say not his familiar friends onely, his fellowes and domesticall acquaintance, but the lawes also and magistrates, kings and princes; who is afraid of nothing, admireth, esteemeth and 40 observeth nothing; and is besides so hardy, as to present himselfe before the flashing shot of piercing lightning, so soone as ever he espieth his faire love,

Like to some cocke of cravain [...] lets fall,
Or hangs the wing, and daunted is withall.

He droups I say, his courage is cooled, his heart is done, and all his animositie quailed quite. And heere it were not impertinent to the purpose, to make mention of Sappho among the Mu­ses. The Romans write in their history, that Cacus the sonne of Vulcane breathed and flashed flames of fire from his mouth. And in trueth the words that Sappho uttereth, be mixed with fire, and by her verses testifieth the ardent and flaming heat of her heart,

Seeking for love some cure and remedy 50
By pleasant sound of Muses melodie.

as Philoxenus writeth. But Daphnaeus, unlesse peradventure the love of Lysandra have made you to forget your olde sports and delights wherewith you were wont to passe the time away, call to minde (I beseech you) and rehearse unto us those sweet verses of faire Sappho, wherein she saith, that when her love came in her sight, she lost her voice presently, and was speechlesse, her bodie ran all over into colde sweats, she became pale and wan, she fell a trembling and quaking, her braines turned round, surprised she was with dizzinesse, and fell into a fainting fit of swowning.

[Page 1148]
Thrice happy do I holde that wight,
Who may est soones enjoy thy sight,
Of thy sweet voice to reape delight,
And pleasant smiles:
Which kindle in me such a fire,
That, as I them do much admire,
My heart they ravish, and desire
Transport the whiles.
Thy face no sooner doe I see,
But sudden silence comes on me; 10
My tongue strings all dissolved bee,
And speech quite gone:
Then, underneath my skin is spred
A firy flush of colour red;
With that mine eyes be darkened,
And sight yeeld none.
Mine eares also do buzze and ring,
And yet distinctly heare nothing;
Cold drops of swet run down trickling,
Or stand as dew: 20
My joints anon and sinewes shake,
My heart-root pants, my flesh doth quake;
And palenesse soone doth overtake
My former hew.
And thus full wan I do remaine,
As flower in house that long hath laine,
Or grasse in field, which wanting raine,
Doth quickly fade:
Untill at length in extasie,
Withouten sense and breath I lie; 30
As if death of me suddenly
Surprize had made.

When Daphnaeus had recited this sonet: Is not this (quoth my father, in the name of Jupiter I beseech you) a plaine possession of the minde by some heavenly power; is not this (I say) an evident motion and a very celestiall ravishment of the spirit? What furious passion was there ever so great and strong, that came upon the prophetesse Pythia, when she mounted that three­footed fabricke, from whence she delivered oracles? Who ever was there so farre transported and caried beside himselfe by the pipes and flutes of fanaticall persons supposed to be surprized by some divine spirit of furie, by the tabour and other strange ceremonies in the service of Cy­bele the mother of the gods? Many there be, that holde the same body, and looke upon the same 40 beautie; but the amourous person onely is caught and ravished therewith. What should be the reason of it? Certes, there is some cause thereof? Verily, when Menander sheweth it unto us, yet we learne it not, nor understand his meaning by these verses:

There is a maladie of the minde,
That it surpriseth fatally:
Who smitten is therewith, doth finde
Himselfe sore wounded inwardly.

And heereof is god Love the cause, who toucheth one, and spareth another. But that which ought indeed to have been spoken rather at the first,

Since now it comes into my minde, 50
And way out of my mouth would finde.

as Aeschilus saith, I thinke not good to overpasse in silence, being a matter of so great impor­tance. For of all things els (my good friend) in a maner, whereof we take knowledge, not by the ministerie of the five naturall senses; some there be, that came into credit (at the beginning) and authority, by fables; other, by lawes; and the rest, by doctrine and discourse of reason. Now the constant beleese and full perswasion of the gods, the first masters, teachers and authors alto­ther thereof, were Poets, Law givers, and in a third ranke, Philosophers, who all with one accord [Page 1149] jointly did set this downe as a verity, that Gods there be: howbeit, they are at great discord and variance, touching the number, order, nature, essence and power of them. For those whom the Philosophers acknowledge to be gods, are not subject to diseases, nor to age, neither know they what it is to fele paine or endure trauell:

Escape they doe the passage of the firth,
Of roaring Acheron, and live in joy and mirth.

And in that regard Philosophers admit not at all the Poeticall [...] and [...], that is to say, con­tentions and reconsiliations: they will not allow [...] and [...], to be gods, nor confesse them to be the sonnes of Mars: and in many points doe they differ also and dissent from law givers; as Xenophanes did, who said unto the Egyptians as touching Osiris: if you take him for a mor­tall 10 man, adore him not; if you account him an immortall god, lament not for him. Againe, the the Poets and law givers on the other side, deigne not, nor will abide so much as to heare those Philosophers who of certeine Idees, numbers, unities and spirits, make gods; neither can they possibly conceive and understand such doctrine. In summe, much variety there is & dissonance in their opinions, about this one point: but like as in old time there were three sects or factions in Athens, al adverse, opposite & malicious one unto the other, to wit, of the Paralli, the Epacrii, and Paediaei: yet notwithstanding, when they were assembled and met together in a generall councell, they gave all their voices and suffrages to Solon, and elected him with one common assent their peace-maker, their governour, and law giver, as one woorthy, without any question or doubt at all, to have conferred upon him the principality and highest degree of vertue and 20 honour: even so those three sects differing in opinion about the gods, and giving their voices some on this side, and others on that, and not willing to subscribe one unto another, nor easily receiving that which is otherwise delivered than by themselves, be all of one and the same minde as touching this one god Love; and him the most excellent Poets, the best Law givers, and the principall Philosophers, admit with one voice into the register and kalender of the gods, praising and extolling him highly in all their writings, and like as Alcaeus saith, That all the Mitylenaeans with one accord and generall consent, chose Pittacus for their soveraigne prince and tyrant; even so Hesiodus, Plato, and Solon, bring and conduct Love out of Helicon, into the Academie unto us, for our king, prince, and president, crowned and adorned gaily with garlands and chaplets of flowers, honored also, and accompanied with many shackles and 30 couples professing amitie and mutuall societie: not such as Euripides saith:

With fetters bound and tied was,
Farre stronger than of iron and brasse.

Linking them by a cold, heavy, and massie chaine of need and necessitie, as a colourable vaile and pretence to shame and turpitude; but such as are caried by winged chariots unto the most goodly and beautifull things in the world, whereof others have treated better and more at large. When my father had thus said: See you not (quoth Soclarus) how being fallen now againe, the second time into one and the same matter, you forced your selfe to turne away from it, I wot not how, avoiding to enter into this holy discourse, and (if I may be so bold to say what I thinke) shifting off unjustly to pay the debt, which you have promised us? for having ere while by the 40 way, and against your will made some little mention of the Aegyptians and of Plato; you passed them over then, and even so doe you at this present: as for that which Plato hath written, or ra­ther these Muses heere have by him delivered, I know well you will say nothing thereof; al­though we should request and pray you to doe it: but for that you have covertly signified thus much, that the mythologie or fables of the Aegyptians accord sufficiently with the doctrine of the Platonikes concerning Love: it were against all reason that you should refuse to discover, reveale, and declare it unto us: and content will we be, in case we may heare but a little of such great and important matters. Now when the rest of the companie instantly intreated likewise; my father began againe and said: That the Aegyptians like as the Greeks, acknowledge two kindes of Love, the one vulgar, the other celestiall: they beleeve also that there is a third beside, 50 to wit, the sunne; and Venus above all they have in great admiration; as for us we see a great af­finity and resemblance betweene Love and the sunne; for neither of them both is (as some doe imagine) a materiall fire, but the heat of the one and the other is milde and generative; for that which proceedeth from the sunne, giveth unto bodies nouriture, light, and deliverance from cold winter; that which commeth from the other worketh the same effects in soules: and as the sunne betweene two clouds, and after a foggy mist breaketh foorth most ardent: even so Love after anger, fallings out, and fits of jealousie; upon attonement and reconciliation made be­tweene [Page 1150] Lovers, is more pleasant and fervent: and looke what conceit some have of the sunne, that it is kindled and quenched alternatiuely, namely, that every evening it goeth out, and eve­ry morning is lighted againe: the same they have of Love, as being mortall, corruptible, and not permanent in one estate: moreover, that habite or constitution of the body which is not exercised and inured to endure both cold and heat, can not abide the sunne; no more can that nature of the soule which is not well nurtured and liberally taught, be able to brooke Love, without some paine and trouble; but both the one and the other is transported out of order, yea and indisposed or diseased alike, laying the weight upon the force and power of Love, and not upon their owne impuissance and weaknesse: this onely seemeth to be the difference betweene them; that the sunne exhibiteth and sheweth unto those upon the earth who have their eie­sight, 10 things beautifull and foule indifferently; whereas Love is the light that representeth faire things onely, causing lovers to be lookers of such alone, and to turne toward them; but contra­riwise to make none account of all others. Furthermore, they that attribute the name of Venus to the earth, are induced thereto by no similitude nor proportion at all; for that Venus is divine and celestiall, but the region wherein there is a mixture of mortall with immortall, is of it selfe feeble, darke, and shadie, when the sunne shineth not upon it; like as Venus, when love is not as­sistant unto it: and therefore more credible it is, that the moone should resemble Venus, and the sunne Love, rather than any other god; yet are not they therefore all one, because the body is not the same that the souleis, but divers; & like as the sunne is sensible & visible; but Love spi­rituall and intelligible: and if this might seeme a speech somewhat harsh, a man might say, that 20 the sunne doeth cleane contrary unto Love, for that it diverteth our understanding from the speculation of things intelligible unto the beholding of objects sensible, in abusing and decei­ving it by the pleasure and brightnesse of the sight, perswading it to seeke in it, and about it, as all other things; so trueth it selfe, and nothing else where, being ravished with the Love thereof,

For that we see it shine so faire
Vpon the earth, amid the aire.

according as Euripides saith, and that for want of knowledge and experience of another life, or rather by reason of forgetfulnesse of those things which Love reduceth into our memorie. For like as when we awake in some great and resplendent light, all nightly visions and apparitions va­nish 30 away and depart, which our soule saw during sleepe: even so it seemeth that the sunne doeth astonish the remembrance of such things as heere happen and chance in this life; yea, and to bewitch, charme, and enchant our understanding, by reason of pleasure and admiration, so as it forgetteth what it knew in the former life: and verily there is the true & reall substance of those things; but heere apparitions onely, by which our soule in sleepe admireth, and embra­ceth that which is most beautifull, divine, and woonderfull: but as the Poet saith;

About the same are vaine illusions,
Dreames manifold, and foolish visions.

And so the mind is perswaded that all things heere be goodly and precious, unlesse haply by good adventure it meet with some divine, honest, and chaste Love for to be her Physicion and 40 savior; which passing from the other world by things corporall, may conduct and bring it to the truth, and to the pleasant fields thereof, wherein is seated and lodged, the perfect, pure, and naturall beautie, not sophisticate with any mixture of that which is counterfet and false; where they desire to embrace one another, and to commune together as good friends, that of long time have had no interview nor entercourse, assisted alwaies by Love, as by a Sextaine, who leadeth by the hand those that are professed in some religion, shewing unto them all the holy reliques and sacred ceremonies one after another. Now when they be sent hether againe, the soule by it selfe can not come neere and approch thereto, but by the organe of the body: and like as, because yoong children of themselves are not able to comprehend intelligible things; therefore Geometricians put into their hands visible and palpable formes, of a substance incor­porall 50 and impassible, to wit, the representations of sphaeres, cubes, or square bodies, as also those that be dodecaedra, that is to say, having twelve equall faces: even so the celestiall Love doth present and shew unto us, faire mirrors to behold therein beautifull things, howbeit mortall, thereby to admire such as be heavenly and divine; sensible objects, for to imagine thereby those that be spirituall and intelligible. These be the severall favors and beauties, faire colours, pleasant shapes, proportions and features of yoong persons in the floure of their age; which shining and glittring as they doe, gently excite and stirre up our memorie, which by little and [Page 1151] little at the first is enflamed thereby: whereby it commeth to passe that some through the folly of their friends and kinsfolke, endevoring to extinguish this affection and passion of the minde, by force, and without reason, have enjoied no benefit thereof, but either filled themselves with trouble and smoke, or else running with their heads forward, into beastly and filthy pleasures, pined away and were consumed. But such as by wise and discret discourse of reason, accompa­nied with honest and shamefast modestie, have taken from Love the burning furious and firie heat thereof, and left behinde in the soule a splendeur and light, together with a moderate heat (and not a boiling agitation thereof, stirring, as one said, a slippery motion of the seed, when as the atomes of Epicurus by reason of their smoothnesse and tickling are driven together) which causeth a certeine dilatation, woonderfull degenerative, like as in a plant or tree, which putteth 10 foorth leaves, blossomes, and fruit; for that she receiveth nutriment, because the pores and passages of docilitie, obedience and facilitie, to be perswaded by enterteining gently good ad­monitions and remonstrances be open, such I say within a small time pierce farther, and passe beyond the bodies of those whom they Love, entring as farre as into their soules, and touch their towardnesse, their conditions and manners, reclaiming their eies from beholding the bo­die, and conversing together by the communication of good discourses, behold one another by that meanes; provided alwaies that they have some marke and token of true beautie imprint ted within their understanding; which if they cannot finde, they forsake them, and turne their Love unto others, after the maner of bees, which leave many greene leaves and faire floures, because they can gather out of them no hony; but looke when they meet with any trace, any 20 influence, or semblance of divine beauty smiling upon them, then being ravished with delight and admiration, and drawing it unto them, they take joy and contentment in that which is tru­ly amiable, expetible, and to be embraced of all men.

True it is that Poets seeme to write the most part of that which they deliver as touching this god of Love, by way of meriment, and they sing of him as it were in a maske; and little [...] they speake in good earnest touching the very truth, whether it be upon judgement and reason, or some divine instinct and inspiration: as for example among other things, that which they give out concerning the generation of this god, in this maner:

Dame Iris with faire winged shoes, and golden yellow haire, 30
Conceived by sir Zephyrus, the mightiest god did beare.

Unlesse it be so that you also are perswaded by the Grammarians, who holde that this fable was devised to expresse the variety and gay [...] , as it were of sundry colours represented in this passion of Love. For, what else should in respect (quoth Daphnaeus.) Listen then said my father, and I will tell you. Forced we are, by manifest evidence to beleeve, that when we behold the rainbow, it is nothing else but a reflexion of raies and beames, which our eies suffer, when our sight falling upon a cloud somwhat moist but even & smooth withall and of an indifferent and meane [...]. thickenesse, meeteth with the Sunnebeames, and by way of repercussion seeth the ra­diant raies thereof, and the shining light about it, and so imprinteth in our mind this opinion, 40 that such an apparition indeed is settled upon the clowd. And even such is the sophisticall de­vice and subtile invention of that in the generous and toward minds of gentle lovers, it causeth a certaine reflexion of memorie, from beauties appearing here, and so called, in regard of that divine, lovely indeed, blessed and admirable beautie. Howbeit the common sort, pursuing and apprehending the image onely thereof, expressed in faire persons, as well boies as yong damo­sels, as it were in mirrors, can reape no fruit more certaine and assured than a little pleasure min­gled with paine among; which is nothing else as it seemeth, but the error and wandring dizzi­nesse or conceit of most folke, who in clowds and shadowes seeke and hunt after the content­ment of their lust and desire: much like unto yong children who thinke to catch the rainbow in their hands, being drawen and allured thereto by the deceitfull shew presented to their eies. 50 Whereas the true lover indeed, who is honest and chast, doth farre otherwise: for he lifteth up his desire from thence to a divine, spirituall and intelligible beauty: and whensoever he meeteth with the beauty of a visible bodie, he useth it as the instrument onely of his memorie, he imbra­ceth and loveth it: by conversing also with it ioifully, & with contentment, his understanding is more and more inflamed. Such amorous persons as these, whiles they hant these bodies here, neither rest so sitting still, in a desire and admiration of this cleare beautie: nor when they are [Page 1152] come thither after their death, returne they hither againe as fugitives, for to hover and keepe a­bout the dores, chambers and cabinets of yong maried wives, which are nothing else but vaine dreames and illusions appearing to sensuall men and women given overmuch to voluptuous pleasures of the body, and such as untruely be called lovers. For he, who intrueth is amorous, and is thither come where true beauties are, and converseth with them, as much as it is possible and lawfull for a man to doe, is winged anon, mounteth up on high, he is purified and sanctified, continually abiding resident above, dauncing, walking and disporting alwaies about his god, un­till he come backe again into the greene and faire meddowes of the Moone and of Venus, where, being laid a sleepe, he beginneth to receive a regeneration and new nativity. But this is an high­er point and deeper matter, than we have undertaken at this present to discourse upon. To re­turne 10 therefore unto our love, this propertie also it hath, like as all other gods, according to Eu­ripides,

To take great joy and much content,
When men with honors him prosent.

And contrariwise, he is no lesse displeased, when abuse or contempt is offered unto him. For most kinde and gracious he is unto them that receive and intertaine him courteously: and a­gaine as curst and shrewd to those who shew themselves stiffe-necked and contumacious unto him. For neither Jupiter surnamed Hospitall, is so ready to chastice and punish wrongs done unto guests and suppliants, nor Jupiter Genetal so forward to prosecute & accomplish the curses and execrations of parents, as love quickly heareth the praiers of those lovers who are unthank­fully 20 requited by their loves, being the punisher of proud, rude, and uncivill persons. For what should one speake of Euchcyntus and Leucomantis, her I meane, who even at this day is cal­led in Cypres, Paracyptusa? And peradventure you have not heard of the punishment of Gorgo in Candia, who was served much after the maner of the said Paracyptusa, save onely that she was turned into a stone, when she would needs looke out at a window, and put forth her body to see the corps of her lover enterred. But of this Gorgo there was somtime one inamoured, whose name was Asander, a yoong gentleman, honest, and of good parentage descended, who having beene before time of worshipfull and wealthy estate, was decaied much and brought to poverty: howbeit his minde a bated not so withall, that he thought himselfe unworthy of the best fortune that might be. Whereupon he sued unto this Gorgo a kinsewoman of his, by way of mariage, 30 notwithstanding that for her goods and riches she was much sought unto & wooed by many o­thers: and albeit he had divers great and wealthy competitors and corrivals, yet he had wrought and gained all the guardians, tutours and neerest kinsfolke of the damosell to serve his suit. * * * * * * * * * * Here there is a great defect and breach in the originall. * * * * * * * * *

Moreover those things which are named to be the causes that engender Love, be not proper and peculiar to the one sex or to the other, but common to them both. For those images 40 which from without perce and enter into amorous persons, according to the Epicureans opi­nion, running to and fro, stirring and tickling the masse of the whole body, gliding and flowing into the genetall seed, by certaine other dispositions of the atomes, it cannot be that they should so doe from yong boies, and impossible altogether from women: unlesse also these faire and sa­cred recordations we call and referre unto that divine, true and celestiall beautie, according to the Platoniques, by the meanes of which rememorations as with wings the soule is mounted and carried up. What should hinder then, but that such recordations may passe as well from yong boies as damosels or women? especially when as we see a good nature, thast and honest, appeare iointly in the flower of favour and beauty, like as, according to Aristotle, a straight and well fashioned shoe, sheweth the good sorme and proportion of the foot: which is as much to 50 say, as when under beautifull faces and in neat and faire bodies, they, who are skilfull in the knowledge and iudgement of such things, perceive the cleare and evident traces of a sincere minde not corrupt nor counterfait. For it is no reason that a voluptuous person being deman­ded this question,

For wanton Love how stands thy minde?
To male more, or to female kinde?

[Page 1153] and answering,

Both hands are right with me where [...] is,
Neither of twaine to mee can come a misse.

Should seeme to have made fit and pertinent answere according to his owne carnall concupi­scence: and that an honest and generous person should not direct his affections to the beautiful and toward disposition of a youthes nature, but to the naturall parts that make difference of sex. Certes he that loveth horses and is skilfull in good horsmanship, will love no lesse the generosi­ty and swiftnesse of the horse Podergus, then of Aetha the mare of Agamemnon. And the hunts­man, taketh not pleasure onely to have good doggs and hounds of the male kinde, but also kee­peth the braches and bithes of Candie and Laconia. And shall he who loveth the beauty and 10 sweet favour of mankind, not be indifferently affected both to the one sex and to the other, but make a difference as in divers garments, betweene the love of men and women? And verily men say, that beauty is the flower and blossome of vertue. Now to say, that the ferminine sex doth not flower at all, nor shew any apparence and token of a good and towardly disposition to vertue, were very absurd: for Aeschylus went to the purpose, when he wrote these verses:

Adamsell yoong, if she have knowen and tasted man once carnally,
Her eie doth it bewray anon, it sparkles fire suspiciously.

Go to then: are there evident marks & signes to be seene upon the visages of women, to testifie 20 a malapert, bold, wanton, and corrupt nature; and contrariwise, shall there be no light shining in their faces, to give testimony of their modestie and pudicitie? Or rather, shall there be divers demonstrative evidences in many of them, but yet such as will not stirre up and provoke any person to love them? Surely it is neither so nor so; there is no trueth nor probabilitie in any of them both: but every thing is common indifferently, aswell in the one sex as the other, as we have shewed. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Here also there is another want in the originall. 30 * * * * * * * * * * *

O Dapbnaeus, let us impugne and confute those reasons, whereupon Zeuxippus [...] dis­coursed, supposing that Love is all one with concupiscence, which is disordinate, and leadeth the soule into all loosenesse and dissolution. And yet do I not thinke, that he is so perswaded in­deed, and of that beliefe; but for that he hath heard often times odious persons, and such as have no lovelinesse in them, so to say: of whom, some holde under their hands, and have at com­mand, poore silly women, whom they have gotten for some petie dowries sake, and whom toge­ther with their moneys they put to the managing of domesticall affaires, and to make base, vile, and mechanicall accounts, quarrelling and brawling with them every day; and others againe, having more minde and desire to get children, than to love espoused wives, like unto grashop­pers, 40 which cast their seed upon squilles, sea onions, or such like herbs, having discharged their lust in all the haste upon any body that first comes in their way, and reaped the fruit onely that they sought for, bid mariage farewell, and make no farther account of their wedded wives, or if they tary and stay with them still, they regard them no more than their olde shoes, making no count either to love them, or to be loved reciprocally of them. And verily, [...] and [...], which signifie, to love and to be loved againe dearely, which differ but in one letter from the verbe [...], that is to say, to conteine and holde together, seeme unto me at the first sight, direct­ly to import and shew a mutuall benevolence, by long time and acquaintance tempered with a kinde of necessity. But looke what person soever love setleth upon in mariage, so as he be inspi­red once therewith; at the very first, like as it is in Platoes Common-wealth, he will not have 50 these words in his mouth, Mine and Thine: for simply all goods are not common among all friends, but those only who being [...] apart in body, conjoine and colliquate, as it were per­force, their soules together, neither willing nor beleeving that they should be twaine, but one: and afterwards by true pudicity and reverence one unto the other, whereof wedlocke hath most need. As [...] that which commeth from without, carying with it more force of lawe, than vo­luntary obsequence and reciprocall duty, and that in regard of feare and shame,

[Page 1154]
A piece of worke, that needs the guide
Of many bits and helmes beside.

requireth alwaies to have ready at hand a carefull regard among those that are coupled in ma­trimonie: whereas in true love there is so much continency, modesty, loyalty and faithfulnesse, that although otherwhile it touch a wanton and lascivious minde, yet it diverteth it from other lovers, and by cutting off all malapert boldnesse, by taking downe and debasing insolent pride and untaught stubburnesse, it placeth in lieu thereof, modest bashfulnesse, silence and taci­turnity; it adorneth it with decent gesture, and seemly countenance, making it for ever after o­bedient to one lover onely. Ye have heard (I am sure) of that most famous and renowmed courtisan Lais, who was courted and sought unto by so many lovers, and ye know well, how she 10 inflamed and set on fire all Greece with the love and longing desire after her; or to say more tru­ly, how two seas strave about her? how after that the love of Hippolochus the Thessalian had sea­sed upon her, she quit and abandoned the mount Acrocorinthus,

Seated upon the river side,
Which with greene waves by it did glide.

as one writeth of it; and flying secretly from a great army as it were of other lovers, she retired herselfe right decently within Megalopolis unto him; where other women upon very spight, envie and jelousie, in regard of her surpassing beautie, drew her into the temple of Venus, and stoned her to death: whereupon it came, as it should seeme, that even at this day they call the said temple, The temple of Venus the murderesse. We our selves have knowen divers yoong 20 maidens, by condition no better than slaves, who never would yeeld to lie with their master; as also sundry private persons of meane degree, who refused, yea, and disdained the companie of queenes, when their hearts were once possessed with other love, which as a mistresse had the ab­solute command thereof. For like as at Rome, when there was a Lord Dictatour once chosen, all other officers of State and magistrates valed bonet, were presently deposed, and laied downe their ensignes of authority; even so those, over whom Love hath gotten the mastery and rule, incontinently are quit, freed and delivered from all other lords and rulers, no otherwise than such as are devoted to the service of some religious place. And in trueth an honest and vertu­ous dame, linked once unto her lawfull spouse by unfained love, will sooner abide to be clipped, clasped and embraced by any wolves and dragons, than the contrectation and bed fellowship of 30 any other man whatsoever but her owne husband. And albeit there be an infinit number of ex­amples among you here, who are all of the [...], [...] [...]. same countrey, and professed associats in one dance with this god Love; yet it were not well done to passe over in silence the accidents which befell unto Camma the Galatian lady. This yong dame being of incomparable beauty, was maried un­to a tetrarch or great lord of that countrey named Sinnatus; howbeit, one Synorix the mightiest man of all the Galatians was enamoured upon her: but seeing that he could not prevaile with the woman neither by force and perswasion, so long as her husband lived, he made no more ado but murdred him. Camma then having no other refuge for her pudicity, nor comfort and ease­ment of her hearts griefe, made choise of the temple of Diana, where she became a religious vo­tary, according to the custome of that countrey. And verily the most part of her time she be­stowed 40 in the worship of that goddesse, and would not admit speech with any [...] , many though they were, and those great personages, who sought her mariage: but when Synorix had made meanes very boldly to aske her the question, and to sollicite her about that point, she see­med not to reject his motion, nor to expostulate and be offended for any thing past, as if for pure love of her, and ardent affection, and upon no wicked and malicious minde unto Sinnatus, he had beene induced to do that which he did: and therefore Synorix came confidently to treat with her and demand mariage of her: she also for her part came toward the man kindly, gave him her hand, and brought him to the altar of the said goddesse; where after she had made an offring unto Diana, by powring forth some little of a certeine drinke made of wine & hony, as it should seeme, empoisoned, which she had put into a cup, she began unto Synorix, & dranke up 50 the one [...] of it, giving the rest unto the said Galatian for to pledge her. Now when she saw that he had drunke it all off, she fetched a grievous grone, and brake forth aloud into this speech, naming withall her husband that dead was: My most loving and deere spouse (quoth she) I have lived thus long without thee in great sorow and heavinesse expecting this day; but now receive me joifully (seeing it is my good hap to be revenged for thy death upon this most wicked and ungratious wretch) as one most glad to have lived once with thee, and to die now with him. As [Page 1155] for Synorix, he was caried away from thence in a litter, and died soone after; but Camma having survived him a day and a night, died by report most resolutely and with exceeding joy of spirit. Considering then, that there be many such like examples, aswel among us here in Greece, as the Barbarians, who is able to endure those that reproch and revile Love, as if being associate and assistant to love, she should hinder amitie? whereas contrariwise, the company of male with male, a man may rather terme intemperance and disordinate lasciviousnesse, crying out upon it in this maner:

Grosse wantonnesse or filthie lust, it is
Not Venus faire that worketh this.

And therefore such filths & baggages as take delight to suffer themselves voluntarily thus to be 10 abused against nature, we reckon to be the woorst and most flagitious persons in the world; no man reposeth in them any trust, no man doth them any jote of honor and reverence, nor vouch­safeth them woorthy of the least part of friendship: but in very trueth, according to Sophocles,

Such friends as these, men are full glad and joy when they be gone:
But whiles they have them, wish and pray, that they were rid anone.

As for those, who being by nature leaud and naught, have beene circumvented in their youth, aad forced to yeeld themselves and to abide this villany and abuse, al their life after, abhorre the sight of such wicked wantons, and deadly hate them, who have bene thus disposed to draw them 20 to this wickednesse; yea, and ready they are to be revenged, and to pay them home at one time or other, whensoever meanes and opportunity is offered: for upon this occasion Cratenas killed Archelaus, whom, in his flower of youth he had thus spoiled: as also Pytholaus slew Alexander the tyrant of Pherae. And Pertander the tyrant of Ambracia demanded upon a time of the boy whom he kept, whether he were not yet with childe: which indignity the youth tooke so to the heart, that he slew him outright in the place: whereas, with women, and those especially that be espoused and wedded wives, these be the earnest penies as it were and beginnings of amity, yea, & the very obligation and society of the most sacred & holiest ceremonies. As for fleshly plea­sure it selfe, the least thing it is of all other: but the mutuall honour, grace, dilection and fidelity that springeth and ariseth from it daily, is highly to be reckoned and accounted of: and there­fore 30 neither can the Delphians be noted for follie, in that they terme Venus [...], that is to say, a chariot; by reason of this yoke-fellowship: nor Homer, in calling this conjunction of man and wife, [...], that is to say, amity and friendship. Solon likewise is deemed by this, to have beene an excellent law-giver, and most expert in that which concerneth mariage; when he decreed expresly, that the husband should thrice in a moneth at the least embrace his wife and company in bed with her; not for carnall pleasures sake, (I assure you) but like as cities and states use, after a certeine time betweene, to renew their leagues and confederacies one with another, so he would have that the alliance of mariage should eftsooones be enterteined anew by such solace and delectation, after jarres, which otherwhiles arise and breed by some bone cast betweene. Yea, but there be many enormious and furious parts, will some one say, that are plaied by such 40 as are in love with women. And be there not more (I pray) by those that are enamoured upon boies? do but marke him who uttereth these passionate words:

So often as these eies of mine behold
That beardlesse youth, that smooth and lovely boy,
I faint and fall: then wish I him to hold
Within mine armes, and so to die with joy:
And that on tombe were set where I do lie,
An Epigram, mine end to testifie.

But as there is a furious passion in some men doting upon women, so there is as raging an affec­tion in others toward boies, but neither the one nor the other is love. Well, most absurd it 50 were to say that women are not endued with other vertues: for what need we to speake of their temperance and chastity, of their prudence, fidelity and justice: considering that even fortitude it selfe, constant confidence and resolution, yea and magnaminity, is in many of them very evi­dent. Now to holde, that being by nature not indisposed unto other vertues, they are untoward for amitie onely and frendship, (which is an imputation laid upon them) is altogether beside all reason. For well knowen it is that they be loving to their children and husbands: and this their [Page 1156] naturall affection, is like unto a fertile field or battell soile, capable of amitie, not unapt for per­swasion, nor destitute of the Graces. And like as Poesie having sitted unto speech song, meeter and thime as pleasant spices to aromatize and season the same, by meanes whereof, that profita­ble instruction which it yeeldeth, is more attractive and effectuall, as also the danger therein more inevitable: Even so nature, having endued a woman with an amiable cast and aspect of the eie, with sweet speech, and a beautifull countenance; hath given unto her great meanes, if she be lascivious and wanton, with her pleasure to decive a man, and if she be chaste and honest, to gaine the good will and favour of her husband. Plato gave counsell unto Xenocrates an excel­lent Philosopher, and a woorthy personage otherwise, howbeit in his behavior exceeding soure and austere, to sacrifice unto the Graces: and even so a man might advise a good matron, 10 and sober dame, to offer sacrifice unto Love, for his propitious favour unto mariage, and his residence with her, and that her husband, by her kind loving demeanour unto him, may keepe home, and not seeke abroad to some other, and so be forced in the end to breake out into such speeches as these out of the Comoedie:

Wretch that I am, and man unhappy I
So good a wife to quit with injury.

For in wedlocke, to love, is a better and greater thing by farre, than to be loved; for it keepeth folke from falling into many faults & slips, or to say more truly, it averteth them from all those inconveniences which may corrupt, marre, & ruinate a mariage: as for those passionate affecti­ons, which in the beginning of matrimoniall love moove fittes, somewhat poinant and biting, 20 let me entreat you (good friend Zeuxippus) not to feare, for any exulceration or smart itch that they have, although to say a trueth, it were no great harme if haply by some little wound, you come to be incorporate and united to an honest woman; like as trees that by incision are en­graffed and grow one within another: for when all is said, is not the beginning of conception a kinde of exulceration; neither can there be a mixture of two things into one, unlesse they mutually suffer one of the other, & be reciprocally affected. And verily, the Mathematical rudi­ments which children be taught, at the beginning trouble them, even as Philosophie also at the first is harsh unto yong men: but like as this unpleasantnesse continueth not alwaies with thē, no more doeth that mordacity sticke still among lovers. And it seemeth that Love at the first resembleth the mixture of two liquors, which when they begin to incorporate together, boile 30 and worke one with another: for even so Love seemeth to make a certaine confused tract and ebullition; but after a while that the same be once setled and throughly clensed, it bringeth unto Lovers a most firme and assured habit: and there is properly that mixtion and tempera­ture which is called universall, and thorough the whole: whereas the love of other friends con­versing and living together, may be very well compared to the mixtion which is made by these touching and interlacings of atomes, which Epicurus speaketh of; and the same is subject to ruptures, separations, and startings a sunder: neither can it possibly make that union which ma­trimoniall love and mutuall conjunction doeth: for neither doe there arise from any other Loves greater pleasures, nor commodities more continually one from another, ne yet is the benefit and good of any other friendship so honorable or expetible, as 40

When man and wife keepe house with one accord,
And lovingly agree at bed and bord.

Especially when the law warranteth it, and the bond of procreation common betweene them, is assistant thereto. And verily nature sheweth that the gods themselves have need of such love: for thus the Poets say, that the heaven loveth the earth; and the Naturalists hold, that the [...], some [...] [...], with the [...] . But in what sense ei­ther the one or other, [...] . But the place is so corrupt every way, that is [...] if it [...] under­stood at all. Sunne likewise is in love with the Moone, which every moneth is in conjunction with him, by whom also she conceiveth. In briefe, must it not follow necessarily, that the earth, which is the mother and breeder of men, of living creatures, and all plants, shall perish and be wholly extinct: when love, which is ardent desire, and instinct inspired from god, shall abandon the matter, and the matter likewise shall cease to lust and seeke after the principle and cause of her 50 conception.

But to the end that we may not range too farre, nor use any superfluous and nugatory words, your selfe doe know, that these paederasties are of all other most uncertaine, and such as use them are wont to scoffe much thereat and say, that the amitie of such boies is in manner of an egge divided three waies; and as for themselves, they resemble the wandring Nomades in Scy­thia, who having encamped in the spring time, and pastured where the fields be greene and full [Page 1157] of flowers, presently dislodge and depart as it were out of an enemies countrey. And yet Bion the Sophister was more rough and odious in his words toward such, when he termed the first downe or haires appearing upon the face of beautifull youthes Harmodii, and Aristogitones; for that by them Lovers were delivered out of the tyrannie of such faire persons, when they begin once to budde and put foorth. But these imputations are not justly charged upon true Lovers. As for that which Euripides said, it was pretie, and caried some elegancie with it; for as he embraced and kissed faire Agathon, even when his beard began to grow, he said: that of faire persons, the very latter season of the Autumne was lovely and beautiful: But I say more than so, namely, that the lovelinesse of honest women passeth not away with rivels, wrinckles, and hoarie haires, but continue alwaies even to their sepulchre and tombes of memoriall. Againe, 10 there are but a few couples in that other sex, of true Lovers; but of men and women joined in wedlocke, an infinite number, who to the very last houre have kept most faithfully their loialty and hearty love reciprocally one unto the other. But one example among many other, which befell in our daies, under Vespasian the emperour, I will relate unto you. Julius, he who in Ga­latia was the author of a revolt, and raised a rebellion, had many other complices, (as a man may well thinke) of this conspiracie, and among the rest, one Sabinus a yoong gentleman of an high spirit, and for wealth and reputation, a principall person, and of speciall marke: these men having enterpised a great desseigment, failed of their purpose; and expecting no other but that they should, according to justice, suffer due punishmēt according to their deserts, some killed themselves, other thinking to escape by flight, were apprehended; as for Sabinus, all other 20 good and ready meanes he had to save himselfe, and flie unto the Barbarians in a strange coun­trey: but lately he had taken to wife, a most vertuous dame, and every way right excellent, whose name in those parts was Or, [...] . Empona, as one would say in the Greeke language, [...], that is to say, a princesse or great lady; but her he could not possibly either in his love endure to forsake nor find meanes to take with him: whereas therefore he had at an house in the country certeine se­cret vaults, & hidden cellars deepe under the ground, where he bestowed his treasure & goods in safteie, and those knowen to two of his enfranchised servants, and no more; the rest of his houshold servitors he discharged and sent away; pretending unto them, that he was resolved to poison himselfe; & reteining still about him those two trusty freed men, with them he went downe into those secret caves or vaults digged out of the ground; which done, he sent one of 30 these enfranchised servants of his, whose name was Or, [...] . Martalinus unto his wife, to let her un­derstand that he had killed himselfe with poison, and that the whole house together with his corps was burnt; for his purpose was by the unfeined sorrow and mourning of his wife, to make the rumour that ran of his death, the better to be beleeved; & so it fell out invery deed: for no sooner heard she this newes, but with piteous cries, & dolefull lamentations, she cast herselfe upon the ground, where she at that time was, & lay there along for three daies and three nights together, without meat or drinke: which when Sabinus heard, fearing least the woman would by this meanes worke her owne death; he commanded the said Martalinus to round her secret­ly in the eare, that he was yet living, and lay hidden within the ground, requesting her withall, that she would continue still a while longer in this monrnefull state, bewailing her husbands 40 death, yet so, as she might not be perceived to counterfet; and verily this yoong ladie in all other respects performed the tragicall shew of that calamitie so artificially, and plaied her part with such dexteritie, that she confirmed the opinions received and divulged of his death: but having a longing desire to see him, she went by night unto him, and came againe the same, so secretly, that no creature perceived it; and thus continued she this haunt from time to time, for the space of seven moneths, keeping company, and lying as one would say in hell under the ground with her husband; during which time, she one day disguised Sabinus in his apparell, and what with shaving his beard, and knitting about his head a kerchiefe, she ordered the mat­ter so, that he could not be knowen to them that met him: and upon hope of obteining par­don, she brought him with her to Rome, with other stuffe and cariages of hers: but when she 50 could not speed, she retired againe into the countrey, and for the most part abode and conver­sed with him under the grond: howbeit, otherwhiles betweene, she would repaire to the city, and shew herselfe unto other women her friends, and of her familiar acquaintance. But that which of all other seemeth most incredible, she handled the matter so, that it was never percei­ved she was with childe, albeit she washed and bathed ordinarily with other dames and wives of the citie; for the oile or ointment wherewith women use to annoint the haire of their head, [Page 1158] for to make the same faire and yellow like burnishing gold, hath a certaine propertie in it to pinguisie withall, to incarnate, and so to raise and rarifie the flesh, that it causeth it to be lax, and so to swell and puffe up more plumpe: of this medicinable oile she made no spare, but used to rub and besmeare the other parts of her body, in such sort, as that by their proportionable ri­sing, she hid her great belly, which grew more round and full every daie than other. Now when her time was come, she endured the pangs and paines of her travell in child-birth, alone by herselfe; being gone downe to her husband like a lionesse into her denne, and there she suckled at her owne brest secretly, if I may so say, her male whelpes, for two boy twinnes she was delivered of; of which two sonnes, the one chanced to be flaine in Aegypt, the other, not long since, but very lately, was with us at Delphos, named after his father, Sabinus. How­beit 10 for all this, Vespasian caused this lady to be put to death; but for this murder of his he deare­ly paid, and was punished accordingly: for within a while after, his whole posterity was utter­ly destroid and rooted out from the face of the earth, so as there remained not one of his race: for there was not in those daies, and during his empire, a more cruell and inhumane fact com­mitted; neither was there ever any other spectacle that both gods and angels seemed more to abhorre and to turne away their eies from beholding. And yet her grandiloquence and stout resolutions in her speech, whereby she did exasperate and provoke Vespasian most, was such, that it diminished much the pitifull ruth and compassion, that the beholders of the execution had of her: for when she was past hope of obtaining her husbands life, she would needs die in his turne, and required that exchange for him, saying withall, that it was a greater joy unto her, 20 for to live in darkenesse and under the earth, than to see him emperour.

And heerewith (quoth my father) ended their discourse as touching Love, at what time as they were neere unto Thespies, for then they might perceive comming toward them, faster than with a footepace, one of Pisias friends, named Diogenes; unto whom Soclarus spake aloud, when he was yet a good way off: You bring us no newes I hope Diogenes of warre? Osse better than so (quoth he) being, as there is, a mariage toward; why mend you not your pace therefore, and make haste thither? for the nuptiall sacrifice staieth onely for your comming: At which words (as my father said) all the rest of the company joied, and were exceeding glad, onely Zeuxippus shewed himselfe mal-content, and not well pleased; for he could not dissem­ble it: howbeit he was the first man that approoved the act of Ismenadora, as good and lawfull: 30 and even now he willingly set a garland upon his ownehead, and put on a white wedding robe, marching before all the companie through the market place, to render thankesgiving unto the god Love, for this mariage. Well done (quoth my father then) I sweare by Jupiter: goe we on all hands away, and let us be gone; that we may laugh and make our selves merie with this man, and withall adore and woriship the god: for evident it is, that hee taketh joy in that which hath beene done, and is present with his favour and ap­probation to grace the 40 wedding. 50

OF THE FACE AP­PEARING WITHIN THE 10 ROUNDLE OF THE MOONE.

The Summarie.

THis dialogue is defective in the beginning thereof. In it are brought in Sylla and Pharnaces, with some others, disputing with Plutarch, as touching one point of natu­rall Philosophy, worthy to be considered and read over and over [...] , by those that take delight in such pleasant speculations meete for good wits to be exercised in. The 20 waight of this matter concerneth the globe of the Moone and [...] principally this not able accident of the face which appeareth therein: by occasion whereof, divers questions de­pending upon the first and principall, are discussed and resolved by our authour, according as he hath comprised and understood them. But here is the mischiefe in this discourse, like as in many others of this second tome, that it is not only headlesse, but maimed also and dismembred otherwise: and yet the translatour and the french especially hath with great dexterity laid the pieces together, so as the brea­ches can hardly be seene, unlesse a man looke very neere. Now the principall matters handled here, be these that follow. After that Plutarch had refuted three opinions concerning the face in the Moone, and brought in one Lucius, maintaining that position of the Academiques, who presuppose that the Moone is terrene and consisteth of an earthly substance, he entreth into disputation against 30 those who attribute one centre unto the world and the earth labouring to confirme his owne opinion by divers arguments marked in their order: which he handleth with such a grace that yet a man may see withall, how naturall Philosophy destitute of that light of Gods word (which by Moses in the first chapter of Genesis resolveth and cleereth infinit disputations and controver sies in these matters) is in a maner blinde and stumbleth many times most grosly and absurdly. Moreover, according to the traine of words and speeches, which commonly in such conferences follow one upon another, they treat of the centre and motion of the universall world, of the proportion thereof, and the principal parts of it of the illumination of the Moone, of reflexions and mirrours, of eclipses and the shadow of the earth. Item, whether the Moone be a globe of fire, or of what else? what is her colour? from whence precee­deth & how commeth this resemblance of a face which is observed in her? whether she be inhabited or 40 no? as also of her nature and effects. Toward the end he [...] a fable fetched from the Poets and ancient naturall Philosophy, for to mollifie and make more probable and credible that which had beene delivered as touching those that dwell within the Moone. In sum, this treatise giveth good proofe of the quicke and pregnant wit of our authour, who could enter into, and perce through althings: whereof if he have not alwaies attained unto the exact knowledge; we should rather by all likelihood blame the iniquity of long time, which hath not permitted us to have these bookes entire and whole, than the insufficiency of so deepe a clerke. To conclude, this ought to unite those that sound and search into the secrets of nature, to ioine with that which the moderne Philosophers of our time are able to write sleightly and at ease of such matters, what hath beene delivered by the ancients, who indeed have made the coverture unto those who succeeded after them: to the end that there might 50 be drawen out of them all, a certaine firme resolution, which raiseth us up above the Moone, and all other celestiall bodies, unto the onely God and sole Creator of so many admirable works, thereby to acknowledge, serve and praise him according as his omnipotent great­nesse doth deserve.

OF THE FACE APPEARING in the roundle of the Moone.

WEll, thus much said Sylla, for it accorded well to my speech, and depended thereupon: but I would very willingly before all things else know, what need is there to make such a preamble for to come unto these opinions, which are so currant and rife in every mans mouth, as touching the face of the Moone. And why not (quoth I) 10 considering the difficultie of these points which have driven us thither: for like as in long maladies, when we have tried ordinarie remedies, and usuall rules of diet, and found no helpe thereby, we give them over in the end, and betake our selves to lustrall sacrifices and expiations, to anulets or preservatives for to be hanged about our necks, and to interpretations of dreames: even so in such obscure questions, and difficult speculations, when the common and ordinarie opinions, when usuall and apparent reasons wil not serve nor satisfie us, necessary it is to assay those which are more extravagant, and not to re­ject and despise the same, but to enchant or charme our selves, as one would say, with the dis­courses of our auncients, and trie all meanes for to finde out the trueth: for at the very first en­counter 20 you see, how absurd he is & intollerable, who saith, that the forme or face appeering in the Moone, is an accident of our eie-sight, that by reason of weaknes giveth place to the bright­nesse thereof, which accident we call the dazzeling of our eies, not considering withall, that this should befall rather against the Sunne, whose light is more resplendent, and beames more quicke and piercing, according as Empe docles himselfe in one place pleasantly noteth the diffe­rence, when he saith:

The Sunne that shines so quicke and bright,
The Moone with dimme and stony light.

for so he expresseth that milde, amiable, pleasant, and harmelesse visage of the Moone: and afterwards rendereth a reason, why those, who have obscure & feeble sights, perceive not in the Moone any different forme or shape, but unto them her circle shineth plaine, even, uniforme 30 and full round about; whereas they who have more quicke and piercing eies, doe more exactly observe the proportion and lineaments, and discerne better the impression of a face, yea, and distinguish more perfectly and evidently the severall parts: for in mine opinion it would fall out cleane contrary, in case the weakenesse of the eie being overcome, caused this apparition, that where the patient eie is more feeble, there the said apparence and imaginati­on should be more expresse and evident: furthermore, the inequalitie therein, doth fully eve­ry way confute this reason; for this face or countenance is not to be seene in a continuate and confused shadow: But Agesianax the Poet, right elegantly depainteth in some sort the same, in these words: 40

All round about environed
With fire she is illumined:
And in the middes there doth appeere,
Like to some boy, a visage cleere:
Whose eies to us doe seeme in [...] ,
Of colour grayish more than blew:
The browes and forehead, tender seeme,
The cheeks all reddish one would deeme.

For intrueth darke and shaddowy things, compassed about with those that are shining & cleare are driven downeward, and the same doe rise againe receprocally, being by them repulsed, and in 50 one word, are interlaced one within another, in such sort as they represent the forme of a face lively and natuturally depainted: and it seemeth that there was great probability in that which Clearcus said against your Aristotle. For this Aristotle of yours, though he familiarly conversed with that ancient Aristotle, perverted and overthrew many points of the Perepateticks [...] . Then Apollonides, taking upon him to speake, demanded, what opinion this might be of A­ristotle and upon what reason it was grounded. Surely (quoth I) it were more meet for any [Page 1161] man else to be ignorant hereof, than for you, considering that it is grounded upon the very fun­damental principles of Geomitry. For this man affirmeth that the thing, which we call the face in the Moone, are the images and figures of the great ocean, represented in the Moone as in a mirror: for the circomference of a round circle, being reflected backe every way, is wont to deceive the sight in such things as are not directly seene. And the full Moone her selfe is, for evenesse, smoothnesse and lustre, the most beautifull and purist mirror in the world. Like as therefore yee holde, that the rainbow appeareth (when our eiesight is reflected backe upon the Sunne) in a cloud, that hath gotten smoothnesse somewhat liquid, and a consistence withal; even so (quoth he) a man may see in the Moone the great ocean, without, not in the very place where it is situate: but from whence the reflexion by touching the light reverberat and sent backe, 10 maketh a sight and apparition thereof. which Agestanax hath said in another place, after this maner,

The figure of the Ocean is just resembled there
In flaming mirrour, when great waves it doth against it reare.

Apollonides then, being perswaded that it was so; a singular opinion beleeve me (quoth he) this was of his, and when all is said, newly and after a strange maner devised by a man, who may be thought bold and confident enough in his projects, howbeit full of wit and a great clerke with­all. But how did Clearchus refute the same? First & formost (quoth I) If the [...] sea or ocean 20 be all of one nature then it must needs be that the currant thereof is all one [...] & conti­nuate: but the apparence of those blacke & dim obscurities which are observed in the face of the Moone, is not even and continued, but there be certaine isthmes or partitions betweene cleere and bright, which divide and seperat that which is shadie and darke. Therefore seeing each part is distinct, and hath proper bounds and limits apart, the coniunctions & approchments of the cleere to that which is darke, making a semblance of high and low, do expresse and resemble the similitude of a figure, with eies & lips; so that of necessity we are to suppose, that there be many oceans and maine seas, distinguished by the isthmes of firme lands betweene: which is a mani­fest untrueth. And admit that there is but one continued sea for all, it is not credible that the i­mage thereof should appeare so dissipate and distracted by peeces: and as for this point, the 30 surer way is, and lesse dangerous, to demand, than to affirme ought in your presence; namely whether, the habitible earth being equall in length and bredth, it be possible, that all the sight re­flected and sent backe by the Moone, should equally touch the whole ocean and all those that saile therein, and even such as seeme to dwell in it, as the Brittaines doe: seeing that your selves have maintained that the whole earth, in proportion to the globe or sphaere of the Moone, is no more than a very pricke. As for this verily (quoth I) it is your part to regard and consider: and true it is that as touching the reverberation and reflexion of the sight from the Moone, it be­longeth neither to you nor to Hipparcus. And yet I assure you, my good friend Lamprias (quoth Apollonides) there be many naturalists, who holde it not good to affirme with Hipparcus that our sight is so driven backe; but they suppose and affirme, that it is more like and probable that 40 it hath a certaine temperature and obeisant compact structure, than such beatings and reper­cussions as Epicurus imagineth the Atomes have. Neither doe I beleeve that Clearchus would have us to suppose, that the Moone is a massive and waighty bodie, but celestiall and lightsome: against which you say that the refraction of our eie-sight should reach: and therefore all this re­flexion, and reverberation falleth to the ground and comes to nothing. But if I should be ur­ged, and intreated by him to receive and admit the same, I would aske him the question, how it comes to passe, that this image of the sea is to be seene onely in the bodie of the Moone, and not in any of the other starres? for by all likelihood and probability, our sight should suffer the same equally in all, or just in none at all. But I pray you (quoth I, castyng mine eies upon Lu­cius) call to minde againe that which was first delivered of our part, & by those of our side. Nay 50 rather I am affraid (quoth Lucius) least we may be thought to offer over much injury unto Phar­naces, if we should so passe over the Stoicks opinion [...] , and without opposing any thing against it. Why then reply somwhat upon this man (quoth I) who holdeth that the Moon is a whole mixtion of the aire, and of some milde fire, and then afterwards saith, that like as in a calme, there happeneth other whiles a little horror or winde, that rumbleth and bloweth upon the sea, even so the aire thereby becommeth blacke, and thereupon is made a certaine resem­blance [Page 1162] and forme of a visage. Courteously done of you Lucius (quoth I) thus to clad and co­ver with faire words and good termes so absurd and false an opinion. But so did not our friend, but spake the plaine troth, and said that the Stoicks disfigured the Moones face making it blacke and blew, and filling it with darke spots and clouds, and withall invocating her by the name of Minerva and Diana, and in the meane while making her a lumpe as it were of paste, consisting of darke aire and a fire of charcole, that cannot burne out, nor yeeld light of it selfe, but having a body hard to be judged and knowen, ever smoaking and alwaies burning like to those lightnings which by the Poets are called, lightlesse and smoakie. But that a fire of coales, such as they would have that of the Moone to be, continueth not long, nor can so much as subsist, if it meere not with some solid matter, which may holde it in and withall feed and nourish it; I suppose 10 that they know better, who in meriment say that Vulcane is lame and doth halt, than these Phi­losophers doe: for that indeed fire cannot goe forward without wood or fewell, no more than a lame criple without his staffe or crouches. If then the Moone be fire, how commeth it to have so much aire in it? For this region aloft which mooveth round, doth not consist of aire, but of some other more noble substance, which is able to subtilize and set on fire every thing beside. But in case it be afterwards engendred in it, how is it that it perishith not by being changed and transmuted by the fire into a celestiall substance, but mainteineth it selfe, and continueth toge­ther as it were, cohabiting with the fire so long, like unto a spike or naile set fast continually in the same parts, and fitted thereto? For being rare as it is, and diffused, meet it were that it should not so abide and continue, but be dissipated and resolved; and to grow compact and thicke it 20 is impossible, so long as it is mixed with fire, having no earth nor water; which are the two onely elements whereby the aire will gather to a consistence and thicknesse. Moreover, the swiftnesse and violence of motion, is wont to enflame the aire that is within stones, yea, and in lead as cold as it is: much more then, that which is in fire, being whirled about, and turned with so great celeritie and impetiositie: for in this regard they are offended with Empedocles, for that he made the Moone congealed aire, in maner of haile, and included within a sphaere of fire: and yet themselves say, that the Moone being a sphaere or globe of fire, doeth enclose and conteine the aire dispersed to and fro; and that the same hath neither ruptures nor conca­vities, ne yet any profundities, which they admit who will have the Moone to be of earth, but forsooth superficially onely, and as it were setled upon the imbossed and swelling backe there­of: 30 which is against all reason, if it be to endure, and cannot possibly be, in case we give credit to that which we doe see in full Moones: for divided it ought not to be, and separarate apart, being blacke and darke, but either being hidden, to be altogether darkened, or else to be illu­minate when the Moone is overspred by the Sunne. For heere beneath with us, the aire that is in deepe pits and low caves of the earth, where the Sunne beames never come, remaineth darke and shadie, without any light at all: but that which is spred about the earth, is cleere, and of a lightsome colour; for by reason of the raritie thereof, it is very easie to be transmuted into e­very qualitie and facultie; but principally by the light, which if it never so little touch it, as they say, and lay hold of it, you shall see it incontinently changed, and light throughout. This very reason therefore seemeth greatly to helpe and mainteine the opinion of them who drive 40 the aire into I wot not what deepe vallies and pits within the Moone; as also to confute you, who mingle and compound I know not how, her sphaere of fire and aire; for impossible it is that there should remaine any shadow or obscuritie in the superficies thereof, when the Sunne with his brightnesse doeth cleere and illuminate whatsoever part of the Moone we are able to discerne, and cut with our eie-sight. And as I spake these words, even before I had made an end of my speech: See (quoth Pharnaces) the ordinary cast of the Academie, how it is, practised upon us, in that they busie themselves evermore, and spend time in all their discourses to speake against others, but never allow the discussing and reprooving of that which they deliver them­selves: but if any happen to conferre and dispute with them; they must plead in their owne de­fence alwaies, and not be allowed to reply or come upon them with any accusations: for mine 50 owne part, you shall not draw me this day to render a reason of such matters as you charge up­on the Stoicks, nor to speake in their behalfe, before I have called you to an account: for thus turning the world upside downe, as you doe. Heereat Lucius laughing; And very well content am I good sir, (quoth he) so to do, provided alwaies, that you accuse us not of impietie; like as Aristarchus thought that the Greeks ought to have called Cleanthes the Samean into questiō, judicially & to condemne him for his impietie and Atheisme, as one that shooke the very foun­dations [Page 1163] of the world to overthrow all, in that the man endevoting to save and maintaine those things which appeare unto us above, supposed the heaven to stand still as immooveable, and that it was the earth that mooved round by the oblique circle of the Zodiacke, and turned about the owne axeltree. As for us, we speake of our selves, and in our owne behalfe. But they, my good friend Pharnaces, who suppose that the Moone is earth, why doe they turne the world upside downe, more than you; who place the earth heere hanging in the aire, being farre grea­ter then the Moone, as the Mathematicians take their measure, in the accidents of the ecclip­ses, and by the passages of trajections of the Moone through the shadow of the earth, collec­ting thereby the magnitude thereof, and what space it taketh up? for surely the shadow of the earth is lesse than it selfe, by reason that it is cast by a greater light. Now that the said shadow 10 is streight, and pointed upward toward the end, Homer himselfe was not ignorant, but sig­nified as much, when he called the night [...], for the sharpenesse at the point of the said sha­dow; and yet the Moone as it appeareth in her ecclypses, being caught and comprehended within the compasse of that shadow, hath much adoo to get out of it, by going forward in length, thrice as much as her owne bignesse comes to. Consider then, how many times grea­ter must the earth needs be than the Moone, if it be so, that the shadow which it casteth, where it is sharpest and narrowest, is thrice as much as the Moone. But yee are afraid least the Moone should fall, if she were avowed to the earth: (for it may be haply, that Aeschylus hath sealed you a warrant, and secured you for the earth, when he said thus of Atlas:

He standeth like a pillar strong and sure, 20
From earth to heaven above that reacheth streight:
To beare on shoulders twaine, he doeth endure
A massie burden and unweldy weight.)

if under the Moone there runne and be spred a light and thin aire, not firme and sufficient for to susteine a solide masse: whereas according to Pindarus:

To beare the earth there standmost putssant
Columns and pillars of hard diamant.

And therefore Pharnaces for himselfe is out of all feare, that the earth will fall; mary he pittieth those who are directly and plumbe under the course of the Moone, and namely the Aethiopi­ans, and those of Taprobana, least so weightie a masse should tumble downe upon their heads. 30 And yet the Moone hath one good meanes and helpe to keepe her from falling, to wit, her very motion and violent revolution, like unto those bullets or stones, or whatsoever weights be put within a sling, they are sure enough from slipping or falling out, so long as they be violent­ly swong and whirled about. For every body is caried according to the naturall motion there­of, if there be no other cause to empeach or turne it aside out of course: which is the reason that the Moone mooveth not, according to the motion of her poise, considering the inclina­tion thereof downward, is staied and hindred by the violence of a circular revolution. But per­adventure more cause there were to marvel, if she should stand altogether as the earth, immove­able: whereas now the Moone hath this great cause to empeach her, for not tending down­ward hither. As for the earth, which hath no other motion at all to hinder it; great reason there 40 is, that according to that onely weight of the owne, it should moove downward and there settle; for more heavy it is than the Moone, not so much in this regard, that greater it is, but more, for that the Moone by reason of heat and adustion of fire, is made the lighter. In briefe, it appea­reth by that which you say, if it be true that the Moone be fire, it hath need of earth, or some other marter to rest upon and cleave [...] for to mainteine, nourish, and quicken still the power that it hath: for it cannot be conceived or imagined, how fire should be preserved without fuell, or matter combustible. And you your selves affirme, doe yee not? that the earth abideth firme and sure, without any base or piedstall to susteine and hold it up? Yes verily (quoth Phar­naces) being in the proper and naturall place, which is the very mids and center. For this is it whereto all heavy and weightie things doe [...] , incline, and are caried to, from every side, and 50 about which they cling, and be counterpeized: but the upper region throughout, if haply there be any terrestriall and heavy matter, by violence sent up thither, repelleth and casteth it downe againe with force incontinently, or to speake more truely, letteth it goe and fall, according to the owne naturall inclination, which is to tend and settle downward.

For the answer and refutation whereof, I willing to give Luctus some reasonable time to summon his wits together, and to thinke upon his reasons: and calling unto Theon by name, [Page 1164] Which of the tragicall Poets was it (Theon quoth I ) who said that Physicians

Bitter medicines into the body powre,
When bitter choler they meane to purge and scoure?

And when he made me answere that it was Sophocles. Well ( quoth I) we must permit them so to doc upon necessity: but we ought not to give eare unto Philosophers, if they would main­taine strange paradoxes, by other positions as absurd, or to confute admirable opinions, devise others much more extravagant and wonderfull; like as these here who broch and bring in a motion forsooth tending unto a middle, wherein, what absurdity is there not? Holde not they that the earth is as round as a ball, and yet we see how many deepe profundities, hautie sublimi­ties & manifold inequalities it hath? affirme not they that there be antipodes dwelling opposit 10 one unto another, and those sticking as it were to the sides of the earth with their heeles upward & their heads downward all arse verse, like unto these woodwormes or cats which hang by their sharpe clawes? Would not they have even us also that are here for to goe upon the ground not plumbe upright, but bending or enclining sidelong, reeling and staggering like drunken folke? Doe they not tell us tales, and would make us beleeve, that if barres and masses of iron waighing a thousand talents a peece, were let fall downe into the bottom of the earth, when they came once to the middle centre thereof, will stay and rest there, albeit nothing els came against them nor sustained them up? And if peradventure by some forcible violence they should passe beyond the said midst, they would soone rebound backe thither againe of their owne accord? Say not they that if a man should saw off the trunks or ends of beams on either side of the earth, 20 the same would never settle downeward still throughout, but from without forth fall both into the earth, and so equally meet one another, and cling together about the hart or centre thereof. Suppose not they that if a violent streame of water should runne downeward still into the ground, when it met once with the very point or centre in the midst, which they holde to be in­corporall, it would then gather together and turne round in maner of a whirlepoole, about a pole, waving to and fro there continually like one of these pendant buckets, and, as it hangeth, wagge incessantly without end? And verily some of these assertions of theirs are so absurd, that no man is able to enforce himselfe to imagine in his minde although falsely, that they are possi­ble. For this indeed is to make high and low all one: this is to turne all upside downe: that those things, which become as farre as to the midst, shal be thought below and under: and what is un­der 30 the middle shall be supposed above and aloft; in such sort, as that if a man, by the sufferance and consent of the earth, stood with his navell just against the middle and centre of it, he should by this meanes have his head and his heeles both together standing upward: and if one should come and digge through the place beyond that part of him which was above, shall in the dig­ging be drawen downeward, and that which was beneath be cast upward both at once: and if there may be imagined another to goe cleane contrary unto him, their feet which were oppo­site one unto the other, should neverthelesse be said and be indeed both together, beneath and above. Thus they both carrying upon their backs and also drawing after them, not I assure you a box or little budget, but a fardle and packe, I sweare unto you, of judglers boxes full of so many and so grosse paradoxes and absurdities, wherewith they play passe and repasse, yet the say 40 for all this, that others erre, who place the Moone which they holde to be earth, above, and not where the midst and centre of the world is. And yet if every ponderous body, incline to the same place and bendeth from all sides and on every part to the midst thereof, certainly the earth shall not appropriate and chalenge unto it selfe waightie masses as parts thereof be­cause it is the middle of the world, more than in regard it is whole and entire: and the ga­thering together of heavie bodies about it, shall be no signe nor argument to shew that it is the middle of the world, but rather to proove and testifie that these bodies which have beene taken and pulled from it and returne againe, have a communication and conformitie in nature with the earth. For like as the Sunne converteth into it selfe the parts whereof it is composed, even so the earth receiveth and beareth a stone, as a part appertaining unto it, in such sort as in time 50 every one of these things is concorporate and united with it. And if it chance that there be some other body which from the begginning was not allotted and laid unto the earth nor plucked from it, but had a part from it, a proper consistence and peculiar nature of the owne, as they may say the Moone had, what should let, but it may abide severally by it selfe, compacted and bound close together in all the proper parts thereof? For heereby, is not shewed demon­stratively that the earth is the midst of the whole world: and the conglobation of waighty bo­dies [Page 1165] heere and their concretion which the earth declareth unto us the maner how it is probable that the parts the which be their gathered to the bodie of the Moone, may there also remaine. But he who driveth all earthly and ponderous things into one place, ranging them altogether, and making them the parts of one and the same bodie, I marvell why he attributeth not in like maner the same force and constraint unto light substances, but suffereth so many conglobations of fire to be apart and distinct asunder, neither can I see the reason why he should not bring all the starres into one, and thinke that there ought to be one entire body of all those substances that flie upward and are of firie nature. But you Mathematicians, (friend Pollonides) [...] that the Sunne is distant from the Primum Mobile, and highest scope of heaven, infinite thou­sands of miles: and after him, that the day starre Venus and Mercury, with the other Planets, 10 which being situate under the fixed starres, and distant one from another, by great intervals and spaces betweene, doe make their severall revolutions: meane while you doe not thinke, that the world affordeth unto heavy and terrestriall bodies, a great and large place in it, and a di­stance one from another. But see what a ridiculous thing it were, to denie the Moone to be earth because it is not seated in the lowest place of the world; and withall to affirme it to be a star so farre remote from the firmament and Primum Mobile, even a huge number of Stadia, as if it were plunged low into some deepe gulfe: for so farre under other starres she is, as no man can expresse, and even you Mathematicians want numbers to reckon and summe the distance: and she seemeth after a sort to touch the very earth, making her revolution as she doth, so nere unto the tops of high mountaines, leaving behinde her (as Empedocles saith) the very prints and 20 tracts of her chariot wheeles upon them: for often times she surpasseth not the shadow of the earth, which is very short, and reacheth not high, by reason of the excessive greatnesse of the Sunne that shineth upon it: and she seemeth to walke her stations so neere unto the upper face of the earth, and in a maner within the armes of it, that she obstructeth and hideth from us the light of the Sunne, because she mounteth not above this shadowy, terrestriall and darke region like unto the night, which is (as one would say) the very finage and marches allotted to the earth. And therefore a man may be bolde to say, that the Moone is within the limits and con­fines of the earth, seeing withall that darkened and shadowed it is by the high crests and tops of mountaines therein. But to leave all other starres, aswell fixed as wandering, consider the de­monstrations of Aristarchus in his treatise of Magnitudes and Distances, that the distance of 30 the Sunne from us is more than that of the Moone, above eighteene folde, but under twentie: and he verily who raiseth the Moone highest, saith that she is from us, six and fiftie times as, farre as is the centre of the earth; the distance whereof is fortie thousand stadia. By their calcu­lation who keepe a meane, and according to this supputation, the Sunne ought to be distant from the Moone more than foure thousand and thirty stadia ten thousand times tolde: so farre (I say) is she off from the Sunne in regard of her ponderosity, and so neere approcheth she un­to the earth: so that if, by places, we ought to distinguish of substances, the region and portion of the earth challengeth the Moone, and in regard of her proximity and vicinage unto it, she ought by right to be reckoned and enrolled among the natures, affaires, and bodies terrestriall. Neither shall we do amisse in my conceit, if having given unto these bodies (that are said to be 40 aloft) so large a space and distance, we allow also to those beneath, such a race and spacious routne to runne in, as is from the earth to the Moone: for as he is not moderate nor tolerable, who calleth the upper superficies onely and cope of the heaven [...], that is to say, aloft, or supe­riour; and all the rest [...], that is to say, beneath; so he who termeth the earth or rather the center of it onely, [...], that is to say, below or inferiour, is not to be endured; considering that the huge vastity of the world may affoord, even in this region beneath, such a competent space as is meet and convenient for motion. For if one would mainteine, that all above the earth is immediately to be counted high and aloft; another presently will come upon him with this con­tradiction, and say, that he may aswel hold, that whatsoever is beneath the Primum mobile or star­rie firmament, ought to be called, Below. In summe, how is the earth called, The middle? and 50 whereof is it the middle? for the universall frame of the world, called [...], is infinit; and this in­finit which hath neither head nor foot: how can it in reason have a navill? for even that which we call the mids of any thing, is a kinde of limitation; whereas infinitie is a meere privation of all limits and bounds. As for him who saith, it is not in the mids of that universalitie, but of the world, he is a pleasant man, if he thinke not withall, that the world it selfe is subject to the same doubts and difficulties: for the said universall frame leaveth not unto the very world a [Page 1166] middle, but is without a certeine seat, without assured footing, mooving in a voidnesse infinite, not into some one place proper unto it: and if haply it should meet with some any other cause of stay, and so abide stil, the same is not according to the nature of the place. And as much may we conjecture of the Moone, that by the meanes of some other soule or nature, or rather of some difference, the earth [...] firme beneeath, and the Moone mooveth. Furthermore you see, how they are not ignorant of a great errour and inconvenience: for if it be true, that whatsoever is without the centre of the earth, it skils not how, is to be counted Above and Aloft, then is there no part of the world to be reckoned Below or Beneath; but aswell the earth it selfe, as al that is upon it, shal be above & aloft: and to be short, every bodie neere or about the centre, must go among those things that are aloft; neither must we reckon any thing to be under or be­neath, 01 but one pricke or point, which hath no bodie: and the same forsooth must make head and stand in opposition necessarily, against all the whole nature besides of the world; in case, according to the course of nature, [...] and [...], that is to say, above and beneath, be opposite. And not onely this absurdity will follow, but also all heavie and ponderous bodies must needs lose the cause, for which they bend and incline hither: for, bodie there will be none, toward which it should move: and as for this pricke or centre that hath no bodie, there is no likeli­hood, neither would they themselves have it so, that it should be so puissant and forcible, as to draw to it, and reteine about it, all things. And if it be found unreasonable and repugnant to the course of nature, that the world should be all above, and nothing beneath, but a terme or li­mit, and the same without body, without space and distance; then this that we say, is yet more 20 reasonable, namely, that the region beneath and that above, being parted distinctly one from another, have neverthelesse ech of them a large and spacious roume to round themselves in. But suppose (if it please you) it were against nature, that terrestriall bodies should have any mo­tion in heaven; let us consider gently and in good termes, not after a tragicall maner, but mild­ly, This prooveth not by-and-by, that the Moone is not earth, but rather, that earth is in some place, where naturally it should not be: for the fire of the mountaine Aetna is verily under the ground, against the nature of it; howbeit, the same ceaseth not therefore to be fire. The winde conteined within leather bottles, is of the owne nature light and given to mount upward, but by force it commeth to be there, where naturally it ought not to be. Our very soule it selfe (I be­seech you in the name of Jupiter) is it not against nature deteined within the body; being light, 30 in that which is heavie; being of a firie substance in that which is colde, as yee your [...] ; and being invisible, in that which is grosse and palpable? do we therefore denie, that the soule is within the bodie, that it is a divine substance under a grosse and heavie masse, that in a moment it passeth thorowout heaven, earth and sea; that it pierceth and entreth within flesh, nerves and marrow; and finally, is the cause together with the humors of infinit passions? And even this Jupiter of yours, such as you imagine and depaint him to be, is he not of his owne nature a mighty and perpetuall fire? howbeit, now he submitteth himselfe and is pliable; subject he is to all formes and apt to admit divers mutations. Take heed therefore, and be well advised (good sir) lest that in transferring and reducing every thing to their naturall place, you doe not so phi­losophize, as that you will bring in a dissolution of all the world, and set on foot againe that olde 40 quarrell and contention among all things which Empedocles writeth of: or, to speake more to the purpose, beware you raise not those ancient Titans and Giants, to put on armes against na­ture: and so consequently endevour to receive and see againe that fabulous disorder and confu­sion, whereby all that is weightie, goeth one way, and whatsoever is light, another way apart,

Where neither light some countenance of Sunne, nor earth all greene
With herbs and plants, admired is, nor surging sea is seene.

according as Empedocles hath written; wherein the earth feeleth no heat, nor the water any winde; wherein there is no ponderosity above, nor lightnesse beneath; but the principles and 50 elements of all things be by themselves solitary, without any mutuall love or dilection betweene them; not admitting any society or mixture together, but avoiding and turning away one from the other, mooving apart by particular motions, as being disdainfull, proud, and carying them­selves in such sort, as all things do where no god is, as Plato saith, that is as those bodies are affe­cted wherein there is no understanding nor soule, untill such time as by some divine providence there come into nature a desire; and so amity, Venus and Love be there engendred, according to [Page 1167] the sayings of Empedocles, Parmenides and Hesiodus; to the end, that changing their naturall pla­ces and communicating reciprocally their gifts and faculties; some driven by necessity to moove, other bound to rest; they be all forced to a better state, remitting somewhat of their [...] , and yeelding one to another, they grew at length unto accord, harmony and societie. For if there had not beene any other part of the world against nature, but that ech one had bene both in place, and for quality, as it ought naturally to be, without any need of change or trans­position, so that there had beene nothing at the first wanting, I greatly doubt what and wherein was the worke of divine providence; or whereupon it is, that Jupiter was the father, creator and maker. For in a campe or field, there would be no need of a man who is expert and skilfull in ranging and ordering of battell, in case every souldier of himselfe knew his ranke, his place, his 10 time and opportunity, which he ought to take, keepe and observe. Neither would there be any use of gardiners, carpenters or masons, if water were of it selfe taught naturally to go where as it is needfull, and to runne and overflow a place which requireth watering; and if bricks, tim­ber-logs and stones by their owne inclinations and naturall motions, were to range and couch themselves orderly in their due places. Now if this reason and argument of theirs doth direct­ly abolish all providence; if order belong unto God, together with the distinction of all things in the world; why should any man wonder, that nature hath beene so disposed and ordeined by him, as that fire should be here, and the starres there? and againe, that the earth should be seated here below, & the Moone placed there above, lodged in a more sure & strong prison, devised by reason, than that which was first ordeined by nature? For were it so, that absolutely and of neces­sitie, 20 all things should follow their naturall instinct, and move according to that motion which naturally is given them, neither would the Sunne runne his course any more circularly, nor Ve­nus, nor any other planet whatsoever; for that such light substances, and standing much upon fire, mount directly upward. Now if it be so, that nature reciveth such an alteration and change in regard of the place, as that our fire here being moved and stirred, riseth plumbe upward; but after it is gotten once up to heaven, together with the revolution thereof, turneth round: what marvell is it, if semblably, heavie and terrestriall bodies, being out of their naturall places, be forced & overcome by the circumstant aire, to take unto another kind of motion? For it can not be said with any reason, that heaven hath this power to take from light substances the propertie to mount aloft, and can not likewise have the puissance to vanquish heavie things & such as na­turally 30 move downward: but one while it maketh use of that power of her owne, another while of the proper nature of things, alwaies tending to the better. But to let passe these habitudes and opinions whereto we are servilly addicted, and to speake frankly and without feare what our minde is, I am verily perswaded, that there is no part of the universall world, that hath by itselfe any peculiar order, seat or motion, which a man simply may say to be naturall unto it: but when ech part exhibiteth and yeeldeth profitably that, wherefore it is made, and whereto it is appoin­ted, moving it selfe, doing or suffering, or being disposed as it is meet and expedient for it, ei­ther for safetie, beautie, or puissance, then seemeth it to have place, motion and disposition, proper and convenient to the owne nature. For man, who is disposed (if any thing els in the whole world) according to nature, hath in the upper parts of the bodie, and especially about his 40 head, those things that be ponderous and earthly; but in the mids thereof, such as be hote and of a firy nature; his teeth, some grow above, others beneath; and yet neither the one range of them nor the other, is against nature. Neither is that fire which shineth above in his eies, accor­ding to nature, and that which is in the bellie and heart, contrary to nature, but in ech place is it properly seated and commodiously. Now if you consider the nature of shell-fishes, you shall finde, that (as Empedocles saith)

The [...] , murets of the sea, and shell-fish everyone,
With massie coat; the tortoise eke, with crust as hard as stone, 50
And vaulted backe, which archwise he aloft doth hollow reare;
Shew all, that heavie earth they do above their bodies beare.

And yet this hard coat and heavie crust, like unto a stone, being placed over their bodies, doth not presse or crush them; neither doth their naturall heat, in regard of lightnesse, slie up and va­nish away, but mingled and composed they are one with the other, according to the nature of [Page 1168] every one. And even so it standeth to good reason, that the world, in case it be animall, hath in many places of the body thereof, earth, and in as many, fire and water, not driven thither per­force, but so placed & disposed by reason: for the eie was not by the strength of lightnesse for­ced to that part of the body wherein it is; neither was the hart depressed downe by the weight that it had, into the brest; but because it was better and more expedient for the one and the o­ther, to be seated where they are. Semblably, we ought not to thinke, that of the parts of the world, either the earth setled where it is, because it fell downe thither by reason of ponderositie, or the Sunne, in regard of lightnesse, was caried upward, like unto a bottle bladder full of winde, which being in the bottome of the water, presently riseth up, (as Metrodorus of Chios was per­swaded) or other stars, as if they were put in a ballance, inclined this way or that, as their weight 10 more or lesse required, and so mounted higher or lower to those places where now they are seated: but rather by the powerfull direction of reason in the first constitution of the world, some of the starres like unto bright and glittering eies have beene set fast in the firmament, as one would say aloft in the very forhead thereof: and the Sunne representing the power and vi­gor of the heart, sendeth and distributeth in maner of bloud and spirits, his heat and light tho­rowout all. The earth and sea are to the world, proportionable to the paunch and bladder in the body of a living creature: the moone situate betweene the Sunne and the earth, as betweene the heart and the bellie, resembling the liver or some such soft bowell, transmitteth into the in­feriour parts here beneath, the heat of those superior bodies, and draweth to herselfe those va­pors that arise from hence, and those doth she [...] & refine by way of concoction and puri­fication, 20 and so send and distribute them round about her. Now whether that solid and terrestri­all portion in it, hath some other propertie serving for a profitable use or no, it is unknowen to us; but surely it is evermore the best and surest way in all things, to go by that which is neces­sarie: for what probabilitie or likelihood can we draw from that which they deliver? They af­firme, that of the aire the most subtile and lightsome part, by reason of the raritie thereof, be­came heaven; but that which was thickened and closely driven together, went to the making of starres; of which the Moone being the heaviest of all the rest, was concret and compact of the most grosse and muddy matter thereof: and yet a man may perceive how she is not separate nor divided from the aire, but mooveth and performeth her revolution through that which is a­bout her, even the region of the winds, and where comets or blasing starres be engendered and 30 hold on their course. Thus these bodies have not beene by their naturall inclinations, accor­ding as ech of them is light or heavie, placed and situate as they be, but surely by some other reason they have beene so ranged and ordeined.

After these words were said, when I would have given unto Lucius his turne to speake, and to hold on this discourse, there being nothing at all behinde left, but the demonstrations of this doctrine: Aristotle began to smile, I am a witnesse (quoth he) that you have directed al these your contradictions and refutations, against those, who hold that the Moone is it selfe halfe fire; and who affirme, that all bodies of their owne accord, tend either upward or downward di­rectly: But whether there be any one who saith, that the Starres of their owne nature, have a circular motion, & that in substance they be far different from the foure elements, that came 40 not ever, so much as by chance and fortune into your remembrance: and therefore I count my selfe exempt from all trouble and molestation in that behalfe. Why, good sir (quoth Luctus) if yee should haply suppose and set downe, that the other starres, and the whole heaven besides, were of a pure and syncere nature, voide of all change and mutation, in regard of passion, as al­so bring in a certeine circle, in which they performed their motions by a perpetuall revolution, you should not finde any one at this time to gaine-say you; notwithstanding there were in this position doubts and difficulties innumerable. But when your speech is descended so low as to touch the Moone, then can it not mainteine in her that impassibility, and the celestiall beautie of that body. But to leave all other inequalities and differences therein; certes, that very face which appeareth in the body of the Moone, commeth necessarily from some passion of her 50 owne substance, or else by the mixture of some other, (for that which is mingled in some sort alwaies suffereth) because it looseth that former puritie, being perforce overcast and filled with that which is woorse. As for that dull and slow course of hers, that weake and feeble heat where­by, as the Poet Jon saith,

The grapes their kinde concoction lacke,
And on the vine tree turne not blacke.

unto what shall we attribute the same, if not to her imbecilitie, in case an eternall and heavenly [Page 1169] body can be subject unto any such passion? In summe, my good friend Aristotle, if the Moone be earth, surely a most faire and beautifull thing it seemeth to be, and full of great maiestie: if a starre, or light, or some divine and celestiall body, I am affraid least she proove deformed and foule, yea, and disgrace that beautifull name of hers, in case of all those bodies in heaven, which are in number so many, she onely remaineth to have need of the light of another,

Casting behinde, her eie alwaies,
Upon the Sunne and his bright raies.

according as Parmentdes writeth. And verily our familiar friend, having in a lecture of his, proo­ved by demonstration this proposition of Anaxagoras; that all the light which the Moone hath, the Sunne giveth unto her, was commended and well reputed for it. For mine owne part, 10 I am not minded to say what I have learned, either of you, or with you; but taking this for a thing granted and confessed, I will proceed forward to the rest behinde. Probable therefore it is, that the Moone is illuminate, not in maner of a glasse or crystall stone, by the bright irra­diation and shining beames of the Sunne striking through her; neither yet by a certaine col­lustration and mutuall conjunction of lights, as torches which being set a burning together, do augment the light: for so it would be no lesse ful moone in the conjunction or first quarter, than in the opposition, in case she did not conteine and keepe in, nor repell the raies of the sunne, but suffer them to passe through her by reason of her raritie and frugositie, or if by a contempe­ture she shineth and kindleth as it were the light about her: for we cannot alledge her oblique and biase declination, or her aversions and turnings away, before and after the conjunction or 20 change, as when it is halfe Moone, tipped croisant, or in the wane; but being directly and plumbe under the bodie that illuminateth it, as Democritus saith, it receiveth and admitteth the Sunne, in such sort, as by all likelihood she should then appeare, and he shine through her: But so farre is she from so doing, that both herselfe at such a time is unseene, and many times hideth the Sunne, and keepeth off his beames from us: for according to Empedocles,

His raies aloft she turneth cleane aside,
That to the earth beneath they cannot wend:
The earth it selfe she doth obscure and hide,
So farre as she in compasse doth extend.

As if this light of the Sunne fell upon night and darknesse and not upon another starre. And 30 whereas Posadonius saith, that in regard of the thicknes & depth of the Moones body, the light of the Sun can not through her pierce, as far as unto us, this is manifestly convinced as untrue. For the aire as infinite as it is, and deeper by many degrees than the Moone, is neverthelesse illuminated and lightned all over, and thoughout by the Sunne. It remaineth therefore that ac­cording to the opinion of Empedocles, the Moone-light which appeareth unto us, commeth by the reflexion and repercussion of the Sunne-beames. And heereupon it is, that the same is not with us hot and bright, as of necessitie it would be, if it did proceed either from the inflam­mation or commixtion of two lights. But like as the refraction or reverberation of a voice, doth cause an eccho, or resonance more obscure than is the voice it selfe, as it was pronounced; and as the raps, that shot, rebounding backe againe, doeth give, are more milde and soft, 40

Even so the Sunne beames when they beat
Upon the Moone in compasse great.

yeeld a weake and feeble reflexion or refluxion, as one would say of light, the force thereof be­ing much abated & resolved by the refraction & reflexion. Then Sylla: Certes, great probalitie this carieth with it, that you have delivered: But the most forcible objection that is made a­gainst this position, how thinke you, is it any waies mitigated and mollified? or hath our friend heere passed it over quite with silence? Whereby speake you this (quoth Lucius?) what oppo­sition meane you? or is it the doubt or difficulty about the Moone when she appeareth the one halfe? Even the very same (quoth Sylla) for there is some reason, considering that all reflexion is made by equall angles, that when the halfe Moone is in the middes of heaven, the light 50 should not be caried from her upon the earth, but glaunce and fall beyond the earth: for the Sunne being upon the Horizon, toucheth with his raies the Moone, and therefore being re­flected and broken aequally, they must light upon the opposite bound of the Horizon, and so not send the light hither; or else there shall ensue a great distortion and difference of the an­gle, which is impossible. Why good sir (quoth Lucius) I dare assure you, this [...] not beene overpassed, but explaned already: and with that, casting his eie as he spake, upon Menelaus the [Page 1170] Mathematician: I am abashed (quoth he) friend Menelaus, to overthrow a Mathematicall po­sition, that is supposed and laid as a ground, and fundamentall principle for oblique matters of mirrours: And yet I must (quoth he) of necessitie: for that it neither appeareth in this ex­ample, nor is generally confessed as true, that all reflexions tend to equall angles, for checked and confuted it is by round embowed or embossed mirrors, when as they represent images ap­pearing at one point of the sight, greater than themselves. This also is disprooved by double or two-folde mirrors, for that when they be inclined and turned one unto the other, so as the an­gle be made within, ech of the glasses or plaine superficies, yeeld the resemblance of a double image, and so represent foure in all from one face; two apparent, answerable to that without on the left side; and other twaine obscure, & not so evident on the right side, all in the bottome of 10 the mirrors, where they yeeld images, in appearance greater than the thing it selfe, at one point onely of the sight. The same likewise is overthrowen by those mirrors which are hollow, where­in the aspect is variable: whereof Plato rendereth a reason and efficient cause: for he saith, that a mirror rising of the one side and the other, the sight doeth change the reflexion, falling from the one side to the other: and therefore as the viewes and visions, some immediately returne upon us, others gliding upon the opposite parts of the mirror, have recourse againe from thence unto us, it is not possible that all reflexions should be in equall angles: so that when they come to coping and close sight, they thinke by these oppositions to take from the fluxions of light, caried from the Moone to the earth, the equalitie of angles, supposing this to cary more probability with it, than the other. Howbeit, if we must needs yeeld thus much, and grant this 20 unto our best beloved Geomitrian: first and formost by all likelihood this should befall unto those mirrors that are very smooth and exquisitly polished: whereas the Moone hath many in­equalities, and asperities, in such sort, as the raies comming from the vast body of the Sunne, and caried to mightie altitudes, which receive one from another, and intercommunicate the lights, as they be sent to and fro, and distributed reciprocally, are refracted, broken, and inter­laced all maner of waies, so as the counterlights doe meet and encounter one another, as if they came from many mirrours unto us. Moreover, if we should grant and suppose these re­flexions of beames upon the superfices of the Moone, to be made by way of equall angles, there is no impossibility in the matter, but that the same raies being caried so great a way, shuld have their fractions, flexions, and delapsions; that thereby the light should be confused and 30 shine the more.

Some also there be who prove by lineary demonstration, that she casteth much of her light to the earth plumbe downe by direct line drawen under her as she doth encline: But for a man to make such a discription and deliniation, reading as he doth, and discoursing in a publicke au­ditorie, especially being so frequent, it was not easie, neither could it well be. In briefe I marvell (quoth he) how they came thus to alledge against us the halfe Moone, more than halfe tipped or croisant. For if the Sunne do illuminate the masse, as a man would say, of the Moone, being of a celestiall or firy matter, surely he would not leave halfe the sphaere or globe thereof darke alwaies & shadowed without light, to our sense, but how little soever he touched her, turning as he doth about, reason would give and convenient it were that she should be wholly replenished 40 and totally changed and turned, by that brightnesse of his, which spredeth so quickely, and pas­seth through all so easily. For considering that wine touching water in one point onely, or a drop of blood falling into some liquor, dieth and coloureth the same all red or purple, like unto blood: and seeing they say that the very aire is altered with light, not by any [...] or beames intermingled, but by sudden conversion and [...] , even in a point or [...] onely: how can they thinke that one starre comming to touchanother starre, and one light another should not be mingled immediatly, nor make a confusion and mutation throughout, but to [...] that onely in the outward superficies which it toucheth? For that [...] which the Sun maketh in fetching a compasse and turning toward the Moone, one while [...] upon the very line which parteth that which is visible in her [...] the invisible, another while rising up directly, 50 in such sort as that it both cutteth her in twaine & is cutte also by her [...] , according to divers regards and habitudes of that which is light to the darke, causing those sundry [...] in her, whereby she appeareth but halfe, more than halfe horned and [...] : this I say [...] more than any thing els, that this illumination of the Moone, whereof we speake all this whiles, is not a mixture of two lights but a touching onely, not a collustration or gathering [...] of sundry lights, but an illustration thereof round about. But for as much as she is not onely [Page 1171] illuminate her selfe, but he also sendeth backe hither unto us the image of that brightnesse, this [...] us more and more in that which we say as touching her terreine substance. For ne­ver are there any reflections and reverberations upon a thing that is rare and of subtile parts; neither may a man easily so much as imagine how light from light, or one fire should result and rebound from another: but needs it must be that the subject which maketh the reverberation or reflection is firme, solid and thicke, to the end there may be a blow given against it, and a re­bounding also from it. To prove this, doe but marke the aire, which giveth passage unto the Sunne for to perce quite through it, neither admitteth it any repulse or driving backe. Con­trariwise we may see, that from wood, from slones, and from clothes or garments, hung forth against the same, he maketh many reflections of his light, and illuminations on every side. 10 And even so we see, that the earth by him is illuminate; for he sendeth not his beames to the very bottome thereof as in water, nor throughout the whole as in the aire: but looke what cir­cle the Sunne maketh turning about the Moone, and how much he cutteth from her, such ano­ther there is that compasseth the earth: and just so much he doth illuminate alwaies, as he lea­veth without light: for that which is illumined in the one and the other, is a little more than a hemisphaere. Give me leave therefore now to conclude after the maner of Geometricians by proportion. If, when three things there be, unto which the light of the Sunne commeth, to wit, the Aaire, the Moone, and the earth, we see that one of them is by him illuminate, not as the aire, but as the earth: we must of necessity collect that those two be of one nature, considering that of the same cause they suffer the same effects. Now when all the companie highly com­mended 20 Lucius for this disputation: Passing well done of you Lucius ( quoth I) you have to a proper discourse annexed as prety a comparison; for we must give you your right and not de­fraud you of that which is your due. With that smiled Lucius: I have yet (quoth he) a second proportion which I will adde unto the other, to the end that we may prove by demonstration, that the Moone wholy resembleth the earth, not only by this that she suffreth togtheer with the earth, from the same cause, the same accidents: but also because they both doe worke the like effects upon the same object. For this I am sure you will yeeld and grant unto me, that of all those things which are observed about the Sunne, none doe so much resemble one another, as Some thinke he [...] that [...] over the face of the earth, which hapned at the [...] time that our Saviour suffe­red upon the crosse, which continued [...] the [...] houre of the day, [...] to the ninth, that is to say, from noone, untill three of the [...] af­ter noone. his eclips doth his setting or going downe: if you will but call to minde that meeting of Sunne and Moone together, which hapned of late daies, and beginning immediatly after noonested, 30 caused many a starre from sundry parts of the skie to be seene, and wrought such a temperature or disposition in the aire, as is of the twilight evening and morning. But if you will not grant me the said supposition in this, our Theon here will cite and bring, I trow, Mimnermus, Cydias, Archilochus: and besides them Stesichorus and Pindarus, lamenting that in eclipses, the world is robbed of their greatest light which they bewaile as if it were enterred, saying that midnight was come at noone day, and that the radiant beames of the Sunne, went in the way and path of darkenesse: but above all he will alledge Homer saying that in an eclips, the faces and visages of men were overcast and seized upon with night and darkenesse: also that the Sunne was quite lost and missing out of the heaven being in conjunction with the Moone. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 40 And this hapneth by a naturall cause, according as Homer sheweth in this verse,

[...].
* Somewhat had bene said of the change of the Moone, as it should seeme, for it will not stand with the [...] ecclipse, to [...] at any other time than [...] the change, by course of nature.
What time as Moones their interchange begin
As one goes out, another commethin.

As for the rest in mine advise they be as certaine and doe conclude as exactly as the demonstra­tions of the Mathematicians, to wit, that as the night is the shadow of the earth, so the eclipse of the Sun, is the shadow of the Moone, when as the sight returneth upon it selfe. For the Sunne going downe is hidden from our sight by the earth, and being eclipsed is likewise darkened by the Moone, and both the one and the otherbe offuscations of darkenesse; that of the Sunne setting, by the earth, and the other of the Sunne eclipsed by the Moone, by the reason that the 50 shade [...] our sight: of which premises the conclusion evidently doth follow. For if the effect be like, the efficients also be semblable; because necessary it is, that the same accidents or effects in the [...] subject, must come from the same efficient. Now if the darkenesse occa­sioned by the eclipses be not so deepe nor affect the aire so forcibly as doth the night, we are not to marvell thereat: for the substance of that bodie which maketh the night, and of it that [...] the eclipse, may wel be the same, although the greatnesse be not equall. For the Aegyp­tians: [Page 1172] I suppose, doe hold, that the Moone is in bignesse the 72. part of the earth: And Anax­agoras saith it is just as big as Peloponnesus. Aristarchus writeth that the overthwart line or Di­amiter of the Moone in proportion to that of the earth is lesse than if 60. were compared with nineteene: and somewhat more than if a hundred and eight were compared with 43: and there­by the earth bereaveth us of all sight of the Sunne, so great it is. For it must be a great obstacle and opposition betweene, which continueth the time of a night: and the Moone albeit other­while she hideth all the Sunne, yet that ecclipse neither lasteth not so long, nor is so universall: for there appeareth alwaies about his circumference some light, which will not permit the darknesse to be so blacke and deepe, and altogether so obscure. Aristotle also, I meane the ancient Philosopher of that name, rendring a reason why there happen ecclipses of the Moone 10 oftener than of the Sunne, among other causes, brings in this for one: that the Sunne is ec­clipsed by the obstruction of the Moone, and the Moone by that of the earth, which is much greater and more spacious, and so by consequence is opposed very often. And Posidonius de­fined this accident thus: The ecclipse of the Sunne (quoth he) is the conjunction or meeting of the Sunne and the Moone, the shadow whereof doeth darken our eie-sight: for there is no defect or ecclipse of the Sunnes light, but unto those, whose sight the shadow of the Moone hath caught, and so hindreth them from seeing the Sunne. Now in confessing that the sha­dow of the Moone reacheth downe unto us, I know not what he hath left himselfe for to al­ledge. Certes, impossible it is, that a starre should cast a shadow: for that which is voide al­together of light, is called a shadow; and light maketh no shadow, but contrariwise, naturally 20 riddeth it away. But what arguments besides, were alledged to this purpose (quoth he?) The Moone (quoth I then) suffereth the same ecclipse: Well done (quoth he) of you, to reduce this into my memorie: But would you have me to prosecute this disputation, as if you had al­ready granted and set downe, that the Moone is subject to ecclipses, when she is caught within the shadow of the earth; or that for a subject and argument of some declamation, and demon­stration unto you, I first rehearse all the arguments one after another? Mary, do so I pray you (quoth Theon:) bestow your labour in such a discourse. I had need verily (quoth he) of some perswasion, having onely heard say, that when these three bodies, to wit, the earth, the Sunne, and the Moone, are directly in one right line, then happen ecclipses; for that either the earth, taketh the Sunne from the Moone, or the Moone taketh him from the earth: for the Sunne is 30 in defect or ecclipse when the Moone, and the Moone likewise when the earth is in the mids of them three; whereof the one falleth out in conjunction, the other in the opposition or full Moone. Then (quoth Lucius) these be in a maner all the principall points and the very briefe of those that which hath beene delivered: but to begin withall, if you thinke so good take in hand that firme argument which is drawen from the forme and figure of the shadow, which indeed is a Conus or Pyramis (resembling a sugar loafe) with the sharpe end forward, namely when a great fire or great light being round, comprehendeth a masse likewise round but lesse: and hereupon it commeth that in eclipses of the Moone the circumscription of the blacke or darkenesse, from the cleere and light, have alwaies their sections round: for the approchments and applications of a round bodie, in what part soever, whether it give or receive those sections; 40 by reason of the similitude doe alwaies keepe a round forme and be circular. Now to the second argument. You know well (I suppose) that the first part eclipsed or darkened in the Moone, is that which regardeth the east: and contrariwise in the Sunne, that which looketh toward the west: for the shaddow of the earth goeth from east to west, but contrariwise the Sunne and Moone, from west eastward. The experience of the apparitions, giveth us the visible knowledge of these things: and many words there need not to make the demonstration hereof plaine and evident to be understood: by which suppositions is confirmed the cause of the eclipse: For, in as much as the Sunne is eclipsed when he is overtaken, and the Moone by meeting with that which maketh her eclipse, by all likelihood, nay rather necessarily, the one is caught behinde, the other surprised before, for that the obstruction, & inumbration beginneth on that side on which 50 that commeth first that maketh the said inumbration. Now the Moone lighteth upon the Sunne from the west, as striving with him in course and hastning after him: but the shaddow of the earth commeth from the east, as having a contrary motion. The third reason is taken from the time and greatnesse of the eclipses of the Moone. For when she is eclipsed on high and farre from the earth, she continueth but a little while in defect or want of light: but when she suffereth the same default being low and nere unto the earth, she is much oppressed, and slowly [Page 1173] getteth she foorth of the shade thereof: and yet when she is low she moveth most swiftly, and being aloft, as slowly. But the cause is in the difference of the shaddow, which toward the bot­tome or base is broader as are the Cones or Pyramides, & so it groweth smaller and smaller taper­wise, untill at the top it endeth in asharpe point. And hereupon it cōmeth that the Moone being low and so falling within the shadow is compassed with greater circles of the shadow, & so pas­seth through the very bottome of it, & that which is most darke: but being on high, by reason of the narrow compasse of the shadow, being as it were in a small puddle of mire, she is but a little sullied or beraied therewith, & so quickely getteth forth of it. Here I passe by the accidents and effects that have their particular causes. For we daily see that the fire, out of a shady place appea­reth & shineth the rather, either by reason of the thickenesse of the darke aire, which admitteth 10 no efluxions nor diffusions of the vertue of the fire, keeping in and containing within it selfe the substance thereof: or rather if this be a passion of the sense, like as hot things nere unto cold are felt to be more hot, and pleasures presently upon paines found more vehement: even so things cleere, appeare better when they are laid neere unto those that be darke, by meanes of dif­ferent passions, which doe streine the imagination: but the former conjecture seemeth to bee more probable: for in the Sunne-shine, the whole nature of fire not onely leeseth his bright­nesse, but also in giving place unto it, becommeth more dull, and unwilling to burne, for that the heat of the Sunne doth scatter and dissipate the force thereof. If then it were true that the Moone had in it a feeble and dimme or duskish fire, as being a muddy starre, as the Stoicks saie it is, reason it were and meet, that it should not suffer any one of those accidents (but contrary 20 al) which now we see it to suffer, namely to be seene at that time when as it is hidden; and againe to be hidden, what time as she sheweth herselfe: that is to say, to be covered all the rest of the time, being darkned by the aire environing it, and to shine out againe for six moneths, and af­terwards for five moneths be hidden, entring within the shadow of the earth. For of 465. revo­lutions of ecclipsed full Moones, 404. are of six moneths, and the rest of five. It must needs be then, during this time, the Moone should appeare shining in the shadow: but contrariwise we see, that in the shadow ecclipsed she is, and looseth her light, which she recovereth againe afterwards, when she is escaped and gotten foorth of the said shadow, yea, and appeareth of­ten in the day time; so that it is rather any thing else than a firie body, and resembling a starre. Lucius had no sooner thus said, but Pharnaces & Apollonides came running both together, to set 30 upon him, and to confute his speech: and then Pharnaces assisted by Apollonides there pre­sent: Why: this (quoth he) is that which principally prooveth the Moone to be a starre, and to stand much upon fire, namely, that in ecclipses she is not wholly darkned, and not at all to be seene, but sheweth through the shade a certeine colour, resembling a coale of fire, and the same fearefull to see to, which is the very naturall and proper hue of her owne. As for Apollo­nides, he made instance and opposition as touching the word shadow: for that (quoth he) Ma­thematicians by that terme use alwaies to call the place which is not illumined, but the hea­ven admitteth no shadow. Whereto I made answer, that this instance of his was alledged ra­ther against the word contentiously, than against the thing Physically, or Mathematically; for the place which is darkned and obstructed by the opposition of the earth, if a man will not call 40 a shadow, but a place voide or deprived of light, yet be it what it will, whensoever the Moone is there, you must of necessitie confesse, that she becommeth obscure and darkned: and in one word, I say, it is a very absurd folly to hold, that the shadow of the earth reacheth not to that place, from whence the shadow the Moone falling upon our sight heere upon the earth, cau­seth the ecclipse of the Sunne. And now will I come againe to you Pharnaces: For that burnt colour, like a coale in the Moone, which you say is proper unto her, agreeth very well to a body, that hath thicknesse and depth: neither use there to remaine in bodies which be rare any marke or token of a flame, nor a coale can possibly be made of a body which is not solide & able to receive deepe within it the heat of fire, and the blacknesse of smoake: as Homer himselfe sheweth very well in one place, by these words: 50

When flower of fire was gon and flowen away
And flame extinct the coales he did forth lay.

For the coale seemeth not properly to be fire, but a bodie firie and altered by fire, remaining still in a solid masse or substance which hath taken as it were deepe root: whereas flames are but the setting on fire and fluxions of some nutriment or matter which is of a rare substance, and by reason of feeblenesse is quickely resolved and consumed. In so much as there were not ano­ther [Page 1174] argument so evident, to prove that the Moone is solid and terrestriall, as this, if the proper colour therof resemble a coale of fire. But it is not so my Pharnaces: for in her eclipse she chan­geth diversly her colours, which Mathematicians in regard of time and place determinatly di­stinguish in this sort. If she be eclipsed in the West, she appeareth exceeding blacke for three houres and an halfe: if in the middle of the heaven, she sheweth this light reddish or bay colour resembling sire: and after seven houres and an halfe, there ariseth a rednesse indeed. Finally, when this eclipse [...] in the cast and toward the Sunne rising she taketh a blew or grayish colour, which is the cause that the Poets and namely Empedocles calleth her Glaucopis. Consi­dering then, that they see manifestly how the Moone changeth into so many colours in the shaddow, they doe very ill to attribute unto her this colour onely of a burning or live coale: 10 which intrueth a man may say to be lesse proper unto her than any other, and rather to be some little suffusion and [...] of light appearing and shining through a shaddow; and that her proper and naturall colour is blacke and earthly. For seeing that here below whereas the lakes and rivers which receive the Sunne beames, and by that meanes seeme in their superficies to be some time reddish, and otherwhiles of a violet colour, the shaddowy places adjoining take the same colours and are illuminated, starting backe by reason of reflexions & divers rebated splen­dures. What wonder is it, if a great river (as it were) or flux of shadow falling upon a celestiall sea as a man would say of a light not firm, stedy & quiet, but stirred with inumerable starres walking over it, and besides, which admitteth divers mixtures and mutations, doth take from the Moone the impression of sundry colours, and send the same hither unto us? For it cannot be avowed 20 that a starre of fire should appeare through a shaddow either blacke, blew, or violet; but hils, plaines, and seas, are seene to have many and sundry resemblances of colours by reflexion of the Sunne running upon them, which are the very tincttures, that a brightnesse, mingled with shad­dowes and mists (as it were) with painters drugges and colours, bringeth upon them: which tinctures Homer went about to expresse in some sort and to name, when one while he calleth the sea [...], and [...], that is to say, of a violet colour, or deepered as wine, and otherwhile the waves purple: in one place the sea blew, greene or grey, and the colour white: as for the tinctures and colours appearing upon the earth diversly, he [...] let them passe, as I suppose, for that they be in number infinit. So, it is not like that the Moone should have but one plaine and even superfi­cies in maner of the sea, but rather resemble naturally of all things especially the earth, whereof 30 olde Socrates in Plato seemeth to fable, whether it were, that under covert words and oenigma­tically he ment this here of the Moone, or spake of some other. For it is neither incredible nor wonderfull if the Moone in it having no corruption nor muddinesse but the fruition of [...] light from heaven, and being full of heat, not of furious and burning fire, but of such as is milde and harmelesse, hath also within her faire places and marvellous pleasant mountaines also, res­plendant like bright flaming fire, purple tinctures or zones, gold and silver likewise good store, not dispersed heere and there in the bottome thereof, but arising up to the upper face of the said planes in great aboundance, or else spred over the hils and mountaines, even and smooth. Now say that the sight of all these things commeth unto us through a shaddow, and that after divers and sundry sorts, by reason of the variable and different mutation of the circumstant aire, yet 40 looseth not the Moone for all that, the venerable opinion that goeth of her and the reputation of her divinity, being esteemed among men a celestiall earth, or rather a feculent and troubled fire, as the Stoicks would have it, and standing much upon lees or dreggish matter. For the very fire it selfe hath barbarian honers done unto it among the Medes and Assyrians, who for very feare serve and adore such things as be noisome and hurtful, hallowing & consecrating the same above those things which are of themselves good and honorable. As for the name of the earth, there is not a Greeke but he holdeth it right worshipfull, sacred, and venerable: in so much as it is an ancient costome received throughout all Greece, to honour it as much as any other god whatsoever. And far is it from us men, to thinke that the Moone which we take to be a celestiall earth, as a dead body without soule or spirit, and altogether void of such things, which we ought 50 to offer as first fruits to the gods. For both by law we yeeld recompence and thankes giving un­to it, for those good things which we have received, and by nature we adore the same, which we acknowledge to be the most excellent for vertue, and right honourable for puissance, and therefore we thinke it no [...] at all, to suppose the Moone to be earth. To come now unto the face that appeareth therein: like as this earth upon which we walke, hath many sinuosities and valleis, even so as probable it is, that the said heavenly earth, lieth open with great deepe caves, [Page 1175] and wide chinks or ruptures, and those conteining either water or obscure aire: to the bottome thereof the light of the Sunne is not able to pierce and reach, but there falleth, and sendeth to us hither a certeine divided reflexion. Then Apollonides: Now I beseech you good sir, even by the Moone herselfe, thinke you it is possible that there should be shadowes of caves, gulfes, and chinkes there, and that the same should be discovered by our sight heere? or doe you not make reckoning of that which may come thereof? What is that (quoth I:) Mary I will tell you, (quoth he) and albeit you are not ignorant thereof, yet may you give me the hearing. The Diameter of the Moone, according to that bignesse which appeareth unto us, in the meane and ordinary distances, is twelve singers bredth long: and every one of those blacke and [...] shadowy streaks therein, is more than halfe a finger, that is to say, above the foure an twentieth 10 part of the said Diameter. Now if we suppose the whole circumference of the Moone to be thirtie thousand stadia, and according to that supposition the Diameter to be ten thousand, every one of those obscure and shadowy marks within her, will not be lesse than five hundreth Stadia, or thereabout. Consider then first, whether it be possible that there should be in the Moone so great profundities, and such rugged inequalities, as to make so bigge a shadow? and then, whether being so great, their bignesse should not be descried and seene by us. Heereup­on I smiling upon him: Now I assure you Apollonides (quoth I) I con you thanke, you have done it very well, in devising such a proper demonstration, whereby you will proove both me and your selfe also to be greater than those Giants Aloïades, I meane not at every houre of the day, but especially in the morning and evening: doe you thinke that when the Sunne maketh 20 our shadowes so long, hee yeeldeth unto our sense this goodly collection and augmentati­on, that if the thing which is shadowed be great, then that which maketh the shadow must needs be exceeding great? Neither of us twaine, I wot well, hath ever beene in the isle Lemnos, and yet both of us have many a time heard this vulgar Iambique verse so rise in every mans mouth:

[...],
The mountaine Athos shall on either side,
The cow that stands in Lemnos hide.

For this shadow of the bill falleth as it should seeme, upon a certeine brazen image of an [...] in that Isle, reaching in lengthover sea no lesse than 700 stadia; not because the said mountaine which maketh the shadow is of that height, but because the distāces of the light causeth the sha­dowes 30 of bodies to be by many folds greater than the bodies are Go to then, consider that when the Moone is at the full, at what time as she rendreth unto our eie the forme of a visage most ex­presly, by reason of the profunditic of the shadow within, then is she also farthest distant from the Sunne: for the farre recoiling and withdrawing backward of the light, is it that makes the shadow great, and not the bignesse of those inequalities, which are upon the superficies of the Moone. Moreover you see that the excessive glittering of the Sunne shining all about, will not suffer a man to see in the day time the very tops of mountaines: but the deepe, hollow, and shadowy parts therein, appeare very farre off. It carieth therefore no absurditie at all, that a man is not able exacty to see and discerne that full light and illumination of the Moone: but that the opposition of darke shadowes unto cleare lights, by reason of their diversitie is more 40 exquisitely seene. But this (quoth I) seemeth rather to checke and consute that reflexion, and reverberation which is said to rebound from the Moone, for that they who stand within the raies or beames that are returned and retorted backe, have meanes to see not onely that which is illumined, but that also which doeth illuminate. For when, in the resultation of a light from the water upon some wall, the sight falleth upon the very place it selfe, which is thus illuminate by the reflexion, the eie seeth three things, to wit, the beames or shining light driven backe, the water which maketh that reflexion, and the Sunne it selfe, whose light hitting upon the superficies of the water, is reflexed and sent backe. This being generally granted as a thing evidently seene, yet by way of objection, they bid those who affirme, that the earth is illuminate from the Moone by the reflection of the Sunnes light from it, to shew by night the 50 Sunne appearing in the superficies of the Moone, like as he may be seene in the day time with­in the water upon which she shineth, when there is the foresaid reflexion of his beames: But because he cannot then be seene, they inferre, that it must be by some other manner, and not by reflexion, that the Moone is illuminate; and if there be no such reflexion, then cannot the Moone in any wise be earth. How shall this be met withall, and what answere shall be shaped unto it (quoth Apollonides?) for the reason of reflexion seemeth all one, and common as well [Page 1176] to us as to you. True (quoth I) common it is in some sort, and in some sort not: but first marke I beseech you the comparison, how they go cleane kim, kam, and against the streame, as if ri­vers ranne up hilles: for the water is heere beneath upon the earth, and the Moone is a­bove and in the heaven: in such sort as the beames reflected, make the forme of their an­gles opposite and quite contrarie one unto the other; the one carrying the head or point upward against the supersicies of the Moone, the other downeward to the ground. Let them not then demand and require that a mirrour should render every forme or face alike, nor that in every distance there should be equall, or semblable reflexion, for in so dooing they would goe against apparent evidence. And they who holde the Moone to be a bodie not smooth, even subtile as water is, but solid, massy, and terrestriall, I cannot conceive 10 why they should looke for to see the Sunne in it as in a glasse. For milke verily doth not yeeld such specularie images nor cause reflexion of the sight, by reason of the inequallity and rugged asperity of the parts: how is it possible then, that the Moone should send backe from it the sight as mirrours doe which are more polished? And even this also, if any rase, blur, filth, or confu­sed spot have caught them in the superficies, from whence the sight being reflected is wont to receive the impression of some figure, may welbe seene, but counter-light they yeeld none: and he who requireth, that either the Sunne should appeare in the Moone, or our sight be redubled against the Sunne, let him require withall, that the eie be the Sunne, the sight thereof the light, and man, heaven. For like it is that the reflexion of the Sunne beames against the Moone, for their vehement & exeeding great brightnesse, should with a stroke rebound upon us: but seeing 20 our sight is weake and feeble, what marvel is it, if it neither give such a stroke as might rebound, nor maintaine the continuity thereof if it leaped backe againe, but is broken and faileth, as not having that abundance of light, whereby it should not be disgregate and dissipated, within those unneven and unnequall asperities? For it is not possible that the reflexion of our sight upon wa­ter, or other sorts of mirrours, whiles the same is yet strong, and able, as being neere unto the spring from whence it commeth, should not returne againe upon the eie. But from the Moone, suppose there may rebound some glimmering glances, certes they be all weake and obscure, failing in the very way, by reason of so long a distance. For otherwise arched and hol­low mirrors send backe their reflected raies with more force, than they came, in such sort as ma­ny times they catch fire and doe burne: whereas the imbossed and courled mirrours made round 30 and bearing out like a bowle, cast from them feeble and darke raies, because they beate them not backe on all sides You see certainely when two rainebowes appeare in the heaven, by reason that one cloud doth inviron and comprehend another, that the rainebow which compasseth the other without forth, yeeldeth dim colours, and not sufficiently distinct & expressed, because the outward cloud being farther remote from our sight, maketh not a strong and forcible reflexion. And what needs there any more to be said? considering that the very light of the Sunne returned and sent backe by the Moone [...] all the heat: and of his brightnesse there commeth unto us with much adoe but a small remnant, and a portion very little and feeble. Is it possible then that our sight running the same race there should any percell or residue thereof reach from the Moone backe againe to the Sunne? For mine owne part, I thinke not. Consider also I beseech 40 you (quoth I) even your owne selves, that if our eiesight were affected and disposed alike by the water and by the Moone, it could not otherwise be but that the Moone should represent unto us the images of the earth, of trees, of plants, of men, and of starres, as well as water doth, and all other kinds of mirrors. Now if there be no such reflexion of our eie sight [...] the Moone, as to bring backe unto us those images, either for the feeblenesse of it, or the rugged innequallity of her superficies, let us never require that it should leape backe as far as to the Sun. Thus have we reported as much as our memory would carrie away, whatsoever was there delivered: Now is it time to desire Sylla or rather to require & exact of him, to make his narration, for that admitted he was to here this discourse upon such a condition. And therefore if you thinke so good, let us give over walking, and sitting downe here upon these seates, make him a sedentarie audience. 50 All the companie liked well of this motion. And when we had taken our places, Theon thus began, Certes I am desirous (quoth he) and none of you all more, to heare what shall be said: But before I would be very glad to understand somewhat of those who are said to dwell in the Moone, not whether there be any persons there inhabiting, but whether it be possible that any should inhabit there. For if this cannot be, then it were mere folly and beside all reason, to say, that the Moone is earth: otherwise it would be thought to have beene created in vaine and to [Page 1177] no end: as bearing no fruits, nor affoording no habitation, no place for nativity; no food or nourishment for any men or women, in regard of which cause, and for which ends we [...] hold, that this earth wherein we live, as Plato saith, was made and created, even to be our nourse and keeper, making the day and night distinct one from another. For you see and know, that of this matter, many things have beene said aswell merily and by way of laughter, as [...] and in good earnest. For of those who inhabit the Moone, some are said to hang by the heads under it, as if they were so many [...] ; others contrariwise, who dwell upon it, are tied fast, like a sort of [...] , and turned about with such a violence, that they are in danger to be slung and shaken out. And verily she moveth not after one single motion, but three maner of waies; whereupon the Poets call her other while, [...], or Trivia, performing her course together, 10 according to length, bredth, and depth in the Zodiak. Of which motions, the first is called, A direct revolution; the second, An oblique winding or wheeling in and out; and the third, the Mathematicians call (I wote not how) An inequalitie: and yet they see, that she hath no moti­on at all even and uniforme, nor certeine in all her monthly circuits and reversions. No mar­vell therefore, considering the impetuositie of these motions, if there fell a lion sometimes out of her into Peloponnesus: nay rather we are to wonder, why we see not every day a thousand sals of men & women, yea, and as many beasts shaken out from thence, and flung downe headlong with their heeles upward. For it were a meere mockerie, to dispute and stand upon their habita­tion there, if they neither can breed nor abide there. For considering that the [...] and Troglodytes, over whose heads the Sunne standeth directly one moment onely of the day in 20 the time of the Solstices, and then presently retireth, hardly escape burning, by reason of the excessive siccitie of the circumstant aire; how possibly can the men in the Moone endure 12 Summers every yere, when the Sunne once a moneth is just in their Zenith, and setleth plumbe over head, when she is at the full? As for winds, clouds, and raines, without which the plants of the earth can neither come up nor be preserved, it passeth all imagination, that there should be any there, the aire is so subtile, drie and hote; especially, seeing that even here beneath, the high­est mountaines doe admit or feele the hard and bitter Winters from yeere to yeere, but the aire about them being pure and cleere, and without any agitation whatsoever, by reason of the sub­tilitie and lightnesse, avoideth all that thicknesse and concretion which is among us: unlesse haply we will say, that like as Minerva instilled and dropped into Achilles mouth some Nectar 30 and Ambrosia, when he received no other food; so the Moone, who both is called and is indeed Minerva, nourisheth men there, bringeth foorth daily for them Ambrosia, according as olde Pherecides was wont to say, that the very gods also were sedde and nourished. For as touching that Indian root, which (as Megasthenes saith) certeine people of India, who neither eat nor drinke, nor have so much as mouthes, whereupon they be called Astomi, do burne and make to smoake, with the odor and perfume whereof, they live; how can they come by any such there, considering the Moone is never watered nor refreshed with raine? When [...] , had thus said: You have (quoth I) very properly and sweetly handled this point; you have (I say) by this mery conceited jest, laied smooth and even, those bent and knit browes, the austerity (I meane) of this whole discourse; which hath given us heart and encouraged us to make answere: for that, if we 40 faile and come short, we looke not for streight examination, nor feare any sharpe and grievous punishment. For to say a trueth, they who take most offence at these matters, rejecting and dis­crediting the same, are not so great adversaries unto those who are most perswaded thereof; but such as will not after a milde and gentle sort consider that which is possible and probable. First and formost therefore, this I say, that, suppose there were no men at all inhabiting the Moone, it doth not necessarily follow therefore, that she was made for nothing and to no purpose: for we see that even this earth here is not thorowout inhabited, nor tilled in all parts: nay, there is but a little portion thereof habitable, like unto certeine promontories or [...] arising out of the deepe sea, for to breed, in gender and bring forth plants & living creatures: for of the rest, some part is desert, waste and barren, by reason of excessive colde and heat; but in trueth, 50 the greatest portion lieth drowned under the great and maine sea. But you (for the great love that you beare to Aristarchus, whom you admire so much, and evermore have in your hands) give no eare to Crates, notwithstanding that you reade these verses in Homer:

The ocean sea, from whence both men and gods were first [...] ,
With surging waves the greatest part of earth [...] over spred.

[Page 1178] And yet God forbid, that these parts should be said for to have beene made for nought: for the sea doth expire and breath forth certeine mild vapours: and the most gentle and pleasant winds which arise and blow in the greatest heat of Summer, come from frozen regions and not inha­bited for extreame colde, which the snow melting and thawing by little and little do send from them and scatter over all our countreys. And the earth (as Plato saith) ariseth out of the sea in the mids, as a guardianesse and workmistresse of night and day. What should hinder then, but that the Moone also may well be without living creatures in it, and yet give reflexions unto the light diffused and spred about her; yea, and yeeld a receit or receptacle of the stars raies which have their confluence, meeting and temperature in her, whereby she concocteth the evapora­tions ascending from the earth, and withall, [...] the over-ardent and firie heat of the Sunne. 10 Over & besides, attributing as we do very much to the ancient opinion & voice which we have received from our forefathers, we will be bold to say, that she hath bene reputed Diana, as a vir­gin, barren and fruitlesso, but otherwise salutarie, helpfull and profitable to the world. And of all this that hath bene said (my friend Theon) there is nothing that doth proove and shew di­rectly, this habitation of men in the Moone to be impossible: for her turning about being so middle, so kinde and calme, polisheth the aire neere unto it, it distributeth and spreadeth the same all about in so good disposition, that there is none occasion given to feare, that those who live in it should fall downe or slide out of her, unlesse she also come downe withall. As for that mani­fold variety of her motions, it proceedeth not from any inequality, error or confusion, but the Astrologers demonstratively shew thereby an order and course most admirable, contriving it 20 so, that she should be fast within certeine circles that turne and winde about other circles, some devising that she herselfe stirreth not, others supposing that she mooveth alwaies equally, smoothly and in conforme celerity: for these are the ascensions of divers circles, the circumver­tions and turnings about, the habitudes in references one to another, yea, and respective to us, which make most elegantly those orderly elevations and depressions in altitude, which appeare in her motion, yea, and her digressions in latitude, all jointly with that ordinary and direct revo­lution of hers in longitude. As touching that exceeding heat and continuall inflamation of the Sunne, you will cease (I am sure) to be afraid thereof, in case, first and formost, you will lay to those eleven hote and aestivall conjunctions as it were in exchange, as many oppositions when she is at the full; and then oppose unto those excessive and enormous extremities which holde 30 not long, the continuall change and mutation, which reduceth them into a proper and peculiar temperature, taking from them that which is excessive and overmuch in both: for it seemeth ve­ry probable, that the time betweene is a season resembling the Springtide. Moreover, the Sun sendeth his beames into us thorow a grosse and troubled aire, casting his heat nourished and fed by evaporations: whereas the aire there, about the Moone, being subtile & transparent, doth disgre gate and disperse the said beames, as having no nouriture to mainteine them, nor body to settle upon.

To come now unto trees, woods and fruits; here indeed with us, they be the raines that nou­rish them: but in other high countreys with you, namely, about In [...] . Thebes and Siene, it is not the water from heaven, but out of the earth, that feedeth them: for the earth being soaked there­with, 40 and besides refreshed with coole winds and comfortable dewes, would be loth to compare infertilitie with the best watered ground in the world, such is the goodnesse, vertue and tempe­rature of the soile. And verily the trees of the same kinde with us, if they have beene well Win­tered, that is to say, if they have endured a sharpe and long Winter, bring forth plenty of good fruit; but in Libya and with you in Aegypt, they are soone hurt and offended with colde, and it they seare exceedingly. And whereas the provinces of Gedrosia and Trogloditis, lying hard upon the ocean sea, be very barren by reason of their drouth, and are altogether without trees: yet within the sea adjoining thereto, and which beateth upon the continent, there grow trees of a wonderfull bignesse, yea & there be that put foorth fresh and greene at the very bottome of the sea: whereof some they call Olive trees, others, Lawrels, and some againe Isis haires. As for 50 those plants which be called Anacampserotes, after they be plucked foorth of the ground where they grow, and so hanged up, they doe not onely live as long as a man would have them, but (that which more is) budde and put foorth greene leaves. Moreover, of those plants which are set or sowen, some, as namely, Centauri, if they be planted or sowed in a rich or sat soile, and the same well drenched and watered, doe degenerate and grow out of their naturall quali­tie, yea, and leese all their vertue, for that they love to grow drie, and in their proper nature and soile agreeable thereto, they thrive passing well. Others cannot so much as away with any [Page 1179] dewes, as the most part of the Arabian plants; for wet them once, they mislike, fade and die. What marvell then if there grow within the Moone, rootes, seeds, plants, and trees, that have no need either of shewers, or of winter winde and weather, but are appropriate naturally to a subtile and dry aire, such as the summer season doeth affoord? And why may it not stand with good reason, that the Moone herselfe sends certeine warme windes, and that by her shaking and agitation, as she still mooveth, there should breath foorth a sweet and comfortable aire, fine dewes, and gentle moistures, spred and dispersed all about, sufficient to mainteine the plants fresh and greene: considering withall, that she of her owne temperature is not ardent, nor exceeding drie, but rather soft and moist, and engendring all humiditie? For there com­meth not from her unto us, any one effect or accident of siccity, but of moisture and of a semi­nine 10 & soft constitution, many; to wit, the growing and thriving of plants, the putrefaction of flesh killed, the turning of wines to be sowre, flat, and dead, the srumnesse and tendernesse of wood, and the easie deliverance of women in childbirth. But I feare me, that I should moove and provoke Pharnaces againe, who all this while sitteth still and saieth nought, if I alledge the ebbing and flowing, or the inundations of the great Ocean, as they themselves say, the firthes, streights, and armes of the sea, which swell and rise by the Moone, naturally given to en­crease moisture and breed humours: and therefore I will direct my words toward you rather, friend Theon, for you say unto us, in expounding these verses of the Poet Aleman,

What things on earth the [...] , as nourse doth feed:
Which Jupiter and Moone betwixt them breed.
20

that in this place he calleth the aire Jupiter, and saith, that being moistened by the Moone, he is converted into dew: for the Moone my good friend, seemeth in nature to be quite contra­ry unto the sunne, not onely in this, that whatsoever he doeth thicken, drie, and harden, she is woont to resolve, moisten, and mollifie, but that which more is, to humect and refrigerate the heat that commeth from him, when the same lighteth upon her, or is mingled with her. Therefore as well they who suppose the Moone to be a firie and ardent body, doe erre, as those who would have the creatures there inhabiting, to have all things necessarie for their generati­on, food and maintenance, like unto them that live heere; never considering the great diffe­rence and inequality which is in nature, wherein there be found greater and more varieties and diversities of living creatures, one with another, than with other things: neither would there 30 be men in the world without mouthes, and whose lippes are growen up together, and who were nourished also with smels onely, in case men could not live without solide and substan­tiall food. But that power of Nature which Ammonius himselfe hath shewed us, and which Hesiodus under covert words hath given us to understand by these verses,

In Mallowes and in Asphodels, which grow on every ground,
What use and profit manifold, for man there may be found.

Epimenides hath made plaine and evident indeed and effect, teaching us that nature susteineth and preserveth a living creature with very small food and maintenance: for so it may have but as 40 much as an oilive, it needs no more nourishment, but may live therewith, and doe full well. Now it is very like & probable, that those who dwel within the Moone, if any els, be light, active and nimble of body, and easie to be nourished with any thing whatsoever: also that the Moone (as well as the Sunne, who is a living creature, standing much upon fire, and by many degrees greater than the earth) is nourished and mainteined as they say, by the humours which are upon the earth, like as all other starres, which are in number infinite. So light and slender they imagine those living creatures to be that are above, and so soone contented and satisfied with small necessaries. But we neither see this, nor yet consider that a divers region, nature and tem­perature is meet and agreeable unto them: much like, as if when we could not ourselves come nere unto the sea, nor touch and taste it, but have seene it only a farre off, & heard that the water 50 in it is bitter, brackish, salt, and not potable, one should come and tell us, that it nourisheth a mightie number of great creatures, of all sorts & formes, living in the bottome thereof, and that it is full of huge and monstrous beasts, which make use of the water, as we doe of aire; hee would be thought to tell us tales and monstrous fables: even so it seemeth that we stand affec­ted and disposed in these matters of the Moone, not beleeving that there be any men inhabiting within it. But I am verily perswaded, that they may much more marvell, seeing the earth heere [Page 1180] a sarre off, as the dregges, sediment, and grounds as it were of the whole world, appearing un­to them through moist cloudes, and foggie mists, a small thing God wot, and the same with­out light, base, abject, and unmooveable: how the same should breed, nourish, maintaine, and keepe living creatures which have motion, breathing, and vitall heat: and in case they had ever heard these verses out of Homer, as touching certaine habitations,

Ugly and foule, most hideous to be seene:
Whereof the gods themselves right fearefull beene.

Also:

Under the earth beneath, and hell unseene,
As farre as heavens from earth remooved beene. 10

they would thinke verily and say, that they had beene spoken of this earth heere: and that darke hell and Tartarus were heere situate, and farre remote: as also that the Moone onely was the earth, as being equally distant from heaven above and hell beneath. Now before I had well made an end of my speech, Sylla taking the words out of my mouth: Stay a while (quoth he) ô Lamprias, your speech; and hold off with your boat, as they say, for feare you runne an end with your tale upon the ground ere you be aware, and mar all the plaie, which for this present hath another scene and disposition; and I my selfe am the actour: but before I proceed farther, I will bring forth mine author unto you, if there be nothing to impeach me; who beginneth in this maner with a verse of Homer:

Farre from the maine, within the Ocean sea,
There lies an Iland hight Ogygiae, 20

distant from great Britaine or England Westward, five daies sailing: And other three isles there be, of like distance one from the another, and from the said iland, bearing northwest, whereas the sun setteth in Summer: in one of which the barbarous people of the countrey do fable and feine that Saturne was deteined and kept prisoner by Iupiter. Now for the keeping as well of it, as of those other isles, and the whole sea adjacent, which was called Saturns sea, the gyant Ogygius, or Briareus was placed: as also that the maine and firme land, wherewith the great sea is borde­red round about, is remooved from the others isles not so farre, but from Ogygia five hundred stadia or there about: unto which men use to row in galleis, for that sea is very ebbe and low, hardly to be passed by great vessels, by reason of the huge quantitie of mudde brought thither 30 by a number of rivers, which running out of the maine continent, discharge themselves into it, raising mightie shelves and barres, whereby the sea is choked up as it were with earth, and hardly navigable: which gave occasion of that old opinion which went thereof, that it should be frozen and stand all over with an ice. Well, the coasts along the firme land, which lie upon this sea, are inhabited by Greeks, all about a mightie bay or gulfe thereof, no lesse spacious than the huge lake Maeotis, the mouth or entrance whereof lieth directly opposite unto that of the Caspian sea: These people are reputed and named to be the inhabitants of the conti­nent or firme land, accounting and calling all us Ilanders, as dwelling in a land environed round about, and washed with the sea. They suppose also, that they in old time who accompanied Hercules, and being left by him, abode there, and intermingled afterwards with the people and 40 nations of Saturne, caused to revive againe the Greeke nation there, well neere extinguished, which being subdued and brought under the language, lawes, maners, and fashions of the Bar­barians, flourished againe by these meanes, was well peopled, and recovered their ancient pu­issance and greatnesse. And heereupon it is, that the chiefe and principall honour, they doe unto Hercules, but in a second place, to Saturne. Now when the starre of Saturne, which we call Phaenon, & there by his saying, Nycturus is entred into the signe Taurus, (& that it doth once in the space of 30. yeeres) they having long before prepared al necessaries for a solemne sacrifice, & a long voiage or navigation, send foorth those upon whom the lot falleth, to row in that huge sea, and to live a long time in a strange country. Now when they be imbarked & entred once in to the wide and open sea, they take their adventure and fortune, as it falleth out. Such as have 50 passed the dangers of the sea & arived in safetie, land first in those Ilands lying opposite against them, being inhabited by Greeke nations, where they see the Sunne to be hidden from them not one full houre in thirtie daies (and that is all their night) whereof the darkenesse is but small, as having a twilight in the west where the Sunne went downe, much like the dawning of the day. Having heere made their abode for ninety daies, during which space they were highly honored and found great entertainment, as being reputed holy men and so termed, conducted they are [Page 1181] with the mindes and transported over into the Island of Saturne: which is inhabited by no o­thers but themselves and such as had beene sent thither before time in this maner. For albeit lawfull it is for them, after they have done service unto Saturne the time of thirty yeres, to [...] home againe into their owne country; yet for the most part they chuse to remaine there still in peace and rest, than to returne soone, for that they be already inured and accustomed to the place: others because without any labor and trouble of theirs, they have plentie of all things, as wel for their sacrifices, as for the ordinary maintenance of such, as continually are given to their books and to the study of Philosophy. For surely by their [...] , the nature of the Island and the mildenesse of the aire is woonderfull. And whereas some of them were willing to de­part from thence, they have beene staied and empeached by a divine power; which hath appea­red 10 unto them as unto their friends and familiars, not [...] in dreames and by way of outward signes, but visibly also unto many of them, by the meanes of familiar spirits and angels, devising and talking with them. For they say that Saturne himselfe is personally there, within the deepe cave of a great hollow rocke shining and [...] like pure gold, where he lieth asleepe, for that Jupiter had devised for him sleepe, in stead of other chaines and bonds, to keepe him fast for stirring. But there be certaine birds haunting the top of the said rocke, which flie downe from thence and carry unto him the divine food Ambrosia. As for the whole Island, it is by report replenished with a most fragrant and odoriferous perfume, which out of that cave, as from a lively fountaine doth breath forth continually. And the said demons or angels doe attend and waite upon Saturne, such I meane as were his courtiors and minions, at what time as he [...] 20 as soveraigne over gods and men; who having the skill of prophecie and divination, doe of themselves foretell many future things: howbeit of the greatest matters and of most impor­tance, they make report and relation after they have beene downe below with Saturne, as his dreames revealed unto them. For whatsoever Jupiter thinketh and deviseth of before, Saturne dreameth: As for his sodaine wakenings they be Titanicall passions and [...] of the spirit in him. But his sleepe is milde and sweet, wherein he sheweth his divine and roiall nature of it selfe pure and [...] . And thither (quoth he) this stranger and friend of mine be­ing brought, where he served god Saturne at his case & repose, attained unto the skil of Astrolo­gie, so far forth as it is possible for one that had the exact knowledge of Geometry. And among other parts of Philosophy he gave himselfe unto that which is called naturall. But having a lon­ging 30 desire to [...] and see the great Island (for so they call the firme land wherein we are) after the thirtie yeares were past, and his successors thither arrived, taking his leave of his kinsfolke and friends whom he bad [...] , he tooke sea in other respects lightly and nimbly appointed, but good store he carried with him of voiage provision within pots and cups of gold. But to recount unto you in particular what adventures to him befell, how many nations he visited, through what countries he travelled, how he searched into holy writings, and was professed in all religious orders and holy confraternities, one whole day would not be sufficient (I say) to re­hearse, as he himselfe delivered the same unto us, particularising very wel of every thing: but as much as concerneth this present discourse, listen and I will relate unto you. For he continued a long time at Carthage, where he was greatly honored and respected, as also among us, for that 40 he found sacred skinnes of parchment, which at the overthrow and saccage of the former city called Great Carthage had beene secretly conveyed thither and lien hidden a long time under the ground. So he said that of those gods which appeare unto us in heaven, we ought (and so he advised me also) to adore and worship especially the Moone, as the principall guide and maistresse of our life. Whereat when I mervelled and besought him to expound and declare the same more plainely: The Greeks (quoth he) ô Sylla, talke very much of the gods; but in all things they say not well. As for example, first and formost, in naming Ceres and Proserpina they doe well and right: but to put them both together, and to thinke that they are both in one and the same place, they doe amisse: For the one, to wit, Ceres, is upon the earth, the very dame and mistresse of all those things that be above the ground; but the other is in the Moone, and 50 called she is by them that inhabite the moone, Core and Perserphonie that is to say, [...] . Persephonie as one would say [...], for that she bringeth light and brightnesse: but Core, be­cause the sight or apple of the eie, in which is seene the image of him who looketh into it, like as the brightnesse of the Sunne appeareth in the Moone, we call Core. Now whereas it is said that they goe up and downe wandring and seeking one the other, the same carieth some [...] with it: for they desire and long after one another when they be parted and asunder, and they [Page 1182] embrace one the other in the darke many times. Moreover, that this Core or Proserpina is one while above in heaven and in the light, another while in darkenesse and the night, is not untrue; onely there is some error in reckoning and numbring the time. For we see her not six moneths, but every sixth moneth, or from six moneths to six moneths, under the earth, as under her mother, caught with the shadow: and seldome is it found that this should happen within five moneths: for that it is impossible that she should abandon and leave Pluto, being his wife: ac­cording as Homer, hath signified although under darke and covert wordes, not untruely, say­ing,

But to the farthest borders of the earth and utmost end, 10
Even to the faire Elysian fields the gods then shall thee send.

For looke where the shadow endeth and goeth no farther, that is called the limit and end of the earth: and thither no wicked and impure person shall ever be able to come. But good folke after their death in the world being thither carried, lead there another easie life in peace and re­pose; howbeit, not altogether a blessed, happie and divine life, untill they die a second death: but what death this is, aske me not, my Sylla, for I purpose of my selfe to declare & shew it unto you hereafter. The vulgar sort be of opinion that man is a subject compounded: and good rea­son they have so to thinke: but in beleeving that he consisteth of two parts onely, they are decei­ved: 20 for they imagine that the understanding is in some sort a part of the soule: but the under­standing is better than the soule, by how much the soule is better and more divine than the bo­die. Now the conjunction or composition of the soule with understanding, maketh reason: but with the bodie, passion: whereof this is the beginning and principle of pleasure and paine, the other of vertue and vice. Of these three conjoined and compact in one, the earth yeeldeth for her part the body; the Moone, the soule; and the Sunne, understanding to the generation or creation of man; and understanding giveth reason unto the soule; * * * * even as the Sunne light and brightnesse to the Moone. As touching the deathes which we die, the one maketh man of 3. two, and the other of 2. one. And the former verily is in the region and ju­risdiction of Ceres, which is the cause that we sacrifice unto her. Thus it commeth to passe that the Athenians called in olde time those that were departed, [...], that is to say, Cereales. 30 As for the other death it is in the Moone or region of Proserpina. And as with the one terre­striall Mercury, so with the other, celestiall Mercurie doth inhabit. And verily Ceres dissolveth and seperateth the soule from the bodie sodainly and forcibly with violence: but Proserpina parteth the understanding from the soule, gently, and in long time. And heereupon it is, that the is called, [...], as one would say, begetting one: for that the better part in a man becom­meth one and alone, when by her it is separated: and both the one and the other hapneth ac­cording to nature. Every soule without understanding, as also endued with understanding, when it is departed out of the body, is ordeined by fatall destiny to wander for a time, but not both alike, in a middle region betweene the earth and the Moone. For such soules as have beene un­just, wicked, and dissolute, suffer due punishment and paines for their sinfull deserts: whereas 40 the good and honest, untill such time as they have purified, and by expiration purged foorth of them, all those infections which might be contracted by the contagion of the body, as the cause of all evill, must remaine for a certeine set time, in the mildest region of the aire, which they call the meddowes of Pluto. Afterwards, as if they were returned from some long pilgrimage or wandring exile into their owne countrey, they have a taste of joy, such as they fecie especially, who are professed in holy mysteries, mixed with trouble and admiration, and ech one with their proper and peculiar hope: for it driveth and chaseth foorth many soules, which longed already after the Moone. Some take pleasure to be still beneath, and even yet looke downward, as it were to the bottome: but such as be mounted aloft, and are there most surely bestowed, first as victorious, stand round about adorned with garlands, and those 50 made of the wings of Eustathia, that is to saie, Constancie: because in their life time here upon earth, they had bridled and restreined the unreasonable and passible part of the soule, and made it subject and obedient to the bridle of reason. Secondly, they resemble in sight, the raies of the Sunne. Thirdly, the soule thus ascended on high, is there confirmed and fortified by the pure aire about the Moone, where it doth gather strength and solidity, like as iron and steele by their tincture become hard. For that which hitherto was loose, rare and spongeous, [Page 1183] groweth close, compact and firme, yea, and becommeth shining and transparent, in such sort, as nourished it is with the least exhalation in the world. This is that Heracletus meant, when he said, that the soules in Plutoes region have a quicke sent or smelling. And first they behold there the greatnesse of the Moone, her beauty and nature, which is not simple nor void of mixture, but as it were a composition of a starre and of earth. And as earth mingled with a spirituall aire and moisture, becommeth soft, and the blood tempered with flesh, giveth it sense; even so, say they, the Moone mingled with a celestiall quintessence even to the very bottome of it, is made animate, fruitfull, and generative, and withall, equally counterpeised, with ponderosity and light­nesse. For the whole world it selfe, being thus composed of things which naturally moove downward and upward, is altogether void of motion locall, from place to place; which it seem­th 10 that Xenocrates himselfe by a divine discourse of reason understood, taking the first light thereof from Plato. For Plato was he who first affirmed, that every starre was compounded of fire and earth, by the meanes of middle natures given in certeine proportion; in as much as there is nothing object to the sense of man, which hath not in some proportion a mixture of earth and light. And Xenocrates said, that the Sunne is compounded of fire and the first or pri­mitive solid: the Moone of a second solid, and her proper aire: in summe, throughout, neither solid alone by it selfe, nor the rare apart, is capable and susceptible of a soule. Thus much as touching the substance of the Moone. As for the grandence & bignesse thereof, it is not such as the Geometricians set downe, but farre greater by many degrees. And seldome doth it measure the shadow of the earth by her greatnesse; not for that the same is small, but for that it bringeth 20 a most servent and swift motion, to the end, that quickly and with speed she might passe the darke place, and bring away with her the soules of the blessed which make haste and crie: be­cause all the while they are within the shade, they can not heare any more the [...] of cele­stiall bodies: and withall, underneath, the soules of the damned which are punished, lamenting, wailing, and howling in this shadow, are presented unto them. And this is the reason, that in the eclipses of the Moone, many were wont to ring basons and [...] of brasse, and to make a great noise and clattering about these soules. And affrighted they are to beholde that which they call the face of the Moone, when they approch neere unto it, seeming to be a terrible and fearefull sight, whereas it is no such matter. But like as the earth with us hath many deepe and wide gulfes, as namely, one here, to wit, the Mediterranean sea, lying betweene Hercules pillars, 30 and so running into the land hither to us: and another without, that is to say, the Caspian sea, and that also of the red sea. So there be these deepe concavities and vallies of the Moone, and those in number three; whereof the greatest they call The hole or gulfe of [...] , wherein the soules do punish and are punished, according as they either did or suffred hurt whiles they were here: the other two [...], [...] read [...], that is to say, long. be small, to wit, the very passages whereby the soules must go, one while to the tract of the Moone lying toward heaven, and another while to that which [...] the earth. And verily, that which looketh to heaven, they call the Elysian field, whereas the other earth-ward to us, the field of Proserpina, not her, I meane, who is under the ground just against us. Howbeit, the Daemons do not converse alwaies in the Moone, but descend other-whiles hither below, for the charge and superintendance of oracles: there be assistant likewise to the highest 40 mysteries and ceremonies, and those they do celebrate, having an observant eie to wicked deeds which they punish; and withall, ready they are to preserve the good in perils [...] of warre as the sea. In which charge and function, if they themselves commit any fault, and heere upon earth do ought either by injust favour or envie, they feele the smart thereof according to their merits: for thrust downe they are againe to the earth, and sent with a witnesse into mens bodies. But of the number of the better sort, are they who served and accompanied Saturne, as they themselves report; such as in times past also were the Idaei Dactyli in Crete, the Corybants in Phrygia, & those of [...] in the city of Lebadia, named Trophoniades besides, an infinit num­ber of others in sundry parts of the earth habitable; whose names, temples and honors remaine & continue unto this day, but the powers & puissances of some do faile and are quite gone, as 50 being translated into another place, & making a most happy change: which translation some obteine sooner, other later, after that the understanding is separate from the soule: and separated it is by the love and desire to enjoy the image of the Sunne, by which that divine, blessed and de­sirable beautie which every nature after divers sorts seeketh after, shineth. For even the verie Moone turneth about continually for the love of the Sunne, as longing to companie and con­verse with him, as the very fountaine of all fertilitie. Thus the nature of the soule is spent in the [Page 1184] Moone, reteining onely certeine prints, marks and dreames, as it were, of her life: and hereof, thinke it was well and truely said,

The soule made haste, as one would say,
Like to a dreame, and flew away.

which it doth not immediatly upon her separation from the bodie, but afterwards, when she is alone by herselfe and severed from the understanding. And in trueth, of all that ever Homer wrote, most divinely he seemeth to have written of those who are departed this life, & be among the spirits beneath, these verses:

Next him, I knew of Hercules the strength and image plaine, 10
Or semblance: for himselfe with gods immortall did remaine.

For like as every one of us is not ireand courage, nor feare nor yet lust, no more than flesh or humours, but that indeed whereby we discourse and understand; even so, the soule it selfe being cast into a forme by the understanding, and giving a forme unto the bodie, and embracing it on every side, expresseth and receiveth a certeine impression and figure, so as albeit she is distinctly separate both from understanding and also from the bodie, she reteineth still the forme and semblance a long time, insomuch as well she may be called an image. And of these soules, as I have already said, the Moone is the element, because soules doe resolve into her, like as the bo­dies of the dead into the earth. As for such as have bene vertuous and honest, and which loved 20 a studious and quiet life, imploied in philosophie, without medling in troublesome affaires, soone are resolved, for that being left and rid of understanding, and using no more corporall passions, they vanish away incontinently; but the soules of ambitious persons, and such as are busied in negotiations, of amorous folke also given to the love of beautifull bodies, and likewise of wrathfull people, calling still to remembrance those things which they did in their life, even as dreames in their sleepe, walke wandring to and fro, like to that ghost of Endymion: for consi­dering their inconstancie and aptnesse to be over subject unto passions, the same transporteth and plucketh them from the Moone unto another generation, not suffering them quietly there to passe and vanish away, but stil allureth and calleth them away: for now is there nothing small, staied, quiet, constant and accordant, after that being once abandoned of the understanding, 30 they come to be seized with the passions of the body: so that of such soules void of reason, came and were bred afterwards the Tityi and Typhons, and namely, that Typhon who in times past by force and violence seized the city Delphos, and overturned up-side-downe the sanctuarie of the oracle there; most ungracious imps destitute of all reason and understanding, and abando­ned to all passions upon a proud spirit and violence, wherewith they were pusfed up. Howbeit, at length, after long time, the Moone receiveth the soules, and composeth them: the Sunne al­so inspiring into them againe, and sowing in their vitall facultie, understanding, maketh them new soules: yea, and the earth in the third place, giveth them a new bodie: for, nothing doth she give after death, of all that which she taketh to generation. And the sunne receiveth nothing of others, but taketh againe that understanding which he gave. But the Moone giveth and recei­veth, 40 joineth and disjoineth, uniteth and separateth, according to her divers faculties and pow­ers: of which, the one is named Ilithyia, to wit, that which joineth: another, Artonius or Diana, which parteth and diuideth. Of the three fatall sisters or destinies, she whom they name Atro­pos, is placed within the Sunne, and giveth the beginning of generation. Clotho being lodged in the Moone, is she that joineth, mingleth and uniteth. The third and last, called Lachesis, is in the earth, who also lendeth her helping hand, and doth participate much with Fortune. For, that which is without soule, is weake in it selfe, and naturally exposed to all injuries and to suffer hurt: but the understanding is sovereigne over all the rest, and nothing is able to do it injurie. Now the soule is of a middle nature and mixt of them both, like as the Moone was made and created by God, as a composition and mixture of things above and things be­neath; 50 keeping the same proportion to the Sun, as the earth doth to her. And thus you have heard (quoth Sylla) what I learned of this stranger or tra­veller; which (as he said himselfe) he understood by those Dae­mons, who were chamberlaines and sevitours to Saturne. As for you, ô Lamprias, and the rest, you may take my relation in good or ill part, as you please.

WHY THE PROPHE­TESSE PYTHIA GIVETH NO ANSWERES NOW FROM THE 10 ORACLE, IN VERSE OR MEETRE.

The Summarie.

THey who have so highly chanted the excellency of man, extolling the vigor of [...] wit and understanding; whatsoever they doe alledge to that purpose, have [...] forgot the principall, which is to shew that all the sufficiencie of his intelligence is a fu­rious 20 guide; his will, a bottomlesse gulfe and pit of confusion; the light of his reason, a deepe darke night; his lusts and desires, so many enraged beasts to rent and teare him in peeces, if God by some especiall and singular grace, doe not illumine, regenerate and conduct him. A­mong a million of [...] for the proofe and confirmation hereof, that which [...] it selfe unto us in this dialogue is most sufficient: for is not this wonderfull, and a certaine signe of a marvellous blindenesse of mans wisdome, to see those, who all their life time do nothing els but seeke after the sove­raigne good, maintaine vertue, detest vices, condemne Athists, Epicureans, and Libertines, yet to dread, feare, yea and adore the sworne enemie of their salvation and true life, to wit, satan the divell? Yes verily, and that which now we reade, agreeable to certaine discourses heereafter following, and namely, wherein a disputation is held, wherefore the oracles now doecease? as also what this word EI. 30 signifieth, sheweth not onely the opinion of Plutarch and some other Philosophers as touching these matters: but also the miserable state of all those who are abandoned to their owne sense, and void of the knowledge of the true God. And this ought to be remembred a second time, for feare lest in rea­ding these discourses so eloquently penned, we be turned out of the right way: but rather contrariwise that we may perceive so much the better how vaine and detestable all the habit of man is, if it have for the ground and foundation, nothing but the conceits of his corrupt spirit. So then in this dialogue, we may behold the wisdome of the Greeks, running after Satan: and taking great paines for to [...] and set on foot one matter, which we ought to [...] and bury in perpetuall oblivion: or to touch withall their might and maine beside, that which the wisdome of the flesh cannot compasse. There be [...] di­vers personages who revive and set a worke the oracles of that priestresse or prophetesse at Delphos, 40 where was the [...] temple of Apollo, the very cave and den of Satan, and wherein he exercised his trade and skill, with impostures and illusions incredible, during the space of many yeares. But to make this disposition of more force and validity, Plutarch after his accustomed fashion of broching and introducing his owne opinion by a third, following the stile and manner of the Academicks writing, bringeth to Delphos a stranger, who being together with Basilocles, Philinus, & other amused and occupied in beholding the statues which were there in great number, there began a discourse by way of disputation touching brasse and the propertie thereof. Which when it was well discussed and debated, Diogenianus demanded, why the ancient oracles were [...] in homely verse & those in evill fa­shion? whereto there were made divers answeres tending to this point, to make us beleeve, that where­soever the words be most rusty, and worst couched, there we are to observe so much the more the [...] 50 of the author. And this confirmeth fully, that which we have already spoken as touching the illusions of the divell, who is not content thus to abuse and deceive his slaves, but in this place hath to deale with a ridiculous & most apparent audaciousnesse, if the eyes of those whom he thus abuseth, had never so little [...] to see the thousand part of his deceitfull guiles, as grosse and thicke as mountains-Continuing this discourse, they bandle afterwards the presages of these statues, and of others reared in divers places for the better authorising of the oracles; which when Boethus the Epicurean [...] , [Page 1186] Plutarch replieth and reentreth into a common place, concerning the gravitie of these rude and ill fashioned oracles, conferring them with those of Sibylla, and mainteining the authoritie of them with his companions, through all the reasons they could devise. These be in summe, the contents of this Dialogue, which comprehendeth divers matters dependant thereof, and those noted in their order: the conclusion whereof is this, That as reprovable they be, who tax the simplicity and rudenesse of such ora­cles, as those, who otherwise controll them for their ambiguity, obliquity and obscurity.

WHY THE PROPHETESSE Pythia giveth no answers now from the 10 Oracle in verse or meeter.

BASILOCLES.

YOu have led this stranger, Philinus, such a walke in shewing him the statues and publike works, that you have made it very late in the evening, and I my selfe am weary in staying for you, and expecting when you will make an end.

PHILINUS.

No marvell, we goe so softly, and keepe so slow a pace, ô Basilo­cles, 20 sowing and mowing (as they say) presently with all our speeches after fight and combat, which sprout foorth and yeeld unto us by the way as we go, enemies lying as it were in ambush, much like un­to those men which in old time came up of teeth sowen by Cadmus.

BASILOCLES.

How then? shall we send for and intreat some one of those who were present there, or will you your selfe gratify us so much, as to take the paines for to deliver unto us, what speeches those were, and who were the speakers?

PHILINUS.

I must be the man, I perceive Basilocles, to doe this for your sake; for hardly shall you meet 30 with any other els throughout the whole citie: for I saw the most part of them going up againe together, with that stranger to Corycium and Lycuria.

BASILOCLES.

What? is this stranger so curious and desirous to see things, and is he withall friendly and woonderfull sociable?

PHILINUS.

Yes that he is: but more studious is he, and desirous to learne: neither is this most woorthy of admiration in him; for he hath a kinde of mildnesse, accompanied with a singular good grace: his pregnant wit and quicke conceit ministreth unto him matter to contradict, and to propose doubts: howbeit the same is not bitter and odious in his propositions, nor leavened 40 with any overthwart frowardnesse and perverse stubburnesse in his answers; in such sort as a man having beene but a little acquainted with him, would soone say of him:

Certes a lewd man and a bad,
He never for his father had.

For you know well I suppose Diogenianus, the best man one of them in the world?

BASILOCLES.

I know him not my selfe, Philinus: howbeit, many there be who report as much of this yong man. But upon what occasion or cause began your discourse and disputation?

PHILINUS.

Those who were our guides, conversant and exercised in the reading of histories, rehearsed 50 and read from one end to the other, all those compositions which they had written, without any regard of that which we requested them, namely, to epitomize and abridge those narrati­ons, and most part of the Epigrams. As for the stranger, he tooke much pleasure to see and view those faire statues, so many in number, and so artificially wrought: But he admired most of all, the fresh brightnesse of the brasse, being such as shewed no filth nor rust that it had ga­thered, but caried the glosse and resplendent hew of azur: so as he seemed to be ravished and [Page 1187] astonied when he beheld the statues of the amirals and captaines at sea (for at them he began) as representing naturally in their tincture and colour as they stood, sea men and sailers in the very maine & deepe sea. Whereupon: Had the ancient workmen (quoth he) a certaine mix­ture by themselves, and a temper of their brasse, that might give such a tincture to their works? for as touching the Corinthian brasse, which is so much renowmed, it is thought generally, and so given out, that it was by meere adventure and chaunce, that it tooke this goodly co­lour, and not by any art: by occasion that the fire caught an house, wherein there was laid up some little gold and silver, but a great quantitie of brasse, which mettals being melted toge­ther & so confused one with another, the whole masse thereof was stil called brasse because there was more thereof in it, than of the other mettals. Then Theon: We have heard (quoth he) ano­ther 10 reason, more subtile than this, namely, that when a certeine brasse founder or coppersmith in Corinth, had met with a casket or coffer, wherein was good store of golde, fearing lest hee should be discovered, and this treasure found in his hands, he clipped it by little and little, mel­ted and mixed it gently with his brasse, which tooke thereupon such an excellent and woon­derfull temperature, that he solde the pieces of worke, thereof made, passing deere, in regard of their dainty colour, and lovely beauty, which every man set much by, and esteemed. But both this and the other is but a lying tale: for by all likelihood this Corinthian brasse was a certeine mixture and temperature of mettals, so prepared by art; like as at this day, artisans by tem­pring gold and silver together, make thereof a certeine singular and exquisite pale yellow by it selfe, howbeit, in mine eie, the same is but a wanne and sickly colour, and a corrupt hue, with­out 20 any beautie in the world. What other cause then might there be (quoth Diogenianus) as you thinke, that this brasse heere hath such a tincture? To whom Theon made this answere: Considering (quoth he) that of these primative elements and most naturall bodies that are, and ever shall be, to wit, fire, aire, water and earth, there is not one which approcheth or toucheth these brasse works, but aire onely, it must of necessitie be, that it is the aire which doeth the deed, and by reason of this aire lying alwaies close upon them, and never parting therefro, commeth this difference that they have from all others. Or rather this is a thing notoriously knowen of old, even before Theognis was borne, as said the comicall Poet.

But would you know by what speciall propertie and vertue the aire should by touching, set such a colour upon brasse? Yes, very faine answered Diogenianus. Certes, so would I to, my sonne 30 (quoth Theon) let us therefore search into the thing both together in common: and first of all, if you please, what is the cause that oile filleth it full of rust, more than all other liquor what­soever? for surely it cannot be truely said, that oile of it selfe setteth the said rust upon it, consi­dering it is pure and neat, not polluted with any filth when it commeth to it. No verily (quoth the yoong man) and there seemeth to be some other cause else, beside the oile; for the rust mee­ting with oile, which is subtile, pure, and transparent, appeareth most evidently; whereas in all other liquors, it maketh no shew, nor is seene at all. Well said my sonne (quoth Theon) and like a Philosopher: but consider, if you thinke so good, of that reason which Aristotle alled­geth. Mary that I will (quoth he againe.) Why then I will tell it you (quoth Theon:) Aristo­tle saith, that the rust of brasse lighting upon other liquors, pierceth insensibly, and is dispersed through them, being of a rare substance, and unequall parts, not abiding close together; but by reason of the compact and fast soliditie of oile, the said rust is kept in, and abideth thrust and united together. Now then, if we also of our selves were able to presuppose such a thing, we 40 should not altogether want some meanes to charme as it were and allay somewhat this doubt of ours. And when we had allowed very well of his speech, and requested him to say on and pro­secute the same: he said; That the aire in the citie of Delphos was thicke, fast, strong and vehe­ment withall, by reason of the reflexion and repercussion of the mountaines round about it, and besides, mordicative, as witnesseth the speedie concoction of meat that it causeth. Now this aire by reason of the subtilty and incisive qualitie thereof, piercing into the brasse, and cut­ting it, forceth out of it a deale of rust, and skaleth as it were much terrestrial substance from it: 50 the which it restreineth afterwards and keepeth in, for that the densitie and thicknesse of the aire giveth it no issue: thus this rust being staied & remaining still, gathering also a substance by oc­casion of the quantity thereof, putteth foorth this floure as it were of colour, and there within the superficies contracteth a resplendent and shining hew. This reason of his, we approoved ve­ry well; but the stranger said, that one of those suppositions alone was sufficient to make good the reason: For that subtility (quoth he) seemeth to be somewhat contrary unto the spissitude [Page 1188] and thicknesse, supposed in the aire: and therefore it is not necessarie to make any supposall thereof; for brasse of it selfe as it waxeth old, in tract of time exhaleth and putteth foorth this rust, which the thicknesse of the aire comming upon, keepeth in and doeth so incrassate, as that through the quantitie thereof, it maketh it evident and apparent. Against which objecti­on and reply of his, Theon inferred thus againe: And what should hinder (quoth he) that one and the same thing might not be firme or subtile, and withall thicke, both at once: like as his clothes of silke, and linnen, of which Homer writeth thus:

And from satle-web of linnen, ran away,
The [...] as moist as'tis and would not stay.

Whereby he giveth us to understand, the fine spinning, and close weaving thereof, which 10 would not suffer the oile to rest upon it, and soake through, but to glide off and drop downe, so necre were the threds, otherwise small, driven together, and so thicke, that it would not let any liquor to passe through. And thus a man may alledge the subtilitie of the aire, not onely for to fetch out the rust, but also to bring it to a more pleasant and greenish colour, by mixing splen­deur and light together with the said deepe azure. Heereupon ensued a pause and silence for a pretie while; and then the discoursers and historians abovesaid, alledged againe the words of a certeine oracle in verse (which was delivered, if I be not deceived) as touching the roialtie and reigne of Aegon, an Argive king: Whereat [...] said, that it had beene many times in his head to marvell, at the base, rude, and homely composition of those verses, which doe con­teine oracles: notwithstanding that the god Apollo is reputed the president of the Muses & elo­quence; 20 unto whom no lesse apperteined the beauty & elegancy of stile & composition, than goodnesse of voice in song & melody, as who surpassed for sweet versifying Hesiodus & Homer, both very farre: and yet for all that, we see many of his oracles, rude, base, & faulty, aswell for the meeter & measure, as the bare words. Then Serapion the Poet, who being come frō Athens, was there present: Why (quoth he) beleeve you that those verses were of god Apolloes making? shal we suffer you to say as you do, that they come a great way short of the goodnesse of those verses which Homer & Hesiodus composed? and shall we not use them as passing well and excellently made, correcting our owne judgement as forestalled and possessed aforehand with an ill cu­stome? Then [...] the Geometrician (for you wot well that the man hath ranged himselfe al­ready to the sect of Epicurus:) Heard you never (quoth he) the tale of Pauson the painter: Not I 30 verily, quoth Serapion. And yet worth it is the [...] , saith Boethus. He having bargained & undertaken to paint an horse wallowing & tumbling on his backe, drew him running on foote with all foure: whereat when the party was angrie and offended, who set him a worke, Pauson laughed at him, and made no more adoe, but turned the ends of the painted table; thus when the upper end was shifted downward, the horse seemed not to runne, but to tumble with his heeles aloft. Semblably it falleth out (quoth Boethus) in certeine speeches, when they are in­verted and uttered the contrary way: and therefore soone you shall have who will say, that the oracles are not elegant, because they be of god Apolloes inditing: but contrariwise, that they be none of his, because they are but rudely made and unsavery: and as for that it is doubt­full and uncerteine: but this is evident and plaine, that the verses of oracles be not exquisite­ly 40 couched, and laboriously endited, whereof I crave no better judge then your selfe Serapion: for you are woont to compose and write Poems, which as touching the argument and subject matter be austere and philosophicall: but for their wit, grace and elegant composition other­wise, resemble rather the verses of Homer and Hesiodus, than those of the oracles pronounced by Pythia the Priestres of Apollo. With that Serapion: We are diseased all of us (ô Boethus) in our eies and eares to, being woont (such is our nicenesse and delicacie) to esteeme and terme such things simply better, which are more pleasant: and peradventure ere it be long, we will finde fault with Pythia, for that she doeth not chaunt and sing more sweetly than Glauce the professed minstrell and singing wench; and because she is not besmeared with odoriferous oiles, nor richly araied in purple robes: yea, and some haply will take exception at her, for not 50 burning Cinamon, Ladanum or Frankincense, for perfume: but onely Laurel and barley meale. And see you not saith one, how great a grace the Sapphik verses carie with them, and how they tickle the eares, and joy the hearts of the heares? whereas Sibylla out of her furious and en­raged mouth, as Heraclitus saith, uttering foorth and resounding words without mirth, and pro­voking no laughter, not gloriously painted and set out, nor pleasantly perfumed and bespiced, hath continued with her voice a thousand yeeres, by the meanes of Apollo, speaking by her. And [Page 1189] Pindarus saith, that Cadmus heard from Apollo, not loftie and high musicke, not sweet, [...] , nor broken and full of varietie: for an impassible and holy nature, admitteth not any plea­sure: but heere together with the base musicke, the most part of the delight also is cast downe, and as it should seeme, hath runne into mens eares and [...] them. When Serapion had thus said: Theon smiling: Serapion, I see well (quoth he) hath done according to his old woont, and followed his owne disposition and maners in this behalfe: for [...] being [...] some oc­casion to speake of pleasure, he hath quickly caught at it. But yet for all that, let us [...] , how­soever the verses of oracles be woorse than those of Homer, not thinke that it is Apollo who made them; but when he hath given onely the beginning of motion, then ech prophetesle is mooved according as she is disposed to receive his inspiration. And verily if oracles were to be 10 penned downe and written, and not to be barely pronounced, I doe not suppose that we would reprove or blame them (taking them to be the hand-writing of the god) because they are not so curiously endited as ordinarily the letters of kings and princes are. For surely, that voice is not the gods, nor the sound, nor the phrase, ne yet the meeter and verse, but a womans they be all. As for him, he representeth unto her, fancies onely and imaginations, kindling a light in the soule to declare things to come: and such an illumination as this, is that which they call Enthu­siasmos. But to speake in a word to you that are the priests and prophets of Epicurus (For I see well that you are now become one of that sect) there is no meanes to [...] your hands, consi­dering that yee impute unto the ancient prophetesses, that they made bad and faultie verses, yea and reproove those moderne priestresses of these daies, who pronounce in [...] and in vulgar 20 [...] the oracles, for feare they should be articled against by you, in case they delivered their verses headlesse, without loines and curtailed. Then (quoth [...] ) jest not with us I pray you in the name of God, but rather assoile us this common doubt, and rid us of this [...] ; for there is no man, but desireth to know the reason and cause, why this oracle hath given over to make answer in verses and other speeches as it hath done? Whereto Theon spake thus: But now my sonne, we may seeme to doe wrong and shamefull injurie unto our discoursers and directours heere, these Historians, in taking from them that which is their office: and therefore let that be done first which belongeth to them; and afterwards you may enquire and dispute at leasure of that which you desire. Now by this time were we gon [...] as farre as to the statue of king Hiero: and the stranger albeit he knew well all the rest, yet so courtious he was and of so 30 good a nature, that he gave eare withall patience to that which was related unto him: but ha­ving heard that there stood sometime a certaine columne of the said Hiero all of brasse, which fell downe of it selfe the very day whereon Hiero died at Saracose in Sicilie, he wondred thereat: and I thereupon recounted unto him other like examples; as namely, of Hiero the Spartan, how the day before that he lost his life in the battellat Leuctres, the eies of his statue fell out of the head: also that the two starres which Lysander had dedicated after the navall battell at the river called Aigos-potamos, were missing and not to be seene: and his very statue of stone put forth of a sodden so much wilde weedes and greene grasse in so great quantity that it covered and hid the face thereof. Moreover during the time of those wofull calamities which the Athenians sustained in [...] , not onely the golden dates of a palme tree sell downe, but also the ravens 40 came and pecked with their bils all about the scutcheon or sheeld of the image of Pallas. The Cuidians coronet likewise which Philomelus the tyrant of the [...] had given unto Pharsa­lia the fine dauncing wench, was the cause of her death: for when she had passed out of Greece into Italie, one day as she plaied and daunced about the church of Apollo in Metapontine, ha­ving the said coronet upon her head, the yong men of the city came upon her for to have a­way the gold of that coronet: and striving about her one with another who should have it, tare the poore woman in peeces among them. Aristotle was wont to say that Homer was the onely Poet who made and devised words that had motion, so emphatical they were & lively expressed: but I for my part would say that the offrings dedicated in the city, to neat statues, jewels, & other ornaments mooved together with the divine providence, do foresignifie future things: neither 50 are the same in any part vaine and void of sense; but all replenished with a divine power. Then Boethus: I would not else (quoth he:) for it is not sufficient belike, to enclose God once in a moneth within a mortall bodie, unlesse we thrust him also into every stone and peece of brasse? as if fortune and chance were not sufficient of themselves to worke such feates and accidents. What (quoth I) thinke you then that these things every one have any affinitie with fortune and chance? and is it probable that your Atomes doe glide, divide, and decline, neither before [Page 1190] nor after, but just at the very time as each one of them who made these offrings, should fare bet­ter or worse? And Epicurus belike, as farre as I see serveth your turne now and is profitable unto you in those things which he hath said or written three hundred yeares past: but this god Apol­lo, unlesse he imprison and immure himselfe (as it were) and be mixed within every thing is not able in your opinion, to give unto any thing in the world the beginning of motion, nor the cause of any passion or accident whatsoever. And this was the answere which I made unto Boe­thus for that point: and in like maner spake I as touching the verses of Sibylla. For when we were come as farre as to the rocke which joineth to the senate house of the city, and there rested our selves, upon which rocke by report the first Sibylla sat, being new come out of Helicon, where she had beene fostered by the Muses, although others there be that say she arived at Maleon, 10 and was the daughter of Lamia, who had Neptune for her father, Serapion made mention of certaine verses of hers wherein she praised her selfe saying, that she should never cease to pro­phesie and foretell future things, no not after her death; for that she her selfe should then goe a­bout in the Moone, and be that which is called the face therein appearing: also that her breath and spirit mingled with the aire should passe to and fro continually in propheticall words and voices of oracles prognosticating: and that of her bodie transmuted and converted into earth, there should grow herbes, shrubs and plants, for the food and pasturage of sacred beasts appoin­ted for sacrifices: whereby they have all sorts of formes and qualities in their bowels and inwards: and by the meanes whereof men may foreknow and foretell of future events. Hereat Boethus made semblance to laugh more than before. And when Zous alledged, that howsoever these 20 seemed to be fabulous matters and meere fables, yet so it was that many subversions & transmi­grations of Greeke cities, many expeditions also and voiages made against them of barbarous armies, as also the overthrowes & destructions of sundry kingdomes and dominious, give testi­monie in the behalfe of ancient prophesies and praedictions. And as for these late and mo­derne accidents (quoth he) which hapned at Cumes and Dicaearchia, long before chanted and foretolde by way of priophesie out of Sibyls books; did not the time ensuing as a debt accom­plish and pay? the breakings forth and eruptions of fire out of a mountaine, the strange ebul­litions of the sea, the casting up aloft into the aire of stones & cinders by subterranean windes under the earth, the ruine and devastiation of so many and those so great cities at one time, and that so suddenly, as they who came but the next morrow thither, could not see where they stood 30 or were built, the place was so confused. These strange events (I say) and occurrents, as they be hardly beleeved to have hapned without the finger of God, so much lesse credible it is, that fore­seene and foretolde they might be, without some heavenly power and divinitie. Then Boethus: And what accident (good sir, quoth he) can there be imagined, that Time oweth not unto Na­ture; and what is there so strange, prodigious and unexpected, aswell in the sea as upon the land, either concerning whole cities or particular persons; but if a man foretold of them, in processe and tract of time the same may fall out accordingly? And yet, to speake properly, this is not soretelling, but simply telling, or rather to cast forth and scatter at random in that infinity of the aire, words having no originall nor foundation, which wandering in this wise, Fortune other­whiles encountreth and concurreth with them at a very venture. For there is a great difference, 40 in my judgement, betweene saying thus, that a thing is hapned which hath bene spoken; and a thing is spoken that shall happen: for that speech which uttereth things that are not extant, conteining in it selfe the fault and error, attendeth not by any right, the credit and approbation thereof, by the accidentall event; neither useth it any true and undoubted token of praediction, with a certeine foreknowledge, that happen it will when it hath bene once foretold, considering that infinity is apt to produce all things; but he who guesseth well, whom the common pro­verbe pronounceth to be the best divinor,

For whose conjecture misseth least,
Him I account the wisard best.

resembleth him, who traceth out and followeth by probabilities as it were by tracts and foot­ings, 50 that which is to come. But these propheticall Sibils and furious Bacchides, have cast at all aventure as it were, into a vast ocean, without either judgement or conjecture, the time; yea, and have scattered at random the nownes and verbs, the words and speeches of passions and acci­dents of all sorts. And albeit some of them fortune so to happen, yet is this or that false alike at the present time when it is uttered, although haply the same may chance afterwards to fall out truely. When Boethus had thus discoursed, Serapion replied upon him in this wise: Boethus [Page 1191] (quoth he) giveth a good verdict and just sentence of those propositions which are indefinitly and without a certeine subject matter in this maner pronounced. If victorie be foretolde unto a Generall, he hath vanquished: if the destruction of a citie, it is overthrowen: but whereas there is expressed not onely the thing that shall happen, but also the circumstances, how, when, after what sort, and wherewith, then is not this a bare guesse and conjecture of that which perad­venture will be; but a praesignification and denouncing peremptorily of such things as without faile shall be: as for example, that prophesie which concerned the lamenesse of Agesilaus, in these words:

Though proud and haughtie (Sparta) now, and sound of foot thou bee, 10
Take heed by halting regiment, there come no harme to thee:
For then shall unexpected plagues thy state long time assaile,
The deadly waves of fearefull warres against thee shall prevaile.

Semblably, that oracle as touching the Isle which the sea made and discovered about Thera and Therasia, as also the prophesie of the warre betweene king Philip and the Romans, which ran in these words:

But when the race of Trojan bloud, Phoenicians shall defeat 20
In bloudy fight, looke then to see strange sights and wonders great.
The sea shall from amid the waves yeeld firie tempests strong,
And flashes thicke of lightning bright, with stony stormes among.
With that an Iland shall appeare, that never man yet knew:
And weaker men in battell set, the mightier shall subdue. 30

For whereas the Romans in a small time conquered the Carthaginians, after they had vanqui­shed Aniball in the field, and Philip king of the Macedonians gave battell unto the Aetolians and Romans, wherein he had the overthrow; also, that in the end there arose an Iland out of the deepe sea, with huge leames of fire and hideous ghusts: a man can not say, that all these things hapned and concurred together by fortune and meere chance: but the very traine and orderly proceding thereof, doth shew a certeine prescience and fore-knowledge. Also, whereas the Ro­mans were foretolde the time five hundred yeeres before, wherein they should have warre with all nations at once, the same was fulfilled when they warred against the slaves and fugitives who revolted and rebelled. For in all these, there is nothing conjecturall and uncerteine, nothing 40 blinde and doubtfull, that we need infinitly to seeke after fortune therefore: whereas many pled­ges there be of experience, giving us assurance of that whcih is finite and determinate, shewing the very waqy, whereby fatall destinie doth proceed. Neither do I thinke any an will say, that these things being foretolde with so many circumstances, jumped altogether by fortune. For what els should hinder, but that a man may aswell say (ô Boethus) that Epicurus wrote not his books of principall opinions and doctrines so much approoved of you, but that all the letters thereof were jumbled and hudled together by meere chance and fortune, that went to the com­posing and finishing of that volume. Thus discoursing in this maner, we went forward still. And when in the Corinthian chapell we beheld the date tree of brasse, the onely monument there remaining of all the oblations there offered, Diogenianus woondred to see the forgges and 50 water-snakes which were wrought artificially by turners hand about the but and root thereof; and so did we likewise: because neither the Palme tree is moorie plant and loving the waters, like as many other trees are: neither doe the frogges any way perteine to the Coringthians, as a marke or ensigne given in the armes of their city: like as the Selinuntians by report, offered sometimes in this temple, the herbe Smalach or Parsley, called Solinum, all of gold: and the Te­nedians, an hatcher, taken from the Crabfishes bred in their Island, neere unto the Promonto­rie [Page 1194] called Asterion: for those Crabs onely (as it is thought) have the figure of an hatchet im­printed upon their shell. And verily, for Apollo himselfe, we suppose that ravens, swannes, wolves, hawks, or any other beasts, be more acceptable than these. Now when Serapion alledged, that the workman heereby meant and covertly signified the nouriture and rising of the Sunne out of humors and waters, which by exhalation he converteth into such creatures, whether it were that he had heard this verse out of Homer,

Then out of sea arose the Sun,
And left that goodly lake anon.

Or seeme the Aegyptians to represent the East or Sun-rising by the picture of a childe sitting upon the plant Lotos. Thereat I laughed heartily. What meane you thus (good sir, quoth I) 10 to thrust hither the sect of the Stoicks: came you indeed to foist slily among our speeches and discourses, your exhalations and kindlings of the starres, not bringing downe hither the Sunne and the Moone, as the Thessalian women doe by their inchantments; but making them to spring and arise as from their first originall out of the earth and the waters? For Plato verily, called mana celestiall plant, as rising directly from his root, above which is his head. But you in the meane time mocke and deride Empedocles, for saying that the Sunne occasioned by the reflexion of the heavenly light about the earth,

His raies with fearlesse visage sends againe
Vp to the heavens and there doth brightly shine.

while your selves make the Sunne terrestriall, or a fennish plant, ranging him among 20 the waters and the native place of frogs. But let vs betake all these matters to the tragicall and strange monstruosities of the Stoicks: meane while treat we cursarily and by the way of these ac­cessary and by-works of mechanicall artisans and handicrafts men: for surely in many things they be very engenious and witty: mary in every plot they cannot avoid the note of bald devices & affected curiositie in their inventions. Like as therefore he that painted Apollo with a rocke upon his head, signified thereby the day-breake, & the time a little before sunne rising: even so a man may say that these frogs doe symbolize and betoken the season of the Spring, at what time as the Sunne begins to rule over the aire and to discusse the winter: at least waies if we must according to your opinion, understand the Sunne and Apollo to be both, one god, and not twaine. Why? (quoth Serapion) are you of another minde? and doe you thinke the Sunne to 30 be one, & Apollo another? Yes mary doe I (quoth he) as well, as that the Sunne and Moone do differ. Yea and more than so: for the Moone doth not often, nor from all the world hide the Sunne: whereas the Sunne hath made all men together, for to be ignorant of Apollo: diverting the minde and cogitation by the meanes of the sense, and turning it from that which is unto that which appeareth onely. Then Seripion demanded of those Historians our guides and con­ductors, what was the reason that the forsaid cell or chappell, was not intitled by the name of Cypselus who dedicated it, but called the Corinthians chappel. And when they held their peace, because as I take it, they knew not the cause; I began to laugh thereat; And why should we thinke (quoth I) that these men knew or remembered any thing more, being astonied and amased as they were to heare you fable and talke of the meteors or impressions in the aire? For even 40 themselves we heard before relating, that after the tyranny of Cypselus was put downe and over­throwen, the Corinthians were desirous to have the inscirption as well of the golden statue at Pisa, as of this cell or treasure house, for to runne in the name of their whole city. And verily the Delphians gave and granted them so much according to their due desert. But for that the Eli­ans envied them that priviledge, therefore the Corinthians passed a publicke decree, by ver­tue whereof they excluded them from the solemnity of the Isthmian games: And heereof it came, that never after that, any champion out of the territorie of Elis, was knowen to shew him­selfe to doe his devoir at those Isthmicke games. And the massacre of the Molionides which Hercules committed about the city of Cleonae, was not the cause as some doe thinke, why the Eli­ans were debarred from thence: for contrariwise it had belonged to them for to exclude and put 50 by others; if for this they had incurred the displeasure of the Corinthians. And thus much said I for my part. Now when we were come as far as to the hall of the Acanthians and of Brasidas, our discoursing Historians and expositours shewed us the place, where sometimes stood the o­belisks of iron, which Rhodopis the famous courtisan had dedicated. Whereat Diogenianus was in a great chafe, and brake out into these words: Now surely (quoth he) the same city (to their shame be it spoken) hath allowed unto a common strumpet a place whether to bring and [Page 1195] where to bestow the tenth part of that salarie which she got by the use of her body, and unjustly put to death Aesope her fellow servant. True (quoth Serapion:) but are you so much offended hereat? cast up your eie and looke aloft: behold among the statues of brave captaines and glo­rious kings, the image of Mnesarete all of beaten gold, which Crates saith was dedicated and set up for a Trophae of the Greeks lasciviousnesse. The yong gentleman, seeing it: Yea, but it was of Phryne that Crates spake so. You say true (quoth Serapion:) for her proper name indeed was Mnesarete: but surnamed she was Phryne in meriment because she looked pale or yellow like unto a kinde of frogge named in Greeke Phryne. And thus many times surnames doe drowne and suppresse other names. For thus the mother of king Alexander the great, who had for her name at first, Pollyxene, came afterwards to be as they say, surnamed Myrtale, Olympias and Stra­tonice. 10 And the Corinthian lady Eumetis, men call unto this day, after her fathers name, Cleobu­line; and Herophile, of the city Erythre, she who had the gift of divination and could skill of pro­phesie; was afterwards in processe of time surnamed Sibylla. And you have heard Grammarians say, that even Leda her selfe, was named Mnesinoe, and Orestes Achaeus. But how thinke you (quoth he) casting his eie upon Theon, to answere this accusation as touching Phryne? Then he smiling againe: In such sort (quoth he) as I will charge and accuse you, for busying your selfe in blaming thus the light faults of the Greeks. For like as Socrates reprooved this in Calltas, that gave defiance onely to sweet perfumes or pretious odors; for he liked well enough to see the daunces and gesiculations of yong boies, and could abide the sight of kissing, of pleasants, buf­fons and jesters to make folke laugh: so me thinks that you would chase and exclude out of the temple, 20 one poore silly woman who used the beauty of her owne body, haply not so honestly as she might: and in the meane time you can abide to see god Apollo environed round about with the first fruits, with the tenth and other oblations arising from murders, warres, and pillage, and all his temple throughout hanged with the spoiles and booties gotten from the Greeks: yea, and are neither angry nor take pity when you reade, over such goodly oblations, and orna­ments, these most shamefull inscriptions and titles: Brasidas and the Acanthians, of the Atheni­an spoiles: the Athenians of the Corinthians: the Phocaeans of the Thesalians: the Oraneates of the Sicyonians: and the Amphyctions of the Phocaeans.

But peradventure it was Praxiteles alone who was offensive unto Crates, for that he had set up a monument there, of his owne sweet heart, which he had made for the love of her; whereas 30 Crates contrariwise should have commended him, in that among these golden images of kings and princes, he had placed a courtisan in gold, reproching thereby and condemning riches, as having in it nothing to be admired, and nothing venerable: for it well beseemeth kings and great rulers, to present Apollo and the gods with such ornaments and oblations as might testifie their owne justice, their temperance and magnanimity; and not make shew of their golden store and abundance of superfluous delicates, whereof they have their part commonly who have lived most shamefully. But you alledge not this example of Croesus (quoth another of our histo­rians & directours) who caused a statue in gold to be made & set up here, of his woman-baker; which he did not for any proud and insolent ostentation of his riches in this temple, but upon an honest & just occasion: for the report goeth, that Alyattes the father of this Croesus, espoused 40 a second wife, by whom he had other children, whom hereared and brought up. This lady then purposing secretly to take away the life of Croesus, gave unto the baker aforesaid, poison, willing her, when she had tempered it with dough, and wrought it into bread, to serve the same up unto Croesus. But the woman gave secret intelligence hereof unto Croesus, and withall, bestowed the poisoned bread among the children of this step dame. In regard of which demerit, Croesus when he came to the crowne, would acknowledge and require the good service which this wo­man had done, with the testimony, as it were, of this god himselfe; wherein he did well and ver­tuously. And therefore (quoth he) meet it is and seemly, to praise and honor highly such obla­tions, if any have beene presented and dedicated by cities upon semblable occasions, like as the Opunitians did. For when the tyrants of the Phocaeans had broken and melted many sacred ob­lations 50 both of golde and silver, and thereof coined money, which they sent and dispersed a­mong the cities; the Opuntians gathered as much silver as they could, wherewith they filled a great pot, sent in hither, and made thereof an offering to Apollo. And I verily, for my part, doe greatly comend those of Smyrna and Apollonia for sending hither certeine corne-eares of gold, in token of harvest: and more than that, the Eretrians and Magnesians, for presenting this god with the first fruits of their men & women, recognising thereby, him to be the giver, not only of [Page 1196] the fruits which the earth yeeldeth, but also of children, as being the authour of generation and the lover of mankind. But I blame the Megarians as much, for that they onely in maner of all the Greeks, caused to be erected here, the image of this our god, with a lance in his hand, after the battell with the Athenians, who upon the defeature of the Persians, held their city in posses­sion, and were by them vanquished in fight, and disseized thereof againe. And yet true it is, that these men afterward offered unto Apollo a golden plectre wherewith to play upon his Cittern or Viole, having heard (as it should seeme) the Poet Scythinus, speaking of the said instrument:

Which Don Apollo, faire and lovely sonne
Of Jupiter, doth tune in skilfull wise,
As who is wont of all things wrought and done, 10
All ends with their beginnings to comprise:
And in his hand the plectre bright as golde,
Even glittering raies of shining Sun doth holde.

Now when Serapion would have said somewhat els of these matters: A pleasure it were (quoth the stranger) to heare you devise and discourse of such like things, but I must needs demand the first promise made unto me, as touching the cause why the Prophetesse Pythia hath given over to make answere any longer by oracle, in verse and meetre: and therefore, if it so please you, let us surcease visiting the rest of these oblations and ornaments, and rather sit we downe in this place, for to heare what can be said of this matter, being the principall point and maine reason which impeacheth the credit of this oracle; for that of necessitie one of these two things must 20 needs be: either that the Prophetesse Pythia approcheth not neere enough to the very place where the divine power is, or els that the aire which was woont to breathe and inspire this in­stinct, is utterly quenched, and the puissance quite gone and vanished away. When we had fet­ched therefore a circuit about, we sat us downe upon the tablements on the South side of the temple, nere unto the chappell of Tellus, that is to say, the Earth, where we beheld the waters of the fountaine Castilius, and the temple of the Muses, with admiration, in such sort as Boe­thus incontinently said, that the very place it selfe made much for the question and doubt moo­ved by the stranger: For in olde time (quoth he) there was a temple of the Muses even there, from whence the river springs; insomuch as they used this water for the solemne libations at sacrifices, according as Simonides writeth in this wise: 30

Where water pure is kept in basons faire
Beneath, of Muses with their yellow haire.

And in another place, the same Simonides with a little more curiositie of words, calling upon Cleio the Muse, saith, she is the holy keeper.

The sacred ewres, who doth superintend
Whereby from lovely fountaine do deseend
Those waters pure, which all the world admires,
And thereof for to have a taste desires:
As rising from those caves propheticall,
That yeeld sweet odors most mirificall. 40

And therefore Eudoxus was much overseene to beleeve those who gave out, that this was called the water of Styx. But in trueth, they placed the Muses as assistants to divination, and the war­ders thereof, neere unto that riveret and the temple of Tellus aforesaid, whereunto apperteined the oracle: whereby answeres were rendred in verse and song. And some there be who say, that this heroique verse was first heard here:

[...]

That is to say,

You pretie Bees and birds that sing:
Bring hither both your wax and wing.

at what time as the oracle being forsaken and destitute of the god Apollo, lost all the dignity and 50 majesty that it had. Then Serapion: These things indeed (quoth he) ô Boethus, are more meet and convenient for the Muses. For we ought not to fight against God, nor together with pro­phesie and divination take away both providence and divinitie; but to seeke rather for the solu­tion of those reasons which seeme to be contrary thereto, and in no wise to abandon and cast off that faith and religious beliefe, which hath in our countrey, time out of minde, passed from fa­ther to sonne. You say very well and truely (quoth I) good Serapion, for we despaire not of Phi­losophie, [Page 1197] as if it were quite overthrowen and utterly gone, because Philosophers beforetime, pronounced their sentences, and published their doctrines in verse: as for example, Orpheus, Hesiodus, Parmenides, Xenophanes, Empedocles, Thales, and afterwards ceased and gave over to versifie, all but your selfe, for you have into Philosophie reduced Poetrie againe, to set up a­loud and loftie note, for to incite and stirre up yoong men. Neither is Astrologie of lesse cre­dite and estimation, because Aristarchus, Timochares, Aristyllus, and Hipparchus, have written in prose: whereas Eudoxus, Hesiodus, and Thales, wrote before them in verse of that argument; at leastwise, if it be true that Thales was the author of that Astrologie which is ascribed unto him. And Pindarus himselfe confesseth, that he doubted greatly of that maner of melodie, which was neglected in his daies, wondering why it was so despised. For I assure you it is no ab­surd 10 thing, nor impertinent, to search the causes of such mutations: But to abolish all arts and faculties, if haply somewhat be changed or altered in them, I hold neither just, nor reasonable. Then came in Theon also with his vie, adding moreover & saying, that it could not be denied, but that in truth herein there have bene great changes & mutations: how beit, no lesse true it is, that even in this very place there have bene many oracles & answers delivered in prose, & those concerning affaires, not of least consequence, but of great importance. For as Thucyaides re­porteth in his historie, when the Lacedaemonians demanded of the oracle, what issue there would be of the warre which they waged against the Athenians? this answer was made: That they should obteine the victorie, and hold still the upper hand: also that he would aid and suc­cour them, both requested, and unrequested: and that unlesse they recalled home Pausanias, he 20 would gather together * * * of silver. Semblably, when the Athenians consulted with the oracle about their successe in that warre which they enterpised for the conquest of Sicilie; this answer they received: That they should bring out of the city Erythrae, the priestresse of Minerva: now the name of the said woman was Hesychia, that it to say, repose, or quietnesse. Moreover, at what time as Dinomenes the Sicilian, would needs know of the oracle, what should become of his sonnes? this answere was returned: That they should all three be tyrants, and great potentates: whereat when Dinomenes replied againe: Yea mary, my good lord Apollo, but peradventure they may rue that another day. Apollo answered: True indeed, & thus much more­over I prophesie unto thee, for to be their destiny. And how this was fulfilled you all know: for Gelon during his reigne, had the dropsie: Hiero was diseased with the stone, all the time of his 30 tyrannie: and Thrasibulus being overtoiled with warres and civill seditions, in short time was disthroned & driven out of his dominions. Moreover, Procles the tyrant of Epidaurus, among many others, whom he had cruelly and unjustly put to death, murdred Timarchus, who sted from Athens unto him, with a great quantitie of money, after he had received him into his protec­tion, and shewed him many courtesies and kindnesses at his first arrivall: him (I say) he slew, and afterwards cast into the sea his corps, which he had put into a chest: and howsoever other knew not of this murder, yet Cleander of Aegina, was privie thereto, and the minister to execute the same. After this, in processe of time, when he was fallen into troubles, and that his state be­gan to be disquieted, he sent his brother Cleotinus hither to the oracle, to enquire secretly whether he were best to flie and retire himselfe out of the way. Apollo made this answer: That 40 he granted Procles flight and retreat thither, where as he commanded his host of Aegina to bestow a chest, or else where the stagges cast their heads. The tyrant understanding that Apollo willed him either to throw himselfe into the sea and there be drowned, or else to be enterred in the ground, because stagges are woont to bury and hide their hornes within the earth, when they be fallen, made no haste, but delaied the time: but after a while, when trou­bles grew more and more upon him, and all things went backward with him, every day woorse than other, at length he fled: But the friends of Timarchus having overtaken him, slew him likewise, and flung his body into the sea. Furthermore (which is the greatest matter of all) those Rhetrae, by vertue whereof, Lycurgus ordeined the government of the Lacedaemonians com­mon-wealth, were delivered unto him in prose. What should I speake of Alyrius, Herodotus, 50 Philochor us, and Ister, who of all others travelled most in gathering of oracles together, which were given in verse, and yet have penned many of them without verse. And Theopompus, who studied, no man so much, to cleere the history as touching oracles; sharpely reprooveth those, who thinke that Pythia the propheresse in those daies, gave no answers nor prophesies in mee­tre: which chalenge of his when he minded to proove and make good, he could alledge but very few examples; for that all the rest in maner were even then pronounced in prose, like as [Page 1198] at this day, some there be runne that in verse and meeter. By which allegations of his, he made one aboue the rest notoriously divulged, which is this. There is within the province of Phocis, a certeine temple of Hercules, surnamed Myhogyne, as one would say, hating women: and by the ancient custome and law of that countrey, the priest thereof for the time being, must not in the whole yeere company with a woman: by occasion whereof, they chuse old men to this priesthood: howsoever not long since, a certeine yoong man, who was otherwise of no ill be­haviour, but somewhat ambitious, and desirous of honour, and who besides loved a yoong wench, atteined to this prelacie or sacerdotall dignity: at the first he birdled his affection, and forbare the said damosell: howbeit, one time above the rest, when he was laid upon his bed, after he had drunke well, and beene a dancing, the wench came to visit him; and to be short, he 10 dealt carnally with her; whereupon being much troubled in minde, and in fearefull perplexity, he fled unto the oracle, and enquired of Apollo as concerning the sinne which he had commit­ted, whether he might not be assoiled for it by praiers or expiatorie satisfaction? and this answer he received:

[...]
*This is the divels divi­nitie. All things necessarie, God permitteth.

But if a man haply should graunt that no answere in these daies is delivered by oracle, but in verse; yet would he be more in doubt of ancient oracles, which sometime in meetre and other­whiles in prose gave answeres. But neither the one nor the other (my sonne) is strange and without reason, if so be you conceive aright and carry a pure and religious opinion of god A­pollo, 20 and doe not thinke that he himselfe it was who in old time composed the verses and at this day this day prompeth unto Pythia the prophesies, as if he speake through maskes and visours. But this point is of such moment; that it requireth a longer discourse and farther inquirie into it: mary for this present it may suffice for our learning, that we call to remembrance and put you in minde briefely, how the body useth many organs or instruments; that the soule emploieth the body and the parts thereof; and that the soule is the organ or instrument of God. Now the perfection of any organ or instrument, is principally to limitate and resemble that which useth it, as much as in the power thereof: and to exhibit the worke and effect of the intention in it selfe, and to shew the same not such as it is in the workeman, pure, sincere, without passion, without error and faultlesse, but mixed and exposed to faults: for of it selfe obscure it is and al­together 30 unknowen unto us; but it appeareth another, and by another, and is replenished with the nature of that other. And here I passe over to speake of wax, gold, silver, brasse, and all other sorts of matter and substance, which may be cast and brought into the forme of a mould. For every of these verily receiveth one forme of a similitude imprinted therein, but to this resem­blance or representation, one adjoineth this difference, and another that, of it selfe; as easily is to be seene, by the infinit diversities of formes in images, as also by the apparence of one and the same visage in divers and sundry mirours, flat, hollow, curbed, or embowed, round outwardly, which represent an infinit variety. But there is neither mirror that sheweth and expresseth the face better, nor instrument of nature more supple, obsequent and pliable, that is the Moone: howbeit receiving form the Sunne a light and firy illumination, she sendeth not the same backe 40 unto us, but mingled with somewhat of her owne: whereby it changeth the colour, and hath a power or facultie far different, for no heat at all there is in it: and as for the light so weake and feeble it is that it faileth before it commeth unto us. And this I suppose to be the meaning of Heraclitus, when he saith, that the lord, unot whom belongeth the oracle at Delphos, doth neither speake, nor conceale, but signifie onely and give signe. Adde now to this which is so well said and conceived, and make this application: that the god who is heere, useth Pythia the prophetesse, for sight and hearing, like as the Sunne useth the Moone. He sheweth future things by a mortall body, and a soule which cannot rest and lie stil, as being not able to shew her selfe immooveable and quiet to him who stirreth and mooveth her, but is troubled still more and more by the motions, agitations, and passions, of her owne, and which are in her selfe: for 50 like as the turnings of bodies, which together with a circular motion, fall downward, are not firme and strong, but turning as they do round by force, and tending downward by nature, there is made of them both, a certaine turbulent and irregular circumgiration: Even so the ravish­ment of the spirit, called Enthusiasmus is a mixture of two motions, when the minde is moved in the one by inspiration, and in the other naturally. For considering that of bodies which have no soule, and of themselves continue alwaies in one estate quiet, a man cannot make use not [Page 1199] moove them perforce, otherwise than the quality of their nature will beare, nor move a cylindre like a bal, or in maner of a square cube, nor a lute or harpe, according as he doth a pipe, no more than a trumpet after the order of a cithern or stringed instrument: ne yet any thing else other­wise than either by art or nature each of them is sit to be used. How is it possible then to handle and manage that which is animate, which mooveth of it selfe, is indued with will and inclinati­on, capable also of reason; but according to the precedent habitude, puissance and nature? As for example, to move one musically, who is altogether ignorant and an enemie of musicke; or grammatically, him who skilleth not of grammer, and knoweth not a letter of the booke; or elo­quently and thetorically, one who hath neither skill nor practise at all in orations. Certes I cannot see or say how? And herein Homer also beareth witnesse with me, who albeit he suppo­seth 10 thus much, that nothing (to speake of) in the whole world, is performed and effected by a­ny cause, unlesse God be at one end thereof: yet will not he make God to use all persons indiffe­rently in every thing, but each one according to the sufficiency that he hath by art or nature. To prove this, see you not (quoth he) my frend Diogenianus, that when Minerva would perswade the Achaeans to any thing she calleth for Ulysses? when she is minded to trouble and marre the treaty of peace, she seeketh out Pandarus? when she is disposed to discomfit and put to flight the Trojans, she addresseth her selfe and goeth to Diomedes? for of these three, the last was a valiant man of person, and a brave warrior; the second a good archer, but yet a foolish and brainsicke man; the first right eloquent and wise withall: for Homer was not of the same minde with Pandarus, if so be it were Pandarus who made this verse, 20

If God so will, in sea thou maist well saile
Upon an hurdle or a wicker fraile.

But well he knew, that powers and natures be destined to divers effects, according as ech one hath different motions, notwithstanding that which mooveth them all, be but one. Like as therefore that facultie which moveth a living creature naturally going on foot, can not make it to flie; nor him who stutteth and stammereth, to speake readily; ne yet him to crie bigge and a­loud, who hath a small and slender voice: which was the reason (as I take it) that when Battus was come to [...] or [...] with a small character, that is to say, to his full strength. Rome, they sent him into Afrike, there to plant a colonie, and people a citie; for howsoever he had a stutting and stammering tongue, and was otherwise of a small voice, yet a princely minde he caried, a politike head he had of his owne, and was a man of wisedome & go­vernment: 30 even so impossible it is, that Pythia should have the knowledge to speake here ele­gantly & learnedly: for notwithstanding that she were wel borne and legitimate as any other, & had lived honestly and discreetly, yet being brought up in the house of poore husbandmen, she descendeth into the place of the oracle, bringing with her no art learned in schoole, nor any ex­perience whatsoever. But as Xenophon thinketh, that a yoong bride when she is brought to her husbands house, ought to be such an one as hath not seene much, and heard as little; semblably, Pythia being ignorant and unexpert in maner of all things, and a very virgin indeed as touch­ing her minde and soule, commeth to converse with Apollo. And we verily are of opinion, that God for to signifie future things, useth Herons, Wrens, Ravens, Crowes, and other birds, speaking after their maner: neither will we have soothsaiers, and prophets, being as they are, the messengers and heralds of God, to expound and declare their predictions in plaine and intelligible words: but wee would that the voice and dialect of the prophetesse Pythia, resem­bling the speech of a Chorus in a tragedie from a scaffold, should pronounce her answers 40 not in simple, plaine, and triviall termes, without any grace to set them out, but with Poeticall magnificence of high and stately verses, disguised as it were with metaphors and figurative phra­ses, yea, and that which more is, with found of flute and hautboies: what answere make you then, as touching the old oracles? Surely, not one alone, but many. First, the ancient Pythiae as hath beene said already, uttered and pronounced most of them in prose: secondly, that time affoorded those complexions and temperatures of bodie, which had a propense and forward in­clination to Poesie; whereto there were joined incontinently, the alacritie, desires, affections, 50 and dispositions of the soule, in such sort, a they were ever prest and ready, neither wanted they ought but some little beginning from without, to set them on worke, and to stirre the ima­gination and conception; whereby there might directly be drawen unto that which was meet and proper for them, not onely Astrologers and Philosophers as Philinus saith; but also such as were well soaked with wine, and shaken with some passion, who either upon pitie surprising them, or joy presented unto them, might immediately slide as it were, and fall into a melodious [Page 1198] and singing voice; insomuch as their feasts were full of verses, and love songs, yea and their books and compositions, amatorious, and savoring of the like. And when Euripides said:

Love makes men Poets, market it when you will,
Although before in verse they had no skill.

He meaneth not that love putteth Poetrie or Musicke into a man in whom there was none be­fore, but wakeneth, stirreth and enchafeth that which before was drowsie, idle, and cold. Or else my good frend, let us say, that now a daies there is not an amorous person, and one that skilleth of love, but all love is extinct and perished, because there is no man, as Pindarus saith,

Who now in pleasant vaine Poeticall
His songs and ditties doeth addresse,
Which just in rhime and meeter fall, 10
To praise his faire and sweet mistresse,

But this is untrue and absurd: for many loves there be that stirre and moove a man, though they meet not with such minds as naturally are disposed and forward to Musicke or Poetrie: and well may these loves be without pipes, without harpes, violes, lutes, and stringed instruments: and yet no lesse talkative nor ardent, than those in old time. Againe, it were a shame and with­out all conscience to say, that the Academie with all the quire and company of Socrates and Plato, were void of amorous affection (whose amatorious discourses are at this day extant, & to be read) although they left no Poems behinde them. And is it not all one to say, that there was never any woman but Sappho in love, nor had the gift of prophesie, save onely Sibylla, and 20 Aristonice, or such as published their vaticinations and prophesies in verse? For vertue as Chae­remon was woont to say, is mingled and tempered with the maners of those that drinke it: And this Enthusiasme or spirit of prophesie, like unto the ravishment of love, maketh use of that sufficiencie and facultie, which it findeth ready in the subject, and mooveth ech one of them that are inspired therewith, according to the measure of their naturall disposition: and yet as we consider God and his providence, we shall see that the change is ever to the better. For the use of speech, resembleth properly the permutation and woorth of money; which is good and allowable, so long as it is used and knowen, being currant, more or lesse, and valued diversly, as the times require. Now the time was, when the very marke and stampe (as it were) of our speech was currant and approoved, in meeter, verses, songs and sonets: Forasmuch as then, all historie, all doctrine of Philosophie, all affection; and to be briefe, all matter that required a 30 more grave and stately voice, they brought to Poetry and Musicke. For now, onely few men, hardly, and with much a doe; give eare and understand: but then, all indifferently heard, yet, and take great pleasure to heare those that sung,

The rurall ploughman with his hine,
The fowler with his nets and line.

as Pindarus saith: but also most men for the great aptitude they had unto Poetrie, when they would admonish and make remonstrances, did it, by the meanes of harpe, lute, and song with­all: if they ment to rebuke, chastise, exhort, and incite, they performed it by tales, fables, and proverbes. Moreover their hymnes to the honour and praise of the gods, their praiers and vowes, their balads for joy of victory, they made in meeter and musicall rhime: some upon a 40 dexterity of wit, others by use and practise. And therefore neither did Apollo envie this orna­ment and pleasant grace unto the skill of divination, neither banished he from this three­footed table of the oracle the Muse so highly honored, but rather brought it in, and stirred it up as affecting and loving Poeticall wittes: yea, and himselfe ministred and infused certeine ima­ginations, helping to put forward the loftie and learned kinde of language, as being much pri­zed and esteemed. But afterwards, as the life of men, together with their fortunes and natures came to be changed; thrist and utilitie (which remooveth all superfluity) tooke away the gol­den lusts, and foretops of perukes, the spangled coifes, caules, and attires, it cast off the fine and deinty robes calld Xystides; it clipped and cut away the bush of haire growing too long; it unbuckled and unlaced, the trim buskins, acquainting men with good reason, to glory in thrif­tinesse 50 and frugalitie, against superfluous and sumptuous delicacies, yea, and to honour simpli­citie and modesty, rather than vaine pompe and affected curiositie: And even so, the maner of mens speech, changing also and laying aside all glorious shew, the order of writing an histo­rie therewithall, presently came downe as one would say from the stately chariot of versificati­on, to prose, and went a foot; and by the meanes especially of this fashion of writing and spea­king [Page 1199] at liberty, and not being tied to measures, true stories, come to be distinguished from ly­ing fables: and Philosophie embracing perspicuity of stile, which was apt to teach and instruct, rather than that which by tropes and figures amused and amased mens braines. And then Apol­lo repressed Pythia, that she should not any more call her fellow citizens, Pyricaos, that is to say, burning fires; nor the Spartanes, Ophioboros, that is to say, devourers of serpents; nor men Oreanas; nor river, Orempotas: and so by cutting off from her, prophesies, verses, and strange termes, circumlocutions and obscuritie, he taught and inured her to speake unto those who re­sorted to the oracles, as lawes do talke with cities, as kings devise and commune with their peo­ple and subjects, and as scholars give eare unto their schoole-masters, framing and applying his maner of speech and language so, as it might be full of sense and perswasive grace: for this 10 lesson we ought to learne and know that, as Sophocles saith:

God to the wise in heavenly things, is ay a light some guide,
But fooles so briefely he doth teach, that they goe alwaies wide.

And together with plainnesse, and diluciditie, beliefe was so turned and altered, changing to­gether with other things, that beforetime, whatsoever was not ordinary nor common, but ex­travagant, or obscurely and covertly spoken, the vulgar sort drawing it into an opinion of some holinesse hidden underneath, was astonied thereat and held it venerable: but afterwards, de­sirous to learne and understand things cleerely and easily, and not with masks of disguised 20 words, they began to finde fault with Poesie, wherein oracles were clad; not onely for that it was contrary and repugnant to the easie intelligence of the truth, as mingling the darknesse and shadow of obscurity with the sentence, but also for that they had prophesies already in suspi­cion; saying, that metaphors aenigmaticall, and covert words, yea and the ambiguitles which Poetry useth, were but shifts, retracts, and evasions to hide and cover all, whensoever the events fell not out accordingly. And many you may heare to report, that there be certeine Poeticall persons, practised in versifying, sit yet about the oracle, for to receive and catch some words there delivered; which presently and extempore, they reduce and contrive into verse, meeter, and rhime, as if they were panniers to bestow all the answers in. And heere I forbeare to speake what occasion of blame, and matter of calumniation in these oracles, these Onomacritoi, Pro­dotae 30 and Cinesones have ministred, by adding unto them a tragicall pompe, and swelling infla­tion of words, when as neither they had need thereof, nor yet received any varietie and altera­tion thereby. Moreover, certeine it is, that these juglers and vagarant circumforanean land­leapers, these practisers of legier de main, these plaiers at passe and repasse, with all the packe of those vagabonds, ribauds, and jesters who haunt the feasts of Cybele and Serapis, have great­ly discredited and brought into obloquie the profession of Poetrie: some by their extemporall facultie and telling fortunes, others by way of lotterie forsooth, and by certeine letters and wri­tings, forging oracles which they would give to poore varlets and sily women, who were soo­nest abused thereby, especially when they saw the same reduced into verse, and so were caried away with Poeticall termes. And from hence it is now come to passe, that Poesie, for that she 40 hath suffered herselfe thus to be prophaned and made common, by such cousiners, juglers, de­ceivers, enchanters, and false prophets, is fallen from the trueth, and rejected from Apolloes three-footed table.

And therefore I nothing woonder if otherwhiles in old time, there was some need of this double meaning, circumlocution, and obscuritie: for I assure you, there was not woont to come hither one for to enquire and be resolved about the buying of a slave in open market: nor another to know what profit he should have by his traffike or husbandry: but hither came or sent great and puissant cities, kings, princes, and tyrants, who had no meane matters in their heads, to consult with Apollo as concering their important affaires; whom to provoke, displease, and offend, by causing them to heare many things contrary to their will and minde, 50 was nothing good and expedient for those who had the charge of the oracle: for this god obei­eth not Euripides when he setteth downe a law as it were for him, saying thus:

Phoebus himselfe, and none but he,
Ought unto men the prophet to be.

for he useth mortall men to be his ministers and underprophets: of whom he is to have a speci­all care for to preserve them, that in doing him service, they be not spoiled and slaine by wicked [Page 1200] persons: in which regard he is not willing to conceale the trueth; but turning aside the naked declaration thereof, which in poetrie receiveth many reflexions, and is divided into many par­cels, he thereby did away the the rigor and odious austerity therein conteined. And it skilled much, that neither tyrants should know it, not enemies be advertised and have intelligence thereof. For their sakes therefore, he enfolded in all his answeres, doubts, suspitions and ambi­guities, which from others did hide the true meaning of that which was answered. But such as came themselves to the oracle, and gave close and heedfull eare, as whom it concerned particu­larly, those he deceived not, neither failed they of the right understanding thereof. And there­fore a very foolish man is he, and of no judgement, who doth take occasion of slander and ca­lumniation, if the world and estate of mens affaires being changed, this God thinketh that he is 10 not to aide and helpe men any more after his accustomed maner, but by some other. Further­more, by the meanes of poetrie and versification, there is not in a sentence, any greater com­moditie than this, that being couched and comprised in a certeine number of words and sylla­bles measuted, a man may reteine and remember the same better. And necessarie it was for those in olde time, to cary away in memory many things, because there were delivered many signes and marks of places, many times and opportunities of affaires, many temples of strange gods beyond sea, many secret monuments, and repositories of demi-gods hard to be found of those who sailed farre from Greece. For in the voyages of Chios and Candie, * * * en­terprised by Onesichus and Palanthus, beside many other captaines and admirals, how many signes and conjectures went they by, and were to observe, for to finde the resting seat, and place 20 of abode, which was ordeined to every one of them? and some of them quite missed thereof: as for example, Battus: for his prophesie ran thus, That unlesse he arrived to the right place, he should be banished. Failing therefore of the countrey whereto he was sent, he returned againe to the oracle in humble maner, craving his favour. And then Apollo answered him in this wise:

Thou knowest thy selfe, aswell as I can tell,
That uneth yet in Afrike thou hast beene;
(For thither sent I thee to build and dwell)
Nor Meliboea, that place so fertile, seene:
If thither now accordingly thou wend,
Thy wisdome then greatly will I commend. 30

And so he sent him away the second time. Likewise Lysander being altogether ignorant of the little hill Archeledes, of the place called Alopecon, as also of the river Oplites.

And of the dragon, sonne of earth by kinde
Full craftily assailing men behinde.

all which hee should have avoided, was vanquished in battell, and slaine about those very places, and that by one Inachion and Aliartian, who had for his device or armes in the target that he bare, a dragon purtraid. But I thinke it needlesse to recite many other ancient oracles of this kinde, which are not easily to be related, and as hardly remembred, especially among you who know them well enough. But now thanks be to God, the state of our affaires and of the world, in regard whereof men were woont to seeke unto the oracle is [...] : for which I rejoice and congratulate with you. For great peace there is and repose in all parts; warres be staied, and 40 there is no more need of running and wandring to and fro, from one countrey to another: ci­vill dissentions and seditions be appeased: there are no tyrannies now excercised: neither doe there raigne other maladies and miseries of Greece, as in times past, which had need of sove­raigne medicins, exquisit drogues and powerfull confections, to remedy and redresse the same. Whereas therefore there is no variable diversity, no matter of secrecie, no dangerous affaires, but all demands be of petie & vulgar matters, much like to these schoole questions: Whether a man should marry or no? Whether a man may undertake a voiage by sea or no? or Whether he is to take up or put forth mony for interest? where, I say, the greatest points, about which cities seeke unto Apollo, are about the fertility of their ground, plenty of corne and other fruits of the earth, the breed and multiplying of their cattell, and the health of their bodies: to goe about 50 for to comprise the same in verse, to devise and forge long circuits of words, to use strange and obscure tearmes, to such interrogatories as require a short simple and plaine answere, were the part of an ambitious and vainglorious Sophister, who tooke a pride in the elegant composing of oracles. Over and besides, Pythia of her selfe is of a gentle and generous nature: and when she descendeth thither and converseth with the god, she hath more regard of trueth than of glo­ry, [Page 1201] neither paseth she whether men praise or dispraise her. And better iwis it were for us, if we also were likewise affected. But we now in a great agony (as it were) & fearefull perplexity lest the place should leese the reputation which it hath had for the space of three thousand yeeres, and doubting that some would abandon it and cease to frequent it, as if it were the schoole of a Sophister, who feared to lose his credit, and to be despised, devise apologies in defence thereof, faining causes and reasons of things which we neither know, nor is beseeming us for to learne, and all to appease and perswade him, who complaineth and seemeth to finde fault, whereas we should rather shake him off and let him goe.

For with him first,
It will be worst, 10

who hath such an opinion of this our God, as that he approved and esteemed these ancient sentences of the Sages written at the entrance of the temple, Know thy selfe; Too much of no­thing; principally for their brevity, as containing under few words a pithy sentence well and closely couched, and (as a man would say) beaten soundly togehter with the hammer: but re­proved and blamed moderne oracles for delivering most part of their answeres, briefely, suc­cinctly, simply, and directly. And verily such notable Apophthegmes and sayings of the anci­ent Sages, resemble rivers that runne through a narrow streight, where the water is pent and kept in so close, that a man cannot see through it, and even so unneth or hardly may the bottom of their sense be sounded. But if you consider what is written or said by them, who endevour to search unto the very bottom, what every one of these sentences doth comprehend, you shall 20 finde that hardly a man shall meet with orations longer then they. Now the dialect or speech of Pythia is such, as the Mathematicians define a straight and direct line, namely, the shortest that may be betweene two points: and even so it bendeth not, it crookeneth not, it maketh no circle, it carieth no double sense and ambiguity, but goeth straight to the trueth; and say it be subject to censure and examination, and dangerous to be misconstured and beleeved amisse: yet to this day it hath never given advantage whereby it might be convinced of untrueth: but in the meane time, it hath furnished all this temple full of rich gifts, presents and oblations, not onely of Greeke nations, but also of barbarous people, as also adorned it with the beautiful buil­dings and magnificent fabricks of the amphictyons. For you see in some sort, many buildings adjoined which were not before, and as many repaired and restored to their ancient perfection, 30 which were either fallen to decay and ruined by continuance of time, or else lay confusedly out of order. And like as we see, that neere unto great trees that spred much and prosper well, other smaller plants and shrubs grow and thrive: even so together with the city of Delphos, Pylaea flourisheth, as being fed and maintained by the abundance and affluenee, which ariseth from hence, in such sort as it beginneth to have the forme and shew of solemne sacrifices of stately meetings and sacred waters, such as in a thousand yeeres before it could never get the like. As for those that inhabited about Galaxion in Baeotia, they found and felt the gracious presence and favour of our God by the great plenty and store of milke, For,

From all their ewes thicke milke did spin,
As water fresh from lively spring: 40
Their tubs and tunnes with milke therein
Brim full they all, home fast did bring:
No barrels, bottels, pailes of wood,
But full of milke in houses stood.

But to us he giveth better markes, and more evident tokens and apparent signes of his presence and favour, than these be; having brought our countrey (as it were) from drinesse and penurie, from desert & waste wildernesse, wherein it was before, to be now rich and plentiful, frequented and peopled, yea and to be in that honor and reputation, wherein we see it at this day to flourish. Certes, I love my selfe much better, for that I was so well affected, as to put to my helping hand in this businesse, together with Polycrates and Petraeus: Yea and him also I love in my heart, 50 who was the first author unto us of this government and policy, and who tooke the paines and endevoured to set on foot and establish most part of these things. But impossible it was, that in so small a time there should be seene so great and so evident a mutation by any industry of man whatsoever, if God himselfe had not bene assistant to sanctifie and honour this oracle. But like as in those times past, some men there were who found fault with the ambiguity, obliquity and obscurity of oracles; so there be in these daies, others, who like sycophants cavill at the over­much [Page 1202] simplicitie of them; whose humorous passion is injurious and exceeding foolish. For even as little children take more joy and pleasure to see rainbowes, haloes or garlands about the Sunne, Moone, &c. yea, and comets or blasing starres, than they do to behold the Sunne him­selfe or the Moone; so these persons desire to have aenigmaticall and darke speeches, obscure allegories, and wrested metaphors, which are all reflexions of divination upon the fansie and ap­prehension of our mortall conceit. And if they understand not sufficiently, the cause of this change and alteration, they go their waies, and are ready to condemne the God, and not either us or themselves, who are not able by discourse of reason to reach unto the counsell and intenti­on of the said gods. 10

OF THE DAEMON OR FAMILIAR SPIRIT OF SOCRATES. 20
(Some adde unto this title, [ The delive­rie of the citie Thebes] and in trueth, that narration taketh up a good part of this dialogue.) A Treatise in maner of a Dialogue.

The Summarie.

THe The bans having lost their freedome and liberty by the violent proceedings of Ar­chias, Leontidas and other tyrants, who banished a great number of good citizens 30 and men of woorth, in which roll and catalogue Pelopidas was one (as appeareth in the storie of his life, wherein Plutarch writeth of all this matter at large) it fell out at last, that the exiled persons tooke heart, drew to an head, and wrought so, as they reentred the city of Thebes, slew the tyrants, and displaced the garrison of the Spartans. Which done, they dispatched their ambassages to other States and Common wealths of Greece, for to justifie this their action; and namely, among the rest, they sent Caphisias to Athens: who being there, at the re­quest of Archidamus a personage of great authoritie, related and reported the returne of the banished men, the surprising of the tyrants, and the restoring of the citie to their ancient franchises; and that with discourses woonderfull patheticall, and such as shew the singular providence of God in the preser­vation of States, and confusion of such wicked members as disturbe the publicke peace. But in this re­citall, 40 there is inserted, and that with good grace, a digression as touching the familiar spirit of Socra­tes, by occasion of a Pythagorean Philosopher newly come out of Italie to Thebes, for to take up the bones of Lysis: for by occasion that Galaxidorus the Epicurean derided the superstition of this stran­ger, praising withall, the wisdome and learning of Socrates, who had cleered and delivered Philosophie from all fantasticall illusions of spirits and ghosts, Theocritus bringeth in an example of a certeine pre­diction of this familiar spirit. But withall, when the other had demanded the question, whether the same were an humane and naturall thing or no, the disputation began to kindle and waxe hote; untill such time as Epaminondas and this stranger named Theanor came in place: and then they fell into [...] of povertie and riches, by occasion that Theanor offered silver unto the The bans, in recom­pense of their kindnesse and good enterteinment shewed unto Lysis. And as they would have procee­ded 50 forward in this argument, there came one who ministred occasion for to returne unto the former narration as touching the enterprise and exploit of the said exiled persons: in which there is intermin­gled againe a treatise concerning the familiar of Socrates, with a large recitall of the fable of Timar­chus. After which, Caphisias rehearseth the issue of the tragaedie of the tyrants, shewing thorowout, notable discourses of the divine wisdome, and joining therewith a consideration of Socrates his wise­dome, guiding and directing to a particular plot for the good of all Greece. But in this place the rea­der [Page 1203] must remember and call to minde who this Socrates was; to wit, a man destitute of the true know­ledge of God, and therefore he is to holde for suspected and naught this familiar spirit of his, if a man would receive and admit the opinion of some interloquutors, who suppose it was a Daemon or spirit from without; to the end that we should not rest upon revelation, inspirations and guidances of angels, un­lesse it be of such, the testimonies whereof are grounded upon the holy scripture; but flie from the pro­fane curiositie of certeine fantcsticall heads, who by their books published abroad in print, have da­red to revive and raise up againe this false opinion (which some in this age of ours have) of samiliar spirits, by whom they are for sooth as well advised and as surely taught and instructed as by the very spirit of God, speaking unto us by his written word.

OF THE DAEMON OR 10 familiar spirit of Socrates.

ARCHIDAMUS.

I Have heard (as I remember) ô Caphisias, a prety speech of a certaine painter making a comparison of those who came to see the pictures and tables which he had painted: for he was woont to say, that the ignorant beholders and such as had no skill at all in the art of pain­ting, 20 resembled them who saluted a whole multitude of people all at once; but the better sort and such as were skilfull, were like un­to those who used to salve every one whom they met, severally by name: for that the former had no exquisit insight into the works, but a superficiall and generall knowledge onely; whereas the other contrariwise, judging every piece and part thereof, will not misse one jote, but peruse, consider and censure that which is well done or otherwise. Semblably it falleth out in my judgement, as touching trueactions indeed, which are not painted. The con­ceit and understanding of the more idle and carelesse persons resteth in this bare knowledge, in case they conceive only the summary and issue of a thing; but that, of studious and diligent per­sons, and lovers of faire and goodly things, like unto a judicious and excellent spectator of ver­tue, 30 as of some great and singular art, taketh more pleasure to heare the particularities in speci­all: for that the end of matters, ordinarily, hath many things common with fortune; but the good wit is better seene in causes, & in the vertue of particular occurrences & affaires which are presented; as when valour sheweth it selfe not astonied, but considerate and well advised in the greatest perils; where the discourse of reason is mingled with passion, which the sudden occasi­on of danger presented doth bring. Supposing then, that we also are of this kinde of spectators, declare you to us now in order from the beginning, how this matter did passe and proceed in the execution thereof, as also what talke and discourse was held there; for that by all likelihood you were present: and for mine owne part, so desirous I am to heare, that I would not faile to go as farre as to Thebes for the knowledge thereof, were it not, that I am thought already of the A­thenians, 40 to favorise the Boeotians more than I should.

CAPHISIAS.

Certes, Archidamus, since you are so earnest and forward to learne how these affaires were managed, I ought in regard of the good will which you beare unto us, before any businesse whatsoever (as Pindarus saith) to have come hither, expresly for to relate the same unto you: but since we are hither come in embassage already, and at good leasure, whiles we attend what answere and dispatch the people of Athens will give us, in making it strange and goodly, and re­fusing to satisfie so civill a request of a personage so kinde and well affectionate to his friends, were as much as to revive the olde reproch imputed upon the Boeotians, to wit, that they hate good letters and learned discourses; which reproch began to weare away with your Socrates, and 50 in so doing, it seemeth that we treat of affaires with two priests: and therefore see, whether the Seigniors here present be disposed to heare the report of so many speeches and actions; for the narration will not be short, considering that you will me to adjoine thereto the words that pas­sed also.

ARCHIDAMUS.

You know not the men, ô Caphisias, and yet well woorthy they are to be knowen; for noble [Page 1204] persons they had to their fathers, and those who had beene well affected to our countrey. As for him (pointing to Lysithides) he is (quoth he) the nephew of Thrasibulus; but he here, is Timo­theus the sonne of Conon: those there, be the children of Archinus; and the other, our familiar friends. So that you shall be sure to have a well willing auditorie, and such as will take pleasure to heare this narration.

CAPHISIAS.

You say well. But where were I best to begin my speech, in regard of those matters that ye have already heard and knowen, which I would not willingly repeat?

ARCHIDAMUS.

We know reasonably well, in what state the citie of Thebes stood, before the returne of the 10 banished persons; and namely, how Archias and Leontidas had secred intelligence, and com­plotted with Phoebidas the Lacedaemonian captaine, whom they perswaded, during the time of truce, to surprise the castle of Cadmus; and how having executed this disseigne, they drave some citizens out of the city, and put others in prison, or held the men in awe, whiles themselves ruled tyrannically and with violence. Whereof I had intelligence, because I was (as you wot well) hoast unto Melon and Pelopidas, with whom (so long as they were in exile) I was inwardly ac­quainted and conversed familiarly. Moreover, we have heard already, how the Lacedaemoni­ans condemned Phaebidas to pay a great sine, for that he had seized the fort Cadmia, and how they put him by, and kept him from the journey and expedition of Olynthus, and sent thither in stead of him, Lysanoridas with two other captaines, and planted a stronger garrison within the 20 castle. Furthermore, we know very well, that Ismenias died not the fairest kinde of death, pre­sently upon I wot not what processe framed, and an action commensed against him, for that Gorgidas advertised the banished who were heere, by letters, from time to time, of all matters that passed; in such sort, as there remaineth for you to relate, nothing els, but the returne of the said banished men, and the surprising or apprehension of the tyrants.

CAPHISIAS.

About that time ( Archidamus) all we that were of the confederacie and complotted toge­ther, used ordinarily to meet in the house of Simmias, by occasion that he was retired and in cure of a wound which he had received in his leg, where we conferred secretly of our affaires as need required; but in shew and openly, discoursed of matters of learning and Philosophy, drawing 30 unto us often times into our companic, Archias and Leontidas, men who misliked not such con­ferences and communications, because we would remoove all suspicion of such conventicles. For Simmias having abode long time in forren parts among the Barbarians, being returned to Thebes but a little while before, was full of all manet of newes and strange reports as touching those barbarous nations; insomuch, as Archias when he was at leasure, willingly gaue eare to his discourses and narrations, sitting in the company of us yong gentlemen, as being well plea­sed that we should give our mindes to the study of good letters and learning, rather than busie our heads about those matters which they went about and practised in the meane while. And the very day on which late in the evening, and toward darke night following, the exiled persons abovesaid were come closely under the wall, there arrived from thenee unto us a messenger, 40 whom Pherenicus sent, one who was unknowen to us all, unlesse it were to Charon, who brought us word, that to the number of twelve yoong gentlemen, and those the bravest gallants of all the banished conspiratours, were already with their hounds hunting in the forest Cithaeron, intend­ing to be heere in the evening; and that therefore they had sent before and dispatched a vaunt­courrier of purpose, aswell to advertise us thereof, as to be certified themselves who it was that should make his house ready for them to lie secret and hidden therein when they were once come; to the end that upon this forcknowledge they might set forward and go directly thither. Now as we studied and tooke some deliberation about this point, Charon of himselfe offered his house: whereupon, when the messenger intended to returne immediatly & with great speed to the exiles, Theocritus the soothsaier griping me fast by the hand, & casting his eie upon Charon 50 that went before: This man (quoth he) ô Caphisias, is no Philosopher nor deepe scholar, neither is he come to any excellent or exquisit knowledge above others, as his brother Epaminondaes, and yet you see how being naturally enclined, and directed withall by the lawes, unto honor and vertue, he exposeth himselfe willingly unto danger of death, for the deliverie and setting free of his countrey; whiles Epaminondas, who hath had better meanes of instruction and education to the attaining of vertue, than any other Boeotian whatsoever, is restiffe, dull, and backeward, [Page 1205] when the question is of executing any great enterprise for the deliverance of his native country. And to what occasion of service shall he ever be so well disposed, prepared and emploied, than this? Vnto whome I made answere in this wife: We for our parts, most kinde and gently The­oritus, doe that which hath beene thought good, resolved and concluded upon among our selves, but Epaminondas having not yet perswaded us, according as he thinketh it better himselfe, not to put these our designements in execution, hath good reason to goe against that where­with his nature repugneth, and so he approveth not the designement whereunto he is moved and invited. For it were unreasonable to force & compell a physician, who promiseth & under­taketh to cure a disease, without lancet & fire, for to proceed to incission, cutting & cauterizing. Why (quoth Theocritus) doth not he approve of the conspiracie? No (quoth I) neither allow­eth 10 he that any citizens should be put to death, unlesse they were condemned first judicially by order of law: mary, he saith, that if without massacre and effusion of citizens blood they would enterprise the deliverance of the city, he would assist and aide them right willingly. Seeing then that he was not able to enduce us for to beleeve his reasons, but that we followed still our owne course, he requireth us to let him alone pure, innocent, and impolluted with the blood of his citizens, and to suffer him for to espie and attend some better occasions and opportunities, by meanes whereof with justice he might procure the good of the weale publicke. For murder (quoth he) will not containe it selfe within limits as it ought: but Pherenicus happly and Pelo­pedas, may bend their force principally upon the authors and heads of the tyranny, and wicked 20 persons: but you shall have some such as Eumolpidas and Samiadas hot stomacked men, set on fire with choler and desire of revenge, who taking liberty by the vantage of the night, will not lay downe their armes, nor put up their swords, untill they have filled the whole city with blood­sned, and murdered many of the best and principall citizens.

As I thus devised and communed with Theocritus, Anaxidorus ovethearing some of our words (for nere he was unto us:) Stay (quoth he) and hold your peace, for I see Archiaes & Lysa­noridas the Spartan captaine comming from the castle Cadmia, and it seemeth that they make haste directly toward us. Heereupon we paused and were still: with that Archias calling unto Theocritus, and bringing him apart by himselfe unto Lysanoridas, talked with him a long while, drawing him aside a little out of the way, under the temple of Amphton; in such sort, as we were 30 in an extreame agony & perplexity, for feare lest they had an inckling or suspition of our enter­prise, or that somthing were discovered: & thereupon they examined Theocritus. As these mat­ters thus passed, Phyllidas (whom you Archidamus know) who was then the principall secretary or scribe under Archias, at that time captaine generall of the armie, being desirous of the ap­proch of the conspiratours, & withal both privy and party with us in the complot, came in place and tooke me (as his manner was) by the hand, beginning with open mouth to mocke our ex­ercises of the body and our wrestling: but afterward, drawing me aside, a good way from the others, asked me whether the banished persons would keepe that appointed day or no? I made him answere, Yea. Then have I (quoth he) to very good purpose prepared a feast this day for to entertaine Archias in my house, and so to deliver him with ease into their hands, when he shall have eaten freely, and drunke wine merily. Passing well done (quoth I) ô Phyllidas: but I beseech you 40 withall, for to bring together all our enimies, or as many as you can. That is no easie mat­ter (quoth he) to compasse, but rather altogether impossible. For Archias hoping that some great lady of honor and estate will come thither unto him, in no wise can abide that Leontidas should be there, so that of necessity we must divide them into sundry houses. Now if Archias and Leontidas both, be once apprehended, I suppose that the rest will soone flie, or else remaine quite, and be very highly contented if any man will grant them safety and security of their lives. Well (quoth I) we will so doe: but I pray you, what businesse have they with Thcocritus, that they are so long in talke with him? I know not for a trueth (quoth Phyllidas) but I have heard that there be certaine prodigious signes of unluckie and unfortunate presage unto the ci­tie of Sparta. 50

When Theocritus was returned unto us againe, Phidolaus the Haliertian comming toward us: Simmias (quoth he) requesteth you to stay here a while for his sake: for he is an intercessor in the behalfe of Amphiteus by the meanes of Leontidas, that his life may be pardoned, and that in­stead of death, the man might be banished, This is fallen out (quoth Theocritus) in very good time and fitly to the purpose as a man would have it: for I was minded to enquire of you what things were found within the tombe of Alcmena, and what shew it caried when it was opened a­mong [Page 1206] you: and also whether you were present when Agesilaus sent of purpose for to translate and carry the reliques unto Sparta. Present I was not my selfe Phidolaus in person: and I was very much angry and offended with my fellow citizens, in that I was so discarded and left out. Howbeit found there was with the bones and other reliques of the corps, a certaine carquanet of brasse, and that of no great bignesse, and two earthen pots, containing amphors a piece full of earth which in continuance of time was growen hard and converted into stone.

Over the sepulcher there was a table of brasse likewise, wherein were written many letters, and those of a strange and wonderfull forme, as being of right great antiquity: for nothing could we picke out of them, notwithstanding the letters appeared very well, after that the brasse was faire washed and scoured cleane, the characters were of such a making by themselves, after a 10 barbarous fashion, and resembling neerest those of the Aegyptians. Whereupon Agesilaus also, as men say, sent a copy of them unto the king of Aegypt, praying him to shew the same un­to their priests, to see whether they understood them or no? But peradventure of these matters Simmias also is able to tell us some newes, because about that time he conversed much with the said priests in points of Philosophie. And those of the citie Aliartos are of opinion, that their great sterility, and scarcitie, as also the swelling and inundation of the lake hapned not by chance, but was the vengeance divine upon those who suffered the monument of this se­pulchre to be digged up and opened. Then Theocritus after he had paused a little: The Lace­daemonians likewise (quoth he) seeme to have beene threatned by the ire of the gods, as the prodigious signes and tokens presage no lesse, wereof Lysanoridas ere while talked with 20 me: who even now is gone into the citie Aliartos, to cause the said monument to be filled up a­gaine, and there to offer certeine funerall effusions and libaments, to the ghost of Alcmena and Aleus, according to a certeine oracle; but who this Aleus should be, he knoweth not: and so soone as he is from thence returned, he must search also the sepulchre of Dirce, which none of the Thebanes doe know, unlssse they be those who have beene captaines of the horsemen. For looke who goeth out of this office, taketh with him his successor that entreth into place, by night, and when they two be alone together, he sheweth it unto him, and there they per­forme certeine religious ceremonies without fire, the tokens and marks whereof, they shuffle together, and confound so, as they be not seene; which done, they depart in the darke, and goe diverswaies, one from the other. But for mine owne part, ô Phidolaus, I beleeve verily he will 30 never finde it out, for the most of those who have beene lawfully called to the captainship of the cavallerie, or to say more truely, even all of them are in exile, except Gorgidas and Plato, whom they will never aske the question, because they are afraid of them. And as for those who are now in place, well may they take the launce and the signet within the castle of Cadmus; for otherwise they neither know nor can shew ought. As Theocritus spake these words, Leonttdas went foorth with his friends; and we entring in, saluted Simmias, being set upon his bed, but I suppose he had not obteined his request, for very pensive and heavie he was; and looking wist­ly in the face upon us all, he brake out into thses words: O Hercules, what a world is this, to see the barbarous us and savage maners of men? And was not this then a very good answere made by old Thales. who being returned home, after a long voiage, from out of a forren countrey, and 40 demanded what was the strangest newes that he could make relation of? answered: That he had seene a tyrant live to be an old man. For thus you see, that himselfe who in his owne particular, had never received wrong by a tyrant, yet in regard of the odious trouble, in conversing and ha­ving to doe with them, is offended and become an enemie to all soveraigne and absolute go­vernments, which are not subject to render an account unto the lawes. But haply God will see to these matters, and provide in time convenient. But know you ( Caphisias) who this stranger may be, that is come unto you? I wot not (quoth he) whom you meane. Why (quoth he) a­gaine, Leontidas came and told us of a man, who was seene by night to arise from about the tombe of Lysis, accompanied in stately wise, with a great traine of men, in good order; and well appointed, who lodged there and lay upon pallets: for that there were to be seene in the mor­ning 20 little beds hard by the ground, made of chast tree and of heath or lings. There remained also the tokens of fire, and of the libaments and oblations of milke. Moreover betimes in the morning he damanded of all passengers whom he met, where he should finde the children of Polymnis dwelling in that country? And what stranger might this be (quoth I:) for by your report he should be some great personage, and not a private man and of meane degree. Not so (quoth Phidolaus) but when he comes welcome he shall be, and we will receive him courte­ously, [Page 1207] But for this present, if peradventure ( Simmias) you know any thing more than we, concer­ning those letters whereof we were of late in doubt, declare it unto us: for it is said that the priests of Aegypt understood by conference together the letters of a certaine table of brasse, which Agesilaus not long since had from us, at what time as he caused the tombe of Alcmena to be opened. I have not (quoth Simmtas, calling another matter presently to minde) seene this faid table, ô Phidolaus: but Agetoridas the Spartan carrying with him many letters from Agest­laus came to thy city Memphis and went unto the prophet Chonuphis, with whome we conferred as touching Philosophy, and abode together a certaine time, my selfe I meane, and Plato, with Ellopion the Peparethian. Thither I say arrived he as sent from king Agesilaus, who requested Chonuphis, that if he understood any thing of those letters which were written in the said brasse, 10 he would interpret the same, and send it backe unto him incontinently. So this prophet was musing and studying three daies together by himselfe, perusing and turning all sorts of figures and characters of auncient letters: and in the end wrote backe his answer unto king Agesilaus, and by word of mouth told us, that the said writing gave direction and commandement unto the Greeks, to celebrate the feast, and solemnize the plaies and games in the honor of the Mu­fes: also that the forme of those characters, were the very same which had beene used at the time when Proteus reigned in Aegypt, which Hercules the sonne of Amphitryo learned: and that God by those letters advised and admonished the Greeks to live in peace and repose, institu­ting certeine games unto the Muses, for the study of Philosophy and good litterature, and di­sputing one against another continually, with reasons and arguments as touching justice, lay­ing 20 armes cleane aside. As for us, we thought verily even then at the very first, that Chonuphts said well and truely; but much rather, when in our returne out of Aegypt, as we passed along Caria, certeine persons of the lsle Delos, met us upon the way, who requested Plato (as he was a man well seene and exercised in Geometrie) to explane the meaning unto them of a certeine strange oracle, & hard to be understood; which god Apollo had given them: the tenour where­of was this: That the Delians and all other Greeke nations, should have a cessation & end of all their present troubles and calamities, when they had once doubled the alter which stood in the temple at Delo: for they being not able to guesse nor imagine what the substance and meaning should be, of this answer delivered by the oracle; and besides, making themselves ridiculous, when they thought to double the fabricke and building of the altar (for when they had doubled 30 ech side of the foure, they were not ware how by augmentation they made a solid bodie, eight times as bigge as it was before, and that by ignorance of the proportion, which in length yeel­deth the duple) they had recourse unto Plato, for to be resolved of this difficulty. Then he cal­ling to minde the foresaid Aegyptian priest, said unto them: that the god plaied with the Greeks, for despising good sciences; reproching them for their ignorance, and commanding them in good earnest to study Geometry, and not cursarily after a superficiall maner; for that it was a matter and worke, not of a depravate conceit, nor of a troubled and dimme understan­ding, but sufficiently exercised, and perfectly seene in the sciences of Lines; to find of two lines one middle proportioned, which is the onely means to double the figure of a cubicke body, be­ing augmented equally in all dimensions: And as for these (quoth he) Eudoxus the Cnidian, 40 or Helicon the Cyzicenian, hath performed sufficiently unto you: howbeit, we are not to thinke that the god hath need of any such duplication, neither was it, that which he meant, but he com­manded the Greeks to give over armes for to converse with the Muses; in dulcing their pas­sions by the study of good literature, and the sciences, and so to couple and carie themselves, as that they might prosit, and not hurt one another. But whiles Simmias thus spake, my father Polymnis entred the place, and sat him downe close unto Simmias, beginning thus to speake; Epaminondas (quoth he) requesteth both you, and all the rest that be heere, unlesse your busi­nesse otherwise be the greater, not to faile, but heere to stay; as being desirous to make you ac­quainted with this stranger, who is of himselfe a gentle person, and withall, is hither come with a generous and honest intention (being one of the Pythagorian Philosophers) from out 50 of Italy, and his arrivall into these parts, as by occasion of certeine visions and dreames as he saith, yea and evident apparitions admonishing him to powre and offer unto the good seignior Lysis, upon his tombe, those libaments which are due unto men departed: and having brought with him a good quantitie of gold, he supposeth that he is bound to make recompense unto Epaminondas, for the charges which which he was at in keeping & mainteining good Lysis in his old age, and most ready he is, without our request, and against our will, to succour our need and po­vertie [Page 1208] Simmias taking great pleasure to heare this: You tell us (quoth he) of a woonderfull man indeed, and such an one as is woorthy of Philosophy: but what is the reason that he came not directly unto us? Because (quoth he) he tooke up lodging last night about the sepulchre of Ly­sis, and as I take it, Epaminondas hath led him to the river Ismenus, for to wash; but from thence they will come both together unto us: but before that he spake with us, he lodged upon the tombe of Lysis, with a purpose as I thinke, to take up the bones and reliques of his body, for to cary with him backe into Italy, unlesse there were some spirit or daemon empeached him in the night: When my father had thus much said, he held his tongue: and then Galaxido­rus: O Hercules (quoth he) how hard a matter is it to finde a man who is altogether free from vanitie, and in whom there is no spice of superstition? For some there be, who even 10 against their willes are otherwhiles surprised with these passions, by reason either of igno­rance or infirmity: others againe, to the end they might be thought more religious, more devout, and better beloved of the gods, upon a singularity, referre all their actions to the gods, as the authors thereof, preferring before all the inventions that came into their minde, dreames and fantasticall apparitions, and all such foolish toies and vanties; which parad­venture is not unbeseeming nor unprofitable for polititians and statists, who are forced to frame themselves to a stubberne & disordinate multitude, for to reclaime and to pull backe the common & vulgar sort by superstition, as it were by the bit of a bridle, unto that which is expe­dient for them. But this maske seemeth not onely undecent and unseemely for Philosophy, but also contrary to the profession thereof, which promiseth to teach us all that which is good 20 and profitable with reason, and afterwards referreth the begining of our actions unto the gods, as if it contemned reason and disgraced the proofe of demonstration, wherein it seemeth to be most excellent turning aside to I wot not what oracles and visions in dreames, wherein often­times the wickedest man in the word, findeth as much as the very best. And therefore in mine opinion our Socrates, ô Simmias, used that maner of teaching which is most worthy and befit­ting a Philosopher, to wit, simple, plaine, without all fiction, chusing it as most free and frendly unto the trueth, rejecting and turning upon the Sophisters, all such vanity, as the very fume and smoake of Philosophy. Then Theocritus taking his turne to speake: How now (quoth he) Ga­laxidorus, hath Melitus perswaded you, as well as he made the judges beleeve, that Socrates dis­pised the gods and all divine powers? For this is that which he chargeth him with before the Athenians. In no wise (quoth he) as touching those heavenly powers: but having received 30 from the hands of Pythagoras and Empedocles, Philosophy full of ridiculus fables, fantasticall il­lusions, and vaine superstition, he acquainted us, playing thus the foole in good earnest, and be­ing drunke with furie, to take up betimes and wisely to cleacve unto things of substance, yea and to acknowledge, that in sober reason consisteth the trueth. Be it so (quoth Theocritus,) but as touching the familiar spirit of Socrates, what shall we thinke or say of it? was it a cogging lie and mere fable, or what should we call it? For in mine owne conceit, like as Homer faigneth that Minerva was evermore assistant in all the travels and perils of Ulysses, even so from the very first beginning, this divine spirit allotted unto Socrates a certaine vision, which guided him in all the actions of his life, this onely went and walked before him: it was a light unto him in all those affaires wherein nothing could be seene, and which possibly might not be gathered, nor com­prehended by reason and wisedome of man, insomuch, as many times this spirit spake with him, inspiring, directing, and governing, after a heavenly maner, his intentions. Now hee that would know a greater number of proofes, and those more woonderfull, let them heare 40 Simmias speake, & others, who lived familiarly with him: as for my selfe, I wil relate one exam­ple, which I saw with mine owne eies, and where I was in person present: One day when I went to consult with the divinor or soothsaier Euthyphron, Socrates went up (as you may remember well, ô Simmias, for present you were there also, toward a place called Symbolon, and the house of Andocides, asking all the way as we went, & troubling Euthyphron with many questions, merily and by way of sport; but all on a sudden he staied and rested, very studious and musing with himselfe a good while: then he turned backe and went along the street where ioyners dwelt, 50 that made coffers and chests, and called not those of his familiar friends who were gone be­fore, the other way, for to have them returne: for why, his familiar spirit forbad him to go for­ward as he began: thus the greater part of them, retired and went with him, & among them, I my selfe was one, following evermore Euthyphron hard at heeles; but some other of the yonger sort, would needs goe streight on still, of a very deliberate purpose to crosse and convince the [Page 1209] familiar spirit of Socrates, and drew along with them Charillus the plaier upon the slute, who was then come with me to Athens, for to visit Cebes. Now when they went by the shops of the imagers, neere the common halles and courts of justice, they might see before them a mightie heard of hogges, as thicke as one might stand by another, full of dirt and mire, and bearing downe all before them, by reason of their great number; and for that there was no meanes to turne aside from them, they overthrew some of the yoong men abovesaid, and laid them along, on the ground, yea and all to be raied the rest of their fellowes. Thus returned Charillus home to his lodging, with his legges, his thighes, and all his clothes, fouly bedaubed with filthy dirt; in such sort, as he maketh us remember many times, and that with good laughing, the familiar of Socrates, and causeth us to marvell how that divine power never forsooke this man, but had 10 evermore a care and charge of him in all places and occasions whatsoever. Then (quoth Galaxi­dorus:) Thinke you that this familiar spirit of Socrates was some proper and peculiar power, and not a parcell of that universall and common necessitie, which confirmed this man by long experience, to give the counterpoise and over-weight for to make him encline to or fro, in things obscure and hard to be conjectured and guessed at, by discourse of reason? For like as one pound weight by it selfe alone draweth not the balance, but when as the poise hangeth equally, if a man put it then either to the one side or the other, it draweth the whole, and ma­keth all to incline that way: even so a voice or some small and light signe, is not sufficient to stirre a grave cogitation to proceed unto the execution of a thing, but being put into one of the two contrary discourses, it solveth all the doubt and difficultie, taking away the inequall in 20 such sort, as then it maketh a motion and inclination. Then my father taking his course to speake: But I have heard (quoth he) ô Galaxidorus, a certeine Megarian say, who likewise heard as much of Terpsion, that this spirit was nothing else but the sneesing either of himselfe, or of others about him; for if any one of his company sneesed on his right hand, whether he were before or behinde, it mattered not, then he enclined to doe that which he intended, and was presented into his minde; but if it were on the left hand, he gave over; and if it were him­selfe that sneesed, when he was in doubt or suspense to doe, or not to doe a thing, he then was confirmed, and resolved to doe it; but if he hapned then to sneese, when a thing was already be­gun, it staied him, and checked his inclination and purpose, to effect and finish the same. But this is very strange, if it be true that he used this observation of sneesing, how he could say, unto 30 his friends, that it was his familiar spirit, which either mooved him forward to doe a thing or drew him backe from it: for this my good friend can not chuse but proceed from a foolish va­nitie, and presumptuous ostentation, and not of truth and franke simplicitie, for which we esteeme this personage, to be very great and excellent above others, in case for some voice comming without foorth, or by reason of sneesing, he should be troubled and empeached in the continuance of an action which he had commenced already, and so relinquish his dessigne and deliberation: whereas it seemeth cleane contrary, that the motions and inclinations of So­crates caried with them a firmitude and durable vehemence in whatsoever he went about and undertooke, as proceeding from a direct and powerfull judgement, and from a strong motive that set him on worke. For he continued voluntarily all his life time in povertie, whereas he 40 might have had wealth enough, if he would have received at his friends hands sufficient, who were very willing, yea, and tooke joy to bestow their goods upon him: also he would never leave the studie and profession of Philosophie, for all the great hinderances and empeachments that he met withall: and finally, when he might easily have escaped and saved himselfe, by the meanes that his friends had prepared and for him, he would never be remooved, nor yeeld unto their praiers, nor desist from his maner of merie and jesting speeches, though death were presented unto him, but held his reason firme and unremoveable in the greatest perill that was. These were not the parts of a man, who suffered himselfe to be transported or caried away with vaine voices, or sneesings, from any resolution which he had taken: but of him who was guided and conducted by a greater command, and more puissant power, unto his dutie. I heare also, 50 that he foretold some of his friends, the defeature and overthrow of the Athenians armie in Si­cilse. And before these things, Pyrilampes the sonne of Antephon, being taken by us, in the chase and execution of victorie about Delion, and wounded with a javelin, when he heard by those who were sent from Athens unto us for to treat of peace, that Socrates together with Alcibiades and Laches, being gone downe by the way of Rhetiste, were returned in safety, made report unto us, that Socrates had many times called him backe, & other of his friends, and of his [Page 1210] band, who flying with him for company, along the mountaine Parnes, were overtaken and kil­led by our horsemen, for that they had taken another way of flight from the battell, and not it, that he directed him unto by his angell or familiar spirit. And thus much I suppose that Sim­mias himselfe hath heard as well as I. True (quoth Simmias) I have heard it oftentimes, and of many persons, for upon this example and such like, the familiar spirit of Socrates was not a lit­tle spoken of in Athens. Why suffer we then, ô Simmias (quoth Phidolaus) this Galaxidorus here, by way of jest and meriment, to debase so much, this so great a worke of divination, as to passe it away in I wot not what voices and sneesings: Which signes the vulgar sort of ignorant per­sons made use of by jest and mockerie, in small matters, and of no consequence: for when the question is of more greevous dangers, and affaires of greater importance; the saying is verified 10 of Euripides:

Noman will play the foole, nor such vaine words
Cast out, so neere the edge and dint of swords.

And Galaxidorus: If Simmias (quoth he) ô Phidolaus, hath hard Socrates himselfe say ought of these matters, I am willing to give eare and to pardon him with you: but for any thing that you (ô Polymnis) have said, an easie matter it is to confute the same: for like as in Physicke, the bea­ting of the pulse is no great matter in it selfe, nor a pimple or whelke: but signes they be both of no small things unto the Physician: and unto the pilot and master of a ship, the noise of the sea, the sight or voice of some bird, or a thin cloud running through the aire, signifieth some great winde or violent tempest in the sea: even so unto a propheticall and divining minde, a sneesing or a voice spoken, in it selfe considered, is no such great matter, but signes these may be of most 20 important accidents. For in no art nor science whatsoever, men doe despise the collection or judgement of many things by a few, nor of great matters by small: but like as if an ignorant per­son, who knoweth not the power of letters, seeing them few in number, and in forme vile and contemptible, could not beleeve that a learned man was able to read and relate out of them long warres in times past, the foundations of cities, the acts of mighty kings, and their variable fortunes; and should say that there were something underneath, which tolde and declared unto the said Historian, every one of those matters in order; he might give good occasion of laughter & pleasantly to deride his ignorance unto as many as hard him speake so: even so take heed and beware, lest we (for that we know not the vertue and efficacy of every signe and foreto­ken, in as much as they presage future things) be not foolishly angred, if some prudent and wise 30 man by the same signes foretell somewhat as touching things unknowen, and namely, if he say that it is not a voice nor a sneesing, but a familiar spirit, which hath declared the same unto him. For now come I to you Polymnis, who esteeme and admire Socrates as a personage, who by his plaine simplicity, without any counterfet vanity whatsoever, hath humanized as I may so say, Philosophy, and attributed it to humaine reason, if he called not his signe that he went by, a voice or sneesing, but after a tragicall maner should name it a spirit familiar. For contrariwise, I would marvell rather that a man so well spoken as Socrates was, so eloquent, and who had all words so ready at command, should say that it was a voice or a sneesing, and not a divine spirit that taught him: as if one should say that himselfe was wounded by an arrow, and not with an 40 arrow by him who shot it, or that a poise was weighed by the balance, and not with a balance, by him that held or managed the balance in his hand: for the worke dependeth not upon the in­strument, but upon him who hath the instrument, and useth it for to doe the worke: and even so the instrument is a kinde of signe used by that, which doth signify and prognosticate thereby. But as I have said already, we must listen what Simmias will say, as the man who knoweth this matter more exactly than others doe. You say true indeed (quoth Theocritus) but let us see first, who they be that enter heere in place: and the rather because Epaminondas is one, who seemeth to bring with him hither unto us the stranger above said. And when we looked all toward the gates, we might perceive Epaminondas indeed going before and leading the way, accompanied with Ismenodorus, Bacchilidas and Melissus, the plaier upon the flute. The stranger followed af­ter, 50 a man of a good and ingenious countenance to see to, and who carried in his visage great mildnesse and humanity, & besides went in his apparel very gravely and decently. Now when he had taken his place and was set downe close unto Simmias, and my brother next unto me, and all the rest as every one thought good: after silence made, Simmias addressing his speech unto my brother: Go to now Epaminondas, (quoth he) what stranger is this, from whence commeth he, and what may be his name? for this is the ordinary beginning and usuall entrance to farther [Page] knowledge and acquaintance. His name (quoth my brother) is Theanor ô Simmias: a man borne in the city Croton, one of them who in those parts professe Philosophy, and [...] not the glory of great Pythagoras: but is come hither from out of Italy, a long journey, to con­firme by good works, his good doctrine and profession. But you Epaminondas your selfe (quoth the stranger then) hinder me from doing, of all good deeds, the best. For if it be an honest thing for a man to doe good unto his friends, dishonest it cannot be to receive good at their hands: for in thanks there is as much need of a receiver as of a giver, being a thing composed of them both, and tending to a vertuous worke: and he that receiveth not a good turne, as a tennis ball fairely sent unto him, disgraceth it much, suffring it to fall short and light upon the ground. For what marke is there that a man shooteth at which he is so glad to hit and so sory to misse, as 10 this, that one worthy of a benefit & good turne, he either hath it accordingly, or faileth thereof unworthily? And yet in this comparison, he that there, in shooting at the marke which standeth still, and misseth it, is in fault; but heere, he who refuseth and flieth from it, is he that doth wrong and injury unto the grace of a benifit, which by his refusall, it cannot attaine to that which it ten­deth unto. As for the causes of this my voiage hither, I have already shewed unto you; and de­sirous I am to rehearse them againe unto these gentlemen heere present, that they may be jud­ges in my behalfe against you. When the colledges and societies of the Pythagorean Philoso­phers, planted in every city of our country, were expelled by the strong hand of the seditious faction of the Cyclonians, when those who kept still together were assembled and held a coun­sell in the city of Metapontine, the seditious set the house on fire on every side, where they were 20 met: and burnt them altogether except Philolaus and Lysis, who being yet yong, active and able of body, put the fire by and escaped through it. And Phylolaus being retired into the countrey of the Laconians, saved himselfe among his friends, who began already to rally themselves and grow to an head, yea, and to have the upper hand of the said Cyclonians. As for Lysis, long it was ere any man knew what was become of him, untill such time as Gorgias the Leontine be­ing sailed backe againe out of Greece into Sicelie, brought certeine newes unto Arcesus, that he had spoken with Lysis, and that he made his abode in the city of Thehes. Whereupon Arcesus minded incontinently to embarke and take the sea; so desirous he was to see the man: but finding himselfe for feeblenesse and age together, very unable to persorme such a voiage, he tooke order expresly upon his death bed with his friends to bring him over alive if it were possi­ble 30 into Italie, or at leastwise, if haply he were dead before, to convey his bones and reliques over. But the warres, seditions, troubles and tyrannies that came betweene and were in the way, expeached those friends, that they could not (during his life) accomplish this charge that he had laied upon them: but after that, the spirit or ghost of Lysis now departed, appearing visi­bly unto us, gave intelligence of his death, and when report was made unto us, by them who knew the certeine trueth, how liberally he was enterteined and kept with you, ô Polymnis, and namely, in a poore house, where he was held and reputed as one of the children, and in his old age richly mainteined, and so died in blessed estate, I being a yoong man, was sent alone from many others of the ancient sort, who have store of money, and be willing to bestow the same upon you who want it, in recompense of that great favor and gracious friendship of yours ex­tended 40 to him. As for Lysis, worshipfully he was enterred by you, and bestowed in an honoura­ble sepulchre, but yet more honourable for him will be that courtesie, which by way of recom­pense is given to his friend, by other friends of his and kinsfolke.

Whiles the stranger spake thus, the teares trickled downe my fathers cheeks, and he wept a good while for the remembrance of Lysis. But my brother smiling upon me, as his maner was: How shall we do now Caphisias, quoth he; shall we cast off and abandon our poverty for money, and so say no more, but keepe silence? In no wise (quoth I) let us not quit and forsake our olde friend, and so good a fostresse of yoong folke: but defend you it, for your turne it is now to speake. And yet I (quoth he) my father, feare not that our house is pregnable for money, un­lesse it be in regard onely of Caphisias, who may seeme to have some need of a faire robe, to shew 50 himselfe brave and gallant unto those that make love unto him, who are in number so many, as also of plenty of viands and food, to the end that he may endure the toile and travell of bodily exercises and combats which he must abide in the wrestling schooles. But seeing this other heere, of whom I had more distrust, doth not abandon povertie, nor reseth out the hereditary in­digence of his father house, as a tincture and unseemly slaine; but although he be yet a yoong man, reputeth himselfe gaily set out and adorned with srugality, taking a pride therein, [Page 1212] and resting contented with his present fortunes: Wherein should we any more employ out gold and silver, if we had it, and what use are we to make of it? What, would you have us to gild our armor, and cover our shields as Nicias the Athenian did, with purple and gold intermingled therewith? And shall we buy for you, father, a faire mantle of the fine rich cloth of Miletus, and for my mother, a trim coat of scarlet coloured with purple / For surely we will never abuse this present, in pampering our bellie, feasting our selves, and making more sumptuous cheere than ordinary, by receiving riches into our house as a costly and chargeable guest? Fie upon that, my sonne (quoth my father) God forbid I should ever see such a change in mine house. Why (quoth he againe) we will not sit stil in the house, keeping riches with watch and ward idle: for so the benefit were not beneficiall, but without all grace, and the possession thereof dishono­rable. 10 To what end then shall we receive it, quoth my father. It seemed of late (quoth Epami­nondas) unto Jason a captaine of the Thessalians, that I made him an uncivill and rusticall an­swere, when he sent hither a great masse of gold, and requested me to take it as a gift: for I chat­ged him plainly, that he did me great wrong, and began to picke a quarrell with me, in that he af­fecting and aspiring to a monarchie, came with money to tempt & solicit me a plaine citizen, of a free city, and living under the lawes. But as for you sir, who are come unto us as a stranger, I approove your good will, for it is honest, vertuous and beseeming a Philosopher, yea, and I love and embrace it singularly well: but this I must needs say unto you, that you bring medicines and physicke drogues to men that are not sicke and aile nothing. Like as therefore, if you hea­ring that our enemies warred upon us, were come to bring us harnesse, armes and weapons as 20 well defensive as offensive for our succour; and being arrived and landed in these parts, should finde all quiet, and that we lived in peace and amitie with our neighbours, you would not thinke that ye ought to give or leave the said armes among them that had no need nor desire thereof: even so, come you are to aide us against povertie, as if we were afflicted and distressed thereby: but it is cleane contrary, for we can beare it with ease, and well content we are to have it dwell with us still in the house: and therefore we feele no want either of money or munition, against her that doth us no displeasure. But this message you shall cary backe unto your fellowes and brethren in the same profession beyond sea, that as they use their goods and riches most honest­ly and in the best maner, so they have friends here also, that can make use of their poverty as well. Now for the keeping, funerals & sepulture of Lysis, he hath himselfe sufficiently paied us there­fore 30 and discharged all, in that among many other good instructions, he taught us, not to be a­fraid of povertie, nor to take it in ill part. To this, Theanor replied in this maner: Doeth it (I pray you) bewray a base minde and want of courage, to feare povertie? and is it not as ab­surd and as great a default in judgement, to dread and eschue riches? in case (I say) a man, not upon any sound reason, but for outward disguised shew, and in a foolish humor of vanitie, refuse and reject it. And what reason is there, to disswade and debarre the getting and possession of goods, by all just and honest meanes, as Epaminondas useth? But rather, forasmuch as you are ready enough in your answeres, as appeareth by that which you made as touching this point, unto Jason the Thessalian, I demand of you first, Epaminondas, whether you thinke any kinde of giving money to be just and lawfull; but no maner of taking? or that simply, both givers and ta­kers 40 do offend and sinne? Not so, quoth Epaminondas: but of this opinion I am, that as of other things, so of riches likewise, there is one giving and possessing, that is civill and honest; and an­other, dishonest and shamefull. Well then, quoth Theanor, what say you of him who giveth willingly and with a good heart, that which he ought: doeth he not give it well? The other granted and confessed it. Go to then, quoth Theanor, he who receiveth that which is given well and honestly, doth he not take it honestly also? or can there be a more just and lawfull taking or money, than that which is received of him who giveth righteously? I suppose (quoth Epami­nondas) there can not be. Betweene two friends therefore (quoth he) ô Epaminondas, if the one may give, the other likewise may justly take: for in battels I confesse, a man ought to turne away and decline from that enemie of whom he hath received some pleasure; but in the case of bene­fits 50 and good turnes, it is neither seemly nor honest, either to avoide or to reject that friend that giveth well and honestly. No in trueth, quoth Epaminondas; but you are to consider with us, thus much, That there being in us many lusts and desires, and those of sundry things; some are naturall and (as they say) inbred, budding and breeding in our flesh and about our bodies, for the enterteinment of those pleasures which be necessary; others be strangers, proceeding from vaine opinions, which gathering strength and force by tract of time and long custome in bad [Page 1213] nouriture, grow to such an head, that many times they plucke downe and holde our soules in subjection more forcibly and with greater violence, than doe those naturall before said. Now reason, by good use and vertuous exercise, ministreth meanes, that a man may draw away and spend many of those very passions which are inbred within us; but he had need to employ all the power and strength of custome and exercise against those other concupiscences which be forreners and come from without forth, for to consume, cut off and chastice them, by all means of repressions and retentions that be reasonable. For if the resistance which reason maketh a­gainst the appetite of eating and drinking, forceth many times and conquereth both hunger and thirst; far more easie is it, to cut off avarice and ambition, by forbearing and absteining those 10 things which the same do covet, so farie forth, as in the end they will be discomfited and subdu­ed. How say you, thinke you not that it is so? The stranger confessed no lesse. See you not then, quoth he againe, that there is a difference betweene an exercise, and the worke unto which the exercise is addressed? And like as of the art which teacheth how to exercise the body, a man may say, that the worke is the emulation, strife and contention to win the prize of the crowne a­gainst the concurrent or adversarie; but the exercise thereof, is the preparation that the cham­pion makes, for to have his body apt, nimble and active thereto by continual trials of masteries: even so you will grant, that a difference there is betweene vertue and the exercise of vertue. The stranger said yea unto it. Then tell me first and formost, quoth he, To absteine from vile, filthy and unlawfull lusts, what thinke you, is it an exercise unto continency, or rather the very worke 20 it selfe, and proofe of continency? The very worke and proofe, I take it to be, quoth he againe: and the exercise and accustomance to sobriety, temperance and continency, is not that which you all practise, when after you have travelled your bodies, and like brute beasts provoked your appetites, you sit downe to meat, and there continue a long time, having your tables before you furnished with exquisit viands of all sorts, but touch not one dish, leaving them afterwards for your servants to engorge themselves therewith and make merry; when you the while present some little thing, and that plaine and simple, unto your appetites, which are already dulled and quenched: for the abstinence from pleasures and delights permitted, is it not an exercise a­gainst such as are forbidden? Yes verily, quoth the stranger. There is then (quoth he) my friend, a certeine exercise of justice against avarice and covetousnesse of money; and that is 30 not, to forbeare in night season to rob and spoile our neighbours houses, or to strip passengers out of their clothes: no, nor if a man doe not betray his countrey or friends for a piece of mo­ney, is he truely said to inure and exercise himselfe against avarice: for haply the law and feare doth bridle and restraine his covetous desire from doing wrong or hurt to another: but he, who many times absteineth from taking just gaines, and such as are granted and permitted him by the lawes, he willingly exerciseth and woonteth himselfe to keepe farre from any un­just and unlawfull taking of money. For neither is it possible, that in great pleasures, and those wicked and pernicious, the soule should conteine herselfe from the appetite thereof, if many times before, being in full libertie to enjoy them, she did not despise the same: not easie for a man to passe over & contemne wicked takings & great gaines presented, who long before hath not chastised and tamed his covetous desire to have and gaine, which by other habitudes e­nough is nourished & bred up impudently & without all shame to lurce: for it swelleth againe, & is puffed up with injustice, so as hardly & with much ado it can absteine [...] doing outrage to any one, for to win private profit thereby: but never will it assault a personage who hath not aban­doned 40 & given himselfe over to receive gifts & largesses of his friends, or to take presents & re­wards of kings, but hath renōuced the very benefits allotted unto him by fortune: who also hath retired & removed himselfe far from avarice, and a leaping desire after a treasure discovered and seen: It will never (I say) tempt him to commit any injustice, nor trouble his thoughts & cogi­tations: but such an one, wil quietly and peaceably frame himselfe to do that which is honest, as having his heart more hauty, than to stoupe to law, and being privy to himselfe of all good things setled in his soule. Loe, what men they be, upon whom Caphisias and my selfe be enamoured: and this is the reason friend Simmias, why we request this honest gentleman 50 heere, the stranger, to suffer us to be sufficiently exercised in povertie, that we may attaine unto such vertue. After that my brother had finished this speech, Simmias having twise of thrice nodded with his head: A great man no doubt (quoth he) is this Epaminondas, and a verie great man indeed: and well may he thanke his good father heere Polymnis for all; who from the first beginning, hath given his children the best education and bringing up in Philosophie: but as [Page 1214] touching these matters, agree and accord with them, good stranger and friend. As for you Lysias, let me demaund of you (if we may be so bold, as to heare and know of you) whether you purpose to remoove him out of his sepulchre, and so transport him over into Italy? or ra­ther to leave him behinde you, to tary among his friends and wel-willers, who no doubt will be glad of us to lodge with him, when we shall be there. Theanor smiling upon him: It see­meth Simmias (quoth he) that Lysis liketh well of the place where he is, and is not willing to re­moove, for that he had no want of any good things heere, by the meanes of Epaminondis: for there be certeine particular sacred ceremonies, which we observe in the sepulture of our fellow professours in this confraternitie of the Pythagoreans, which if they have not when they be dead, me thinke they have not atteined to that happy end which we desire. When as there­fore 10 we knew by dreames, that Lysis was departed this life (for we have an infallible signe, ap­pearing unto us in our sleepe, whereby we can discerne whether it be the ghost and image of one alive or dead) many had this conceit, that being departed in a forren and farre countrey, he had beene otherwise enterred than he ought, and therefore we were to translate him from thence where he was, to the end, that being transported, he might have the due service, and ac­customed obsequies belonging to our societie. Being therefore come with this minde and co­gitation into these parts, and incontinently conducted by those of this country to his sepul­chre; about the evening I powred out the libaments for mortuaries, for to call foorth his spi­rit, that it might come and instruct me how I might proceed in this action: and this last night passed, I saw nothing; but me thought I heard a voice saying unto me: That I should not re­move 20 that which ought not to be stirred; because the corps of Lysis had beene by his friends in holy maner enterred, and his soule having her dome already, had her conge and pasport to go unto another generation and nativity, accompanied and coupled with another daemon. And verily this morning when I had conferres with Epaminondas, and heard the maner how he had verily this morning when I had conferres with Epaminondas, and heard the maner how he had buried Lysis, I understood that he himselfe had beene instructed by him, in the most secret points of our religion, and how he used the same spirit or daemon for the guidance of his life, unlesse I be so unexpert, that I cannot conjecture what the pilot by his maner of navigation: for broad be the waies of this life, but few they are, which these angels doe direct and lead men in. When Theanor had thus said, he cast his eie upon Epaminondas, as if once againe he would behold his nature and maners, by the inspiration of his countenance and visage. And 30 heereupon came in the Physician, and loosed the band wherewith Simmias his wound was bound up, as purposing to dresse him. Then Phyllidas who came in afterwards with Hipposthe­nidas, willing me and Charon, and Theocritus to arise, drew us apart into a certeine corner or angle of the porch, woonderfully troubled as it might seeme by his countenance. With that, I spake unto him and said: What newes Phyllidas? No newes Caphisias (quoth he to me) for I foresaw my selfe, and foretold you as much, namely, the slacknesse and cowardise of Hippo­sthenidas, requesting you not to communicate unto him your enterprise, nor admit him into your company. Now whiles we were much amazed and astonied at these words: Say not so good Phyllidas (quoth he) for gods sake; neither be you a cause both of our undoing and of the ruine of this city, by thinking rashnesse to be hardinesse: but have patience, and suffer these men to 40 returne in safetie, in case it be so by fatall destiny appointed. Phyllidas being chafed heerewith, and set in a choler: Tell me (quoth he) Hipposthenidas, how many thinke you be privy to our se­crets in this designment? I know my selfe (quoth he) to the number of thirty at the least. If there be so many (quoth he) how commeth it to passe, that you onely crosse and gainsay, yea, and hinder that which hath beene concluded and agreed upon by us all? and to this purpose have dispatched a light-horseman, to ride in poste unto the banished persons, (who had put themselves in their journey hitherward) charging them to returne backe, and that in no wise they should goe forward this day? considering that the most part of those things which went to this journey, fortuneit selfe had procured & prepared fit for their hands? upon these words of Phyllidas, we were all much troubled and perplexed: but Charon aboue the rest, fastning his eie 50 upon Hipposthenidas, and that with a sowre and sterne countenance: Most wicked wretch that thou art, quoth he, what hast thou done unto us? No harme, said Hipposthenidas, in case, leaving this curst & angrie voice of yours, you can be content and have patience, to heare and under­stand the reasons of a man as aged as your selfe, and having as many gray haires as you have: for if this be the point, to shew unto our fellow citizens how hardy and couragious we are, that we make no reckoning of our lives, and care not for any perill of death, seeing we have day [Page 1215] enough Phyllidas, let us never stay for the darke evening, but presently, and immediately from this place run upon the tyrants with our swords drawen, let us kill and slay, let us die upon them, and make no spare of our selves: for it is no hard matter to do and suffer all this: mary to deliver the citie of Thebes out of the hands of so many armed men as hold it, to disseize and expell the garrison of the Spartanes, with the murder of two or three men, is not so easie a thing, (for Phyl­lidas hath not provided so much wine for his feast and banquet, as will be sufficient to make fifteene hundred souldiers of Archius guard drunken: and say we had killed him, yet Crippi­das and Arcesus, are ready at night, both of them sober enough to keepe the corps du guard) why make wee such haste then, to draw our friends into an evident and certeine danger of present death, especially, seeing withall, that our enemies be in some sort advertised of their 10 comming and approch; for if it were not so, why was there commandement given by them to those of Thespiae, for to be in their armes upon the third day, which is this, and readie to goe with the Lacedaemonian captaines, whensoever they gave commandement? And as for Am­phitheus, this very day as I understand after their judiciall proceeding against him, they minded to put to death, upon the comming of Archias. And are not these pregnant presumptions, that the plot and enterprise is to them discovered? Were it not better then to deferre the execution of our designments a while longer, untill such time as the gods be reconciled and appeased? for our divinors and wisards having sacrificed a beese unto Ceres, pronounce that the fire of the sacrifice denounceth some great sedition and danger to the common weale: and that which you Charon particularly ought to take good heed of is this: Yesterday, and no longer since, Hippa­thodorus 20 the sonne of Erianthes, a man otherwise of good sort, and one who knoweth nothing at all of our enterprise, had this speech with me: Charon is your familiar friend, Hippa­thodorus but with me not greatly acquainted; advertise him therefore, if you thinke so good, that he beware and looke to himselfe, in regard of some great danger & strange accident that is toward him: for the last night, as I dreamed, me thought I saw that his house was in travell as it were of childe; that he and his friends being themselves in distresse, praied unto the gods for her delivery, standing round about her during her labour and painfull travell; but she seemed to loow and rore, yea, and to cast out certeine inarticulate voices, untill at the last there issued out of it a mightie fire, wherewith a great part of the citie was immediately burnt, and the castle Cadmea covered all over with smoke onely, but no part of the sire ascended thereto. Loe, what 30 the vision was, which this honest man related unto me, Charon: which I assure you, for the pre­sent, set me in a great quaking and trembling; but much more when I once heard say, that this day the exiled persons were to returne and be lodged here within an house of the citie. In great anguish therefore I am, and in a wonderfull agonie, for feare least we engage our selves within a world of calamities and miseries, without being able to execute any exploit of importance upon our enemies, unlesse it be to make a garboile, and set all on a light fire: for I suppose that the citie when all is done, will be ours, but Cadmea the castle as it is already, will be for them. Then Theocritus taking upon him to speake, and staying Charon who was about to reply some­what against this Hipposthenidas: I interpret all this (quoth he) cleane contrary: for there is not a signe that confirmeth me mor ein following of this enterprise (although I have had 40 alwaies good presages int eh behalfe of the banished, in all the sacrifices that I have offred) than this vision which you have rehearsed: if it be so as you say, that a great and light fire shone over all the citie, and the same arising out of a friends house, and that the habitation of our ene­meis, and the place of their retreat was darkned and made blacke againe with the smoke, which never brings with it any thing better than teares and troublesome confusion: and whereas from amogn us there arose in articulate vocies, (in case a man should construe it in evill part, and take exception thereat, in regard of the voice) the same will be when our enterprise, which now is enfolded in obscure, doubtfull, and uncerteine suspicion, shall at once both appeere, and al­so prevaile: as for the ill signes of the sacrifices, they touch not the publike estate, but those who now are most powerfull and in greatest authoritie. As Theocritus thus was speaking yet still, I 50 said unto Hipposthenidas: And whom I pray you have you sent unto the men? for if he be not too farre onward on his way, we will send after to overtake him. I am not able to say of a trueth Caphisias, whether it be possible to reach him, (quoth Hipposthenidas) for he hath one of the best horses in all Thebes under him; and a man he is, whom yee all know very well, for he is the master of Melons chariots, and his chariot men, one unto whom Melon himselfe from the very first discovered this plot, and made privie unto it. With that, I considering and thinking [Page 1216] with my selfe what man he should speake of: It is not Chlidon (quoth I) ô Hipposthenidas, he who no longer since than the last yeere, wanne the prise in the horse running, at the solemne feast of Juno? The same is the man quoth he. Who then is he whom I have seene this long while stan­ding at the hall doore and looking full upon us? It is Chlidon himselfe I assure you quoth he. Now by Hercules I sweare, could any thing have hapned woorse? And with that, the man per­ceiving how we looked upon him, approched faire and softly from the dore unto us. Then Hipposthenidas beckned unto him, and nodded with his head, as willing him to speake unto us all, for that there was no danger because they were all honest men, and of our side. I know them all wel enough quoth he, ( Hipposthenidas) and not finding you at home nor in the market place, I guessed by and by that you were gone toward them, and therefore I made as great haste as I 10 could hither, to the end that you might not be ignorant of all things how they goe: For so soone as you commanded me in all speed to meet with our banished citizens in the forest, I went presently to my house for to take horse, & called unto my wife for my bridle, but she could not give it me; and to mend the matter, staied a great while in the chamber or store-house where such things use to be: now after she had made a seeking & puddering in every corner within the roome, & could not find it, at length when she had plaid long enough with me, & made a foole of me, she confessed & told me plainly, that she had lent it forth to one of our neighbors, whose wife the evening before came to borrow it of her: whereupon I was in a great chafe, and gave her some curst words; but she like a shrew, paied me with as good as I lent her, and made no more adoe, but cursed me in abominable tearmes, wishing my forth going might be unhappie, 20 and my home comming worse: which execrations I pray god may all light upon her owne head. To be short, she provoked me so farre, that in my choler I dealt her some blowes for her shrewd tongue: with that comes out a number of the neighbors and women especially, where after I had given and taken one for. another with shame inough, at last with much adoe I got away from them and came hither to pray you for to send some other messenger to the par­ties you wot of: for I assure you at this present I am so much out of temper that I am not mine owne man, but in maner beside my selfe. This wrought in us all a mervellous alteration of our wils and affections: For whereas a little before we were offended that our designments were crossed, and their comming impeached, now againe upon this sudden occurrence & the short­nes of time, which allowed us no leasure to put of, & to procrastinate the matter, we were driven into an agony and fearefull perplexity. Howbeit setting a good countenance upon the matter, 30 speaking also cheerefully unto Hipposthenidas, and taking him frendly by the hand, I encouraged him, and gave him to understand, that the very gods themselves seconded our intentions and invited us to the execution of the enterprise. This done, Phyllidas went home to his house for to give order about his feast, and withall to draw on Archias to drinke wine liberally and to make mery: Chanon departed also to make ready his house for the intertainment of the banished men, against their returne. Meane while Theocritus and I went againe to Simmias: to the end that finding some good occasion and opportunity for the purpose, we might talke with Epa­minondas againe, who was well entred already into a prety question, which Galaxidorus and Phi­dolaus a little before had begun, demanding of what substance, nature and puissance was the fa­miliar 40 spirit of Socrates, so much spoken of? Now what Simmias had alledged against Galaxido­rus upon this point, we hard not: mary thus much he said, that when he demanded upon a time of Socrates himselfe concerning the said matter, he never could get of him any answer, & there­fore he never after would aske him the question, but he said, that oftentimes he had bene present when Socrates gave out that he reputed those men for vaine persons, who said they had seene with their eie any divine power, and so communed therewith: but contrariwise that he could hold better with those, who said they tooke knowledge of such a thing by hearing a voice, spea­king unto one that gave attentive care thereto, or earnestly enquied thereof: whereupon he set our heads on worke when we were aprat by our selves, and made us to guesse and conjecture, that this daemon of Socrates, was no vision, but a sense of some voice, and an intelligence of 50 words, which came unto him, by an extraordinary maner. Like as in our dreames, it is not a voice indeed that men heare lying fast asleepe, but the opinion of some words that they thinke they heare pronounced: but this intelligence of dreames commeth in truth, to men asleepe, by reason of the repose and tranquillity of the body: whereas they that be awake cannot heare, but very hardly, these diving advertisements, being troubled and disquieted with tumultuous passi­ons, and the distraction of their affaires, by occasion whereof they cannot wholy yeeld their [Page 1217] minde and thought to heare the revelations that the gods deliver unto them. Now Socrates having a pure and cleare understanding not tossed and turmoiled with any passions nor ming­led with the body, unlesse it were very little, for things necessary and no more, was easie to be touched, and so subtile that soone it might be altered with whatsoever was objected and presen­ted to it: now that which met with it, we may conjecture that it was not simply a voice or sound, but a very articulate speech of his daemon, which without any audible voice touched the intellectuall part of his soule, together with the thing that it declared and revealed unto him. For the voice resembleth a blow or stroke given unto the soule, which by the eares is constrai­ned to receive speech, when we speake one unto another: but the intelligence or understanding of a divine and better nature, leadeth and conducteth a generous minde by a thing that causeth 10 it to understand without need of any other stroake: and the same minde or soule obeieth and yeeldeth thereto accordingly, as it either slaketh loose or stretcheth hard the instincts and incli­nations, not violently by resistance which the passions make, but supple and pliable, as slacke and gentle raines. And hereof we shall not need to make any wonder, considering that we see how little helmes turne about and winde the greatest hulks and caraques that be: and againe the wheeles that potters use, being never so little touched with the hand, turne very easily: for al­though they be instruments without life, yet being as they are counterpeised and framed even on every side, by reason of their polished smoothnesse, they are apt to stirre and yeeld unto the mooving cause with the least moment that is. Now the soule of man being bent and stretched out stiffe with innumerable inclinations as it were with so many cords, hath more agility than all 20 the ingins or instruments in the world, if a man hath the skill to manage and handle it with rea­son, after it hath taken once a little motion, that it may bend to that which conceived it: for the beginnings of instincts and passions, tend all to this intelligent and conceiving part, which be­ing stirred and shaken, it draweth, pulleth, stretcheth and haleth the whole man: Wherein we are given to understand, what force and power hath the thing that is entred into the conceit and intelligence of the minde. For bones are senselesse, the sinewes and flesh full of humors, and the whole masse of all these parts together, heavie and ponderous, lying still without some motions: but so soone as the soule putteth somewhat into the understanding, and that the same moveth the inclinations thereto, it starteth up and riseth all at once, and being stretched in all parts, runneth a maine, as if it had wings into action. And so the maner of this moving, direc­tion, 30 and promptitude, is not hard, and much lesse, impossible to comprehend: whereby the soule, hath no sooner understood any object, but it draweth presently with it, by instincts and inclinations, the whole masse of the body. For like as reason conceived and comprised with­out any voice, moveth the understanding: even so in mine opinion, it is not such an hard mat­ter, but that a more divine intelligence and a soule more excellent, should draw another inferior to it, touching it from without, like as one speech or reason may touch another, and as light, the reflection of light: For we in trueth, make our conceptions and cogitations knowen one to a­nother, as if we touched them in the darke, by meanes of voice: but the intelligences of Dae­mons having their light, doe shine unto those who are capable thereof, standing in need neither of nownes nor verbs which men use in speaking one to the other, by which markes they 40 see the images and resemblances of the conceptions and thoughts of the minde: but the very intelligences & cogitations indeed they know not, unlesse they be such as have a singluar and divine light, as we have already said: and yet that which is performed by the ministery of the voice, doth in some sort helpe and satisfie those who otherwise are incredulous. For the aire being formed and stamped as it were by the impression of articulate sounds, and become throughout, all speech and voice, carieth conception and intelligence into the minde of the hearer: and therefore according to this similitude and reason, what marvell is it if that also heater: and therefore according to this similitude and reason, what marvell is ti if that also which is conceived by these superior natures altereth the aire, and if the aire being by reason of that quallity which it hath, apt to receive impressions, signifieth unto excellent men and such as have a rar and divine nature, the speech of him who hath conceived ought in is minde? For 50 like as the stroks that light upon targuits or sheelds of brasse, be heard a farre off, when they pro­ceed from the bottome in the mids within, by reason of the resonance and rebound: whereas the blowes that fall upon other sheelds are drowned and dispersed, so as they be not heard at al: even so the words or speeches of Daemous and spirits, although they be carried and flie to the eares of all indifferently, yet they resound to those onely, who are of a settled and staied nature, and whose soules are at quiet, such as we call divine and celestiall men. Now the vulgar sort [Page 1218] have an opinion, that some Daemon doth communicate a kinde of divinitie unto men in their sleepes: but they thinke it strange and a miracle incredible, if a man should say unto them, that the gods doe move and affect them semblably when the be awake, and have the full use of rea­son: As if a man should thinke that a musician may play well upon his harpe or lute, when all the strings be slacked and let downe: but when the said instruments be set in tune, and have their strings set up, he cannot make any sound, nor play well thereupon. For they consider not the cause which is within them, to wit, their discord, trouble and confusion, whereof our familiar friend Socrates was exempt, according as the oracle prophesied of him before, which during his infancie was given unto his father: for by it, commanded he was, to let him doe all that came into his minde, and in no wise either to force or divert him, but to suffer the instinct and nature 10 of the child to have the reines at large, by praying onely unto Jupiter Agoraeus that is to say e­loquent, and to the Muses for him: and farther than so, not to busie himselfe nor to take care for Socrates, as if he had within him a guide and conductor of his life better than ten thousand masters and paedagogues. Thus you see, Philolaus, what our opinion and judgement is as tou­ching the Daemon or familiar spirit of Socrates both living and dead, as who reject these voi­ces, sneesings and all such fooleries. But what we have hard Timarchus of Chaeronea to dis­course of this point, I wot not well whether I were best to utter and relate the same, for feare some would thinke, that I loved to tell vaine tales. Not so quoth Theocritus, but I pray you be so good as to rehearse the same unto us: For albeit fables doe not very well expresse the trueth, yet in some sort they reach the same unto us: For albeit fables doe not very well expresse the trueth, yet in some sort they reach thereto. But first tell us, who this Timarchus was? For I never knew 20 the man. And that may well be ô Simmias (quoth Theocritus) for he died when he was very yong, and requested earnestly of Socrates to be buried, nere unto Lamprocles Socrates his sonne who departed this life but few daies before, being a deere friend of his, and of the same age. Now this yong gentleman, being very desirous (as he was of a generous disposition, and had newly tasted the sweetnesse of Philosophy) to know what was the nature and power of Socrates famili­ar spirit, when he had imparted his mind and purpose unto me only and Cebes, went downe into the cave or vault of Trophonius, after the usuall sacrifices and accustomed complements due to that oracle performed: where having remained two nights and one day, insomuch as many men were out of all hope that ever he would come forth againe, yea and his kinsfolke and frends bewailes the losse of him, one morning betimes he issued forth very glad and jocand: And after he had given thanks unto the god and adored him, so soone as he was gotten through the presse 30 of the multitude, who expected his returne, he recounted unto us, many wonders strange to be heard and seene: for he said, that being descended into the place of the oracle, he first met with much darknes, & afterwards when he had made his praiers, he lay a long time upon the ground, neither knew he for certaine whether he was awake, or dreamed all the while? Howbeit, he thought that he heard a noise which light upon his head, and smot it, whereby the sutures of seanes thereof were disjoined and opened, by which he yeelded forth his soule; which being thus separat, was very joious, seeing it selfe mingled with a transparent & pure aire. And this was the first time that it seemed to breathe at liberty, as if long time before untill then, it had beene drawen in and pent, for then it became greater and larger than ever before, in maner of a saile spred and displaied to the full. Then he supposed that he heard (though not cleerely and per­fectly) 40 as it were a noise or sound turning round about his head, and the same yeelding a sweet and pleasant voice. And as he then looked behinde him he could see the earth no more, but the Isles all bright and illuminate with a mild and delicate fire, and those exchanged their pla­ces one with another, and withall, received sundry colours, as it were divers tinctures, accor­ding as in that variety of change the light did alter: and they all seemed unto him in number in­finite, and in quantity excessive: and albeit they were not of equall pourprise and extent, yet round they were all alike: also, to his thinking, by their motion which was circular, the skie re­sounded, because unto the uniforme equality of their mooving, the pleasant sweetnesse of the voice and harmonie composed and resulting of them all, was correspondent and conformable. 50 Amid these Islands there seemed a sea or great lake diffused and spred, shining with divers mixt colours, upon a ground of grey or light blew. Moreover, of these Isles some few sailed as one would say, and were caried a direct course downe the water beyond the current; but others, and those in number many, went aside out of the chanell, and were with such a violence drawen backe, that they seemed to be swallowed under the waves. Now this sea or lake, was (as hee thought) very deepe toward the South; but on the North side full of shelves and shallow flats; [Page 1219] in many places it swelled and overflowed the land; in others it retired and gathered in, as much for it againe, and arose not to any high tides: as for the colour, in some place it was simple and sea-like; in another, not pure, but troubled and confused with mud, like unto a meere or lake. As concerning the force of the waves about these Isles which are caried together, the same brin­geth them backe a little, but never conjoineth the end to the beginning: so as they make at no time a circle entire and perfect, but gently divert the application and meeting of their ends, so as in their revolution they winde in and out, and make one crooked obliquity. To the mids of these, and toward the greatest part of the ambient aire, is enclined the sea, somewhat lesse than eight parts of the universall all continent, as he thought. And the same sea hath two mouthes or entrances, whereby it receiveth two rivers of fire breaking into it, opposite one to the other, in 10 such sort, as the blewnesse thereof became whitish, by reason that the greatest part was repelled and driven backe. And these things he said, that he beheld with much delight. But when he came to looke downward, he perceived a mighty huge hole or gulse all round, in maner of an hollow globe cut thorow the mids, exceeding deepe and horrible to see to, full of much darke­nesse, and the same not quiet and still, but turbulent and often times boiling and walming up­ward, out of which there might be heard innumerable roarings and gronings of beasts, cries and wrawlings of an infinite number of children, with sundry plaints and lamentations of men and women together, besides many noises, tumults, clamors and outcries of all sorts, and those not cleere, but dull and dead, as being sent up from a great depth underneath, wherewith he was not a little terrified, untill such time as after a good while, there was one whom he saw not, who 20 said thus unto him, O Timarchus, What is your desire to know? Who made answere: Even all, for what is there here, not admirable? True, quoth he; but as for us, litle have we to do, & a small portion in those superiour regions, because they apperteine to other gods: but the division of Proserpina being one of the foure, and which we dispose and governe, you may see if you will, how it is bounded with Styx. And when he demanded againe of him, what Styx was: It is (quoth he) the way which leadeth unto hell and the kingdome of Pluto, dividing two contrary natures of light and darknesse with the head and top thereof; for as you see, it beginneth from the bottome of hell beneath, which it toucheth with the one extremity, and reacheth with the other to the light all about, and so limieth the utmost part of the whole world, divided into foure regiments. The first, is that of life; the second, of moving; the third, of generation; and 30 the fourth, of corruption. The first, is coupled to the second, by unity, in that which is not vi­sible; the second, to the third, by the minde or intelligence, in the Sun; the third, to the fourth, by nature, in the Moone. And of every one of these copulations, there is a friend, or Destiny the daughter of Necessity, that keepeth the key. Of the first, she that is named Airopos, as one would say, Inflexible; of the second, Clotho, that is to say, the Spinster; of the third in the Moon, Lachesis, that is to say, Lot, about which is the bending of geniture or nativity. As for all the o­ther Isles, they have gods within them; but the Moone apperteining to the terrestriall Dae­mons, avoideth the confines of Styx, as being somewhat higher exalted, approching once only in an hundred seventie seven second measures: and upon the approch of this precinct of Styx, the soules cry out for feare. And why? hell catcheth and swalloweth many of them, as they 40 glide and slip about it: and others, the Moone receiveth and taketh up, swimming from beneath unto her; such I meane, as upon whom the end of generation fell in good and opportune time, all save those which are impure and polluted: for them, with her fearefull flashing and hideous roaring, she suffereth not to come neere unto her; who seeing that they have missed of their in­tent, bewaile their wofull state, and be caried downe againe as you see, to another generation and nativity. Why, quoth Timarchus, I see nothing but a number of starres leaping up and downe about this huge and deepe gulfe, some drowned and swallowed up in it, others appearing againe from below. These be (quoth he) the daemons, that you see, though you know them not. And marke withall, how this comes about. Every soule is endued with a portion of minde or under­standing; and of man, there is not one void of reason: but looke how much thereof is mingled 50 with flesh and with passions, being altered with pleasures and dolours, it becommeth unreason­able. But every soule is not mixed after one sort, one as much as another; for some are wholly plunged within the bodie, and being troubled and disquieted with passions, runne up and downe all their life time: others partly are mingled with the flesh, and in part leave out that which is most pure, and not drawen downward to the contagion of that grosse part, but remaineth swim­ming and floating as it were aloft, touching the top or crowne onely of mans head: (whereas [Page 1220] the rest is depressed downward to the bottome, and drowned there) and is in maner of a cord hanging up aloft just over the soule which is directly and plumbe under, to upholde and raise it up, so farre forth as it is obeisant thereto, and not overruled and swaied with passions and per­turbations: for that which is plunged downe within the bodie, is called the soule; but that which is entire and uncorrupt, the vulgar sort calleth the understanding, supposing it to be within them as in mirrours that which appeareth by way of reflexion: but those that judge aright and according to the trueth, name it Daemon, as being cleane without them.

These stars then which you see as if they were extinct and put out, imagine and take them to be the soules which are totally drowned within bodies: and such as seeme to shine out againe, and to returne lightsome from beneath, casting and shaking from them a certeine darke & fog­gy 10 mist, as if it were some filth and ordure, esteeme the same to be such soules, as after death are retired and escaped out of the bodies: but those which are mounted on high and move to and fro in one uniforme course throughout, are the Daemons or spirits of men, who are said to have intelligence and understanding. Endevour now therefore and straine your selfe to see the con­nexion of each one, whereby it is linked and united to the soule. When I heard this, I began to take more heed, and might see starrs leaping and floting upon the water, some more, some lesse, like as we observe pieces of corke, shewing in the sea where fishers nets have beene cast: and some of them turned in maner of spindles or bobins, as folke spin or twist therewith, yet drawing a troubled and unequall course and not able to direct and compose the motion straight. And the voice said that those which held on a right course and order by motion, were they whose 20 soules were obeisant to the raines of reason, by the meanes of good nurture and civill education, and such as shewed not upon the earth their beastly, grosse and savage brutishnesse: but they that eftsoones rise and fall up and downe unequally and disorderly, as struggeling to breake out of their bounds, are those which strive against the yoke, with their disobedient and rebellious maners, occasioned by want of good bringing up, one while getting the maistry and bringing them about to the right hand, another while curbed by passions and drawen away by vices, which notwithstanding they resist another time againe, and with great force strive to withstand. For that bond which in maner of a bridle-bit is put into the mouth as it were of the brutish and unreasonable part of the soule, when it pulleth the same backe, bringeth that which they call re­pentance of sins, & the shame after unlawfull and prohibited pleasures, which is a griefe and re­morse 30 of the soule restrained and brideled by that which governeth and commandeth it, untill such time as being thus rebuked and chastised, it become obedient and tractable like unto a beast made tame without beating or tormenting, as quickely and readily conceiving the signes and markes which the Daemon sheweth. These therefore, at the last (long and late though it be) are ranged to the rule of reason. But of such as are obedient at the first, and presently from their very nativity hearken unto their proper Daemon, are all the kind of prophets and divinors, who have the gift to foretell things to come, likewise holy and devout men: Of which number you have hard how the soule of Hermodorus the Clazomenian, was wont to abandon his body quite, and both by day and night to wander into many places: and afterwards to returne into it againe, having beene present the while to heare and see many things done and said a farre off: 40 which it used so long, untill his enimies by the treachery of his wife, surprised his body one time when the soule was gone out of it, and burnt it in his house. Howbeit, this was not true: for his soule never departed out of his body: but the same being alwaies obedient unto his Dae­mon, and slacking the bond unto it, gave it meanes and liberty to run up and downe, and to walke to and fro in many places, in such sort, as having seene and hard many things abroad, it would come and report the same unto him: But those that consumed his body as he lay asleepe, are tormented in Tartarus even at this day for it: which you shall know your selfe, good yong man, more certainely within these three moneths (quoth that voice) and for this time see you depart. When this voice had made an end of speaking, Timarchus, as he told the tale himselfe, turned about to see who it was that spake; but feeling a great paine againe in his head, as if it had 50 bene violently pressed and crushed, he was deprived of all sense and understanding, and neither knew himselfe nor any thing about him: But within a while after when he was come unto him­selfe, he might see how he lay along at the entry of the foresaid cave of Trophonius, like as he had himselfe at the beginning. And thus much concerning the fable of Timarchus: who being re­turned to Athens, in the third moneth after, just as the voice foretold him, departed this life. And then we woondred heereat, and made report thereof backe to Socrates; who rebuked [Page 2221] and chid us, for saying nothing to him of it, whiles Timarchus was alive; for that he would wil­lingly himselfe have heard him more particularly, and examined every point at the full. Thus you have heard, Theocritus, a mingled tale and historie together of Timarchus: But se whether we shall not be faine to call for this strangers helpe, to the decision of this question: for verie proper and meet it is for to be discussed by such devout and religious men. And why (quoth Theanor) doth not Epamtnondas deliver his opinion thereof, being a man trained up, and insti­tuted in the same discipline and schoole with us. Then my father smiling at the matter: This is his nature (quoth he) my good friend, he loveth to be silent, and wary he is what he speaketh, but woonderfull desirous to learne, and insatiable of hearing others. And heereupon Spintha­rus the Tarentine, who conversed familiarly with him heere a long time, was woont to give 10 out this speech of him; That he had never talked with a man, who knew more, and spake lesse than he. But tell us now what you thinke your selfe, of that which hath beene said. For mine owne part (quoth he) I saie, that this discourse and report of Timarchus, as sacred and inviola­ble, ought to be consecrated unto God: and marvell I would, if any should discredit and hardly beleeve that which Simmias himselfe hath delivered of him; and when they name swans, dra­gons, dogs, and horses, sacred, beleeve not that therebe men celestiall and beloved of the gods, considering they hold and say, that God is never [...] that is to say, a lover of birds, but [...] that is to say, a lover of mankinde. Like as therefore a man who is said to be Phylip­pos, that is to say, a lover of horses, taketh not a fancie, nor regardeth alike all horses, compri­sed under the whole kinde, but chusing alwaies some one more excellent than the rest, rideth, 20 cherisheth, and maketh much of him especially: even so, those divine spirits which surmount our nature, make choise and take as it were out of the whole flocke the best of us, upon whom they set their brand or marke, and them they thinke woorthy of a more singular and exquisite education, and those they order and direct not with reines and bridles, but with reason and lear­ning, and that by signes, whereof the common and rascall sort have no knowledge nor experi­ence. For neither doe ordinary hounds understand the signes that huntsmen use, nor every horse, the siflling and chirting of the escuirry, but such onely as have beene taught and brought up to it; for they with the least whistling and houping that is, know presently what they are commanded to do, and quickly be ordered as they ought. And verily, Homer seemeth not to be ignorant of this difference, whereof we speake: for of divinors and soothsaiers, some he calleth 30 [...] that is to say, authours, or observers of birds; others, [...] that is to say, bowel-priers, that spie into the inwards of sacrifices; and some againe there be, who hearing and knowing what the gods themselves do speake, are able to declare secretly and foretell things to come; as may appeare by these verses:

King Priams deere sonne Helenus, their minde soone under stood,
And what this god and goddesse both in counsell deemed good.

And a little after:

For thus I heard the gods to say, 40
Who as immortall live for ay.

For like as they who are without, and not of the domesticall and neere acquaintance of kings, princes and generall captaines, do know and understand their willes & minds by the meanes of certeine firelights, sound of trumpets and proclamations; but to their faithfull, trusty and fami­liar friends they speake by word of mouth: even so, God communeth and talketh with few, and that very seldome; but unto the common sort he giveth signes, and of these consisteth the arte of divination: for the gods receive very few men in recommendation for to adorne their lives, but those onely whom they are disposed to make exceeding happy and divine indeed: and those soules which be delivered from farther generation, and are for ever after at libertie and dismissed free from the bodie, become afterwards Daemons, and take the charge and care of men, accor­ding 50 as Hesiodus saith. For like as champions, who otherwise heretofore have made profession of wrestling and other exercises of the bodie, after they have given over the practise thereof, by reason of their olde age, leave not altogether the desire of glorie by that meanes, nor cast off the affection in cherishing the bodie, but take pleasure still to see other yoong men to exercise their bodies, exhorting and encouraging them thereto, yea, and enforcing themselves to runne in the race with them: even so, they that are past the combats & travels of this life, and throigh [Page 1222] the vertue of their soules come to be Daemons, despise not utterly the affaires, the speeches and studies of those that be here, but being favorable unto them who in their good endevors aspire to the same end that they have atteined to, yea, and after a sort, banding and siding with them, do incite and exhort them to vertue, especially when they see them neere unto the ends of their hopes, and ready in maner to touch the same. For this divine power of Daemons, will not sort and be acquainted with every man indifferently, but like as they who stand upon the shore, can do no other good unto them who swim farre within the sea, and a great way from the land, but looke upon them and say nothing; but to such as are neere to the sea side, they runne, and for their sakes, wading a little into the sea, helpe both with hand and voice, and so save them from drowning: even so ( Simmias) dealeth the Daemon with us; for so long as wee are plunged 10 and drowned within mundane affaires, and change many bodies, as it were so many waggons and chariots, passing out of one into another, it suffereth us to strive and labour of our selves, yea, and by our owne patience and long sufferance to save our selves, and gaine the haven: but when there is a soule, which hath already by innumerable generations supported and endured long travels, and having in maner performed her course and revolution, straineth all her might and maine, with much swet to get forth and ascend up: to it God envieth not her owne proper Daemon and familiar spirit to be assistant, yea, and giveth leave to any other whatsoever, that is willing thereto. Now one is desirous and ready alwaies to helpe and second another, yea, and forward to promote the safctie thereof: the soule also for her part, giveth good eare, because she is so nere, and in the end is saved; but she that obeieth not nor hearkeneth to her owne familiar 20 & proper daemon as forsaken of it, speedeth not wel in the end. This said, Epaminondas looking toward me: It is high time, Caphisias, for you (quoth he) to go into the wrestling schoole and place of exercise, to the end that you disappoint not your companions: meane while, we (when it shall be thought good to dissolve and dismisse this meeting) will take the charge of Theanor. Then said I, Be it so: but I suppose, that Theocritus, together with Galaxidorus & my selfe, is wil­ling to commune and reason with you a little. In good time (quoth he) let them speake their minde and what they will. With that, he rose up and tooke us apart into a winding and turning corner of the gallery, where we came about him, and began to perswade and deale with him for to take part with us in the enterprise. He made us answere, That he knew well enough the day when the banished persons were to returne; and had taken order with his friends to be ready a­gainst 30 the time with Gorgidas, and to embrace the opportunity thereof: howbeit, they were not determined to take away the life of any one citizen, not condemned by order of law, unlesse some urgent necessitie enforced them thereto. And otherwise, it were very meet and expedient for the comminaltie of Thebes, that there should be some not culpable of this massacre, but in­nocent and cleare of all that then shall be committed; for so these men will be lesse suspected of the people, and be thought to counsell and exhort them for the best. We thought very well of this advice of his, and so he repaired againe to Simmias; and we went downe to the place of publicke exercises, where we met with our friends; and there we dealt one with another apart, as we wrestled together, questioning about one thing or another, and telling this or that, every one preparing himselfe to the execution of the dessigne: and there we might see Archias and Phi­lippus 40 all anointed and oiled going toward the feast. For Phyllidas fearing that they would make haste and put Amphitheus to death, so soone as ever hee had accompanied Lysanoridas and sent him away, tooke Archias with him, feeding him with hope to enjoy the lady whom he desired, and promising that she should be at the feast: whereby he perswaded him to minde no other thing, but to solace himselfe and make merry with those who were woont to roist and riot with him. By this time it drew toward night, the weather grew to be colde, and the winde rose high, which caused every man with more speed to retire and take house. I for my part, meeting with Damoclidas, Pelopidas and Theopompus, enterteined them; and others did the like to the rest. For after that these banished persons were passed over the mountaine Cythaera, they parted themselves; and the coldnesse of the weather gave them good occasion (without all suspition) 50 to cover their faces, and so to passe along the city undiscovered. And some of them there were, who as they entred the gates of the city, perceived it to lighten on their right hand without thunder, which they tooke for a good presage of safetie and glorie in their proceedings, as if this signe betokened, that the execution of their designment should be lightsome and honourable, but without any danger at all. Now when we were all entred in, and safe within house, to the number of eight and fortie, as Theocritus was sacrificing apart in a little oratorie or chappell by [Page 1223] himselfe, he heard a great rapping and bouncing at the doore: and anon there was one came and brought him word, that two halberds of Archias guard knocked at the outward gate, as be­ing sent in great haste to Charon, commanding to open them the doore, as greatly offended that they had staied so long. Whereat Charon being troubled in minde, commanded that they should be let in presently: who meeting them within the court with a coronet upon his head, as having newly sacrificed unto the gods, and made good cheere, demanded of these halberds, what they would. Archias and Philippus (say they) have sent us, willing and charging you with all speed to repaire unto them. Why, what is the matter (quoth Charon) that they should send for me in such haste at this time of the night, and what great newes is there? We know not, said these sergeants; but what word would you have us to carry backe unto them? Mary, tell them 10 (quoth he) that I will cast off my chaplet, and put on another robe, and presently follow after: for if I should goe with you, it might be an occasion of trouble, and moove some to supect that you lead me away to prison. You say wel, answered the officers againe, do even so; for we must goeanother way to those souldiers that watch and ward without the city, and deliver unto them a commandement from the head magistrates and rulers. Thus departed they. With that, Cha­ron returned to us, and made relation of these newes; which strucke us into our dumps, and put us in a great affright, supposing for certeine, that we were betraied, and our plot detected: most of the company suspected Hipposthenidas, for that he went about to impeach the returne of the exiled persons, by the meanes of Chlidon, whom he meant to send unto them: who seeing that he missed of his purpose, by all likelihood, upon a fearefull and timorous heart, might reveale 20 our conspiracie, now when it was come to the very point of execution: for come hee was not with others into the house where we were all assembled: and to be short, there was not one of us all, that judged better of him than of a wicked and trecherous traitor: howbeit, we agreed all in this, that Charon should go thither as he was commanded, and in any wise obey the magistrates who had sent for him.

Then he commanding (ô Archidamus) his owne sonne to be present, a stripling about fif­teene yeeres of age, and the fairest youth in all the city of Thebes, very laborious and affectio­nate to bodily exercises; and for stature and strength, surpassing all his fellowes and compani­ons of that age; made this speech unto us: My masters and friends, this is my sonne and onely child, whom I love entirely, as you may well thinke; him I deliver into your hands, beseeching 30 you in the name of the gods and all saints in heaven, that if you finde any perfidious treacherie by me against you, to doe him to death and not spare him. And now I humbly pray you, most valiant and hardy knights, prepare your selves resolutely against the last feast that ever these ty­rants shall make: abandon not, for want of courage, your bodies to be villanously outraged and spoiled by these most leud and wicked persons, but be revenged of them, and now shew your in­vincible hearts, in the behalfe of your countrey. When Charon had delivered these words, there was not one of us all but highly commended his magnanimitie and loialtie; but we were angry with him, in that he doubted of us that we had him in suspition and distrust; and therefore wil­led him to have away his sonne with him. And more than that, me thinks (quoth Pelopidas) you have not done well and wisely for us, in that you sent him not before to some other house: for 40 what reason or necessitie is there, that he should either perish or come into perill, being found with us? and yet it is time enough to convey him away, that in case it fall out with us otherwise than well, he may grow up after his kinde, for to be revenged of these tyrants another day. It shall not be so, quoth Charon; he shall even stay here, and take such part of fortune as we shall do: and besides, it were no part of honesty or honour, to leave him in danger of our enemies: And therefore, my good sonne (quoth he) take a good heart and a resolute, even above these yeeres of thine, enter in Gods name into these hazzards and trials that be thus necessarie, toge­ther with many valiant and hardy citizens, for the maintenance of liberty and vertue. And even yet, great hope we have, that good successe will follow, and that some blessed angell will regard and take in protection those who adventure thus for righteousnesse and justice sake. Many of us 50 there were ( Archidamus) whose teares trickled downe their cheeks, to heare Charon deliver these words; but himselfe being inflexible and not relenting one jote, with an undanted heart, a setled countenance, and eies still drie, put his sonne into Pelopidas hands, embraced every one of us, shooke us by the hands, and so encouraging us to proceed, went forth of the doores. Woon­derfull was this; but much more you would have woondred, to have seene the alacrity, cheere­full and constant resolution of his sonne, as if he had beene another Neoptolemus, who never [Page 1224] looked pale, nor changed colour for the matter, notwithstanding so great danger presented; neither was he one jote astond: but contrariwise, drew forth Pelopidas sword out of his scabberd, to see and trie whether it was keene enough.

Whiles these matters thus passed, there comes towards us Diotonus, one of Cephisodorus friends, with a sword by his side, and a good cuirason of steele under his robe, who having heard that Charon was sent for to come to Archias, blamed much our long delay, & whetned us on to go forthwith to the tyrants houses: For in so doing (quoth he) we shall prevent them, by com­ming suddenly upon them: if not, yet better were it for us, to set upon them without dores, se­parate one from another, and not all in one plumpe, than to stay for them, enclosed all within one parlour, and be there taken by our enemies, like a swarme of bees, and have all our throats 10 cut. In like maner Theocritus the divinor, urged us to make haste, saying, that all the signes of sacrifices were good, and presaged happy successe with all security. Whereupon we began on all hands to take armes, and to prepare our selves: by which time, Charon was returned to us, with a merrie and cheerefull countenance: who smiling and looking upon us: Be of good chere (quoth he) my masters and friends, all is well: there is no danger, and our affaire procee­deth well: for Archias and Philippus, so soone as they heard that I was come, upon their sen­ding for me, being already well cup-shotten, and halfe drunke with wine, so as both their minds and bodies were very farre out of tune; with much adoe they rose from the boord, and came foorth to the dore unto me: Now Charon, quoth Archias, we heare that our banished men lie lurking here within the citie, being secretly and by stealth entred into it. Whereat I seeming to 20 be much amazed: Where (quoth I) are they said to be, and who? That we know not (quoth Archtas, and that is the cause why we sent for you, to come before us, if haply you have heard a­ny thing of it more certeinly. Heereupon I remaining for a while as one somewhat astonied and pensive, comming againe to my selfe, began thus to thinke, that this must needs be some headlesse rumour, and arising from no good ground, nor certeine author; neither was it like to be any one of them that were privy to the complot who had discovered it, because they would not then have beene ignorant of the house where they were assembled, and therefore it could not chuse but be some blinde brute blowen abroad through the citie, and come to their eares. So I said unto him, that during the life of Androclides, we had heard many such flying tales, and vaine false rumors that ranne about the city and troubled us. But now (quoth he) ô Ar­chtas, 30 I have heard no such thing: howbeit, if it please you to command me, I will enquire and hearken farther into the thing, and if I find any matter of importance, I will come and enforme you of it. It is well said of you (quoth Phyllidas: and it were very good Charon, that in these cases you be very inquisitive, and leave nothing unsearched: for why should we be carelesse and neg­ligent in any thing, but rather it behooveth us to be circumspect, and to looke about us on every side: providence in these cases is very requisite, and good it is to make all sure: and when he had so said, he tooke Archias and had him into the parlour, where they be now drin­king hard: and therefore my good friends, let us stay no longer; but after we have made our praiers unto the gods, for our good speed, go about our businesse. Charon had no sooner said this, but we praied unto the gods for their assistance, and encouraged one another to the enter­prise. 40 It was the very just time, when all men use to be at supper: and the whistling winde arising stil more & more, had brought some snow or sleet, mingled with a drisling raine, so as there was not one person to be seene in the streets as we passed along. Those therefore who were appoin­ted to assaile Leontidas and Hippates, who dwelt neere together, went out in their cloakes, having no other armes or weapons, but ech of them their swords, and those were Pelopidas, Democlidas, and Cephisodorus: But Charon, Melon, and others, ordeined to set upon Archis, had their brest­plates or demy-cuiraces before them, and upon their heads thicke chaplets, some of firre, others of the pine or pitch tree branches: and part of them were clad in womens apparell, counterfei­ting drunken persons, as if they were come in a maske and mummerie with their women. And that which more is, ô Archidamus, fortune also making the beastly cowardise and sottish igno­rance 50 of our enemies equall to our hardinesse, and resolute preparations, and having diversified and distinguished even from the beginning our enterprise, like a plaie or enterlude, with many dangerous intercurrents, was assistant & ran with us, at the very point and upshot of the execu­tion thereof, presenting unto us, even then a doubtfull & dangerous occurrent, of a most sud­den & unexpected accident: for when Charen after he had talked with Archias & Philippus, was returned to the house, and had disposed us in order, for to go in hand with the execution of our [Page 2225] dessignment; there was brought from hence a letter written by Archias the high priest heere among you, unto that Archias his old hoast and friend, which declared unto him (as it should seeme) by all likelihood, the returne of the banished, and the surprise which they were about, the house also wherein they were assembled, and all the complices who were of the conspiracy. Archias being by this time drenched and drowned in wine, and besides that, transported and past himselfe, with the expectation of the women, whose comming he attended, albeit the mes­senger that brought the letter, said it contained serious affaires, of great consequence, yet he onely received it, and made no other answer but this: What tellest thou me of serious affaires; we shall thinke of them to morrow; and with that, put the letters under the pillow, whereon he leaned, calling for the pot againe, and commanding that it should be filled; sending Phyllidas 10 ever and anon to the dore, to see if the women were yet comming. Thus whiles this hope en­terteined and held the feast, we came upon them, and passed along through the servitours unto to the very hall or parlour, where they were at supper, and there we staied a whiles at the dore, eying and viewing every one of them as they sat about the table. Now the sight of those chap­lets and garlands which we ware upon our heads, and of the womens apparell, which some of us were dressed in, deceived them a little upon our first comming, in such sort, as for a while there ensued silence, untill such time as Melon first laying hand upon his sword hilt, rushed in­to the middes of the place: with that, Cabirichus Cyamistos who was Archon for the time, tooke him by the arme as he passed by, and held him backe, crying out withall: Phyllidas, Is not this Melon? but Melon shaking him off so, as he left his hold, drew foorth his sword withall, and 20 ranne upon Archias, who being hardly able to rise, he gave not over untill he had killed out­right in the place. Charon then set upon Philippus, whom he wounded in the necke, and not­withstanding that he desended himselfe with the pots that stood about him upon the table, yet Lysitheus mounting upon the boord, laied him along on the floore, and there under-foot di­spatched him. As for Cabirichus we spake him faire, and entreated him not to take part with the tyrants, but to joine with us, in delivering our native countrey from tyranny, as he was a sa­crosaint magistrate, and consecrated unto the gods for the good and safetie of the common­wealth. But being not easily induced to hearken unto reason, and that which was most expedi­ent for him, because he was little better than halfe drunke; he hanging still in doubtfull su­spence and perplexitie, arose up on his feet, and presented unto us his javelin, with the head 30 forward, which by the custome of the place, the Provosts with us, ever goe withall: whereupon I caught hold of the javelin in the middes, and held it over my head, crying unto him, to let it goe, and save himselfe; or else he should die for it. In this meane while, Theopompus standing on his right side, ranne him through with his sword, saying withall: There lie thou also toge­ther with them whom thou hast flattered and soothed up: for it were not beseeming thee to weare a coronet and garland when Thebes is set free, nor to offer any more sacrifice to the gods, before whom thou hast cursed thy countrey, by making praiers so often for the prosperity of her enemies. When Cabirichus was fallen downe dead, Theocritus who stood by, caught up the sacred javelin, and drew it out of the bloud that there was shed. This massacre being done, some few of the servants, who durst interpose themselves, and come betweene for the defence 40 of those usurpers, we slew; but as many as were quiet, and stirred not, we shut up within a cham­ber, where men are wont to keepe; being not willing that they should get foorth, and goe to publish throughout the city what was done, before we knew how the world went with others.

Thus you heare how this chare was done. As for Peloptdas and his traine, they came to the utmost gate of Leontidas, where they knocked as softly, as they thither came gently and with si­lence, and to one of the servants who heard them knocke, & demanded who was there, they an­swered, That they were come from Athens, and brought letters unto Leontidas from Calistratus. The servitour went and told his master so much, who being commanded to set open the gate, unbarred and unbolted it; the gate no sooner yeelded from them a little, but they rushed in all at once with violence, bare downe the man and laid him along, ran a pace through the court and 50 hall and so directly passed to the bed chamber of Leontidas: who presently suspecting what the matter was, drew his dagger, & put himselfe forward to make resistance & to stand upon his de­fence. Unjust he was no doubt & tyrannicall, howbeit otherwise a tall man of his hands, and of a touragious stomacke: yet forgat he to overthrow the lampe, & put out the light, and in the darke to intermingle himselfe with those who came to assault him, and so haply to get a way from them; but being espied by them, so soone as ever the doore was open, he stabbed Cephisodorus in [Page 1226] the very flanke under the short ribs: and then incountring with Pelopidas who would have en­tred second into the chamber, he cried out aloud and called to his servants for helpe: but Sami­das with others about him kept them backe, and otherwise of themselves they durst not meddle nor hazard their lives to deale with the noblest persons of the city, and those who for strength and valour were knowen to surpasse the rest. So there was a scuffling and stife combat betweene Pelopidas and Leontidas, in the very portall of the chamber dore, which was but narrow, where Cephisodorus fell downe in the midst betweene them ready to die, so that others could not come in to succor Pelopidas: At the last when our friend Pelopidas had received a little wound in his head, but given Leontidas many a one, he overthrew him and slew him upon the body of Cephi­sodorus, who being yet warme and not fully dead, saw his enimy fall, and therewith putting forth 10 his right hand to Pelopidas, and bidding all the rest adew, he joifully yeelded up his breath. When they had dispatched this businesse, they turned immediately from thence to Hypates house, and when the doore was likewise set open for them, the killed him also, as he thought to escape, and fled by the roofe of the house unto his neighbours. Which done, they returned with speed directly unto us, whom they found abroad at a gallery called Polystylon. After we had saluted and embraced one another & talked a litle all together, we went straight to the common goale; where Phyllidas having called forth the goaler: Archias (quoth he) and Philippus com­mand you with all speed to bring your prisoner Amphitheus unto them. The goaler consider­ing that it was an unreasonable houre, and withall perceiving that Phyllidas in his speeches was not very well staied, but that he was yet chafed and panted still unquietly upon the fresh fray 20 that he had beene at, doubting and suspecting a skirmish: When was it ever seene (quoth he) ô Phyllidas, that the Polemarchy or chiefe captaines sent for a prisoner at this time of the night? when by you? and what token or watchword bring you from them? As the goaler reasoned thus, Phyllidas made no more adoe, but with an horsemans staffe or launce that he had in his hand, ranne him through the sides, and laied him dead on the ground, wicked wretch that he was, whom the next morrow, many a woman trampled under their feet, and spit in his face as he lay. Then brake we the prison dore open, and first called by name unto Amphitheus, and afterwards to others, according as each of them was of our acquaintance and familiarity; who hearing and knowing our voices leapt out of their pallets upon their feete, and willingly drew their chaines and irons after them: but such as had their feet fast in the stockes, stretched forth their 30 hands and cried unto us, beseeching they might not be left behinde: and whiles we were busie in setting them loose, many of the neighbours by this time who dwelt neere and perceived what was done, were run forth already into the streets with glad and joifuil hearts. The very women also, as any of them heard ought of their acquaintance, without regard of observing the custome and maner of the Boeotians, ran out of dores one unto another, and demanded of every one whom they met in the street, what newes? And as many of them as light either upō their fathers or husbands, followed them as they went, and no man impeached them in so doing: for the pi­tifull commiseration, the teares, praiers, and supplications, especially of honest and chast wives, were in this case very effectuall, and moved men to regard them. When things were brought to this passe, so soone as we heard, that Epamtnondas and Gorgidas with other friends, were now 40 assembled within the temple of Minerva, we went directly unto them, and thither repaired also many honest citizens and men of quality, flocking still more and more in great frequencie. Now after relation was made unto them how al things sped, & that they were requested to assist us in the performance and execution of that which was behind, and for that purpose to meet all together in the common market place, incontinently they set up a shout, and cried unto the ci­tizens, Liberty, liberty, distributing armes and weapons among as many as came to joine with them: which they tooke forth of the temples and halles, being full of the spoiles of al sorts, won from enimies in times past, as also out of the armorers, furbushers, and cutlers shops there adjoi­ning. Thither came Hipposthenidas likewise with a troupe of friends and servants, bringing those trumpetters with him, who were by chaunce come to the city against the feast of Hercules: and 50 immediatly some sounded the al'arm in the market place, and others in all parts of the city be­sides, and all to astonish and affright those of the adverse part, as if the whole city were revolted, and had risen against them: who making a great smoake, for the nonce in the streets, because they would not be descried, put themselves within the castle Cadmea, drawing with them those choise soldiers called [...] that is to say, the better, who were wont usually to ward all night and keepe a standing corps de guard about the said castle. Now those who were above in the [Page 1227] said fort, seeing their owne captaine to run so disorderly and in great affright, and to make hast to get in, perceiving also from above, how we were gathered together about the market place in armes; and no part of the city quiet, but full of tumult, uprores and garboiles, whereof the noise ascended up unto them, durst not adventure to come downe, though they were to the number of five thousand, as fearing the present danger: but pretended for their excuse the absence of Lysanoridas their captaine, who was ever wont to remaine with them, but onely that day, which was the cause that afterwards as we have heard, the Lacedaemonians making meanes by a peece of money, to apprehend him in Corinth, whether he was retired, and immediately put him to death: but upon composition and safe conduct, they delivered up the castle into our hands, and departed with all the soldiers in it. 10

OF THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS. 20

The Summarie.

PLutarch considering in what credit and reguest Herodotus the Historiographer was, who in many places of his bookes, which are at this day extant in our bands, defa­meth divers states and hcnorable persons of Greece, is minded heere in this treatise to arme as it were and prepare the readers against all such false suggestions and im­putations: and in the very entry of his discourse, accuseth Herodotus of malice and leasing. For proofe of this challenge he setteth downe certaine markes, whereby a man may discerne a 30 slanderous writer, from a sage and discrect Historiographer. Which done, he applieth the said markes unto Herodotus, shewing by a number of examples drawen out of his stories and narrations that often times he useth odious words, when as others more milde and gentle were as ready for him to use: that he describeth an evill matter, when as there was no need to make mention thereof: that he taket hplea­sure to speake ill & to raile: that among praises, he inserteth the bitter blames of one and the same per­sonage: and in recounting one thing two maner of waies and more, he resteth alwaies in the worse, and imputeth worthy deeds and brave exploits unto disordinate andirregular passions, and so after an ob­lique maner doth the persons injury. So that this treatise teacheth as well the writers of histories, to looke well about themselves. and stand upon their guard, lest they be esteemed, slanderous, foolish and impudent: as also the readers to carry with them a pure and sincere judgement for to make their profit by those bookes, which they take in hand to read. 40

OF THE MALICE of Herodotus

MAny men there be, ô Alexander, whom the stile & phrase of Hero­dotus the Historiographer (because it seemeth unto them plaine, simple, naturall, and running smoothly upon the matters which he delivereth) hath much deceived: but more there are, who have bene 50 caught and brought into the same errour, by his maners and beha­viour. For it is not onely extreame injustice, as Plato said, to seeme just and righteous, when a man is nothing lesse, but also an act of malice in the highest degree, to counterfait mildenesse and simpli­city, and under that pretence and colour, to be covertly most bit­ter and malicious. Now for that he sheweth this spight of his against the Boeotians and Co­rinthians especially, although he spareth not any others whatsoever, I thought it my part and [Page 1228] duty doe defend heerein the honor of our ancesters in the behalfe of trueth, against this onely part of his writings, and no more. For to pursue and goe thorow all other lies and forged tales of his, dispersed in that historie, would require many great volumes. But as Sophocles said:

Of eloquence the flattering face,
Prevaileth much and winneth grace,

especially when it meeteth with a tongue which is pleasant, and carieth such a force, asto cover among other vices, the malicious nature of an Historiographer. Philip king of Macedonie was woont to say unto those Greeks who revolted from his alliance, and sided with Titus Quintius, that they had changed their former chaines, and given them for others, that were indeed more polished; howbeit longer a faire deale. Even so a man may say, that the malignitie of Hero­dotus 10 is smoother and more delicate than that of Theopompus, but it toucheth neerer to the quicke, and stingeth more; like as the windes are more sharpe and piercing, which blow through a narrow streight or close glade, than such as are spred more at large. I thinke there­fore that I shall doe very well, first to describe generally, and as it were in grosse, the tracts and marks as it were of a narration which is not pure, sincere, and friendly, but spightfull and mali­cious, for to apply the same afterwards to ech point that we shall examine, and see whether they doe agree fitly thereto.

First and formost therefore, he that useth the most odious nownes and verbs, when there be others at hand more milde and gentle, for to expresse things done: as for example; whereas he might say, that Nicias was very ceremonious, and somewhat supersticiously given; reporteth 20 that he was fanaticall; and chuseth rather to chalenge Cleon for rash audacitie, and furious mad­nesse, than for light and vaine speech: surely he carieth not a good and gentle minde, but ta­keth pleasure to make a narration in the woorst maner.

Secondly, when there is some vice otherwise in a man, which apperteineth not unto the hi­story, and yet the writer catcheth hold thereof, and will needs thrust it into the narration of those affaires which require it not, drawing his historie from the matter, fetching a compasse about, after an extravagant maner, and all to bring in either the infortunitie or unhappy acci­dent, or else some absurd and shamefull act of a man: it is very evident that such an one deligh­teth in reprochfull and evill language. And therefore contrariwise, Thucydides, howsoever Cle­on committed an infinite number of grosse and foule faults, yet he never traduced him openly 30 for them in his writings. And as touching the busie oratour Hyperbolus, he glanced at him one­ly by the way, terming him a naughtie man, and so let him goe. Philistus likewise passed over all the outrages and wrongs (many though they were) of Dionysius the tyrant, which he offered unto the barbarous nations, so long as they were not interlaced among the affaires of the Greeks. For the digressions & excursions of an history, are allowed, principally for some fables or antiquities. Moreover, he who amōg the praises of some great personages, thrusteth in some matter tending to reproch & blame, seemeth to incurre the malediction of the tragicall Poet,

Cursed be thou, that lov'st a roll to have,
Of mens mishaps, who now lie dead in grave.

Furthermore, that which is equipollent and reciprocall thereto, every man knoweth, that the 40 leaving out and passing over quite of some good qualitie, or laudable fact, seemeth not to be a thing reprehensible and subject to account, though done it were maliciously, and the same were left out in some such place as perteined well to the traine of the historie: for to commend a man coldly and after an unwilling maner, savoreth no more of civilitie, than to blame him af­fectionately; and besides that, it is nothing more civill, it smelleth haply more of malice, and of the twaine is woorse.

The fourth signe of a malicious nature in an historian, in my account is this: when one and the same thing is interpreted or reported two waies, or more, to encline unto the harder con­struction. For permitted it is unto Sophisters and Rhetoricians, either for to gaine their see, or to winne the name and reputation of eloquence, otherwhiles to take in hand for to defend 50 and adorne the woorse cause; because they imprint not deepely any credit or beliefe of that which they deliver: and they themselves doe not deny, that they undertake to proove things incredible, even against the common opinion of men. But he that composeth an historie, doeth his part and devoir, if he writeth that which he knoweth to be true: but of matters doubt­full, obscure, and uncerteine, those which are better seeme to be reported more truely alwaies, than the worse. And many there be, who omit quite and overpasse the worse: as for example; [Page 1229] Ephorus having said as touching Themistocles, that he was privy to the treason that Pausamas plotted and practised, and what he treated with the lieutenants of the king of Persia: Howbeit, he consented not (quoth he) nor never could be induced to take part with him of those hopes, whereto he did sollicite him. And Thucydides left this matter wholly out of his storie, as not acknowledging it to be true. Againe, in matters confessed to have beene done, but yet not knowen, for what cause, and upon what intention; he that guesseth and casteth his conjecture in the woorse part, is naught and maliciously minded: and thus did the comicall Poets, who gave out, that Pericles kindled the Peloponnesian warre, for the love the of courtisan Aspasia, or else for Phidias sake, and not rather upon an high minde and contention to take downe the pride of the Peloponnesians, & in no wise to give place unto the Lacedaemonians. For of arts 10 approoved and laudable affaires, he that supposeth and setteth downe a leud and naughty cause, and by calumniations draweth men into extravagant suspicions, of the hidden and secret inten­tion of him who performed the act, which he is not able to reproove or blame openly: as they who report of Alexander the tyrants death, which dame Thebe his wife contrived, that it was not a deed of magnanimity, nor upon the hatred of wickednesse and vice, but proceeding from the passionate jealousie of a woman: as also those who say; that Cato Uttcensis killed himselfe, fearing lest Caesar would execute him shamefully: these (I say) are envious and spightfull in the highest degree. Semblably, an historicall narration smelleth of malice, according as the maner of a worke or act done is related: as if it be put downe in writing, that it was by the meanes rather of money and corruption, than of vertue & valour, that some great exploit was 20 performed, (as some there were who did not sticke to say as much of Philip:) or else, that it was executed without any travel and danger, as others gave out of Alexander the Great: also not by forecast and wisedome, but by the favour of fortune; like as the enviour and ill willer of Timo­theus, who in painted tables represented the pourtrature of divers cities and townes, that of themselves fell within the compasse of his net and toile, when he lay fast asleepe: evident it is, that it is that it tendeth to the empairing of the glorie, beautie, and greatnesse of those acts, when they take from them the magnanimity, vertue, and diligence of the authors, and give out they were not done and executed by themselves. Over and besides, those who professedly and directly speake evill of one, incurre the imputation of quarrellers, rash-headed and furious persons, in case they keepe not within a meane: but such as doe it after an oblique maner, as if 30 they discharged bullets, or shot arrowes at one side from some blinde corner, charging sur­mises and suspicions; and then to turne behinde and shift off all, by saying, they doe not be­leeve any such thing, which they desire most of all to be beleeved, howsoever they disclame all malice and evill will: over and besides their cancred nature, they are steined with the note of notorious impudencie. Next neighbours unto these, are they, who among imputations and blames, adjoine certaine praises: as in the time of Socrates, one Aristoxenus having given him the termes of ignorant, untaught, dissolute; came in with this afterwards: but true it is that he doeth no man wrong, and is woorst to himselfe: for like as they, who will cunningly and artifi­cially flatter otherwhiles, among many and unmeasurable praises, mingle some light repre­hensions, joining with their sweet flatteries, (as it were some tart sauce to season them) certeine 40 words frankly and freely spoken: even so the malicious person, because he would haue that be­leeved which he blameth, putteth thereto some little sprinkling of a few praises. There may be exemplified and numbered many other signes and marks of malice: but these may suffice to give us to understand the nature and intention of this author whom now we have in hand.

First and formost therefore to begin at heavenly wights, and as they say at Vesta, Io the daugh­ter of Inachus, whom all the Greeks thinke to have bene deified and honored with divine honors by the barbarous nations, in such sort as that she hath left her name to manie seas, and noble ports, in regard of her great glory and renowme; and opened the source (as it were) and original beginning of many right noble, most famous and roiall families; this our gentle Historiogra­pher saith, that she yeelded her selfe unto certaine marchants of Phoenicia, to be caried away, for 50 that she having bene defloured not against her will, by a master of a ship, feared lest she should be spied great with child; and withall belieth the Phoenicians themselves, as if they gave out as much of her. He reports himselfe also to the restimony of the sages and wise men of Persia, that the Phoenicians ravished and caried her away with other women: shewing withall directly his opinion a little after, that the most noble and bravest exploit that ever the Greeks atcheived, to wit, the war of Troy, was an enterprise begone in folly, for a leawd and naughty woman: for [Page 1230] it is very apparent quoth he, that these women if they had not bene willing themselves, they had never bene so ravished, and had away as they were. And therefore we may as well say that the gods did foolishly to shew themselves angry and offended, with the Lacedaemonians for the a­busing of the daughters of Scedasus the Leuctrian; as also to punish Ajax, for that he forced lady Cassandra: for certeine it is according to Herodotus, that if they had not bene willing, they had never beene defloured: and yet himselfe saith that Aristomenes was taken alive, and caried a­way by the Lacedaemonians, and afterwards Philopoemen captaine generall of the Achaeans tast­ed the same fortune, and Atilius Regulus the consull of the Romans, fell likewise into the hands of his enimies: all of them such personages as hardly may be found more valiant and hardy warriors in the world. But what marvell is this, considering that men doe take leopards, and ty­gres alive? Now Herodotus blameth the poore women, who were by force abused, and defendeth 10 those wicked men who offered them that abuse. Besides, so much affected he is in love unto the Barbarous nations, that he will acquite & cleere Busirides of that ill name which went of him, for slaying of his guests & sacrificing men, and attributing unto all the Aegyptians by all his testi­monies, much godlinesse, religion and justice, returneth upon the Greeks this inhumaine and abhominable cruelty. For in his second booke he writeth that Menelaus having received Helena at the hands of king Proteus his wife, and bene by him honored with great and rich presents, shewed himselfe againe a most unjust and wicked man. For when the winde and weather served him not for to embarke and saile away, he wrought by his report, a most cursed and detestable fact, in taking two of the inhabitants male children of that countrey, and cut them in peeces for sacrifice: by occasion whereof being hated of the Aegyptians, and pursued, he fled directly with 20 his fleet, and departed into Libya. For mine owne part, I wot not what Aegyptian hath given out this report of Menelaus: but contrariwise I know full well, that in Aegypt they retaine still to this day many honors in the memoriall, both of him and also of his wife Helena. Moreover this writer holding on still his course, reporteth that the Persians learned of the Greeks, to abuse boies carnally and contrary to kinde. And yet how is it possible that the Persians should learne this vilany and filthinesse of the Greeks, considering that the Persians maner all doe confesse, that the children were there guelded, before they had ever seene the Greeks sea. Also he wri­teth, that the Greeks were taught by the Aegyptians, their solemne pompes, festivall processi­ons, and publicke assemblies: likewise to adore the twelve gods: yea & that Melampus had lear­ned of the same Aegyptians the very name of Dionysus, that is to say, Bacchus, who taught it the 30 other Greeks. As touching the sacred mysteries, and secret ceremonies of Ceres, that they were brought out of Aegypt by the daughters of Danaus: as also that the Aegyptians beat them­selves and are in great sorrow, yet will themselves name nothing why they so doe, but remaine close and keepe silence in the religious service of the gods. As touching Hercules and Bacchus whom the Aegyptians esteeme as gods, and the Greeks very aged men, he maketh mention in no place of this precise observation and distinction: howsoever he faith that this Aegyptian Hercules, was reckoned and ranged in the second order of the gods, and Bacchus in the third, as those who had a beginning of their essence, and were not eternall: and yet he pronounceth those other to be gods, but unto these, he judgeth that we ought to performe anniversarie fune­rals, as having beene sometime mortall, and now canonized demi-gods, but in no wise to sacri­fice 40 unto them as gods. After the same maner spake he of Pan, overthrowing the most holy and venerable sacrifices of the Greeks by the vanities and fables which the Aegyptians devised. Yet is not this the woorst, nor so intollerable; for deriving the pedegree of Hercules from the race of Perseus, he holdeth, that Perseus was an Assyrian, according to that which the Persians say: But the captaines and leaders of the Dorians (saith he) seeme to be descended in right line from the Aegyptians, and fetch their genealogie and ancestours from before Danae and Acri­sius: for as concerning Epaphus, Io, Iasus and Argus, he hath wholly passed over and rejected, striving to make, not onely the other two Herculees Aegyptians and Phoenicians, but also this whom himselfe nameth to be the third, a meere stranger from Greece, and to enroll him among Barbarians, notwithstanding that of all the ancient learned men, neither Homer, nor Hesiodus, ne 50 yet Archilochus, Pisander, Stesichorus, Alcman, nor Pindarus, do make mention of any Hercules an Aegyptian or Phoenician, but acknowledge one alone, to wit, our Boeotian and Argien. And that which more is, among the seven sages, whom he termeth by the name of Sophisters, he will needs beare us downe, that Thales was a Phoenician borne, extracted from the ancient stocke of the Barbarians. And in one place, reproching in some sort the gods, under the vi­sard [Page 1231] and person of Solon, he hath these words: O Croesus, thou demandest of me as touching hu­mane things, who know full well, that the deitie is envious and full of inconstant incertitude: where attributing unto Solon, that opinion which himselfe had of the gods, he joineth malice unto impiety and blasphemy. And as for Pittachus, using him but in light matters, and such as are of no consequence, he passeth over in the meane while, the most worthy and excellent deed that ever the man did: for when the Athenians and Mitylenians were at warre about the port Sigaeum, Phrynon the captaine of the Athenians having given defiance, and challenged to com­bat hand to hand, the hardiest warriour of all the Mitylenians, Pittachus advanced forward and presented himselfe to his face for to performe his devoir, where he bare himselfe with such dex­terity, that he caught this captaine, as mighty a man as he was and tall of stature, and so entang­led 10 him, that he slew him outright. And when the Mitylenians, for this prowesse of his, offered unto him goodly rich presents, he launced his javelin out of his hand as farre as ever he could, and demanded so much ground onely as he raught with that shot. And thereupon, that field, even at this day, is called Pittacium. But what writeth Herodotus, when he comes to this place? In lieu of reciting this valiant act of Pittachus, he recounteth the flight of Alcaeus the Poet, who flung from him his armour and weapons, and so ran away out of the battell: whereby it appea­reth, that in avoiding to write of vertuous and valiant acts, but in not concealing vicious and foule facts, he testifieth on their side who say, that envie, to wit, a griefe for the good of ano­ther, and joy in other mens harmes, proceed both from one root of malice.

After all this, the Alcmaeonidae who shewed themselves brave men and generous; and name­ly, 20 by delivering their countrey from tyranny, are by him challenged for treason: for he saith, That they received Pisistratus upon his banishment, and wrought meanes for his returne again, upon condition, that he should espouse and marry the daughter of Megacles: and when the maiden said thus unto her mother, See my good mother, Pisistratus doth not company kindly with me, as he should, and according to the law of nature and marriage; heereupon the said Alcmaeonidae tooke such indignation against the tyrant for his perverse dealing, that they cha­sed him into exile. Now, that the Lacedaemonians should taste aswell of his malice as the A­thenians had done before them, see how he defaceth and traduceth Othryadas, a man esteemed and admired among them above all others, for his valiance: He only (saith he) remaining alive of those three hundred, ashamed to returne to Sparta, when all the rest of that company and 30 consort of his were slaine and left dead in the field, presently overwhelmed himselfe in the place under an heape of his enemies shields reared for a Trophae, and so died: for a little before, he said, that the victory betweene both sides rested doubtfull in even ballance; and now he witnes­seth, that through the shame and bashfulnesse of Othryadas, the Lacedaemonians lost the day: for as it is a shame to live being vanquished, so it is as great an honor to survive upon a victorie. I forbeare now to note and observe, how in describing Croesus every where for a foolish, vain­glorious and ridiculous person in all respects, yet neverthelesse he saith, that being prisoner he taught and instructed Cyrus, a prince who in prudence, vertue and magnanimitie surpassed all the kings that ever were. And having by the testimonie of his owne historie, attributed no goodnesse unto Croesus, but this onely, that he honoured the gods with great offerings, oblati­ons 40 and ornaments, that he presented unto them; which very same (as himselfe declareth) was the most wicked and profanest act in the world: for whereas his brother Pantaleon and he were at great variance and debate, about succession in the kingdome during the life of their father; after that he came once to the crowne, he caught one of the nobles, a great friend and compani­on of his brother Pantaleon, who had before-time beene his adversarie, and within a fullers mill all to beclawed and mangled him with tuckers cards and burling combs, so as he died therewith; and of his money which he did confiscate and seize upon, he caused those oblations and jewels to be made which he sent as a present to the gods. Concerning Deioces the Median, who by his vertue and justice atteined to the kingdome, hesaith, that he was not such an one indeed, but an hypocrite, and by semblance of justice was advanced to that regall dignitie. But what should 50 I stand upon the examples of Barbarous nations; for he hath ministred matter enough in wri­ting onely of the Greeks. He saith, that the Athenians and many other Ionians, being ashamed of that as name were not only unwilling, but also denied utterly to be called Ionians: also, as many of them as were of the noblest blood, and descended from the very Senate and Prytaneum of the Athenians, begat children of Barbarous women, after they had killed their fathers and former children: by occasion whereof those women made an ordinance among themselves, which they [Page 1232] bound with an oth, and ministred the same unto their daughters, never to eat nor drinke with their husbands, nor to call them by their names: and that the Milesians at this day be descended from the said women. And having cleanly delivered thus much under hand, that those onely who celebrated the feast named Apalutia, were indeed true Jonians: And all (quoth he) doe keepe and observe that solemnity, save onely the Ephesians and Colophonians. By this slie de­vice he doth in effect deprive these states, of the noble antiquity of their nation. He writeth like­wise, that the Cumaeans and Mitylenaeans, were compacted and agreed withall, for a peece of mony, to deliver into the hands of Cyrus, Pactyas, one of his captaines, who had revolted from him: But I cannot say (quoth he) certainly, for how much, because the just summe is not exactly knowen. But he ought not by his leave to have charged upon any city of Greece such a note of infamy, without he had bene better assured thereof. And afterwards he saith, that the inhabi­tants 10 of Chios pulled him, being brought unto them out of the temple of Minerva Poliuchos that is to say, Tutelar and protectresse of the city, for to deliver him unto the Persians; which the Chians did after they had received for their hire, a peece of land called Atarnes. Howbeit, Charon, the Lampsacinian, a more ancient writer, when he handleth the story of Pactyas, taxeth neither the Mitylenaeans, nor the Chians, for any such sacriledge: but writeth of this matter, thus word for word: Pactyas (quoth he) being advertised that the Persian army approched, fled first to Mitylenae, and afterwards to Chios: and there he fell into the hands of Cyrus. Moreover this our author in his third booke, describing the expedition or journey of the Lacedaemonians against Polycrates the tyrant, saith that the Samians, both are of opinion and also report, that it was by way of recompence and requitall, because they had sent them aid in their warre against 20 Messene, that the Lacedaemonians entred into armes and warred upon the tyrant, for to reduce the exiled persons home againe, and restore them to their livings and goods: but he saith, that the Lacedaemonians deny flatly this to have bene the cause: saying it was neither to set the Isle Samos at liberty, nor to succour the Samians, that they enterprised this warre: but rather to chastice the Samians, for that they had intercepted and taken away a faire standing cup of gold, sent by them as a present unto king Croesus: and besides a goodly cuirace or brestplate, sent unto them from king Amasis. And yet we know for certaine, that in all those daies, there was not a city in Greece so desirous of honour, nor so infest and deadly bent against tytants, as Lacedaemon was: for what other cuppe of gold, or cuirace was there, for which they chaced out of Corinth and Ambracia the usurping race of the Cypselidae; banished out of Noxos, the tyrant 30 Lygdamis; expelled out of Athens, the children of Pisistratus; drave out of Sicyone, Aeschines; ex­iled from Theses, Symmachus; delivered the Phocaeans from Aulis; and turned Aristogenes out of Miletus: as for the lordly deminions over Thessaly, they utterly ruinated and rooted out, which Aristomedes and Angelus usurped, whom they suppressed and defaited by the meanes of Leotychidas their king? But of these things I have written else where more exactly and at large, Now if Herodotus saith true, what wanted they of extreame folly and wickednesse in the highest degree, indisavowing and denying a most just and honorable occasion of this warre, to confesse that they made an invasion upon a poorer and miserable nation oppressed and afflicted under a tyrant, and all in remembrance of a former grudge, to be revenged for a small wrong upon a base minde and mechanicall avarice. Now haply he had a fling at the Lacedaemonians and gave them a blur with his pen, because in the traine and consequence of the story, they came so just under it; but the city of the Corinthians, which was cleane out of his way, he hath notwithstan­ding 40 taken it with him and bespurted and dashed as he passed by, with a most grievous slander and heavy imputation. The Corinthians also (quoth he) did favor and second with great affec­tion this voiage of the Lacedaemonians, for to requite an hainous outrage and injury, which they had received before time at the Samians handes: And that was this? Periander the tyrant of Corinth, sent three hundred yoong boies, that were the sonnes of the most noble persons in all Corfu, to king Aliattes for to be guelded. These youths arrived in the Isle Samos, whō being lan­ded the Samians taught how to sit as humble suppliants within the temple and sanctuary of Di­ana, & set before them for their nourishment certaine cakes made of Sesam seed & hony. And 50 this forsoth was it that our trim historiographer calleth so great an outrage & abuse offred by the Samians unto the Corinthians; for which he saith, the Lacedaemonians also were stirred up and provoked against them, because they had saved the children of Greeks from eviration. But surely he that fasteneth this reproch upon the Corinthians, sheweth that the city was more wicked than the tyrant himselfe. As for him, his desire was to be revenged of the inhabitants of [Page 1233] Corfu, who had killed his sonne among them: but the Corinthians, what wrong received they of the Samians, for which they should in hostile maner set upon them, who opposed them­selves and empeached so inhumane and barbarous crueltie to be committed? and namely, that they should revive and raise up againe an old cankred grudge and quarrels, that had lien dead and buried the space of three generations; and all in favour and maintenance of tyranny, which had laine very grievous and unsupportable upon them, and whereof, being overthrowen and ruined as it is, they cease not still to abolish and doe out the remembrance for ever. Loe, what outrage it was, that the Samians committed upon the Corinthians; but what was the revenge and punishment that the Corinthians devised against the Samians? For if in good earnest they tooke indignation and were offended with the Samians, it had beene meet, not to have 10 incited the Lacedaemonians, but to have diverted them rather, from levying warre upon Poly­crates, to the end that the tyrant not being defaited and put downe, they might not have beene freed nor delivered from tyrannicall servitude. But that which more is, what occa­sion had the Corinthians to bee angrie with the Samians, who though they desired, yet could not save the Corcyreans children, considering they tooke no displeasure against the Cnidians, who not onely preserved, but also restored them to their parents? And veri­ly the Corcyreans, make no great regard, nor speake ought, of the Samians in this be­halfe: mary the Cnidians, they remembred in the best maner; for the Cnidians they or­deined honours, priviledges, and immunities, and enacted publicke decrees to ratifie and con­firme the same. For these Cnidians sailing to the Isle of Samos, arrived there, drave out of the 20 foresaid temple the guard of Pertander, tooke the children foorth, and brought them safe to Corfu, according as Antenor the Candiot, and Dionysius the Chalcidian in the booke of Foun­dations have left in writing. Now that the Lacedaemonians undertooke this expedition, not for to be quit with the Samians, and to punish them, but to deliver them rather from the tyrant, and for to save them; I will beleeve no other testimonie but the Samians themselves. For they af­firme, that there is among them now standing, a tombe or monument by them erected at the publike charges of the citie, for the corps of Archias a citizen of Sparta, whose memoriall they doe honour, for that in the said service he fought valiantly, and lost his life: for which cause the posteritie descended from that man, doe yet unto this day, beare singular affection, and do all the pleasures they can unto the Samians, as Herodotus himselfe beareth witnesse. Further­more, in his fifth booke he writeth, that Clisthenes, one of the most noble and principall perso­nages 30 of all Athens, perswaded the priestresse Pythia, to be a false prophetesse, in mooving the Lacedaemonians alwaies by her answers that she gave out, for to deliver the citie of Athens from the thirtie tyrants: and thus unto a most glorious peece of worke and right just, he adjoin­eth the imputation of so great an impietie, and a damnable device of falshood; and withall, be­reaveth god Apollo of that prophesie which is so good and honest, yea and beseeming Themis, who also as they say assisteth him in the oracle. He saith also, that Isagoras yeelded his wife un­to Cleomenes, for to use her at his pleasure, whensoever he came unto her: and then, as his ordi­nary maner is, intermingling some praises among blames, because he would be the better be­leeved: This Isagoras (quoth he) the sonne of Tisander, was of a noble house; but I am not 40 able to say of what antiquitie before-time his pedegree was; but onely that his knisfolke and those of his bloud, doe sacrifice unto Jupiter, surnamed Carius. Now I assure you, this our Hi­storian is a proper and pleasant conceited fellow, to send away Isagoras thus to the Carians, as it were to ravens, in a mischiefe. And as for Aristogiton, he packeth him away not by a backe doore or posterne, but directly by the broad & open gate, as far as unto Phoenice; saying, that his first originall came long since from the Gephyrians: but what Gephyrians trow yee: not those in Euboea, or in Eretria, as some doe thinke: but he saith plainly they be Phoenicians, and that he is so perswaded of them by heare-say. And not being able to deprive the Lacedaemoni­ans of their glory, for delivering the city of Athens from the servitude of the thirty tyrants, he goeth about to obliterate quite, or at leastwise in some sort to disgrace and dishonor that most 50 noble act, with as foule a passion, and as villanous a vice: for hee saith, that they repented in­continently, as if they had not well done, by the induction of false and supposed oracles, thus to have chaced out of their countrey the tyrants their friends, guests, and allies, who promised to deliver Athens into their hands, and to have yeelded the city unto an unthankfull people; and that anon they sent for Hipptas, as farre as to Sigaeum, for to reduce him to Athens: but the Corinthians opposed themselves, and diverted them, whiles Sosicles discoursed and shewed [Page 1234] how many miseries and calamities the citie of Corinth had endured whiles Periander & Cypselus held them under their tyrannicall rule: and yet of all those enormous outrages which Periander committed, they could not name any one more wicked and cruell, than that of the three hun­dred children which he sent away for to be gelded: Howbeit, this man dareth to say, that the Corinthians were mooved and provoked against the Samians, who had saved the said youthes, and kept them from suffering such an indignity, and caried the remembrance thereof for re­venge, as if they had done them some exceeding great injurie: so full is his malice and gall of inconstancie, of repugnance and contradiction in all his speeches, which ever and anon is ready to offer it selfe in all his narrations. After all this, comming to describe the taking of the citie Sardis, he diminished, deformeth, and discrediteth the exploit all that ever he can, be­ing 10 so armed with shamelesse audacitie, that he termeth those shippes which the Athenians set out, and sent to succor the king, and to plague the Ionians, who rebelled against him, the origi­nall causes of all mischiefe, for that they assaied to set at liberty and deliver out of servitude, so many goodly and faire cities of the Greeks, held forcibly under the violent dominion of the barbarous nations. As touching the Eretrians, he maketh mention of them onely by the way, & passeth in silence a most woorthy and glorious piece of service, which they performed at that time: for when all Ionia was now already in an uprore & hurliburly, and the kings armada neere at hand, they put out their navie, and in the maine sea of Pamphylia, defeated in a navall bat­tell the Cyprians: then returning backe, and leaving their navie in the rode before Ephesus, they went by land to lay siege unto the capitall citie of Sardis, where they beleagured Artaphernes within a castle, into which he was fledde, intending thereby to raise the siege before the citie 20 Miletus: which service they put in execution and performed; causing their enemies to re­moove their campe, and dislodge from thence, in a woonderfull great feare and affright: but seeing a greater number of enemies to presse hard upon them, they returned. Many Chroni­clers report the historie in this maner; and among the rest Lysanias Mallotes, in his chronicle of the Eretrians. And verily it would have beseemed well, if for no other reason, yet after the taking and destruction of their citie, to have added this their act of valour and prowesse. How­beit, this good writer, contrariwise saith, that being vanquished in the field, the Barbarians fol­lowed in chase, and pursued them as farre as to their shippes: and yet Charon the Lampsaceni­an, maketh no mention thereof, but writeth thus, word for word: The AThenians (quoth he) put to sea with a fleet of twentie gallies, for to aid the Ionians, and made a voiage as farre as to 30 Sardeis, where they were masters of all, except the kings fortresse or wall; which done, they re­turned to Miletus. In the sixth booke, our Herodotus, after he had related thus much of the Plataeans, that they had yeelded and committed themselves to the protection of the Lacedae­monians, who made remonstrance unto them, that they should doe farre better to raunge and side with the Athenians their neighbours, and able to defend them: he addeth moreover and saith afterwards, not by way of opinion and suspicion, but as one who knew it was so indeed, that the Lacedaemonians thus advised and counselled them at that time, not for any good will and loving affection that they bare unto them, but because they were all very well appaied to see the Athenians to have their hands full, and to be matched with the Baeotians. If then Herodotus be not malicious, it cannot chuse, but that the Lacedaemonians were very cautelous, fraudu­lent, 40 and spightfull; and the Athenians as blocking and senselesse, not to see how they were thus deluded and circumvented. The Plataeans likewise were thus posted from them, not for any love or honor entended unto them, but because they might be the occasion of war. Further­more, he is convinced to have falsly devised, and colourably pretended the excuse of the full moone against the Lacedaemonians, which whiles they attended and staied for, he saith, they failed and went not in that journey of Marathon, to aid the Athenians: for not onely they be­gan a thousand voiages, and fought as many battels in the beginning of the moneth and new of the moone, but also at this very battell of Marathon, which was fought the sixth day of the moneth Boedromion, that is to say, November, they missed very little, but they had arrived in due time: for they came soone enough to finde the dead bodies of those that were slaine in the 50 field, and lying still in the place: and yet thus hath he written of the full moone. It was impossi­ble for them to doe this out of hand, being as they were, not willing to breake the law; for that as yet it was but the ninth day of the moneth: and they made answere, that they might not set foorth, unlesse the moone were at the full. And thus these men waited for the full moone. But you good sir transferre the ful moone into the beginning of the halfe moone or second quarter, [Page 1235] confounding the course of heaven, and the order of daies, yea, and shuffling every thing to­gether. Over and besides, promising in the forefront and inscription of your historie, to write the deeds and affaires of the Greekes, you employ all your eloquence to magnifie and ampli­fie the acts of the Barbarians; and making semblance to be affectionate to the Athenians, yet for all that, you make no mention at all of that solemne pompe and procession of theirs at Agrae, which they hold even at this day, in the honour of Hecate, or Proserpina, by way of thankes giving for the victorie, the feast whereof they do celebrate. But this helpeth Herodotus verie much to meet with that improperation and slander that went of him, namely, that he flat­tered the Athenians in his storie, for that he had received a great summe of money of them for that purpose: for if he had read this unto the Athenians, they would never have neglected 10 nor let passe that wicked Philippides, who went to moove and sollicite the Lacedaemonians to be at that battell, from which himselfe came, and he especially, who as he saith himselfe, with­in two daies was in Sparta, after he had beene at Athens, if the Athenians after the winning of the field did not send for the aide of their confederates and allies. But Diyllus an Athenian, none of the meanest Chroniclers, writeth, that he received of the Athenians, the summe of ten talents of silver, by vertue of an an act that Anytus propounded.

Moreover, many are of opinion, that Herodotus in his narration of the battell of Marathon, himselfe marred the whole grace and honour of the exploit, by the number that he putteth downe of them who there were slaine: for he saith, that the Athenians made a vow to sacrifice unto Proserpina or Diana surnamed Agrotera, as many yeere-old goats as they slew of the Bar­barians: 20 but when after the discomfiture and overthrow, they saw that the number of the dead bodies was infinit, they made supplication to the gooddesse for to be dispensed for their vow and promise, and to acquit them for five hundred every yeere to be killed in sacrifice for her. But to passe over this, let us see what followed after the battell. The Barbarians (quoth he) with the rest of their ships drawing backe and retiring into the open sea, and having taken a ship boord those slaves of Eretria, out of the Isle where they had left them, doubled the point of Sunium, with a full purpose to prevent the Athenians before they could recover the citie. And the Athenians were of opinion, that they were advised thus to do by a secret complot betweene them and the Alc­maeonidae who had apponted and agreed with the Persians to give them a signall so soone as they were all embarked, by holding up aloft and shewing them a shield afarre off. And so they 30 fetched a compasse about the cape of Sunium. And here I am content that he should go cleere away with this, that he called those prisoners of Eretria by the name of slaves, who shewed as much courage and valour in this warre, yea, and as great a desire to win honour, as any Greeks whatsoever, although their vertue sped but ill, and was unworthily afflicted. And lesse account I make also of this, that he defameth the Alcmaeonidae, of whom were the greatest families and noblest persons of all the citie. But the worst of all is this, that the honour of this brave victorie is quite overthrowen, and the issue or end of so woorthy and renowmed a piece of service is come just to nothing in a maner, neither seemeth it to have beene any such battell or so great an exploit, but onely a short scuffling or light skirmish with the Barbarians when they were lan­ded, as evill willers, carpers and envious persons give out to deprave the service, if it be so, that after the battell, they fled not when they had cut the cables of their ships, permitting themselves to the winde, for to cary them as far as possibly might be frō Attica, but that there was a shield or targuet lifted up aloft in the aire as a signall unto them of treason, and that of purpose they made 40 saile toward the city of Athens, in hope to surprise it; and having without any noise in great si­lence doubled the foresaid point of Sunium, and were discovered a float, hovering about the port Phalerae, insomuch as the principall and most honourable personages of the Athenians, being out of all hope to save the citie, betraied it into their hands: for afterwards he dischargeth and cleereth the Alcmaeonidae, and attributeth this treason unto others: And certeine it is (quoth he) that such a targuet or shield was shewed. And this he saith so confidently, as if himselfe had seene the thing. But impossible it is that it should be so, in case the Athenians won the victorie 50 cleere: and say it had so beene, the Barbarians never could have perceived it, flying so as they did in great affright and danger, wounded also as they were, and chased both with sword and shot into their ships, who left the field every man, and fled from the land as fast as ever he could. But afterwards againe, when he maketh semblance to answere in the behalfe of the Alcmaeonidae, and to refute those crimes which himselfe broched, and charged upon them: I woonder (quoth he) and I can not beleeve the rumour of this imputation, that ever the Alcmaeonidae, by any [Page 1236] compact with the Barbarians, shewed them the signall of a shield, as willing that the Athenians should be in subjection to the Barbarians under Hippias. In thus doing, he putteth me in mind and remembrance of a certeine clause running in this maner: Take him you will; and having taken him, let him goe you will. Semblably, first you accuse, and anon you defend: write you do and frame accusatorie imputations against honourable persons, which afterwards you seeme to cancile, discrediting herein (no doubt) and distrusting your selfe: for you have heard your owne selfe to say, that the Alcmaeonidae set up a targuet for a signal to the Barbarians vanquished and flying away; but in relieving them againe and answering in their defence, you shew your selfe to be a slanderous sycophant: for if that be true which you write in this place, that the Alc­maeonidae were worse, or at leastwise, as badly affected to tyrants, as Callias the sonne of Phenip­pus 10 and father of Hipponicus, where will you bestow and place that conspiracie of theirs against the common wealth, which you have written in your former books? saying, that they contrac­ted alliance and affinitie in marriage with Pisistratus; by meanes whereof, they wrought his re­turne from exile to exercise tyrannie: neither would they ever have banished him againe, had it not beene that their daughter had complained and accused him, that he used her not according to law of marriage & of nature. Thus you see what confused variations, contradictions and re­pugnances there be in that imputation and suspicion of the Alcmaeonidae: but in sounding out the praises of Callias the sonne of Phenippus, with whom he joineth his sonne Hipponicus, who by the report of Herodotus himselfe, was in his time the richest man in all Athens, he confesseth plainly, that for to insinuate himselfe into the favor of Hipponicus, and to flatter him, without any 20 reason or cause in the world arising out of the matter of the story, he brought Callias. All the world knowes, that the Argives refused not to enter into that generall confederacy and associa­tion of the Greeks, requiring onely, that they might not be ever at the Lacedaemonians com­mand, nor forced to follow them, who were the greatest enemies, & those who of all men living hated them most: when it would not otherwise be, he rendereth a most malicious and spightfull cause and reason thereof, writing thus: When they saw (quoth he) that the Greeks would needs comprise them in that league, knowing full well, that the Lacedaemonians would not impart un­to them any prerogative to command, they seemed to demand the communion thereof, to the end that they might have some colourable occasion and excuse to remaine quiet and fit still: which he saith, that Artaxerxes long after, remembred unto the embassadors of the Argives, 30 who came unto him at Susa, and gave this testimonie unto them, That he thought there was not a city in all Greece friended him more than Argos. But soone after, as his accustomed maner is, seeming to retract all, and cleanly to cover the matter, he comes in with these words: Howbeit, as touching this point, I know nothing of certeinty; but this I wot wel, all men have their faults; and I doe not beleeve, that the Argives have caried themselves woorst of all others: but howso­ever (quoth he) I am bound to say that which is commonly received, yet I beleeve not all: and let this stand thorowout the whole course of mine historie. For this also is given out abroad, That they were the Argives who sollicited and sent for the king of Persia to levie warre upon all Greece; because they were not able in armes to make head against the Lacedaemonians, and ca­red not what became of them, to avoid the present discontentment and griefe wherein they 40 were. And may not a man very well returne that upon himselfe, which he reporteth to be spo­ken by an Aethiopian, as touching the sweet odours and rich purple of the Persians? *Graecē melius, [...] Deceit­full are the Persian ointments, deceitfull are their habilliments. For even so a man may very well say of him: Deceitfull are the * [...] phrases, deceitfull are the figures of Herodotus his speeches;

So intricate and tortuous, so winding quite throughhout,
As nothing sound is therein found, but all turn's round about.

And like as painters make their light colours more apparent and eminent, by the shadowes that they put about them; even so Herodotus by seeming to denie that which he affirmeth, doth en­force 50 and amplifie his calumniations so much the more; and by ambiguities and doubtfull speeches, maketh suspicions the deeper. But if the Argives would not enter into the common league with all other Greeks, but held off and stood out upon a jelousie of sovereigne command or emulation of vertue and valour against the Lacedaemonians; no man will say the contrary, but that they greatly dishonoured the memorie of their progenitour Hercules, and disgraced the nobilitie of their race. For better it had beene, and more beseeming, for the Siphnians and [Page 1237] Cithnians, the inhabitants of two little Isles, to have defended the libertie of Greece, than by stri­ving thus with the Spartans, and contesting about the prerogative of command, to shift off and avoid so many combats and so honourable pieces of service. And if they were the Argives, who called the king of Persia into Greece, because their sword was not so sharpe as the Lacedae­monians was, and for that they could not make their part good with them; what is the reason, that when the said king was arrived in Greece, they shewed not themselves openly to band with the Medes and Persians? And if they were unwilling to be seene in the field and campe with the Barbarian king; why did they not, when they staied behinde at home, invade the territory of the Laconians? why entred they not againe upon the Thurians countrey, or by some other meanes prevented & impeached the Lacedaemonians? for in so doing, they had beene able greatly to 10 have endamaged the Greeks, namely, by hindring them from comming into the field at Plateae with so puissant a power of armed footmen. But the Athenians verily in this service, he highly extolleth and setteth out with glorious titles, naming them, The saviours of Greece; which had beene well done of him and justly, if he had not intermingled with these praises, many blames and reprochfull termes. Howbeit now, when he saith, that the Lacedaemonians were abando­ned of the other Greeks, and neverthelesse, thus forsaken and left alone, having undertaken ma­ny woorthy exploits, died honourably in the field, foreseeing that the Greekes favouring the Medes, complotted and combined with king Xerxes; is it not evident heereby, that he gave not out those goodly words directly to praise the Athenians, but rather, that he commended them, to the end that he would condemne and defame all other Greeks? For who can now be angrie 20 and offended with him, for reviling and reproching in such vile and bitter termes the Thebans and Phoceans continually as he doth, considering that he condemneth of treason (which ne­ver was, but as he guesseth himselfe might have so fallen out) even those who were exposed to all perils of death for the liberties of Greece? And as for the Lacedaemonians themselves, he put­teth a doubt into our heads, Whether they died manfully in fight, or rather yeelded? making slight arguments, God wot, and frivolous conjectures, to impaire their honour, in comparison of others that fought at Thermopylae.

Moreover, in relating the overthrow and shipwracke which hapned to the king of Persias fleet, wherein a mighty and infinit masse of money and money worth was cast away: Aminocles 30 a Magnesian citizen (quoth he) and sonne of Cretines, was mightily enriched; for he met with infinit treasure aswell in coine as in plate both of silver and gold. But he could not passe over so much as this, and let it go, without some biting nip savouring of malice: For this man (quoth he) who otherwise before-time was but poore and needy, by these windfalles and unexpected cheats became very wealthy: but there befell unto him also an unhappy accident, which trou­bled him and disgraced his other good fortune, for that he killed his owne sonne. For who seeth not, that he inserteth in his historie these golden words of wrecks, and of great treasure found floating or cast upon the sands by the tides of the sea, of very purpose, to make a fit roume and a convenient place, wherein he might bestow the murder committed by Aminocles upon the person of his owne sonne. And whereas Aristophanes the Boeotian wrote, that having de­manded money of the Thebans, he could receive none of them; and that when he went about 40 to reason and dispute scholastically with the youth of the city in points of learning, the magi­strates (such was their rusticitie and hatred of good letters) would not suffer him: other proofe and argument thereof he putteth downe none: but Herodotus gave testimonie with Aristopha­nes, whiles those imputations wherewith he chargeth the Thebans, hee putteth downe some falsely, others ignorantly, and some againe upon hatred, as one that had a quarrell against them: for he affirmeth, that the Thessalians combined and sided with the Medians at the first upon meere necessitie, wherein he saith true. And prophesying as it were of other Greeks, as if they minded to betray and forsake the Lacedaemonians, he commeth in afterwards with this shift, that this was not voluntarily and with their good liking, but upon constraint and necessity, be­cause they were surprised city by city, one after another. But yet he alloweth not unto the The­bans 50 the excuse of the same compulsion, albeit they had sent a band of five hundred men under the conduct of captaine Mnamias, for to keepe the streights of Tempe, and likewise unto the passe of Thermopylae, as many as king Leonidas demanded, who onely together with the Thespi­ans stucke to him and remained with him, when he was forsaken of all other, after they saw how he was environed round about on every side. But after that the Barbarous king, having gotten all the Avennes, was entred upon their confines, and Demaratus the Spartan, being in right of [Page 1238] mutuall hospitalitie friendly affected to Apaginus a chiefe unholder and principall pillar of the Oligarchie, or faction of some few, usurping principalitie, wrought so, as that he brought him first acquainted and afterwards into familiar friendship with the Barbarian king, whiles all other Greeks were embarked and at sea, and none seene upon the land to encounter the enemies. By this meanes, at the last driven they were to accept conditions of peace, and to grow into a composition with the Barbarians, finding themselves brought to so heard termes of necessitie: for neither had they sea at hand, nor a navy at command as the Athenians, neither dwelt they farre off from the heart of Greece in a most remote angle thereof, as did the Lacedaemonians, but were not above one daies journey and an halfe from the Medians roiall campe, and had al­ready encountred in the streight passages with the kings power, assisted onely with the Spartans 10 and Thespians, where they had the worse and were defaited. And yet this our historiographer is so just and equall, that he saith, The Lacedaemonians seeing themselves forsaken and abando­ned of all their allies, were faine to give eare unto any composition whatsoever, & to accept at a­venture what was offered: and so being not able to abolish nor utterly blot out so brave and so glorious an act, nor to denie, but that it was atchieved; he goeth about to discredit and deface it with this vile imputation and suspicion, writing thus: The allies then and the confederats being sent backe, returned into their countreys and obeied the commandement of Leonidas: only the Thespians and Thebans remained still with the Lacedaemonians: and as for the Thebans, it was full against their willes, for that Leonidas kept them as hostages; but the Thespians were willing thereto, for they said, they would never forsake Leonidas nor his company. Sheweth he not ap­apparently 20 heerein, that he carrieth a spightfull and malicious minde particularly against the Thebans, whereby not onely he slandereth the city falsly and unjustly, but also careth not so much, as to make the imputation seeme probable, no nor to conceale at leastwise unto few men, that he might not be espied to have beene privie unto himselfe of contradictions: for having written a little before, that Leonidas seeing his confederates and allies out of heart and altogether discouraged to hazard the fortune of the field, commanded them to depart: a little after, clean contrary he saith, that he kept the Thebans perforce with him and against their wils, whom by all likelihood he should have driven from him, if they had bene willing to stay, in case that he had them in jelousie and suspition, that they tooke part with the Medians: for seeing he would not have those about him who were cowardly affected, what boot was it to keepe among 30 his soldiers men suspected? For being as he was, a king of the Spartans, and captaine generall of all the Greeks, he had not beene in his right wits nor sound in judgement, if he would have staied with him in hostage foure hundred men well armed, when his owne company were but three hundred in all, especially at such a time when as he saw himselfe hardly bested and beset with enimies, who pressed upon him at once, both before and behind. For how soever before time he had led them about with him as hostages, probable it was that in such an extremity they would either have had no regard of Leonidas and so departed from him, or else that Leonidas might have feared to be environed by them rather then by the Barbarians. Over and besides, had not king Leonidas bene ridiculous and worthy to be laughed at, to bid other Greeks to de­part, as if by tarying they should soone after lose their lives: and to forbied the Thebans, to the 40 end that he might keepe them for the behalfe of other Greekes, he I say who was resolved anon to died in the field; for if he led the men about with him in trueth as hostages, or no better than slaves, he never should have kept them still with those who were at the point to perish and be slaine, but rather deliverd them unto other Greeks who went from him. Now whereas there remaineth one cause yet, that a man may alledge, why he retained them still with him, for that peradventure they should all die with him, this good writer hath overthrowen that also, in that he wrieth thus of the honorable mind & magnanimity of Leonidas, word for word in this wise: Leonidas (quoth he) casting and considering all these matters in his minde, & desiring that this glory might redound unto the Spartans alone, sent away his friendly allies every one into their owne countries, therefore rather than because they were of different minds & opinions: for ex­ceeding 50 folly it had bene of his part, to keepe his enemies for to be pertakers of that glory, frō which he repelled his friends. It appeareth then by the effects, that Leonidas distrusted not the Thebans, nor though amisse of them, but reputed them for his good and loiall friends: For he marched with his army into the city of Thebes, and at his request obtained that which to no o­ther was ever granted, namely to be lodged all night and sleepe within the temple of Hercules, and the next morning related unto the Thebans, the vision which appeared unto him: For he [Page 1239] saw as he thought, all the greatest and most principall cities of Greece in a sea, troubled and dis­quieted with rough windes and violent tempests, wherein they floted and were tossed to and fro. But the city of Thebes surpassed all the rest, for mounted it was on high up to heaven, & after­wards suddenly the sight therof was lost, that it would no more be seene. And verily these things as a type resembled that which long time after befell unto that city. But Herodotus in writing of this conflict, burieth in silence the bravest act of Leonidas himselfe, saying thus much barely: They all lost their lives in the straights, about the top of a certaine hill. But it was far othewise. For when they were advertised in the night that the enimies had invested them round about, they arose and marched directy to their very campe, yea and advanced so far forth as they came within a little of the kings roiall pavilion, with a full resolution there to kill him, and to 10 leave their lives all about him. And verily downe they went withall before them, killing, slaying and puting to flight, as many as they met, even as farre as to his tent. But when they could not meet with Xerxes, seeking as they did for him in so vast and spacious a campe, as they wandred up and downe searching for him with much adoe, at the last hewed in peeces they were by the Barbarians, who on ever side in great number came about them. And albeit we will write in the life of Leonidas, many other noble acts and worthy sayings of his, which Herodotus hath not once touched, yet it shall not be amisse to quote heere also by the way, some of them. Before that he and his noble troupe departed out of Sparta in this journey, there were exhibited so­lemne funerall games for his and their sakes, which their fathers and mothers stood to behold: & Leonidas himselfe, when one said unto him, That he led forth very few with him to fight a bat­tell: Yea but they are many enough (quoth he) to die there. His wife asked him when he tooke his leave ofher, what he had else to say? No more (quoth he) turning unto her but this, that thou marry againe with some good man, and beare him good children. When he was with­in the vale or passe of Thermopylae, and there invironed, two there were in his company of his owne race and family, whom he desired to save: So he gave unto one of them al letter to carry whether he directed it, because he would send him away: but the party would not take it at his hands, saying in great cholarand indignation, I am come hither to fight like a warrior, and not to conveigh letters as a carrier. The other he commanded for to goe with credence, and a mes­sage from him unto the magistrates of Sparta: but he made answere not by word of mouth, but by his deed: for he tooke up his shield in hand and went directly to his place, where he was ap­pointed 30 to fight. Would not any man have blamed another for leaving out these things? But this writer having taken the paines to collect and put in writing the bason and close stoole of Amasis, and how he brake winde over it; the comming in of certaine asses which a theese did drive; the congiary or giving of certaine bottles of wine, and many other matters of such good stuffe; can never be thought, to have omitted through negligence, nor by oversight and forgetfullnesse, so many worthy exploits, and notable sayings: but even of peevishnesse, malice and injustice, to some. And thus he saith, that the Thebans at first being with the Greeks, fought indeed, but it was by compulsion, because they were held there by force. For it should seeme forsooth, that not only Xerxes, but Leonidas also, had about him a company that folowed the campe with whips, to scourge those I trow, who lagged behinde, and these good fellowes 40 held the Thebans to it, and made them to fight against their willes: And thus he saith that they fought perforce, who might have fled and gone their waies: and that willingly they tooke part with the Medes, whereas there was not one came in to succor them. And a little after, he wri­teth, that when others made hast to gaine the hill, the Thebans being disbanded and divied a­sunder, both stretched forth their hands unto the Barbarians, and as they approched neere unto them, said that which was most true, namely, that they were Medians in heart, and so in token of homage and fealty, gave unto the king water and earth: that being kept by force they were com­pelled to come into this passe of Thermopylae, and could doe withall, that their king was wounded, but were altogether innocent therof: By which allegations they went clere away with their matter: For they had the Thessalians witnesses of these their words and reasons. Lo how 50 this apologie and justificarion of theirs, had audience among those barbarous outcries of so ma­ny thousand men, in those confused shouts and dissonant noises, where there was nothing but running and flying away of one side, chasing and pursuit of another: See how the witnesses were deposed, heard and examined. The Thessalians also amid the throng and rout of those that were knocked downe and killed, and over those heapes of bodies which were troden under foot (for all was done in a very gullet and narrow passage) pleaded no doubt very formally for the [Page 1240] Thebans: for that a little before they having conquered by force of armes all Greece, chased them as far as to the city Thespiae, after they had vanquished them in battell, and slaine their leader and captaine Lattamias. For thus much passed even at that very time betweene the Thebans and the Thessalians: whereas otherwise there was not so much as civill love and humanity, that ap­peared by mutuall offices from one to the other. Besides, how is it possible that the Thebans were saved, by the testimony of the Thessalians? For the Barbarous Medes, as himselfe saith, partly killed outright such as came into their hands: and in part whiles their breath was yet in their bodies, by the commandement of Xerxes, set upon them a number of the kings markes, beginning first at the captaine himselfe Leontiades. And yet neither was Leontiades the generall of the Thebans at Thermopylae, but Anaxander as Aristophanes writeth out of the Annals, and 10 records in the arches of Thebes, as touching their soveraigne magistrates: and so Nicander like­wise the Colophonian hath put downe in his cronicle: neither was there ever any man before Herodotus who knew that Xerxes marked & branded in that maner any Theban: for this had bin an excellent plea in their defence against the foresaid calumniation, and a very good meanes for this city to vaunt and boast of such markes given them, as if king Xerxes meant to punish and plague as his greatest and most mortall enimies, Leonidas and Leontiades. For he caused the one to be scourged, and his body to be hanged up when he was dead; and the other to be prick­ed whiles he was alive. And this our Historiographer hath used this cruelty which they shew­ed unto Leonidas dead, for a manifest proofe that the Barbarous king hated Leonidas in his life time above all men in the world. And in avouching that the Thebans who sided with the 20 Medes at Thermopylae were thus branded & marked as slaves, and afterwards, being thus marked, fought egerly in the behalfe of the same Barbarians before Plateae, me thinks he may well say as Hippoclides the feat moriske dancers, unto whom, when at a feast he bestirred his legges, and hopped artificially about the tables, one said unto him, Thou dancest truly. Hippoclides answered againe, Hippoclides careth not greatly for the trueth. In his eighth booke he writeth that the Greeks being affrighted like cowards, entred into a resolution for to flie from Artemisium into Greece: and that when those of Euboea besought them to tarry still a while, untill such time as they might take order how to bestow their wives, children and familie, they were nothing mo­ved at their praiers, nor gave any eare unto them, untill such time as Themistocles tooke a peece of mony of them, and parted the same betweene Eurybiades and Adimantus the Pretour or cap­taine 30 of the Corinthians. And then they staied longer, and fought a navall battell with the Bar­barians. And verily Pindarus the Poet, albeit he was not of any confederate city, but of that which was suspected and accused to hold of the Medians side, yet when he had occasion to make mention of the battell at Artemisium, brake forth into this exclamation:

This is the place where Athens youth; sometime as writers say,
Did with their bood, of liberty the glorious groundworke lay.

But Herodotus contrariwise, by whom some give out that Greece hath bene graced and adorned, writeth that the said victory was an act of corruption, bribery and mere theft, and that the 40 Greeks fought against their wils, as being bought and sold by their captaines, who tooke mony therefore. Neither is here an end of his malice. For all men in maner doe acknowledge and confesse, that the Greeks having gotten the upper hand in sea fight upon this coast, yet abando­ned the cape Artemisium, and yeelded it to the Barbarians, upon the newes that they heard of the overthrow received at Thermopylae. For it had bene no boot nor to any purpose, for to have sitten still there, and kept the sea for the behoofe of Greece, considering that now the warre was hard at their dores within those straights, and Xerxes, master of all the Avenies. But Herodotus feigneth, that the Greeks, before they were advertised of Leontidas death, held a counsell and were in deliberation to flie: For these be his words: Being in great distresse (quoth he) and the Athenians especially, who had many of their ships, even the one halfe of their fleet shrewdly 50 brused and shaken, they were in consultation to take their flight into Greece. But let us permit him thus to name or to reproch rather this retrait of theirs before the battell: but he termed it before, a flight: and now at this present he calleth it a flight: and hereafter he will give it the name of flight, so bitterly is he bent to use this vile word, flight. But (quoth he) there came to the Barbarians presently after this, in a barke or light pinnace a man of Estiaea, who advertised them, how the Greeks had quit the cape Artemisium and were fledde: which because they [Page 1241] could not beleeve, they kept the messenger in ward and safe custody, and thereupon put forth certaine swift foists in espiall to discover the trueth. What say you Herodotus? What is it you write? That they fled as vanquished, whom their very enimies themselves after the battell could not beleeve that they fled, as supposing them to have had the better hand a great deale? And deserveth this man to have credit given him, when he writeth of one perticular person, or of one city apart by it selfe, who in one bare word, spoileth all Greece of the victory? He overthroweth and demolisheth the very Trophaee and monument, that all Greece erected. He abolisheth those titles and inscriptions, which they set up in the honor of Diana, on the East side of Artimi­sium, calling all this but pride and vaineglory. And as for the Epigram, it ran to this effect.

From Asia land, all sorts of nations stout 10
When Athens youth, sometime in navall fight
Had vanquished, and all these coasts about
Disperst their fleet; and therewith put to flight
And staine the hast of Medes: Loe heere in sight
What monuments to thee with due respect,
Diana virgin pure, they did erect.

He described not the order of the battels, and how the Greeks were ranged, neither hath he shewed what place every city of theirs held, during this terrible fight at sea: but in that retrait of their fleet, which he termeth a flight, he saith, that the Corinthians sailed formost, and the A­thenians hinmost: he should not then have thus troden under foot, and insulted too much over 20 those Greeks, who tooke part with the Medes: he (I say) who by others is thought to be a Thurian borne, and reckoneth himselfe in the number of the Halicarnasseans, and they verily being descended from the Dorians, come with their wives and children to make warre against the Greeks. But this man is so farre off from naming and alledging before the streights and ne­cessities whereto those states were driven, who sided with the Medians, that he reporteth thus much of the Medians, how notwithstanding the Phocaeans were their captiall enemies, yet they sent unto them aforehand, that they would spare their countrey, without doing any harme or damage unto it, if they might receive from them as a reward, fifite talents of silver. And this wrote he as touching the Phocaeans in these very termes: The Phocaeans (quoth he) were the onely men who in these quarters sided not with the Medians, for no other cause as I finde upon 30 mature consideration, but in regard of the hatred which they bare against the Thessalians: for if the Thessalians had bene affected to the Greeks, I suppose the Phocaeans would have turned to the Medes. And yet a little after, himselfe wil say, that thirteene cities of the Phocaeans were set on fire, and burnt to ashes by the Barbarian king, their countrey laid waste, the temple with­in the citie Abes consumed with fire, their men and women both put to the sword, as many as could not gaine the top of the mount Pernassus: Neverthelesse he rangeth them in the number of those that most affectionatly tooke part with the Barbarians, who indeed, chose rather to endure all extremities and miseries that warre may bring, than to abandon the defence and maintenance of the honour of Greece. And being not able to reproove the men for any deeds committed, he busied his braines to devise false imputations, forging and framing with his pen 40 divers surmises and suspicions against them, not willing that their intentions should be judged by their acts, if they had not beene of the same minde and affection with the Thessalians, as if they would have renounced the treason, because their countrey was already seized by others. If then, a man, who would goe about to excuse the Thessalians for siding with the Medes, should say, that they were not willing thereto, but for the harted which they bare unto the Phocaeans, seeng them adhere and allied to the Greeks, therefore they tooke the contrary side, and clave to the Medes, even against their will and judgement: might not he seeme to be an egregious flatterer, who thus in favour of others, searching honest pretenses to colour and cover foule facts, perverteth the trueth? Yes verily, as I thinke. How them can it otherwise be, but that he shall be taken for a plaine sycophant, who saith; that the Phocaeans followed not the better for vertue, 50 but because they knew the Thessalians were of a contrary minde and judgement? For he doeth not turne and father this slander and calumniation upon others, as his maner is else where to doe, saying, that he heard say, &c. but he affirmeth, that in conferring all things to­gether, himselfe found no other occasion thereof. He ought then to have alledged withall, his presumptions and proofes; whereby he was perswaded, that they who performe all acti­ons semblable to the best, are yet in will and intention all one with the woorst. For the occasion [Page 1242] which he alledgeth, to wit, enmitie, is frivolous, and to be laughed at, because neither the en­mitie that was betweene those of Aegina and the Athenians; nor that which the Chalcidians bare against the Eretrians; nor the Corinthians against the Megarians; was a barre to empeach them for joining together in the league of Greece, for the defence of common libertie: like as on the contrary side, the Macedonians most bitter and mortall enemies unto the Thessalians, and those who plagued them most, diverted them not from the confederacie and alliance with the Barbarians. For the publicke perill, covered and hidde their private quarrels: insomuch as abandoning and banishing their passions, they gave their consent, either to honesty for vertue, or to profit for necessitie. And yet beside this necessitie, wherewith they found themselves overtaken, yea, and forced to submit themselves to the Medes, they returned againe to the 10 Greeks side: and heereof Leocrates the Spartane, giveth direct testimonie in their behalfe. Yea and Herodotus himselfe being forced and compelled thereto, confesseth in the description of the affaires that passed at Plateae, that the Phocians sided with the Greeks. And no marvell is it, if he be so rough and violent with such as have beene infortunate; when as, even those who were present in the action, and hazarded their whole estate for the good of the common-wealth, he transposeth into the ranke of enemies and traitors. For the men of Naxos sent three gallies or shippes of warre to aide the Barbarians in their service: but one of the captaines of those ves­sels named Democritus, perswaded his other two fellowes, to turne, and range rather on the Greeks side. See how he can not for his life, praise, but he must withall dispraise: but looke when some particular person is commended, he must needs by and by condemne a whole citie and nation: Witnesse heereof, among ancient writers, Hellanicus, and of our moderne authors, 20 Ephorus: for the one saith, that the Naxians came to succour the Greekes with sixe gallies, [...] the other saith with five: yea and Herodotus himselfe is convinced to have feigned and falsified this: For the particular chroniclers of the Naxians write, that before time they had repulsed Megabetes the lieutenant of the kings, who with two hundred saile arrived at their Isle, & there ridde at anchor: afterwards drave away Datis another generall of his, who as he passed by, burnt their cities. And if it be so as Herodotus saith elsewhere, that they themselves destroied their city, by setting it on fire, but the people saved themselves, by flying into the mountaines, had they good cause to send aid unto those, who were the cause of the ruin and destruction of their owne country, and not to joine with them who fought for the common liberty? But that it was not so much to praise Democritus, as to blame the Naxians, that he devised this lie, he sheweth evi­dently 30 by this, that he concealeth and omitteth to speake of the valiant feats of armes, which at that time captaine Democritus exploited, according as Simonides shewed by this Epigram.

Democritus in third place gave the charge with all his might,
What time as Greeks nere Salamis, with Medes at sea did fight,
Five ships of enimies he tooke: a sixth there chanc'd to be, 40
One of the Greeks in Barbarous hands, and that recovered he.

But why should any man be angry with him about the Naxians? For if their be any Antipodes, as some say there are, who dwell in the other Hemisphaere and goe opposit unto us, I suppose that they also have heard of Themistocles, and the counsell that he gave unto the Greeks for to fight a navall battel before Salamis, who afterwards caused a temple to be built in the Isle of Me­lite, unto Diana the wise counseller, after that the Barbarous king was discomfited. Now this kinde and gentle cronicler of ours, refusing as much as lieth in him to avow this exploit, and to transfer the glory thereof unto another, writeth expresly thus. When things stood upon these termes, as Themistocles went a boord into his owne gally, there was a citizen of Athens named Mnesiphelus, who demanded of him what they had resolved upon in their councell? And when 50 he heard that concluded it was to retire with their fleet unto Isthmus or the streights, there to fight a battell at sea even before Peloponnesus: I say unto you (quoth he) againe that if they re­moove the navy from Salamis, you shall never fight more upon the sea for any country of your owne: for every man will presently returne home to his owne city. And therefore if there be any device and meanes in the world, goe your waies and indevor to breake this resolution, and if it be possible deale so with Eurybiades, that he may change his minde and tarry here still: And a [Page 1243] little after, when he had said that this advice pleased Themistocles wondrous much, & that with­out making any answere at all he went directly to Eurybiades, he writeth againe in these very tearmes: And sitting neere unto him, he relateth what counsell he had heard Mnesiphilus to give, taking it upon himselfe, and addeth more things besides. Thus see you not how in some sort he brings Themistocles unto an ill name and opinion of leaudnesse, in that he attributeth unto himselfe a counsell which was none of his owne, but the invension of Mnesiphilus? And afterwards deriding still the Greeks more and more, he saith that Themistocles was no such wise man, as to see what was good and expedient, but failed in his foresight, notwithstanding that for his prudence and cunning he caried the surname of Ulisses. Mary, lady Artemisia borne in the same city that Herodotus was, without the prompting or teaching of any person, but even of her 10 own head, fortold Xerxes that the Greeks could not hold out long, nor make head against him, but would disband and disperse themselves, & every one flie home unto his owne city: Neither it is like (quoth she) if you march with your army by land unto Peloponnesus, that they will be quiet and sit still, and take no care to fight at sea for the Athenians: Whereas, Sir, if you make hast to give them a navall battell, I feare me greatly that if your armada receive any foile or da­mage, it wil greatly prejudice your land forces. But here Herodotus wanted nothing but his pro­pheticall verses, to make Artemisia another Sibylla, prophesying of things to come so exactly. Well in regard of this advertisement Xerxes gave her commission to carry his children with her to the city of Ephesw: for he had fogotten belike, to bring any women with him from his toi­all city of Susa, in case his children needed a convoy of women to conduct them. But I make 20 no account of such lies as these which he hath devised against us: yet let us onely examine a lit­tle what slanders he hath raised upon others. He saith that the Athenians give out, how Adi­mantus the captaine of the Corinthians, when the enimies were at the point of giving the charge, and joining battell, in great feare and astonishment fled, not by shoving the ship backe­ward at the poupe by little and little after a soft maner of retreat, nor yet making way of evasion and escape closely and with silence through his enimies; but hoising up and spreding full saile, and turning the proes and beake heads about of all his vessels at once. And then there was a fregat or swift pinnace sent out after him, which overtooke him about the coasts of Salamis, out of which one cried out unto him: What Adimantus, doe you flie indeed, and have you abando­ned and betraied the Greeks? And yet they have the better hand, according as they made their 30 praiers unto the gods for to vanquish their enemies. Now this fregat, we must thinke verily came downe from heaven: for what need had he to use any such tragique engine, or fabricke to worke sueh feats, who every where else surpasseth all the Poets tragicall in the world, forlying and vanity. Well Adimantus beleeving the said voice, was reclaimed and returned againe to the armada, when all was done, and the businesse dispatched by others to his hands. Thus goes the bruit and speech among the Athenians. But the Corinthians confesse not so much, saying that they themselves were the formost who in the vaward gave the first onset and charged the enimies in this battell at sea: and on their side beare witnesse all the other Greeks. And thus dealeth this man in many other places: He soweth slanders here and there upon one or o­ther, to the end that he may not misse but light upon some, fall it out as it will, who may ap­peare 40 most wicked. Like as in this place he speedeth very well in his purpose. For if his slander and accusation be beleeved, the Corinthians shall sustaine infamie: if discredited, the Athe­nians shall beare the dishonor: or if the Athenians have not lied upon the Corinthians, yet himselfe hath spared neither of them, but told a lie of them both. For proofe hereof, Thucydi­des who bringeth in an embassador of Athens, to contest against a Corinthian at Lacedaemon, and speake bravely of their owne worthy exploits against the Medes, and namely, of the navall bat­tell of Salamis, chargeth upon the Corinthians no matter of treason nor cowardise in abando­ning their colours: for there is no likelihood, that the Athenians would have reproched the ci­ty of Corinth in such termes, considering that they saw it ingraven in the third place after the Lacedaemonians, and those inscriptions of spoiles which woon from the Barbarians, were con­secrated 50 to the gods. And at Salamis, they permitted them to interre and bury their dead neere to the citie side, as who were brave warriours, and had borne themselves most valiantly in that service, with an inscription in Elegick verses to this effect:

Once (passenger) we dwelt in Corinth towne,
Well watered with sea on either side:
And now our bones thu Isle of renowme,
[Page 1244] Hight Salamis, within drie mould doth hide:
Phoenician ships we sunke, that here did ride:
The Medes so stout we slew and Persians brave,
That sacred Greece from bondage we might save.

But their Cenotaph or imaginary tombe which was erected in Isthmus, carieth this Epitaph:

Loe heere we lie, who with our lives set free
All Greece, neere brought to shamefull slaverie.

Likewise over the offerings which Diodorus one of the captaines of the Corinthian gallies, cau­sed to be set up in the temple of Latona, there was this superscription:

From cruell Medes, these armes which hang in sight,
The mariners of Theodorus won: 10
And as memorials of their navall fight,
To dame Latona offred them anon.

Adimantus himselfe, whom Herodotus evermore doth revile and reproch, saying, That he alone of all the captaines, went away with a full purpose to flie from Artemisium, and would not stay untill the conflict; see what honour he had:

Friend passenger, heere lies sir Adimant
Entombed, by whose prowesse valiant,
All Greece is crown'd with freedome at this day,
Which els had beene to thraldome brought for ay. 20

For neither is it like that such honour should have beene done unto him after his death, if hee had beene a coward and a traitour; neither would he ever have dared to name one of his daugh­ters Nausinice, that is to say, Victorie in battell at sea; another, Acrothinion, which is as much, as the First fruits of spoiles won from enemies; and a third, Alexibia, that is to say, Aide against force: also to give unto his sonne the name of Aristeus, which signifieth a brave warriour: if he had not won some glory and reputation by worthy feats of armes. Moreover, it is not credible, I will not say, that Herodotus, but the meanest and most obscure Carian that is, was ignorant of that glorious and memorable praier which in those daies the Corinthian dames alone of all o­ther Grecian wives made, That it might please the goddesse Venus to inspire their husbands with the love and desire to give battell unto the Barbarians. For this was a thing commonly knowen and divulged abroad, insomuch as Simonides made an Epigram engraven over those 30 their images of brasse, which are set up in the temple of Venus, which by report was founded in times past by Medea, as some say, to this end, that she herselfe might cease to love her husband; but as others, that Jason her husband might give over the love of one Thetis. And the said Epi­gram goeth in this maner:

These ladies here, whose statues stand in place,
Did whilom praiers to goddesse Venus make,
In Greeks behalfe; that it might please her grace
Them to incite, the warres to undertake.
Dame Venus then, for those good womens sake 40
To Median archers expos'd not as a pray
The Greeks, nor would their Citadel betray.

Such matters as these, he should have written and made mention of, rather than inserted into his historie, how Aminocles killed his owne sonne. Over and besides, after he had satisfied himselfe to the ful with most impudentimputations which he charged upon Themistocles, accusing him, that he ceased not secretly to rob and spoile the Isles, without the knowledge of the other cap­taines joined in commission with him; in the end, taketh from the Athenians the crowne of principall valiance, and setteth it upon the head of the Aeginets, writing thus: The Greeks ha­ving sent the first fruits of their spoiles and pillage unto the temple at Delphos, demanded of A­pollo in generall, whether he had sufficient, and stood content with that portion of the bootie: unto whom he answered, that of all other Greeks, he had received enough, & wherewith he was 50 well pleased: but of the Aeginets not so; at whose hands he required the chiefe prise and honor of prowesse, which they woon at the battell of Salamis. Thus you see he fathereth not upon the Scythians, the Persians or Aegyptians his lying tale, which he coggeth and deviseth, as Aesope doth upon crowes, ravens and apes; but he useth the very person of god Apollo Pythius, for to disappoint and deprive the Athenians of the first place in honor, at the battell of Salamis; as also [Page 1245] The mistocles of the second, which was adjudged unto him at Isthmus or the streights of Pelopon­nesus; for that ech captaine there, attributed the highest degree of prowesse to himselfe, and the next unto him: and thus the judgement heereof growing to no end and conclusion, by reason of the ambition of the said captaines, he saith, All the Greeks weighed anchor and departed, as not being willing to conferre upon Themistocles the sovereigne honour of the victorie. And in his ninth and last booke, having nothing left to wreake his teene upon, and to discharge his ma­licious and spightfull stomacke, but onely the Lacedaemonians, and that excellent piece of ser­vice which they performed against the Barbarians before the city of Plateae, he writeth, That the Lacedaemonians, who aforetime feared greatly, that the Athenians being sollicited and perswa­ded 10 by Mardonius, would forsake all other Greeks: now that the Streights of Isthmus were mu­red up & their country safe enough, they tooke no further care of others, but left them at six and seven, feasting & making holiday at home, deluding the embassadors of the Athenians, and hol­ding them off with delaies, and not giving them their dispatch. And how is it then, that there went to Plateae a thousand and five Spartans, having every one of them seven Ilotes about him, for the guard of his person? How is it (I say) that they taking upon them the adventure of so great a perill, vanquished and discomfited so many thousands of Barbarians? But hearken what a probable cause hee alledgeth: There was (quoth he) by chance, a man at Sparta, named Chileus, who came from Tegaea thither, and sojourned there, for that among the Ephori he had some friends, as betweene whom and him there was mutuall hospitalitie: He it was who 20 perswaded them to bring their forces into the field, shewing unto them that the bulwarke and wall for the defence of Peloponnesus would serve in small stead or none, if the Athenians joined once with Mardonius; and this was it that drew Pausantas forth with his power to Plateae: so that if some particular businesse haply had kept Chileus at home still in Tegea, Greece had never got­ten the victorie. Againe, not knowing another time what to doe with the Athenians: one while he extolleth their city on high, and another while he debaseth it as low, tossing it to and fro, say­ing, that being in question about the second place of honor with the Tegeats, they made men­tion of the Heraclidae, alledging their valiant acts, which before time they had atchieve a­ganinst the Amazones: the sepultures also of the Peloponnesians, who died under the very wals of the castle Cadmea; and finally that they went downe to Marathon vaunting gloriously in words, and taking great joy that they had the conduct of the left wing or point of the battell. 30 Also a little after, he putteth downe, that Pausanias & the Spartans willingly yeelded the superi­oritie of command to them, and desired them to take the charge of the right wing themselves, to the end they might confront the Persians, and give them the left; as if they had excused themselves by their disuse, in that they were woont to encounter with the Barbarians. And veri­ly, albeit this is a meere mockerie, to say, that they were unwilling to deale with those enemies, who were not accustomed to fight with them: yet he saith moreover, that all the other Greeks, when their captaines ledde them into another place for to encampe in, so soone as ever their standerds marched & advanced forward: The horsemen (quoth he) in generall fled, and would willingly have put themselves within the city Plateae, but they fledde indeed as farre as to the temple of Juno. Wherein he accuseth all the Greeks together of disobedience, cowardise, and treason. 40 Finally, he writeth that there were none but the Lacedaemonians and the Tegeates who charged the Barbarians; nor any besides the Athenians, who fought with the Thebans; depriving all other cities equally of their part in the glory of that so noble an exploit: for that there was not one of them who laid hand to worke, but sitting all still, or leaning upon their weapons hard by, abandoning and betraying in the meane time, without doing ought, those who fought for their safetie, untill that the Phliasians, and the Megarians, though long it were first, hearing that Pausanias had the upper hand, ranne in with more haste than good speed, and falling upon the cavallerie of the Thebanes, where they were presently defaited and slaine, without any great adoe: But the Corinthians (quoth he) were not at this fray, but after the vic­torie, 50 keeping above on the high ground among the mountaines, by that meanes met not with the Thebanes horsemen. For the cavallery of the Thebanes, seeing the Barbarians to fly all in a rout, put themselves foorth before them, to make them way, and by this meanes very af­fectionately assisted them in their flight, and all in recompence and by way of thankesgiving, forsooth, (for so you must take it) for those marks which were given them in their faces, with­in the streight of Thermopilae. But in what ranke and place of this battell the Corinthians were raunged, and how they did their devoir, and quit themselves against the Barbarians before Pla­teae, [Page 1246] you may know by that which Simonides writeth of them in these verses:

Amid the host arraunged stood, and in the battell maine,
Those who inhabit Ephyra, waterd with many a vaine
Of lively springs: Men who in feats, of martiall armes excell:
And joinct with them, they that inold sir Glaucus citie dwell,
Faire Corinth hight: and these their deeds 10 of prowesse to expresse,
A stately gift of precious gold, did afterwards addresse,
And consecrate to gods above in heav'ns: and by the same
Much amplified their owne renowme, and their forcfathers fame.

For this wrote he of them, not by way of a scholasticall exercise, as if he taught a schoole in Corinth: nor as one who of purpose made a song or balad in praise of the city, but as a chroni­cler penning the historie of these affaires in elegiack verses to that effect. But this writer heere of ours, preventeth the conviction of a loud lie, lest he might be taken therewith, by those that 20 should demaund of him in this maner: How commeth it then to passe that there be so many sepulchres, tombes, graves, and monuments of the dead, upon which the Plateans even to this day doe solemnly celebrate the anniversarie effusions, to the ghosts and soules of those that are departed, in the presence of other Greeks assistant with them? And verily in mine opinion he seemeth yet more shamefully to charge theseinations with the crime of treason, in these words following: And these sepultures or places of burial which are seene about Plateae, those I meane which their posteritie and successors, being ashamed of this foule fault, that their progenitours were not at this battell, or came too late, cast up, and raised on high, every man for his part in generall, for the posteritie sake. As for Herodotus he is the onely man of all others who hath heard of this absence from the battell, which is reputed treason: But Pausanias, Aristides, the 30 Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, never knew of those Greeks who made default, and would not be at this dangerous conflict: And yet the Athenians neither impeached the Aeginetes though they were their adversaries, that they were not comprised within the inscription, nor yet charged and convinced the Corinthians for flying from the battell at Salamis, considering that Greece beareth witnesse against them. And verily as Herodotus himselfe doth testifie, ten yeeres after this warr of the Medes, Cleadas a citizen of Plateae, to gratifie and pleasure the Ae­ginetes as a friend, raised a great mount bearing their name, as if they had bene interred there­in. What ailed then the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, or what moved them, being so jea­lous one of another about this glory as they were, that they had like to have gone together by the eares presently upon the exploit performed, for erecting of a Tropaee or monument of 40 victory, not to deprive them of the price of honor, who upon cowardly feare were either away or else fled from the service, but to suffer their names to be written upon the Tropaees, Colo­pes and giantlike statues erected in memoriall of them, allowing them their part in the spoiles and pillage, yea and in the end causing this Epigram or superscription to be engraven upon a publicke alter?

The Greeks in signe of noble victory,
Which they sometimes wan of the Persians host,
And to retaine the thankefull memory
That they them drave away from Gretian coast, 50
(So resolute they were or else all had bene lost)
This common alter built to Jupiter
Surnamed hereupon Deliverer.

How now Herodotus, was it Cleades, or some other I pray you, who in flatterie of the Greeks, made this Epigram or Inscription? What need had they then to take such paines & trouble thē ­selves in digging the ground in vain, & by casting up of earth raise such mounts & monuments [Page 1247] for the age to come, when as they might see their glory consecrated and immortalized in these most conspicuous and famous memorials, dedicated to the honor of the gods? And verily Pau­sanias, when as he intended, as men say to usurpe tyrannicall government, in a certaine oblation which he offred in the temple of Apollo at Delphos, set this inscription;

Pausanias the captaine generall
Of all the Greeks: when he had conquered
The Medes in fight, for a memoriall
This monument to Phoebus offered.

And albeit in some sort he communicated the glory of this execution with the Greeks, whose sovereigne captaine he termed himselfe, yet the Greeks being not able to endure it, but utterly 10 misliking him therefore, the Lacedaemonians above the rest sent their embassadors unto Del­phos, and caused the said Epigram to be cut out with a chizzell, and in lieu thereof, the names of the cities, as good reason was, to be engraven: And yet what likelihood is there, that either the Greeks should take offence and discontentment for being left out in this inscription, in case they were culpable, and privy to themselves, that they were not with others at the battell? or the Lacedaemonians when they raced out and defaced the name of their generall and chiefe com­mander, cause to be written and engraved their names, who had forsaken and left them in the middest of danger? For this were a manifest indignity, and most absurd, if when Socharus Dip­nistus, and all those that performed the best service in that journey, never grieved nor complai­ned that the Cythnians and Melians had their names recorded in those Tropaees, Herodotus in 20 attributing the honor of this battell unto three cities onely, should dash all others out, and not suffer their names to stand upon any Tropaees or consecrated places: For whereas there were foure battels given then unto the Barbarians, he saith, that the Greeks fled from the cape Arte­misium: And at the passe or streights of Thermopylae, whiles their king and soveraigne captaine exposed himselfe to the hazzard of his life, they kept themselves close at home and sat still, ta­king no thought for the matter, but solemnized their Olympicke games and Carnian feats.

Moreover when he commeth to discribe the battell at Salamis, he speaketh so much of Arte­misia, that he spendeth not so many words againe, in all the narraton of that navall battell, and the issue thereof. Finally as touching the journey of Plateae, he saith that all other Greeks, sit­ting idly at their ease, knew nothing of the field fought, before all was done, according as Pigres Artimisias 30 being pleasantly disposed to jest, writeth merily in verse, that there was a battell be­tweene frogs and mice, wherein they were agreed to keepe silence, & make no noise al the whiles they fought; to the end that no others might take any knowledge thereof: also that the Lace­daemonians were no better warriors nor more valiant than the Barbarians: but their hap was to defait and vanquish them, because they were naked men and disarmed: For Xerxes himselfe being present in person, if they had not beene followed with whips & scourged forward, had ne­ver bene able to have made them fight with the Greeks; mary in this journey of Plateae, having changed their hearts and courages (for needs it must be so) they were nothing inferior in bold­nesse of heart, strength of body, and resolution to the Greeks; but it was the apparell, which wanting armes upon it, hurt them so much & marred al, for being themselves lightly appointed 40 and in maner naked, thay had to deale with the Lacedaemonians that were heavily armed at all pieces. What honor then or great matter of glory could redound unto the Greeks out of these foure battels, in case it be so that the Lacedaemonians encountred naked and unarmed men? And for the other Greeks although they were in those parts present, yet if they knew not of the combat, untill the service was done to their hands: and if the tombs honored yeerely by the se­verall cities belonging to them, be emptie, and mockeries onely of monuments and sepulchres; and if the trevets and altars erected before the gods, be full of false titles and inscriptions; and Herodotus onely knew the trueth; and all men in the world besides, who have heard of the Greeks, and were quite deceived by the honorable name and opinion that went of them for their singular prowesse and admirable vertue; what is their then to be thought or said of Herodo­tus? 50 Surely that he is an excellent writer, and depainteth things to the life: he is a fine man; he hath an eloquent tongue: his discourses are full of grace, they are pleasant, beautifull, and ar­tificiall: and as it was said of a Poet or Musician in telling his tale; how ever he hath pronoun­ced his narration and history not with knowledge and learning, yet surely he hath done it ele­gantly, smoothly, and with an audible and cleare voice. And these I wis be the things that move delight and doe affect all that reade him. But like as among roses we must beware of the veni­mous [Page 1248] flies Cantharides: even so we ought to take heed of detractions and backebiting of his base penning likewise of things deserving great praise, which insinuate themselves and creepe under his smooth stile, polished phrase and figurative speeches: to the end, that ere we be a­ware we intertaine not, nor foster in our heads, false conceits and absurd opinions of the bravest men and noblest cities of Greece. 10

OF MVSICKE. A Dialogue.

The persons therein discoursing: ONESICRATES, SOTERICHUS, LYSIAS. 20

This treatise, little or nothing at all concerneth the Musicke of many voices ac­cording and interlaced together, which is in use and request at this day; but rather apperteineth to the ancient fashion, which consisteth in the accord and consonance of song with the sense and measure of the letter, as also with the good grace of gesture: and by the stile and maner of writing, it seemeth not to be of Plutarchs doing. 30

THe wife of that good man Phocion, was wont to say, that the jewels and ornaments wherein she joined, were those stratagemes and wor­thy feats of armes which her husband Phocion had atchieved: but I for my part may well and truely avouch, that the ornaments not onely of my selfe in particular, but also of all my friends and kins­folke in generall, is the diligence of my schoolemaster and his affe­ction in teaching me good literature. For this we know full well, that the noblest exploits and bravest pieces of service performed by great generals and captaines in the field, can doe no more but onely save from present perill or imminent danger, some small ar­mie, 40 or some one citie, or haply at the most, one entire nation and countrey; but are not able to make either their souldiers, or citizens, or their countreymen, better in any respect: whereas on the other side, good erudition and learning, being the very substance indeed of felicitie, and the efficient cause of prudence and wisdome, is found to be good and profitable not onely to one family, city and nation, but generally to all mankinde. By how much therefore the profit and commodity ensuing upon knowledge and good letters is greater than that which proceed­eth from all stratagemes or martiall feats; by so much is the remembrance and relation thereof more worthy and commendable. Now it fortuned not long since, that our gentle friend Onesi­crates invited unto a feast in his house, the second day of the Saturnall solemnities, certeine per­sons very expert and skilfull in Musicke, and among the rest, Soterichus of Alexandria, and Ly­sias, 50 one of those who received a pension from him: and after the ordinary ceremonies and complements of such feasts were performed, he began to make a speech unto his company after this maner: My good friends (quoth he) I suppose, that it would not beseeme a feast or ban­quet, to search at this time what is the efficient cause of mans voice; for, a question it is, that would require better leasure and more sobrietie: but for asmuch as the best Grammarians define voice, to be the beating or percussion of the aire, perceptible unto the sense of hearing, and be­cause [Page 2249] that yesterday we enquired and disputed as touching Grammar, and found it to be an art making profession and very meet, to frame and shape voices according to lines and letters, yea, and to lay them up in writing, as in the treasury and storehouse of memorie; let us now see what is the second science next to it, that is meet and agreeable to the voice: and this I take to be Mu­sicke. For a devout and religious thing it is, yea, and a principall duty belonging unto men, for to sing the praises of the gods, who have bestowed upon them alone this gift of a distinct and articulate voice: which Homer also by his testimonie hath declared in these verses:

Then all day long the Grecian youth in songs melodious
Besought god Phoebus of his grace, 10 to be propitious:
Phoebus I say, who from afarre doth shoot his arrowes nie,
They chaunt and praise; who takes great joy, to heare such harmony.

Goe to therefore my masters, you that are professed Musicians, relate unto this good company here that are your friends, who was the first inventour of Musicke; what it is that time hath ad­ded unto it afterwards; who they were that became famous by the exercise and profession of this science; as also, to how many things and to what, is the said study and practrise profitable. Thus much as touching that which Onesicrates our master moved and propounded; whereup­on 20 Lysias inferred againe, and said: You demand a question, good Onesicrates, which hath al­readie beene handled and discussed: for the most part of the Platonique Philosophers, and the best sort of the Peripateticks have emploied themselves in the writing of the ancient Musicke, and of the corruption that in time crept into it. The best Grammarians also and most cunning Musicians, have taken great paines and travelled much in this argument; and yet there is no small discord and jarre among them, as harmonicall otherwise as they be about these points. Heraclides in his Breviarie, wherein he hath collected together all the excellent professours of Musicke, writeth that Amphion devised first the maner of singing to the Lute or Citherne, as also the Citharaedian poësie; for being the sonne of Antiope and Jupiter, his father taught him that skill. And this may be proved true, by an olde evidence or record enrolled, and diligently kept 30 in the city Sicyone, where in he nameth certeine Priestresses in Argos, as also Poets and Musici­ans. In the same age, he saith, there lived Linus also of Euboea, who composed certeine lament­able and dolefull ditties; Anthes likewise of Anthedon in Boeotia, who made hymnes; and Pic­rius borne in Pieria, who wrote poëmes upon the Muses: he maketh mention besides of Philam­mon a Delphian, who reduced into songs and canticles the nativity of Latona, Diana and Apollo; and he it was who instituted first the quires and dances about the temple of Apollo in Delphos. And as for Thamyris a Thracian borne, he reporteth, that of all men living in those daies, he had the sweetest brest, and sung most melodiously, insomuch as if we may beleeve Poets, hee challenged the Muses, & contended with them in singing. It is written moreover, that this Tha­myris compiled in verse the warre of the Titans against the Gods; as also, that Demodocus of 40 Corcyra was an ancient Musician, who endited a poeme of the destruction of Troy, and the mar­riage betweene Venus and Vulcane: Semblably, that Phemius of Ithaca wrote in verse of the re­turne of those Greeks from Troy, who came home againe with Agamemnon. Furthermore, it is said, that the stile of those poemes abovesaid, was not loose and in prose, without metricall numbers, but like unto that of Stesichorus and other old Poets and song-makers, who first made naked ditties in verse, and afterwards arraied them with Musicall tunes and notes: for the same author reporteth, that Terpander a maker of songs with notes and measures to be sung unto the Lute or Cithern, according to ech law and rule of the said measures, adorned both his owne verses and those of Homer also, with harmonicall tunes, and sung them accordingly at the so­lemne games, wherein Musicians sing one against the other for the prise: he affirmeth likewise, 50 that the same Terpander was the first who imposed names and termes to those tunes which are to be sung to the foresaid stringed instruments: and in imitation of Terpander, Clonas first com­posed songs and set tunes to the fluit and other winde instruments, as also the Prosodies and so­nets sung at the entrie of sacrifices, and that he was a Poet who made Elegiack and Hexameter verses; also, that Polymnestus the Colophonian, who came after him, used likewise the same po­emes. Now the Metricall lawes and songs in measures, called in Greeke [...] which these Po­ets [Page 1250] and Musicians used to the pipe, were termed (good One sicrates) in this sort, namely, Apothe­tos, Elegi, Comarchios, Schoenton, Cepion, Dios and Trimeles: but in processe of time, were devi­sed others beside, called Polymnastia. As for the Musicall lawes or tunes to be sung unto the stringed instrument, they were invented long time before those other belonging to pipes, by Terpande; for he beforetime named those of the stringed instruments, Boeotius, Aeolius, Tro­chaeus, Oxys, Caepion, Terpandrios and Tetraoedios. Furthermore, the said Terpander made cer­teine prooemes or voluntary songs to the Lute, in verse. Now, that the songs or ditties to be sung unto stringed instruments, were composed in olde time of Hexamiter verses, Timotheus giveth us to understand; for mingling the first metricall rules in his verses, he sung the Dithy­rambick dirty, to the end, that he might not seeme immediatly at the first, to breake the lawes of 10 the ancient Musicke. This Terpander seemeth to have beene excellent in the art of playing up­on the Lute and singing to it; for wee finde upon record in ancient tables written, that foure times together, one after another, he caried the prise away at the Pythian games: and no doubt, of great antiquitie he was. Certes, Glaucus the Italian writer, will have him to be more ancient than Archilochus; for so he writeth in a certeine treatise as touching the olde Poets and Musici­ans, saying, that he followed in the second place after those who instituted first songs unto the slute and other pipes. And Alexander in his Breviarie of the Poets and Musicians of Phrygia, recordeth Olympus to be the first man who brought into Greece the feat and skill of striking the strings of instruments, and besides, those that are called Idaei Dactyli. But Hyagnis was the first by his saying, who plaied upon pipes: after him, his sonne Marsyas, and then Olympus: also, that 20 Terpander imitated Homer in verses, and Orpheus in song: as for Orpheus, it should seeme, that he imitated none, considering that before him there was not one, but those Poets who made ditties and songs to pipes, wherewith the works of Orpheus have no resemblance at all. Touch­ing this Clonas a composer of songs and tunes for the pipe, who lived somewhat after the time of Terpander, he was a Tegeaean borne, as the Arcadians say, or rather as the Boeotians give out, a Theban. After Terpander and Clonas, Archilochus is ranged in a third place, howsoever other Chroniclers write, that Ardalus the Troezenian ordeined the Musicke of pipes before Clonas, as also, that there was one Polymnestus a Poet the sonne of Meles a Colophonian, who made those tunes and songs which carie the name of Polymnestos and Polymneste. True it is, that those who compiled the tables and records of Musicians, make mention that Clonas devised these two 30 songs or tunes named Apothetos and Schoemos. And as for the above named Polymnestus, Pin­darus and Alcman both song-makers, made mention of him; and they report besides, that olde Philammon of Delphos composed some of those songs and tunes to the Lute and Harpe, which be attributed unto Terpander. In summe, the song and musicke to the Lute and Harpe, devised by Terpander, continued very plaine and simple, unto the daies of Phrynis: for in olde time, it was not lawfull to sing voluntary, as now they do at their pleasure, to stringed instruments; nor to transferre either harmonies or musicall numbers and measures: for according to every song and tune, they kept a proper and peculiar tension or stretching of the strings; which is the rea­son that they be called [...] as one would say, Lawes, because it was not lawfull to trangresse in any of these songs or tunes, that severall kinde of tension & stretching the strings, which was u­suall 40 and ordinary. For after that they had performed those songs which apperteine to the pa­cifying of Gods wrath, they leapt immediatly to the Poetrie of Homer and of others, at their pleasure, which may evidently appeare, by the prooemes and voluntarie tunes of Terpander. And verily, about this time, according as Caepion the scholar of Terpander reporteth, was first formed that maner of Lute or Cithern which was called Asias, for that the Lesbian Minstrels and Musicians, who bordered hard upon Asia, used such a forme: and it is said, that Periclitus was the last plaier upon such an instrument, who wan the prise at the Carnian games at Lace­daemon, of all those who were Lesbians borne: after whose death ever after, there failed in Lesbos, that continuall succession of such Musicians. But some there be, who are greatly deceived, to thinke that Hipponax was of the same time with Terpander: and it seemeth that even Pertclitus 50 was more ancient than Hipponax.

Having thus declared the olde metricall songs and tunes jointly together, of Musicians to stringed instruments and pipes, let us turne now to such as properly concerne those that per­teine to plaiers upon pipes alone: for it is said, that the above-named Olympus being a plaier of the flute and other pipes, and came out of Phrygia, set a song to his instrument in the honor and praise of Apollo, and the same was called Polycephalus: and by report, this Olympus descended [Page 1251] lineally from that first Olympus the scholar of Marsyas, who composed ditties, and set tunes for the worship of the gods: for this Olympus being the derling of Marsyas, and singularly loved of him, learned likewise of him to play upon the flute and other pipes, and by that meanes brought into Greece those harmonicall tunes and songs, which at this day the Greeks use at the solemne feasts of the gods. Others are of opinion, that the foresaid song or tune Polycephalus, is to be a­scribed unto Crates ascholar of Olympus: but Pratinas writeth, that this song came from ano­ther Olympus of later time; and as for that other kinde of song or tune named Harmation, the first Olympus, disciple to Marsyas, by report, composed it. And some there be who holde, that Marsyas was named Masses: others say no, and that he was called Marsyas onely, being the sonne of Hyagnis, who first devised the art of playing upon the flute. And that this Olympus was 10 the authour of the musicke or tune, named Harmatias, appeareth by the table or register of the ancient Poets, collected by Glaucus: and by the same, a man may also learne, that Stesichorus borne in Himera, proposed to himselfe for to imitate, neither Terpander, nor Antilochus, ne yet Thaletos, but Olympus; using altogether the law of Musicke Harmatias, and that forme of mea­sure which is according to Dactylus: and that, some say, ariseth from the loud musicke called Orthios, but others hold, that it was an invention of the Mysians, for that there were certeine an­cient pipers of the Mysians. Moreover, there is another antique song or tune, called Cradias, ac­cording to which (as Hipponax saith) Mimnermus plaied: for at the beginning, the minstrels and plaiers of pipes, sung certeine Elegies, reduced into measures and metricall lawes, which ap­peareth by the tables and registers, that testifie what Musicians they were, that contended at the 20 games of prise, in the festivall Panathenacke solemnities. Moreover, there was one Sacadas of Argos, a Poet that made songs and elegies or ditties, reduced into measures, for to be sung: and reckoned hee is among the better sort of Poets, and as it appeareth upon record in those registers, hee wanne the best game three times at the Pythian solemnities. And Pin­darus himselfe maketh mention of him. And whereas there be three kindes of tunes and measures in Musicke, according to Polymnestus and Sacadas, to wit, the Prygian, Dorian, and the Lydian, they say, that in every one of them Sacadas made a certeine flexion or tune, cal­led Strophe, and taught the Chorus to sing the first according to the Dorian tune; the second after the Phrygian measures; and the third, to the Lydian musicke: and that this maner of song was thereupon called Trimeres, by reason of the three changes or parts: Howbeit, in the tables 30 and registers of the auncient Poets, which are to be seene at Sioyone; it is observed and no­ted, that it was Clonas who devised this melody or musicke Trimeres. Now the first maner of musicke, ordeined and instituted in the city of Sparta, by Terpander, was in such sort. The second was appointed as it is most generally received, by Thaletas the Gortynian, by Xenodamus the Cytherian, Xenocritus the Locrian, Polymnestus the Colophonian, and Sacadas the Argive; as the principall authors and directors: for as these were they who instituted first at Lacedaemon the naked daunces called Gymnopedia, so in Areadia they ordeined those that were termed Apo­dixes; and in Argos the Endymaties. As for Thaletas, Xenodamus, and Xenocritus, they were the Poets that composed the songs of victorie, named Paeanes: Polymnestus, of the Orthian canticles; and Sacadas of the elegies. Others say, that Xenodamus was the Poet who invented 40 the songs entituled Hyporchemata, at the sound whereof, folke danced at the feasts of the gods: but he devised not the Paeanes aforesaid, as Pratinas did. And even at this day, there is a sonet extant of this very same Xenodamus, which is evidently an Hyporchema; and this kind of poesie Pindarus useth. Now that there is a difference betweene a Paean and an Hyperchema, the works of Pindarus sufficiently do shew, for he hath written as wel the one as the other. Polymnestus also made songs and ditties to the flute: and in Orthian canticles, used measures and melodie, ac­cording as our harmonicall Musicians give it out: As for us, we know not the trueth, because our ancients have left nothing in writing thereof. There is some doubt also, whether Thaletas of Candie were a Poet that made Paeans: For Glaucus in saying, that he was after Archilochus, writeth indeed, that he imitated his songs; but he extended them farther, and made them lon­ger, 50 inserting the measures Maron and Creticus into his melodie, which Archilochus never used, nor Orpheus, nor yet Terpander: for it is said, that Thaletas learned this from Olympus his playing and piping, and was reputed a good Poet. As touching Xenocritus of Locres in Italy, it is not yet resolved and for certeine knowen, that he was a maker of Paeanes. Certes, it is confi­dently said, that he tooke for the subject matter and argument of his Poesie heroicke deeds, in­somuch as some terme his arguments Dithyrambes. Glaucus assureth us, that Thaletas was [Page 1252] more ancient than Xenocritus. And Olympus as Aristocritus writeth, is reputed by Musicians to have beene the inventor of the Musicke called Euharmonian: for before his time, al Musicke was either Diatonique, or Chromatique: and it is conjectured to have beene invented in this maner: For Olympus practising the Diatonique Musicke, and extending his song otherwhiles as farre as to the note Parhypate Diatonique, sometimes from Paramesa, and sometime from Mese, and surpassing Lichenos Diatonique, observed the sweetnesse and beautie of such an affection, and the composition arising of that proportion, and allowing it to be good, inser­ted it in the Dorian Musicke: for he touched nothing of that which properly perteineth to the Diatonique or Chromatique kinde, neither medled he with that which concerned harmony. And these were the beginnings of the euharmonique Musicke: For first of them they put a 10 Spondaeus, wherein no division sheweth that which is proper, unlesse a man having an eie un­to a vehement Spondiasme, will conjecture and say the same to be a kinde of Diatonos. But manifest it is, that he will put a falsitie and discord, who thus setteth it downe: A falsity (I say) in that it is by one Diesus lesse than the tone or note that is next unto the prime, and a discord or dissonance: for that if a man doe set in the power of a Toniaeum, that which is proper unto a vehement Spondiasme, it will fall out that he shall place jointly together, two Diatoniques, the one simple, and the other compound, for this euharmonique reenforced, and comming thicke upon the Mese, which now adaies is so much used, seemeth not to be devised by the Poet. Thus may a man soone perceive, if he observe and marke one very well, who plaieth up­on a pipe after the old maner: For by his good will, the Hemitone in the Mese, will be in­compounded. 20 Thus you see what were the first rudiments and beginnings of Euharmoniques: But afterwards the demi-tone, was divided and distracted as well in Lydian as in Phrygian Mu­sicke: and it seemeth that Olympus hath amplified and augmented Musicke, because he brought in that which never yet was found, and whereof his predecessors all were ignorant; so that he may very well be thought the Greekish and elegant Musician. Semblably we are to speake of the numbers and measures in Musicke called Rhythmi: for devised there were and found out to the rest, certeine kinds and speciall sorts of Rhythmi, as also there were those who or­deined and instituted such measures and numbers. For the former innovation of Terpander, brought one very good forme into Musicke: Polymnestus after that of Terpander another: which he used, and yet he adhered also to that good forme and figure before. Semblably did 30 Thaletas and Sacadas: And these men verily were sufficient in making of these Rhythmi, and yet departed not from that good and laudable forme: But Crexus, Timotheus, and Philoxenus, and those about their age, were overmuch addicted to new devices, and loved novelties, in af­fectiong that sigure which in these daies is called Philanthropon, that is to say, humane; and The­maticon, that is to say, positive. For antiquitie embraced few strings, simplicitie also, and gravity of Musicke. Thus having according to my skill & ability discoursed of the primitive Musicke, and of the first authors who invented it, and by what inventions in processe of time it grew to some meane perfection, I will breake off my speech, and make an end, giving leave to our friend Soterichus for to speake in his turne, who is a man not onely well studied in Musicke, and as well practised therein, but also throughly seene in all other learning, & liberall literature. For mine 40 owne part I am better acquainted with the fingring Musicke & manuall practise than otherwise.

When Lysias had thus said, he held his peace: and then Soterichus after him began thus: You have heere good Onesicrates mooved and exhorted us to discourse of Musicke, a venerable science, and a profession right pleasing to the gods: and for mine owne part, I greatly ap­proove of my master Lysias, as well for his good conceit and knowledge, as for his memorie, whereof he hath given us a sufficient proofe, by reciting the authors and inventors of the first Musicke, and the writers also thereof. This will I put you in minde by the way, that in all his proofes he hath reported himselfe, to the registers and records of those who have written thereof, and to nothing else. But I am of a farre other minde, and thinke verily that no earthly man was the inventour of this so great good, which Musicke bringeth with it unto us, but even 50 god Apollo himselfe, who is adorned with all maner of vertues. For neither Marsyas, nor Olympus, ne yet Hyagnis, as some doe thinke, devised the use of the flute and pipe, no more than both of the one and the other: the lute or harpe onely was the invention of Apollo: for this god devised the play which may easily be knowen by the daunces, and solemnities of sacri­fices, which were brought in with the sound of hautboies and flutes, to the honour of that god: according as Alcaeus among many others, hath left written in one of his hymnes: moreover, his [Page 1253] very image in the Isle of Delos testifieth as much, where he is portraied standing thus; holding in his right hand a bow, and in his left the Graces, and every one of them hath an instrument of Musicke; the one an harpe or lute; another the shaulme or hautboies; and she in the middes a flute or shrill fife neere unto her mouth. And because I would not have you to thinke, that I have picked this out of mine owne fingers ends; both Anticles and Hister in their Commen­taries, and Elucidartes, of these things doe quote and alledge as much. As for the image afore­said, and the dedication thereof, so auncient it is, that by report, it was made and erected in the time that Hercules lived. Moreover, the childe that bringeth the lawrell out of the valley of Tempe to the citie of Delphos, is accompanied with a piper or plaier of the hautboies: yea and the sacrifices which were woont in old time to besent from the Hyperboreans into the Isle of Delos, went with a sort of hautboies, flutes, pipes, and lutes or stringed instruments about them. 10 And some there be who say more than this, namely, that god Apollo himselfe plaied upon the flute and hautboies. And thus writeth Alcman an excellent Poet, and maker of sonnets. And Corinna saith furthermore, that Apollo was taught by Minerva, for to pipe. See how honou­rable and sacred every way Musicke is, as being the very invention of the gods. And in olde time they used it with great reverence, and according to the dignitie thereof, like as they did all other such exercises and professions: whereas in these daies men rejecting and disdaining the majestie that it hath, in stead of Musicke, manly, holy and acceptable to the gods, bring that into the theaters, which is effeminate, enervate, broken, puling and deceitfull. And therefore Plato in this third booke of his Common-weath, is offended with such Musicke, and utterly 20 rejecteth the Lydian harmonie, which is meet for mones and lamentations, like as it is said, that the first institution and making thereof was lamentable: for Aristoxenus in his first booke of Musicke reporteth, that Olympus sounded with the hautboies a dolefull and funerall dumpe in Lydian Musicke, upon the death of Python. And others there be who affirme, that Mela­nippides began first this tune. Pindarus in his Paeans saith, that this Lydian Musicke began first to be taught at the wedding of Niobe: others, that one Torebus used first this harmonie, accor­ding as Dionysius Iambus writeth. The Myxolydian Musicke also, is full of affection, and in that regard meet for tragedies. Aristoxenus writeth, that Sappho invented first this Myxolydian harmonie, of whom the tragedie makers learned it, and joined it with the Dorian: for that as the one giveth a certeine dignitie and stately magnificence, so the other mooveth affections: 30 and a tragedy you wot well is mixed of them both: Howbeit, in their rolles and registers, who have written of Musicians, it is said, that Pythoclides, the plaier of the hautboies, was the first inventer of this Musicke. But Lysis referreth the invention thereof to Lamprocles the Athenian, who having found and perceived, that the disjunction is not there where in maner all others thinke it is, but toward that which is high and small, made such a forme and figure thereof, as is from Para-mese to Hypate Hypaton. Likewise the Sublydian Musicke, if it be contrary unto the Myxolydian, and in resemblance comming neere unto the Ionique, was by re­port devised by Damon the Athenian: Nowe because of these two harmonies, the one is mournfull and lamentable, the other dissolute and enervate; Plato had good reason to reject them both: and therefore he chose the Dorian, as that which is most beseeming valiant, so­ber 40 and temperate men: not I assure you because hee was ignorant (as Aristoxenus saith, in his second booke of Musicians and Musicke) that in the other there was some thing good for a common-wealth, and circumspect pollicie: (for Plato had much applied his minde unto Musicke, as having beene the scholar of Draco the Athenian, & Metellus the Agrigentine) but considering as we have said before, that there was more gravity and dignitie in the Dorian Mu­sicke, he preferred the same before the rest. And yet he wist well enough, that Pindarus, Alc­man, Simonides, and Bacchylides, had written and set many other Parthenies to the Dorian Musicke: besides Prosodies and Paeans also. Neither was he ignorant, that tragicall plaints, and dolefull mones, yea, and amatorious ditties, were composed for to be sung in this Dorian tune. But he stood sufficed and contented with those which were endited to the praise of Mars and Minerva, 50 and with Spondaes; for these are sufficient to & confirme the minde of a tem­perate and sober man. Neither was he unskilfull in the Lydian Musicke, nor the lonian; for he knew well enough that the tragoedie used this kinde of melodie. Moreover, all our ancients be­fore time, being not unexpert of all other kinds of Musicke, yet contented themselves with the use of one. For ignorance or want of experience, was not the cause that they ranged themselves into so narrow a streight, & were contented with so few strings: neither are we to thinke that Ter­pander [Page 1254] and Olympus, and they that followed their sect; for default of skill and experience, cut off the multiplicitie of strings, and their varietie. Witnesse heereof the Poems of Terpander, Olympus, and all their followers, and such as tooke their course: for being but simple, and ha­ving no more than three strings, yet are they more excellent than those which consist of manie strings, and be full of varietie; in such sort, as no man is able to imitate the maner of Olympus; and all those who use many strings and varietie, be farre short, and come behinde him. Now that our ancients in old time absteined from the third, in that Spondeaik kinde, not upon ig­norance, they shew sufficiently in the use of striking the strings: for never would they have used the accord and consonance with Pare-hypate, if the use thereof had beene unknowen unto them: but certeine it is, that beauty of affection which is in the Spondeaik kinde, by the third, 10 was it that led their sense to raise & exalt their note and song to Paranete: and the same reason also there is of Nete: For this verily they used to their stroke of the instrument, to wit, unto Pa­ranete in discord, & unto Mese in accord. But in song they seemed not unto them, proper and fit for the Spondeaik kinde. And not onely in these, but also in Nete of the Tetrachord con­junct, all used so to doe: For in the very stoake of the strings, they disaccorded with Paranete, Paramese, and Lichanos, but in song, they were ashamed thereof, for the very affection that resulted thereupon. Moreover, it appeereth manifestly by the Phrygians, that this was not for any ignorance of Olympus, or his sectaries: for they used it not onely in fingring, and in the stroake of the stringes, but also in singing at the solemne feasts of the great mo­ther of the gods, Cybile, and in some other Phrygian solemnities. It appeareth also mani­festly, 20 by the Hypates, that it was not for ignorance that in the Dorian tunes they for­bare this Tetrachord, for incontinently in other tunes they used it: so that it is evident that they did it wittingly but to avoide affection they tooke it out of the Dorique Musicke, hono­ring the beauty and honesty thereof: as we may observe some such like thing in tragicall Po­ets. For never yet to this very day, did the tragoedy use Chromaticke musicke, nor rhyme: whereas the citherne or lute, which by many ages is more ancient than the tragoedy used it even from the very beginning. And evident it is that Chroma is of greater antiquity than is Harmo­ny. For we must account this antiquity, whereby the one is said to be more ancient than an o­ther, according to the use & practice of men, because in regard of the nature of thesekinds one is not elder than another. If then some one would say, that Aeschylus or Phrynichus forbare to 30 use Chromaticke Musicke upon ignorance, & for that they knew it not, were he not thinke you very absurd and much deceived? For the same man might as well say that Pancrates also was ig­norant of this Chromaricke kind, because for the most part he forbare to use it: and yet in some places he used it. So that it was not for want of knowledge, but of set purpose, and upon judge­ment that he abstained from it. He imitated then, as he saith himselfe, the maner of Pindarus and Simonides, and in one word, that which the moderne Musicians call the ancient Musicke. The like reason there is of Tyrtaeus the Mantinean, of Andreas the Corinthian, Thrasyllus the Phliasian, and of many others whom we know upon good consideration to have absteined from the Chromaticke, from change and multiplicity of strings, yea and many other things interser­ted which are in common use, namely rhymes, harmonies, ditties, songs, and interpretations. 40 And not to goe far for proofe hereof, Telephanes the Megarian was so great an enimy to flutes, fises, and small pipes, that he would never abide the artificers and pipe-makers so much as to set them to the shawme and hautboies; and for this cause especially, he forbare to come unto the Pythicke or Apollican games of prise. In summe, if a man will conjecture that if a thing be not used, it is long of ignorance, he might condemne of ignorance many of those who live in these daies; as for example the Dorioneans, because they despise the Antigenidian kinde of Musicke, for that they used it not. To the Antigenidians likewise they might impute ignorance of the Dirionian Musicke, for the same cause, as also the minstrels & harpers, as ignorant of the maner of Timotheus his Musicke. For they have in maner all betaken themselves to patcheries and fallen to the Poëmes of Polydius. On the other side, if a man consider aright, and with ex­perience 50 make comparison betweene that which then was and that which now is, he shall finde that variety and diversity was in use and request even in those daies also. For the ancient Musi­cians used in their numbers and measure, their variety, much more diverse & different than now it is. So that we may boldly say that the varietie of thymes, the difference also and diversitie of strokes was then more variable. For men in these daies love skill and knowledge, but in former times they affected numbers and measures. So that it appeareth plainely that the ancients ab­stained [Page 1255] from broken Musicke and song, not because they had no skill, but for that they had no will to approve thereof. And no mervell: for many fashions there be in the world and this our life, which are well enough knowen, though they be not practised: many strange they be by reason of disuse, which grew upon occasion that some thing was observed therein, not decent & seemly. But, that it was not for ignorance, nor want of experience, that Plato rejected other kindes of Musicke, but onely because they were not beseeming such a common wealth of his, we will shew hereafter: and withall that he was expert and skilfull in harmony: For in that pro­creation of the soule which he describeth in the booke of Timaeus, he declareth what study he had emploied in other Mathematicall studies and in Musicke besides, writing after this maner: Thus in maner (quoth he) did God at the first: And after that, he filled the double and treble 10 intervals, in cutting off one portion from thence, and putting it betweene both of them: in such sort as in everie intervall or distance, there were two moities. Certes, this Exordium or Prooeme, is a sufficient proofe of skill and experience in harmonie, according as wee will shew heereafter. Three sorts of primitive medieties there be, out of which all other bee drawen, to wit, Arithmeticall, Geometricall, and Harmonicall. Arithmeticall is that which surmounteth, and is surmounted in equall number: Geometricall, in even proportion: and Harmonicall neither in reason and proportion nor in number. Plato therefore intending to declare harmonically, the harmony of the foure elements of the soule, and the cause why things so divers accorded together: in each intervall hath put downe tow medieties of the soule, and that acording to musical proportion. For in the accord Diapason in Musicke, two intervals 20 there are betweene two extremities, whereof we will shew the proportion. For the accord Dia­pason consisteth in a double proportion: as for example, six and twelve, will make a double pro­portion in number: And this intervall, is from Hypate Meson, unto Nete Diczeugmenon: Now six and twelve being the two extremities: Hypate Meson conteineth the number of six, and Nete Diezeugmenon that of twelve. It remaineth now, that we ought to take unto these the meane numbers betweene these two extremities; the extreames whereof will be found, the one in proportion Epitritos or [...] the other Hemiotios, or sesquialterall. And these be numbers eight and nine. For eight is serquitertian to six and nine, sesquialterall. Thus much as touching one of the extreames. As for the other which is twelve, it is above nine in ses­quitertian proportion, and above eight in sesquialterall. These two numbers then, being be­tweene 30 six and twelve, and the intervall [...] compounded and consisting of Diatesseron and Diapente, it appeareth that Mese shall have the number of eight, and Paramese, the num­ber of nine: which done there will be the same habitude, from Hypate and Mese, that is from Paramese to Nete, of a disjoint Tetrachord. The same proportion is found also in numbers, for the same reason that is from six to eight, is from nine to twelve, and looke what reason there is betweene six and nine, the same is betweene eight and twelve. Now betweene eight and six the proportion is sesquitertian, as also betweene twelve and nine. But betweene nine and six, ses­quialterall, like as betweene twelve and eight. Thus much may serve to shew that Plato was well studied and very expert in the Mathematicks.

Now that harmony is a venerable, worthy and divine thing, Artstotle the desciple of Plato testifieth in these words: Harmony (quoth he) is celestiall, of a beautifull and wonderfull na­ture and more than humaine: which being of it selfe divided into foure, it hath two medieties, the one arithmeticall, the other harmonicall; and of the parts thereof the magnitudes and 40 extremities are seene according to number and equality of measure: for accords in song are appropriat and fitted in two Tetrachords. These be the words of Aristotle: who said that the bo­dy of harmony is composed of parts dislike, and accordant verily one with the other, but yet the medieties of the same agree according to reason arithmeticall: for that Nete according to Hy­pate, by double proportion maketh an accord and consonants of Diapason: For it hath as we have before said, Nete of twelve unities, and Hypate of six, & Paramese according with Hypa­te, in proportion sesquialterall of nine unities. But of Mese, we say, that it hath eight unities: 50 & the principal intervals of Musicke are composed of these: to wit, Diatessaron, which consist­eth of a proportion sesquitertian, & of Diapente, which standeth upon a sesquialterall: and Dia­pason of a duple: For so is preserved the proportion sesquioctave, which is accordingto the proportion Toniaeus. Thus you see how the parts of harmony doe both surmount and also are surmounted of other parts, by the same excesse: and the medieties of medieties, as well accor­ding to expresse in numbers, as Geometricall puissance. Thus Aristotle declareth them to [Page 1256] have these and such like powers, namely that Nete surmounteth Mese by a third part, and that Hypate is semblably surmounted of Paramese: in such sort as these excesses, are of the kinde of Relatives, which have relation to another: for they surmount and be surmounted by the same parts. And therefore by the same proportion the two extreames of Mese and Paramese, doe surmount, and be surmounted, to wit sesquitertian and sesquialterall. And after this fort is the harmonicall excesse. But the excesse of Nete and Mese by arithmeticall proportion, sheweth the exuperances in equall partie: and even so Paramese in proportion to Hypate: for Parame­se surmounteth Mese in proportion sesquioctave: Like as againe Nete is a double proportion of Hypate: and Paramese of Hypate in proportion sesquialterall: and Mese sesquitertian in regard of Hypate. See then how harmony is composed according to Aristotle himselfe, of her 10 parts and numbers. And so verily by him it is composed most naturally of a nature as well finit as infinit: both of even and also of od, it selfe and all the parts thereof: for it selfe totally and whole is even, as being composed of foure parts or termes: the parts whereof and their propor­tions, be even, od, and even not even. For nete it hath even of twelve unities: Paramese od of nine unities: Mese even of eight unities, and Hypate even not even of six unities. So that harmony thus composed both it selfe and the parts thereof one to the other, as well in excesse as in proportions, the whole accordeth with the whole and the parts together. And that which more is, the very senses being inserted and ingraffed in our bodies by harmony, but principally those which are celestiall and divine, namely sight and hearing, which together with God give understanding and discourse of reason unto men with the voice and the light, doe represent har­mony: 20 yea and the other inferrior senses which follow them, in as much as they be senses, are likewise composed by harmony: for all their effects they performe not without harmony, and howsoever they be under them and lesse noble, yet they yeeld not for all that: for even they en­tring into the body accompanied with the presence of a certaine divinity, together with the discourse of reason, obtaine a forcible and excellent nature. By these reasons evident it is that the ancient Greeks, made great account, and not without good cause, of being from their infancie well instructed and trained up in Musicke: for they were of opinion, that they ought to frame and temper the mindes of yoong folke unto vertue and honesty by the meanes of Musicke, as being right profitable to all honest things, and which wee should have in great recommendation, but especially and principally for the perillous hazzards of warre: In which 30 case some used the Hautboies, as the Lacedaemonians, who chaunted the song called Castori­um, to the said instruments, when they marched in ordinance of battell, for to charge their eni­mies. Others made their approch, for to encounter and give the first onset, with the noise of the Lyra that is to say, the harpe or such like stringed instruments. And this we finde to have bene the practise of the Candiots for a long time, for to use this kinde of Musicke, when they set forth and advanced forward to the doubtfull dangers of battell. And some againe continue even to our time in the use of Trumpets sound. As for the Argives, they went to wrestle at the solemne games in their city called Sthenia with the sound of the Hautboies. And these games, were by report instituted at first in the honor and memory of their king Danaus: and afterwards againe were consecrated to the honor of Jupiter surnamed Sthenius. And verily even at this 40 day, in the Pentathlian games of prise, the maner and custome is to play upon the Hautboies, and to sing a song thereto, although the same be not antique nor exquisite, nor such as was wont to be plaied and sung in times past as that Canticle composed sometime by Hierax, for this kinde of combat, and named it was Eudrome. Well though it be a faint and feeble maner of song, yet somewhat, such as it was, they used with the Hautboies. And in the times of greater antiquity it is said that the Greeks did not so much as know Theatricall Musicke, for that they emploied all the skill & knowledge thereof in the service and worship of the gods, & in the insti­tution and bringing up of youth, before any Theater was built in Greece by that people: but all the Musicke that yet was, they bestowed to the honor of the gods and their divine service in the temples, also in the praises of valiant and woorthy men: So that it is very probable that 50 these termes Theater afterwards, and [...] long before were derived of [...] that is to say, God. And verily in our daies, Musicke is growen to such an heigth of difference and diversity, that there is no mention made, nor memory remaining of any kinde of Musicke for youth to be taught, neither doth any man set his minde thereto, or make profession thereof: but looke whosoever are given to Musicke, betake them selves wholy to that of Theaters for their delight. But some man may haply say unto me: What good sir, thinke you that in old time they devised [Page 1257] no new Musicke and added nothing at all to the former? Yes I wis, I confesse they did adjoine thereto some new inventions, but it was with gravity and decency. For the historians who wrote of these matters, attributed unto Terpander the Dorian Nete, which before time they used not in their songs and tunes: And even so it is said that the Myxolidien tune was wholly by him de­vised to the rest: as also the note of the melody Orthien: and the song named Orthius, by the Trochaeus, for sounding the al' arme and to encourage unto battell.

And if it be true as Pindarus saith, Terpander was the inventour of those songs called Scolia, which were sung at feasts. Archilochus also adjoined those rhymes or Iambicke measures called Trimetra: the translation also and change into other number and measures of a different kinde, yea, and the maner how to touch and strike them. Moreover, unto him, as first inventour, are 10 attributed the Epodes, Tetrameter, Iambicks, Procritique and Prosodiacks; as also, the aug­mentation of the first, yea, and as some thinke, the Elegie it selfe: over and besides, the intensi­on of Iambus unto Paean Epibatos, & of the Herous augmented both unto the Prosodiaque & also the Creticke. Furthermore, that of Iambique notes, some be pronounced according to the stroke, others sung out. Archilochus was the man, by report, who shewed all this first, and af­terwards, tragicall Poets used the same: likewise it is said, that Crexus receiving it from him, transported it to be used at the Bacchanall songs, called Dithyrambs. And he was the first also, by their saying, who devised the stroake after the song; for that beforetime they used to sing, and strike the strings together. Likewise unto Polymnestus is ascribed all that kinde of note or tune which now is called Hypolydius, and of him they say, that he first made the drawing out of 20 the note longer, and the dissolution and ejection thereof much greater than before. More­over, that Olympus, upon whom is fathered the invention of the Greeke musicke, that is tied to lawes and rules, was hee who first brought, by their saying, all the kinde of harmonie, and of rhymes or measures, the Prosodiaque, wherein is conteined the tune and song of Mars; also the Chorios, whereof there is great use in the solemnities of the great mother of the gods: yea, and some there be, who make Olympus the authour also of the measure Bacchius. And thus much concerning every one of the ancient tunes and songs. But Lasus the harmonian, having transferred the rhymes into the order of Dithyrambs, and followed the multiplicitie in voice of hautboies, in using many sounds and those diffused and dispersed to and fro, brought a great change into Musicke, which never was before. Semblably, Melanippides who came after 30 him, conteined not himselfe in that maner of Musicke which then was in use, no more than Philoxenus did & Timotheus for he, whereas beforetime unto the daies of Terpander the Antis­saean, the harpe had but seven strings, distinguished it into many more sounds and strings: yea, and the sound of the pipe or hautboies, being simple and plaine before, was changed into a Musicke of more distinct varietie. For in olde time, unto the daies of Melanippides a Dithy­rambicke Poet, the plaiers of the hautboies were wont to receive their salaries and wages at the hands of Poets, for that Poetrie you must thinke, bare the greatest stroke, and had the principal place in Musicke and acting of plaies, so as the Minstrels beforesaid were but their ministers: but afterwards, this custome was corrupted; upon occasion whereof, Pherecrates the Comicall Poet bringeth in Musicke in forme and habit of a woman, with her bodie piteously scourged 40 and mangled all over: and he deviseth besides, that Dame Justice demandeth of her the cause why, and how she became thus misused; unto whom Poësie or Musicke maketh answere in this wise:

MUSICKE.
I will gladly tell, since that we pleasure take
You for to heare, and I to answere make:
One of the first, who did me thus displease
And worke my woe, was Melanippides;
He with twelve strings my bodie whipt so sore,
That soft it is, and looser than before. 50
Yet was this man unto me tolerable
And not to these my harmes now, comparable.
For one of Athick land, Cynesias he,
Shame come to him, and cursed may he be,
By making turnes and winding cranks so strange
In all his strophes, and those without the range
[Page 1258] Of harmony; hath me perverted so,
That where I am, unneth I now do kno.
His Dithyrambs are framed in such guise,
That left seeme right, in shield and targuet wise.
And yet of him, one can not truly say,
That cruelly he me ant me for to slay.
Phrynis it was who set to me a wrest
(His owne device) that I could never rest:
Wherewith he did me winde and writhe so hard,
That I well neere for ever was quite marr'd. 10
Out of five strings for sooth he would devise
No fewer than twelve harmonies to rise:
Well, of this man I cannot most complaine,
For what he mist, he soone repair'd againe.
Timotheus sweet Lady (out alas)
Hath me undone: Timotheus it was,
Most shamefully who wrought me all despite,
He hath me torne, he hath me buried quite.
JUSTICE.
And who might this Timotheus be (deere hart)
That was the cause of this thy wofull smart? 20
MUSICKE.
I meane him of Miletus, Pyrrhias
Surnam'd, his head and haire so ruddy was.
This fellow brought upon me sorrowes more
Than all the rest whom I have nam'd before.
A sort he of unpleasant quavers brings,
And running points, when as he plaies or sings:
He never meets me when I walke alone
Upon the way, but me assailes anone. 30
Off go my robes, and thus devested bare
He teawes me with twelve strings, and makes no spare.

Aristophanes also the Comicall Poet maketh mention of Philoxenus, and saith, that he brought songs into the dances called Rounds: and in this maner he deviseth, that Musick should speake and complaine:

What with his Exharmonians,
Niglars and Hyperbolians,
And such loud notes, I wot not what,
He hath me stuft so full, as that
My voice is brittle when I speake,
Like radish root that soone will breake.

Semblably, other Comicall Poets have blasoned and set out in their colours, our moderne Mu­sicians, for their absurd curiositie, in hewing and cutting Musicke thus by peace-meale, and min­cing 40 it so small. But that this science is of great power and efficacie, aswell to set strait and re­forme, as to pervert, deprave and corrupt youth in their education and learning, Aristoxenus hath made very plaine and evident: for he saith, that of those who lived in his time, Telesias the Theban happened when he was yoong, to be brought up and instructed in the most excellent kinde of Musicke, and to learne many notable ditties and songs; among which, those also of Pindarus, of Dionysius the Theban, of Lamprus, Pratinas and other Lyricall Poets, singular men in their facultie, and profession of playing cunningly upon the harpe and other stringed instru­ments. 50 He had learned likewise to sound the hautboies passing well, and was sufficiently exerci­sed and practised in all other parts of good literature: but when he was once past the flower and middle of his age, he became so farre rivished and caried away with this Scenicall musicke so ful of varietie, that he despised that excellent musicke and poesie wherein he was nourtred, & all for to learne the ditties and tunes of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and principally such of them as had most varietie and noveltie: and when he betooke himselfe to compose ditties and set songs, [Page 1259] making triall what he could do in both kinds, aswell in that of Pindarus and this of Philoxenus, he was able to performe nothing wel and to the purpose in that Musicke of Philoxenus: the rea­son whereof, was his excellent education from his infancie. If rhen a man be desirous to use musicke well and judiciously, let him imitate the olde maner: and yet in the meane while furnish the same with other sciences, learne Philosophie, as a mistresse to guide and leade; for shee is able to judge what kinde of measures is meet for musicke, and profitable. For whereas three principal points and kinds there be, unto which all musicke is universally divided, to wit, Diato­nos, Chroma and Harmonie, he ought to be skilfull in Poetrie, which useth these severall kinds, who commeth to learne Musicke; and withall, he must atteine to that sufficiencie, as to know how to expresse and couch in writing his poeticall inventions. First and formost therefore he 10 is to underst and, that all musicall science is a certeine custome and usage, which hath not yet at­teined so farre as the knowledge to what end every thing is to be leatned by him that is the scho­lar. Next to this it would be considered, that to this teaching and instruction, there be not yet adjoined presently the enumeration of the measures & maners of musicke. But the most part learne rashly and without discretion, that which seemeth good & is pleasant either to the learner or the teacher; as the Lacedaemonians in old time, the Mantineans likewise and the Pellenians: for these, making choise of one maner above the rest, or els of very few, which they tooke to be meet for the reformation and correction of maners, used no other musicke but it: which more evidently may appeare, if a man will enquire and consider, what it is that every one of these sci­ences taketh for the subject matter to handle: for certaine it is, that the Harmonique skill con­teineth 20 the knowledge of intervals, compositions, sounds, notes and mutations of that kinde which is named Hermosmenon, that is to say, well befitting and convenient: neither is it possible for it to proceed farther. So that, we must not require nor exact of her, that she should be able to discerne whether a Poet hath well, properly and fitly used (for example sake in musicke) the Hyperdorian tune in his entrance; the Mixolydian and the Dorian at his going forth; and the Phrygian or Hypophrygian in the mids: for this perteineth not at all to the subject matter of the Harmonicke kinde, and hath need of many other things: for he knoweth not well the force of the proprietie. And if he be ignorant of the Chromaticke kinde and Enharmonian, he shall never atteine to have the perfect and absolute power of the proprietie, according to which, the affection of the measures that are made are seene: for this is the office and part of the artificer. 30 And manifest it is, that the voice of the composition called Systema, is one thing; and the melo­die or song which is framed in the said composition, another: which to teach and whereof to treat, perteineth not to the facultie of the Harmonicke kinde. Thus much also we are to say as touching Rhythme; for no Rhythme will ever come to have in it the power of perfect proprie­tie: for that alwaies which is said to be proper, is in regard and reference to the affection; wher­of we affirme the cause to be either composition or mixtion, or els both together: like as with Olympus, the Enharmonian kinde is put in the Phrygian tune, and Paeon mixed with Epibatos: for this affection of the beginning hath it ingendred and brought forth in the song of Minerva. For when the melody and rhythme or measure was artificially set to, & the number or rhythme alone cunningly transmuted, so as a Trochaeus was put in stead of a Paeon. Hereof came the 40 Harmonicke kinde of Olympus to be composed. Yet neverthelesse, when both the Enharmo­nicke kinde and the Phrygian tune remaine, and beside these, the whole composition also, the affection received a great alteration: for that which is called Harmonie in the song of Mi­nerva, is farre different from the affection which is in common use and experience. If he then, who is expert and skilfull in Musicke, had withall, the facultie to judge, certeine it is, that such an one would be a perfect workman, and a passing good master in Musicke. For he who is skilfull in the Dorique musicke, and knoweth not how to judge and discerne the proprietie, he shall ne­ver know what he doth, nor be able to keepe so much as the affection, considering there is some doubt as touching the judgement of Dorian melodies and tunes, whether they apperteine to the subject matter of Harmonie or no? as some Dorians are of opinion. The like reason there 50 is of all the Rhythmike skill; for he who knoweth Paeon, shall not incontinently know the pro­perty of the use thereof, forasmuch as there is some doubt as concerning the making of Paeo­nik rhythmes, to wit, whether the Rhythmetique matter is able to judge with distinct knowledge of them? or whether as some say, it doe not extend so farre? Of necessitie therefore it foloweth, that there must be two knowledges at the least in him, who would make distinction and be able to judge betweene that which is proper and that which is strange: the one of maners and af­fections, [Page 1260] for which all composition is made; the other, of the parts and members of which the composition doth consist. Thus much therefore may suffice, to shew that neither the Har­monique, nor the Rhythmicke, nor any one of these faculties of Musicke, which is named parti­cular, can be sufficient of it selfe alone to judge of the affection, or to discerne of other qualities. Whereas therefore, Hermosmenian, which is as one would say, the decent and elegant tem­perature of voices and sounds, is divided into three kinds, which be equall in the magnitudes of compositions, in puissances of sounds, and likewise of Tetrachords; our ancients have trea­ted but of one: for those who went before us, never considered, either of Chroma, or Diato­nos, but onely of Enharmonios, and that onely in a magnitude of a composition, called Dia­pason: for of the Chroma they were at some variance and difference: but they all in maner did 10 accord to say, that there was no more but this Harmonie alone. And therefore he shall never understand that which perteineth unto the treatise of Harmonie, who hath proceeded so farre as to this onely knowledge: but apparent it is that be ought to follow both other particular sci­ences, and also the totall body of Musicke; yea & the mixtions and compositions of the parts: for he that is onely Harmonicall, is confined within one kinde and no more. To speake there­fore generally and once for all, it behooveth that both outward sense and inward understanding concurre to the judgement of the parts in Musicke: Neither is one to prevent & runne before another, as the senses doe, which are more forward and hastie than their fellowes; nor to lagge behinde and follow after, as those senses doe which are slowe and heavy of motion. And yet o­therwhile in some senses it falleth out upon a naturall inaequallitie which they have, that both 20 happen at once, to wit, they draw backe, and hast forward together: wee must therefore cut off these extremities from the sense, if we would have it runne jointly with the understanding: for necessarie it is, that there be alwaies three things at the least meet together in sense of hearing, to wit, the sound, the time, and the syllable or letter. And come to passe it will, that by the going of the sound, will be knowen the proportionable continuitie, called Hermosme­non; by the gate of time, the Rhythme, and by the passing and proceeding of the syllable or let­ter, the dittie: Now when they march altogether, there must needs be an incursion of the sense. This also is evident, that the sense not being able to distinguish and discerne every one of these three things, and accompany them severally, impossible it is, that it should know or judge that which is well or amisse, in ech of them particularly. First and foremost therefore, we are 30 to take knowledge of the coherence and continuation; for necessarie it is, that there should be in the facultie and power of judging, a certaine continuall order, for as much as good and bad be not determinately in such sounds, times, letters or syllables, severed one from the other, but in the continued suit and conherence of them, for there is a certeine mixture or parts which cannot be conjoined in usage. And thus much may suffice for the consequence. After this we are to consider, that men, sufficient otherwise, and skilfull masters in Musicke, are not by and by able to judge: for impossible it is to be a perfect Musician, and a judge withall, of those which seeme to be the parts of totall Musicke, as the science and skill of instruments; likewise of song, as also of the exercise of the senses, I meane that which tendeth to the intelligence & knowledge of the well proportioned Hermosmenon, and of Rhythme. Over and besides, of the 40 Rhythmick and Harmonique treatise, and of the speculation, touching the stroke and the dit­tie, and what other soever there are besides. But what the causes should be, that it is not possi­ble for one to be a Critick and able to judge, by meanes of these things by themselves, let us endevour to search and know. First, by this supposall, That of those things which are propo­sed unto us for to be judged of, some be perfect, others imperfect: Perfect, for example, eve­ry Poeticall worke, that is either chaunted, or plaied upon the pipe, or sounded on the lute and stringed instrument; or else the interpretation or elocution of the said Poemes, which they call [...] as is the noise of the pipe, or of the voice, and such like: unperfect, as those which tend heereto, and are for them ordeined, as by the parts of that which is called interpretation. Se­condly, by Poesie or fiction, whereof the case is alike; because a man may as well judge if hee 50 heare the minstrell play or sing, whether his pipes accord or no, and whether his dialect or dit­tie be cleere, or contrariwise obscure; for ech of these is a part of the foresaid interpretation of pipes, not the end it selfe, but that which respecteth the end; for the affection of the interpre­tations shall be judged heerby, and by all such causes, whether they be well fitted & accommo­date to the Poeme composed, which the agent hath taken in hand to treat of, to handle, to ex­presse and interpret. Semblable is the reason also of the affections and passions, which are sig­nified [Page 1261] in the Poemes, by Poesie. Our ancients then, as those who made principall account of the affection, preferred and esteemed best that fashion of antique Musicke, which was grave, not curious nor much affected. For it is said that the Argives did set downe in times past a pu­nishment for those who brake the lawes of Musicke, yea, and condemned him to pay a good fine, who first used more than seven strings, & who went about to bring in the use of the Myxo­lydian Musicke. But Pythagoras that grave and venerable personage, reproved all judgement of Musicke which is by the eare, for he said, that the intelligence and vertue thereof, was verie subtile & slender, and therfore he judged thereof, not by hearing, but by proportionall harmo­nie: and he thought it sufficient to proceed as farre as to Diapason, and there to stay the know­ledge of Musicke: Whereas Musicians in these daies disesteeme and reject wholly that kinde 10 of Musicke which was in greatest reputation among our ancestors, for the gravitie thereof: in­somuch as the most part of them make no reckoning of any apprehension of Euharmonian intervals and spaces. So idle and lazie they be, that they thinke and say, the harmonicall diesis giveth no apparence at all, nor representation of those things that fall under the sense of hea­ring; yea, and banish it quite out of their tunes and songs, counting those no better than pra­ting, vaine, and toyish persons, who have either written or spoken thereof, or used that kinde: and for proofe heereof, that they say true, they suppose they have found a doubty good argu­ment and demonstration, drawen from their owne grosse stupiditie and senselessenesse, as if all that which their sense apprehended not, must needs incontinently have no subsistence at all in nature, and be altogether unprofitable. And then moreover they hold, that there can no mag­nitude 20 be apprehended by symphonie and consonance of voice, as the halfe note, and other such intervals. Meane while they doe not perceive (such is their ignorance) that they may as well banish the third magnitude, the fifth, and the seventh; whereof the first consisteth of three, the second of five, and the third of seven Dieses: and generally they should reject and reproove all the intervals that be odde, as superfluous and good for nothing: inasmuch as none of them can be found by consent or symphonie. And these they may be, which the least Die­sis doeth measure in odde number: whereupon it followeth necessarily, that no division of the Tetrachord, is profitable, but this onely, by which we may use all even intervals: and this veri­ly were that of Syntonos, Diatonos, and Toniaean Chroma. But to give out, or to conceive such things, were the part not of those onely who contradicted that which is apparent and evi­dent, 30 but also of such as went against themselves: for they use more than any other such parti­tions of Tetrachords, wherein all the intervals be either odde or else proportionable to those that be odde: for evermore they mollifie all the notes, called Lichani, and Paranete: yea, and they let downe a little, those very notes which are stedfast and firme, by I wot not what intervall, without al reason; and together with them, they let slacke also very absurdly, the Thirds and the Paranetae, & they suppose that the use of such compositions is most commendable, wherein the most part of the intervals, be without al reason & proportion, by letting downe not onely those sounds which naturally are woont to stir & bemooved, but also some of them which are innu­merable: as appeareth manifestly to those who are sufficient and able to judge of such things. 40

To come now to the use of Musicke, how meet and seemely it is for a valiant man; gentle Homer hath given us very well to understand: for to proove unto us how commodious Musicke is in many respects, he feigned and devised Achilles to concoct his anger which he had concei­ved against Agamemnon, by the meanes of Musicke, which he had learned of that most prudent and wise Chiron: for thus he writeth:

They found him then, within his tent, with sound of lute so shrill,
His heart that was now discontent, to solice and to still:
An instrument right faire in sight this was, and trimly wrought: 50
The necke with silver richly dight, which he himselfe had caught
Out of the spoiles then lately won of Thebes, that stately towne,
And citie of Eetion, when it was rased downe:
[Page 1262] Heerewith I say, he pass'd his time, this was his hearts delight,
He sung withall the praise in rhyme of many a valiant knight.

Note heereby and learne (quoth Homer) what use we ought to make of Musicke: for he sung unto the lute, the noble exploits of brave men, and the glorious acts of woorthies and demi­gods: a thing that full well beseemed Achilles the sonne of most righteous Peleus. Over and besides, Homer teaching us the proper and convenient time of using Musicke, found out an ex­ercise, both profitable and pleasant for a man at leisure, and not occupied otherwise in affaires. For Achilles being a martiall man of action, yet for the anger that he had conceived against Agamemnon, had no hand in the perils and hazards of warre: Homer thought therefore that it 10 became very well this heroique and hardy knight, to what his courage by these excellent songs, to the end that he might be provided and ready against that sallie and skirmish which soone af­ter he undertooke: and this no doubt he performed very well, by calling to remembrance the doubty deeds and feasts of armes achieved by others in times past. Such verily was the anci­ent Musicke, and for this purpose it served. For we doe heare that both Hercules made use of Musicke, and also Achilles, with many other valourous knights, whom Chiron that most sage and learned master and bringer up of youth taught, who was a teacher not of Musicke onely, but of justice beside and Physicke. In summe, a man of wisedome and sound judgement, will thus deeme, that good sciences are not to be blamed, if haply they be not well used, but impure all the fault unto them that abuse the same. And therefore if any one from his childhood, shall 20 be well instructed and trained up in Musicke, and withall employ his labour and diligence therein, he will receive and approove that which is honest and commendable: blame also he will and reject the contrary: not in musicke onley, but in all things else: and such a one will de­cline all unhonest and unwoorthy actions, and thus reaping from musicke the greatest and best contentment that can be, he may benefit exceeding much, as well himselfe as his whole coun­trey, using no word nor deed unseemely, but observing at all times and in every place, that which is befitting, decent, temperate and elegant. Moreover, that cities and states best gover­ned by pollicie and good lawes, have alwaies had a speciall regard of generous and good mu­sicke, many and sundry testimonies may be alledged: and namely, a man may very well cite to this purpose Terpander, who suppressed in times past, the great sedition and civill descord 30 that was in Lacedaemon: Thales also the Candiot, who went as it is said, by the commande­ment and oracle of Apollo, to Lacedaemon, and there cured the citizens and delivered them from that great pestilence, which reigned in that citie, and all by the meanes of musicke, as writeth Pratinas. Homer also himselfe saith, that the plague which afflicted the Greeks, was by musicke staied and appeased:

Then all day long, the Grecian youth in songs melodious,
Besought god Phoebus of his grace, to be propitious: 40
Phoebus I say, who from a farre doth shoot his arrowes nie
They chaunt and praise, who takes great joy, to heare such harmonie.

with these verses as with Corollarie, good master I will conclude this my discourse of Musicke, and the rather, because you first by the very same verses commended unto us the force and pow­er of Musicke: for in very trueth, the principall and most commendable worke thereof, is thanksgiving unto the gods, and the acknowledgement of their grace and favour: the second, and that which next followeth, is a sanctified heart, a pure, consonant and harmonicall estate of the soule. When Soterichus had said: Thus you have (quoth he) my good master heard us dis­course of Musicke round about the boord as we sit. And verily Soterichus was highly admired 50 for that which he had delivered: for he shewed evidently both by his voice and visage, how much he was affected unto Musicke, & what study he had emploied thereto. Then my master: Over and above other things, this also I commend in you both, that you have kept your owne course and place, the one as well as the other. For Lysias hath furnished our feast with those things which are proper and meet for a Musician, who knoweth onely to handle the lute or [Page 1263] harpe, and hath no farther skill than manuall practise. Soterichus also hath taught us whatsoever concerneth both the profit and also the speculation thereof, yea and withall comprehendeth therein the power and use of Musicke, whereby he hath mended our fare and feasted us most sumptuously. And I suppose verily that both of them, have of purpose and that right willingly, left thus much unto me, as to draw Musicke unto feasts and banquets: neither will I condemne them of timidity, as if they were ashamed so to doe: For if in any part of mans life, certes in such feasts and mery meetings it is right profitable. For according as good Homer saith:

Both song and daunce, delight affoord,
And things that well beseeme the boord.

Neither would I have any man to inferre heereupon, that Homer thought Musicke good for 10 nothing else but to delight and content the company at a feast: considering there is in those verses couched and hidden a more deepe and profound meaning. For he brought Musicke to those times and places wherein it might profit and helpe men most, I meane the feasts and mee­tings of our ancients: and expedient it was to have her company there, for that she is able to di­vert and temper the heat and strength of wine, according as our Aristoxenus also else where saith: Musicke (quoth he) is brought in thither, because that whereas wine is wont to pervert & overturne as well the bodies as the minds of those who take it immoderatly, Musicke by that order, symmetry, and accord which is in it, reduceth them againe into a contrary temperature, and dulceth all. And therefore Homer reporteth that our ancients used Musicke as a remedy and helpe, at such a time. But that which is principall and maketh Musicke above all things 20 most venerable, you have my good friend let passe and omitted. For Pythagoras, Archias, Pla­to, and all the rest of the old Philosophers doe hold that the motion of the whole world, together with the revolution of the starres, is not performed without Musicke: For they teach that God framed all things by harmonie. But to prosecute this matter more at large, this time will not permit: and besides it is a very high point and most Musicall to know in every thing how to keepe a meane and competent measure. This said, he sung an hymne, and after he had offered a libation of wine unto Saturne, and to all the gods his children, as also to the Muses, he gave his guests leave to depart 30

OF THE FORTVNE OR VERTUE OF K. Alexander. 40

The Summarie.

IN this treatise and that which followeth, framed both in forme of a declamation, Plu­tarch magnifieth Alexander, a praise worthy prince, for many good parts that were in him: wherein he sheweth also, that we ought to attribute unto vertue and not to for­tune, those brave exploits which he performed. By fortune, he meaneth that course of the affarres in this world, whereby it falleth out many times that the wisest men are not alwaies most happy and best advanced. To proove therefore, that Alexander was endued with ex­quisit 50 qualities for execution of those enterprises which by him were atchieved afterwordes and brought to an end, he compareth him in the beginning of this treatise, with the kings of Persia raised up to their greatnesse by fortune: and then sheweth, that Alexander being an excellent Philosopher, we ought not to wonder or be astonished, if by his vertue he saw the end of many things which the most fortunate princes of the world durst never take in hand and begin. Now the better to set out the excellencie of this Philosophy of Alexander, he compareth his scholars with the disciples of Plato and [Page 1264] Socrates: proving that those of this prince surpassed the others, as much as a good deed or benefit done to an infinit number of men surmounteth a good speech or instruction given to some perticular persons; the most part of whom make no account thereof. He proceedeth forward and discribeth the wisdome and sufficiencie of Alexander in politicke government, which he amplifieth by the consider ation of his amiable behaviour and lovely cariage toward those nations which by him were subdued: also by the recitall of some notable saying of his: likewise by the love and affection which he caried unto wisdome, and mens of knowledge. In briefe his acts; be evident proofes of his vertue, and in no wise of the teme­rity and rashnesse of fortune. But even in this very place, Plutarch hath broken off his treatise, lea­ving the end thereof defectuous: namely where he began to discourse of the contempt of death, and of the constant resolution of Alexander against the most churlish and boisterous assaultes of fortune. 10

OF THE FORTUNE OR vertue of K. Alexander.

THese are the sayings and allegations of fortune, affirming and pro­ving that Alexander was her owne peculiar peece of worke, and to be ascribed unto her alone. But we must gainesay her in the name and behalfe of Philosophy, or rather of Alexander himselfe: who taketh it not wel, but is highly displeased, that he should be thought 20 to have received his empire at fortunes hand gratis, and as a meere gift and benefit which he had bought and purchased with sheding much of his owne blood, and receiving many a wound one upon another.

Who many restlesse nights did passe
Without all sleepe full broad awake:
And many a bloody day there was,
Whiles be in field did skirmish make.

Whiles he fought against forces and armies invincible, against nations innumerable, rivers im­passable, 30 rocks inaccessible, and such as no shot of arrow could ever reach; accompanied al­waies with prudent counsell, constant patience, resolute valour, and staied temperance. And verily I am perswaded, that himself would say unto fortune, chalenging unto herselfe he honor of his hautie & worthy acts, in this maner: Come not heere either to deprave my vertue, or to deprive me of my due honor, in ascribing it unto thy selfe. Darius was indeed a peece of worke made by thee, whom of a base servitor, no better than a currior or lackey to a king, thou didest advance and make the lord of the Persians. Sardanapalus likewise was thy handy worke, upon whose head, when he was earding and spinning fine purple wooll among women, thou diddest set the imperiall diademe. As for me, I mounted up and ascended as farre as to Susa with victo­ry after the battell at Arbela. The conquest of Cilicia made the way open for me to enter into Aegypt: and the field that I wan at the river Granicus; which I passed over going upon the dead budies of Mithridates and Spithridates leutenants to the king of Persia, gave me entrance into 40 Cilcia. Vaunt now and boast as much as thou wilt of those kings, who never were wounded in figat, nor lost one drop of their blood. These say may well be counted fortunate and thy der­lings, Ochus I meane & Artaxerxes, whom immediately from the very day of their nativity, thou hast enstalled in the roial throne of Cyrus. But this body of mine carieth the markes & tokens of fortune not favourable and gracious, but contrariwise adverse and opposit unto me. First in Il­lyricum, I had my head broken with a great stone, and my necke brused and crushed with a Pe­still. Afterwards in the journey and battell of Granicus, my head was cloven with a Barbarians ci­meter. At the field fought neere Issus, my thigh was run through with a sword: before the city of Gaza, I was shot through the ancle above my foot with one arrow, and into the shoulder with a­nother, 50 whereupon I was unhorsed, and falling heavy in mine armour out of my saddle, I lay there for dead upon the ground. Among the Maracadarts, my shin bone was cut in sunder with shotof quarels and arrowes. Besides many a knocke & wound which I gat among the Indians: and every where I met with hot service among them, untill I was shot quite through the shouder. Another time as I fought against the Gandridae I had the bone of my leg cut in twame, [Page 1265] with another shot likewise in a skirmish with the Mallotae, I caught an arrow in my brest and bo­some, which went so farre and stucke so fast that it left the head behinde: and with the rap and knocke of an iron pestill my necke bone was crushed. And at what time as the skaling ladders reared against the wals brake, fortune enclosed and shut me up alone to fight and maintaine combate, not against noble concurrents and renowmed enimies, but obscure and simple Barba­rous soldiers, gracing and gratifying them thus farre forth, as that they went with in a little of taking away my life: And had not Ptolemaeus come betweene and covered me with his tar­guet; had not Limnaeus in defence of me opposed his owne body and received many a thousand darts, and there lost his life in the place for me; had not I say the Macedonians by force of armes and resolure courage broken downe the wall and laid it along, certes that base village, that 10 Barbarous burrow of no name, had bene at this day the sepulcher of Alexander. Further­more, all that journey and expedition of mine, what was it else but tempestuous stormes, ex­treame heat and drought, rivers of an infinit depth, mountaines so exceeding high, as no bird could flie over them, monstrous beasts and so huge withall, as they were hideous and terrible to be seene, strange and savage fashions of life, revolts of disloiall states and governours, yea and af­terwards their open treasons and rebellions? And as for that which went before his voiage: all Greece panting still and trembling for remembrance of the warres which they endured under his farther Philip, now up their head. The city of Athens now shaking off from their armour the dust of the battell at Chaeronea, began to rise againe and recover themselves after that over­throw. To it joined Thebes and put forth their helping and. All Macedonia was suspected, and 20 stood in doubtfull termes, as enclining to Amyntas and the children of Acropus. The Illyrians brake out into open warres and make hostile invasions. The Scythians hung in equall ballance uncertaine which side to take, expecting what their neighbours would doe, that began to stir and revolt. Besides the good gold of Persia which had found the way into the purses of orators and governors of every citie, made all Peloponnesus to rise in armes. The coffers of Philip his fa­ther were emptie and had no treasure in them: but in insteed thereof they were indebted and paid interest as Onesicritus writeth for *That is to say, 120000 French­crownes. two hundred talents. In these great wants, in such poverty and so troubled a state, see a yong man newly come out of his infancie childhood, durst hope and assuredly looke, for to be lord of Babylon and Susa: nay to speake more truely and in a word, he intended in his designements the conquest of the whole world; and that with a power 30 onely of thirty thousand fooumen, and foure thousand horse: for no greater forces brought he into the field as Aristobulus reporteth: or according as king Ptolemaeus writeth, they were thir­ty thousand foot and five thousand three hundred footmen and five thousand five hundred horse­men. Now all the glorious meanes and great provision for the maintenance and entertainment of this power more or lesse, which fortune had prepared for him, came to seventy talents: as Aristobulus hath set it downe in writing, or as Duris recordeth he was furnished with mony and victuals to serve for thirty daies and no longer. How then? was Alexander so inconsiderate, rash and void of counsell, as to enterprise warre with so small meanes, against so puissant an armie of the Persians? No I wis: for never was their captaine, that went forth to warre better appointed 40 and with greater and more sufficient helpes than he, to wit, magnanimity, prudence, tempe­rance, & fortitude, wherewith Philosophy had furnished him, as with munition for his voiage: as being better provided for this enterprise against the Persians by that which he had learned of his muster and teacher Aristotle, than by all the patrimonie and revenewes which his father Phi­lip had left him. Well, to beleeve those who write, that Alexander himselfe would otherwhiles say, that the [...] and Odyssaea a of Homer accompanied him alwaies as his voiage provision to the warres, we may be esily enduced, for the reverence and honor which we owe unto Homer: but if a man should say, that Homers Ilias and Odyssaea, were unto him an easement of his tra­vels, or an honest pastime and recreation at his leasure, and that the true municion and voiage provision indeed for the maintenance of his wars, were the discourses & precepts which he had 50 learned out of Philosophy, and the treatises or commentaries as touching confidence & feare­lesseresolution of prowesse, valour, magnanimity and temperance, we are ready to mocke and deride him: and why so? because forsooth he hath written nothing of Syllogisnres, of Axiomes, or of the elements and principles of Geometry; because he hath not used to walke in the schoole of Lycen, nor held positions and disputed of questions in the Academie: for these be the things whereby they measure and define Philosophy, who thinke that it consisteth in words and not in [Page 1266] deeds. And yet Pythagoras never writ ought, nor Socrates, nor Arcesilaus, no nor Carneades: who all, no doubt, were most renowmed Philosophers: neither were they imploied and occupi­ed in so great warres, in reducing Barbarouskings to civillity, or in founding and building great cities, among savage nations: neither travelled they through the world visiting lawlesse and cruell people, to teach them to live peaceably and in order, who had never heard of peace or of lawes: but these great and famous personages, for all the leasure and rest that they had from im­ploiments and busie affaires, left all writing for Sophisters onely. How came it then, that thy were reputed Philosophers? Surely it arose either upon their saying which they delivered, or the maner of life that they led, and the actions which they did, or else the doctrine which they taught. Let us now therefore judge of Alexander also accordingly, by the same: for it will be 10 found and seene by the words which he said, the deeds that he wrought, and the lessons which he taught, that he was some great Philosopher: and in the first place, if you thinke good, consider (which at first sight may seeme most strange and wonderfull) what disciples Alexander had; and compare them with the scholars of Plato or of Socrates. These men taught those, who were of quicke wit, and spake the same language that they did; and if they had nothing else, yet un­derstood they at leastwise the Greeke tongue: howbeit for all this, many of their auditours and disciples there were whom they could never perswade to their rules and precepts: but such as Crittas, Alcibiades and Clestiphon, rejected and shoke off all their doctrine, as the bitte of a bridle, and turned another way. Whereas, if you marke and consider the discipline of Alexander, you shall finde, that he taught the Hyrcanians to contract mariage and live in wedlocke; the Ara­chosians 20 to till the ground and follow husbandrie; the Sogdians he perswaded to nourish their aged fathers, and not to kill them; the Persians to reverence and honour their mothers, and not to mary them as they did before. O the admirable Philosophie of this prince! by meanes whereof, the Indians adore and worship the gods of Greece: the Scythians burie their dead and eate them not. We woonder at the powerfull and effectuall speech of Carneades, for that he knew how to make Clitomachus, named before Asdrubal, and a Carthaginian borne, to conforme himslefe to the Greekes fashions and language. Wee admire the emphati­call gift of Zeno, who was able to perswade Diogenes the Babylonian, to give himselfe to the studie of Philosophie. But while Alexander conquered Asia, and reduced it to civili­tie, Homer was read ordinarily: the sonnes of the Persians, Susians, and Gedrosians, chaun­ted the tragoedies of Euripides and Sophocles. As for Socrates, condemned hee was and put to 30 death by the Athenians, at the sute of sycophants and promoters, who enformed against him, that he had brought into Athens new gods: whereas by the meanes of Alexander, the in­habitants of Bactra and the mountaine Caucasus, even at this present, adore the gods of Greece. Plato hath left in writing one forme of policie and government of common-wealth, but he could never perswade so much as one man to use and follow it, so harsh and austere it was found to be. But Alexander having founded above threescore and ten cities among the barbarous nations, and sowen throughout all Asia, the mysteries, sacrifices, and ceremonies of Divine ser­vice which were used in Greece, reclaimed them from their savage and brutish life. And verily, few there be among us, who read and peruse the lawes of Plato: whereas there be infinit thou­sands 40 and millions of men, who have used, and doe at this day practise those of Alexanders or­deining: and such nations were much more happy whom he conquered and subdued, than they that escaped his puissance. For these had never any person who eased and delivered them out of their miserable life, but the other were forced by the conquerour to lead a blessed life; in such sort, as that which Themistocles sometime said, when being banished out of Athens, and fled to the king of Persia, at whose hands having received rich gifts, and the donation besides of three cities which paid him yeerely tribute, one for bread, another for wine, and the third for his meat and other viands; he spake thus unto his sonnes: Oh, how had we bene undone, if we had not beene undone! The same may more justly be verified of those who were then subdued by Alexander: Never had they beene civilized, if by him they had not beene vanquished and 50 brought under his subjection: there had beene no citie Alexandria built in Aegypt, no Seleu­cia in Mesopotamia; no Prophthasia in the Sogdians countrey; no Bucephalia among the Indians; neither should the mountaine Cacausus have had neere unto it the citie Hellas, inha­bited and peopled: by the meanes of which cities, their rude bestiality being first staied and held under, by little and little was extinct, and by custome of the better, changed the woorse. To conclude therefore, if Philosophers stand most upon this point, and beare themselves aloft, for [Page 1267] that they are able to dulce and reforme rude maners, and not polished before by any doctrine. And if it be seene that Alexander hath altered and brought into order an infinite number of wilde nations, and beastly natures; good reason there is, that he should be esteemed an excel­lent Philosopher.

Moreover, that pollicie and forme of government so highly esteemed, which Zeno the first founder of the Stoicks sect devised, tendeth to this one principall point, that we who are men, should not live divided by cities, towns & divers countries, separated by distinct laws, rights, & customs in severall, but thinke all men our felow citizens, & of the same country: also that there ought to be but one kind of life, like as there is but one world, as if we were all of the same flocke under one herdman, feeding in a common pasture Zeno hath set this downe in writing, as a very 10 dreame & imaginarie Idea, of a common-wealth well governed by Philosophicall lawes; but Alexander hath put that in reall execution and practise, which the other had figured and drawen out in words: for he did not as his master Aristotle gave him counsell to doe: namely, to cary himselfe toward the Greeks as a father; and toward the Barbarians as a lord: likewise, to have regard and care of some, as of his friends and kinsfolke; but to make use of others, as if they were brute beasts or plants, and no better: for in so doing, he should have pestered his domini­ons and empire with banishments; which are evermore the secret seeds of warre, of factions and sidings most dangerous: but taking himselfe to be sent downe from heaven, as a common reformer, reconciler, and governour of the whole world; such as he could not draw to accord and agreement, by reason and speech, he compelled by force of armes, and so from every side 20 reduced all into one; causing them to drinke round (as one would say) of one and the same cup of amitie and good fellowship, wherein he tempered and mixed together, their lives and ma­ners, their mariages and fashions of life, commanding all men living to thinke the whole earth habitable, to be their countrey; his campe their citadell and castle of defence; all good men to be their kinsfolke and allies; all leud persons, strangers and aliens. He commanded them moreover, to distinguish Greeks and Barbarians, not by their mantle, round targuet, cemeter turbants, or high crowned chaplets; but to marke and discerne Greece by vertue; Barbarie by vice: in reputing all vertuous folke Greeks, and all vicious persons Barbarians: to thinke also their habilliments and apparell common, their tables common, their mariages besides and maner of life common, as being united all, by the mixture of bloud and communion of chil­dren. 30 Demaratus verily the Corinthian, one of the friends that used to give interteinment to king Philip, when he saw Alexander in the citie of Susa, greatly rejoiced thereat, insomuch as for very joy of heart, the teares ranne downe his cheeks, and he brake foorth into these words: That the Greeks, before departed out of this life, were deprived of exceeding contentment, and hearts delight; in that they had not seene Alexander sitting upon theregall throne of Darius. For mine owne part verily, I would not repute them very happy, for seeing such a sight as that, considering it is the gift of fortune, and as much as that befalleth ordinarily to meaner kings: but I assure you, much pleasure could I have taken, if I had beheld those goodly and sacred espousals, when under the roofe of one pavilion, seeled all over, and wrought with gold, he en­terteined at once, all at one common feast and table, a hundred Persian Brides, maried to an hundred Bridegromes of Greece and Macedonie: at which solemnitie himselfe being crowned with a chaplet of flowers, was the first that began to sing the nuptiall song Hymenaeus, as a canticle of generall amitie, when tow of the igreatest and most puissant nations of the world 40 came to be joined in alliance together by mariage, being himselfe spouse unto one, but the maker of all their mariages, yea, and the common father and mediator to them all, being the meanes of that knot and conjunction. For willingly I would have said; O barbarous, senselesse and blockish Xerxes, that tookest so great paines, and all to no purpose, about making a bridge over Hellespont. For after this maner should wise kings and prudent princes, conjoine Europe and Asia together, not with wood and timber; not with boates and barges, nor with those linkes and bonds which have neither life nor mutuall affection; but by lawfull love, by chaste 50 and honest wedlocke, by communication also of children, to unite and associate two nations together. To this comely or nament Alexander had an eie, when he would not admit the habi­liments and robes of the Medes, but the attire and apparell of the Persians, as being farre more sober, modest and decent than the other: for rejecting & casting aside that outlandish, unusuall pompeous and tragical excesse in the barbarous habit, to wit, the copped turbant Tiara, the side and superfluous purple mantell Candys, their wide breeches and slacke sloppes Anaxyridae; [Page 1268] he wore himselfe a certeine kinde of robe, composed partly of the Macedonian, and in part of the Persian habit, according as Eratosthenes hath written. As a Philosopher he made use of things indifferent, neither good simply, nor ill: and as a gracious ruler and courteous king, he wanne the love and heart of those whom he had subdued, by gracing and honouring upon his owne person their apparell: to the end that they should continue fast unto him, and firme in loialtie; loving the Macedonians as their naturall lords, and not hating them, as tyrannizing enemies. For it would have bewraied a foolish minde, and withall disdainfull and proud, to have made great account of a selfe-coloured homely mantell, and withall, to have taken of­fence at a rich coate, embrodered all over with purple; or contrariwise, to have had this in ad­miration, and the other in contempt; like unto some infant or little childe, keeping still pre­cisely 10 to that apparell, which the custome of the countrey as a nurse or foster-mother hath once put on: whereas we see, that huntsmen who use to choose deere, are wont to clad them­selves with the skinnes and hides of those wilde beasts which they have taken; as for example, of stagges and hindes: foulers also, that lie for to catch birds, cast upon themselves, gabardines, and coates of fetherworke, or beset with wings and fethers. Those who weare red clothes, be­ware how they come in the way of buls: and such as be clothed in white, are as carefull not to be seene of elephants; for that these beasts fare as though they were wood and mad at the sight of such colours. Now if so great a king as Alexander was, minding to tame warlike nations, like unto wilde beasts, or to dulce and keepe them gentle, who were so fierce and untractable, used those robes and habillimonts which were proper, usuall, and familiar to them; and all to gaine 20 their hearts by little and little, mollifying by that meanes the fiercenesse of their courage, paci­fying their displeasure, and dulcing their grimnesse and austeritie: would any man blame or reproove, and not rather honour and admire his politicke wisdome, in that with a little change and altering of his garments, he had the dexteritie and skill to gaine all Asia, and lead it as he would, making himselfe, thus by his armour, master and lord of their bodies; and by his appa­rell alluring and winning their hearts. And yet these men commend Aristippus the Philoso­pher, and disciple of Socrates, for that one while wearing a poore, thinne and thred-bare cloke, and another while putting on a rich mantell of tissew wrought and died at Miletus, he knew how to keepe decorum, and decently to behave himselfe, as well in the one garment as the o­ther: meane while, they blame and condemne Alexander, in that as he honored the habit of 30 his owne countrey, so he disdained not the apparell of another, which he had conquered by armes, intending therby to lay the ground-worke & foundation of greater matters: for his des­seigne and purpose was not to over-runne and waste Asia, as a captaine and ring-leader of a ra­ble of theeves and robbers would doe, nor to sacke and racke, harry and worrie it, as the praie and booty of unexpected and unhoped for felicity: like as afterwards Anniball did by Italy; and before time, the Trierians delt by Ionia; and the Scythians by Asia, who made havocke and waste as they went: but as one, who meant to range all the nations upon earth, under the obe­dience of one and the same reason, and to reduce all men to the same policie, as citizens under government of a common-weale, therefore thus he composed and transformed himselfe in his raiment and habit. And if that great God, who sent the soule of Alexander from heaven to 40 earth below, had not so suddenly called it away againe unto himselfe; peradventure there had beene but one law to rule and overlooke all men living, the whole world haply had beene go­verned by one and the same justice, as a common light to illustrate all places: whereas now, those parts of the earth, which never had a sight of Alexander, remaine in the shadow of dark­nesse, as destitute of the very light of the sunne: and therefore the very first project of his ex­pedition and voiage sheweth, that he caried the minde of a true Philosopher indeed, who aimed not at the gaining for himselfe daintie delights, and costly pleasures, but intended to procure and compasse an universall peace, concord, unitie and societie of all men living one with a­nother.

In the second place consider we his words and sentences; for that in other kings and poten­tates 50 also, their maners and intentions of their minde, are principally bewraied by their spee­ches. Antigonus the elder, when a certeine Sophister upon a time presented and pronounced unto him certeine commentaries and treatises which he had composed as touching justice: Good fellow (quoth he) thou art a foole, to come and preach unto one of justice, when thou seest me bending mine ordinance against the cities of other princes, and battering their wals as I do. Denys also the tyrant was wont to say, that we should deceive children with dies and cockal [Page 1269] bones, but beguile men with othes: And upon the tombe of Sardanapalus was engraven this epitaph:

What I did eat and drinke, I have: the sports also remaine
Which lady Venus did vouchsave, all else I count but vaine.

Who can denie, but that by the last of those speeches and apophthegmes, sensuall lust and vo­luptuousnesse was authorized; by the second, Atheisme and impietie; and by the first, injustice and avarice? Now if you take away from the sayings of Alexander his roiall crowne and dia­deme, the addition of Jupiter Amnion whose sonne he was stiled to be, and the nobility of his 10 birth, certes you would say they were the sage sentences of Socrates, Plato or Pythagoras. For we must not stand upon the brave titles and proud inscriptions which Poets have devised to be im­printed or engraven upon his pictures, images and statues, having an eie and regard not to shew the modestie, but to magnifie the puissance of Alexander: as for example;

This image here that stands in brasse so bright,
Of Alexander is the portraict right:
Up toward heaven he both his eies doth cast,
And unto Jove seemes thus to speake at last:
Mine is the earth, by conquest I it hold:
Thou Jupiter in heaven mayst be bold.

And another: 20

Of Jupiter that heavenly God of might,
The sonne am I (Great Alexander hight.)

These were the glorious titles which glavering Poets I say, in flattery of his fortune fathered upon him. But if a man would recount the true apophthegmes indeed of Alexander, he may do well to beginne first at those which he delivered in his childhood: for being in footmanship the swftest of all other yoong lads of his age, when his familiar play-feeres and mates were in hand with him very earnestly to runne a course at the Olympian games for a prise, he demanded of them againe, whether he should meet with kings there for his concurrents in the race: and when they answered, No: Then were the match (quoth he) not equally nor indifferently made, wher­in 30 if I have the woorse, a king shall be foiled; and if I gaine the victorie, I shall but conquer pri­vate persons. When his father Philip chanced in a battell against the Triballians to be runne thorow the thigh with a launce; and albeit, that he escaped danger of death, yet was much grie­ved and dismaied to limpe and halt thereupon as he did: Be of good cheere good father (quoth he) and go abroad hardly in the sight of the whole world, that at every step you tread and set for­ward, you may be put in minde of your valour and vertue. How say you now, proceed not these answeres from a Philosophicall minde? and shew they not an heart, which being ravished with a divine instinct and ardent love of good and honest things, careth not for the defects of the bo­die? for how greatly thinke you joyed and gloried he in the wounds that he received in his owne person, who in every one of them bare the testimony and memoriall of some nation subdued, 40 some battell won, of some cities forced by assaile, or of some kings that yeelded to his mercie? Certes, he never tooke care to cover and hide his scarres, but caried them about him, and shew­ed them where ever he went, as so many marks and tokens engraved, to testifie his vertue and prowesse. And if at any time there grew some comparison, either by way of serious disputation in points of learning, or in table talke, as touching the verses of Homer, which of them were best: when some seemed to commend this verse, others that, he would evermore preferre this, above all other:

[...]
A prince right good and gracious,
A knight withall most valourous. 50

and making this account, that the praise which another had given to king Agamemnon before time, stood for a law unto himselfe; insomuch, as he would say, that Homer in that one [...] recommended the vertue of Agamemnon, and prophesied the prowesse of Alexander. And therefore, so often as he passed over the Streight of Helle spont, his maner was to goe and [...] Troy, where he represented unto his owne minde, the woorthy feats of armes which those brave princes and noble worthies performed, who fought there. And when one of that countrey pro­mised [Page 1270] to bestow upon him in free gift, if he would accept it, the harpe of Paris: I have no need (quoth he) of it, for I haue already, that of Achilles: to the sound whereof he was woont for his recreation,

The praises for to sing and chant,
Of dowtie knights and valiant:

whereas this here of Paris, warbled a wanton and feminine harmony, to which he used to sing sonnets and balads of Love.

Now most certeine it is, that to love wisdome, and to have in esteeme, sages and learned per­sons is an infallible signe of a philosophicall spirit. And this was in Alexander, if ever in any other prince: for what kindnesse and affection he caried to his tutour and master, Aristotle; al­so, 10 that hee did as great honour unto Anaxarchus the skilfull Musician, as to no favourite and familiar friend the like; I have alreadie shewed elsewhere. The first time that ever Pyrrho the Elian talked and conferred with him, hee gave unto the man tenne thousand pieces of golde. unto Xenocrates one of Platoes disciples, he sent a present of fiftie talents. And as most historiographers doe report, he made Onesicritus, one of Diogenes his scholars, his admirall at sea. And himselfe meeting upon a time with Diogenes at Corinth, where he communed with him, he so woondered at his maner of life, and had his gravitie in such admiration, that many a time after, in speaking of him, he would say: Were I not Alexander, I would be Diogenes: which was as much to say, as thus: I could willingly employ my whole life and spend my time at my booke and in contemplation, but that I am determined to be a Philosopher in deed and action. 20 He said not: If I were not a king, I could finde in mine heart to be Diogenes: nor, If I were not rich, and one that loved to go gay and in sumptuous robes, &c. For he never in his life prefer­red fortune before wisdome; nor the purple mantle of estate, or the roiall diademe, before a scrip and a poore threedbare Philosophers cloake; but simply this was his saying: Were I not Alexander, I would be Diogenes: that is to say, Had I not proposed to my selfe to joine together in mutuall societie, Barbarous nations with the Greeks, and by travelling in voiage thorow the earth, to polish and make civill what savage people soever I find, searching from one end of the world to another, and visiting all the coasts of the sea, to joine Macedonie unto the Ocean, to sow as it were, Greece in all parts, and to spread thorowout all nations peace and justice, yet would I not sit still idle in delights, and take my pleasure, but imitate the simplicity and frugality of Dio­genes. 30 But now pardon me, I pray thee, ô Diogenes: I follow Hercules, I take the way of Perseus, I tread the trace of god Bacchus, my stocke-father and author of my race and progeny; I would gladly, that the Greeks might once more dance with victory among the Indians, and reduce in­to the memory and remembrance of those mountainers and savage nations who dwell beyond the mountaine Caucasus, the joily feasts and meriments of the Bacchanales. And even there, by report, there be those who follow a certeine strict, austere, and naked profession of wisdome, cal­led thereupon Gymnosophists, holy men, living according to their owne lawes, devoted alto­gether to a contemplative service of God, making lesse account of this life than Diogenes doth, and living more barely, as having no need at all of bagge and wallet; for, no provision make they of victuals, because the earth furnisheth them alwaies with that which is new and fresh to 40 their hand: the rivers affoord them drinke; the leaves falling from trees and the greene grasse of the earth together, serve for their beds: by my meanes shal they know Diogenes, and Diogenes them. I must also alter the stampe of the coine, and in stead of a Barbarian marke, signe it after the Greeke maner and according to their common wealth. Well, thus much of his words and sayings: come we now to his deeds. And doe they seeme to cary before them the blinde rash­nesse and temerity of Fortune, and bare force of armes and violences of the hand? or rather, of the one side, great prowesse and justice; on the other side, much clemency and lenity, to­gether with good order and rare prudence, of one managing all things by sober, discreet and considerate judgement? Certes, I am not able to say and discerne in all his acts thus much, as to pronounce, That this was a deed of valour; that, of humanity; and another, of patience or 50 continence: but every exploit of his, seemeth to have beene mingled and compounded of all vertues in one, to confirme the famous sentence and opinion of the Stoicks, That every act, a wise man doth effect by all vertues jointly together. True it is indeed, that in ech action there is one vertue or other, eminent and predominant alwaies above others; but the same inciteth and directeth the rest to the same end: and even so we may see in the acts of Alexander, That as his martiall valour is humane, so his humanitie is valourous; his bounty is thrifty, his liberality [Page 1271] frugall; his choler soone appeased, his heat quickly cold; his loves temperate, his pastimes not idle; and his travels not without their solace and recreation; who, evermore tempered feasts with warre, military expeditions with games, masks and sports; who, interlaced among his sie­ges of cities, warlike exploits and executions, festivall Bacchanales, and nuptiall songs of Hymenaeus. Who was there ever, greater enemy to those that doe wrong, or more mercifull and gracious to the afflicted? Who ever caried himselfe more heavie to stiffe-necked and ob­stinate persons; and more friendly againe; to humble suppliants? And heere in this place it comes into my minde, for to alledge and cite the saying of king Porus, who being brought pri­soner before king Alexander, and demanded by him, in what maner he wished that he should use him: Roially (quoth he) ô Alexander. And when Alexander replied againe, and asked what 10 he had els to say: Nothing, quoth Porus; for in that one word [Roially] is comprised all. And even so me thinks, that in all the actions of Alexander, a man may use this for a reffrein or fa­burden, All Philosophically. For this in deed conteineth all. He was enamoured of Roxane the daughter of Oxiathres, by occasion that he saw her to dance with a good grace among other captive ladies: howbeit, he would not force her, nor offer any violence to her dishonour; but espoused her for his wife: wherein he did as a Philosopher. When he saw his enemy Darius ly­ing dead, with many an arrow and dart sticking in his body, he neither sacrificed to the gods, nor sounded the triumph for joy, that so long a war by his death was come to an end; but taking the mantle from his owne shoulders, cast it over the dead corps, as if he would thereby have covered and hidden the wofull destiny of a king. And this also was done like a Philosopher. He recei­ved 20 one day a letter of secrets from his owne mother, which whiles he perused, it chanced that Hephaestion also sitring at that timeby him, read it simply together with him, and thought no­thing, Alexander debarred him not; onely he tooke the signet from his owne finger, set it to his mouth, sealing as it were his silence, by the faith that he owed unto a friend. See how herein he shewed the part of a Philosopher: for if these be not Philosophicall acts, I know not what els be. Socrates was well enough content, that faire Alcibiades should lie with him; but Alexander, when Philoxenus his lieutenant generall over the sea coasts of Asia, wrote unto him, that there was a yong boy within his government in Ionia, for sweet favour and beauty incomparable, de­manding of him by his letters to know his pleasure, whether he should send the said youth unto him, he wrote sharply unto him, in this wise: What hast thou knowen by me, most leaud and 30 wicked varlet as thou art, that thou shouldest presume thus to allure and entice me with such pleasures? Xenocrates we have in admiration, for turning backe a present of fifty talents, which Alexander sent unto him; and shall we not wonder aswell at the giver? shall we not thinke, that he made as small account of money, who gave so liberally, as he who refused it? Xenocrates had no need of riches, professing as he did Philofophy; but Alexander had use therefore, even in re­gard of Philosophy, cecause he might exercife his iberality in bestowing the same so bounti­fully upon such perfons. We honour theremembrance of those, who have left behinde them testimonies of their contempt of death: and how often thinkeyou, hath Alexander delivered as much, when he saw the drts and arrowes flying so thicke about his eares, and himselfepressed hard upon by the violence of enemies? We are perswaded verily, that there is in all men what­soever, 40 some light of sound judgement, for that nature herselfe frameth them to discerne that which is good and honest: but a difference there is betweene the common sort and Philoso­phers, for that Philosophers excell the rest in this, that their judgements be more firme, setled and resolute in dangers than others; wheras the vulgar sort are not armda otiid before­hand with such deepe impressions and resoutions as these:

[...]
The best presage by augury and bird-flight,
Is, in defence of countrey for to fight.

Againe:

This full account all men must make, 50
By death one day their end to take.

But the occurrences and occasions of perils presented unto them, doe breake their discourse of reason; and the imaginations of dangers imminent, doe drive out all counsell and considerate judgement. For feare doth not only maskre and astonish the memory, as Thucydides saith, but The end of this treatise is lost. also driveth out every good intention, all motions and endevors of well doing: whereas Philo­sophy bindeth them fast with cords round about, that they cannot stirre.

OF THE FORTVNE OR VERTUE OF K. Alexander. 10
The second Oration.

The Summarie.

PLutarch doth prosecute in this declamation, the argument and discourse begun in the former: the some whereof is this, that the vertue of Alexander surmounted his for­tune, 20 which was alwasies in maner contrary unto him. But before that he entreth into this matter he opposeth unto the sufficiency and singular parts of this prince, the base demeanour and brutish vilany of certaine other kings and potentates, adjoining over and besides thus much, that al his exercises and imploiments, are proofes every one of his hauty courage and mognanimity, Then discourseth he particularly, in what account and reputation good workemen were with Alexander, and what his selfe conceit was of his owne workes in comparison of theirs. Af­terwards, he commeth to shew, that if Alexander be considered from his very first beginning to his last end, he will be found, to be the very handy worke of valour and fortitude. In proceeding forward, he saith, that fortune received more honor by Alexander than he by her. The which is verified by con­sidering the state of his armie, after his death. Upon this, he entreth into a common place of mans 30 greatnesse, which serveth to cleere and illustrate the former points and matters handled. And by the consideration of the evill cariage and government of many other princes, as by a foile, he giveth a most beautifull lustre unto the vertues of Alexander, which he desciphereth in particular. This done, he answereth those, who object that fortune raised Alexander, to that greatnesse. And to give the mightier force and weight to the reasons by him produced, he disputeth against fortune her selfe: wherein he examineth his severall exploits, wherein as vertue is evidently seene to accompany and assist, so fortune to oppose her selfe and resist him. And this doth he particularize at large. After this digression, he commeth againe to his precedent matter, and bringeth out new proofes of the vertue and magnanimity of this mighty Monarch, even from his youth unto his dying day; comparing him as a Paragon, with the wisest Sages, and most valiant warriours both of Persia and of Greece. Shewing also that he surpassed them all, in continency, liberality, piety, prudence, justice, beneficence and valour. For the last point, he relateth the great jeopardy wherein Alexander was plunged one time among the rest, out of which, vertue caused 40 him to retire safe as it were, in despite of fortune: which is the very conclusion of this treatise, confirming the principall intenti­on of our authour, which is to proove that the fore­said grandeur of Alexander ought not to be ascribed unto fortune, but to vertue. 50

THE FORTUNE OR vertue of K. Alexander.

The second Oration.

WE forgat yesterday (as it should seeme) among other matters to say, that the age wherein Alexander lived was in this respect happy, for that it brought forth many excellent arts, and as many great and 10 singular wits: or rather it may be said, that this was not so much the good fortune of Alexander, as of those cunning artisans and rare spirits, to have for their witnesse & spectator such a personage, who both knew best how to judge truely of good workemanship, and al­so was most able to reward the same as liberally. And verily to this purpose reported it is, that somtime after, in the age ensuing, when Archestratus a fine headed Poet and a pleasant, lived in great want and penury, for that no man made any reckoning of him to his desert, there came one unto him and said: Had it beene thy hap Archestratus to have lived in the daies of Alexander, he would for every verse of thine 20 have bestowed upon thee either Cyprus or Phoenice. Certes for mine owne part thus I conceive of it, that the artificers and workemen living in that age, became so famous and excellent not so much under Alexander and by Alexander. For it is the good temperature of the weather and subtilty of the ambient aire, that causeth abundance and plenty of fruits: but the gracious countenance, the fovor, honor, bounty and humanity of a prince, is it that provoketh and stir­reth up good arts, yea and advanceth excellent wits: whereas contrariwise all the same languish­eth, decaieth, is extinguished and perisheth cleane by the envie, avarice, spary pinching, and peevish frowardnesse of rulers and those in authority. And heere I must call to minde the re­port that goeth of Dionysius the tyrant, who heering one day a famous minstrell playing passing well upon the lute and as sweet singing thereto, said openly, that he would bestow upon him for a reward a talent of silver. The morrow after comes this musician to call for the money accor­ding 30 to promise: unto whom Dionysius made this answere: Sirrha (quoth he) yesterday as I tooke contentment by thee so long as I heard thee play and sing, so I am sure I did thee a plea­sure againe in the hope of this promise: thou wert paied therefore presently for the delight which thou gavest me, by the joy that thou receivedst from me: goe thy waies therefore, thou hast thy reward already. Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae, (whom indeed I should call by this ad­dition onely [tyrant] and not steine and contaminate so good a name as Alexander, by stiling therewith so wicked a wretch:) this tyrant I say, whiles he beheld one day an excellent plaier ac­ting in a tragoedy, was so much moved with a certaine tickling delight comming upon him, that his heart began to relent even upon a tender commiseration and pitie: whereupon he suddenly left the theater, made haste away, & went faster than an ordinary pace untill he was out of sight, 40 saying withall, that it were a great indignity for him to be seene for to weepe and shed teares, in compassion of the miseries and calamities of queene Hecuba or lady Polyxena, who every day caused so many citizens and subjects throats to be cut. This monstrous tyrant was so mischie­vously bent, that he went within a little of punishing that excellent actour most grieveously, be­cause he had mollified his hard heart and made it melt like a peece of iron in the furnace. Ar­chelaus king of [...] seemed to be not very free of gift, whereupon Timotheus the musi­cian singing to the harpe, would eftsoones glaunce at him, and iterate this prety scoffe as the foot of his song;

This earth bred mettall, silver bright,
You * [...] praise sir, as your whole delight. 50

But Archelaus met with him, extempore againe, and replied not unwittily, in this wise,

And thou as faine would'st silver have,
And doest as shamelessely it * [...] crave.

Ateas a king of the Scythians, having taken prisoner in warre, that famous minstrell Ismenias, commanded him to sound upon his flute or pipe, whiles he sat at dinner. Now when all the company besides wondred at his excellent musicke, and applauded him for his good playing, [Page 1274] he himselfe sware a great oth, that he tooke more pleasure to heare his horse neigh, so unmusicall were his eares and so farre removed from the Muses: so much also was his minde set upon the stable and manger, fitter indeed to heare asses bray than horses neigh. What honour then or advancement may a cunning artisan, or so absolute a master in musicke hope for at the hands of such kings? Certes no more than from those who would seeme themselves to be skilful, yea and dare contend with professours in the sufficiencie of their arte: and therefore upon envie or ma­lice seeke to overthrow and deprave those that indeed be excellent artists. Such an one was Dionysius above named (whom heere I must bring in againe) who caused the Poet Philoxenus to be cast into the prison or dungeon called Latomiae, that is to say, the Quarries, because when Dionysius had put into his hands a tragoedy of his owne making, commanding him to review 10 and correct the same, he dashed it out and interlined it all from the beginning to the end. And even Philip also king of Macedonie, for that late it was ere he gave his minde to musicke, was in this behalfe unlike himselfe and not answerable to his greatnesse otherwise. Howbeit upon an opinion that he had of his owne skill that way, he would needs (as the report goes) enter into disputation with a professed musician and plaier of instruments, and argue about the strokes and stops, points and notes and such like terms, yea and seeme forsooth to controle him in his owne art; whereat the minstrell smiling pleasantly upon him: God forbid sir (quoth he) that you a king, should ever be so unfortunate and at so low an eb, as to have more skill in these matters than I. But Alexander knowing full well what things he should be a spectatour and auditour of, as also what he ought himselfe to practise and execute with his owne hand, studied continually 20 to be expert and accomplished in feates of armes, indevouring, as the Poet Aeschylus saith,

Most manfully his standing, good to make:
And terribly to force his foes to quake.

And this indeed was the hereditarie art which he received by succession from his auncestors the Aeacidae, and Hercules: as for other sciences, he honored them in other men, without any emu­lation at all for their profession: and as he highly commended any excellency or grace there­in, so for no pleasure & delight that he tooke thereby, was he easily surprized with any affection for to follow the same. In his time there flourished two noble Tragoedians above the rest Thes­salus and Athenodorus; who when they contended one against another for the prise, who could act the better, the kings of Cyprus defraied the charges belonging to this solemne spectacle, 30 and pageant; but the principall and most renowmed captaines, were judges to decide the quar­rell. In the end, when Athenodorus was declared victour; Alexander who stood better affec­ted to Thessalus: I would I had (quoth he) lost the one halfe of my kingdome, so I had not seene Thessalus take the foile: howbeit, he neither expostulated with the umpiers, nor complained of their judgement; for howsoever he thought that himselfe ought in other respects to outgoe all, yet he was to yeeld and give place to justice. Among Comedians in those daies, there was one Lycon a Scarphean: this actour in playing his part before him in a comedie, had interla­ced handsomly a verse, wherein he seemed cleanly to crave some reward: Alexander laughed at the conceit of the fellow, and gave him ten tallents. Many excellent harpers there were, and plaiers of the lute, and one Aristonicus among others, who in a certeine battell running in to 40 rescue and succour him, fought manfully, and there was slaine, and fell dead at his foot: Alex­ander heereupon caused his statue to be made in brasse, and to be set up in the temple of Apollo Pythius holding a lute in the one hand, and a launce in the other. In so doing he not onely ho­nored the man, but also Musicke, as being an art which breedeth animositie in mens hearts, fil­ling those with a certeine ravishment of spirit and couragious heart to fight valiantly, who are naturally framed and bred up to action: for even himselfe one day, when Antigenides sounded the battell with his flute, and singing thereto a militarie song, called Harmation, was thereat so much mooved, and set in such an heat by his warlike tune, that he started out of the place where he sat, and caught up the armes that hung up thereby, ready to brandish them and to fight, bearing witnesse thereby to the Spartans, chaunting thus: 50

Sweetly to play on Lute and Harpe;
To sing thereto as pleasantly:
Beseemeth those that love at sharpe,
To fight it out right valiantly.

There lived also in the time of Alexander, Apelles the Painter, and Lysippus the Imager: the former of these two, painted Alexander holding a thunderbolt in his hand, but so exquisitely [Page 1275] to the life, and so like unto himselfe, that it was a common saying; Of two Alexanders, the one, king Philips sonne, was invincible; the other of Apelles drawing, was inimitable. As for Lysippus, when he had cast the first image of Alexander, with his face up toward heaven, ex­pressing thereby the very countenance of Alexander, who was woont so to looke, and withall, to turne his necke somewhat at one side; there comes me one and setteth over it this epigram, alluding very pretily to the said portraicture:

This image heere that stands in brasse all bright,
The portraict is of Alexander, right:
Up toward heaven, he both his eies doth cast,
And unto Jove, seemes thus to speake at last: 10
Thou Jupiter in heav'n maist well be bold:
Mine is the earth, by conquest I it hold.

And therefore Alexander gave commandement, that no other brasse founder, should cast his image, but only Lysippus: for he alone it was (as it should seeme) that had the feat to represent his naturall disposition in brasse, and to expresse his vertue answerable to the lineaments and proportion of his shape. As for others, howsoever they might be thought to resemble the ben­ding of his necke, the cheerefull cast & amiable volubility of his quicke eie; yet could they ne­ver observe and keepe that virilitie of visage and lion-like looke of his. In the ranke of other rare workmen, may be ranged a famous Architect, named Stasicrates, who would not seeme to bu­sie 20 himselfe in making any thing, that was either gallant & pleasant, or delectable and gracious to the eie; but intended some great matter, and such a piece of worke, and of that argument, as would require no lesse then the riches and treasure of a king to furnish and set foorth. This fel­low comes up to Alexander, being in the high countries and provinces of his dominion, where before him he found fault with all his images, as well painted, and engraven, as cast and pour­traied any way; saying, they were the hand-works of base minded and mechanicall artificers: But I (quoth he) if it may please your majestie, know how, and doe intend to found and establish the similitude of your roiall person, in a matter that is living and immortall, groun­ded upon eternall roots, the weight and ponderositie whereof is immooveable, and can not be shaken: For the mountaine Athos (quoth he) in Thracia, whereas it is greatest, and ri­seth to a most conspicuous height; where the broad plaines and high tops are proportionate 30 to it selfe every waie; having in it, members, lims, joints, distances, and intervals, resembling for all the world, the forme of mans body, may be wrought and framed so, as it would serve ve­rie well both to be called, and to be indeed, the statue of Alexander, and worthy his Greatnesse: the foote and base whereof, shall touch the sea; in one of the hands comprehending and hol­ding a great citie peopled and inhabited by an infinit number of men: and in the right, a run­ing river, with a perpetuall current, which it powreth as it were out of a great pot into the sea: as for all these petty images and puppets made of gold, brasse, and ivorie, these wodden tables with pictures, away with them all, as little paltrey portracts, which may be bought and sold, theefe-stollen and melted, defaced and marred. Alexander having heard the man speake, highly praised him, as admiring his hautie minde, his bold courage, the conceit of his extraor­dinary 40 invention: Good fellow (quoth he) let Athos alone, and permit it to stand a Gods name, in the place where it doth, and never alter the forme of it: it sufficeth that it is the monument of the outragious pride, insolent vanitie and folly of one king already: and as for me, the moun­taine Caucasus, the hilles Emodi, the river Tanais, and the Caspian sea, shall be the images and statues to represent my acts. But set the case I pray you, that such a piece of worke had beene made & finished as this great architect talked of: is there any man thinke you, seeing it in that forme, disposition, and fashion, that would thinke it grew so by chance & adventure? No I war­rant you. What say we now to his image called Ceraunophoros, that is to say, the thunder-bolt­beare? what say we to another named [...] that is to say, leaning upon a launce? Can not the greatnesse & majestie of such a statue be performed by fortune, without the artificial hand of 50 man, howsoever it conferre and allow thereto great store of gold, brasse, ivorie, and all maner of rich & precious matter? and shall we thinke it then possible, that a great personage, nay rather the greatest that ever the world saw, was made & perfected by fortune without vertue? and that it was fortune onely who made for him that provision of armes, of money, of men, cities, and horses: all which things, bring perill to those that know not how to use them well; and neither honour and credit, nor puissance, but rather argue their seeblenesse and impuissance. For [Page 1276] Antisthenes said, very well and truely, that we should wish unto our enemies all the good things in the world, save onely valour and fortitude: for by that meanes they be not theirs who are in present possession of them, but become theirs who are the conquerors. And this is the reason men say, that nature hath set upon the head of an Hart for his defence, the most heartlesse and cowardly beast that is, woonderfull hornes for bignesse, and most dangerous by reason of their sharpe and branching knagges: teaching us by this example, that bodily strength and ar­mour, serveth them in no stead, who have not the courage and resolution to stand their ground and fight it out. And even thus we see, that fortune many times by heaping upon heartlesse cowards, and witlesse fooles, a great estate of riches and dominion, which they know not how to weld, and wherewith they discredit themselves, doeth honour and grace vertue, as upon which onely dependeth all the puissance, all the worship, glory, and reputation of men: for if 10 as Epicharmus saith,

The minde it is that seeth cleare:
And t'is the minde that eke doeth heare.

then all the rest are blinde and deafe, which be void of reason: for the senses seeme verilie to have their proper and peculiar functions. Now, that the minde is all in all, that the minde is a­vaileable in all things, that the minde disposeth every thing in good order, that it is the minde which conquereth, which ruleth & reigneth over all; & whatsoever beside, blind, deafe, & with­out life, do hinder, depresse, and dishonor the possessors thereof, if vertue be away, may be pro­ved and exemplified by the experience and course of wordly affaires: for by the same puissance and command, Semiramis being but a woman, rigged and manned armadoes at sea, leavied and 20 armed maine battels of land forces, built Babylon, scoured and conquered all the coast of the red sea, subdued and brought to her obedience the Arabians and Aethiopians: whereas Sar­danapalus, a man borne, sat within house at home, carding and spinning purple, tumbling and lying along, waltting among a sort of concubines: and when he was dead, they made for him a statue in stone, dauncing by himselfe alone after the Barbarian fashion, and knacking (as it were) with his fingers over his head, like an antique, with this epigram set over it:

Eat, drinke, the wanton lecher play,
For nothing els is ought, I say.

Crates the Philosopher seeing upon a time within the temple of Apollo Pythius at Delphi, the image of Phryne the curtisan, shrined all in golde, cried out: Behold heere stands the trium­phant 30 Trophaee, over the loose and lascivious life of the Greeks. But whosoever beholdeth the life or sepulture, whether you will (for in mine opinion there is no difference) of Sardanapalus, he may well and truely say to the Trophaee of fortunes goods. What then? shall we suffer for­tune after Sardanapalus to meddle with Alexander, and to chalenge unto herselfe any part of his mightinesse and puissance? That were no reason at all: for what gave she ever unto him more than other kings have received at her hands? whether it were armour, horses, wea­pons, monie, soldiers, and a guard about their persons? Well, let her by these meanes make Ariddaeus great if she can; let her magnifie (I say) by these meanes Amasis, Ochus, Oarses; Tigranes the Armenian, and Nicomedes the Bithynian: of whom the one, to wit, Tigranes, 40 flung downe his crowne and diadem at the feet of Pompeius, and shamefully lost his kingdome, as a pray or escheat fallen into his enemies hand: the other, namely Nicomedes, having shaven his head, and wearing a cap upon it, declared himselfe thereby, to be an affranchised vassall of the Romans? What? Say we then, that fortune maketh men cowards, fearefull, and base min­ded? Surely, it were no reason to impute cowardise upon infortunitie, no more than to attri­bute valour and wisdome to prosperitie. But well and truely may one say, that fortune herselfe was great, in regard of her lord and master Alexander: for in him she was glorious, invincible and magnanimous; not proud nor insolent, but full of clemencie and humanitie: no sooner was the breath out of his body, but presently her power, that is to say, his armie and forces, as Leosthenes said wandring up and downe stragling and running upon it selfe, resembled that 50 same Cyclops Polyphemus, who after his eie was out of his head, went groping all about, putting forth his hands before him, but not knowing where to lay them: For even the greatnesse of her puissance, after he was once dead, went to and fro, wandring it wist not where, and stumbling e­ver and anon, wanting a directour and governour, as in time of Anarchie, when there is no soveraigne ruler knowen: or rather it might be compared unto dead bodies when the life is newly departed out of them. For like as the parts are not knit together, nor hold one to another [Page 1277] any longer, but fall away one from the other, and loosely withdraw themselves apart: even so the armie of Alexander after it had lost and forgone him, did no more but sprunt, pant, struggle and strive for life, tosse and tumble to and fro, under the Perdiccaies, the Meleagers, the Seleuci, the Antegoni, and I wot not whom, like unto some small vital spirits, yet remaining hot and beating within the arteries heere and there disorderly, and now and than like intermittent pulses, untill such time as at the last it grew to putrifaction and corruption in maner of a dead carcase, and en­gendred wormes crawling within it: I meane such base kings, degenerat rulers & captaines who had no generosity nor heart in them. Certes, Alexander himselfe in his life time rebuking He­phaestion when he quarelled with Craterus, tanted him & tooke him up in this wise: What power hast thou of thy selfe? what couldest thou do, and where wouldest thou be, if a man should take Alexander 10 from thee? Semblably, I will not sticke to say thus unto the fortune of that time: What is thy greatnesse? what is thy glory? where is thy puissance? where is thine invincible pow­er, if one should bereave thee of Alexander? That is as much to say, as if one should deprive thine armes & weapons, of skill and experience to use them; thy riches, of liberality; thy sump­tuosity and magnificence, of temperance; thy fights & combats, of resolute valor; thy victories and superiorities, of mildenesse and lenity. Make any other great if thou canst, who bestoweth not his good bountifully, who in the forefrunt of the battell hazzardeth not his owne person first before his armie, who honoreth not nor regardeth his friends, who taketh no pitie of his enimies captive, who is not in his pleasures continent, in his occasions & affaires vigilant, in his victories soone pacified and easie to be compounded with, and last of all, who in his prosperity 20 and good successe is not kind and courteous. How can a man possibly be great, what power and authority so ever he have, if he be foolish, vicious, & wicked withal: for in one word, take vertue from a man otherwise fortunate, he is every way meane and of base account; meane in his gifts & donations, by reason of nigardise; meane in his travels, in regard of his cowardise and tender­nes; meane in the sight of the gods, because of his superstition; meane among good men, for his envie; meane with valiant warriors, in respect of his timorousnesse; and meane in the conceit of honest women, considering his dissolute voluptuousnesse. For like as unskilfull workemen who set little statues upon great bases and lage piedstals, shew thereby the smalnesse of their sta­tues so much the more: even so when fortune raiseth up a man of base minde into high place and to an estate wherein he is to be seene of the whole world, 30 she discovereth his wants, she discrediteth and dishonoreth him the rather, waving and shaking every way through his levitie. So that, by this we must confesse, that greatnesse lieth not in the bare possession, but in the well using of good things: For many times it falleth out that very infants even from their cradle, inherite the realmes and seignories of their fathers; like as Charillus did, whom Ly­curgus his uncle broght in his swadling bands into the common hall Phiditium, where the lords of Sparta were wont to dine together, set him in the roiall throne, and in the stead of himselfe, declared and proclaimed him king of Lacedaemon. Now was not this babe for all this, great: but he rather might be accounted a great person, who rendring unto the new borne infant his fathers honor due unto him, would not intervert and derive it upon himselfe, and so defraud his nephew thereof. As for Aridaeus, who could make him a great man, whom differing indeed nothing from a babe, Meleager swadled indeed and enwrapped onely within a purple robe 40 and roiall mantell of estate, and so enstalled him in the throne of Alexander: wherein he did very well, to give the world to understand within a few daies after, how men reigne by vertue; and how by fortune: for he subrogated in the place of a true prince that managed the empire indeed, a very counterfect plaier and actor of a kings part; or to speake more truly, he brought a mute and dumbe diademe to walke through the world for a time, as it were upon a stage. The comicall *Aristoph. Poet said:

A very woman may well a burden beare,
If first a man upon her doe it reare.

But a man may contrariwise say, that a silly woman or a yong child may take up, yea and charge upon the shoulders of another, a scignory, a realme, a great estate and empire, as Bagoas the Eu­nuch 50 tooke and laid upon Oarses and Darius the kingdome of the Persians. Mary when as one hath taken upon him a mighty power and dominion, to beare, to weld & manage the same, and not under the weight and heavy load of affaires belonging thereto, to be overwhelmed, brused, or wrested awry: that is the act of a man endued with vertue understanding and courage, such an one as Alexander was: howsoever some there be who reproch him that he loved wine to [Page 1278] well and would be drunke. But this great gift he had, that in his important affaires he was sober, neither was he drunke and overseene, nor ever forgat himselfe and grew to any outrage, for all the puissance, authority and liberty that he had: whereof others when they had some part and little tast, could not hold and containe themselves: For

No sooner are their purses stuft
With coine: or they to honor brought,
But they anon with pride are puft,
And soone bewray that they be naught:
They kicke, they winse, they fling and prance,
None may stand safely in their way,
If fortune once their house advance 10
Some unexpected power to sway.

Clytus for having sunke three or foure gallies of the Greeks, nere the Isle Amorgus, would needs be stiled with the name of Neptune, and a three tined mace caried before him. Demetrius, upon whom fortune had bestowed a little skirt or lappet (as it were) which he tare from Alexanders dominion, was well content to heare himselfe called Jupiter [...] that is to say, the vawter. Cities sent unto him not embassadors, but Theores, forsooth, that is to say, especiall persons de­puted for to consult with the gods: and his answeres to them, must be termed (I would not else) Oracles. And Lysimachus who held the coasts of Thracia, which was but the border or edge of Alexanders kingdom, grew to that heigth of surly pride & intollerable arrogancy, that he would 20 breake out into these words: Now the Bizantines come to doe homage unto me, seeing how I reach and touch the skie with my launce. At which speech of his, Pasiades standing by, could not forbeare, but say unto the company: Let us be gone my masters, with all speed, lest this man bore an hole in heaven with the point of his launce. But what should we speake more of these persons? who might be allowed in some sort to cary an hauty minde and beare their heads aloft, in regard of Alexander, whose souldiers they were? seeing that Clearchus the tyrant of He­raclea, caried upon his scepter as his device, the resemblance of lightning, and one of his sonnes he named [...] that is to say, a thunderbolt. And Denys the yonger, called himselfe the sonne of Apollo, in a certeine Epigram to this effect:

Doris the Nymph, by Phoebus did conceive,
And from them both my birth I do derive. 30

And in trueth, Denys the elder, the naturall father of this man, who put to death ten thousand of his owne citizens and subjects (if not more) who for very envie betraied his owne brother into the hands of his enemies; who had not the patience to stay for his owne mothers death, an a­ged woman, and who by the course of nature would have died within few daies after, but smo­thered and stopped her breath; who also himselfe wrote in a tragoedy of his owne making,

For why? know this, that lordly tyranny
The mother is of wrong and vilany.

yet forsooth, of three daughters which he had, named one Arete, that is to say, Vertue; another, Sophrosyne, that is to say, Temperance; and a third, Dicoesyne, that is to say, Justice. Some there 40 were, who needs would be surnamed Euergeta, that is to say, Benefactors; others, Soteres, that is to say, Saviours. Some called themselves Callinici, that is to say, Victorious; others, Megali, that is to say, Great. And yet as glorious additions as they caried in their stiles, who is able to expresse in words, their marriages following thicke one in the necke of another, spending the long day continually, like a sort of stallions among a number of women, as if they had beene a stud of so many mares; their unkind abusing of faire boies, their violent rapes and enforcements of yong damosels, their drumming and tabouring with a sort of effeminate & womanlike wan­tons, their dice playing in the day time, their piping and sounding the flute in open Theaters, their nights spent in suppers, and whole daies in long dinners? But Alexander gat up, and sat to his dinner by the breake of day, and went not to supper before it was late in the evening; he 50 dranke and made good cheere when he had first sacrificed to the gods; he plaied at dice with Midias, one time, whiles he had a fever upon him; his pastimes and recreations were, to tra­vell and march upon the way, and withall, to learne how to shoot an arrow, how to launce a dart, how to mount a chariot nimbly, and dismount againe with facility. Roxane he espoused and wedded, onely for pure love, and to content his fancy and affection; but Statira the daughter of Darius he tooke to wife upon pollicy, because the state of his kingdome and affaires required [Page 1279] such a match; for expedient it was, thus to mix and unite two nations together. As for other ladies and women of Persia, he went as farre beyond them in chastity and continence, as he did the Persian men in valour and fortitude; for he never would so much as see one of them against her will; and those whom he saw, he lesse regarded than such as he never set eie upon: and whereas otherwise to all persons he was courteous and popular, to such onely as were faire and beautifull he shewed himselfe strange, and used them in some sort proudly. As touching the wife of Darius, a lady of surpassing beauty, he would not endure so much as one word that ten­ded to the praise thereof; yet when she was dead, he performed her funerals with so sumptuous and princelike obsequies, he mourned and bewailed her death so piteously, that as his kindnesse in that behalfe made the world mistrust and suspect his chastity, so his bountifull courtesie in­curred 10 the obloquy and imputation of injustice. And verily, Darius was at the first mooved to conceive jealousie and a sinister opinion of him that way, considering he had the woman in his hands, and was besides, a gallant and yoong prince: for he also was one of them, who were perswaded that Alexander held the tenure of his mighty dominion and monarchy, by the goodnesse and favour of Fortune; but after he knew the trueth once, upon diligent search and inquisition by all circumstances into the thing: Well (quoth he) the Persians state I perceive is not utterly overthrowen, neither will any man repute us plaine cowards and effeminate per­sons, for being vanquished by such an enemie: for mine owne part, my first wish and principall prizer unto the gods is, that they would vouchsafe me fortunate successe, and at the last, an hap­py victory of this warre, to the end that I may surmount Alexander in beneficence; for an ear­nest 20 desire I have and an emulation, to shew my selfe more milde and gracious toward him, than he is to me ward: but if all be gone with me and my house, then, ô Jupiter the protectour of the Persians, and ye other tutelar gods and patrons of kings and kingdomes, suffer not any other but him, to be enthronised in the roiall seat of Cyrus. Certes, this was a very adoption of Alexan­der, that passed in the presence and by the testimony of the gods. See what victories are atchie­ved by vertue.

Ascribe now (if you will) unto Fortune, the journey of Arbela, the battell sought in Cilicia, and all other such like exploits performed by force of armes: let it be, that the fortune it was of warre which shooke the city of Tyrus, and made it quake before him, and opened Aegypt unto him; grant, that by the helpe of Fortune Halicarnassus fell to the ground, and Miletus was for­ced 30 and won; that Mazeus abandoned the river Euphrates, and left it disfurnished of garisons; and that all the plaines about Babylon were overspred with dead bodies: yet it was not Fortune that made him temperant, neither was he continent by the meanes of Fortune; Fortune it was not, that kept and preserved his soule as within a fortresse inexpugnable, so as neither pleasures could it surprise and captivate, nor lusts and fleshly desires wound or touch. And these were the very meanes whereby he vanquished and put to flight the person of Darius himselfe. All the rest were, the discomfiture of his great barbe-horses, the overthrow and losse of his armour, skirmishes, battels, murders, executions, massacres and flights of his men. But the great foile and defaiture indeed, most confessed, and against which least exception can be taken, was that wherein Darius himselfe was overthrowen; namely, when as he yeelded unto the vertue of Ale­xander, 40 to his magnanimity, fortitude and justice, admiring that heart of his, invincible of plea­sure, unconquered by travels, and in gratuities and liberality immatchable. For in shields and speares, in pikes and targuets, in shouts and alarmes, in giving the charge and in buckling toge­ther with the clattering of armour, right hardie and undaunted, aswell as he, were Tarrias the soone of Dinomenes, Antigones of Pellen, and Philotas the sonne of Parmenio: but against tick­ling pleasures, against the attractive allurements of women, against flattering silver and golde, they were no better, nor had more rule of themselves than slaves and captives. For Tarrias at what time as Alexander undertooke to pay all the debts of the Macedonians, and to make satis­faction unto all those who had lent them any money, falsly belied himselfe, saying, he was in­debt, and withall suborned and brought foorth a certeine usurer, to the verie table where this 50 discharge was made, who tooke it upon him, that he was a creditor of his. And afterwards when Tarrias was detected and convict heereof, he had made himselfe away for very shame and com­punction of heart, but that Alexander being advertised thereof, pardoned his fault, yea and per­mitted him also to keepe the silver still, that he had disbursed for his counterfet debt; calling to minde, how at what time as his father Philip laid siege to the citie Perinthus, the said Tarrias in askirmish was shot into the eie, and would not suffer the same to be dressed, nor the shaft to be [...] [Page 1278] [...] [Page 1279] [Page 1280] plucked foorth, before the enemies were put to flight. Antigenes causing himselfe to be enrol­led, and his name registred among others who were sent backe againe from the campe into Ma­cedonie, by occasion of sicknesse or maime, whereby they were not serviceable: being found af­terwards to aile nothing, but to counterfet sicknesse, who otherwise was a good souldior, and ca­ried the marks of many a scarre in his body to be seene, offended Alexander heereby; and when the king demanded the reason, why he had so done; he confessed by and by, that he was in love with a yoong woman named Telesippa, whom he purposed to follow and accompanie, being minded to goe to the sea-coast, for that he could not find in his heart to be far from her. Then Alexander asked him, to whom the wench appertained, & who was to be dealt with, for to make her staie: Antigenes answered, she was her owne woman, & of free condition: Why then (quoth 10 Alexander) let us perswade her to tary stil by faire promises & good gifts; for in no wise force her we may. So easie was he to pardon and beare with love, in any other rather than in himselfe. The first cause of the infortunate fall of Philotas the sonne of Parmenio, was in some sort his owne in­temperance: for there was a yoong woman borne in the citie of Pella, named Antigona, who in the saccage of the citie of Damascus, was taken prisoner among other captives, and indeed had bene thither brought before by Autophradates, who surprised her at sea, as she failed frō the coast of Macedonie, toward the Isle Samothrace: faire she was, & welfavored to see to; and so far had she entangled Philotas with her love, after he came once to be acquainted with her, that being a man otherwise as hard as iron, and steele to the very backe, she had so mollified and made him pliable, that in the mids of his pleasures, poore man he, he was not master of himselfe and his 20 owne heart, but lying open unto the woman, revealed many secrets unto her, and let fall foolish words in her hearing: For what had that Philip beene (would he sometimes say) but for Parme­nio; and what were this Alexander heere, without Philotas? what would become of his high addition, Jupiter Ammonius, where were those dragons of his, if we were not well pleased with him? Antigona told these speeches unto another woman one of her familiar friends; and she reported them againe to Craterus: Craterus brought Antigona herselfe secretly unto Alexan­der: and verily Alexander touched not her body, but absteined from her: howbeit, by her meanes, sounding Philotas, & comming within him, he discovered fully what he was: yet in se­ven yeeres space and more, he never either at any feast where he dranke wine liberally, & was thought otherwhiles to be drunke, made he shew of this suspicion conceived of him, or in his 30 anger, being of nature hastie and cholericke; or to his friend Hephaestion, unto whom he was woont to disclose all, and make partaker otherwise of his secrets: for one day by report, having opened a letter of secrets, sent from his owne mother, as he read it to himselfe, Hephaestion held his head close to, and read it gently together with him; neither had he the heart to forbid him: onely after he had suffred him to read it through, he tooke the signet from his owne finger, set it to his mouth, as it were to seale up his lips, that he should say nothing. But if a man should goe about to rehearse at large all the notable examples, whereby it might be prooved that this prince used the greatnesse of his power exceeding well, and as most woorthily became a king; his strength and voice would faile him: for say, that by the goodnesse and favour of Fortune he became great: yet greater he is, in that he used his fortune aright, and wisely as he should: 40 and the more that a man extolleth his good fortune, the more doeth he amplifie that vertue of his, for which he was woorthy of such fortune.

But now it is high time that I should proceed to the beginning of his growth, and the first entry of his mightie power: wherein I consider and looke every way about me, what act of for­tune is therein, whereby men should suppose and mainteine, that Alexander arose to such greatnesse? How now? Tell me I beseech you for the love of God, placed she him in the regal throne of Cyrus, without drawing a sword, without striking one stroke, without bloudshed, without wounds, without a field fought, or expedition of armes made? by the neighing (for­sooth.) of an horse, as sometime she did by that first Darius, the sonne of Histaspes? or was it some kinde husband wonne by the flattering perswasion of his wife, that crowned him king; 50 like as the same Darius made Xerxes king, induced by his wife Atossa; or haply the roiall dia­deme came of it selfe to his very gates, as it came unto Parysatis, by the meanes of Bagoas the eunuch; who did no more for it, but change and put off his lackies mandilion, put himselfe presently into the roiall robe, and set upon his head the pointed turbant, named Cydaris: or all on a sudden, beyond all expectation, by the fortunate fall of a lot, and the meere benefit of for­tune, he became the monarch of the whole earth; like as at Athens their officers Thesmothete, [Page 1281] and Archontes are created by lotterie. But would you know how men come to be kings by the meanes of Fortune? This one example will tell you. The race of the Heraclidae, descending li­neally from Hercules, out of which they were woont at Argos from time to time to elect their kings, chaunced to faile, and be utterly extince: whereupon, when they had sent out to the ora­cle of Apollo, for to demand and enquire what to do in this case; this answere was made, That an eagle should direct them what was to be done. Some few daies after, an eagle was seene soaring aloft in the aire, and at length to settle upon the house of one named Aegon: and thus was Ae­gon declared for their king. Will you have another? He who reigned for the time in the citio Paphos, was found to be wicked, unjust, violent, and a great oppressour of his people: whereup­on Alexander deposed him from his regall state and dignitie; and when he had so done, sought 10 for another to rule in his stead, out of the house & familie of the Cinyradae, which was thought in maner to be worne out, and utterly extince: howbeit, advertised hee was, that there remai­ned of that race no more but one obscure and poore man, of whom there was no reckoning in the world made; and he dwelt in a certeine garden unregarded, where he lived in verie meane estate. Presently he sent foorth to seeke for this man: they who were put in commission heere­about. found him there indeed, watering certeine beds of leeks, and such like worts and pot­herbs. The man was woonderfully troubled and affrighted to see these souldiers come toward him, and especially when they saide that he must come and speake with Alexander the king: thus was he brought unto him, in a simple thin linnen wastcote, and presently proclaimed king of Paphos, received the purple roiall robe, and was reckoned in the number of those who are 20 called the kings Minions: and his name was Alynomus. Lo how Fortune makes men kings, onely by altering their robes, by pormutation of their names, and changing their copies a lit­tle, all on a sudden, quickly in a trice, with great facilitie, beyond all hope, and without any ex­pectation at all. Come now unto Alexander, what great matter did he ever attaine unto with­out his desert? what hapned unto him without the sweat of his browes, nay without the effusi­on of his bloud? what had he gratis, that he paid not for? what got he, that did not cost him paines and travell? Drunke he hath of rivers steined and coloured with bloud; passed he hath over them upon bridges made of dead bodies; for very hunger he hath beene glad to eat of grasse and greene herbes, the first hee could finde growing; he hath with much digging and searching, discovered nations buried under deepe snow, and cities lying in caves within the ground: 30 sailed he hath upon seas, warring and fighting against him: and traveling over the dry sands of the Gedrosians and Arhachosians, he saw trees and plants growing within the sea, be­fore any upon the land. Now if a man might be allowed to addresse his speech unto Fortune, as unto some person in the defence of Alexander, might not one say unto her? When and where was it, that thou ever madest way for the affaires of Alexander, what fortresse wanne he through thy favour, without the losse of bloud? what citie or towne didst thou cause to be yeel­ded unto him without a garrison? or what army, without their weapons? where found he ever through thy grace any kings sluggish and slothfull; any captaine carelesse and negligent; any warder or porter of the gates drowsie and sleepie? nay, he never met with river that had farre passable, Winter that was tolerable, or Summer that was not painfull and irkesome. Goe thy 40 waies, goe, to Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus; to Artaxerxes the brother of Cyrus; to Ptolo­maeus Philadelphus. These were they, whom their fathers in their life time declared heires ap­parent, yea, and crowned them kings: these wonne fields and battels, for which never eie shed teare: these kept holiday continually: these celebrated festivall solemnities daily in theaters, with all maner of pompes and goodly sights: every one of these reigned in all prosperitie, untill they were very aged: whereas Alexander (if there were nothing else) lo how his body is wounded and piteously mangled, from the crowne of his head, to the sole of his foot, gashed heere, thrust in there, drie beaten, brused and broken with all maner of hostile weapons,

With launce and speare, with sword most keene,
With stones that bigge and massie beene.

At the river Granicus, his armet or morion was cleft with a curtelace, as farre as to the haire of 50 his head: before the towne of Gaza he was shot into the shoulder with a dart: in the Maragan­dians countrey his shin was wounded with a javelin, in so much as the greater bone thereof was so broken and shattered, that it came out at the wound: in Hircania he gat a knocke with a great stone behinde in his necke, which shooke his head so, as that his eie-sight was dimmed thereby, so as for certeine daies, he was afraid that he should have beene starke blinde for ever: in a skir­mish [Page 1282] with the Assacans, his ancle was wounded with an Indian dart: at what time when he saw it to bleed, he turned unto his flatterers and parasites, and shewing them the place, smiled and said: This is very bloud indeed,

And not that humour, say all what you will,
Which from the gods most blessed doth destill.

At the battell of Issus his thigh was pierced with a sword, even by king Darius himselfe, as Chares writeth, who came to close with him at hand fight. And Alexander himselfe writing simply and the plaine trueth to Antipater, I my selfe also caught a stab with a short sword in my thigh, but thanked be God (quoth he) I had no great hurt thereby either at the present or afterwards. Fighting against the Mallians he was wounded with a dart two cubits long, that being driven 10 through his cuirace entred in at his brest and came out againe at his necke, according as Ari­stobulus hath left in writing. Having passed over the river Tanais for to march against the Scy­thians, when he had defaited them in battell, he followed the chase and pursued them on horse­backe for a hundred and fifty stadia, notwithstanding all the while he was troubled with a sore laske or flux of the belly. Now truly fortune, much beholden is Alexander unto thee for advan­cing his estate: Is this thy making of him great, by suffering him thus to be pierced through on every side? Here is a faire upholding of him indeed to lay open thus all the parts of his bodie: cleane contrary to that which Minerva did unto Menelaus, who with her hand turned aside all the shot of the enimies, and made them light upon his armour where it was most sure and of the best proofe, to wit, upon his cuirace, his bawdricke or belt, or upon his helmet; and by that 20 meanes brake the force of the stroke before it could come to the bare bodie, so as all the harme it could do, was but a little to rase the skin and let out some smal shew and a few drops of blood: but thou contrariwise, hast exposed his naked and unarmed parts and those most dangerous to be wounded, causing the shot to enter so farre as to goe through the very bone, environing and hemming in his body round, besetting his eies and feet, impeaching him for chasing his eni­mies, diverting the traine of his victories, and overturning all his hopes. Certes I am of this opinion, that there never was king who had fortune more adverse & a shrewder stepdame than he; although she hath beene curst, envious and spightfull enough to many besides: for where­as she hath fallen upon others violently like a thunderbolt or shot of lightning, whom she hath cut off and distroied right out at once; her malice and hatred unto Alexander hath bene cankred 30 obstinate and implacable even as it was before him unto Hercules. For what Typhons or monstrous Giants of prodigious stature hath she not raised up as concurrents to fight with him? What enimies hath not she fortified and furnished against him with infinit store of armes, with deepe rivers, with prerupt and craggy rocks, or with extraordinary strength of most savage beasts? Now if the courage of Alexander had not bene undaunted, and the same arising from exceeding great vertue, firmely grounded and settled thereupon to encounter fortune, how could it otherwise have bene, but the same should have failed and given over, as being wea­ried and toiled out with setting so many battels in array, arming his soldiers so daily, laying seege so many times unto cities and townes, chasing and pursuing his enimies so often, checked with so many revolts and rebellions, crossed so commonly with infinit treasons, conspiracies and insurrections of nations; troubled with such a sort of stiffe necked kings who shooke off the yoke of allegeance? and in one word, whiles he conquered Bactra, Maracanda and the Sogdians, a­mong faithlesse and trecherous nations who waited alwaies to spie some opportunity and occa­sion 40 to do him a displeasure, & who like to the serpent Hydra, as fast as one head was cut off, put forth another, and so continually raised fresh and new warres? I shall seeme to tell you one thing very strange and incredible, howbeit most true: Fortune it was and nothing but fortune by whose maligne and crosse aspect, he went very neere of losing that opinion that went of him, namely, that he was the sonne of Jupiter Ammon. For what man was there ever extract and de­scended from the seed of the gods, who exploited more laborious, more difficult and dangerous combates? unlesse it were Hercules againe the sonne of Jupiter? And yet one outrageous and 50 violent man there was who set him a worke, enjoining him to take fell lions, to hunt wilde bores, to chase away ravenous fowles, to the end that he should have no time to be emploied in greater affaires whiles he visited the world, namely, in punishing such as Antaeus, and in repres­sing the ordinary murders which that tyrant Busiris and such like committed upon the persons of guests and travellers. But it was no other thing than vertue alone that commanded Alexan­der to enterprise and exploit such a peece of worke as beseemed so great a king and one derived [Page 1283] from a divine race: the end whereof was not a masse of gold to be caried along after him upon ten thousand camels backs, nor the superfluous delights of Media, not sumptuous and dilicate tables, not faire and beautifull ladies, not the good and pleasant wines of Calydonia, nor the dainty fish of Hyrcania out of the Caspian sea: but to reduce the whole world to be governed in one and the same order, to be obedient to one empire, and to be ruled by the same maner of life. And verily this desire was inbred in him, this was nourished and grew up with him from his ve­ry infancie. There came embassadors upon a time from the king of Persia to his father Philip, who at the same time was not in the country but gone forth: Alexander gave them honorable intertainement very courteously as became his fathers sonne: but this especially was observed in him, that he did not aske them childish questions as other boies did, to wit, about golden vines trailed from one tree to another, nor of the pendant gardens at Babylon hanging above in the 10 aire, ne yet what robes and sumptuous habiliments their king did weare? but all his talke and conference with them was concerning matters most important for the state of an empire: in­quisitive he was, what forces and power of men the king of Persia could bring out into the field and maintaine; in what ward of the battell the king himselfe was arranged when he fought a field: much like unto that Ulysses in Homer, who demanded of Dolon (as touching Hector)

His martiall armes, where doth he lay?
His horses, tell me, where stand they?

Which be the readiest and shortest waies for those who would travel from the coasts of the Me­ditteranean sea up into the high countries? in so much as these strangers, the embassadors won­dered 20 exceedingly and said: Now surely this child is the *For the king of Persia was called the great king. great king, and ours the rich. No sooner was his father Philip departed this life, but presently his heart served him to passe over the straights of Hellespont, and being already fed with his hopes, and forward in the preparation and provision of his voiage, he made what speed he could to set foot in Asia. But see heere how for­tune crossed his designes: she averted him quite and drew him backe againe, raising a thousand troubles and busie occasions to stay & hinder his intended course. First she caused those barba­rous nations bordering and adjoining upon him, to rise up in armes, and thereby held him oc­cupied in the warres against the Illyrians and Triballians: by the meanes whereof he was haled away as farre as to Scythia and the nations inhabiting along the river Danubie, who diverted him cleane from his affaires intended in the high provinces of Asia. Howbeit having overrunne 30 these countries and dispatched all difficulties with great perils and most dangerous battels, he set in hand againe with his former enterprise, and made haste to his passage & voiage a second time. But lo, even there also fortune excited the city of Thebes against him, and laid the warre of the Greeks in his way to stop his expedition, driving him to extreame streights and to a very hard exigent, by fire and sword to be revenged of a people that were his owne countrymen, and of the same kinred and nation, the issue whereof was most grieveous and lamentable. Having exploited this, he crossed the seas at the last, furnished with provision of money and victuals as Phylarchus writeth: to serve for thirty daies and no longer, or as Aristobulus reporteth having onely seventy talents of silver to defray the whole charges of the voiage. For of his owne de­maine and possessions at home, as also of the crowne revenewes, he had bestowed the most part upon his friends and followers: onely Perdiccas would receive nothing at his hands, but 40 when he made offer to give him his part with the rest, demanded thus of him: But what reserve you for yourselfe, Alexander? Who answered, My hopes. Why then (quoth he) I will take part thereof: for it is not reason that we should receive your goods, but wait for the pillage of Da­rius. And what were those hopes of Alexander, upon which he passed over into Asia? Surely not a power measured by the strong wals of many rich & populous cities, not fleets of ships sailing through the mountaines, not whips and fetters, testifying the folly and madnesse of barbarous princes, who thought thereby to punish and chastice the raging sea. But for externall meanes without himselfe, a resolution of prowesse in a small power of armed men well trussed and com­pact together, an aemulation to excell one another among yong men of the same age, a con­tention 50 and strife for vertue and glory in those that were his minions about him: But the great hopes indeed and most assured were in his owne person, to wit, his devout religion to Godward, the [...] confidence and affiance that he had in his friends, frugality, continence, bounty, a con­tempt of death, magnanimity and resolution, humanity, courtesie, affable intertainment, a sim­ple nature, plaine without plaits, not faigned and counterfait, constancie in his counsell, ce­lerity in his execution, soveraignty and priority in honor, and a resolute purpose to accomplish [Page 1284] any honest duty and office. For Homer did not well and decently, to compose and frame the beautifull personage of Agamemnon, as the patterne of a per fect prince out of three images, af­ter this maner,

For eies and head, much like he was in sight
To Jove, who takes in lightning such delight:
God Mars in wast and loines resembled he:
In brest compar'd to Neptune he may be.

But the nature of Alexander (in case that God who made or created him, formed and com­pounded it of many vertues) may we not well and truly say, that he endued with the courageous spirit of Cyrus, the sober temperance of Agesilaus, the quicke wit and pregnant conceit of The­mistocles, the approoved skill and experience of Philip, the valourous boldnesse of Brasidas, the 10 rare eloquence and sufficiencie of Pericles in State matters and politicke government? For to speake of those in ancient times, more continent he was and chast, than Agamemnon, who pre­ferred a captive concubine before his owne espoused and lawfull wife: as for Alexander, he ab­steined from those women whom he tooke prisoners in warre, and would not touch one of them before he had wedded her: more magnanimous than Achilles, who for a little money yeelded the dead corps of Hector to be ransommed; whereas Alexander defraied great summes in the funerals and interring of Darius bodie. Againe, Achilles tooke of his friends, for the appeasing of his choler, gifts and presents after a mercenary maner: but Alexander enriched his very ene­mies, when he had gotten the victorie. More religious he was than Diamedes, a man who was evermore ready to fight against the gods: whereas he, thought that all victory & happy successe 20 came by the grace and favour of the gods. Deerer he was to his neere kinsfolke and friends, and more entirely beloved than Ulysses, whose mother died for sorrow and griefe of heart: whereas when Alexander died, his very enemies mother, for kinde affection and good will died with him for company. In summe, if it was by the indulgence of Fortune, that Solon established the com­mon-wealth of Athens so well at home, that Miltiades conducted the armies so happily abroad; if it was by the benefit and favour of fortune, that Aristides was so just: then farewell vertue for ever; then is there no worke at all effected by her; but onely it is a vaine name and speech that goeth of her, passing with some shew of glorie and reputation thorow the life of man; feined and devised by these prating Sophisters, cunning Law-givers and Statists. Now if every one of these persons, and such like, was poore or rich, feeble or strong, foule or faire, of long life or 30 short, by the meanes of fortune; againe, in case ech of them shewed himselfe a great captaine in the field, a great politician or wise law-giver, a great governour and ruler in the city and com­mon-wealth, by their vertue and the direction of reason within them; then consider (I pray you) what Alexander was in comparison of them all: Solon instituted at Athens, a generall cut­ting off and cancelling of all debts, which he called [...] which is as much to say, as A dis­charge of burdens; but Alexander out of his owne purse paied all debts in the name of debtors, due unto their creditors. Pericles having imposed a tax and tribute upon the Greeks, with the money raised by that levie, beautified the citadell or castle of Athens with temples and chapels; whereas Alexander sent of the pillage and treasure which he gat from the Barbarians, to the number of tenne thousand talents into Greece, with commandement to build there with sacred 40 temples to the honour of the gods. Brasidas wan a great name and reputation of valour among the Greeks, for that he passed from one end to another thorow his enemies campe, pitched a­long the sea side before the towne Methon: but that wonderfull leape that Alexander made in­to a towne of the Oxydraques, which to them that heare it, is incredible, and to as many as saw it, was most fearefull; namely, at what time as he cast himselfe from the battlements of the walles among his enemies, ready to receive him with pikes, with javelins, with darts and naked swords; whereto may a man compare, but unto a very flash of lightning breaking volently out of a cloud, and being carried with the winde lighteth upon the ground, resembling a spirit or apparition resplendent all about with flaming and burning armours? insomuch as at the first sight, men that saw it were so affrighted, as they ran backward and fled: but after that they beheld 50 it was but one man setting upon many, then they came againe, and made head against him. Heere Fortune shewed (no doubt) many plaine and evident proofs of her speciall good will [...] Alexander; namely, first when she put him into an ignoble, base and barbarous towne, and there inclosed him sure enough within the walles thereof; then, after that those without made haste to rescue him, and reared their scaling ladders against the walles for to get over and come unto [Page 1285] him, she caused them all to breake & fall in pieces, whereby she overthrew and cast them downe who were climbed halfe way up: againe, of those three onely whose hap it was to mount up to the top before the ladders brake, and who flang themselves desperatly downe, and stood about the king, to guard his person, she fell upon one immediatly and killed him in the place, before he could do his master any service: a second, overwhelmed with a cloud of arrowes and darts, was so neere death, that he could do no more, but onely see and feele. All this while, the Mace­donians without, ranne to the walles with a great noise and outcry, but all in vaine, for artillerie they had none, nor any ordinance or engins of battery; onely they laied at the walles with their naked swords and bare hands: and so earnest they were to get in, that they would have made way with their very teeth, if it had beene possible. Meane while, this fortunate prince, upon 10 whom Fortune attended at an inch, ready now to accompany and defend him, you may be sure, as at all times els, was taken and caught as a wilde beast within toiles, abandoned and left alone, without aide and succour, not iwis to win the city of Susa or of Babylon, nor to conquer the pro­vince of Bactra, nor to seize upon that mighty body of king Porus: for of great and renowmed attempts, although the end alwaies prove not happy, yet there can redound no infamy. But to say a trueth, Fortune was on his behalfe so spightfull and envious, but on the other side, so good and gracious to the Barbarians, so adverse I say she was to Alexander, that she went about as much as lay in her, to make him not onely lose his life and body, but also to forfeit his honour and glory: for if he had beene left lying dead along the river Euphrates, or Hydaspes, it had beene no great desastre and indignitie: neither had it beene so dishonorable unto him, when he came 20 to joine with Darius hand to hand, if he had beene massacred among a number of great horses, with the swords, glawes, & battle-axes of the Persians fighting for the empire: no, nor when he was mounted upon the wals of Babylon, if he had taken the foile and bene put by his great hope of forcing the city: for in that sort, lost Pelopidas and Epaminondas their lives; and their death was rather an act of vertue, than an accident of infortunitie, whiles they gave the attempt to ex­ecute so great exploits, and to gaine so worthy a prise. But as touching fortune, which now we examine and consider; what piece of worke effected she? In a Barbarous countrey farre remo­ved, on the further side of a river, within the walles of a base village in comparison, to shut up and enclose the king and sovereigne lord of the earth, that he might perish there shamefully, by the hands & rude weapons of a multitude of Barbarous rascals, who should knocke him downe 30 with clubs and staves, and pelt him with whatsoever came next hand; for wounded he was in the head with a bill that clove his helmet quite thorow, and with a mighty arrow which one dischar­ged out of a bow, his brest-plate was pierced quite thorow, whereof the steile that was without his bodie weighed him downe heavily: but the yron head which stucke fast in the bones about one of his paps, was foure fingers broad and five long. And to make up the full measure of all mischiefs, whiles he defended himselfe right manfully before, and when the fellow who had shot the foresaid arrow adventured to approch him with his sword, to dispatch him outright with a dead thrust, him he got within, and with his dagger gave him such a stabbe, as he laied him a­long and killed him out of hand: but see the malice of Fortune, there runnes me forth out of a 40 milihouse or backhouse thereby, another villaine with a pestle, and comming behinde him, gave him such a souse upon the very necke bone, that he was astonished therewith, and there lay a­long in a swoone, having lost his sight and other senses for a time. But vertue it was that assisted him, which gave both unto himselfe a good heart, and also unto his friends strength, resolution and diligence to succour him: for Limnaeus, Ptolemeus, and Leonnatus, with as many besides, as either had clambred over the walles or broken thorow, came in and put themselves betweene him and his enemies: they with their valour were to him in stead of a wall and rampier; they for meere affection and love unto their king, exposed their bodies, their forces and their lives be­fore him, unto all dangers whatsoever. For it is not by fortune, that there be men who volunta­rily present themselves to present death; but it is for the love of vertue; like as bees having drunke (as it were) the amatorious potion of naturall love and affection, are alwaies about their king, and sticke close unto him. Now say there had beene one there without the danger of shot, 50 to have seene this sight at his pleasure, would not he have said, that he had beheld a notable com­bat of fortune against vertue? wherein the Barbarians by the helpe of fortune prevailed above their desert; and the Greeks by meanes of vertue resisted above their power: and if the former get the better hand, it would be thought the worke of fortune and of some maligne and envious spirit; but if these become superior, vertue, fortitude, faith and friendship should cary away the [Page 1286] honour of victory; for nothing els accompanied Alexander in this place. As for the rest of his forces and provisions, his armies, his horses and his fleets, fortune set the wall of this vile towne betweene him and them. Well, the Macedonians in the end defaited these Barbarians, beat the place downe over their heads, and rased it quite, and buried them in the ruins and fall thereof. But what good did all this to Alexander in this case? Caried he might well be and that speedily away out of their hands, with the arrow sticking still in his bosome; but the war was yet close within his ribbes, the arrow was set fast as a spike or great naile, to binde as it were the cui­race to his bodie; for, whosoever went about to plucke it out of the wound, as from the root, the head would not follow withall, considering it was driven so sure into that solid brest bone which is over the heart; neither durst any saw off that part of the steile that was without, for feare of 10 shaking, cleaving & cracking the said bone by that means so much the more, and by that means cause exceeding and intolerable paines, besides the effusion of much bloud out of the bottome of the wound: himselfe seeing his people about him a long time uncerteine what to doe, set in hand to hacke the shaft a two with his dagger, close to the superficies of his cuirace aforesaid, and so to cut it off cleane; but his hand failed him, and had not strength sufficient for to do the deed, for it grew heavie and benummed with the inflammation of the wound: whereupon he commanded his chirurgians to set to their hands boldly and to feare nought, incouraging (thus hurt as he was) those that were sound and unwounded, chiding and rebuking some that kept a weeping about him and bemoned him; others he called traitours, who durst not helpe him in [...] this to be an [...] breach of this Ora­tion, and not a perfect [...] . this distresse; he cried also to his minions and familiars, Let no man be timorous and cowardly 20 for me, no not though my life lie on it: I shall never be thought and beleeved not to feare dy­ing, if you be affraied of my death. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

OF ISIS AND OSIRIS. 30

The Summarie.

THe wisdome and learning of the Aegyptians hath bene much recommended unto us by ancient writers, and not without good cause: considering that Aegypt hath bene the source and fountaine from whence have flowed into the world arts and liberall sci­ences, as a man may gather by the testimony of the first Poets and philosophers that e­ver were: But time, which consumeth all things, hath bereft us of the knowledge of 40 such wisdome: or if there remaine still with us any thing at all, it is but in fragments and peeces scat­tered heere and there, whereof many times we must divine or guesse, and that is all. But in recompence thereof, Plutarch, a man carefull to preserve all goodly and great things, hath by the meanes of this discourse touching Isis and Osiris maintained and kept entier a good part of the Aegyptians doctrine: which he is not content to set down literally & there an end, but hath adjoined thereto also an interpre­tation thereof, according to the mystical sense of the Isiake priests: discovering in few words an in finit number of secrets hidden under ridiculous & monstrous fables, in such sort, as we may cal this treatise a cōmentary of the Aegyptians Theologie and Philosophy. As for the contents thereof, a man may reduce it into three principall parts: In the first, which may serve insted of a preface, he yeeldeth a reason of his enterprise, & upon the consideration of the rasture, vesture, continence and ab stinence of Isis priests, 50 there is an entrie made to the rehearsall of the fable concerning Isis & Osiris. But before he toucheth it, he sheweth the reason why the Aegyptians have thus darkly enfolded their divinity. Which done, he commeth to descipher in particular the said fable, relating it according to the bare letter: which is the second part of this booke. In the third he expoundeth the fable it selfe: and first discovereth the principles of the said Aegyptian Philosophy, by a sort of temples, sepulchers and sacrifices. After­wards having refuted certaine contrary opinions, he speaketh of Daemons, ranging Isis, Osiris and [Page 1287] Typhon in the number of them. After this Theologicall exposition, he considereth the fable accor­ding to naturall Philosophy; meaning by Osiris the river Nilus and all other power of moisture what­soever: by Typhon, Drinesse: and by Isis that nature which preserveth and governeth the world. Where he maketh a comparison betweene Bacchus of Greece and Osiris of Aegypt, applying all unto naturall causes. Then expoundeth he the fable more exactly and in particular maner, conferring, this interpretation thereof with that of the Stoicks: wherupon he doth accommodate and fit all to the course of the Moone, as she groweth and decreaseth, to the rising also and inundation of Nilus, ma­king of all the former opinions a certaine mixture, from whence he draweth the explication of the fa­ble. By occasion hereof, he entreth into a disputation as touching the principles and beginnings of all things, setting downe twaine, and alledging for the proofe and confirmation of his speech, the testimo­ny of the ancient Mages and Philosophers: which done he entreth into a discourse of Osiris, Isis and 10 Typhon, referring and reducing all into Physicks and Metaphysicks, with a certaine conference or comparison of Platoes doctrin with that of the Aegyptians, which maketh him take in hand a particu­lar treatise of matter, forme, the Ideae, of generation also and corruption. Having thus examined and discussed the Aegyptians Theology & Philosophy, he ariseth to the more hidden & secret mysteries of the Isiake priests, & then descendeth againe to the consideration of naturall causes, especially of the state of the Moone, and drawing compendeously into one word, all his precedent discourse, he declareth what we ought to understand by Isis, Osiris and Typhon. Consequently he adjoineth three observations, to make this treatise more pleasant and profitable: withdrawing thereby the reader and plucking him backe both from super stition and Atheisme. Then having condemned the Greeks for being 20 taint with the same solly that the Aegyptians were addicted to he brocheth many opinions concerning the transformation of the pagans gods into sundry sorts of beasts; discovering thereby the dotage and foolery, arising from this argument and matter most corruptly under stood: and stretching the same yet farther he rendreth areason of that honour which the Aegyptians did to such creatures: whereupon he would not have us in any wise to rest, but rather to looke into the divinity represented by them. And for an end he entreth into an allegoricall discourse, of the habilliments, perfumes, and divers odoriferous confections made every day in the temple of Isis: but more especially he treateth of one named Cyphi: wherein there be to the number of sixteene ingredients: which composition they use in their very drinke, observing therein as in all the rest of their superstitions, a million of ceremonies, whereof he doth particularize especially in the third part of this discourse, even to the very end thereof. All the 30 premises being reduced to their right use, do shew the vanity of men abandoned and given over to their owne senses: and prove that all their sufficienct is nothing but blockish folly, and their intelli­gence a darke and mirke night, when the brightnesse and light of Gods word doth faile them. For the more apparence they have both of celestiall and also human wisdome, the more appeareth their blinde superstition: in such sort as in sted of resting upon the creatour they remaine fixed upon the creatures, and have a longing and languishing desire after discourses void of true instructions and consolations: which ought to incite so much the more all Christians to make great account of the effectuall grace of­fered unto them in the meditation and practise of true Philosophy as well naturall as divine.

OF ISIS AND OSIRIS. 40

MEn that are wise, or have any wit in them (ô Clea) ought by praier to crave all good things at the hand of the gods: but that which we most wish for, and desire to obteine by their meanes, is the very knowledge of them, so farre foorth as it is lawfull for men to have: for that there is no gift either greater for men to receive, or more magnificall and beseeming the gods to give, than the knowledge of the trueth: for God bestoweth upon men all things else, whereof they stand in need, but this he reserveth to himselfe, and keepeth 50 for his owne use. Neither is the godhead and divine power in this regard counted happie and blessed, because it possesseth a great quantity of gold or silver, nor puissant in respect of thunder and lightning, but for prudence and wisdome. And verily of all those things which Homer hath well delivered, this simply is the best and most elegant speech, when as touching Jupiter and Neptune, he saith thus:

[Page 1288]
The selfe same parents they both had, one native soile them bred,
But Jupiter the elder was, and had the wiser head.

whereby he affirmeth, that the preeminence and rule of Jupiter, being the elder, was more venerable, sacred and fuller of majestie, for his knowledge and wisdome. And of this opinion I assure you am I, that the beatitude and felicitie of eternall life, which Jupiter enjoieth, consist­eth heerein, that he is ignorant of nothing that is done: as also, that immortalitie if it be despoi­led of the knowledge and intelligence of all things that be, and are done, is not life indeed, but bare time. And therefore we may very well say, that the desire of deitie and divinity is all one 10 with the love of trueth, and especially of that trueth which concerneth the nature of the gods; the study whereof, and the searching after such science, is as it were a profession and entrance in­to religion, yea, and a worke more holy than is the vow or obligation of all the chastity & puri­ty in the world, or than the cloister or sanctuarie of any temple whatsoever: right acceptable al­so is this * [...] . goddesse whom you serve, considering that she is most wise, & full of knowledge, ac­cording as the very derivation of her name doth imply, that skill & cunning apperteineth unto her more than to any other: for Isis is a meere Greeke word; like as Typhon also the very adver­sarie and enemie opposite unto this goddesse, as one puffed up and swollen by his ignorance and error, dissipating, defacing, and blotting out the sacred word and doctrine, which this god­desse collecteth, composeth, and delivereth unto those who are initiated and professed in 20 this divine religion, by a continuall precise observance of a sober and holy life, in absteining from many meats, in depriving themselves of all fleshly pleasures, for to represse lust and in­temperance; and in being acquainted long before to abide and endure within temples and churches, hard and painfull services performed unto the gods: of all which abstinences, paines, and suffrances, the end is the knowledge of that first prince and lord, who is apprehended onely by intelligence and understanding, whom the goddesse exhorteth to search and seeke after, as conversing and companying with her. And verily, the name of her temple, doth manifestly promise an intelligence or knowledge of that which is, for Ision it is called, which is as much to say, as *Importing the know­ledge of that which is. [...], for that, if we enter into that sacred place and holy religion of this god­desse, with reason and devotion, as we ought to doe, we shall atteine to the understanding of 30 all things whatsoever. Moreover, many have written, that she is the daughter of Mercurie, others of Prometheus, of which twaine, the one is reputed the author of wisdome and provi­dence, and the other, namely Mercurie, the inventor of Grammar and Musicke. And heere­upon it is, that in the city Hermopolis, they call the former of the Muses, both Isis and also Ju­stice; as being wisdome herselfe, (according as hath elsewhere beene said) and shewing divine things to them who are justly surnamed Hierophori, and Hierostoli, that is to say, religious, and wearing the habits of holinesse and religion. And these be they that cary in their minde, and keepe enclosed as within a box or casket, the holy doctrine of the gods, pure and clensed from all superstition and affected curiositie: who also of that opinion which is held of the gods, de­clare some things which are obscure & darke, others also which be cleere and lightsome; like as 40 be those, which are reported as touching their holy and religious habit. And therefore whereas the religious priests of Isis, after they be dead, are thus clad with these holy habiliments; it is a marke and signe witnessing unto us, that this sacred doctrine is with them, and that they be de­parted out of this world into another, and carie nothing with them but it: for neither to weare a long beard, nor to put on a frize rugge and course gabardine (dame Clea) makes a Philosopher; no more doth the surplice and linnen vestment or shaving, an Isiaque priest. But he indeed is a priest of Isis, who after he hath seene and received by law and custome, those things which are shewed and practised in the religious ceremonies about these gods, searcheth and diligently enquireth, by the meanes of this holy doctrine, and discourse of reason, into the trueth of the said ceremonies. For very few there be who among them, who understand and know the cause 50 of this ceremony, which is of all other the smallest, and yet most commonly observed; namely, why the Isiaque priests shave their heads, and weare no haire upon them; as also wherefore they goe in vestments of Line? And some of them there be, who care not at all for any knowledge of such matters: yet others say, they forbeare to put on any garments of wooll, like as they doe to cat the flesh of those sheepe which caric the said wooll, upon a reverence they beare unto them: semblably, that they cause their heads to be shaven in token of dole and sorrow: like­wise [Page 1289] that they weare surplices and vestments of linnen, in regard of the colour that the flower of line or flaxe beareth, which resembleth properly that celestiall azure skie that environeth the whole world. But to say a trueth, there is but one cause indeed of all: for lawfull it is not for a man who is pure and cleane, to touch any thing (as Plato saith) which is impure and un­cleane. Now it is well knowen, that all the superfluities and excrements of our food and nou­rishment, be foule and impure, and of such be engendred and grow, wooll, haire, shagge and nailes: and therefore a meere ridiculous mockerie it were, if when in their expiatorie sanctifi­cations and divine services, they cast off their haire, being shaven and made smooth all their bo­dies over, they should then be clad and arraied with the superfluous excrements of beasts: for we must thinke that Hesiodus the Poet when he writeth thus, 10

At feast of gods and sacredmeriment,
Take heed with knife, thy nailes thou do not pare,
To cut I say, that dry dead excrement,
From lively flesh of fingers five, beware.

teacheth us, that we ought first to be cleansed and purified, then to solemnise festivall holi­daies, and not at the very time of celebration and performance of holie rites and divine service, to use such clensing and ridding away of superfluous excrements. Now the herbe Line groweth out of the earth which is immortall, bringeth foorth a frute good to be eaten, and furnisheth us wherewith to make a simple, plaine, and slender vestment, which sitteth light upon his backe that weareth it, is meet for all seasons of the yeere; and of all others, (as men say) least breedeth 20 lice or vermine; whereof I am to discourse else where. Now these Isiaque priests so much ab­horre the nature and generation of all superfluities and excrements, that they not onely refuse to eate most part of pulse, and of flesh meats, mutton and porke, for that sheepe and swine breed much excrement, but also upon their daies of sanctification and expiatorie solemnities, they will not allow any salt to be eaten with their viands; among many other reasons, because it whetteth the appetite, and giveth an edge to our stomacke, provoking us to eate and drinke more liberally: for to say as Aristagoras did, That salt was by them reputed uncleane, because when it is congealed and growen hard, many little animals or living creatures, which were caught within it, die withall, is a very foolerie. Furthermore, it is said, that the Aegyptian priests have a certeine pit or well apart, out of which they water their bull or beefe Apis: and be 30 very precise in any wise not to let him drinke of Nilus, not for that they thinke the water of that river uncleane, in regard of the crocodiles which are in it, as some be of opinion (for contrari­wise, there is nothing so much honored among the Aegyptians as the river Nilus) but it see­meth that the water of Nilus doth fatten exceeding much, and breed flesh over fast, and they would not in any case that their Apis should be fat, or themselves grosse and corpulent: but that their soules might be clothed with light, nimble, and delicate bodies; so as the divine part in them should not be oppressed or weighed downe, by the force and ponderositie of that which is mortall. In Heliopolis, which is the citie of the Sunne, those who serve and minister unto their god, never bring wine into the temple, as thinking it not convenient in the day time to drinke in the sight of their lord and king: otherwise the priests drinke thereof, but sparily: and besides 40 many purgations and expiations they have, wherein they absteine wholly from wine; and du­ring those daies, they give themselves wholly to their studies and meditations, learning and tea­ching holy things: even their very kings are not allowed to drinke wine their fill, but are stinted to the gage of a certeine measure, according as it is prescribed in their holy writings, and those kings also were priests, as Hecataeus writeth. And they began to drinke it after the daies of king Psammetichus; for before his time they dranke it not at all, neither made they libaments there­of unto their gods, supposing it not acceptable unto them; for they tooke it to be the verie bloud of those giants which in times past warred against the gods; of whom after they were slaine, when their bloud was mixed with the earth, the vine tree sprang: and this is the cause, say they, why those who be drunke, lose the use of their wit & reason, as being full of the bloud of 50 their progenitours. Now that the Aegyptian priests both hold and affirme thus much, Eudoxus hath delivered in the second booke of his Geographie. As concerning fishes of the sea, they doe not every one of them absteine from all indifferently; but some forbeare one kind, & some another: as for example, the Oxyrynchites will eate of none that is taken with an hooke; for adoring as they doe, a fish named Oxyrynchos, they are in doubt and feare lest the hooke should be uncleane, if haply the said fish swallowed it downe with the baite. The Sienites will [Page 1290] not touch the fish Phagrus, For it should seeme that it is found, what time as Nilus beginnes to flow; and therefore the said fish by his appearing, signifieth the rising and inundation of Ni­lus, whereof they be exceeding joious, holding him for a certeine and sure messenger. But the priests absteme from all fishes ingenerall: and whereas upon the ninth [...] of the first moneth, all other inhabitants of Aegypt, seede upon a certeine broiled or rosted fish before their dores; the priests in no wise taste thereof; mary they burne fishes before the gates of their houses; and two reasons they have; the one holy, fine and subtile, which I will deliver hereafter: as that which accordeth and agreeth very well to the sacred discourses as touching Osiris and Typhon: the other plaine, vulgar and common, represented by the fish, which is none of the vi­ands that be necessary, rare and exquisit, according as Homer beareth witnesse, when he brings 10 not in the Phaeacians delicate men & loving to feed daintily, nor the Ithacesians, Ilanders, to eat fish at their feasts: no nor the mates and fellow travellers with Ulysses, during the time of their long navigation and voiage by sea, before they were brought to extreame necessity. To be briefe, the very sea it selfe they thinke to be produced a part by fire, without the bounds & limits of nature, as being no portion nor element of the world, but a strange excrement, a corrupt su­perfluity and unkinde maladie: For nothing absurd and against reason, nothing fabulous and superstitious, (as some untruly thinke) was inserted or served as a sacred signe in their holy cere­monies, but they were all markes grounded upon causes and reasons morall, and the same profi­table for this life, or else not without some historicall or naturall elegancy. As for example, that which is said of the oinion; for that Dictys the foster father of Isis, fell into the river of Nilus, 20 and was there drowned, as he was reaching at oinions and could not come by them, it is a mere fable and carieth no sense or probability in the world: but the trueth is this, the priests of Isis hate the oinion and avoid it as a thing abominable, because they have observed, that it never groweth nor thriveth well to any bignesse but in the decrease and waine of the Moone: Neither is it meet and fit for those who would lead an holy and sanctified life, or for such as celebrate so­lemne feasts and holidaies, because it provoketh thirst in the former; and in the other causeth teares, if they feed thereupon. And for the same reason they take the sow to be a prophane and uncleane beast, for that ordinarily she goeth a brimming and admitteth the bore, when the Moone is past the full: and looke how many drinke of her milke, they breake out into a kinde of leprosie or drie skurfe all over their bodies. As touching the tale which they inferre, who once 30 in their lives doe sacrifice a sow when the Moone is in the full, and then eat her flesh: namely that Typhon hunting and chasing the wilde swine at the full of the Moone, chanced to light up­on an arke or coffin of wood, wherein was the body of Osiris which he dismembred and threwa­way by peece meale, all men admit not thereof, supposing that it is a fable as many others be, misheard and misunderstood. But this for certaine is held, that our ancients in old time so much hated and abhorred all excessive delicacy, superfluous and costly delights and voluptuous pleasures, that they said within the temple of the city of Thebes in Aegypt there stood a square columne or pillar, wherein were engraven certaine curses and execrations against their king Minis, who was the first that turned and averted the Aegyptians quite from their simple and frugal maner of life, without mony, without sumptuous fare & chargeable delights. It is said also 40 that Technatis the father of Bocchoreus, in an expedition or journey against the Arabians, when it chaunced that his cariages were far behind and came not in due time to the place where he in­camped, was content to make his supper of whatsoever he could get, & so to take up with a very small and simple pittance, yea and after supper to lie upon a course and homely pallet, where he slept all night very soundly and never awoke: whereupon, he ever after loved sobrietie of life & srugality, & cursed the foresaid king Minis: which malediction of his being by the priests of that time approved, he caused to be engraven upon the pillar abovesaid. Now their kings were cre­ated either out of the order of their priests, or else out of the degree of knights and warriors; for that the one estate was honored and accounted noble for valour, the other for wisdome and knowledge. And looke whomsoever they chose from out of the order of knighthood, presently 50 after his election he was admitted unto the colledge of priests, and unto him were disclosed and communicated the secrets of their Philosophy, which under the vaile of fables and darke spee­ches couched and covered many mysteries, through which the light of the trueth in some sort though dimly appeare. And this themselves seeme to signifie and give us to understand, by set­ting up ordinarily before the porches and gates of their temples, certaine Sphinges: meaning thereby, that all their Theologie containeth under aenigmaticall and covert words, the secrets [Page 1291] of wisdome. In the citie of Sais, the image of Minerva which they take to be Isis, had such an inscription over it, as this: I am all that which hath beene, which is, and which shall be, and never any man yet was able to draw open my vaile. Moreover many there be of opinion, that the proper name of Jupiter in the Aegyptians language is [...] , of which we have in Greeke, de­rived the word Ammon: whereupon [...] Jupiter, Ammon: but Manethos who was an Aegyptian himselfe of the citie of [...] , [...] that by this word is signfied, a thing hid­den, or occulation: and [...] the Abderite [...] , that the Aegyptians used this terme among themselves, when they called one unto another, for it was a vocative word, and for that they imagined the prince and soveraigne of the gods to be the same: that Pan, that is to say, an universall nature, and therefore unseene, hidden and unknowen, they praied and be sought him 10 for to disclose and make himselfe knowen unto them, by calling him [...] . See then, how the Aegyptians were very strict and precise, in not profaning their wisdome, nor publishing that learning of theirs which concerned the gods. And this the greatest Sages and most learned clerkes of all Greece do testifie, by name, Solon, Thales, Plato, Eudoxus, Pythagoras, & as some let not to say, Lycurgus himselfe; who all travelled of a deliberate purpose into Aegypt, for to con­fer with the priests of that country. For it is constantly held that Eudoxus was the auditour of Chonupheus the priest of Memphis, Solon of Sonchis the priest of [...] , Pythagoras of Oenupheus the priest of Heliopolis. And verily this Pythagoras last named; was highly esteemed among those men, like as him selfe had them in great admiration, in so much as he of all others seemed most to imitate their maner of mysticall speaking under covert words, & to involve his doctrine 20 and sentences within figurative & aenigmaticall words: for the characters which are called Hie­roglyphicks in Aegypt, be in maner all of them, like to these precepts of Pythagoras: Eat not upon a stoole or chaire; Sit not over a bushell; Plant no date tree; Stirre not the fire in the house, nor rake into it with a sword. And me thinks, that whereas the Pythagoreans call unitie, Apollo, Tiro, Diana; the number of seven, Minerva; and the first cubicke, Neptune; this resem­bleth very neere, that which the Aegyptians consecrate & dedicate in their temples, and agre­eth with that which they both do & write. For their king and lord Osiris, they depaint and pour­tray, by an eie and a scepter: and some there be, who make this interpretation of the name Osiris, as if it signified, having many eies, for that Os in the Aegyptian tongue, betokeneth many, and Iri, an eie. As for heaven, they describe by a yoong countenance, by reason of the perpetuity 30 thereof, whereby it never waxeth old. An eie they set out by an heart, having under it an hearth with fire burning upon it. In the city of Thebes there stood up certeine images without hands, resembling Judges; and the chiefe or President among them, was blindfolded or hoodwincked, to give us to understand, that justice should neither be corrupted with briberie, nor partiall and respective of persons. In the signet or seale ring of their [...] and militarie men, there was engraven the portracture of the great flie called the Beettill, because in that kinde there is no fe­male, but they be all males: they blow or cast their seed in forme of a pellet or round ball, under dung; which they prepare to be a place, not for their food more, than for their brood. When­soever therefore you shall heare the Aegyptians tell tales of the gods, to wit, of their vagarant and wandring perigrinations, or of their dismembrings, and other such like fabulous fictions, 40 you must call to minde, that which we have before said; and never thinke that they meane any such thing is or hath beene done according to that litterall sense: for they do not say, that Mer­curie properly is a dog, but forasmuch as the nature of this beast is to be wary, watchfull, vigilant and wise, able to distinguish by his taking knowledge and semblance of ignorance, a friend and familiar from an anemy and stranger: therefore (as Plato saith) they attributed and likened him to the most eloquent of all the gods. Neither doe they thinke, when they describe the Sunne, that out of the barke of the tree Lotus there ariseth a babe new borne; but in this wise doe they represent unto us the Sunnerising, giving thus much to understand covertly, that the light and illumination of the Sunne proceedeth out of the waters of the sea: for even after the same ma­ner the most cruell and terrible king of the Persians, Ochus, who put to death many of his no­bles 50 and subjects, and in the end slew their beefe Apis, and eat him at a feast together with his friends, they called. The sword; and even at this day, in the register and catalogue of their kings, he goeth under that name; not signifying thereby his proper substance, but to expresse his hard and fell nature, and his mischievous disposition, they compared him to a bloudy instrument and weapon made to murder men. In hearing then and receiving after this maner, that which shalbe tolde unto you as touching the gods after an holy and religious maner, in doing also and obser­ving [Page 1292] alwaies diligently the accustomed rites ordeined for the sacred service of the gods, and be­leeving firmely, that you can not performe any sacrifice or liturgy more pleasing unto them, than to study for to have a sound and true opinion of them: by this meanes you shall avoid su­perstition, which is as great a sinne as impietie and Atheisme. Now the fable of Isis and Osiris, is as briefly as may be, by cutting off many superfluous matters that serve to no purpose, delive­red in this wise: It is said, that dame Rhea; at what time as Saturne lay secretly with her, was espi­ed by the Sunne, who cursed her; and among other maledictions, praied that she might not be delivered, nor bring forth child, neither in any moneth nor yeere: but Mercurie being inamou­red of this goddesse, companied likewise with her; and afterwards, as he plaied at dice with the Moone and won from her the seventieth part of every one of her illuminations, which being all 10 put together, make five entire daies, he added the same unto the three hundred and threescore daies of the yeere; and those odde daies the Aegyptians do call at this present, the daies of the Epact, celebrating and solemnizing them as the birthdaies of their gods: for that when the full time of Rhea was expired, upon the first day of them was Osiris borne; at whose birth a voice was heard, That the lord of the whole world now came into light: and some say, that a cer­teine woman named Pamyle, as she went to fetch water for the temple of Jupiter in the city of Thebes, heard this voice, commanding her to proclaime aloud, That the Great King and Bene­factour Osiris was now borne: also, for that Saturne committed this babe Osiris into her hands for to be noursed, therefore in honour of her there was a festivall day solemnized, named there­upon Pamylia, much like unto that which is named Phallephoria, unto Priapus. On the second 20 day she was delivered of Aroueris, who is Apollo, whom some likewise call the elder Orus. Upon the third day she brought forth Typhon, but he came not at the just time nor at the right place, but brake thorow his mothers side, and issued foorth at the wound. On the fourth day was Isis borne, in a watery place called Panhygra. And the fifth day she was delivered of *Or Nephthy. Nephthe, who of some is named also Teleute and Venus; others call her Nice. Now it is said, that she con­ceived Osiris and Aroueris by the Sunne, Isis by Mercurie, Typhon and Nephthe by Saturne, which is the cause that the kings reputing the third of these intercalar daies to be desasterous and dismall, dispatched no affaires thereupon, neither did they cherish themselves by meat and drinke or otherwise, untill night: that Nephthe was honoured by Typhon; that Isis and Osiris were in love in their mothers bellie before they were borne, and lay together secretly and by 30 slealth; and some give out, that by this meanes Aroueris was begotten and borne, who by the Aegyptians is called Orus the elder, and by the Greeks, Apollo. Well, during the time that Osi­ris reigned king in Aegypt, immediatly he brought the Aegyptians from their needy, poore and savage kinde of life, by teaching them how to sow and plant their grounds, by establishing good lawes among them, and by shewing how they should worship and serve God. Afterwards, he travelled thorowout the world, reducing the whole earth to civility, by force of armes least of all, but winning and gaining the most nations by effectuall remonstrances & sweet perswasion couched in songs, and with all maner of Musicke: whereupon the Greeks were of opinion, that he and Bacchus were both one. Furthermore, the tale goes, that in the absence of Osiris, Typhon stirred not, nor made any commotion, for that Isis gave good order to the contrary, and was of 40 sufficient power to prevent and withstand all innovations; but when he was returned, Tyyhon complotted a conspiracy against him, having drawen into his confederacy seventy two compli­ces, besides a certeine queene of Aethiopia, who likewise combined with him, and her name was Aso. Now when he had secretly taken the just measure and proportion of Osiris body, he caused a coffer or hutch to be made of the same length, and that most curiously and artificially wrought and set out to the eie, he tooke order, that it should be brought into the hall, where he made a great feast unto the whole company. Every man tooke great pleasure with admiration, to be­holde such a singular exquisit piece of worke; and Typhon in a meriment, stood up and promised that he would bestow it upon him, whose body was meet & fit for it: hereupon, all the company one after another assaied whose body would fit it; but it was not found proportionate nor of a 50 just size to any of all the rest: at length, Osiris gat up into it, and laied him there along; with that, the conspiratours ran to it, and let downe the lidde and cover thereof upon him, and partly with nailes, and partly with melted lead which they powred aloft, they made it sure enough; and when they had so done, caried it forth to the river side, and let it downe into the sea, at the verie mouth of Nilus named Taniticus; which is the reason, that the said mouth is even to this day odious and execrable among the Aegyptians, insomuch as they call it Cataphyston, that is to [Page 1293] say, Abominable, or to be spit at. Over and besides, it is said, that this fell out to be done upon the seventeenth day of the moneth named Athyr, during which moneth, the Sunne entreth in­to the signe Scorpius, and in the eight and twentieth yeere of Osiris reigne: howbeit, others af­firme, that he lived in deed, but reigned not so long. Now the first that had an inckling and in­telligence of this hainous act, were the Panes and Satyres inhabiting about Chennis, who began to whisper one unto another, & to talke thereof; which is the reason, that all sudden tumults and troubles of the multitude and common people, be called Panique affrights. Moreover, it fol­loweth on in the tale, that Isis being advertised hereof, immediatly cut off one of the tresses of her haire, and put on mourning weeds in that place which now is called the city Coptus, in re­membrance thereof; howsoever others say, that this word Coptos, betokeneth Privation, for 10 that [...] in Greeke, signifieth as much as to deprive. In this dolefull habit she wandred up and downe in great perplexity to heare tidings of Osiris, and whomsoever she met withall, she failed not to enquire of them; and she missed not so much as little children playing together, but as­ked them, whether they had seene any such coffer: at length, she light of those children who had seene it indeed, and they directed her to the mouth of the river Nilus, where the complices and associats of Typhon had let the said vessell into the sea. And ever since that time, the Ae­gyptians are of opinion, that yoong children have the gift of revealing secrets, and they take all their words which they passe in play and sport, as offes and presages, but especially within the temples, what matter soever it be that they prattle of. Moreover, when Isis understood that Osi­ris fell in love with her sister Nephthys, thinking she was Isis and so carnally companied with her, 20 and withall, found a good token thereof, to wit, a chaplet or garland of Melilot which he had left with Nephthe, she went for to seeke her babe (for presently upon the birth of the infant, for feare of Typhon she hid it) and when with much adoe and with great paines taken, Isis had found it, by the meanes of certeine hounds which brought her to the place where he was, she reared and brought it up, in such sort, as when he came to some bignesse, he became her guide and squire, named Anubis, who also is said to keepe the gods, like as dogs guard men. After this, she heard newes of the foresaid coffer, and namely, that the waves of the sea had by tides cast it upon the coast of Byblus, where, by a billow of water it was gently brought close to the foot of a shrubbe or plant called * [...]. Erice: now this Erice or Tamarix in a small time grew so faire, and spread forth so large and big branches withall, that it *Or some such shrub. compassed, enclosed and covered the said coffer 30 all over, so as it could not be seene. The king of Byblus wondring to see this plant so big, caused the branches to be lopped off, that covered the foresaid coffin not seene, and of the truncke or *Some trans­late this, as if the [...] were inclosed with­in the [...] of the planke. body thereof, made a pillar to sustaine the roofe of his house: whereof Isis by report being ad­vertised by a certaine divine spirit or winde of flying fame, came to Byblus, where she sat her downe by a certeine fountaine, all heavie and in distresse, pitiously weeping to herselfe; neither spake she a word unto any creature, onely the Queenes waiting maids and women that came by, she faluted and made much of, plaiting and broiding the [...] of their haire most exquisitly, and casting from her into them a marvellous sweet and pleasant sent issuing from her body, whiles she dressed them. The queene perceiving her women thus curiously and trimly set out, had an earnest desire to see this stranger, aswell for that she yeelded such an odo­riferous 40 smell from her body, as because she was so skilfull in dressing their heads: so she sent for the woman, and being growen into some familiar acquaintance with her, made her the nourse and governesse of her yoong sonne: now the kings name himselfe was [...] , and the queenes, Astarte, or rather Saofis, or as some will have it, Nemanous, which is as much to say in the Greeke tongue, as Athenais. And the speech goes, that Isis suckled and nourished this in­fant, by putting her finger in stead of the brest-head or nipple, into the mouth thereof; also, that in the night season she burnt all away that was mortall of his body: and in the end, was her­selfe metamorphized and turned into a swallow, flying, and lamenting after a moaning maner about the pillar aforesaid, untill such time as the queene observing this, and crying out when she saw the body of her child on a light fire, bereaved it of immortality. Then Isis being discovered 50 to be a goddesse, craved the pillar of wood: which she cut downe with facility, and tooke from underneath the truncke of the Tamarix or Erice, which she anointed with perfumed oile, and enwrapped within a linnen cloth, and gave it to the kings for to be kept: whereof it commeth, that the Byblians even at this day reverence this piece of wood, which lieth confecrate within the temple of Isis. Furthermore, it is said, that in the end she * [...]. light upon the coffer, over which she wept and lamented so much, that the yongest of the kings sonnes died for very pity of her; [Page 1294] but she herselfe accompanied with the eldest of them, together with the coffer, embarked, tooke sea & departed. But when the river Phaedrus turned the wind somwhat roughly, about the dawn­ing of the day, Isis was so much displeased and angry, that she dried it quite. And so soone as she came unto a solitary place, where she was by herselfe alone, she opened the coffer, where finding the corps of Osiris, she laid her face close to his, embraced it and wept. Herewith came the child softly behinde and espied what she was doing: whom when she perceived, she looked backe, ca­sting an untoward eie, and beheld him with such an angry aspect, that the poore infant not able to endure so terrible a looke, died upon it. Some say it was not so; but that he fell into the sea, in maner aforesaid, and was honored for the goddesse sake, and that he is the same whom the Aegyptians chaunt at their feasts, under the name of Maneros. But others give out, that this 10 child was named Palestinus, and that the city Pelusium was built in remembrance of him by the goddesse Isis and so tooke the name after him; and how this Maneros whom they so celebrate in their songs, was the first inventour of musicke. Howbeit others there are againe, who affirme, that this was the name of no person, but a kinde of dialect or language, proper and agreeable unto those who drinke and banquet together, as if a man should say, In good houre and happily may this or that come. For the Aegyptians were wont ordinarily to use this terme Maneros in such a sense: like as no doubt the drie sceletos or dead corps of a man which they used to ca­rie about and shew in a bierre or coffin at the table, was not the representation or memoriall of this accident which befell unto Osiris, as some doe imagine, but served as an admonition to put the guests in minde to be merry and take their pleasure and joy in those things that were pre­sent; 20 for that soone after they should be like unto it. This I say was the reason that it was brought in at their feasts and mery meetings. Furthermore when Isis was gone to see her sonne Horus who was fostered and brought up in the city Butus, and had laid the foresaid coffer with Osiris body out of the way, Typhon fortuned as he hunted in a cleere moone-shine night to meet with it, and taking knowledge of the body, cut it into foureteene peeces and flung them heere and there one from another: which when Isis understood, she searched for them in a bote or punt made of papyr reed, all over the moores and marishes: whereof it comes that the Crocodiles never hurt those who saile or row in vessels made of that plant, whether it be that they are affraid of it, or reverence it for this goddesse sake I know not. And thus you may know the reason, why there be found many sepulchres of Osiris in the country of Aegypt, for ever as she found any 30 peece of him, she caused a tombe to be made for it: others say no: but that she made many i­mages of him, which she left in every city, as if she had bestowed among them his very body indeed: to the end that in many places he might be honored: and that if happly Typhon when he sought for the true sepulcher of Osiris (having vanquished and overcome Horus) many of them being reported and shewed, he might not know which was it, and so give over seeking far­ther. Over and besides, the report goes, that Isis found all other parts of Osiris body but onely his privy member, for that it was immediately cast into a river and the fishes named Lepidotus, Phagrus and Oxyrynchus devoured it: for which cause Isis detesteth them above all other fishes: but in sted of that natural part, she made a counterfet one, called Phallus, which she consecrated: and in the honor thereof the Aegyptians hold a solemne feast. After all this it followeth in the 40 fable, that Osiris being returned out of the infernall parts, appeared unto Horus, for to exercise, instruct and traine him against the battell: of whom he demanded what he thought to be the most beautifull thing in the world: who answered, To be revenged of the wrong and injury which had bene done to a mans parents. Secondly, what beast he thought most profitable to goe into the field withall: unto whom Horus should make answere, The horse: whereat Osiris marvelled, and asked him why he named the horse and not the lion rather: Because (quoth Ho­rus) the lion serveth him in good sted, who stands upon his owne guard and defense onely and hath need of aid: but the horse is good to defait the enimy quite, to follow him in chace and take him prisoner. When Osiris heard him say so, he tooke great pleasure and contentment heerein, judging heereby that his sonne was sufficiently appointed and prepared to give battell 50 unto his enimies. And verily it is said that among many that daily revolted from Typhon and sided with Horus, even the very concubine of Typhon named Thueris was one, who came to him: and when a certaine * [...] serpent followed after and pursued her, the same was cut in peeces by the guard about Horus: in remembrance whereof, at this very day they bring forth a certaine cord, which likewise they chop in peeces. Well, they say the battell continued many daies: but in the end Horus had the victory: As also that Isis having Typhon prisoner fast bound in her hands, [Page 1295] killed him not: but loosed him and let him goe: which Horus not able to endure with patience, laid violent hands upon his mother, and plucked from her head the roiall ornament that she had thereon: in sted whereof, Mercury set one a morion made in maner of a cowes head. Then Typhon called Horus judicially into question, charging him that he was a bastard; but by the helpe of Mercury who pleaded his cause, he was judged by the gods, legitimate: who also in two other battels vanquished Typhon. And more than all this, the tale saith, that Isis after death, was with child by Osiris, by whom she had Helitomenus and Harpocrates who wanted his nether parts. Thus you see what be in maner all the principall points of this fable, setting aside and excepting those which are most execrable, to wit, the dismembring of Horus and the beheading of Isis. Now, that, if any there be who hold and affirme such fables as these touching the blessed and 10 immortall nature, whereby especially we conceived in our minde the deity, to be true and that such things were really done or hapned so indeed,

We ought to spit upon their face
And curse such mouthes with all disgrace.

as Aeschylus saith, I need not say unto you, for that you hate and detest those enough alreadie of your selfe, who conceive so barbarous and absurd opinions of the gods. And yet you see ve­rie well, that these be not narrations like unto old wives tales, or vaine and foolish fictions, which Poets or other idle writers devise out of their owne fingers ends, after the maner of spi­ders, which of themselves without any precedent, & subject matter, spin their threeds, weave and stretch out their webbes: for evident it is that they conteine some difficulties and the me­morials 20 of certeine accidents. And like as the Mathematicians say, that the rainbow is a repre­sentation of the Sunne, and the same distinguished by sundry colours, by the refraction of our eie-sight against a cloud: even so this fable, is an apparence of some doctrine or learning, which doeth reflect and send backe our understanding, to the consideration of some other trueth; much after the maner of sacrifices, wherein there is mingled a kinde of lamentable dole, and sorrowfull heavinesse. Semblably, the making and disposition of temples, which in some pla­ces have faire open Isles and pleasant allies open over head: and in other, darke caves vaults, and shrouds under the earth, resembling properly caves, sepulchers, or charnell vauts, where­in they put the bodies of the dead; especially the opinion of the Osirians: for albeit the bodie of Osiris, be said to be in many places, yet they name haply Abydus the towne, or Memphis a lit­tle 30 citie, where they affirme that his true body lieth, in such sort, as the greatest and welthiest persons in Aegypt usually doe ordeine and take order, that their bodies be interred in Abydus, to the end they may lie in the same sepulchre with Osiris: and at Memphis was kept the beese Apis, which is the image and figure of his soule, and they will have his body also to be there. Some likewise there be, who interpret the name of this towne, as if it should signifie the haven and harbour of good men: others, that it betokeneth the tombe of Osiris: and there is before the gate of the citie, a little Isle, which to all others is inaccessible, and admitteth no entrance, insomuch, as neither fowles of the aire will there light, nor fishes of the sea approch thither: onely at one certeine time, the priests may come in, and there they offer sacrifices, and present oblations to the dead; where also they crowne and adorne with flowers the monument of one 40 Mediphthe, which is overshadowed and covered with a certeine plant, greater and taller than any olive tree. Eudoxus writeth, that how many sepulchres soever there be in Aegypt wherein the corps of Osiris should lie, yet it is in the citie Busiris; for that it was the countrey and place of his nativitie: so that now there is no need to speake of Taphosiris, for that the very name it selfe saith enough, signifying as it doeth, the sepulture of Osiris. Well, I approove the cutting of the wood, and renting of the linnen, the effusions also and funerall libaments there perfor­med, because there be many mysteries mingled among. And so the priests of Aegypt affirme, that the bodies not of these gods onely, but also of all others, who have beene engendred, and are not incorruptible, remaine among them where they honoured and reverenced; but their soules became starres, and shine in heaven: and as for that of Isis, it is the same which the 50 Greekes call Cyon, that is to say, the dogge-starre, but the Aegyptians Sothis: that of Orus is Orion, and that of Typhon, the Beare. But whereas all other cities and states in Aegypt contri­bute a certeine tribute imposed upon them, for to pourtray, draw and paint such beasts as are honored among them, those onely who inhabite the countrey Thebais, of all others give no­thing thereto, being of opinion, that no mortall thing, subject to death, can be a god: as for him alone, whom they call Cneph, as he was never borne, so shall he never die. Whereas there­fore [Page 1296] many such things as these, be reported and shewed in Aegypt, they who thinke, that all is no more but to perpetuate and eternize the memorie of marvelous deeds and strange accidents of some princes, kings, or tyrants, who for their excellent vertue & mighty puissance, have ad­joined to their owne glory, the authoritie of deitie, unto whom, a while after, there befell cala­mities; use heerein a very cleanly shift, and expedite evasion, transferring handsomly from the gods unto men, all sinister infamie that is in these fable, and helpe themselves by the testimo­nies which they finde and read in histories: for the Aegyptians write, that Mercurie was but small of stature, and slender limmed: that Typhon was of a ruddy colour; Orus white; Osiris of a blackish hew, as who indeed were naturally men. Moreover, they call Osiris, captaine or gene­rall, Canobus pilot or governor of a ship, after whose name they have named a starre: and as for 10 the shippe which the Greeks name Argo, they hold that it was the very resemblance of Osiris ship, which for the honour of him, being numbred among the starres, is so situate in heaven, as that it mooveth and keepeth his course not farre from that of Orion, and the Cyon or dogge­starre; of which twaine, the one is consecrate unto Horus, the other to Isis. But I feare me, that this were to stirre and remoove those sacred things which are not to be touched and medled withall, and as much as to fight against, not continuance of time onely and antiquitie, as Simo­nides saith, but also the religion of many sorts of people and nations, who are long since posses­sed with a devotion toward these gods: I doubt (I say) lest in so doing they faile not to transfer so great names as these out of heaven to earth, and so goe very neere and misse but a little to overthrow and abolish that honour and beliefe, which is ingenerate and imprinted in the hearts 20 of all men, even from their very first nativitie: which were even to set the gates wide open for a multitude of miscreants and Atheists, who would bring all divinity to humanity, and deitie to mans nature; yea and to give a manifest overture and libertie for all the impostures and jugling casts of Euemerus the Messenian, who having himselfe coined and devised the originals of fa­bles, grounded upon no probability nor subject matter, but even against the course of reason and nature, spred and scattered abroad throughout the world all impietie, transmuting and changing all those whom we repute as gods, into the names of admirals, captaines generall, and kings, who had lived in times past, according as they stand upon record, by his saying, writ­ten in golden letters, within the citie *Or, [...] . Panchon, (which never Graecian nor Barbarian save himselfe saw) as having sailed unto the countreies of the Panchonians and Triphylians; nati­ons 30 Or, [...] . forsooth that neither are, nor ever were in this world. And yet verily, a great name there goeth among the Assyrians, of the woorthy and renowmed acts of Semiramis: as also in Aegypt of Sesostris. As for the Phrygians, even at this day they terme noble exploits and ad­mirable enterprises, by the name Manica, of one of their ancient kings, whom they called Manis, who in his time was a most prudent and valiant prince, and whom others named Mas­des. Cyrus led the Persians, and Alexander the Macedonians, with conquest still and victorie, from one end of the world in maner to another: and yet for all these brave acts, no otherwise re­nowmed they are, nor remembred, but onely for puissant and good kings: and say, there were haply some of them who upon an overweening and high conceit of themselves, helped for­ward with youth, and want of experience, as Plato saith, and whose mindes were puffed up and 40 inflamed with pride and vain-glory, tooke upon them the surnames of gods, and had temples founded in their names, yet this glory of theirs lasted but a while, and soon after being condem­ned by the posterity, of vanitie, and arrogancie together, with impietie and injustice,

Were quickly gone, like smoke which mounting hie,
Into the aire, doth vanish by and by.

and now as fugitive slaves that may be brought backe againe where ever they be found, they are haled and pulled away from their temples and altars, and nothing remaineth for them but their tombs & sepulchers: and therefore that old king Antigonus, when a certeine Poet named Her­modotus, in his verses called him the sonne of the Sun, yea, & a god. Well quoth he, my groome that daily voideth my close stoole, knowes no such matter by me. Lysippus also the Imager did 50 very well to reproove Apelles the painter, for that, when he drew the picture of Alexander, hee portraied him with lightning in his hand; whereas Lysippus put in his hand a launce, the glory and renowme whereof, as due and proper unto him, yea, and beseeming his person indeed, no time nor age should ever be able to abolish. In which regard, I hold better with them who thinke that the things which be written of Typhon, Osiris, and Isis, were no accidents or passions inci­dent to gods or to men; but rather to some great Daemons: of which minde were Pythagoras, [Page 1297] Plato, Xenocrates, and Chrysippus, following heerein the opinions of the ancient Theologians, who hold, that they were farre stronger than men, and that in puissance they much surmoun­ted our nature: but that divinitie which they had, was not pure and simple; but they were com­pounded of a nature corporall and spirituall, capable of pleasure, of griefe, and other passions and affections, which accompanying these mutations, trouble some more, others lesse. For in these Daemons, there is like, as also among men, a diversity and difference of vice and of ver­tue. For the acts of Giants and Titans, so much chaunted in every Greeke song, the abomina­ble deeds likewise and practises of one Saturne, the resistance also of Python against Apollo, the sounds of Bacchus, and the wanderings of Ceres, differ in no respect from the accidents of Osiris and Typhon, and of all other such like fabulous tales, which every man may heare as much as he 10 list: as also whatsoever lying covered and hidden under the vaile of mystical sacrifices and cere­monies, is kept close not uttered nor shewed to the vulgar people, is of the same sort. And ac­ding hereto, we may heare Homer how he calleth good men, and such as excell others diversly, one while [...], that is to say, like unto the gods; otherwhile, [...], that is to say, compara­ble to the gods: sometimes [...], that is to say, having their wisdome and counsell from the gods. But the denomination or addition drawen from the Daemons, he useth com­monly as well to the good as the bad; indifferent to valiant persons and to cowards: to a ti­morous and fearefull soldior thus:

[...],
[...].
20
Daemonian, approch thou neare:
The Greeks why doest thou so much feare?

On the other side, of an hardy soldior:

[...],
When he the charge in field the fourth time gave,
Like to some Daemon he did himselfe behave.

And againe, in the woorse sense,

[...], &c.
*That is to say, wicked or curst [...] , to [...] , Daemonian, what is that great offence,
Which Priam and his sonnes committed have
30
Against thee, for to make thy just pretence,
In wrathfull tearmes upon them thus to rave,
And them no grace and mercy to vouchsave,
Nor rest, untill thou seest the stately towne,
Of Ilion destroid and rased downe?

Giving us heereby thus much to understand, that the Daemons have a mixt nature, and a will or affection which is not equall, nor alwaies alike. And heereupon it is, that Plato verily attri­buteth unto the Olympian and celestiall gods, all that which is dexterous and odde: but unto the Daemons, whatsoever is sinister and even. And Xenocrates holdeth, that those daies which be unluckie and dismall, those festivall solemnities likewise, which have any beatings or knock­ing 40 and thumping of brests, or fasting, or otherwise any cursed speeches and filthy words, are not meet for the honour & worship either of gods or of good Daemons: but he supposeth that there be in the aire about us, certeine natures great & puissant; howbeit, shrewd, malicious and unsociable, which take some pleasure in such matters: and when they have obteined and got­ten so much to be done for their sake, they goe about no farther mischiefe, nor wait any shrew­der turnes: whereas contrariwise, both Hesiodus calleth the pure and holy Daemons, such also as be the good angels and keepers of men,

Givers of wealth and opulence, as whome
This regall gift and honour doth become.

And Plato also termeth this kinde of Daemons or angels Mercuriall, that is to say, expositours 50 or interpretours, and ministeriall, having a middle nature betweene gods and men, who as mediatours, present the praiers and petitions of men heere unto the gods in heaven, and from thence transmit and convey unto us upon earth, the oracles and revelations of hidden and future things, as also their donations of goods and riches. As for Empedocles, he saith, that these Daemons or fiends, are punished and tormented for their sinnes and offences which they have committed, as may appeere by these his verses:

[Page 1298]
For why? the power of aire and skie, did to the sea them chace:
The sea them cast up, of the earth, even to the outward face:
The earth them sends unto the beames, of never-tyred Sunne,
The Sunne to aire, whence first they came, doth fling them downe anon:
Thus posted to and fro, twixt seas beneath, and heav'ns aboue,
10
From one they to another passe: not one yet doth them love.

untill such time as being thus in this purgatory chastised and clensed, they recover againe that place estate and degree which is meet for them and according to their nature. These things and such like for all the world they say, are reported of Typhon, who upon envy and malice com­mitted many outrages; and having thus made a trouble and confusion in all things, filled sea and land with wofull calamities and miseries, but was punished for it in the end. For Isis the wife and sister of Osiris in revenge plagued him in extinguishing and repressing his fury and rage: and yet neglected not she the travels and paines of her owne which she endured, her trud­ging also and wandring to and fro, nor many other acts of great wisdome and prowesse suffered 20 she to be buried in silence and oblivion: but inserting the same among the most holy ceremo­nies of sacrifices, as examples, images, memorials and resemblances of the accidents happing in those times, she consecrated an ensignement, instruction and consolation of piety and de­vout religion to godward, as well for men as women afflicted with miseries. By reason where­of she and her husband Osiris of good Daemons were transmuted for their vertue into gods, like as afterwards were Hercules and Bacchus, who in regard thereof, and not without reason, have ho­nours decreed for them both of gods and also of Daemons intermingled together, as those who in all places were puissant, but most powerfull both upon and also under the earth. For they say that Sarapis is nothing else but Pluto, and Isis the same that Proserpina, as Archemachus of Eu­baea and Heraclitus of Pontus testisie and he thinketh that the oracle in the city Canobus, is that of 30 father Dis or Pluto. King Ptolemaeus surnamed Soter that is to say, saviour, caused that huge sta­tue or colosse of Pluto which was in the city Sinope, to be be taken from thence, not knowing, nor having seene before of what forme and shape it was, but onely that as he dreamed he thought that he saw Serapis, commanding him withall speed possible to transport him into A­lexandrta. Now the king not knowing where this statue was, nor where to finde it, in this doubt­full perplexity related his vision aforesaid unto his friends about him, and chanced to meet with one Sosibius a great traveller and a man who had bene in many places, and he said that in the city of Sinope he had seene such a statue as the king described unto them. Whereupon Ptole­maeus sent Soteles and Dionysius, who in long time, and with great travell, and not without the es­peciall grace of the divine providence, stole away the said colosse and brought it with them: 40 Now when it was come to Alexandria and there seene, Timotheus the great Cosmographer and Antiquary, and Manethon of the province Sebennitis, guessed it by all conjectures to be the image of Pluto, and namely by Cerberus the hel-dog and the dragon about him, perswading the king that it could be the image of no other god but of Serapis. For it came not from thence with that name; but being brought into Alexandria, it tooke the name Serapis, by which the Aegyptians doe name Pluto. And yet Heraclitus verily the Naturalist saith, that Hades and Dro­nisis, that is to say, Pluto and Bacchus, be the same. And in trueth when they are disposed to play the fooles and be mad, they are caried away to this opinion. For they who suppose that Hades, that is to say, Pluto, is said to be the body and as it were the sepulcher of the soule, as if it seemed to be foolish and drunken all the while she is within it, me thinkes they doe allegorize 50 but very baldly. And better it were yet to bring Osiris and Bacchus together, yea and to reconcile Sarapis unto Osiris, in saying that after he hath changed his nature, he became to have this de­nomination. And therefore this name Sarapis is common to all, as they know very well who are professed in the sacted religion of Osiris. For we ought not to give eare and credit to the bookes and writings of the Phrygians, wherein we finde, that there was one Charopos the daugh­ter of Hercules, and that of Isatacus a sonne of Hercules was engendred Typhon: neither yet to [Page 1299] make account of Phylarchus who writeth, that Bacchus was the first, who from the Indians drave two beeses, whereof the one was named Apis, and the other Osiris: That Sarapis is the proper name of him who ruleth and embelisheth the universall world, and is derived of the word Saire­in, which some say, signifieth as much as to beautifie and adorne. For these be absurd toies deli­vered by Phylarchus: but more monstrous and senselesse are their absurdities who write, that Sarapis is no god, but that it is the coffin or sepulchet of Apis that is so called: as also that there be certain two leaved brasen gates in Memphis, bearing the names of Lethe & Cocytus, that is to say, oblivion and wailing, which being set open when they interre and bury Apis, in the opening make a great sound and rude noise: which is the cause that we lay hand upon every copper or brasen vessell when it resoundeth so, to stay the noise thereof. Yet is their more apparence of 10 trueth and reason in their opinion, who hold that it was derived of these verbes [...], and [...], which signifieth to move, as being that which moveth the whole frame of the world. The priests for the most part hold, that Sarapis is a word compounded of Osiris and Apis together, giving this exposition withall and teaching us, that we ought to beleeve Apis to be an elegant image of the soule of Osiris. For mine owne part, if Sarapis be an Aegyptian name, I suppose rather [...] it betokeneth joy and mirth: And I ground my conjecture upon this, that the Ae­gyptians ordinarily call the feast of joy and gladnesse termed among the Athenians Charmosy­na, by the name of Sairei. For Plato himselfe saith, that Hades which signifieth Pluto, being the sonne of Aidos, that is to say, of shamefastnesse and reverence, is a milde and gracious god to those who are toward him. And very true it is, that in the Aegyptians language, many other 20 proper names are significant and carry their reason with them: as namely that infernall place under the earth, into which they imagine the soules of the dead doe descend after they be de­parted, they call Amenthes, which terme is as much to say, as taking and giving; but whether this word be one of those, which in old time came out of Greece and were transpotted thither, we will consider and discusse better hereafter: Now for this present let us prosecute that which remaineth of this opinion now in hand. For Osiris and Isis of good Daemons were translated into the number of the gods: And as for the puissance of Typhon oppressed and quelled, howbe­it panting as yet at the last gaspe and striving as it were with the pangs of death, they have cer­taine ceremonies and sacrifices, to pacify and appease. Other feasts also there be againe on the contrary side wherein they insult over him, debase and defame him what they can: In so much 30 as men of a ruddy colour they deride & make of them a laughing stocke. And as for the inhabi­tants of Coptos, they use at a certaine feast to throw an asse headlong downe from the pitch of an high rocke, because Typhon was ruddy and of a red asses colour. The Busiritants and Lycopo­lites forbeare to sound any trumpets, because they resemble the braying of an asse: and gene­rally they take an asse to be an uncleane beast and daemonicall, for the resemblance in hiew that it hath with him: and when they make certaine cakes in their sacrifices of the moneths, Payni and Phaophi, they worke them in paistry with the print upon them of an asse bound. Also in their solemne sacrifice to the Sun, they command as many as will be there to worship that god, not to we are any brooches or jewels of gold about their bodies, nor to give any meat or pro­vander unto an asse what need soever he have thereof. It seemeth also, that the Pythagoreans 40 themselves were of opinion, that Typhon was some fiend or daemonicall power: for they say that Typhon was borne in the even number of six and fifty: againe, that the triangular number or si­gure, is the puissance of Pluto, Bacchus and Mars: of the quadrangle, is the power of Rhea, Venus, Ceres, Vesta, and Juno: that of twelve angles belongeth to the might of Jupiter: but that of fifty six angles is the force of Typhon, as Eudoxus hath left in writing. But the Aegyptians supposing that Typhon was of a reddish colour, doe kill for sacrifice unto him, kine and oxen of the same colour, observing withall so precisely, that if they have but one haire blacke or white, they be not sacrificeable: for they thinke such sacrifices not acceptable, but contrariwise displeasant un­to the gods, imagining they be the bodies which have received the soules of leaud and wicked persons, transformed into other creatures. And therefore after they have cursed the head of 50 such a sacrifice, they cut it off and cast it into the river, at least waies in old time: but now they give it unto strangers. But the oxe which they meane to sacrifice indeed, the priests called Sphragistae, that is to say, the sealers, come & marke it with their seale, which as Castor writeth, was the image of a man kneeling, with his hands drawen backe and bound behinde him, and ha­ving a sword set to his throat: Semblably they use the name of an asse also, as hath bene said, for his uncivill rudenesse and insolency, no lesse than in regard of his colour, wherein he resembleth [Page 1300] Typhon; and therefore the Aegyptians gave unto Ochus a king of the Persians, whom they ha­ted above all others as most cursed and abominable, the surname of asse: whereof Ochus being advertised and saying withall, This asse shall devour your oxe; caused presently their beefe [...] to be killed and sacrificed, as Dinon hath left in writing. As for those who say, that Typhon af­ter he had lost the field, fled six daies journy upon an asse backe, and having by this meanes esca­ped, beg at two sonnes, Hierosolymus and Judaeus, evident it is heerein that they would draw the story of the Iewes into this fable. And thus much of the allegorirall conjectures which this tale doth affoord. But now from another head, let us (of those who are able to discourse somewhat Philosophically and with reason) consider first and formost such as deale most simply in this be­halfe. And these be they that say, like as the Greeks allegorize that Saturne is time, Juno the 10 aire, and the generation of Vulcan, is the transmutation of aire into fire; even so they give out that by Osiris the Aegyptians meane Nilus, which lieth and keepeth company with Isis, that is to say, the earth: That Typhon is the sea, into which Nilus falling loseth himselfe, and is dis­patched heere and there, unlesse it be that portion thereof, which the earth receiveth and where­by it is made fertill. And upon the river Nilus there is a sacred lamentation, even from the daies of Saturne: wherein there is lamenting, how Nilus springing and growing on the left hand, decaieth and is lost on the right: For the Aegyptians doe thinke, that the east parts where the day appeareth, be the forefrunt and face of the world, that the North part is the right hand & the South part the left. This Nilus therfore, arising on the left hand, and lost in the sea on the right hand, is said truely to have his birth and generation in the left side, but his death and cor­ruption 20 in the right. And this is the reason why the priests of Aegypt have the sea in abomina­tion, and terme salt the fome and froth of Typhon. And among those things which are inter­dicted and forbidden this is one, that no salt be used at the boord: by reason whereof they never salute any pilots or sailers, for that they keepe ordinarily in the sea, and get their living by it. This also is one of the principall causes, why they abhorre fishes; in such sort as when they would describe hatred, they draw or purtray a fish: like as in the porch before the temple of Mi­nerva within the city Sai, there was purtraied and engraven, an infant, an old man; after them a falcon or some such hauke, and close thereto a fish, and last of all a river-horse: which Hierogly­phicks, doe symbolize and signifie thus much in effect. O all yea that come into the world and goe out of it: God hateth shamelesse injustice. For by the hauke they understand God, by the 30 fish hatred, and by the river-horse impudent violence and vilany, because it is said that he killeth his father, and after that, forceth his owne mother and covereth her. And semblably it should seeme, that the saying of the Pythagoreans, who give out that the sea is a teare of Saturne, under covert words doe meane, that it is impure and uncleane. Thus have I beene willing by the way to alledge thus much, although it be without the traine of our fable, because they fall within the compasse of a vulgar and common received history. But to returne to our matter: the priests as many as be of the wiser and more learned sort, understand by Osiris, not onely the river Nilus, and by Typhon the sea: but also by the former, they signifie in one word and simply, all vertue and power that produceth moisture and water, taking it to be the materiall cause of generation, and the nature generative of seed: and by Typhon they represent all desiccative vertue, all heat 40 of fire & drinesse, as the very thing that is fully opposite and adverse to humidity: and hereupon it is, that they hold Typhon to be red of haire and of skin yellow: and by the same reason they willingly would not encounter or meet upon the way men of that hew, no nor delight to speake unto such. Contrariwise they feigne Osiris to be of a blacke colour, because all water, causeth the earth, clothes and clowdes to appeare blacke with which it is mingled. Also the moisture that is in yong folke maketh their haire blacke; but grisled hoarinesse, which seemeth to be a pale yellow, commeth by reason of siccity unto those who be past their flower, and now in their declining age: also the Spring time is greene, fresh, pleasant, and generative: but the latter sea­son of Autumne, for want of moisture, is an enemie to plants, and breedeth diseases in man and beast. 50

To speake also of that oxe or beefe named Mneuis, which is kept and nourished in Heliopolis at the common charges of the city, consecrated unto Osiris, and which some say, was the sire of Apis; blacke he is of haire, and honored in a second degree after Apis. Moreover, the whole land of Aegypt is of all others exceeding blacke, such a blacke I meane, as that is of the [...] , which they call Chemia, and they liken it to the heart; for hote and moist it is, and enclineth to the left and South parts of the earth, like as the heart lieth most to the left side of a man. They [Page 1301] affirme also, that the Sunne and Moone are not mounted upon chariots, but within bardges or boates continually do moove and saile as it were round about the world; giving us thereby co­vertly to understand, that they be bred and nourished by moisture. Furthermore, they thinke, that Homer (like as Thales also) being taught out of the Aegyptians learning, doth hold and set downe this position, That water is the element and principle that engendereth all things: for they say, that Osiris is the Ocean, and Isis, Tethys, as one would say, the nourse that suckleth and feedeth the whole world. For the Greeks call the ejaculation or casting foorth of naturall seed, [...], like as the conjunction of male and female [...]: likewise [...], which in Greeke signifi­eth a son, is derived of the word [...], that is to say, water, and [...] betokeneth also to raine. More­over, Bacchus they surname Hyes, as one would say, the lord and ruler of the moist nature; and 10 he is no other than Osiris. Furthermore, whereas we pronounce his name Osiris, Hellanicus putteth it downe Hysiris, saying, that he heard the very priests themselves of Aegypt to pro­nounce it so. And thus verily calleth he the said god in every place, not without good shew of reason, having regard unto his nature and invention. But that Osiris is the same god that Bac­chus, who should in all reason better know than your selfe (ô Clea) considering that in the city of Delphi you are the mistresse and lady Prioresse as it were of the religious Thyans, and from your infancy have beene a votary and Nun consecrated by your father and mother to the ser­vice of Osiris. But if in regard of others, we must alledge restimonies, let us not meddle with their hidden secrets; howbeit, that which the priests do in publicke when the inter Apis, having brought his corps in a boat or punt, differeth not at all from the ceremonies of Bacchus: for, 20 clad they be in stags skinnes, they cary javelins in their hands, they keepe a loud crying, and sha­king of their bodies very unquietly, much after the maner of those who are transported with the fanaticall and sacred fancy of Bacchus. And what reason els should there be, that many nations of Greece pourtray the statue of Bacchus with a bulles head? and the dames among the Elians in their praiers and invocations do call vnto him, beseeching this god to come unto them with his bulles foot? yea, and the Argives commonly surname Bacchus, Bugenes, which is as much to say, as the sonne of a Cow, or engendred by a bull: and that which more is, they invocate and call upon him out of the water with sound of trumpets, casting into a deepe gulfe, a lambe, as to the Portier, under the name of Pylaochos. Their trumpets they hide within their javelins, called Thyrsi, according as Socrates hath written in his books of sacred ceremonies. Moreover, the 30 Titanicall acts, and that whole, entier and sacred night, accord with that which is reported as touching the dismembring of Osiris, and the resurrection or renovation of his life: in like ma­ner, those matters which concerne his buriall. For the Aegyptians shew in many places the se­pulchres of Osiris: and the Delphians thinke, they have the bones and reliques of Bacchus a­mong them, [...] and bestowed neere unto the oracle: and his religious priests celebrate un­to him a secret sacrifice within the temple of Apollo, when the Thyades who are the Priestresses begin to chaunt the sonnet *One of the surnames of Bacchus. Licnites. Now that the Greeks are of opinion, that Bacchus is the lord and governour, not of wine liquor onely, but also of every other nature which is moist and liquid, the testimony of Pindarus is sufficient, when he saith thus: Bacchus

Taking the charge of trees that grow,
40
Doth cause them for to bud and blow:
The verdure fresh and beauty pure
Of lovely fruits he doth procure.

And therefore it is, that those who serve and worship Osiris are streightly forbidden and char­ged, not to destroy any fruitfull tree, nor to stop the head of any fountaine. And not onely the river Nilus, but all water and moisture whatsoever in generall, they call the effluence of Osiris: by reason whereof, before their sacrifices they cary alwaies in procession a pot or pitcher of water, in honour of the said god.

They describe also a king and the Southern or meridionall climat of the world, by a fig tree leafe, which fig leafe signifieth the imbibition and motion of all things: and besides, it seemeth 50 naturally to resemble the member of generation. Also, when they solemnize the feast called Pamylitia, which as before hath beene said, was instituted in the honour of Priapus, they shew and cary about in procession an image or statue, the genitall member whereof, is thrice as bigge as the ordinary: for this god of theirs is the beginning of all things; and every such principle, by generation multiplieth it selfe. Now, we are wont moreover to say, Thrice, for many times; to wit, a finite number for an infinite; as when we use the word, [...], that is to say, Thrice [Page 1302] happy, for most happy; and Three bonds, for infinite; unlesse peradventure this ternary or threefold number was expresly and properly chosen by our ancients. For the nature of moi­sture being the principle that engendreth all things, from the beginning hath engendred these three elements or primitive bodies, Earth, Aire and Fire. For that branch which is set unto the fable, to wit, that Typhon flung the genitall member of Osiris into the river, that Isis could not finde it, but caused one to be made to resemble it, and when she was provided thereof, ordeined that it should be honoured and caried in a solemnepompe; tendeth to this, for to teach us, that the generative and productive vertue of god, had moisture at the first for the matter, and by the meanes of the said humidity, was mixed with those things that were apt for generation. Ano­ther branch there is yet, growing to this fable, namely, that one Apopis brother to the Sunne, 10 warred against Jupiter; that Osiris aided Jupiter and helped him to defait his enemie; in regard of which merit he adopted him for his sonne, and named him Dionysus, that is to say, Bacchus. Now the Muthology of this fable, as it evidently appeareth, accordeth covertly, with the trueth of Nature: for the Aegyptians call the winde, Jupiter, unto which nothing is more contrary, than siccity and that which is firy: and that is not the Sunne, although some consanguinity it hath unto it: but moisture comming to extinguish the extremity of that drinesse, fortifieth and augmenteth those vapors, which nourish the wind and keepe it in force. Moreover, the Greeks consecrate the Ivie unto Bacchus, and the same is named among the Aegyptians, Chenosiris, which word, (as they say) signifieth in the Aegyptian tongue, the plant of Osiris: at leastwise Ariston who enrolled a colonie of the Athenians, affirmeth that he light upon an epistle of 20 Anaxarchus, wherein he found as much; as also, that Bacchus was the sonne of a water nymph, Naias. Other Aegyptians also there be, who hold, that Bacchus was the sonne of Isis, and that he was not called Osiris, but Arsaphes, in the letter Alpha, which word signifieth prowesse or valour. And thus much giveth Hermaeus to understand, in his first booke of Aegyptian acts; where he saith also, that Osiris by interpretation, is as much, as * [...]. stout or mightie. Heere I for­beare to alledge Mnasaes, who referreth and ascribeth unto Epaphus, Bacchus, Osiris, and Sara­pis. I overpasse Anticlides likewise, who affirmeth, that Isis was the daughter of Prometheus, and married unto Bacchus. For the very particular properties that we have said were in their feasts and sacrifices, yeeld a more cleere evidence and proose, than any allegations of witnes­ses whatsoever. Also they hold, that among the starres, the dogge or Sirius was consecrate un­to 30 Isis, the which starre draweth the water. And they honour the lion, with whose heads and ha­ving the mouth gaping and wide open, they adorne the dores and gates of their temples, for that the river Nilus riseth

So soone as in the circle Zodiake,
The Sunne and Leo signe, encounter make.

And as they both hold and affirme, Nilus to be the effluence of Osiris; even so they are of opi­nion, that the body of Isis is the earth or land of Aegypt; and yet not all of it, but so much as Nilus oversloweth, and by commixtion maketh fertile and fruitfull: of which conjunction, they say, that Orus was engendred, which is nothing else but the temperature and disposition of the aire, nourishing and maintaining all things. They say also, that this Orus was nourished with­in 40 the mores neere unto the citie Butus, by the goddesse Latona: for that the earth being well drenched and watered, bringeth foorth and nourisheth vapors, which overcome, extinguish, and represse (nothing so much) great siccitie and drinesse. Furthermore, they call the marches and borders of the land, the confines also of the coasts which touch the sea, Nephthys: and this is the reason why they name Nephthys, Teleutaea, that is to say, finall or last; and say that she was married unto Typhon. And when Nilus breaketh out and overrunneth his banks so, as he ap­procheth these borders, this they call the unlawfull conjunction or adultery of Osiris with Neph­thys, the which is knowen by certeine plants growing there, among which is the Melilot: by the seed whereof, saith the tale, when it was shedde and left behinde, began Typhon to perceive the wrong that was done unto him in his mariage. And heere upon they say, that Orus was the 50 legitimate sonne of Iris, but Anubis was borne by Nephthys in bastardie. And verily in the succession of kings they record Nephthys maried unto Typhon, to have beene at first barren. Now if this be not meant of a woman, but of a goddesse, they understand under these aenigma­ticall speeches, a land altogether barren and unfruitfull, by reason of hardnesse and stiffe solidi­tie. The lying in wait of Typhon to surprise Osiris, his usurped rule and tyranny, is nothing els but the force of drinesse, which was very mightie, which dissipated also and spent all that humi­ditie [Page 1303] that both engendreth and also encreaseth Nilus to that heigth. As for that [...] of Ae­thiopia, who came to aid & assist him, she betokeneth the Southerly winds comming from Ae­thiopia: for when these have the upper hand of the Etesian windes, which blow from the North, and drive the cloulds into Aethiopia, and so hinders those showers and gluts of [...] which power out of the clouds, and make the river Nilus to swell: then Typhon, that is to say, drouth, is said to winne the better, and to burne up all; and so having gotten the mastery cleane of Nilus, who by reason of his weaknesse and feeblenesse, is driven in, and forced to retire a contrary way, he chaseth him, poore and low into the sea. For whereas the fable saith, that Osiris was shut fast within an arke or coffer, there is no other thing signified thereby; but this departure backe of the water, and the hiding thereof within the sea: which is the cause also, that they say Osiris 10 went out of sight in the moneth Athyr, and was no more seene; at what time as when all the Etesian windes are laid and given over to blow, Nilus [...] into his chanell, leaving the land discovered and bare. And now by this time as the night groweth longer, the darknesse en­creaseth, like as the force of the light doth diminish and is impaired: and then the priests a­mong many other ceremonies, testifying their sadnesse and heavie cheere, bring foorth and shew a beese with golden hornes, whom they cover all over with a fine vaile of blacke silke, thereby to represent the heavy dole and mourning of the goddesse for Osiris: (for thus they thinke, that the said beefe is the image of Osiris: and the vestment of blacke aforesaid, testify­ing the earth, doth signifie Isis) and this shew exhibit they foure daies together; to wit, from the seventh unto the tenth following: And why? Foure things there be for which they make de­monstration 20 of griefe & sorrow: the first is the river Nilus, for that he seemeth to retire and faile: the second are the North-windes, which now are husht and still, by reason of the Southern winds, that gaine the mastrie over them: the third is the day, for that now it waxeth shorter than the night: and last of all, the discovering and nakednesse of the earth, together with the devesting of trees, which at the very same time begin to shed and lose their leaves. After this, upon the ninteenth day at night, they goe downe to the sea side, and then the priests revested in their sacred Stoles and habits, carie foorth with them, a consecrated chest, wherein there is a vessell of gold, into which they take and powre fresh and potable water; and with that, all those who are present set up a note and shout, as if they had found Osiris againe: then they take a piece of fatty and fertile earth, and together with the water, knead and worke it into a paste, 30 mixing therewith most precious odors, persumes and spices, whereof they make a little image in forme of the Moone croissant, which they decke with robes and adorne, shewing thereby evidently that they take these gods to be the substance of water and earth.

Thus when Isis had recovered Osiris, nourished Orus, and brought him up to some growth, so that he now became strengthned & fortified, by exhalations, vapors, mists and clouds, Typhon verily was vanquished, howbeit, not shine, for that the goddesse, which is the ladie of the earth, would not permit & suffer, that the power or nature which is contrary unto moisture, should be utterly abolished: onely she did slacken and let downe the vehement force thereof, willing that this combat and strife should still continue; because the world would not have beene entier and perfect, if the nature of fire had beene once extinct & gone. And if this goe not currant among 40 them, there is no reason and probability, that any one should project this assertion also, name­ly, that Typhon in times past overcame one part of Osiris: for that in olde time, Aegypt was sea: whereupon it is, that even at this day, within the mines wherein men dig for mettals, yea, and a­mong the mountaines, there is found great store of seafish. Likewise, all the fountaines, welles and pits (and those are many in number) cary a brackish, saltish and bitter water, as if some remnant or residue of the olde sea were reserved, which ranne thither. But in processe of time, Orus subdued Typhon, that is to say, when the seasonable raine came, which tempered the excessive heat, Nilus expelled and drave forth the sea, discovered the champian ground, and filled it con­tinually more and more by new deluges and inundations, that laied somewhat still unto it. And hereof, the daily experience is presented to our eies; for we perceive even at this day, that the 50 overflowes and rising of the river, bringing new mud, and adding fresh earth still by little and little, the sea giveth place and retireth: and as the deepe in it is filled more and more, so the su­perficies riseth higher, by the continuall shelves that the Nile casts up; by which meane, the sea runneth backward: yea, the very Isle Pharos, which Homer knew by his daies to lie farre within the sea even a daies sailing from the continent & firme land of Aegypt, is now a very part there­of: not for that it remooved and approched neerer and neerer to the land; but because the sea [Page 1304] which was betweene, gave place unto the river that continually made new earth with the mudde that it brought, and so mainteined and augmented the maine land. But these things resemble very neere, the Theologicall interpretations that the Stoicks give out: for they holde, that the generative and nutritive Spirit, is Bacchus; but that which striketh and divideth, is Hercules; that which receiveth, is Ammon; that which entreth and pierceth into the earth, is Ceres and Proser­pina; and that which doth penetrate farther and passe thorow the sea, is Neptune. Others, who mingle among naturall causes and reasons, some drawen from the Mathematicks, and princi­pally from Astrology, thinke that Typhon is the Solare circle or sphaere of the Sunne; and that Osiris is that of the Moone; inasmuch as the Moone hath a generative and vegetable light, mul­tiplying that sweet and comfortable moisture which is so meet for the generation of living crea­tures, 10 of trees and plants: but the Sunne having in it a pure firy flame indeed without any mix­ture or rebatement at all, heateth and drieth that which the earth bringeth forth, yea, and what­soever is verdant and in the flower; insomuch, as by his inflamation he causeth the greater part of the earth to be wholly desert and inhabitable, and many times subdueth the very Moone. And therefore the Aegyptians evermore name Typhon, Seth, which is as much to say, as ruling lordly, and oppressing with violence. And after their fabulous maner they say, that Hercules sit­ting as it were upon the Sunne, goeth about the world with him; and Mercurie likewise with the Moone: by reason whereof, the works and effects of the Moone resemble those acts which are performed by eloquence and wisedome: but those of the Sunne are compared to such as be ex­ploited by force and puissance. And the Stoicks say, that the Sunne is lighted and set on fire by 20 the Sea, and therewith nourished: but they be the fountaines and lakes which send up unto the Moone a milde, sweet and delicate vapour. The Aegyptians faine, that the death of Osiris hap­ned on the seventeenth day of the moneth, on which day, better than upon any other, she is jud­ged to be at the full: and this is the reason why the Pythagoreans call this day, The obstruction, and of all other numbers they most abhorre and detest it: for whereas sixteene is a number qua­drangular or foure-square, and eighteene longer one way than another; which numbers onely of those that be plaine, happen for to have the ambient unities, that environ them equall to the spaces conteined and comprehended within them; seventeene, which falleth betweene, separa­teth and disjoineth the one from the other, and being cut into unequall intervals, distracteth the proportion sesquioctave. And some there be who say, that Osiris lived, others that he reigned, 30 eight and twenty yeeres: for so many lights there be of the Moone, and so many daies doth she turne about her owne circle: and therefore in those ceremonies which they call The sepulture of Osiris, they cut a piece of wood, and make a certeine coffin or case in maner of the Moone croissant, for that as she approcheth neere to the Sunne, she becommeth pointed and cornered, untill in the end she come to nothing, and is no more seene. And as for the dismembring of Osiris into foureteene pieces, they signifie unto us under the covert vaile of these words, The daies wherein the said planet is in the wane, and decreaseth even unto the change, when she is renewed againe. And that day on which she first appeareth, by passing by and escaping the raies of the Sunne, they call an Unperfect good: for Osiris is a doer of good: and this name signifieth many things, but principally an active and beneficiall power, as they say: and as for the other 40 name Omphis, Hermaeus saith, that it betokeneth as much as a benefactour. Also, they are of opinion, that the risings and inundations of the river Nilus, answere in proportion to the course of the Moone; for the greatest heigth that it groweth unto in the countrey Elephantine, is eight and twenty cubits; for so many illuminations there be, or daies, in every revolution of the Moone: and the lowest gage about Mendes and Xois, sixe cubits, which answereth to the first quarter: but the meane betweene, about the city Memphis, when it is just at the full, commeth to foureteene cubits, correspondent to the full Moone. They holde moreover, Apis to be the lively image of Osiris, and that he is ingendred and bred at what time as the generative light de­scendeth from the Moone and toucheth the Cow desirous of the male: and therefore Apis re­sembleth the formes of the Moone, having many white spots obscured and darkened with the 50 shadowes of blacke. And this is the reason, why they solemnize a feast in the new Moone of the moneth Phamenoth, which they call The ingresse or entrance of Osiris to the Moone; and this is the beginning of the Spring season: and thus they put the power of Osiris in the Moone. They say also, that Isis (which is no other thing but generation) lieth with him; and so they name the Moone, Mother of the world; saying, that she is a double nature, male and female: fe­male, in that she doth conceive and is replenished by the Sunne: and male, in this regard, that [Page 1305] she sendeth forth and sprinkleth in the aire, the seeds and principles of generation: for that the drie distemperature and corruption of Typhon is not alwaies superior, but often times vanquish­ed by generation, and howsoever tied it be and bound, yet it riseth fresh againe, and fighteth a­gainst Orus, who is nothing els but the terrestriall world, which is not altogether free from cor­ruption, nor yet exempt from generation. Others there be, who would have all this fiction co­vertly to represent no other thing but the ecclipses: for the Moone is ecclipsed, when she is at the full directly opposite to the Sunne, and commeth to fall upon the shadow of the earth: like as they say, Osiris was put into the chest or coffer above said. On the other side, she seemeth to hide and darken the light of the Sunne, upon certeine thirtieth daies, but yet doth not wholly a­bolish the Sunne, no more than Isis doth kill Typhon: but when Nephthys bringeth forth Anu­bis, 10 Isis putteth herselfe in place: for Nephthys is that which is under the earth and unseene; but Isis, that which is above, and appeareth unto us: and the circle named Horizon, which is com­mon to them both, and parteth the two hemisphaeres, is named Anubis, and in forme resembleth a dogge: for why? a dogge seeth aswell by night as by day: so that it should seeme, that Anubis among the Aegyptians hath the like power that Proserpina among the Greeks, being both ter­restriall and coelestiall. Others there be, who thinke, that Anubis is Saturne, and because he is conceived with all things, and bringeth them foorth, which in Greeke the word [...] signifieth, therefore he is surnamed [...], that is to say, Adogge. So that there is some hidden and mysti­call secret in it, that causeth some, even still to reverence and adore A dogge: for the time was, when more worship was done unto it in Aegypt, than to any other beast; but after that Cambyses 20 had killed Apis cut him in pieces, and flung the same heere and there, no other creature would [...] neere to taste thereof, save the dogge onely; whereupon he lost that prerogative and pre­eminence to be more honoured than other beasts. Others there are, who would have the sha­dow of the earth, which causeth the Moone to be ecclipsed when she entreth into it, to be na­med Typhon. And therefore me thinks, it were not amisse to say, that in particular there is not any one of these expositions and interpretations perfect by it selfe and right, but all of them toge­ther cary some good cōstruction: for it is neither drought alone, nor winde, nor sea, ne yet dark­nesse; but all that is noisome and hurtfull whatsoever, and which hath a speciall part to hurt and destroy, is called Typhon. Nether must we put the principles of the whole world into bodies that have no life and soule, as Democritus and Epicurus doe: nor yet set downe for the workman 30 and framer of the first matter, a certeine reason and providence, without quality (as do the Sto­icks:) such a thing as hath a subsistence before and above all, and commandeth all: for impossi­ble it is, that one sole cause, good or bad, should be the beginning of all things together; for God is not the cause of any evill, and the coagmentation of the world bendeth contrary waies, like as the composition of a lute or bow, as Heraclitus saith, and according to Euripides,

Nothings can be by themselves good or bad:
That things do well, a mixture must be had.

And therefore this opinion so very auncient, is descended from Theologians and Law-givers unto Poets and Philosophers, the certeine author and beginning whereof, is not yet knowen: howbeit, so firmely grounded in the perswasion and beliefe of men, that hard it is to suppresse 40 or abolish the same; so commonly divulged not onely in conferences, disputations, and ordi­nary speeches abroad, but also in the sacrifices and divine ceremonies of gods service, in ma­ny places, as well among the Barbarians as Greeks, to wit, that neither this world floteth and waveth at aventure, without the government of providence and reason, nor reason onely it is that guideth, directeth, and holdeth it (as it were) with certeine helmes or bits of obeisance, but manie things there be confused and mixed, good and bad together: or to speake more plainely, there is nothing heere beneath that nature produceth and bringeth foorth, which of it selfe is pure and simple: neither is there one drawer of two tunnes, to disperse and distri­bute abroad the affaires of this world, like as a taverner or vintner doeth his wines or other li­quors, brewing and tempering one with another. But this life is conducted by two principles 50 and powers, adverse one unto another; for the one leadeth us to the right hand directly, the other contrariwise turneth us aside and putteth us backe: and so this life is mixt, and the verie world it selfe, if not all throughout, yet at leastwise, this beneath about the earth, and under the Moone, is unequall, variable, and subject to all mutations that possibly may be. For if nothing there is, that can be without a precedent cause, and that which of it selfe is good can never mi­nister cause of evill; necessarie it is, that nature hath some peculiar cause and beginning by it­selfe, [Page 1306] of good aswell as of bad. And of this opinion are the most part of the ancients, and those of the wisest sort. For some thinke there be two gods as it were of a contrary mystery & profes­sion; the one, author of all good things, and the other of bad. Others there be who call the bet­ter of them god; and the other Daemon, that is to say, divell, as Zoroastres the Magician did, who by report, was five thousand yeeres before the warre of Troy. This Zoroastres (I say) na­med the good god Oromazes, and the other Arimanius. Moreover, the gave out, that the one resembled light, more than any sensible thing else whatsoever: the other darknesse and igno­rance: also that there is one in the middes betweene them, named Mithres: (and heereupon it is, that the Persians call an intercessor or mediator, Mithres.) He teacheth us also to sacrifice unto the one of them, for petition of good things, and for thankesgiving: but to the other, for to divert and turne away sinister and evill accidents. To which purpose they used to stampe in a 10 morter a certeine herbe which they call Omomi, calling upon Pluto and the darknesse: then tem­per they it with the bloud of a woolfe which they have killed in sacrifice: this done, they carie it away, and throw it into a darke corner, where the Sunne never shineth. For this conceit they have, that of herbes and plants, some appertaine unto the good god, and others to the evill daemon or divell. Semblably, of living creatures, dogs, birds, and land urchins, belong to their good god: but those of the water, to the evill fiend. And for this cause they repute those very happie, who can kill the greatest number of them. Howbeit these Sages and wise men report many fabulous things of the gods: as for example, that Oromazes is engendred of the cleerest and purest light, and Arimanius of deepe darknesse: also that they warre one upon another. And the former of these created sixe other gods, the first of Benevolence; the second of Verity; 20 the third of good discipline and publike Law; and of the rest behinde, one of Wisedome, ano­ther of Riches; and the sixth, which also is the last, the maker of joy for good and honest deeds. But the *That is to say, [...] . later produceth as many other in number, concurrents as it were and of adverse ope­ration to the former above named. Afterwards when Oromazes had augmented and amplified himselfe three times, he remooved as farre from the Sunne, as the Sunne is distant from the earth, adoring and embelishing the heaven with starres: and one starre above the rest he ordei­ned to be the guide, mistresse, and overseer of them all, to wit, Sirius, that is to say, the Dogge­starre. Then, after he had made foure and twentie other gods, he enclosed them all with in an egge. But the other, brought foorth by Arimanius, who were also in equall number, never cea­sed untill they had pierced and made a hole unto the said smooth and polished egge: and so af­ter 30 that, evill things became mingled pel-mell with good. But there will a time come predesti­ned fatally, when this Arimanius who brings into the world plague and famine, shall of neces­sitie be rooted out and utterly destroied for ever, even by them; and the earth shall become plaine, even, and uniforme: neither shall there be any other but one life, and one common­wealth of men, all happie and speaking one and the same language. Theopompus also writeth, that according to the wise Magi, these two gods must for three thousand yeeres, conquer one after another, and for three thousand yeeres be conquered againe by turnes: and then for the space of another three thousand yeeres, levie mutuall warres, and fight battels one against the other, whiles the one shall subvert and overthrow that which the other hath set up: untill in the end Pluto shall faint, give over, and perish: then shall men be all in happie estate, they shall 40 need no more food, nor cast any shadow from them; and that god who hath wrought and ef­fected all this, shall repose himselfe, and rest in quiet, not long (I say) for a god, but a mode­rate time as one would say for a man taking his sleepe and rest. And thus much as touching the fable devised by the Magi. But the Chaldaeans affirme that of the gods, whom they call Planets or wandring starres, two there be that are beneficiall and dooers of good; two againe mischie­vous and workers of evill; and three which are of a meane nature and common. As for the opinion of the Greeks, concerning this point, there is no man I suppose ignorant thereof: namely, that there be two portions or parts of the world, the one good, allotted unto Jupiter Olympius, that is to say, Celestiall; another bad, appertaining to Pluto infernall. They fable moreover, and feigne, that the goddesse Harmonia, that is to say, Accord, was engendred of 50 Mars and Venus: of whom, the one is cruell, grim, and quarrellous; the other milde, lovely, and generative. Now consider the Philosophers themselves, how they agree heerein: For He­raclitus directly and disertly nameth warre, the Father, King, and Lord of all the world; saying, that Homer when he wisheth and praieth,

Both out of heaven and earth to banish warre,
[Page 1307] That god and men, no more might be at jarre.

wist not how (ere he was aware) he cursed the generation and production of all things, which indeed have their essence and being by the fight and antipathie in nature. He was ignorant that the Sunne would not passe the bounds and limits appointed unto him; for otherwise the furies and cursed tongues which are the ministresses and coadjutresses of justice would finde him out. As for Empedocles, he saith, that the beginning and principle which worketh good, is love and amity, yea, and otherwhiles is called Harmonie by Merops: but the cause of evill,

Malice, hatred, cankred spight,
Quarrell, debate, and bloudy fight.

Come now to the Pythagoreans, they demonstrate and specifie the same by many names: for 10 they call the good principle, One, finite, permanent or quiet, straight or direct, odde, quadrat or square, right and lightsome: but the bad, twaine, infinite, moving, crooked, even, longer one way than another, unequall, left and darke, as if these were the fountaines of generation. Anax­agoras calleth them the minde or understanding and infinity. Aristotle termeth the one forme, the other privation. And Plato under darke and covert termes hiding his opinion, in many places calleth the former of these two contrary principles, The Same, and the later, The other. But in the bookes of his lawes, which he wrote when he was now well stept in yeeres, he giveth them no more any obscure and ambiguous names, neither describeth he them symbolically and by aenigmaticall and intricate names, but in proper and plaine termes, he saith, that this worke is not moved and managed by one sole cause, but haply by many, or at leastwise no fewer 20 than twaine: where of the one is the creatour and worker of good, the other opposite unto it and operative of contrary effects. He leaveth also and alloweth a third cause betweene, which is nei­ther without soule nor reasonlesse ne yet unmoovable of it selfe, as some thinke, but adjacent and adherent to the other twaine, howbeit enclining alwaies to the better, as having a desire and appetite thereto, which it pursueth and followeth, as that which heereafter we will deliver shall shew more manifestly, which treatise shall reconcile the Aegyptian Theologie with the Greeks Philosophy, and reduce them to a very good concordance: for that the generation, composition, and constitution of this world is mingled of contrary powers, howbeit the same not of equall force: for the better is predominant: but impossible it is that the evill should utter­ly perish and be abolished, so deepely is it imprinted in the body & so far inbred in the soule of 30 the universall world, in opposition alwaies to the better, and to warre against it. Now then, in the soule, reason and understanding, which is the guide, and mistresse of all the best things, is Osiris. Also in the earth, in the windes, in water, skie and the starres, that which is well ordained, staied, disposed and digested in good sort, by temperate seasons and revolutions, the same is called the defluxion of Osiris, and the very apparent image of him: Contrariwise, the passionate, violent, unreasonable, brutish, rash and foolish part of the soule, is Typhon: Semblably in the bodily nature, that which is extraordinarily adventitious, unholsome & diseased, as for example, the troubled aire and tempestuous indispositions of the weather, the obscuration or ecclipse of the Sunne, the defect of the Moone and her occulation, be as it were the excursions, deviations out of course, and disparations: and all of them be Typhons; as the very interpretation of the 40 Aegyptian word signifieth no lesse: for Typhon, they name Seth, which is as much to say, as vio­lent and oppressing after a lordly maner. It importeth also many times reversion, & otherwhiles aninsultation or supplantation. Moreover some there be who say, that one of Typhons fami­liar friends was named Bebaeon. But Manethos affirmeth, that Typhon himselfe was called Be­bon, which word by interpretation is as much as cohibition, restreint or impeachment, as if the puissance and power of Typhon were to stay and withstand the affaires that are in good way of proceeding, and tend as they should doe, to a good end. And heereupon it is that of tame beasts they dedicate and attribute unto him, the most grosse and indocible of all others, namely an asse: but of wilde beasts the most cruell and savage of all others, as the crocodiles and river­horses. As for the asse, we have spoken before of him. In the city of Mercury, named Hermu­polis, 50 they shew unto us the image of Typhon, purtraied under the forme of a river-horse, upon whom sitteth an hauke, fighting with a serpent. By the foresaid horse they represent Typhon: and by the hauke, the power and authority which Typhon having gotten by force, maketh no care oftentimes, both to be troubled and also to trouble others by his malice. And therefore when they solemnize a sacrifice, the seventh day of the moneth Tybi, which they call the comming of Isis out of Phoenicia, they devise upon their halowed cakes for sacrifice, a river-horse, as if he [Page 1308] were tied and bound. In the city of Apollo the maner and custome confirmed by law was, that every one must eat of a crocodile: and upon a certaine day they have a solemne chase and hun­ting of them, when they kill as many of them as they can, and then cast them all before the tem­ple: and they say, that Typhon being become a crocodile hath escaped from Orus: attributing all dangerous wicked beails, all hurtfull plants and violent passions unto Typhon, as if they were his workes, his parts or motions. Contrariwise they purtray and depaint unto us Osiris, by a septer and an eie upon it: meaning by the eie foresight and providence, by the septer authority and puissance: like as Homer nameth Jupiter who is the prince, lord and ruler of all the world, Hypatos, that is, sovereigne, and Mestor, that is, foreseeing: giving us to understand, by sove­reigne, his supreme power, by foreseeing his prudence and wisdome. They represent Osiris al­so 10 many times by an hauke, for that she hath a wonderfull cleere and quicke sight, her flight also is as swift, and she is wont naturally to sustaine her selfe with very little food. And more than that (by report) when she flieth over dead bodies unburied, she casteth mould and earth upon their eies. And looke whensoever she flieth downe to the river for to drinke she setteth up her fethers straight upright, but when she hath drunke she laieth them plaine and even againe, by which it appeareth that safe she is and hath escaped the crocodile: For if the crocodile seise up­on her and catch her up, her pennache abideth stiffe and upright as before. But generally throughout wheresoever the image of Osiris is exhibited in the forme of a man, they purtray him with the naturall member of generation stiffe and straight, prefiguring thereby the genera­tive and nutritive vertue. The habiliment also, wherewith they clad his images is bright, shi­ning 20 like fire: For they repute the * [...] Sunne to be a body representing the power of goodnesse, as being the visible matter of a spirituall and intellectuall substance. And therefore their opini­on deserveth to be rejected who attribute unto Typhon the sphaere of the Sunne, considering that unto him properly appertaineth nothing that is resplendent, healthfull and comfortable, no disposition, no generation or motion which is ordered with measure or digested by reason: But if either in the aire or upon the earth there be any unseasonable disposition of windes, of weather, or water, it hapneth when the primitive cause of a disordinate and indeterminate pow­er commeth to extinguish the kinde vapours and exhalations. Moreover in the sacred hymnes of Osiris, they invocate and call upon him who lieth at repose hidden within the armes of the Sunne. Also upon the thirtieth day of the moneth Epiphi, they solemnize the feast of the nativi­ty 30 or birth of Orus eies: at what time as the Sunne and Moone be in the same direct line: as being perswaded that not onely the Moone but the Sunne also is the eie and light of Horus: Likewise upon the twenty eight day of the moneth Phaopi they celebrate another feast of the Sunnes basons or staves, and that is after the Aequinox in Autumne, giving covertly thereby to understand that the Sunne hath need of an appuy or supporter to rest upon and to strengthen him, because his heat beginnes then to decay and languish sensibly, his light also to diminish and decline obliqucly from us. Moreover about the soltice or middle of winter, they cary a­bout his temple seven times a cow: and this procession is called the seeking of Osiris, or the re­volution of the Sunne, as if the goddesse then desired the waters of winter: And so many times they doe it, for that the course of the Sunne, from the Winter solstice unto the Summer sol­stice 40 is performed in the seventh moneth. It is said moreover, that * [...] . Horus the sonne of Isis was the first who sacrificed unto the Sun, the foureteenth day of the moneth, according as it is writ­ten in a certaine booke as touching the nativity of Horus: howsoever every day they offer in­cense and sweet odors to the Sunne three times: First at the Sunne rising, Rosin: secondly about noone, Myrth: and thirdly at the Sunne setting, a certaine composition named Kiphi. The mysticall meaning of which perfumes and odors I will heereafter declare: but they are perswa­ded that in all this they worship and honor the Sunne. But what need is there to gather and collect a number of such matters as these? seeing there be some who openly maintaine that Osiris is the Sunne, and that the Greeks call him Sirtus, but the article which the Aegyptians put before, to wit, [O] is the cause that so much is not evidently perceived: as also that Isis is 50 nothing else but the Moone: and of her images those that have hornes upon them, signifie no other thing but the Moone croissant: but such as are covered and clad in blacke, betoken those daies wherein she is hidden or darkened, namely, when she runneth after the Sunne: which is the reason that in love matters they invocate the Moone. And Eudoxus himselfe saith, that Isis is the president over amatorious folke. And verily in all these ceremonies there is some pro­babilitie and likelihood of trueth. But to say that Typhon is the Sunne, is so absurd, that we [Page 1309] ought not so much as give eare to those who affirme so. But returne we now to our former mat­ter. For Isis is the feminine part of nature, apt to receive all generation, upon which occasion called she is by Plato, the nurse and Pandeches, that is to say, capable of all: yea and the com­mon sort name her Myrionymus, which is as much to say, as having an infinite number of names, for that she receiveth all formes and shapes, according as it pleaseth that first reason to convert and turne her. Moreover, there is imprinted in her naturally, a love of the first and principall essence, which is nothing else but the soveraigne good, and it she desireth, seeketh, and pursueth after. Contrariwise, she flieth and repelleth from her, any part and portion that proceedeth from ill. And howsoever she be the subject matter, and meet place apt to receive as well the one as the other, yet of it selfe, enclined she is alwaies rather to the better, and applieth herselfe 10 to engender the same, yea, and to disseminate and sowe the defluxions and similitudes thereof, wherein she taketh pleasure and rejoiceth, when she hath conceived and is great there­with, ready to be delivered. For this is a representation and description of the substance en­gendred in matter, and nothing else but an imitation of that which is. And therefore you may see it is not besides the purpose, that they imagine and devise the soule of Osiris to be eternall and immortall: but as for the body, that Typhon many times doth teare, mangle, and abolish it, that it cannot be seene: and that Isis goeth up and downe, wandring heere and there, gathering together the dismembred pieces thereof, for that which is good and spirituall, by consequence is not any waies subject to change and alteration; but that which is sensible and materiall, doth yeeld from it selfe certeine images, admitting withall and receiving sundry porportions, 20 formes, and similitudes, like as the prints and stamps of seales set upon waxe, doe not continue and remaine alwaies, but are subject to change, alteration, disorder and trouble, and this same was chased from the superor region, and sent downe hither, where it fighteth against Horus whom Isis engendred sensible, as being the very image of the spirituall and intellectuall world. And heereupon it is, that Typhon is said to accuse him of bastardie, as being nothing pure and sincere, like unto his father, to wit, reason, and understanding; which of it selfe is simple, and not medled with any passion: but in the matter adulterate and degenerat, by the reason that it is corporall. Howbeit, in the end the victorie is on Mercuries side, for hee is the discourse of reason, which testifieth unto us, and sheweth, that nature hath produced this world materiall metamorphozed to the spirituall forme: for the nativity of Apollo, engendred betweene Isis 30 & Osiris, whiles the gods were yet in the belly of Rhea, symbolizeth thus much, that before the world was evidently brought to light and fully accomplished, the matter of reason, being found naturally of it selfe rude and unperfect, brought foorth the first generation: for which cause they say, that god being as yet lame, was borne and begotten in darkenesse, whom they call the elder Horus. For the world yet it was not, but an image onely and designe of the world, and a bare fantasie of that which should be. But this Horus heere is determinate, definit and perfect, who killeth not Typhon right out, but taketh from him his force and puissance that he can doe little or nothing. And heereupon it is, that (by report) in the citie Coptus, the image of Horus holdeth in one hand the generall member of Typhon: and they fable besides, that Mercurie ha­ving berest him of his [...] , made thereof strings for his harpe, and so used them. Heereby 40 they teach, that reason framing the whole world, set it in tune, and brought it to accord, framing it of those parts which before were at jarre and discord: howbeit remooved not, nor aboli­shed altogether the pernicious and hurtfull nature, but accomplished the vertue thereof. And therefore it is, that it being feeble and weake, wrought also (as it were) and intermingled or in­terlaced with those parts and members which be subject to passions and mutations, causeth earthquakes and tremblings, excessive heates, and extreame drinesse, with extraordinarie windes in the aire, besides thunder, lightnings and firie tempests. It impoisoneth moreover the waters and windes, infecting them with pestilence, reaching up and bearing the head aloft, as farre as to the Moone, obscuring and darkning many times even that which is by nature cleane and shining. And thus the Aegyptians do both thinke and say, that Typhon sometime strooke 50 the eie of Horus, and another while plucked it out of his head and devoured it, and then after­wards delivered it againe unto the Sunne. By the striking aforesaid, they meane aenigmatically the wane or decrease of the Moone monethly: by the totall privation of the eie, they under­stand her ecclipse and defect of light: which the Sunne doth remedy by relumination of her streight waies, as soone as she is gotten past the shade of the earth. But the principall and more divine nature is composed and consisteth of three things, to wit, of an intellectuall nature, of [Page 1310] matter, and a compound of them both, which we call the world. Now, that intellectuall part, Pla­to nameth Idea, the patterne also of the father: as for matter, he termeth it a mother, nurse, a foundation also and a plot or place for generation: and that which is produced of both, he is woont to call the issue and thing procreated. And a man may very well conjecture, that the Aegyptians compared the nature of the whole world, especially to this, as the fairest triangle of all other. And Plato in his books of policy or common wealth, seemeth also to have used the same, when he composeth and describeth his nuptiall figure: which triangle is of this sort: that the side which maketh the right angle, is of three, the basis of foure, and the third line called Hy­potinusa of five, aequivolent in power to the other two that comprehend it: so that the line which directly falleth plumbe upon the base, must answer proportionably to the male; the base to the 10 female, and the Hypotinusa to the issue of them both. And verily, Osiris representeth the be­ginning and principle: Isis that which receiveth; and Horus the compound of both. For the number of three is the first odde and perfect: the quaternarie is the first square or quadrate num­ber, composed of the first even number, which is two; and five resembleth partly the father, and in part the mother, as consisting both of two and three. And it should seeme also that the very name [...], which is the universall world, was derived of [...], that is to say, five, and so in Greeke [...], in old time signified as much as to number: and that which more is, five being mul­tiplied in it selfe, maketh a quadrat number, to wit, twentie five, which is just as many letters as the Aegyptians have in their alphabet, and so many yeeres Apis also lived. And as for Horus, they used to call him Kaimin, which is as much to say, as seene, for that this word is sensible and 20 visible. Isis likewise is sometime called Mouth, otherwhiles Athyri or Methyer. And by the first of these names, they signifie a Mother: by the second, the faire house of Horus, like as Plato termeth it to be the place capable of generation: the third is compounded of Full and the cause: for Matter is full of the world, as being maried and keeping companie with the first principle, which is good, pure, and beautifully adorned. It should seeme haply also, that the Poet Hesi­odus, when he saith, that all things at the first, were Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love, ground­eth upon no other principles than those, which are signified by these names, meaning by the Earth Isis; by Love Osiris; and by Tartarus Typhon; as we have made demonstration. For by Chaos it seemes that he would understand some place & receptacle of the world. Moreover, in some sort these matters require the fable of Plato, which in his booke entituled Symposium, So­crates 30 inferred, namely, wherein he setteth downe the generation of Love: saying that Penia, that is to say, povertie, desirous to have children, went and lay with Poros, that is to say, riches, and slept with him, by whom she conceived with childe, and brought foorth Love; who natu­rally is long and variable; and begotten of a father who is good, wife, and al-sufficient; and of a mother who is poore, needy, and for want, desirous of another, and evermore seeking and fol­lowing after it. For the foresaid Poros, is no other, but the first thing amiable, desireable, per­fect and sufficient. As for Penia, it is matter, which of it selfe is evermore bare and needy, wan­ting that which is good, whereby at length she is conceived with childe, after whom she hath a longing desire, and evermore ready to receive somewhat of him. Now Horus engendred be­tweene them (which is the world) is not eternall, nor impassible, nor incorruptible, but being 40 evermore in generation, he endevoreth by vicissitude of mutations, and by periodicall passion, to continue alwaies yoong, as if he should never die and perish. But of such fables as these we must make use, not as of reasons altogether really subsisting: but so, as we take out of ech of them, that which is meet and convenient to our purpose. When as therefore we say Matter, we are not to rely upon the opinions of some Philosophers, and to thinke it for to be a bodie without soule, without qualitie, continuing in it selfe idle, and without all action whatsoever: for we call oile the matter of a perfume or ointment; and gold the matter of an image or statue, which notwithstanding is not voide of all similitude: and even so we say, that the very soule and understanding of a man, is the matter of vertue and of science, which we give unto reason, for to bring into order, and adorne. And some there were, who affirmed the minde or under­standing 50 to be the proper place of formes, and as it were, the expresse mould of intelligible things: like as there be Naturalists who hold, that the seed of a woman hath not the power of a principle serving to the generation of man, but standeth in stead of matter and nourishment onely: according unto whom, we also being grounded heerein, are to thinke that this goddesse having the fruition of the first and chiefe god, and conversing with him continually, for the love of those good things & vertues which are in him, is nothing adverse unto him, but loveth [Page 1311] him as her true spouse and lawfull husband: and like as we say, that an honest wife who enjoieth ordinarily the company of her husband, loveth him neverthelesse, but hath still a minde unto him; even so giveth not she over to be enamoured upon him, although she be continually where he is, and replenished with his principall and most sincere parts. But when and where as Typhon in the end thrusteth himselfe betweene, and setteth upon the extreme parts, then and there she seemeth to be sadde and heavy, and thereupon is said to mourne and lament, yea and to seeke up certeine reliques and pieces of Osiris, and ever as she can sinde any, she receiveth and arraieth them with all diligence, and as they are ready to perish and corrupt, she carefully tendeth and keepeth them close, like as againe she produceth and bringeth foorth other things to light of her selfe. For the reasons, the Idaeae, and the influences of God which are in heaven and among the starres, doe there continue and remaine: but those which be disseminate among 10 the sensible and passible bodies, in the earth and in the sea, diffused in the plants and living creatures, the same dying and being buried, doe many times revive and rise againe fresh by the meanes of generations. And heereupon the fable saith thus much more, that Typhon cohabi­teth and lieth with Nephthys, and that Osiris also by stealth and secretly, keepeth company with her: for the corruptive and destroying power, doeth principally possesse the extreme parts of that matter which they name Nephthys and death: and the generative & preserving vertue, con­ferreth into it little seed, & the same weake and feeble, as being marred and destroied by Typhon: unlesse it be so much as Isis gathereth up & saveth, which she also norisheth & mainteineth. But in one word, & to speake more generally, he is stil better, as Plato & Aristotle are of opinion: for 20 the naturall puissance to engender & to preserve, moveth toward him as to a subsistance and be­ing: whereas that force of killing & destroying moveth behind, toward non subsistence: which is the reason, that they call the one Isis, that is to say, a motion animate and wise; as if the word were derived of [...], which signifieth to move by a certeine science and reason, for a barbarous word it is not. But like as the generall name of all gods and goddesses, to wit, Theos, is derived of [...], that is to say, of visible, and [...], that is to say, of running; even so, both we and also the Aegyptians have called this goddesse [...], and Isis, of intelligence and motion to­gether. Semblably Plato saith, that in old time, when they said Isia, they meant Osia, that is to say, sacred; like as Noesis also and Phronesis, quasi [...], that is to say, the stirring and motion of the understanding, being caried and going forward: and they imposed this word [...] to those 30 who have found out and discovered goodnesse and vertue: but contrariwise, have by reprochfull names noted such things as impeach hinder and stay the course of natural things, binding them so, as they can not go forward, to wit, [...], vice, [...], indigence, [...], cowardise, and [...], griefe, as if they kept them from [...], or [...], that is to say, free progresse and proceeding for­ward. As for Osiris, a word it is composed of [...] and [...], that is to say, holy and sacred; for he is the common reason or Idea, of things above in heaven, and beneath: of which, our ancients were woont to call the one sort, [...], that is to say, sacred; and the other, [...], that is to say, holy. The reason also which sheweth celestiall things, and such as move upward, is called Anubis, and otherwhiles Hermanubis; as if the one name were meet for those above, and the other for them beneath: whereupon they sacrificed unto the former a white cocke, and to the other a yellow or 40 of saffron colour; for that they thought those things above, pure, simple and shining; but those beneath, mixed of a medley colour. Neither are we to marvell, that these termes are disguised to the fashion of Greeke words; for an infinit number of more there be, which have beene trans­ported out of Greece with those men who departed from thence in exile, and there remaine un­till this day as strangers without their native countrey: whereof some there be which cause Poe­try to be slandered, for calling them into use, as if it spake barbarously, namely, by those who terme such Poeticall and obscure words, Glottas. But in the books of Herimes or Mercurie, so called, there is written by report, thus much concerning sacred names, namely, that the power ordeined over the circular motion and revolution of the Sunne, the Aegyptians call Horus, and the Greeks Apollo: that which is over the wind, some name Osiris, others Sarapis, & some againe 50 in the Aegyptian language Sothi, which signifieth as much as conception or to be with childe: and thereupon it is, that by a little deflexion of the name, in the Greeke tongue that Canicular or Dogge starre is called [...], which is thought appropriate unto Isis. Well I wote, that we are not to strive as touching names, yet would I rather give place unto the Aegyptians about the name Sarapis than Osiris; for this is a meere Greeke word, whereas the other is a stranger: but as well the one as the other signifieth the same power of Divinity. And heereto accordeth [Page 1312] the Aegyptian language; for many times they terme Isis by the name of Minerva, which in their tongue signifieth as much, as I am come of my selfe. And Typhon, as we have already said, is na­med Seth, Baebon and Smy, which words betoken all, a violent stay and impeachment, a contrarie­ty and a diversion or turning aside another way. Moreover, they call the loadstone or Sederitis, the bone of Horus; like as iron, the bone of Typhon, as Manethos is mine author: for as the iron seemeth otherwhiles to follow the said loadstone, and suffereth it selfe to be drawen by it, and many times for it againe, returneth backe and is repelled to the contrary: even so, the good and comfortable motion of the world endued with reason, by perswasive speeches doeth convert, draw into it, and mollifie that hardnesse of Typhon: but otherwhiles againe, the same returneth backe into it selfe, and is hidden in the depth of penurie and impossibility. Over and besides, Eu­doxus 10 saith, that the Aegyptians devise of Jupiter this fiction, that both his legs being so growen together in one, that he could not goe at all, for very shame he kept in a desert wildernesse: but Isis, by cutting and dividing the same parts of his body, brought him to his sound and upright going againe. Which fable giveth us covertly thus to understand, that the understanding and reason of God in it selfe going invisibly, and after an unseene maner, proceedeth to generation by the meanes of motion. And verily, that brasen Timbrel which they sounded and [...] at the sacrifices of Isis, named Sistrum, sheweth evidently, that all things ought [...], that is to say, to bestirre and shake, and never cease moving, but to be awakened and raised, as if otherwise they were drowsie, lay asleepe and languished: for it is said, that they turne backe and repulse Typhon with their Timbrels aforesaid, meaning thereby, that whereas corruption doth bind and 20 stay nature, generation againe unbindeth and seteeth it a worke by the meanes of motion. Now the said Sistrum being in the uppert part round, the curvature and Absis thereof comprehendeth foure things that are stirred and mooved: for that part of the world which is subject to generati­on and corruption, is comprehended under the sphaere of the Moone, within which all things move and alter by the meanes of the foure elements, Fire, Earth, Water and Aire, upon the Absis or rundle of the Sistrum toward the toppe, they engrave the forme of a cat with a mans face; but beneath, under those things which are shaken, one while they engrave the visage of Isis, another while of Nephthys; signifying by these two faces, nativity and death: for these be the motions and mutations of the elements. By the cat, they understand the Moone, for the va­riety of the skin, for the operation and worke in the night season, and for the fruitfulnesse of this creature: for it is said, that at first she beareth one kitling, at the second time two, the third time 30 three, then foure, afterwards five, and so to seven; so that in all she brings foorth 28, which are the daies of every Moone. And howsoever this may seeme fabulous, yet for certeine it is true, that the appuls or sights of these cats are full and large when the Moone is at full; but contrari­wise, draw in and become smaller as the Moone is in the wane. As for the visage of a man, which they attribute unto the cat, they represent thereby the witty subtilty and reason about the mutations of the Moone. But to knit up all this matter in few words, reason would, that wee should thinke neither the Sunne nor the water, neither earth nor heaven to be Isis or Osiris; no more than exceeding drouth, extreame heat, fire and sea, is Typhon: but simply, whatsoever in such things is out of measure & extraordinary either in excesse or defect, we ought to attribute 40 it unto Typhon: contrariwise, all that is well disposed, ordered, good and profitable, we must be­leeve it to be the worke verily of Isis, but the image, example and reason of Osiris: which if we honour and adore in this sort, we shall not sinne or do amisse: and that which more is, we shall remoove and stay the unbeliefe and doubtfull scrupulosity of Eudoxus, who asked the reason, why Ceres had no charge and superintendance over Love matters, but all that care lay upon Isis, and why Bacchus could neither make the river Nilus to swell and overflow, nor governe and rule the dead: for if we should alledge one generall and common reason for all, we deeme these gods to have beene ordeined for the portion and dispensation of good things, and whatsoever in na­ture is good and beautifull, it is by the grace and meanes of these deities; whiles the one yeeld­eth the first principles, and the other receiveth and * [...], some [...] , [...], that is to say, [...] . distributeth the same: by which meanes 50 we shall be able to satisfie the multitude, and meet with those mechanicall and odious fellowes; whether they delight in the change & variety of the aire, according to the seasons of the yere, or in the procreation of fruits, or in seednesse and tillings, appropriating and applying therto what hath beene delivered of these gods; wherein they take pleasure, saying, that Osiris is interred, when the seed is covered in the ground; that he reviveth and riseth againe to light, when it be­ginneth to spurt. And hereupon it is said, that Isis when she perceiveth herselfe to be concei­ved [Page 1313] and with childe, hangeth about her necke a preservative the sixth day of the moneth [...] , and is delivered of Harpocrates about the Solstice of Winter, being as yet unperfect, and come to no maturity in the prime of the first flowers and buds: which is the reason that they of­fer unto her the first fruits of Lentils new sprung, and solemnize the feast and [...] of her childbirth and lying in after the Aequinox of the Spring: for when the vulgar sort heare this, they rest therein, take contentment, and beleeve it straightwaies, drawing a probability for be­leefe, out of ordinary things which are daily ready at hand. And verily, heerein there is no in­convenience, if first and for most they make these gods common, and not proper and peculiar unto the Aegyptians, neither comprise Nilus onely and the land which Nilus watereth, under these names, nor in naming their Meeres, Lakes and Lotes, and the nativity of their gods, de­prive 10 all other men of those great gods, among whom there is neither Nilus, nor Butus, nor Memphis; yet neverthelesse acknowledge and have in reverence the goddesse Isis and other gods about her, of whom they have learned not long since to name some with the Aegyptian appellations: but time out of minde they knew their vertue and power, in regard whereof they have honoured and adored them. Secondly, which is a farre greater matter, to the end they should take heed and be affraied, lest ere they be aware, they dissolve and dissipate these divine powers in rivers, winds, sowing, plowing and other passions and alterations of the earth; as they do, who holde, that Bacchus is wine, Vulcan the flame of fire, and Proserpina (as Cleanthes said in one place) the spirit that bloweth and pierceth thorow the fruits of the earth. A Poet there was, who writing of reapers and mowers, said: 20

What time yoong men their hands to Ceres put,
And her with hooks and sithes by piecemeale cut.

And in no respect differ they from those, who thinke the sailes, cables, cordage and anchor, are the pilot; or that the thred and yarne, the warpe and woose, be the weaver; or that the goblet and potion cup, the Ptisane or the Mede and honied water, is the Physician. But verily in so do­ing, they imprint absurd and blasphemous opinions of the gods, tending to Atheisme and im­piety, attributing the names of gods unto natures and things senselesse, livelesse and corrupti­ble, which of necessity men use as the need them, and can not chuse but marre and destroy the same. For we must in no wise thinke, that these very things be gods; for nothing can be a god which hath no soule, and is subject to man and under his hand: but thereby we know, that they 30 be gods who give us them to use, and for to be perdurable and sufficient: not these in one place, and those in another, neither Barbarians nor Greeks, neither Meridionall nor Septentrionall; but like as the Sunne and Moone, the heaven, earth and sea, are common unto all, but yet in di­vers places called by sundry names: even so of one and the same intelligence that ordereth the whole world, of the same providence which dispenseth and governeth all, of the ministeriall powers subordinate over all, sundry honors and appellations according to the diversity of lawes have beene appointed. And the priests and religious, professed in such ceremonies, use myste­ries and sacraments, some obscure, others more plaine and evident, to traine our understanding to the knowledge of the Deity: howbeit, not without perill and danger; for that some missing the right way, are fallen into superstition; and others avoiding superstition as it were a bogge or 40 quavemire, have run before they could take heed, upon the rocke of impiety. And therefore, it behoveth us in this case especially to be inducted by the direction of Philosophy, which may guide us in these holy contemplations, that we may woorthily and religiously thinke of every thing said and done; to the end, that it befall not unto us as unto Theodorus, who said, that the doctrine which he tendered and reached out with the right hand, some of his scholars received and tooke with the left; even so, by taking in a wrong sense and otherwise than is meet and con­venient, that which the lawes have ordeined touching feasts and sacrifices, we grosly offend. For, that all things ought to have a reference unto reason, a man may see and know by them­selves: for celebrating a feast unto Mercurie the nineteenth day of the first moneth, they eat hony and figges, saying withall, this Mot, Sweet is the trueth. As to that Phylactery or preser­vative, 50 which they faine Isis to weare when she is with childe, by interpretation it signifieth, A true voice. As for Harpocrates, we must not imagine him to be some yoong god, and not come to ripe yeeres, nor yet a man: but that he is the superintendant and reformer of mens lan­guage as touching the gods, being yet new, unperfect, and not distinct nor articulate; which is the reason, that he holdeth a seale-ring before his mouth, as a signe and marke of taciturnity and silence. Also in the moneth Mesori, they present unto him certeine kindes of Pulse, [Page 1314] saying withall, The tongue is Fortune: The tongue is Daemon. Now of all plants which Aegypt bringeth foorth, they consecrate the Peach tree unto him especially, because the sruit resembleth an heart, and the leafe a tongue: For of all those things which naturally are in man, there is nothing more divine than the tongue and speech, as touching the gods principally, neither in any thing commeth he neerer unto beatitude: and therefore I advise and require every man who repaireth hither and commeth downe to this Oracle, to entertaine holy thoughts in his heart, and to utter seemly words with his tongue, whereas the common sort of people in their publicke feasts and solemne processions doe many ridiculous things, notwithstanding they proclaime and pronounce formally by the voice of the Crier and Bedil in the beginning of such solemnities, to keepe silence or speake none but good words: and yet 10 afterwards they cease not but to give out most blasphemous speeches and to thinke as basely of the gods. How then shall men behave and demeane themselves in those heavy and mourne­full sacrifices from whence all [...] and laughter is banished: if it be not lawfull either to o­mit any thing of the accustomed and usuall ceremonies, or to confound and mingle the opini­ons of the gods with absurd and false suspicions? The Greeks doe many semblable things unto the Aepyptians even in maner at the very same time: For at Athens in the seast called Thesmo­phoria to the honor of Ceres, the women doe fast, sitting upon the ground: And the Boeotians make a rifling and remooving of the houses of Achaea, naming this feast [...], that is to say, odious: as if Ceres were in heavinesse and sorrow for the descent of her daughter [...] into hell: and this is that moneth wherein the starres called Pleiades appeare, and when the hus­bandmen 20 begin to sow, which the Aegyptians name Athyr, the Athenians Pyanepsion, and the Boeotians Damatrios, as one would say Cerealis. And Theopompus writeth, that the people in­habiting westward, doe both thinke and also call the Winter Saturne, the Summer Venus, and the Spring Proserpina: and that of Saturne and Venus all things be engendred. The Phrygians also imagining that God sleepeth all Winter, and lieth awake in Summer; thereupon cele­brate in the one season, the feast of lying in bed and sleeping; in the other of experrection or waking, and that with much drinking & belly chere. But the Paphlagonians say, that he is bound and kept in ward as a prisoner during Winter, & in the Spring inlarged againe and set at liberty when he beginneth to stir and move. Now the very time giveth us occasion to suspect, that the heavy countenance & [...] which they shew, is because the fruits of the earth be thē hidden: 30 which fruits our ancients in times past never thought to be gods, but the profitable and neces­sary gifts of the gods, availing much to live civilly, and not after a savage and beastly maner. But at what time of the yeere as they saw the fruits from the trees to fall and saile at once; and those which themselves had sowen, with much adoe, by little and little opening and cleaving the earth with their owne hands and so covering and hilling the same, without any assured hope what would betide thereupon, and whether the same would come to any proofe and perfection or no, they did many things like unto those that commit dead bodies to the earth, and mourne therefore. Moreover, like as we say, that he who buieth the bookes of Plato, buieth Plato: and who is the actour of Menandres comedies, is said to act and play Menander: Semblably, they did not spare and forbeare to give the names of the celestiall gods unto their gifts and inventi­ons, 40 honouring the same with all reverence, for the use and need they had of them. But they who come after taking this grosely and foolishly, and upon ignorance unskilfully returning up­on the gods the accidents of their fruits; not onely called their presence and fruition, the nati­vity of the gods; and their absence or want of them, the death and departure of the gods; but al­so beleeved so much and were perswaded fully so: In such wife, as they have filled themselves with many absurd, leaud and confused opinions of the said gods. And yet verily, the error and absurdity of their opinions they had evidently before their eies presented by Xenophanes the [...] , or other Philosophers after him, who admonished the Aegyptians, that if they [...] them gods, they should not lament for them: and if they mourned, they should not take them for gods: as also that it was a rediculous mockery, in their lamentations to pray 50 unto them for to produce new fruits and bring them unto perfection for them, to the end that they might be consumed againe, & lamented for. But the case stands not so: for they bewaile the Fruits that are gone and spent, but they pray unto the gods the authors and givers thereof, that they would vouchsafe to bestow upon them new, and make them grow in supply of those which were [...] & lost. Right well therefore was it said of the Philosophers, that those who have not learned to heare and take words aright, receive also and use the things themselves amisse: [Page 1315] as for example, the Greeks who were not taught nor accustomed to call the statues of brasse and stone or painted images, the statues and images made to the honor of the gods, but the gods themselves: and afterwards were so bolde, as to say, that Lachares despoiled and stripped Minerva out of her clothes, and that Dionysius the tyrant polled Apollo who had a perruke or bush of golden haire; also that Jupiter Capitolinus during the civill warres was burnt and con­sumed with fire. And thus they see not, how in so doing they draw & admit false and erroneons opinions which follow upon such maner of speeches. And herein the Aegyptians of all other nations, have faulted most, about the beasts which they honor & worship. For the Greeks veri­ly in this point both beleeve and also speake well, saying that the dove is a bird sacred unto Ve­nus, 10 the dragon to Minerva, the raven or crow to Apollo, and the dog to Diana, according to that which Euripides said;

The goddesse Diana shining by night,
In a dogs portraict will take much delight.

But the Aegyptians, at least wise the common sort of them, worshipping and honoring these very beasts as if they were gods themselves, have not onely pestered with laughter and ridicu­lous mockery their Leiturgie and divine service, (for ignorance and folly in this case is the least sinne of all others) but also there is crept into the midst of men a strong opinion, which hath so farre possessed the simple and weaker sort, as that it bringeth them to mere superstition. And as for such as be of more quicke and witty capacity, and who besides are more audacious, those it 20 driveth headlong into beastly cogitations and Athisticall discourses: And therefore I hold it not amisse, cursarily and by the way to annexe hereto such things as cary some probability and likelihood with them. For to say, that the gods for feare of Typhon were turned into these crea­tures, as if they thought to hide themselves within the bodies of the blacke storkes called Ibides, of dogges and haukes, passeth all the monstrous woonders and fixions of tales that can be devi­sed. Likewise to hold, that the soules of those who are departed, so many as remaine still in be­ing, are regenerate againe onely in the bodies of these beasts, is as absurd and incredible as the other. And as for those who will seeme to render a civill and politicke reason heereof; some give out that Osiris in a great expedition or voiage of his, having divided his armie into many parts (such as in Greeke are called [...] and [...], that is to say, bands and companies) he gave unto every of them for their severall ensignes the portractures and images of beasts: and 30 each band afterwards honored their owne & had in reverence as some holy and sacred thing. O­thers affirme, that the kings who succeeded after Osiris, for to terrify their enimies went forth to battell, carying before them, the heads of such beasts made in gold and silver, vpon their armes. Some there be againe, who alledge, that there was one of these their subtile and fine headed kings, who knowing that the Aegyptians of their owne nature were lightly disposed, ready to revolt and given to change and innovations, also that by reason of their great multitude, their power was hardly to be restrained and in maner invincible, in case they joined together in counsell and drew jointly in one common line, therefore he sowed among them a perpetuall superstition, which gave occasion of dissention and enmity among them that never could be appeased: For when he had given commandement unto them, for to have in reverence those 40 beasts which naturally disagreed and warred together, even such as were ready to eat and devour one another, whiles every one endevored alwaies to succor and maintaine their owne, and were moved to anger if any wrong or displeasure were done to those which they affected; they sell together themselves by the eares ere they were aware and killed one another, for the enmity and quarell which was betweene those beasts whom they adored, and so fostered mutuall and mor­tall hatred. For even at this day, of all the Aegyptians the Lycopolitans onely, eat [...] , be­cause the wolfe whom they adore as a god is enimy unto sheepe. And verily in this our age, the Oxyrinchites, because the *Who wor­ship the [...] . Cynopolites, that is to say, the inhabitants of the city Cynopolis, eat the fish named Oxyrinchos, that is to say, with the sharpe becke, whensoever they can entrap or catch a dogge, make no more adoe but kill him for a sacrifice and eat him when they have 50 done. Vpon which occasion having levied warre one against the other, and done much mis­chiefe reciprocally, after they had beene well chastised and plagued by the Romans, they grew to attonement and composition. And for as much as many of them doe say, that the soule of Typhon, departed into these beasts, it seemeth that this fiction importeth thus much, that every brutish and beastly nature, commeth and proceedeth from some evill daemon, and therefore to pacific him that he doe no mischiefe, they worship and adore these beasts. And if paradven­ture [Page 1316] there happen any great drowght or contagious heat which causeth pestilent maladies or other unusuall and extraordinary calamities, the priests bring forth some of those beasts which they serve and honor in the darke night, without any noise in great silence, menasing them at the first and putting them in fright. Now if the plague or calamity continue still, they kill and sacrifice them, thinking this to be a punishment and chastisement of the said evill daemon, or else some great expiation for notable sinnes and transgressions. For in the city verily of Idithya, as Manethos maketh report, the maner is to burne men alive, whom they called Typhony: whose ashes when they had boulted through a tamise, they scattered abroad, untill they were re­duced to nothing: But this was done openly at a certaine time in those daies which are called Cynades or Canicular. Mary the immolation of these beasts, which they accounted sacred, 10 was performed secretly and not at a certaine time or upon perfixed daies, but according to the occurrences of those accidents which happned. And therefore the common people neither knew nor saw ought, but when they solemnize their obsequies and funerals for them, in the presence of all the people they shew some of the other beasts and throw them together into the se­pulcher, supposing thereby to vex and gall Typhon, and to represse the joy that he hath in doing mischiefe. For it seemeth that Apis with some other few beasts was consecrated to Osiris: how­soever they attribute many more unto him. And if this be true, I suppose it importeth that which we seeke and search all this while, as touching those which are confessed by all, and have common honors; as the foresaid stroke Ibis, the hauke and the Babian or Cynecephalus, yea and Apis himselfe, for so they call the goat in the city Mendes. Now their remaineth the utility and symbolization heereof: considering that some participate of the one, but the most part of 20 both. For as touching the goat, the sheepe and the Ichneumon, certaine it is, they honor them for the use and profit they receive by them: like as the inhabitants of Lemnos honor the birds called * [...] or [...] as some thinke. Corydali, because they finde out the locusts nests and quash their egges. The Thessa­lians also have the storkes in great account, because whereas their country is given to breed a number of serpents, the said storks when they come, kill them up all. By reason whereof they made an edict, with an intimation, that whosoever killed a storke should be banished his coun­try. The serpent Aspis also, the wezill and the flie called the bettill, they reverence, because they observe in them I wot not what little slender images (like as in drops of water we perceive the resemblance of the Sunne) of the divine power. For many there be even yet, who both thinke and say, that the male wezill engendreth with the female by her care, and that she bringeth forth 30 her yoong at the mouth: which symbolizeth as they say, and representeth the making and ge­neration of speech. As for the beetils, they hold, that throughout all their kinde there is no fe­male, but all the males doe blow or cast their seed into a certaine globus or round matter in forme of bals which they drive from them and roll to and fro contrary waies, like as the Sunne, when he moveth himselfe from the west to the east, seemeth to turne about the heaven cleane contrary. The Aspis also they compare to the planet of the Sunne, because he doth never age and wax old, but mooveth in all facility, readinesse and celerity without the meanes of any in­struments of motion. Neither is the crocodile set so much by among them, without some probable cause: For they say that in some respect he is the very image representing god: as be­ing the onely creature in the world which hath no tongue: for as much as divine speech needeth 40 neither voice nor tongue:

But through the paths of Justice walks with still and silent pace:
Directing right all mortall things, in their due time and place.

And of all beasts living within the water, the crocodile onely (as men say) hath over his eies a certeine thinne filme or transparent webbe to cover them, which commeth downe from his forehead in such sort, as that he can see and not be seene: wherein he is conformable and like unto the sovereigne of all the gods. Moreover looke in what place the female is discharged of her spawne, there is the utmost marke and limit of the rising and inundation of Nylus: for be­ing 50 not able to lay their egges in the water, and affraid withall to sit far off, they have a most per­fect and exquisit foresight of that which will be; insomuch as they make use of the rivers ap­proch when they lay: and whiles they sit and cove, their egges be preserved drie, and are never drenched with the water. A hundred egges they lay, in so many daies they hatch, and as ma­nie yeeres live they, which are longest lived: And this is the first and principall number [Page 1317] that they use who treat of celestiall matters. Moreover, as touching those beasts which are ho­nored for both causes, we have spoken before of the dogge: but the Ibis or blacke storke, besides that it killeth those serpents whose pricke and sting is deadly, she was the first that taught us the use of that evacuation or clensing the body by clistre, which is so ordinarie in Physicke: for per­ceived she is to purge, clense, and mundifie her-selfe in that sort: whereupon the most religi­ous priests, and those who are of greatest experience, when they would be purified, take for their holy water to sprinckle themselves with, the very same out of which the Ibis drinketh, for she never drinks of empoisoned and infected water, neither will she come neere unto it. Moreover, with her two legges standing at large one from the other, and her bill together, she maketh an absolute triangle with three even sides, besides, the varietie and speckled mixture of 10 her plume, consisting of white feathers and blacke, representeth the Moone when she is past the full. Now we must not marvell at the Aegyptians, for pleasing and contenting themselves in such slight representations and similitudes, for even the Grecks themselves as well in their pictures as other images of the gods, melted and wrought to any mould, used many times such resemblances: for one statue in Creta they had of Jupiter without eares, because it is not meant for him who is lord & governour of all, to have any instruction by the hearing of others. Unto the image of Pallas, Phidias the Imager set a dragon; like as to that of Venus in the city of Elisa Tortoise: giving us by this to understand, that maidens had need of guidance and good custo­die, and that maried woman ought to keepe the house and be silent. The three-forked mace of Neptune, signifieth the third place, which the sea and element of water holdeth, under heaven 20 and aire; for which cause they called the sea Amphitrite, and the petie sea gods Tritons. Also the Pythagoreans have highly honored the numbers and figures Geometricall, by the gods names: for the triangle with three equal sides, they called Pallas, borne out of Jupiters braine, and Tritogenia, for that it is equally divided with three right lines, from three angles drawen by the plumbe. One or unitie they named Apollo,

As well for his perswasive grace; as plaine simplicitie,
That doeth appeere in youthfull face, and this is unitie.

Two, they termed Contention and Boldnesse: and three Justice. For whereas to offend and be 30 offended, to doe and to suffer wrong, come the one by excesse, and the other by defect, Just re­maineth equally betweene in the middes. That famous quaternarie of theirs, named [...] , which consisteth of foure nines, and amounteth to thirtie sixe, was their greatest oth, [...] in every mans mouth, & they called it the World, as being accomplished of the first foure even numbers, and the first foure odde, compounded into one together. If then the most excellent and best renowmed Philosophers, perceiving in things which have neither body nor soule, some type and figure of deitie, have not thought it good to neglect or despise any thing herein, or passe it over without due honour, I suppose we ought much lesse so to doe in those proper­ties and qualities which are in natures sensitive, having life, and being capable of passions and affections, according to their inclinations and conditions. And therefore we must not content 40 our selves and rest in the worshipping of these and such like beasts, but by them adore the divi­nitie that shineth in them, as in most cleere and bright mirrors, according to nature, reputing them alwaies as the instrument and artificiall workemanship of God, who ruleth and gover­neth the universall world: neither ought we to thinke, that any thing void of life, and destitute of sense, can be more woorthy or excellent than that which is endued with life and senses; no not although a man hung never so much gold or a number of rich emerauds about it: for it is neither colours nor figures, nor polished bodies, that deitie doeth inhabite in: but whatsoever doeth not participate life, nor is by nature capable thereof, is of a more base and abject condi­tion than the very dead. But that nature which liveth and seeth, which also in it selfe hath the beginning of motion and knowledge of that which is proper and meet, as also of that which is 50 strange unto it, the same (I say) hath drawen some influence and portion of that wise provi­dence, whereby the universall world is governed, as Heraclitus saith. And therefore the deitie is no lesse represented in such natures, than in works made of brasse and stone, which are like­wise subject to corruption and alteration, but over and besides, they are naturally voide of all sense and understanding. Thus much of that opinion, as touching the worship of beasts, which I approove for best.

[Page 1318] Moreover the habilliments of Isis be of different tinctures and colours: for her whole power consisteth and is emploied in matter which receiveth all formes, and becommeth all maner of things, to wit, light, darknesse, day, night, fire, water, life, death, beginning and end. But the robes of Osiris, have neither shade nor varietie, but are of one simple colour, even that which is lightsome and bright. For the first & primitive cause is simple; the principle or beginning, is without all mixture, as being spiritual & intellegible. Whereupon it is that they make shew but once for all of his habiliments, which when they have done they lay them up againe and bestow them safe and keepe them so straightly, that no man may see or handle them: whereas contra­riwise they use those of Isis many times: For that sensible things be in usage, and seeing they are ready and ever in hand, and be subject evermore to alternative alterations, therefore they be laid 10 abroad and displaied, for to be seene often. But the intelligence of that which is spirituall and intellectuall, pure, simple, and holy, shining as a flash of lightning, offereth it selfe unto the soule but once, for to be touched and seene. And therefore Plato and Aristotle call this part of Philosophie [...], for that those who discourse of reason, have passed beyond all matters subject to mingled & variable opinions, leape at length to the contemplation of this first prin­ciple, which is simple, and not materiall: and after they have in some sort attained to the pure and sincere trueth of it, they suppose that their Philosophy as now accomplished is come to [...] perfection. And that which the priests in these daies are very precise and wary to shew, keeping it hidden and secret with so great care and diligence, allowing not so much as a sight thereof secretly & by the way also that this god raigneth & ruleth over the dead, and is no other 20 than he whom the Greeks name Hades and Pluto: the common people not understanding how this is true, are much troubled; thinking it very strange that the holy & sacred Osiris should dwell within or under the earth, where their bodies lie who are thought to be come unto their finall end. But he verily is most farre remooved from the earth, without staine or pollution, pure and void of all substance or nature, that may admit death or any corruption whatsoever. Howbeit the soules of men, so long as they be heere beneath clad within bodies and passions, can have no participation of God, unlesse it be so much onely as they may attaine unto the in­telligence of, by the study of Philosophy, and the same is but in maner of a darke dreame. But when they shall be delivered from these bonds, and passe into this holy place, where there is no passion, nor passible forme: then, the same god is their conductour and king: then they cleave 30 unto him, as much as possible they can: him they contemplate and behold without satietie: desiring that beautie, which it is not possible for men to utter and expresse: whereof according to the old tales, Isis was alwaies inamoured: and having pursued after it untill she enjoied the same, she afterwards became replenished with all goodnesse and beautie that heere may be en­gendred. And thus much may suffice for that sense and interpretation which is most beseeming the gods, Now if we must besides speake as I promised before, of the incense and odors which are burnt every day: let a man consider first in his minde and take this with him, that the Aegyp­tians were men evermore most studious in those matters which made for the health of their bo­dies, but principally in this regard, they had in recommendation those that concerned the ce­remonies of divine service in their sanctifications and in their ordinary life, and conversation; 40 wherein they have no lesse regard unto holsomnesse then to holinesse: For they thinke it nei­ther lawfull nor beseeming to serve that essence which is altogether pure, every way sound and impolluted, either with bodies or soules corrupt with inward sores and subject to secret mala­dies. Seeing then, that the aire, which we most commonly use, and within which we alwaies converse, is not evermore alike disposed nor in the same temperature: but in the night is thick­ned and made grosse, whereby it compresseth and draweth the body into a kind of sadnesse and pensivenesse, as if it were overcast with darke mists and waighed downe: so soone as ever they be up in a morning, they burne incense by kindling Rosin, for to clense and purifie the aire by this rarefaction and subtilization, awaking as it were and raising by this meanes, the inbred spi­rits of our bodies which were languishing and drowsie: for that in this odor there is a forcible 50 vertue which vehemently striketh upon the senses. Againe, about noone, perceiving that the Sunne draweth forcibly out of the earth by his heat, great quantity of strong vapours, which be intermingled with the aire, then they burne [...] : For the heat of this aromaticall gum and odor is such, as that it dissipateth & dispatcheth whatsoever is grosse, thicke and mud­dy in the aire. And verily in the time of pestilence Physicians thinke to remedy the same by making great fires, being of this opinion, that the flame doth subtiliate and rarefie the aire: [Page 1319] which it effecteth no doubt the better in case they burne sweet wood, as of the Cypresse trees, of Juneper, or * [...]. Pitch tree. And heereupon reported it is that the Physician Acron, when there raigned a grievous plague at Athens, wan a great name and reputation, by causing good fires to be made about the sicke persons: For he saved many by that meanes. And Aristotle writeth that the sweet sents and good smels of perfumes, ointments, flowers and fragrant medowes, serve no lesse for health than for delight and pleasure. For that by their heat and mildnesse they gently dissolve and open the substance of the braine, which naturally is cold and as it were congealed. Againe, if it be so that the Aegyptians call myrth, in their language Bal, which if a man interpret signifieth as much as the discussing and chasing away of idle talke and raving; this also may serve for a testimonie to confirme that which we say. As for that composition a­mong 10 them named Cyphi, it is a confection or mixture receiving sixteene ingredients. For there enter into it, hony, wine, raisins, cyperous, rosin myrrh, aspalathus & seseli. Moreover, the sweet rush Schaenos, Bitumen, Mosse, and the docke: Besides two forts of the juniper berries, the greater & the lesse, Cardamomum and Calamus. All these speeches are compounded to­gether not at a venture and as it commeth into their heads: but there be read certaine sacred writings unto the Apothecaries and Perfumers, all the while that they mix them. As for this number, although it be quadrate, and made of a square, and onely of the numbers equal, maketh the space contained within equall to his cercumference, we are not to thinke that this is any way materiall to the vertue thereof: but most of the simples that goe to this composition being aromaticall, cast a pleasant breath from them and yeeld a delectable and holsome vapour, by 20 which the aire is altered: and withall, the body being mooved with this evaporation, is gently prepared to repose, and taketh an attractive temperature of sleepe, in letting slacke and unbin­ding the bonds of cares, wearinesse and sorrowes incident in the day time, and that without the helpe of surfet and drunkenesse: polishing and smoothing the imaginative part of the braine which receiveth dreames in maner of a mirrour, causing the same to be pure and neat, as much or rather more, than the sound of harpe, lute, viole, or any other instruments of musicke; which the Pythagoreans used for to procure sleepe, enchanting by that device, and dulcing the unrea­sonable part of the soule which is subject to passions. For sweet odors, as they doe many times excite and stirre up the sense when it is dull and beginneth to faile: so contrariwise they make the same as often drowsie and heavy, yea and bring it to quietnesse, whiles those aromaticall 30 smels by reason of their smoothnesse are spred and defused in the bodie: According as some Physicians say, that sleepe is engendred in us, when the vapour of the food which we have recei­ved, creepeth gently along the noble parts and principall bowels, and as it toucheth them, cau­seth a kinde of tickling which lulleth them asleepe. This Cyphi they use in drinke, as a compo­sition to season their cups and as an ointment besides: for they hold, that being taken in drinke, it scowreth the guttes within and maketh the belly laxative: and being applied outwardly as a liniment, it mollifieth the bodie. Over and above all this, Rosin is the worke of the Sunne: but Myrrh they gather by the Moone light, out of those plants from which it doth destill: But of those simples whereof Cyphi is compounded, some there be which love the night better, as ma­ny I meane as be nourished by cold windes, shadowes, dewes, and moisture. For the bright­nesse 40 and light of the day is one and simple: and Pindarus saith that the Sunne is seene through the pure and solitarie aire: whereas the aire of the night is a compound and mixture of many lights and powers, as if there were a confluence of many seeds from every starre running into one. By good right there­fore they burne these simple perfumes in the day as those which are engendred by the vertue of the Sunne: but this being mingled of all forts and of divers qualities, they set on fire a­bout the evening, and be­ginning 50 of the night.

OF THE ORACLES THAT HAVE CEASED TO GIVE ANSWERE. 10

The Summarie.

THe spirit of errour hath endevoured alwaies and assaied the best he can, to mainteine his power and dominion in the world, having after the revolt and fall of Adam beene furnished with instruments of all sorts, to tyrannize over his slaves. In which number we are to range the oracles and predictions of certaine idoles erected in many places by his instigation; by meanes whereof, this sworne enemy to the glory of the true God, [...] much prevailed. But when it pleased our heavenly father to give us his sonne for to be our Savi­our, 20 who descending from heaven to earth, tooke upon him our humane nature, wherein he susteined the [...] and punishment due for our sinnes, to deliver us out of hell, and by vertue of his merits, to give us entrance into the kingdome of heaven, the trueth of his grace being published and made knovenin the world by the preaching of the Aposlles and their faithfull successours; the Divell and his angels, who had in many parts and places of the world abused and deceived poore idolaters, were forced to acknow­ledge their Sovereigne, and to keepe silence and suffer him to speake unto those whom he meant to call unto salvation, or els to make them unexcusable, if they refused to heare his voice. This cessation of the Oracles put the priests and sacrificers of the the Painims to great trouble and woonderfull perplexitie, in the time of the Romane Emperours: whiles some imputed the cause to this, others to that. But our authour in this Treatise discourseth upon this question, shewing thereby, how great and lamentable is 30 the blindnesse of mans reason and wisedome, when it thinketh to atteine unto the secrets of God. For all the speeches of the Philosophers, whom he bringeth in heere as interlocutours, are [...] tales and fables devised for the nonce, which every Christian man of any meane judgemeut will at the first sight condemne. Yet thus much good there is in this discourse, that the Epicureans are here taxed and con­demned in sundry passages. As touching the contents of this conference, the occasion thereof ariseth from the speech of Demetrius and Cleombrotus, who were come unto the Temple of Apollo: for the one of them having rehearsed a woonder as touching the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, mooveth thereby a farther desire of disputation: but before they enter into it, they continue still the former speech, of the course and motion of the Sunne. Afterwards, they come to the maine point, namely, Why all the Oracles of Greece (excepting that onely of Lebadia) ceased? To which demand, [...] 40 a Cynique Philosopher answereth, That the wickednesse of men is the cause thereof. Ammonius [...] attributeth all unto the warres which had consumed the Pilgrims that used to resort unto the said Oracles. Lamprias proposeth one opinion, and Cleombrotus inferring another of his, fall into a discourse and common place as touching Daemons, whom he verily raungeth betweene gods and men, disputing of their nature, according to the Philosophie of the Greeks. Then he proveth, that these Dae­mons have the charge of Oracles, but by reason that they departed out of one countrey into another, or died, these Oracles gave over. To this purpose he telleth a notable tale as touching the death of the great Pan, concluding thus, that [...] Daemons be mortall, we ought not to woonder at the cessation of Oracles. After this, Ammonius confuteth the Epicureans, who holde, That there be no [...] . And upon the confirmation of the former positions, they enter together into the examination of the 50 opinions of the [...] and Platonists, concerning the number of the worlds, to wit, whether they be many or infinit? growing to this resolution after long dispute, that there be many, and [...] , to the number of five. Which done, Demetrius reviving the principall question, moveth also a [...] one, Why the Daemons have this power to speake by Oracles? Unto which there be many and [...] answeres made, which determine all in one Treatise according to the Platonists Philosophie, of [...] principall, ef­ficient and finall cause, of those things that are effected by reason, and particularly of [...] and [Page 1321] predictions: for which, he maketh to concurre, the Earth, the Sunne, Exhalations, Daemons, and the Soule of man. Now all the intention and drift of Plutarch groweth to this point, that the earth being incited and moved by a naturall vertue, and that which is proper unto it, and in no wise divine and per­durable, hath brought forth certaine powers of divination: that these inspirations breathing and ari­sing out of the earth, have touched the understandings of mē with such efficacy, as that they have cau­sed them to foresee future things afarre off and long ere they hapned; yea, and have addressed and fra­med them to give answere both in verse and prose. Item, that like as there be certeine grounds and lands more [...] one than the other, or producing some particular things according to the divers and peculiar proprietie of ech: there be also certeine places and tracts of the world endued with this tem­perature, which both ingender and also incite these Enthusiaque and divining spirits. Furthermore, 10 that this puissance is meere divine indeed; howbeit, not per petuall, eternall, unmoveable, nor that which is forever perdurable: but by processe and succession of time, doth diminish and decay by [...] and little, untill at length through age it consume to nothing. Semblably, that this great number of spirits are not engendred incessantly, neither proceed they forward or retire backe continually; but this vertue of the earth moveth of it selfe in certeine revolutions, and by that meanes is enchafed and puffed up: and after that in time it hath gathered abundance of new vapours, it filleth the caves and holes so full un­till they discharge & send them up againe. Wherupon it commeth to passe, that the exhalations stirred in the said caves, and desirous to issue forth, after that they have beene beaten backe againe, violently assaile the foundations, and stirre the temples built upon them, in such sort, as being shaken as it were by earthquakes, more or lesse in one place than another, according to the avertures and passages made for 20 the exhalation, they finde issue through the streights, breake forth with forcible violence, and so produce these Oracles. In summe, the intention and minde of Plutarch is to prove, that the beginning, progresse and end of these Oracles proceed all from naturall causes, to wit, the exhalations of the earth. Wherein he is fouly and grosly deceived, considering that such Oracles in Greece have beene inspired by the di­vell, who hath kept an open shop there of imposture, deceits, and the most horrible seducements that can be devised. For mine owne part, I impute this whole discourse of Plutarch unto the ignorance of the true God, the very mother of this dispight, which bringeth forth this present treatise, saved by the Pa­gans, for to darken the resplendent light of that great King of the world and his trueth: which hath discussed and brought to nothing all the subtill devices of Satan, who triumphed over all Greece by the meanes of his Oracles. Thus after large discourses upon these matters, Plutarch concludeth the 30 whole disputation: the conclusion whereof he [...] with an accident that befel unto the Prophetesse of Delphi; where a man may evidently see the imposture and fraud of divels and of malicious spirits (and those be the Daemons which Plutarch would designe) and their horrible tyranny over men desti­tute of Gods grace.

OF THE ORACLES THAT have ceased to give answers. 40

THere goeth a tale, my friend Terentius Priscus, that in times past certeine Eagles, or els Swannes, flying from the utmost ends of the earth opposit one unto the other, toward the mids thereof encoun­tred & met together at the very place where the temple of Apollo Py­thius was built, even that which is called Omphalos, that is to say, the Navill. And that afterwards, Epimenides the Phaestian being desi­rous to know whether this fable was true, sought unto the Oracle for to be resolved: but having received from the god a doubtfull and uncerteine answere; by reason thereof, made these verses:

Now sure in mids of land or sea, there is no Navill such; 50
Or if there be, the gods it know: men must not see so much.

And verily the god Apollo chastised and punished him well enough, for being so curious as to search into the [...] or proofe of an olde received tale, as if it had beene some antique picture. But true it is, that in our daies, a little before the solemnity of the Pythique games, which were [Page 1322] held during the magistracy of Callistratus, there were two devout & holy personages, who com­ming from the contrary ends of the earth, met together in the city of Delphi: the one was Deme­trius the Grammarian, who came from as farre as *That is to say, England. Britaine, minding to returne unto Tarsus in Cilicia, the city of his nativity; and the other, Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian, who had travel­led and wandered long time in Aegypt within the Troglodytique province, and sailed a good way up into the Red sea, not for any traffique or negotiation of merchandise, but onely as a traveller that desired to see the world and to learne new fashions abroad. For having wherewith sufficiently to mainteine himselfe, and not caring to gather more than might serve his owne turne, he emploied that time which he had, this waies, and gathered together a certeine history, as the subject, matter and ground of that Philosophy, which proposed for the end thereof (as he 10 himselfe said) Theologie. This man having not long before beene at the temple and Oracle of Jupiter Ammon, made semblance as if he woondered not much at any thing that he saw there; only he reported unto us a strange thing, worth the observation, and better to be considered of, which he learned of the Priests there, as touching the burning lampe that never goeth out: for by their saying, every yeere it spendeth lesse oile than other. Whereby they gather certeinly (quoth he) the inequality of the yeeres, whereby the latter is evermore shorter than the former: for great probability there is, that seeing lesse oile is consumed, the time also is in proportion so much lesse. Now when all the company there present made a woonder heereat, Demetrius among the rest made a very jest of it, and said it was a meere mockery to search into the know­ledge of matters so high, by such slight and small presumptions: for this was not, as Alcaeus 20 said, to paint a lion by measure of his claw or paw, but to move and alter heaven, and earth, and all the world, by the conjecture onely of a weike and lampe; yea, and to overthrow at once all the Mathematicall sciences. It is neither so nor so, good sir, quoth Cleombrotus; for neither the one nor the other will trouble these men. For first, they will never yeeld and give place unto the Mathematicians in the certitude of their proofs; for sooner may the Mathematicians misrec­kon the time, and misse in their calculation and accounts, in such long motions and revolutions so farre remote and distant, than they faile in the measure of the oile which they observe conti­nually and marke most precisely, in regard of that which they see so strange and against all dis­course of reason. Againe, not to grant and allow (ô Demetrius) that petie things may many times serve for signes and arguments of great and important matters, would hinder and preju­dice 30 many arts, considering that it is as much as to take away the proofs from many demonstra­tions, conclusions and predictions. And verily, even you that are Grammarians, will seeme to verifie and avow one point which is not of the least consequence: namely, that those heroique princes and Worthies, who were at the Trojane warre, used to shave their haire, and keepe their skin smooth with the rasour; because for sooth in reading of Homer you meet with some place where he maketh mention barely of the rasour. Semblably, that in those daies men used to put forth their money upon usury, for that in one passage the said Poet writeth thus:

Whereas my debt is neither new nor small:
But as daies come and goe, it * [...]. growes [...] hall.

Meaning by the verbe [...], that his debt did grow unto him by the interest for use. Further­more, 40 because ever and anon the same. Homer attributeth unto the night, the epither [...], which signifieth Quicke and sharpe; you Grammarians are much affected to this word, saying: He understandeth thereby, that the shadow of the earth being round, groweth point-wise or sharp at the end, in maner of a cone or pyramis. And what is he, who standing upon this point, that small things may not be the proofes and signes of greater matters; will approove this argu­ment in Physicke: namely, that when there is a multitude of spiders seene, it doeth prognosti­cate a pestilent Summer: or in the Spring season, when the leaves of the olive tree resemble the crowes-feet? Who (I say) will ever abide to take the measure of the Sunnes body, by clepsy­dres or water-dials, with a gallon or pinte of water? or that a tyle-formed tablet, making a sharpe angle by the plumbe, enclining upon a plaine superficies, should shew the just measure of the 50 elevation of pole from the Horizon, which alwaies is to be seene in our Hemisphaere? Loe, what the priests and prophets in those parts may alledge and say. And therefore we ought to produce some other reasons against them, in case we would mainteine the course of the Sunne to be constant and unvariable, as we hold heere in these countries. And not of the Sunne onely, (cried out with a loud voice Ammonius the Philosopher, who was then in place) but also of the whole heaven, which by this reckoning commeth in question. For if it be granted, that the [Page 1323] yeeres decrease: the race of the Sunne which he runneth betweene the one Tropique and the other, must of necessity be cut shorter, and that it taketh not up so great a part of the Horizon, as the Mathematicians set downe; but that it becommeth shorter, and lesse according as the Southern or Meridionall parts be contracted, and gather alwaies toward the Septentrionall and Northerne. Whereupon it will ensue that our Summer will be shorter, and the temperature of the aire by consequence colder; by reason that the Sunne turneth more inwardly, and de­scribeth greater paralelles, or equidistant circles, than those be about the Tropicks, at the longest and shortest daies of the yeere. Moreover, this would follow heereupon, that the Gno­mons in the dials at Syene in Aegypt, will be no more shadowlesse at the Summer Tropicke or Solstice: and many of the fixed starres will runne under one another; some also of them wil 10 be forced for want of roome to runne one upon another, and be hudled pell-mell together. And if they shall say, that when other starres hold their owne, and keepe their ordinary cour­ses, the Sunne onely observeth no order in his motions, they cannot alledge any cause that should so much as hasten his motion alone among so many others as there be, but they shall trouble and disquiet most of those things which are seene evidently above: and namely, those generally which happen unto the Moone in regard of the Sunne. So that we shal have no need of those, who observe the measures of oile, for to proove the diversitie of the yeeres; because the ecclipses both of the Moone and Sun will sufficiently shew if there be any at all, for that the Sun shall many times meet with the Moone, and the Moone reciprocally fall as often within the shadow of the earth: so as we shall need no more to display and discover the vanity and fal­sitie 20 of this reason. Yea, but I my selfe (quoth Cleombrotus) have seene the said measure of oile, for they shewed many of them unto me; and that of this present yeere when I was with them, appeered to be much lesse than those in yeeres past. So that Ammonius made answer in this wise: And how is it that other men who adore the inextinguible fires, who keepe and preserve the same religiously for the space of an infinit number of yeeres, one after another, could not as well perceive and observe so much? And say that a man should admit this report of yours to be true, as touching the measures of the oile: were it not much better to ascribe the cause there­of unto some coldnesse or moisture of the aire; or rather contrariwise to some drinesse and heat, by reason whereof, the fire in the lampe being enfeebled is not able to spend so much nu­triment, and therefore hath no need thereof? For I have heard it many times affirmed by some: 30 That in Winter the fire burneth much better, as being more stronger & more fortified, by rea­son that the heat thereof is drawen in, more united and driven closer by the exterior colde: whereas great heats and droughts doe weaken the strength thereof, so as it becommeth faint, loose, and rawe without any great vehemencie and vigour; nay, if a man kindle it against the Sunne-shine, the operation of it is lesse, hardly catcheth it hold of the wood or fewell, and more slowly consumeth it the same. But most of all, a man may lay the cause upon the oile it selfe; for it goeth not against reason to say, that in old time the oile was of lesse nutriment, and stood more upon the waterish substance than now it doth, as pressed out of olives which grew upon yoong trees: but afterwards being better concocted, and riper in the fruit, comming of plants more perfect and fully growen in the same quantity, was more effectuall, and able longer to 40 nourish and mainteine the fire. Thus you see how a man may salve and save that supposition of the Ammonian priests, although it seeme very strange and woonderfully extravagant. After that Ammonius had finished his speech: Nay rather (quoth I) Cleombrotus, I beseech you tell us somewhat of the oracle: for there hath gone a great name, time out of minde of the deity resi­dent there; but now it seemeth that the reputation thereof is cleane gone. And when Cleom­brotus made no answer heereto, but held downe his head, and cast his eies upon the ground: There is no neede (quoth Demetrius) to demaund or make any question of the oracles there, when as we see the oracles in these parts to faile, or rather indeed (all save one or two) brought to nothing. This rather would be enquired into, what the cause should be, that generally they all doe cease? For to what purpose should we speake of others, considering that Boeotia it selfe, 50 which heeretofore in old time resounded and rung againe with oracles; now is quite voide of them, as if the springs and fountaines were dried up, and a great siccitie and drought of ora­cles had come over the whole land? For there is not at this day, goe throughout all Boeotia, (un­lesse it be onely in Lebadia) one place where a man may, would he never so faine, draw any di­vination, what need soever he hath of any oracle: for all other parts are either mute, or altoge­ther desolate and forlorne. And yet in the time of the Medes warre, the oracle of Ptous Apollo [Page 1324] was in great request, and that of Amphiaraus was in no lesse reputation; for both the one and the other was sought unto. And in that of Ptous Apollo when the priest or prophet who served in the oracle, used the Aeolian language, and made answer unto those who were sent thither from the Barbarians, insomuch as none of the assistants understood one word: this Enthusiasme or divine inspiration, covertly gave thereby thus much to understand, that these oracles perteined nothing unto the Barbarians, neither were they permitted to have the ordinary Greeke lan­guage at their command. As for that of Amphiaraus, the servant who was thither sent, falling a sleepe within the sanctuarie, thought as he dreamed, that he saw and heard the minister of the god, as if with his word and voice he seemed at the first to drive him out, and command him to depart foorth of the temple, saying, that his god was not there; but afterwards to thrust him 10 away with both his hands: but in the end, seeing that he staid still, tooke up a great stone, and therewith smot him upon the head. And verily all this answered just to that which after­wards befell, and was a very prediction and denunciation of a future accident: for Mardoni­us was vanquished not by the king himselfe, but by the Tutour and lieutenant of the king of La­cedaemon, who at that time had the conduct and command of the Greeks armie; yea and with a stone felled to the ground, according as the Lydian servant aforesaid imagined in his sleepe that he was smitten with a stone. There flourished likewise about the same time the Oracle of Tegyrae, where the report goeth that the god Apollo himselfe was borne: and verily two rivers there are that runne neere one to the other, whereof the one some at this day call Phoenix, that is to say, the date tree; the other Elaea, that is to say, the olive tree. At this Oracle, during the 20 time of the Medes warre, when the prophet Echecrates there served, god Apollo answered by his mouth, that the Greeks should have the honour of the victory in this warre, and continue superior. Also in the time of the Peloponnesiaque warre, when the Delians were driven out of their Island, there was brought unto them an answer from the Oracle at Delphi; by vertue whereof, commanded they were, to search and seeke out the place where Apollo was borne, and there to performe certeine sacrifices: whereat, when they marvelled, and in great perplexity de­maunded againe, whether Apollo were borne any where else, but among them? the prophetesse Pythia added moreover & said: That a crow should tell them the place. Whereupon these de­puties who were sent unto the Oracle, in their returne homeward chanced to passe through the city Chaeronea, where they heard their hostesse in whose house they lodged, talking with some 30 passengers and guests (who were going to Tegyrae) as touching the Oracle; and when they de­parted and tooke their leave, they saluted her, and bad her farewell in these termes: Adieu dame Cornice, for that was the womans name, which signifieth as much as Crow. By this meanes they understood the meaning of the forsesaid Oracle or answer of Pythia: and so when they had sa­crificed at Tegyrae, not long after they were restored and returned into their native countrey. Moreover, there were other apparitions besides of Oracles, more fresh and later, than those which we have alledged; but now they are altogether ceased: so that it were not amisse, consi­dering that we are met neere unto Apollo Pythius, for to enquire into the cause of this so great change & alteration. As we thus communed & talked together, we were now by this time gone out of the temple, so farre as to the very gates of the Gnidian hall: and when we were entred 40 into it, we found those friends of ours sitting there within, whom we desired to meet withall, and who attended our comming. Now when all the rest were at leisure, and had nothing else to doe (being at such a time of the day) but either to anoint their bodies, or else looke upon the champions and wrestlers, who there exercised themselves; Demetrius after a smiling maner began and said:

What? were I best to tell some lie,
Or make report of truth shall I?

It seemeth as farre as I can perceive, that you have in hand no matter of great consequence: for I saw you sitting at your ease, and it appeareth by your cheerefull and pleasant looks, that you have no busie thoughts hammering in your heads. True it is indeed (quoth Heracleo the Me­garian:) 50 for we are not in serious argument & disputation about the verbe [...], whether in the Future tense it should lose one of the two compara­tives? neither reason we about these two compara­tives [...] and [...] (that is to say, Worse and better) of what Positves they should come? nor of what Primitives these two Superlatives [...] & [...] (that is to say, Worst and best) be de­rived? For these questions & such like, are those that make men knit and bend their browes: but of all other matters we may reason and Philosophize well enough and quietly, without making [Page] any furrowes in our forheads, and looking with an austere and soure countenance for the mat­ter upon the companie present with us. Why then (quoth Demetrius) admit and receive us in­to your societie, and together with us, enterteine the question also, which erewhile was moved among us, being as it is, meet for this place, and in regard of god Apollo, pertinent unto us all as many as we be: but I beseech you of all loves, let us have no srowning nor knitting of browes whiles we reason upon the point. Now when we were set intermingled one with another, and that Demetrius had propounded the foresaid question, immediately Didymus the Cynique Phi­losopher, surnamed Planetiades, started up, and stood upon his feete; and after he had stamped with his staffe twise or thrice upon the floore, cried out in this maner: O God! Come you he­ther with this question indeed, as if it were a matter so hard to be decided, and had need of 10 some long and deepe inquisition? for a great marvell no doubt it is, if seeing so much sinne and wickednesse is spred over the face of the whole world at this day, not onely shame and just indignation or Nemesis (according as Hesiodus prophesied before) have abandoned mans life; but also the providence of God being dislodged and carying away with it all the Oracles that be, is cleane departed and gone for ever? But contrariwise I will put foorth unto you ano­ther matter to be debated of: namely, how it comes to passe, that they have not rather already given over every one? and why Hercules is not come againe, or some other of the gods, and hath not long since plucked up and caried away the three-footed table and all, being so full ordinari­ly of shamefull, vilanous and impious demands, proposed there daily to Apollo? whiles some preferre matters unto him as a Sophister, to trie what he can say; others aske him concerning 20 treasure hidden; some againe would be resolved of succession in heritages, and of incestuous and unlawfull marriages? Insomuch as now Pythagoras is manifestly convinced of errour and lesing, who said, that men were then best, and excelled in goodnesse, when they presented them­selves before the gods: for such things as it would well beseeme to hide and conceale in the presence onely of some ancient personage (I meane the foule maladies and passions of the soule) the same they discover and lay abroad naked before Apollo. And as he would have gone forward still, and prosecuted this theame, both Heracleon plucked him by the cloke, and I also (who of all the company was most familiar & inward with him) Peace (quoth I) my good friend Planetiades, and cease to provoke Apollo against you: for a cholericke and testie god he is, and not milde and gracious; but according as Pindarus said very well: 30

Misdeem'd he is, and thought amisse: To bee
Most kinde to men, and full of lenitie.

And were he either the Sunne, or the lord and father of the Sunne, or a substance beyond all vi­sible natures, it is not like and probable, that he would disdaine to speake any more unto men at this day living, of whose generation, nativity, nourishment, being, and understanding, he is the cause and author: neither is it credible, that the divine providence, which is a good, kinde, and tender mother, produceth and preserveth all things for our use, should shew herselfe to be malicious, in this matter onely of divination and prophesie; and upon an old grudge and ran­kor, to bereave us of that which at first she gave us, as if forsooth even then when Oracles were rise in all parts of the world, there was not in so mightie a multitude of men, the greater num­ber 40 of wicked. And therefore make Pythicke truce (as they say) for the while with vice and wic­kednesse, which you are ever woont to chastice and rebuke in all your speeches, and come and sit downe heere by us againe, that together with us you may search out some other cause of this generall eclipse and cessation of Oracles, which now is in question: but withall remem­ber that you keepe this god Apollo propitious, and moove him not to wrath and displeasure.

But these words of mine wrought so with Planetiades, that without any word replying, out of the dores he went his waies. Now when the company sat still for a prety while in great si­lence, Ammonius at length directing his speech to me: I beseech you (quoth he) Lamprias, take better heed unto that which we doe, and looke more neerely into the matter of this our dis­putation, to the end that we cleere not the god altogether, and make him to be no cause at all 50 that the Oracles doe cease. For he who attributeth this cessation unto any other cause than the will and ordinance of God, giveth us occasion to suspect him also, that he thinketh they never were not be at this present by his disposition, but rather by some other meanes: for no other cause and puissance there is, more noble, more mighty, or more excellent, which might be able to destroy and abolish divination, if it were the worke of God. And as touching the discourse that Planetiades made, it pleaseth me never a whit: neither can I approove thereof, as well for [Page 1326] other causes, as for that he admitteth a certaine inequality and inconstance in the god. For one while he maketh him to detest and abhorre vice, and another while to allow and accept thereof: much like unto some king or tyrant rather, who at one gate driveth out wicked persons, and re­ceiving them in at another doth negotiate with them. But seeing it is so, that the greatest worke which can be, sufficient in it selfe, nothing superfluous, but fully accomplished every way is most beseeming the dignity and majesty of the gods, let this principle be supposed and laied for a ground, and then a man in mine opinion may very well say, that of this generall defect and common scarcity of men, which civill seditions and warres before time have brought generally into the world, Greece hath felt the greatest part: insomuch as at this very day, hardly is all Greece able to make three thousand men for the warres, which are no more in number than one 10 city in times past (to wit, Megara) set forth and sent to the battell of Plataea: and therefore, whereas the god Apollo in this our age hath left many oracles, which in ancient time were much frequented, if one should inferre [...] and say, that this argueth no other thing but that Greece is now much depopulate & dispeopled, in comparison of that which it was in old time, I would like well of his invention, and furnish him sufficiently with matter to discourse upon. For what would it boot, and what good would come of it, if there were now an Oracle at Tegyrae as sometime there was, or about Ptoum? whereas all the day long a man shall paradventure meet with one, and that is all, keeping and feeding cattell there. And verily it is found written in histories, that this very place of the Oracle where now we are, which of all others in Greece is for antiquity right antient, and for reputation most noble and renowmed, was in times past 20 for a great while desert and unfrequented; nay unaccessable altogether, in regard of a most ve­nimous and dangerous beast, even a dragon which haunted it. But those who write this, doe not collect heereupon the cessation of the Oracle aright, but argue cleane contrary: for it was the solitude and infrequency of the place that brought the dragon thither, rather than the dra­gon that caused the said desert solitarinesse. But afterwards when it pleased God, that Greece was fortified againe and replenished with many cities, and this place well peopled and frequen­ted, they used two Prophetesses, who one after the other in their course descended into the cave and there sat; yea and a third there was besides chosen, as a suffragane or assistant to sit by them and helpe if need were: but now there is but one Propehtesse in all, and yet we complaine not; for she onely is sufficient for all commers that have any occasion to use the Oracle. And 30 therefore we are in no wise to blame or accuse the god: for that divination and spirit of prophe­sie which remaineth there at this day, is sufficient for all, and sendeth all suiters away well con­tented, as having their full dispatch and answere for whatsoever they demand. Like as therefore Agamemnon in Homer had nine Heraults or Criers about him, and yet hardly with them could he containe and keepe in order the assembly of the Greeks being so frequent as then it was; but now within these few daies you shall see heere the voice of one man alone able to resound over the whole Theater, and to reach unto all the people their contained: even so, we must thinke, that this divination and spirit of prophesy in those daies used many organs and voices to speake unto the people, being a greater multitude than now there be. And therefore we should on the other side rather wonder, if God would suffer to run in vaine like waste water, this propheticall 40 divination: or to resound againe, like as the desert rockes in the wide fields and mountaines ring with the resonance and ecchoes of heard-mens hollaing, and beasts bellowing. When Am­monius had thus said, and I held my peace, Cleombrotus addressing his speech unto me: And grant you indeed (quoth he) thus much, that it is the god Apollo, who is the authour and over­thrower also of these Oracles? Not so, answered I, for I maintaine and hold, that God was ne­ver the cause of abolishing any Oracle or divination whatsoever: but contrariwise, like as where he produceth and prepareth many other things for one use and behoofe, nature bringeth in the corruption and utter privation of some; or to say more truely, matter being it selfe privation, or subject thereto, avoideth many times and dissolveth that which a more excellent cause hath composed: even so I suppose there be some other causes, which darken and abolish the vertue of 50 divination, considering that God bestoweth upon men many faire & goodly gifts, but nothing perdurable & immortall: in such sort as the very workes of the gods do die, but not themselves, according as Sophocles saith. And verily the Philosophers and naturalists, who are well exerci­sed in the knowledge of nature and the primitive matter, ought indeed to search into the sub­stance, property and puissance of Oracles, but to reserve the originall and principall cause for God, as very meet and requisit it is that it should so be. For very foolish and childish it is that [Page 1327] the god himselfe, like unto those spirits speaking within the bellies of possessed folkes, such as in old time they called Eugastrimithi, and Euryclees, and be now termed Pythons, entred into the bodies of Prophets, spake by their mouthes, and used their tongues and voices as organs and instruments of speech: for he that thus intermedleth God among the occasions and ne­cessities of men, maketh no spare as he ought of his majesty, neither carieth he that respect as is meet, to the preservation of the dignity and greatnesse of his power and vertue. Then Cle­ombrotus: You say very well and truely (quoth he:) but for as much as it is a difficult matter to comprise and define in what maner, and how farre forth, and to what point we ought to employ this divine providence: in my conceit, they who are of this minde, that simply God is cause of nothing at all in the world, and they againe, that make him wholly the authour of all things, 10 hold not a meane and indifferent course, but both of them misse the very point of decent me­diocrity. Certes as they say passing well, who hold that Plato having invented and devised that element or subject, upon which grow and be engendred qualities, the which one while is called the primitive matter, and otherwhile nature, delivered Philosophers from many great difficul­ties: even so me thinks, they who ordained a certaine kinde by themselves of Daemons be­tweene god and men, have assoiled many more doubts and greater ambiguities by finding out that bond and linke (as it were) which joineth us and them together in society: Were it the opi­nion that came from the ancient Magi and Zoroasties, or rather a Thracian doctrine delivered by Orpheus; or els an Aegyptian or Phrygian tradition, as we may conjecture by seeing the sa­crifices both in the one countrey and the other: wherein, among other holy and divine cere­monies, 20 it seemeth there were certeine dolefull ceremonies of mourning and sorrow intermin­gled, savouring of mortality. And verily of the Greeks, Homer hath used these two names in­differently, terming the Gods Daemons, and the Daemons likewise Gods. But Hesiodus was the first who purely & distinctly hath set downe foure kinds of reasonable natures, to wit, the Gods: then the Daemons, and those many in number and all good: the Heroes and Men; for the De­mi-gods are ranged in the number of those Heroicke worthies. But others hold, that there is a transmutation aswell of bodies as soules: and like as we may observe, that of earth is ingendred water, of water aire, and of aire fire, whiles the nature of the substance still mounteth on high: even so the better soules are changed, first from men to Heroes or Demi-gods, and afterwards from them to Daemons, and of Daemons some few after long time, being well refined and puri­fied 30 by vertue, came to participate the divination of the gods. Yet unto some it befalleth, that being not able to holde and conteine, they suffer themselves to slide and fall into mortall bodies againe, where they lead an obscure and darke life, like unto a smoaky vapour. As for He siodus, he thinketh verily, that even the Daemons also, after certeine revolutions of time, shall die: for speaking in the person of one of their Nymphs called Naiades, covertly and under aenigmati­call termes he designeth their time, in this wise:

Nine * [...]. ages of men * [...]. in their flower, doth live
The * [...], [...] crying. railing Crow: foure times the Stags surmount
The life of Crowes: to Ravens doth nature give
A threefold age of Stags, by true account: 40
One Phoenix lives as long as Ravens nine:
But you faire Nymphs, as the daughters verily
Of mighty Jove and of nature divine,
The Phoenix yeeres ten fold do multiply.

But they that understand not well, what the Poet meaneth by this word [...], make the totall sum of this time to amount unto an exceeding great number of yeeres. For in trueth it is but one yeere and no more. And so by that reckening, the whole ariseth in all to nine thousand seven hundred and twenty yeeres just; which is the very life of the Daemons. And many Mathemati­cians there be, by whose computation it is lesse. But more than so Pindarus would not have it, when he saith, that the Nymphs age is limited equall to trees; whereupon they be named Ha­madryades, 50 as one would say, living and dying with Okes. As he was about to say more, Deme­trius interrupted his speech, and taking the words out of his mouth: How is it possible, quoth he, ô Cleombrotus, that you should make good and mainteine, that the Poet called the age of man, a yeere onely and no more? for it is not the space either of his flower and best time, nor of his olde age, according as some reade it in Hesiodus: for as one reads [...], that is say, flou­rishing; so, another readeth [...], that is to say, aged. Now they that would have it to be [Page 1328] [...], put downe for the age of man, thirty yeeres, according to the opinion of Heraclitus, which is the very time that a father hath begotten a sonne able to beget another of his owne: but such as follow the reading that hath [...], attribute unto the age of man an hundred and eight yeeres, saying that foure and fifty is the just moity or one halfe of a mans life: which num­ber is composed of an unitie; the two first plaines, two squares, and two cubiques: which num­bers Plato also tooke to the procreation of the soule which he describeth. But it seemeth verily, that Hesiodus by these words covertly did signifie that generall conflagration of the world; at what time, it is very probable, that the Nymphs together with all humors and liquid, matters shall perish:

Those Nymphs I meane, which many a tree and plant
In forrests faire and goodly groves do hant, 10
Or neere to springs and river streames are seene,
Or keepe about the medowes gay and greene.

Then Cleombrotus: I have heard many (quoth he) talke hereof, and I perceive very well how this conflagration which the Stoicks have devised, as it hath crept into the Poems of Heraclitus and Orpheus, and so perverted their verses: so it hath seized upon and caught hold of Hesiodus, and gi­ven a perverse interpretation of him aswell as of others. But neither can I endure to admit this consummation and end of the world, which they talke of, nor any such impossible matters; and namely, those speeches as touching the life of the Crow and the Stag or Hinde, which yeeres, if they were summed together, would grow to an excessive number. Moreover, a yere conteining 20 in it the beginning and the end of all things which the seasons thereof doe produce, and the earth bring forth, may in mine opinion not impertinently be called [...], that is to say, the age of men: for even your selves confesse, that Hesiodus in one passage called mans life [...]. How say you, is it not so? Then Demetrius avowed as much. This also (quoth Cleombrotus) is as cer­teine, that both the measure, and also the things which be measured, are called by one and the same names: as it appeareth by Cotyla, Chaenix, Amphora and Medimnus. Like as therefore we name Unitie, a number, which indeed of all numbers is the least measure and beginning onely of them: semblably, Hesiodus termed Yeere the age of man, for that with it principally we mea­sure his age, and so communicate that word with the thing that it measureth: as for those num­bers which they make, there is no singularity at all or matter of importance in them as touching 30 the renowmed numbers indeed. But the number of 9720 hath a speciall ground and begin­ning, as being composed of the foure first numbers arising in order from one and the same, ad­ded together or multiplied by foure, every way arise to fortie. Now if * [...]. I suspect this place. Some to [...] all [...] reade [...]: but neither the one [...] the the other [...] you that have [...] it [...] these be reduced into tri­angles five times, they make the just summe of the number before named. But as touching these matters, what need I to contend with Demetrius? for whether there be meant thereby a longer time or a shorter, a certeine or uncerteine, wherein Hesiodus would have the soule of a Daemon to change, or the life of a Demi god or Heros to end, it skilleth not; for he prooveth neverthe­lesse that which he would, and that by the evidence of most ancient and wise witnesses, that there be certeine natures neuter and meane (as it were) situate in the confines betweene gods and men, and the same subject to mortall passions, and apt to receive necessarie changes and mutati­ons: 40 which natures according to the traditions & examples of our forefathers, meet it is that we call Daemons, and honour them accordingly, And to this purpose, Xenocrates one of the fami­liar friends of Plato, was woont to bring in the demonstration and example of triangles, which agreed very well to the present matter in hand: for that triangle which had * [...] three sides and angles equall, he compared unto the nature divine and immortall; that which had * [...]. all sides un­equall, unto the humane and mortall nature; and that which had * [...]. two equall and one unequall, unto the nature of the Daemons: for the first is every way equall, the second on every side une­quall, and the last in some sort equall and in other unequall; like unto the nature of the Dae­mons, having humane passions and affections, yet withall, the divine power of some god. But nature herselfe hath proposed unto us sensible figures and similitudes visible above; of gods ve­tily 50 the Sunne and other starres; but of mortall men, sudden lights and flashes in the night, bla­zing comets, and shooting of starres: for unto such Euripides compared them, when he said:

Who was ere while and lately in the floure,
Of his fresh youth, at sudden in an houre,
Became extinct (as starre which seemes to fall
From skie) and into aire sent breath and all.

[Page 1329] Now for a mixt body, representing the nature of Daemons or Angels, there is the Moone: which they seeing to be so subject to growing and decreasing, yea and to perishing altogether and departing out of sight, thought to accord very well, and to be sortable unto the mutability of the Daemons kinde. For which cause, some have called her a terrestriall starre; others an Olympian or celestiall earth; and there be againe who have named her The heritage and posses­sion of Proserpina, both heavenly and earthly. Like as therefore, if one tooke the aire out of the world, and remooved it from betweene the Moone and the earth, he should dissolve the continuation, coherence and composition of the whole universall frame, by leaving a voide and emptie place in the middes, without any bond to joine and linke the extremes together: even so, they who admit not the nation and kind of the Daemons, abolish all communication, 10 convers and conference betweene gods and men, considering they take away that nature which serveth as a hanchman, interpreter, and minister betweene both, as Plato said: or rather they would drive us to confound and huddle together, yea and to jumble all in one, if we came to interningle the divine nature and deity among humane passions and actions, and so plucke it out of heaven, for to make it intermeddle in the negocies and affaires of men; like as they faie, the wives of Thessalie draw downe the Moone from heaven. Which devise & fiction hath taken roote, and is beleeved among women, by reason that Aglaonica, the daughter of Agetor (by report) being a wise dame, and well seene in Astrologie, made semblance and perswaded the vulgar sort, that in every ecclipse of the Moone, she used alwaies some charmes and enchant­ments; by vertue whereof, she fetched the Moone out of heaven. As for us, give we no eare 20 and credit unto them, who say, there be some Oracles and divinations without a deity, or that the gods regard not sacrifices, divine services, and other sacred ceremonies, exhibited [...] them: neither on the other side let us beleeve, that God is present to intermeddle or employ himselfe in person, but betaking and referring that charge unto the ministers of the gods, as it is meet and just; like as if they were deputies, officers, and secretaries: let us constantly hold, that those be the Daemons which are their espies and escouts, going too and fro throughout all parts, some to oversee and direct the sacrifices, and sacred rites and ceremonies performed to the gods: others to chastice and punish the enormious and outragious offences and wrongs committed by men: and others there are besides, of whom the Poet Hesiodus speaketh most [...] verently, saying: 30

Pure, holy, and syncere they be, the Donors of good things:
This honour is allotted them, beseeming noble kings.

Giving us by the way thus much to understand, that to doe good and be beneficiall is a roiall office and function: for a difference there is, and sundry degrees there be in the gifts and ver­tues of Daemons, like as among men. For in some of them there remaine still certaine small reliques (and the same verie feeble and scarce sensible) of that passionate and sensitive part of the soule which is not reasonable, even as a very excrement and superfluitie left behind of the rest: but in others againe, there abideth a great deale, and the same hardly to be extinguished, 40 whereof we may see lively the works and evident tokens in many places, disseminate in some sacrifices, feasts and ceremonies celebrated unto them; yea, and in the tales reported by them. Howbeit, as touching the mysteries and sacred services (by which & through which a man may more cleerely perceive than by any other meanes whatsoever, the true nature of the gods) I will not speake a word: let them lie close and hidden still for me, as Herodot us saith. But as for cer­teine festivall solemnities and sacrifices, which are held as dismall, unfortunate and heavy daies; when sometimes they use to eat raw flesh, and teare humane bodies piece-meale; or other­while to fast and knocke their brests; and in many places utter most filthy and beastly words du­ring the sacrifices:

Wagging their heads in frantike wise, 50
With strange all armes and hideous cries.

I will never beleeve that this is done for any of the gods: but will say rather, it is to avert the ire and appease the furie of some maligne divels. Neither carieth it any likelihood and probability, that ever any god would require men to be sacrificed unto them, as they were in old time: or stand well pleased with any such sacrifices. Neither was it for nought that kings and great cap­taines gave their owne children thus to be slaine; yea, and with their owne hands killed them for [Page 1330] sacrifice: but we are to beleeve that it was to turne away and divert the rankor and wrath of some perverse spirits and malicious fiends, or to satisfie such hurtfull divels; yea, and to fulfill the violent, furious and tyrannicall lusts of some, who either could not, or would not enjoy them with their bodies, or by their bodies. But like as Hercules besieged the city of Oechalia, for a virgins sake who was within: even so these powerfull and outragious fiends, demaunding some humane soule clad and compassed within a body, to be given unto them, and yet not able to ful­fill their lust by the body, bring pestilence, famine, dearth, and sterility of the ground upon ci­ties, raise wars and civil dissentions, untill such times as they come to have and enjoy that which they loved: and some doe cleane contrary; as it was my hap to observe in Candie, (where I abode a long time) how they celebrated a certaine monstrous feast, in which they made shew of 10 an headlesse mans image, saying it was Molus, the father of Meriones: for having forced or defloured a Nymph, he was afterwards found without an head. Moreover, what ravish ment so­ever, what wandring voiages, what occultations, flights, banishments, ministeries and services of the gods be reported and sung in fables or hymnes, certes they be all of them no passions and accidents that befell to gods indeed, but to some Daemons, whose fortunes were recorded in memoriall of their vertue & puissance: neither meant the Poet Aeschylus (a god) when he said:

Apollo chast, who now is sled,
And out of heaven bantshed;

Nor Admetus in Sophocles:

My chaunting cocke that crowes so shrill, 20
Hath raised [...] and brought to mill.

Also the Divines and Theologians of Delpht, are in a great error, and farre from the truth, who thinke, that sometimes in this place, there was a combat betweene Apollo and a dragon, about the hold and possession of this Oracle. They are to blame also, who suffer Poets and Oratours, striving one against another in their Theatres, to act or relate such matters; as if of purpose and expresly they contradicted and condemned those things which themselves performe in their most sacred solemnities. Heereat, when Philippus woondered much (for the Historiographer of that name was present in this companie) & demanded withall, what divine rites and ceremo­nies they might be, which were contradicted and testified against by these who contended in the Theaters? Mary even those (quoth Cleombrotus) which concerne this very Oracle of Del­phi, 30 and by which this citie not long since hath admitted and received into the sacred profession of holy mysteries, all the Greeks without Thermopylae, and excluded those that dwell as farre as the vale of Tempe. For the tabernacle or cotage heere of boughes (which is erected and set up every ninth yeere, within the court-yard of this temple) is not a representation of the dragons cave or denne, but rather of some tyrants or kings house: as also the affault or surprise there­of in great silence, by the way called Dolonia. Likewise, that a little after they bring thither a boy who hath both father and mother living, with torches light burning: and when they have set the said tabernacle or tent on fire, and overthrowne the table, runne away as hard as they can through the dores of the temple, and never looke behinde them. And finally, the wanderings of this boy in divers places, and his servile ministeries, together with the expiatory sacrifices and 40 ceremonies about Tempe, move suspicion that there should be represented thereby some no­torious outrage, and audacious fact perpetrated there in old time. For it were a meere mocke­ry (my friend Philippus) to say, that Apollo for killing the dragon, fled as farre as to the utmost coasts and marches of Greece, for to be purified and assoiled: also, that he offered thereon cer­teine expiatorie libations and effusions, and performed all such duties and services which men doe, when they would appease the wrath and indignation of such Daemons and curst fiends, whom we call Alastor as and Palamnaeos, as one would say, The revengers of such enormities and crimes as could not be forgotten, and those who bare still in minde some old sinnes, and pur­sued the same. As for that tale, which I my selfe of late have heard as touching this flight and banishment, it is woonderfull strange and prodigious: but if it conteine some trueth among, 50 we must not thinke, that it was a small and ordinary matter that befell in those daies about the said Oracle. But for feare I might be thought as Empedocles sometimes said:

To stitch the heads of sundry tales together,
And goe in divers pathes I know not whether:

Suffer me I beseech you to make a convenient end heere of my light discourses. For now are wee just come so farre, as we may also be bold after many others to affirme and pronounce, [Page 1331] that seeing the Daemons ordained for the presidence and superintendance of prophesies and Oracles doe faile, of necessity these Oracles also and divinations must cease with them; and when they be fled and gone, or change their residence, it cannot chuse but the former places must loose their propheticall power and vertue: also, that when after long time they be returned thither, the said places will begin againe to speake and sound, like unto instruments of musicke; namely, if they be present who have the skill to handle and use them accordingly. After that Cleombrotus had thus discoursed: There is not (quoth Heracleon) any one of this companie that is a prophane miscreant and infidell, not professed in our religion, or who holdeth any opi­nions as touching the gods, discordant from us. Howbeit, let us take heed our selves ô Philippus, lest ere we be aware, we doe not in our discourse & disputation put downe some erroneous sup­positions 10 and such as may make great ground workes of impiety. You say very well (quoth Philip) but what point is it of all those that Cleombrotus hath put downe, that is so offensive and scandalizeth you most? Then Heracleon: That they be not gods indeed who are the presidents of Oracles (because we ought to beleeve of them, that they be exempt from all terrestrial affaires) but that they be Daemons rather, or the angels and ministers of the gods; in my conceit is no bad nor impertinent supposall: but all at once & abruptly, by occasion of Empedocles his verses, to attribute unto these Daemons crimes, plagues, calamities, transgressions, [...] and er­rours sent from the gods above, and in the end to make them for to die, as mortall men; this I take to be somewhat to presumpteously spoken, and to smell of barbarous audacity. Then Cle­ombrotus asked Philippus, who this yong man was, and from whence he came? And when he 20 had heard his name and his country, he answered in this wise: We are not ignorant our selves (ô Heracleon) that we are fallen into a speech savoring somewhat of absurdity: but a man cannot possibly discourse of great matters, without he lay as great foundations at the beginning, for to proceed unto probability and prove his opinion. And as for your selfe, you are not aware, how you overthrow even that which you grant: for consesse you doe, that there be Daemons; but when you will needs maintaine that they be neither lewd nor mortall, you cannot make it good that they be at all. For wherein I pray you doe they differ from gods, in case they be in substance incorruptible, and in vertue impassible, or not subject to sinne? Heereupon Heracleon, when he had mused with himselfe not saying a word, and studied what answere to make, Cleombrotus went on and said: It is not Empedocles alone who hath given out there 30 were evill Daemons, but Plato also himselfe, [...] also and Chrysippus; yea and [...] when he wished and praied that he might meet with lucky images, both knew and gave us (no doubt) thereby to understand, that he thought there were others of them crooked and shrewd, and such as were badly affected and had evill intentions. But as touching the death of such, and how they are mortall, I have heard it reported by a man who was no foole nor a vaine lying person: and that was Epitherses the father of Aemilianus the oratour, whom some of you (I dare well say) have heard to plead & declaime. This Epitherses was my fellow-citizen and had beene my schoolemaster in grammar, and this narration he related: That minding upon a time to make a voiage by sea into Italy, he was embarqued in a ship fraught with much marchandize and having many passengers beside aboord. Now when it drew toward the evening, they hap­ned 40 (as he said) to be calmed about the Isles Echinades; by occasion where of their thip hulled with the tides untill at length it was brought neere unto the Islands Paxae, whiles most of the passengers were awake, and many of them still drinking after supper: but then, all on a sudden there was heard a voice from one of the Islands of Paxae, calling aloud unto one Thamus; inso­much as there was not one of all our company but he wondred thereat. Now this Thamus was a Pilot and an Aegyptian borne: but knowen he was not to many of them in the ship by that name. At the two first calles, he made no answere; but at the third time he obeied the voice, and answered: Here I am. Then he who spake, strained his voice and said unto him: When thou art come to *Some take it to be a place of manie [...] and shallowes. Palodes, publish thou and make it knowen: That the Great Pan is Dead. And as E­pitherses made report unto us, as many as heard this voice were wonderfully amazed thereat, 50 and entred into a discourse and disputation about the point, whether it were best to doe accor­ding to this commandement, or rather to let it passe and not curiously to meddle withall; but neglect it? As for Thamus, of this minde he was and resolved: If the winde served, to saile by the place quietly and say nothing; but if the windes were laid and that their ensued a calme, to crie and pronounce with a loud voice that which he heard. Well, when they were come to Palodes aforesaid the winde was downe and they were becalmed, so as the sea was very stil without waves. [Page 1332] Whereupon Thamus looking from the poupe of the ship toward the land, pronounced with a loud voice that which he had heard, and said: The great Pan is Dead. He had no sooner spo­ken the word but there was heard a mighty noise, not of one but of many together, who seemed to groane and lament, and withall to make a great wonder. And as it falleth commonly out when as many be present, the newes thereof was soone spred and divulged through the city of Rome, in such sort as Tiberius Caesar the emperour sent for Thamus: and Tiberius verily gave so good credit unto his wordes, that he searched and enquired with all diligence who that Pan might be. Now the great clerks and learned men (of whom he had many about him) gave their conjecture that it might be he, who was the sonne of Mercurie by Penelope. And verily Philippus had some of the companie present to beare witnesse with him, such as had beene Ae­milianus 01 scholars and heard as much. Then Demetrius made report, that many little desert and desolate Isles there were lying dispersed and scattering in the sea about Britaine, like unto those which the Greeks call Sporades; whereof some were named the Isles of Daemons, and Heroes or Demi-gods: also that himselfe by commission and commandement from the emperour, sailed toward the neerest of those desert Isles for to know and see somewhat; which he found to have very few inhabitants, and those all were by the Britaines, held for sacrosainct and invio­sable. Now within a while after he was arrived thither, the aire and weather was mightily trou­bled, many portenteous signes were given by terrible tempests and stormes, with extraordinary windes, thunders, lightnings, and firie impressions: but after that these tempests were ceased, the Ilanders assured him, that one of those Daemons or Demi-gods (who surmounted the na­ture 20 of man) was departed. For like as a lampe (say they) or candle, so long as it burneth light offendeth no bodie; but when it is put out or goeth forth, it maketh a stinke offensive unto ma­ny about it: even so, these great Soules whiles they shine and give light, be milde, gracious, and harmelesse; but when they come to be extinct or to perish, they raise (even as at that present) outragious tempests, yea and oftentimes infect the aire with contagious and pestilent mala­dies. They reported moreover, that in one of those Ilands Briareus kept Saturne prisoner in a sound sleepe (for that was the devise to hold him captive) about whose person there were many other Daemons of his traine and his servitours. Cleombrotus then taking occasion for to speake: I am able my selfe also (quoth he) to alledge many such examples if I list; but it may suffice for this present matter in hand, that this is nothing contrary nor opposit unto that 30 which by us hath beene delivered. And verily we know full well, that the Stoicks hold the same opinion not onely of Daemons that we doe, but also of the gods: that there being so great a multitude of them, yet there is but one alone immortall and eternall; whereas all the rest had their beginning by nativity and shall have an end by death. And as for the scoffes, scornes, and mockeries that the Epicureans make, we ought not to regard them, nor be affraid of them: for so audacious they are, that they use the same even in the divine providence, terming it a very fa­ble and oldwives tale. But we contrariwise hold, that their infinity of worldes is a fable indeed: as also to say, that among those innumerable worlds, there is not so much as one governed by reason or the providence of God; but that all things were first made and afterwards maintained by meere chance and fortune. Certes, if it be lawfull to laugh, and that we must needs make 40 game in matters of Philosophy, we should rather mocke those who bring into their disputations of naturall questions, I wot not what deafe, blinde, dumbe and inanimate images; remaining I know not where, and continuing in appearance infinit revolutions of yeeres, wandring round about and going to and fro: which say they, issue and flowe from bodies partly yet living, and partly from those who long agoe were dead, burnt, yea and rotten and putrified to nothing. These men (I say) we should doe well to laugh at, who draw such ridiculous toies and vaine sha­dowes as these, into the serious disputations of nature.

Meanwhile forsooth, offended they are and angry, if a man should say there be Daemons: and that not onely in nature but in reason also it standeth with good congruity, they should cōtinue and endure a long time. These speeches thus passed, Ammonius began in this wise: *Or Theo­phrastus some read. Cleombrotus 50 in mine opinion (quoth he) hath spoken very well: and what should impeach us, but that we may admit and receive his sentence, being so grave as it is, and most beseeming a Philosopher? For reject it once, we shall be forced to reject also and denie many things which are, and usually happen, whereof no certeine cause and reason can be delivered: and if it be admitted, it draw­eth after it no traine and consequence of any impossibility whatsoever, nor of that which is not subsistent. But as touching that one point, which I have heard the Epicureans alledge against [Page 1333] Empedocles, and the Daemons which he bringeth in, namely: That they cannot possibly be happy and long lived, being evill and sinfull as they are, for that vice by nature is blind, and of it selfe falleth ordinarily headlong into perils and inconveniences which destroy the life; this is a very sottish opposition: for by the same reason they must confesse, that Epicurus was worse than Gor­gias the Sophister; and Metrodorus, than Alexis the Comicall Poet: for this Poet lived twice as long as Metrodorus; and that Sophister, longer than Epicurus, by a third part of his age. For it is in another respect, that we say Vertue is puissant, and vice feeble, not in regard of the lasting continuance or dissolution of the bodie: for we see, that of beasts there be many dull, slow and blockish of spirit; many also by nature libidinous, unruly and disordered, which live longer than those that are full of wit, wily, wary and wise. And therefore they conclude not aright, in 10 saying, that the divine nature enjoieth immortality, by taking heed and avoiding those things that be noisome and mischievous. For it behooved, in the divine nature which is blessed and happy, to have set downe an impossibility of being subject to all corruption and alteration, and that it standeth in no need of care and labour to mainteine the said nature. But peradventure it seemeth not to stand with good maners and civility, to dispute thus against those that are not present to make answere for themselves: it were meet therefore, that Cleombrotus would resume and take in hand that speech againe, which he gave over and laied aside of late, as touching the departure and translation of these Daemons from one place to another. Then Cleombrotus: Yes mary, quoth he: but I would marvell, if this discourse of mine would not seeme unto you much more absurd than the former delivered already: and yet it seemeth to be grounded upon 20 naturall reason, and Plato himselfe hath made the overture thereto, not absolutely pronouncing and affirming so much; but after the maner of a doubtfull opinion and under covert words, ca­sting out a certeine wary conjecture tending that way, although among other Philosophers it hath beene disclaimed and cried out against. But forasmuch as there is set a cup on the boord, full of reasons and tales mingled together, and for that a man shall hardly meet in any place a­gaine with more courteous and gratious hearers, among whom he may passe and put away such narrations, as pieces of forren coine, and strange money: I will not thinke much to gratifie you thus farre foorth, as to acquaint you with a narration that I heard a stranger and a Barbarian re­late: whom (after many a journey made to and fro for to finde him out, and much money given by me for to heare where he was) I met with at length by good hap, neere unto the Red sea. His 30 maner was to speake and converse with men but once in the yeere; all the rest of his time (as he said himselfe) he spent among the Nymphs, Nomades and Daemons. Well, with much adoe I light upon him, I communed with him, and he used me courteously. The fairest man he was to see to, of all that ever I set eie on: neither was he subject to any disease: once every moneth he fed upon a medicinable and bitter fruit of a certeine herbe: and this was the fare he lived up­on. A good linguist he was, and used to speake many languages; but with me he talked com­monly in Greeke, after the Doricke dialect. His speech differed not much from song and mee­ter: and whensoever he opened his mouth for to speake, there issued forth of it so sweet and fra­grant a breath, that all the place about was filled therewith and smelled most pleasantly. As for his other learning and knowledge, yea, the skill of all histories, he had the same all the yere long: 40 but as touching the gift of divination, he was inspired therewith one day every yeere, and no more; and then he went downe to the sea side and prophesied of things to come: and thither re­sorted unto him the Princes and great Lords of that countrey, yea and Secretaries of forren kings, who there attended his comming at a day prefixed: which done, he returned. This perso­nage then attributed unto Daemons the spirit of divination and prophesie: most pleasure tooke he in hearing and speaking of Delphi: and looke whatsoever we hold here as touching Bacchus, what adventures befel unto him, & what sacrifices are performed by us in his honor, he had bene enformed thereof, and knew all well enough, saying withall: That as these were great accidents, that hapned to Daemons; so like wife was that, which men reported of the serpent Python: whom he that slew, was neither banished for nine yeres, nor fled into the valley of Tempe, but was cha­sed 50 out of this world, and went into another; from whence (after nine revolutions of the great yeeres) being returned all purified and Phoebus indeed, that is to say, cleere and bright, he reco­vered the superintendance of the Delphicke Oracle, which during that while was left to the cu­stodie of Themis. The same was the case (said he) of the Titons and Typhous. For he affirmed, they were the battels of Daemons against Daemons: the flights and banishments also of [...] who were vanquished: or rather the punishments inflicted by the gods upon as many as [...] [Page 1334] committed such outrages as Typhon had done against Osiris, and Saturne against * [...] . Caelus or the heaven: whose honours were the more obscure or abolished altogether, by reason that them­selves were translated into another world. For I understand and heare, that the Solymians who border hard upon the Lycians, highly honoured Saturne when the time was: but after that he having slaine their princes, Arsalus, Dryus and Trosobius, fled & departed into some other coun­trey (for whither he went they knew not) they made no more any reckoning of him: but Arsa­lus and the other, they termed by the name of Scleroi, that is to say, severe gods: and in trueth, the Lycians at this day, aswell in publicke as private, utter and recite the forme of all their curses and execrations in their names.

Many other semblable examples a man may draw out of Theologicall writings, as touching 10 the gods. Now if we call some of these Daemons by the usuall and ordinary names of the goes, we ought not to marvell thereat (quoth this stranger unto me:) for looke unto which of the gods they do reteine, upon whom they depend, and by whose meanes they have honour and pu­issance; by their names they love to be called: like as heere among us men, one is called Jovius of Jupiter; another, Palladius or Athenaeus of Minerva; a third, Apollonius of Apollo; or [...] and Hermaeus of Bacchus and Mercurie. And verily, some there be who although they be named thus at aventure, yet answer very fitly to such denominations; but many have gotten the denominations of the gods, which agree not unto them, but are transposed wrong and [...] . Herewith Cleombrotus paused: and the speech that he had delivered seemed very strange unto all the company. Then Heracleon demanded of him, whether this doctrine concerned Pla­to? 20 and how it was, that Plato had given the overture and beginning of such matter? You doe well (quoth Cleombrotus) to put me in minde heereof, and to reduce it into my memory. First and formost therefore, he condemneth evermore the infinity of worlds: mary about the just and precise number of them he doubteth: and howsoever he seemes to yeeld a probability and appa­rence of trueth unto those who have set downe five, and attributed to every element one; yet himselfe sticketh still to one, which seemeth indeed to be the peculiar opinion of Plato: wheras other Philosophers also have alwaies mightily feared to admit a multitude of worlds; as if neces­sarie it were, that those who staied not by the meanes of matter in one, but went out of it once, could not chuse but fall presently into this indeterminate and troublesome infinity. But this your stranger, (quoth I) determined he nothing of this multitude of worlds, otherwise than Pla­to 30 did? or all the whiles that you conversed with him, did you never move the question thereof unto him, to know what his opinion was thereof? Thinke you (quoth Cleombrotus) that I fai­led herein, and was not (howsoever otherwise I behaved my selfe) a diligent scholar and affecti­onate auditor of his in these matters, especially seeing he was so affable, and shewed himselfe so courteous unto me? But as touching this point, he said: That neither the number of the worlds was infinit, nor yet true it was, that there were no more but one, or five in all: for there were 183, and those ordeined and ranged in a forme triangular; of which triangle, every side contemed threescore worlds; and of the three remaining still, every corner thereof had one: that they were so ordered, as one touched and interteined another round, in maner of those who are in a ring dance: that the plaine within the triangle, is as it were the foundation and altar 40 common to all the worlds, which is called The Plaine or Field of Trueth: and within it lie im­movable the designes, reasons, formes, ideae and examples of all things that ever were or shall be: and about them is eternity, wherof time is a portion, which as a riveret, [...] from thence to those things that are done in time. Now the sight and contemplation of these things was presented unto the soules of men, if they lived well in this world, and that but once in ten thou­sand yeeres: as for our mysteries heere beneath, and all our best and most sacred ceremonies, they were but a dreame in comparison of that spectacle and holy ceremonies. Moreover, he said: That for the good things there, and for to enjoy the sight of those beauties, men emploied their study in Philosophy here: or els all their paines taken was but in vaine, and their travellost. And verily (quoth he) I heard him discourse of these matters plainly and without any art, no o­therwise 50 than if it had beene some religion wherein I was to be professed, in which he instructed me without using any proofe and demonstration of his doctrine. Then I (turning to Demetrius) called unto him, and asked what were the words that the woers of Penelope spake, when they be­field with admiration [...] handling his bow? And when Demetrius had prompted unto me the verse out of Homer: Surely (quoth I) it comes into my minde to say the very same of this stranger:

[Page 1335]
Surely, this fellow as I Weene,
Some * [...], some read [...], that is to say, a hunter. prying spie or theefe hath beene,

not of bowes, as he said of Ulysses, but of sentences, resolutions and discourses of Philosophie: he hath beene conversant, I say, no doubt in all maner of literature: and I warrant you, no stran­ger nor Barbarian borne, but a Grecian, thorowly furnished with all knowledge and doctrine of the Greeks. And verily, this number of the worlds whereof he talketh, bewraieth not an Aegyp­tian nor an Indian, but favoureth of some Dorian out of [...] , and namely, of Petron, borne in the city of Himera, who wrote a little booke of this argument; which I have not read my selfe, neither doe I know whether it be now extant: but Hippys the Rhegine (of whom Phanias the E­ressian maketh mention) writeth, that this was the opinion and doctrine of Petron; namely, that 10 there were 183 worlds, which raught one another in order and traine: but what he meant by this Reaching one another in order or traine, he declared not; neither annexed he any other probable reason thereof. Then Demetrius: And what likelihood or probability (quoth he) may there be in such matters, considering that Plato himselfe alledging no argument or conjecture that carieth with it any shew of trueth and reason, hath by that meanes overthrowen that opini­on? And yet (quoth Heracleon) we have heard you Grammarians say, that Homer was the first authour of this opinion, as if he divided the universall frame of All into five worlds; to wit, Heaven, Water, Aire, Earth, and Olympus: of which, he leaveth two to be common, name­ly, Earth, to Allbeneath; and Olympus, to All above: but the three in the [...] betweene them, hee attributeth unto three gods. Semblably, it seemeth that Plato allotting unto the 20 principall parts and members of the said universall nature, the first formes and most excel­lent figures of the bodies, called them five worlds; to wit, of the Earth, the Water, the Aire, the Fire, and finally, of that which comprehendeth the other; and that hee called the forme of Dodecaedron, that is to say, with twelve bases or faces, which amply extentendeth it selfe, is very capable and mooveable, as being a figure proper and meet for the animall motions and revolutions of the soules. What need we at this present (quoth Demetrius) to meddle with Homer? wee have had fables enough already, if that be good. As for Plato, hee is farre enough off from naming those five different substances of the world, five worlds: considering that even in that very place where he disputeth against those who maintein an infinit number of wor'ds, he affirmeth there is but one created by God, and beloved by him, as his onely begot­ten 30 childe, composed of all nature, having one entier bodie, sufficient in it selfe, and standing in need of nothing else. Whereupon a man may very well woonder and thinke it strange, that having himselfe delivered a trueth, he should give occasion to others thereby, to take hold of a false opinion, and wherein there is no apparence of reason. For, if he had not stucke hard to this unity of the world, in some sort he might have laid the foundation for those who hold them to be infinit: but that he should precisely affirme there were five, and neither more nor fewer, is exceeding absurd, and farre from all probabilitie; unlesse haply, you (quoth he, casting his eie upon me) can say somewhat to this point. How now (quoth I then) are you minded thus to leave your first disputation of Oracles, as if it were fully finished and ended, and to enter upon ano­ther matter of such difficulty? Nay (qooth Demetrius) we will not pasle it over so; but this here 40 that presenteth it selfe now, and taketh us as it were by the hand, we cannot put by: for we will not dwell long upon it, but onely touch it so, and handle it by the way, as that we may finde out some probability, and then will we presently returne unto our former question proposed in the beginning. First and formost therefore, I say: The reasons which permit us not to allow an in­finit number of worlds, impeach us not, but that we admit more than one. For as well in many worlds as in one, there may be divination, there may be providence, and the least intercur­rence of fortune: but the most part of the greatest and principall things shall have and take their generations, changes and mutations ordinarily: which cannot possibly be in that infinity of worlds. Over and besides, more consonant it is to reason, and accordeth better with the na­ture of God, to say, that the world is not created by him, one onely and solitary: for being (as 50 he is) perfectly and absolutely good, there is no vertue wanting in him, and least of all others that which concerneth justice and amity; which as they be of themselves most beautifull, so they are best befitting the gods. Now such is the nature of God, that he hath nothing either un­profitable or in vaine and without use: and therefore needs there must be beside and without him, other gods and other worlds, unto whom and which he may extend those sociall vertues that he hath. For neither in regard of himselfe, nor of any part in him, needeth he to use, ju­stice, [Page 1336] gracious favour and bounty, but unto others. So that it is not likely that this world flo­teth and mooveth without a friend, without a neighbour, and without any societie and com­munication, in a vast and infinit voidnesse; especially seeing we behold how nature encloseth, environeth, and comprehendeth all things, in their severall genders and distinck kinds, as it were within vessels or the husks and covertures of their seeds. For looke throughout the uni­versall nature, there is nothing to be found one in number, but it hath the notion and reason of the essence and being thereof, common to others: neither hath any thing such and such a de­nomination, but beside the common notion it is by some particular qualities distinct from others of the same kind. Now the world is not called so in common: then must it be such in par­ticular: and qualified it is in particular, and distinguished by certeine differences, from other 10 worlds of the same kinde, and yet hath a peculiar forme of the owne. Moreover, considering there is in the whole world, neither man alone, nor horse, nor starre, ne yet God or Dae­mon solitarie: what should hinder us to say, that nature admitteth not one onely world, but hath many? Now if any man shall object unto me and say, that in nature there is but one earth, or one sea: I answer, that he is much deceived and overseene, in not perceiving the evidence that is of similare parts: for we divide the earth into parts similare, that it is to say, of the semblable and the same denomination, like as we doe the sea also; for all the parts of the earth are called earth, and of the sea likewise: but no part of the world is world, for that it is composed of divers and different hatures. For as touching that inconvenience which some especially feare, who spend all matter within one world, lest forsooth if there remained any thing without, it should 20 trouble the composition and frame thereof, by the jurres and resistances that it would make: furely there is no such cause why they should feare; for when there be many worlds, and ech of them particularly having one definit and determinate measure and limit of their substance and matter, no part thereof will be without order and good disposition, nothing will remaine su­perfluous, as an excrement without, to hinder or impeach; for that the reason which belongeth to ech world, being able to rule and governe the matter that is allotted thereto, will not suf­fer any thing to goe out of course and order, and wandring to and fro, for to hit and run upon another world; nor likewise that from another ought should come for to rush upon it because in nature there is nothing in quantity infinit & inordinate, nor in motion without reason & order. But say there should happly be some deflux or effluence that pasleth from one world to ano­ther, 30 the same is a brotherly sweet and amiable communication, and such as very well agreeth to all: much like unto the lights of starres, and the influences of their temperatures, which are the cause that they themselves doe joy in beholding one another with a kinde and favourable aspect; yea and yeeld unto the gods, which in every starre be many (and those good) meanes to intertaine and embrace one another most friendly. For in all this, verily, there is nothing im­possible, nothing fabulous nor contrary unto reason: unlesse paradventure some there be who will suspect and feare the reason and sentence of Aristotle, as consonant unto nature. For if as he saith, every body hath a proper and naturall place of the owne; by reason thereof necessa­rily it must be, that the earth from all parts should tend toward the midst, and the water after­wards upon it, serving (by meanes of their weight and ponderosity) in stead of a foundation to 40 other elements of a lighter substance. And therefore (quoth he) if there were many worlds, it would fall out oftentimes that the earth should be found situate above aire and fire, and as often under them: likewise the aire and fire sometime under, otherwhiles in their naturall places, and againe in others contrary to their nature. Which being impossible, as he thinketh, it must fol­low of necessity, that there be neither two nor more worlds, but one alone, to wit, this which we visibly [...] composed of all sorts of substance, and disposed according to nature, as is meet and convenient for diversity of bodies. But in all this there is more apparent probability than veri­ty indeed. For the better proofe heereof, consider I pray you my good friend Demetrius, that when he saith, among simple bodies some bend directly to the midst, that is to say downward: others from the midst that is to say upward: and a third sort move round about the midst and 50 circularly: in what respect taketh he the midst? Certaine it is, not in regard of voidnesse, for there is no such thing in nature, even by his owne opinion: againe, according unto those that admit it, middle can it have none, no more than first or last: For these be ends and extremities: and that which is infinite must consequently be also without an end. But suppose, that some one of them should enforce us to admit a middle in that voidnesse, impossible it is to conceive and imagine the difference in motions of bodies toward it: because there is not in that void­nesse [Page 1337] any puissance attractive of bodies; nor yet within the same bodies, any deliberation or in­clination and affection to tend from all sides to this middle. But no lesse impossible is it to ap­prehend, that of bodies having no soule any should moove of themselves to an incorporall place, and having no difference of situation; than it is that the same should draw them or give them any motion or inclination to it. It remaineth then, that this middle ought to be under­stood not locally but corporally, that is to say not in regard of place, but of body. For, seeing this world is an union, or masse compounded of many bodies different and unlike conjoigned together; it must needs be, that their diversities engender motions discrepant and [...] one from the other: which appeereth by this; that every of these bodies changing substance, change their place also withall. For the subtilization and rarefaction distributeth round about 10 the matter which ariseth from the midst and ascendeth on high: contrariwise, condensation and constipation depresseth and driveth it downeward to the middle. But of this point, we need not discourse any more in this place. For what cause soever a man shall suppose to produce such passions and mutations, the same shall containe in it a severall world: for that each of them hath an earth and sea of the owne, each one hath her owne proper middle, as also passions and alterations of bodies, together with a nature and power which preserveth and [...] eve­ry one in their place and being. For that which is without, whether it have nothing at all, or else an infinite voidnesse, middle can it affoord none, as we have said before: but there being many worldes, each of them hath a proper middle apart; in such sort, as in every one there shall be motions proper unto bodies, some falling downe to the midst, others mounting aloft from the 20 midst, others mooving round about the midst, according as they themselves doe distinguish motions. And he who would have, that there being many middles, weighty bodies from all parts should tend unto one alone; may very well be compared unto him, who would have the blood of many men to run from all parts into one vaine: likewise that all their braines should be contained within one and the same membraine or pannicle; supposing it a great inconveni­ence and absurdity, if of naturall bodies all that are solide be not in one and the same place, and the rare also in another. Absurd is he that thus saith; and no lesse foolish were the other, who thinketh much and is offended, if the whole should have all parts, in their order, range and situ­ation naturall. For it were a very grosse absurdity for a man to say, there were a world, which had the Moone in it so situate, as if a man should carry his braine in his heeles, and his heart in 30 the temples of his head: but there were no absurdity nor inconvenience, if in setting downe ma­ny distinct worldes and those separate one from another, a man should distinguish with all and separate their parts. For in every of them, the earth, the sea, and the skie, shall be so placed and situate in their naturall seats, as it is meet and appertaineth: and each of those worlds shall have superior, inferiour, circular, and a centre in the midst; not in regard of another world nor of that which is without, but in it selfe and in respect of it selfe. And as for the supposition which some make of a stone without the world, it cannot be imagined how possibly it should either rest or moove: for how can it hang still, seeing it is ponderous and waighty? or moove toward the midst of the world as other heavy bodies, considering it is neither part of it, nor counted in the substance thereof?

As concerning that earth which is contained in another world and fast bound, we need not 40 to make doubt and question, how it should not fall downe hither by reason of the wieght, not be plucked away from the whole; seeing as we doe, that it hath a naturall strength to containe every part thereof. For if we shall take high and low, not within and in respect of the world, but without forth, we shall be driven unto the same difficulties and distresses, which Epicurus is fallen into, who maketh his little Atomes or indivisible bodies to move and tend toward those places which are under foot: as if either his voidnesse had feet, or the infinity which he spea­keth of, permit a man to imagine either high or low. And therefore some cause there is to marvell at Chrysippus, or rather to enquire and demand what fansie hath come into his head, and mooved him to say, that this world is seated and placed directly in the midst; and that the sub­stance 50 thereof, from all [...] having taken up and occupied the place of the midst, yet ne­verthelesse it is so compact and tied together that it endureth alwaies and is (as one would say) immortalized: for so much hath he written in his fourth booke [...], that is to say, Of pos­sible things; dreaming (to no purpose) of a middle place in that vast [...] : and yet more absurdly attributing unto that middle (which is not, nor hath any subsistence) the cause of the worlds continuance and stabilitie; especially having written thus much many times in other [Page 1338] places, that the substance is governed and mainteined partly by the motions tending to the mids, and partly by others from the mids of it. As for other oppositions besides, that the Sto­icks make, who is there that feareth them? as namely, when they demand, How it is possible to mainteine one fatall necessity, and one divine providence? and how it can otherwise be, but that there should be many DIES and ZENES, that is to say, Joves and Jupiters, if we grant that there be many worlds? For to begin withall, if it be an inconvenience, to allow many such Joves and Jupiters, their opinions verily be farre more absurd: for they devise an infinit sort of Sunnes, Moones, Apolloes, Dianaes and Neptunes, in innumerable conversions & revolutions of worlds. Moreover, what necessitie is there, to enforce us to avow many Jupiters, if there be many worlds? and not rather, in every of them a severall god, as a sovereigne governor and ruler of the whole, 10 furnished with all understanding and reason, as he whom we surname the Lord and Father of all things? Or what should hinder, but that all worlds might be subject to the providence & destiny of Jupiter: and he reciprocally have an eie to oversee all, to direct, digest and conduct all, in mi­nistring unto them the principles, beginnings, seeds and reasons of all things that are done and made? For it being so that we do see even here many times, a bodie composed of many other distinct bodies; as for example, the assembly or congregation of a city, an armie, and a daunce; in every one of which bodies there is life, prudence, and intelligence, as Chrysippus thinketh: im­possible it is not likewise, that in this universall nature, there should be ten, fifty, yea and a hun­dred worlds, using all one and the same reason, and correspondent to one beginning. But con­trariwise, this order and disposition is best beseeming the gods. For we ought not to make the 20 gods like unto the kings of a swarme of bees, which go not forth, but keepe within the hive; nor to holde them enclosed and imprisoned (as it were) rather, and shut up fast within Matter, as these men do, who would have the gods to be certeine habitudes or dispositions of the aire; and supposing them to be powers of waters and of fire infused and mixed within, make them to arise and be engendred together with the world, and so afterwards, to be burnt likewise with it, not al­lowing them to be loose and at libertie, like as coatch-men and pilots are; but in maner of sta­tues or images are set fast unto their bases with nailes, and sodered with lead: even so they en­close the gods within bodily matter, and pin them hard thereto; so as being jointed (as it were) sure unto it, they participate therewith all changes and alterations, even to finall corruption and dissolution. Yet is this opinion fare more grave, religious and magnificent, in my conceit: to 30 holde that the gods be of themselves free, and without all command of any other power. And like as they firy light Castor and Pollux succour those who are tossed in a tempest, and by their comming and presence

Allay the surging waves of sea below,
And still the blustring winds aloft that blow;

and not sailing themselves, nor partaking the same perils with the mariners, but onely appearing in the aire above, save those that were in danger: even so the gods for their pleasure goe from one world to another, to visit them; and together with nature, rule and governe every one of them. For Jupiter verily in Homer, cast not his eies far from the city of Troy, either into Thracia, or the Nomades and vagrant Scythians along the river Ister or Daunbie: but the true Jupiter in­deed 40 hath many faire passages & goodly changes beseeming his majesty out of one world into another, neither looking into the infinit voidnesse without, nor beholding himselfe and nothing els, as some have thought; but considering the deeds of men and of gods, the motions also and revolutions of the starres in their sphaeres. For surely, the deity is not offended with variety, nor hateth mutations: but taketh much pleasure therein, as a man may guesse by the circuitions, conversions and changes which appeare in the heaven. I conclude therefore, that the infinitie of worlds is a very senselesse and false conceit, such as in no wise will beare and admit any god, but emploieth fortune and chance in the managing of all things: but contrariwise, the admini­stration and providence of a certeine quantity and determinate number of worlds, seemeth unto me neither in majestie and worthinesse inferior, nor in travell more laborious, than that which is 50 emploied and restreined to the direction of one alone; which is transformed, renewed and me­tamorphozed (as it were) an infinit sort of times. After I had delivered this speech, I paused and held my peace. Then Philippus, making no long stay: As for me, I will not greatly strive nor stand upon it (quoth he) whether the trueth be so or otherwise: but in case we force God out of the superintendance of one onely world, how is it, that we make him to be Creatour of five worlds, neither more nor lesse? and what the peculiar and speciall reason is of this number to [Page 1339] a plurality of worlds, rather than of any other, I would more willingly know, than the occa­sion or cause, why this Mot [EI] is so consecrated in this Temple. For it is neither a trian­gular, nor a quadrat, nor a perfect, ne yet a cubique number: neither seemeth it to represent any other elegancie unto those, who love and esteeme such speculations as these.

And as for the argument inferred from the number of elements, which Plato himselfe obscurely and under covert tearmes touched, it is very hard to comprehend; neither doeth it carie and shew any probabilitie, whereby he should be induced to conclude, and draw in a consequence: that like it is, considering in matter there be engendered five sorts of regu­lar bodies, having equall angels, equall sides, and environed with equall superficies; there should semblably of these five bodies, be five worlds made and formed, from the very first be­ginning. 10 And yet (quoth I) it should seeme, that Theodorus the Solian, expounding the Ma­thematicks of Plato, handleth this matter not amisse, nor misinterpreteth the place; and thus goeth he to worke: The Pyramis, Octaedron, Dodecaedron, and Icosaedron (which Plato setteth downe for the first bodies) are right beautifull all, both for their proportions, and also for their equalities: neither is there left for nature any other, to devise and forme better than they, or indeed answerable and like unto them. Howbeit, they have not all either the same con­stitution, nor the like originall: for the least verily and smallest of the five is the Pyramis; the greatest and that which consisteth of most parts, is Dodecaedron; and of the other two behind, the Icosaedron is bigger by two fold and more, than Octaedron, if you compare their num­ber of triangles. And therfore impossible it is, that they should be all made at once of one and 20 the same matter; for the small and subtile, and such as in composition are more simple than the rest, were more pliable no doubt, and obedient unto the hand of workemen, who mooved and formed the matter, and therefore by all consequence sooner made and brought into sub­sistence, than those which had more parts and a greater masse of bodies: of which, and name­ly of such as had more laborious making, and a busier composition, is Dodecaedron. Where­upon it followeth necessarily, that the Pyramis onely was the first body, and not any of the other as being by nature created and produced afterwards. But the remedie and meanes to salve and avoid this absurditie also, is to separate and devide the matter into five worlds: for here the Pyramis came foorth first; there the Octaedron, and elsewhere the Icosaedron; and in eve­ry of these worlds, out of that which came first into esse, the rest drew their originall, by the con­cretion 30 of parts, which causeth them all to change into all, according as Plato doth insinuate, discoursing by examples in maner throughout all: but it shall suffice us briefly to learne thus much. For aire is engendred by the extinction of fire: and the same againe being subtilized and rarefied, produceth fire. Now in the seeds of these two, a man may know their passions, and the transmutations of all. The seminary or beginning of fire is the Pyramis, composed of foure & twenty first triangles: but the seminary of the aire is Octaedron, consisting of triangles of the same kind, in number fortie eight. And thus the one element of aire, standeth upon two of fire, composed and conjoined together: and againe, one body or element of the aire, is devi­ded and parted into twaine of fire; which becomming to be thickned and constipate more still in it selfe, turneth into the forme of water; in such sort, as throughout, that which commeth 40 first into light, giveth alwaies a ready and easie generation unto all the rest, by way of change and transmutation: and so, that never remaineth solitary and alone which is first; but as one masse and constitution hath the primitive & antecedent motion in another of originall begin­ning: so in all there is kept one name and denomination. Now surely (quoth Ammonius) it is stoutly done of Theodorus, and he hath quit himselfe very well, in fetching about this matter so industriously. But I would much marvell if these presuppositions of his making, do not over­throw and refute one another: for he would have, that these five worlds were not composed all at once together; but that the smallest and most subtile which required least workmanship in the making, came foorth first: then as a thing consequent, and not repugnant at all, he suppo­seth that the matter doth not thrust foorth alwaies into essence, that which is most subtile and 50 simple; but that otherwhiles the thickest, the most grosse and heaviest parts, shew first in gene­ration. But over and besides all this, after a supposall made, that there be five primitive bodies or elements, and consequently thereupon five worlds; he applieth not his proofe and probabi­litie but unto foure onely. For as touching the cube, he subtracteth and remooveth it quite away, as they doe who play at nine holes, and who trundle little round stones: for that such a square & quadrate body every way is naturally unfit, either to turne into them, or to yeeld them [Page 1340] any meanes to turne into it for that the triangles of which they be composed, are not of the same kind: for all the rest do in a common consist of a demi-triangle, as the base; but the proper subject whereof this cube particularly standeth, is the triangle Isoscetes, which admitteth no inclination unto a demi-triangle, nor possibly can be concorporate or united to it. Now if it be so, that of those five bodies there be consequently five worlds, & that in ech one of those worlds the beginning of their generation and constitution, is that body which is first produced and brought to light: it would come to passe, that where the cube commeth foorth first for the generation of the rest, none of the other bodies can possibly be there, forasmuch as the nature of it is not to turne or change into any one of them. For I let passe heere to alledge, that the element or principle whereof Dodecaedron is composed, is not that triangle which is called 10 Scalenon, with three unequall sides, but some other as they say, how ever Plato hath made his Pyramis, Octaedron, and Icosaedron of it: And therefore (quoth Ammonius, smiling thereat) either you must dissolve these objections, or else alledge some new matter as touching the question now presently in hand. Then answered I: For mine owne part alledge I am not able at this time any thing that carieth more probability: but peradventure it were better for a man to yeeld reasons of his owne opinion rather, than of anothers. To begin againe therefore I say, that nature being parted and devided at the first in two parts, the one sensible, mutable, subject to generation and corruption, and varietie every way; the other spirituall and intelligible, and con­tinuing evermore in one and the same state, it were very strange and absurd my good friends, first to say that the spirituall nature receiveth division, and hath diversity and difference in it: 20 and then to thinke much and grow into heat of cholar and anger, if a man allow not the passible and corporall nature wholly united and concorporate in it selfe, without dividing or separating it into many parts. For more meet it were yet, and reasonable, that natures parmanent and divine should cohere unto themselves inseparably, and avoid as much as is possible all distraction and divulsion: and yet this force and power of The Other, medling also even with these, causeth in spirituall and intellectuall things, greater dissociations and dissimilitudes in forme and essentiall reason, than are the locall distances in those corporall natures. And therefore Plato confuting those who hold this position, that all is one, affirmeth these five grounds and principles of all, to wit, Essence or seeing, The same, The other, and after all, Motion, and Station. Admit these five, no marvell is it, if nature of those five bodily elements hath framed proper figures and re­presentations 30 for every one of them, not simple and pure, but so, as every one of them is most participant of each of those properties and puissances. For, plaine and evident it is that the cube is most meet and sortable unto station and repose, in regard of the stability and stedy fir­mitude of those broad and flat faces which it hath. As for the Pyramis who seeth not and ac­knowledgeth not incontinently in it the nature of fire, ever mooving in those long and slender sides and sharpe angles that it hath. Also the nature of Dodecaedron apt to comprehend all other figures, may seeme propetly to be the image representing Ens, or That which is, in respect of all corporall essence. Of the other twaine, Icosaedron resembleth The Other, or Diverse: but Octaedron, hath a principall reference to the forme of The same. And so by this recko­ning, the one of them produceth foorth Aire, capable of all substance in one forme; and the 40 other exhibiteth unto us Water, which by temperature may turne into all sorts of qualities. Now if so be that nature requireth in all things and throughout all, an equall and uniforme di­stribution, very probable it is, that there be also five worlds, and neither more nor fewer, than there be moulds or patterns: to the end that ech example or patterne may hold the first place and principall puislance in ech world, like as they have in the first constitution and compositi­on of bodies. And this may stand in some sort for an answer, and to satisfie him who mervai­leth, how we devide that nature which is subject to generation and alteration, into so many kinds: but yet I beseech you, consider and weigh with me more diligently this argument. Cer­teine it is, that of those two first and supreme principles, I meane Unity, and Binary or Duality; this latter being the element and originall primative of all difformity, disorder and confusion, 50 is called Infinity: but contrariwise the nature of Unitie, determining and limiting the void infi­nity, which hath no proportion nor termination, reduceth it into a good forme, and maketh it in some sort capable and apt to receive a denomination, which alwaies accompanieth sensible things. And verily these two generall principles shew themselves; first in number, or rather indeed to speake generally, no multitude is called number, untill such time as unitie comming to be imprinted as the forme in matter, cutteth off from indeterminate infinity, that which is [Page 1341] superfluous, heere more and there lesse; for then ech multitude becommeth and is made num­ber, when as it is once determined and limited by unitie: but if a man take unitie away, then the indesinite and indeterminate Dualitie, comming againe in place to confound all, maketh it to be without order, without grace, without number, and without measure. Now considering it is so, that the forme is not the destruction of matter, but rather the figure, ornament and order thereof; it must needs be, that both these principles are within number, from which proceedeth the chiefe dissimilitude and greatest difference. For the indefinite and indeterminate principle, to wit, Duality, is the author and cause of the even number: but the better, to wit, Unitie is the father (as one would say) of the odde number; so as the first even number is two, and the first odde number three, of which is compounded five, by conjunction common to both, but in 10 the owne puissance odde. For it behooved, & necessary it was, in as much as that which is corpo­rall & sensible for composition sake, is divided into many parts by the power and force of The Other, that is to say, of Diversitie, that it should be neither the first even number, nor yet the first uneven or odde, but a third consisting of both: to the end that it might be procreate of both principles, to wit, of that which engendreth the even number, and of that which produceth the odde; for it could not be, that the one should be parted from the other, because that both of them have the nature & puissance of a principle. These two principles then being conjoinct to­gether, the better being the mightier, is opposed unto the indeterminate infinitie, which divi­deth the corporal nature; & so the matter being divided, the unitie interposing it selfe between, impeacheth the universall nature, that it was not divided and parted into two equall porti­ons: 20 but there was a pluralitie of worlds caused by The Other, that is to say, by Diversitie, and difference of that which is infinit and determinate; but this [...] was brought into an odde and uneven number, by the vertue and puissance of The same and that which is finite, because the better principle suffred not nature to extend farther than was expedient. For if one had beene pure and simple without mixture, the matter should have had no separation at all; but in as much as it was mixed with Dualitie, which is a divisive nature, it hath received indeed and suf­fred by this meanes separation and division: howbeit, staied it hath in good time, because the odde was the master and superior over the even. This was the reason that our auncients in old time were wont to use the verbe Pempasesthai, when they would signifie to number or to reckon: And I thinke verily that this word [...], that is to say, All, was derived of Pente, that is to 30 say, Five, & not without good reason, because that five is compounded of the two first numbers; and when other numbers afterwards be multiplied by others, they produce divers numbers: whereas five if it be multiplied by an even number and dubled, bringeth forth Ten, a perfect number; but if by the odde, it representeth it selfe againe. Heere I omit to say, that it is compo­sed of the two first quadrate numbers, to wit of Unity and Foure; and that it is the first number which is equivalent to the two before it, in such sort as it compoundeth the fairest triangle of those that have right angle, and is the first number that containeth the sesquialter all proportion. For haply these reasons be not well sutable nor proper unto the discourse of this present mat­ter: but this rather is more convenient to alledge, that in this number, there is a naturall vertue and facultie of dividing, and that nature divideth many things by this number. For even in our 40 owne selves she hath placed five exterior senses, as also five parts of the soule, to wit, naturall, sensitive, concupiscible, irascible, and reasonable: likewise so many fingers in either hand. Also the generall seed is at the most distributed into five portions: for in no history is it found writ­ten, that a woman was delivered of more than five children at one birth. The Aegyptians also in their fables doe report, that the goddesse Rhea brought forth five gods and goddesses: signi­fying heereby under covert words, that of one and the same matter five worldes were procrea­ted. Come to the universall fabricke and frame of nature, the earth is divided into five zones; the heaven also in five circles, two Arctiques, two Tropickes, and one Aequinoctiall in the midst. Moreover five revolutions there be of the Planets or wandring starres: for that the Sunne, Venus and Mercurie run together in one race. Furthermore the very world it selfe is 50 composed [...] respective to five. Like as even among us our musicall accord and concent consisteth of the positure of five tetrachords, ranged orderly one after another, to wit, of Hypates, Meses, Synnemenae, Diezeugmenae, and Hyperboliaeae likewise. The intervals like­wise in song which we use be five in number, Dresis, Semitonion, Tonus, [...] , and [...] . So as, it seemeth that nature taketh more pleasure in making all things according to the number of five, than after a Sphaericall or round forme; as Aristotle writeth. But what is [Page 1342] the cause will some one say, that Plato hath reduced the number of five worldes to the five pri­mitive figures of regular bodies, saying, that God in ordaining and describing the whole world used the Quinarie construction? and yet afterwards having proposed the doubtfull question of the number of worldes (to wit, whether we should hold, there was but one, or rather that there were five in truth?) he sheweth plainely that his conjecture is grounded upon this very argu­ment. If therefore we ought to apply the probability to his minde and opinion, then of ne­cessity with the diversity of these figures and bodies there must ensue presently a difference also of motions, according as he himselfe teacheth, affirming: Whatsoever is subtilized or thick­ned, with the alteration of substance changeth withall the place. For so, if of the aire is ingen­dred fire, namely when the Octaedron is dissolved and parted into Pyramides: and contrariwise 10 aire of fire being driven close and thrust together into the force of octaedron: it is not possible that it should be in the place where it was afore, but flie and runne into another, as being forced and driven out of the former, and so fight against whatsoever standeth in the way and maketh re­sistance. And yet more fully and evidently declareth he the same by a similitude and example of such things, as by fannes or such like instruments whereby corne is clensed & shaken out, or winowed and tried from the rest: saying that even so the elements shaking the matter, and like­wise shaken by it, went alwaies to bring like to like, and some tooke up this place, others that, be­fore the universall world was of them composed as now it is. The generall matter therefore being in such estate then (as by good likelihood All must needs be where god is away) present­ly the first five qualities, or rather the first five bodies, having every one of them their proper in­clinations 20 and peculiar motions, went apart: not wholly and altogether, nor severed sincerely asunder one from another, for that when all was hudled pell-mell confusedly, such as were sur­mounted and vanquished, went evermore even against their nature with the mightier and those which conquered. And therefore when some were haled one way, and others caried another way, it hapned that they made as many portions and distinctions in number just as there were divers kindes of those first bodies: the one of fire, and yet the same not pure, but carying the forme of [...] : another of a celestial nature, not sincere heaven indeed, but standing much of the skie: a third of earth, and yet not simply and wholy earth, but rather earthly. But principally, there was a communication of aire and water, as we have said heeretofore, for that these went their waies filled with many divers kindes. For it was not God who separated and disposed the 30 substance, but having found it so rashly and confusedly dissipated of it selfe, and ech part caried diversly in so great disorder, he digested and arranged it by Symmetrie and competent propor­tion. Then, after he had set over every one, Reason as a guardian and governesse, he made as many worldes as there were kindes of those first bodies subsistent. And thus let this discourse for Ammontus sake, be dedicated as it were to the grace and favour of Plato. For mine owne part, I wil never stand so precisely upon this number of worlds: mary of this minde I am rather, that their opinion who hold that there be more worldes than one (howbeit not infinit but deter­minate) is not more absurd than either of the other, but founded upon as much reason as they: seeing as I doe, that Matter of the owne nature is spred and diffused into many parts, nor resting in one, and yet not permitted by reason, to runne in in finitum. And therefore, especially heere 40 (if else where) putting our selves in minde of the Academie and the precepts thereof, let us not be over credulous, but as in a slippery place restraine our assent and beleefe: onely in this point of infinity of worldes, let us stand firme and see we fall not but keepe our selves upright. When I had delivered these reasons abovesaid: Beleeve me (quoth Demetrius) Lamprias giveth us a good and wise admonition, For

The gods, for to deceive us men, devise
Right many meanes not of false Sophistries

as Euripides faith: but of their deeds & works, when we presume and dare pronounce of so high and great matters, as if we knew them certainely. But as the man himselfe said even now, we must recall our speech unto the argument which was first proposed. For that which heeretofore 50 hath beene said, namely that the Oracles are become mute and lie still without any validity, be­cause the Daemons which were wont to governe them, be retired and gone, like as instruments of musicke yeeld no sound and harmonic when the Musicians handle them not: this (I say) gi­veth occasion to moove another question of greater importance, as touching the cause and power, by which the Daemons use to make their prophets and prophetesses to be ravished with an Enthusiasme or divine fury and full of fantasticall visions. For it is to no purpose to say, that [Page 1343] the Oracles are silent, because they be abandoned and forsaken of the Daemons; unlesse we be first perswaded, that when they be present and president over them, they set them a worke, and cause them to speake and prophesie. Then Ammonius taking his turne to speake: Thinke you (quoth he) that these Daemons be called any thing els,

Then spirits clad with substance of the aire,
Which walke about the earth, now here now there,

as saith Hesiodus? For it seemeth unto me, that looke how one man differeth from another, play­ing either in a Comedie or a Tragedie: the same difference sheweth in the soule, which is arrai­ed and clothed within a bodie during this life. There is nothing therefore herein, either strange or without appearance of reason, if soules meeting with other soules, imprint in them visions and 10 fansies of future things: like as we also shew many accidents done and past, yea and foretell and prognosticate of such as are to come, not all by lively voice, but some by letters and writings, nay by touching onely and the regard of the eie; unlesse peradventure, you have somewhat els (ô Lamprias) to say against this. For it was not long since told us, that you had much disputati­on and conference with certeine strangers in [...] ; but he who related this newes unto us, could not call exactly to minde what talke passed betweene you. Marvell not thereat (quoth I:) for many affaires and occurrents fell out at once betweene, by occasion that the Oracle was open, and a sacrifice solemnized, which caused our speeches to be dispersed, distracted and scat­tered disorderly. But now (quoth Ammonius) your auditors be at good leasure, willing also to aske questions and to learne, not desirous to contest and contradict in a litigious and quarrel­some 20 humor; before whom you may have good leave to speake what you will, and for that liber­berty of speech have pardon at their hands and be held excused, as you see. Now when the rest of the company invited and exhorted me likewise, after some pause made and silence for a while, I began againe in this maner: Certes (quoth I,) ô Ammonius it fortuned so, I wot not how, that even your selfe gave the overture and first occasion of those discourses which then and there were held. For if Daemons be spirits and soules separate from bodies, and having no felowship with them (as your selfe said, following heerein the divine Poet Hesiodus who calleth them:

Pure saincts, heere walking on the earth at large:
Of mortall men, who have the care and charge) 30

why deprive we those spirits and soules which are within the bodies, of this same puissance, whereby the Daemons are able to foresee and foretell things to come? For it is not like, that the soules acquired any new propriety or power, when they have abandoned the bodies, where­with they were not endued before: but thinke we must that they had the same parts and facul­ties alwaies, although worse I must needs say, when they be mixed with bodies. And some of them verily appeare not at all, but be hidden: others are but obscure and feeble, such as heavily and slowly performe their operations (much like unto those who see through a thicke mist, or moove in some moist and waterish substance) desiring greatly to be cured, and to recover that facultie which is their owne; to be discharged also and clensed of that which hindreth and de­fraudeth them of it. For the soule, even while it is bound and tied to the body, hath indeed a 40 power to foresee and [...] things: but blinded it is with the terrestriall mixture of corpo­rall substance; for that, like as the Sunne becommeth not then to be cleere, and not afore, when he is past the clouds; but being of himselfe alwaies shining, he seemeth unto us darke and trou­bled through a mist: even so the soule, getteth not then a new power of divination and prophe­sie, when she departeth out of the body, as if she were escaped out of a cloud; but having the same before, is dimmed and obscured by the commixtion and confusion with that which is mortall and corruptible. Neither ought we to make a wonder heereat, and thinke it incredible, seeing as we [...] there were nothing else in the soule) how that faculty which we call Memory, is equipollent and answerable in an opposite respect unto the puissance of divination; and con­sidering the great effect thereof, in preserving and keeping things past or rather indeed kee­ping 50 them whiles they be. For to say truely, of that which is once passed nothing remaineth nor subsisteth in esse, were they actions, wordes, or passions: for all things be transitory and passe away as soone as they are, because time, in maner of a current or streame, carieth all away be­fore it: but this memorative faculty of the soule catching hold thereof I know not how, and staying it for slipping away, giveth an imagination of essence and being to those things, which in trueth are not. For the Oracle verily which was given to the Thessalians as touching the city Arna, willed them to utter and speake

[Page 1344]
That which the blinde see cleare,
And what the deafe doe heare.

But memory is unto us the hearing of the deafe, and the sight likewise of the blinde; in such sort, as no marvell it is (as I have already said) if our soule in retaining still things which are no more, doth anticipate many of those also, which are not yet. And such objects indeed con­cerne it rather, and therewith is it affected more. For she bendeth and inclineth towards things that are to come: whereas of such as be already past and come to their end, she is freed and deli­vered, but onely that she remembreth them. Our soules then having this puissance in them inbred and naturall, though feeble, obscure, and hardly able to expresse and represent their ima­ginations; yet neverthelesse some of them shew and put them forth many times in dreames 10 and in certaine sacred ceremonies and mysteries: namely, when the body is well purified, or re­ceiveth a fit temperature therefore, or else for that the reasonable and speculative faculty being then sreed from the cares of things present, joineth with the unreasonable and imaginative part, and turneth it to thinke upon the future. For I approove not that which Euripides saith:

I hold him for Divinor hest,
Who in conjectures museth lest.

but he verily who is directed by the reasonable and intelligent part of the soule, and followeth the conduct and leading there of by all probabilitie. Now that power or facultie of divination (like unto a paire of blanke writing tables, wherein there is nothing written) void of reason and not determinate of it selfe, but onely apt and meet to receive fansies, affections, and presensi­ons, 20 without any discourse of reason, or ratiocination, hitteth upon that which is to come, at what time as it is most remooved from that which is present; and in this extasie is it transmu­ted, by a certaine temperature and disposition of the body, which we call Enthusiasme or inspi­ration. Now such a disposition as this, many times the body of it selfe hath; but the earth putteth foorth and yeeldeth unto men the sources and fountaines of many other powers and faculties: some of which transport them out of their wits, bringing maladies, contagions, and mortalities: others againe be sometime good, kinde, and profitable, as they know full well who make experience thereof. But this spring, this winde, or propheticall spirit of divina­tion, is most divine and holy, whether it arise and breath up alone by it selfe through the aire, or be drawen up with some liquid humour. For comming once to be infused and mixed within the 30 body, it causeth a strange temperature and unusuall disposition in the soules: the property whereof, a right hard matter it is to declare exactly, and expresse certeinly; but a man in reason may atteine thereto by conjecture sundry waies: for by heat and dilatation, it openeth (I wot not what) little holes, by which in all likelihood the imaginative facultie is set on worke about future things; much like as wine which working and boiling in the body fumeth up, and among other motions, it revealeth and discovereth many hidden secrets. For the fury of Bacchus and of drunkennesse, if we may beleeve Euripides, conteineth much divination: when the soule being enchased and enflamed, expelleth all feare, which humane wisdome bringeth in, and by that meanes many times averteth and quencheth the divine inspiration. And heerewithall a man may alledge very well, and not without great reason, that siccitie comming intermingled with 40 heat, subtilizeth the spirit, and maketh it pure, and of the nature of fire (for according to Heraclitus, The soule it selfe is of a dry constitution:) whereas humiditie doth not onely dim the sight, and dull the hearing, but also being mingled with the aire, and touching the superficies of mirrours, dusketh the brightnesse of the one, and taketh away the light of the other. On the contrary side, it is not impossible that by some refrigeration and [...] of this spirit, af­ter the maner of the tincture and hardnesse of iron, this part of the soule which doth [...] , should shew it selfe and get a perfect edge. And like as tinne being melted with brasse (which of it selfe is a mettall in the oare, rare, spongious, and full of little holes) doth drive it neerer, and maketh it more massie and solid, and withall, causeth it to looke more bright and re­splendent: even so, I see no inconvenience to hinder, but that this propheticall exhalation ha­ving 50 some congruence and affinity with the soules, should fill up that which is lax and empty, and drive it close together more inwardly. For many things there be, that have a reference and [...] one unto the other: thus the beane is sortable unto the purple die; Sal-nitre likewise helpeth much the tincture of a rich scarlet or crimson colour, if it be mixed therewith, accor­ding also as Empedocles said:

And with the flower of Saffron red,
Fine flax and silke are coloured.

[Page 1345] And we have heard you speake (good friend Demetrius) of the river Cydnus, and the sacred cut­ting knife of Apollo in Tarsus; and namely, how the said river onely clenseth that iron whereof the knife is made, neither is there any other water in the world able to scoure that knife: like as in the city Olympia, they temper the ashes that commeth of the sacrifices, with the water of the river Alpheus, and make thereof a mortar, wherewith they plaister the altar there; but if they assay to doe it with the water of any other river else, it will not sticke to, nor binde one jot. No marvell therefore it is, if the earth sending up out of it many exhalations, these onely are found to transport the soules with an enthusiasme or divine fury, and represent the imaginations and fansies of future things. But without all question and contradiction, the report that goeth of the Oracle in this place, accordeth well to this purpose. For it is said, that this propheticall and 10 divining power heere, shewed it selfe first, by occasion of a certeine heardman, who chanced heere to fall; who thereupon began to cast foorth certaine fanaticall cries and voices, as if he had bene possessed with such a divine inspiration. Whereof the neighbors and those that came about him, at first made no account; but afterwards, when they saw that it fell out so indeed, as he had foretold, they had the man in great admiration: and the greatest clerks and wisest men of all the Delphians, calling to remembrance his name, gave out that it was Coretas. So that, it seemeth to me, that the soule admitteth this temperature and mixtion with this propheticall spirit, as the sight of the eie is affected with the light. For albeit the eie hath naturally a property and power to see, yet the same is not effectuall without the light: even so the soule having this puissance and facultie, to foresee future things, like unto the eie had need of some proper and 20 convenient thing to kindle it as it were, and set an edge upon it. And heereupon it is, that ma­ny of our auncients have thought Apollo, and the Sunne, to be one and the same god. They also who know what this beautifull and wise proportion is, and withall doe honour it: looke what reference or respect there is of the body to the soule, of the sight to light, and of the *Our under­standing, or light. under­standing to the trueth; the same force and power they esteemed there is of the Sunnes power unto the nature of Apollo: saying, that he is the issue and geniture proceeding from Apollo who is eternall, and who continually bringeth him foorth. For like as the one kindles, bringeth foorth and stirreth up the visuall power and vertue of the sense: even so doth the other by the propheticall vertue of the soule. They therefore who thought that it was one and the selfe same god, by good right dedicated and consecrated this Oracle unto Apollo, and unto the Earth: 30 judging, that the Sunne it was which wrought that temperature and imprinted this disposition in the earth, whereof arose this propheticall evaporation. And verily as Hesiodus upon good consideration, and with much more reason than some Philosophers, called the Earth:

The ground-worke sure
Of all nature:

even so we deeme it to be eternall, immortall, and incorruptible: many of the vertues and facul­ties which are in it, we hold that some faile in one place, and others breed a new and engender in another: and great probability there is, that there be transmutations and changes from one place to another, and that such revolutions as these, in the course and processe of long time turne and returne circularly often in it; as a man may conjecture and certeinly collect by such 40 things as manifestly do appeere. For in divers and sundry countries, we see that lakes and whole rivers, yea and many more sountaines and springs of hot waters, have failed and beene quite lost, as being fled out of our sight, and hidden within the earth; but afterwards in the very same places they have in time shewed themselves againe, or else run hard by. And of mettall mines, we know that some have beene spent cleane and emptied, as namely, those of silver about the territory of Attica: semblably the vaines of brasse oare in Euboea, out of which they forged some­time the best swords, that were hardned with the tincture of cold water: according to which the Poet Aeschylus said:

He tooke in hand the keene and douty blade,
Which of Euboean steele sometime was made. 50

The rocke also and quarry in Carystia, it is not long since it gave over to bring foorth certeine bals or bottomes of soft stone, which they use to spin and draw into thred, in maner of flax: for I suppose that some of you have seene towels, napkins, nets, caules, kerchiefes and coifes wo­ven of such thred, which would not burne and consume in the fire; but when they were foule and soiled with occupying, folke flung them into the fire, and tooke them foorth againe cleane and faire: but now al this is quite gone, and hardly within the said delfe shall a man meet [Page 1346] with some few hairie threds of that matter, running here & there among the hard stones digged out from thence. Now of all these things Aristotle and his sectaries hold: That an exhalation within the earth, is the onely efficient cause, with which of necessity such effects must faile and passe from place to place; as also otherwhiles, breed againe therewith. Semblably are we to thinke of the spirits and exhalations prophetical which issue out of the earth; namely, that they have not a nature immortall, and such as can not age or waxe olde, but subject to change and al­teration. For probable it is, that the great gluttes of raine and extraordinary flouds, have extin­guished them quite, and that by the terrible fall of thunder-bolts the places were smitten, and they withal dissipated and dispatched: but principally, when the ground hath beene shaken with earthquakes, and thereupon setled downward and fallen in, with trouble and confusion of what­soever 01 was below; it cannot chuse but such exhalations conteined within the holow caves of the earth, either changed their place and were driven forth, or utterly were stifled and choked. And so in this place also, there remained and appeered some tokens of that great earth-quake, which overthrew the city and staied the Oracle heere: like as, by report in the city Orchomenos, there was a plague which swept away a number of people; and therewith the Oracle of Tiresias the prophet, failed for ever, & so continueth at this day mute and to no effect. And whether the like befell unto the Oracles which were woont to be in Cilicia, as we heare say, no man can more certeinly enforme us than you Demetrius. Then Demetrius: How things stand now at this present, I wot not; for I have beene a traveller and out of my native country a long time, as yee all know: but when I was in those parts, both that of Mopsus, and also the other of Amphtlo­chus, 20 flourished and were in great request. And as for the Oracle of Mopsus, I am able to make re­port unto you of a most strange and woonderfull event thereof, for that I was my selfe present. The Governour of Cilicia is of himselfe doubtfull and wavering, whether there be gods or no? upon infirmity, as I take it, of miscredance and unbeliefe (for otherwise he was a naughty man, a violent oppressour, and scorner of religion.) But having about him certeine Epicureans, who standing much upon this their goodly and beautifull Physiologie forsooth (as they terme it) or else all were marred, scoffe at such things; he sent one of his affranchised or freed servants unto the Oracle of Mopsus indeed, howbeit, making semblance as if he were an espiall, to discover the campe of his enemies: he sent him (I say) with a letter surely sealed, wherin he had written with­out the privity of any person whatsoever, a question or demaund to be presented unto the Ora­cle. 30 This messenger, after the order and custome of the place, remaining all night within the sanctuary of the temple, fel there asleepe, and rehearsed the morrow morning what a dreame he had; and namely, that he thought he saw a faire and beautifull man to present himselfe unto him, and say unto him this onely word Blacke, and no more: for presently he went his way out of his sight. Now wee that were there, thought this to be a foolish and absurd toy, neither wist we what to make of it. But the governour aforesaid was much astonied thereat, and being stricken with a great remorse and pricke of conscience, worshipped Mopsus and held his Ora­cle most venerable; for opening the letter, he shewed publikely the demaund conteined there­in, which went in these words: Shall I sacrifice unto thee a white Bull, or a blacke? insomuch as the very Epicureans themselves who conversed with him, were much abashed and ashamed. So he 40 offred the sacrifice accordingly, and ever afterwards to his dying day honoured Mopsus right devoutly.

Demetrius having thus said, held his peace: but I desirous to conclude this whole disputation with some corollary, turned againe and cast mine eie upon Philippus and Ammonius who sat to­gether. Now they seemed as if they had somewhat to speake unto me, and thereupon I staied my selfe againe. With that, Ammonius: Philip (quoth he) ô Lamprias, hath somewhat yet to say of the question which hath beene all this while debated. For he is of opinion, as many o­thers beside him are, that Apollo is no other god than the Sunne, but even the very same. But the doubt which I moove, is greater and of more important matters. For I wot not how ere­while, in the traine of our discourse, we tooke from the gods all divination and ascribed the 50 same in plaine termes to Daemons and angels: and now we will seeme to thrust them out a­gaine from hence, and to disseize them of the Oracle and three footed table of which they were possessed; conferring the beginning and principall cause of prophesie, or rather indeed the very substance and power it selfe, upon windes, vapours, and exhalations. For even those tempera­tures, heats, tinctures, and consolidations (if I may so say) which have beene talked of, remove our minde and opinion farther off still from the gods, and put into our heads this imagination [Page 1347] and conceit of such a cause, as Euripides deviseth Cyclops to alledge in the Tragoedie bearing his name:

The earth must needs bring forth grasse, this is flat,
Will she or nill she, and feed my cattell fatte.

This onely is the difference, because he saith not that he sacrificed his beasts unto the gods, but unto himselfe and his belly, the greatest of all the Daemons: but we both sacrifice and also powre forth our praiers unto them, for to have their answere from the Oracles: and to what purpose I pray you, if it be true, that our owne soules bring with them a propheticall facultie and vertue of divination, and the cause which doth excite and actuate the same, be some tempe­rature of the aire, or rather of winde? What meanes then, the sacred institutions and creations 10 of these religious prophetesses ordained for the pronouncing of answeres? And what is the reason that they give no answere at all, unlesse the host or sacrifice to be killed, tremble all over even from the very feet, and shake whiles the libaments & effusions of halowed liquors be pow­red upon it. For it is not enough to wag the head, as other beasts doe which are slaine for sa­crifice, but this quaking, panting and shivering must be throughout all the parts of the body, and that with a trembling noise. For if this be wanting, they say the Oracle giveth no answere, neither doe they so much as bring in the religious priestesse Pythia. And yet it were probable that they should both doe and thinke thus, who attribute the greatest part of this propheticall inspiration, either to God or Daemon. But according as you say, there is no reason or likeli­hood therof: for the exhalation that ariseth out of the ground, whether the beast tremble or no, 20 will alwaies if it be present, cause a ravishment and transportation of the spirit, and evermore dispose the soule alike, not onely of Pythia, but also of any body else that first commeth or is presented. And thereupon it followeth, that a meere folly it is, to employ one silly woman in the Oracle, and to put her to it (poore soule) to be a votary and live a pure maiden all the daies of her life, sequestred from the company of man. And as for that Coretas, whom the Delphians name to have beene the first that chancing to fall into this chinke or crevasse of the ground, gave the hansell of the vertue and property of the place, in mine opinion he differed nothing at all from other goteheards, or shepheards, nor excelled them one whit: at least wise if this be a truth that is reported of him, and not a meere fable and vaine fiction, as I suppose it is no better. And verily when I consider and discourse in my selfe, how many good things this Oracle hath 30 beene cause of unto the Greeks, as well in their warres and martiall affaires, as in the founda­tions of cities, in the distresses of famine and pestilence, me thinkes it were a very indignity and unworthy part, to attribute the invention and originall thereof unto meere fortune and chance, and not unto God and divine providence. But upon this point, I would gladly, ô Lamprias, (quoth he) have you to dispute and discourse a little: how say you Philippus, may it please you to have patience the while? Most willingly (quoth Philippus) for my part: and so much I may be bold also to promise in the behalfe of all the company, for I see well that the question by you proposed hath moved them all. And as for my selfe (quoth I) ô Philippus, it hath not onely mo­ved, but also abashed and dismaied me, for that in this so notable assembly and conference of so many worthy parsonages, I may seeme above mine age, in bearing my selfe and taking pride 40 in the probability of my wordes, to overthrow or to call into question any of those things, which truely have beene delivered, or religiously beleeved as touching God and divine matters. But satisfie you I will, and in the defence of my selfe produce for my witnesse and advocate both, Plato. For this Philosopher reprooved old Anaxagoras, in that being to much addicted to naturall causes and entangled with them; following also and pursuing alwaies that which neces­sarily is effected in the passions and affections of naturall bodies, he overpassed the finall and ef­ficient causes, for which and by which thinges are done, and those are indeed the better causes and principles of greater importance: whereas himselfe either before, or else most of all other Philosophers hath prosecuted them both: attributing unto God the beginning of all things wrought by reason: and not depriving in the meane while the matter of those causes which are 50 necessary unto the worke done: but acknowledging heerein, that the adorning and dispose of all this world sensible, dependeth not upon one simple cause alone, as being pure and uncom­pound, but was engendred and tooke essence, when matter was coupled and conjoined with rea­son. That this is so, doe but consider first the workes wrought by the hand of Artisans: as for example (not to goe farther for the matter) that same foot heere and basis so much renowmed, of the standing cup, among other ornaments and oblations of this temple (which Herodotus [Page 1348] called, Hypocreteridion) this hath for the materiall cause verily, fire, iron, the mollefying by the meanes of fire, and the tincture or dipping in water, without which this peece of worke could not possibly have bene wrought. But the more principall cause and mistresse indeed, which mooved all this, and did worke by all these, was art and reason applied unto the worke. And ve­rily we see that over such peeces, whether they be pictures or other representations of things, the name of the artificer and workeman is written, as for example:

This picture Polygnotus drew, of Troy won long beforne,
Who father had Aglaophon, and was in Thasos borne. 10

And verily he it was indeed as you see, who painted the destruction of Troy: but without co­lours ground, confused and mingled one with another, impossible had it beene for him to have exhibited such a picture, so faire and beautifull to the eie as it is. If then some one come now and will needs medle with the materiall cause, searching into the alterations and mutations thereof, particularizing of Sinopre mixed with Ochre, or Cerusse with blacke, doth he impaire or diminish the glory of the painter [...] ? He also, who discourseth how iron is hardned, and by what meanes mollified: and how being made soft and tender in the fire, it yeeldeth and obaieth them who by beating and knocking drive it out in length and bredth: and afterwards be­ing dipped and plunged into fresh waters still, by the actuall coldnesse of the said water (for that the fire heats had softened and rarefied it before) it is thrust close together and condensate: by 20 meanes whereof it getteth that stiffe, compact and hard temper of steele, which Homer calleth the very force of iron; reserveth he for the workeman any thing lesse heereby, in the principall cause and operation of his worke? I suppose he doth not. For some there be who make proofe and triall of Physicke drogues, and yet I trow they condemne not thereby the skill of Physicke: like as Plato also himselfe, when he saith: That we doe see, because the light of our eie is mixed with the cleerenesse of the Sunne; and heare by the percussion and beating of the aire, doth not deny that we have the facultie of seeing and power of hearing by reason and providence. For in summe, as I have said and doe still averre, whereas all generation proceedeth of two cau­ses, the most ancient Theologians and Poets, vouchsafed to set their minde upon the better onely and that which was more excellent, chaunting evermore this common refraine and foot 30 (as it were) of the song in all things and actions whatsoever:

Jove is the first, the midst, the last; all things of him depend:
By him begin they, and proceed; in him they come to end.

After other necessary and naturall causes they never sought farther, nor came neere unto them: whereas the moderne Philosophers who succeeded after them and were named naturalists, tooke a contrary course; and turning cleane aside from that most excellent and divine principle, ascribed al unto bodies, unto passions also of bodies, and I wot not what percussions, mutations and temperatures. And thus it is come to passe, that as well the one sort as the other, are in their 40 opinions defective and come short of that which they should. For as these either of ignorance know not, or of negligence regard not to set downe the efficient principall cause, whereby, and from which: so the other before, leave out the materiall causes, of which; and the instrumentall meanes, by which things are done. But he who first manifestly touched both causes, and cou­pled with the reason that freely worketh and moveth, the matter which necessarily is subject and suffreth; he (I say) for himselfe & us, answereth all calumniations, and putteth by all surmi­zes and suspicions whatsoever. For we bereave not divination either of God, or of reason: for as much as we graunt unto it for the subject matter, the soule of man; and for an instrument and plectre (as it were) to set it aworke, we allow a spirit or winde, and an exhalation enthusia­sticke. First and formost, the earth it is that engendreth such exhalations: then, that which gi­veth 50 unto the earth all power and vertue of this temperature and mutation is the Sunne, who (as we have learned by tradition from our fore fathers) is a god. After this we adjoine thereto, the Daemons as superintendants, overseers and keepers of this temperature (as if it were some har­mony and consonance) who in due and convenient time let downe and slacke, or else set up and stretch hard the vertue of this exhalation: taking from it otherwhiles the over-active efficacy that it hath to torment the soule and transport it beside it selfe: tempering therewith a motive [Page 1349] vertue without working any paine, or hurt and damage to them that are inspired and possessed therewith. Wherein me thinkes, we doe nothing that seemeth either absurd or impossible: neither in killing sacrifices before we come to moove the Oracle, and adorning them with co­ronets of flowers, and powring upon them sacred liquors and libations, doe we ought that is contrary to this discourse and opinion of ours. For the priests and sacrificers, and whosoever have the charge to kill the beast, and to powre upon it the holy libations of wine or other li­quors; who also observe and consider the motion, trembling and the whole demeanour thereof, doe the same for no other end or cause but to have a signe, that God giveth eare unto their de­maund. For necessary it is that the beast sacrificed unto the gods be pure, sound, entier, im­maculate, and uncorrupt both in soule and bodie. And verily, for the body it is no hard mat­ter 10 to judge and know the markes: as for the soule they make an experiment, by setting before bulles, meale: by presenting unto swine, cich-pease: for if they will not fall to, nor tast thereof, it is a certaine token that they be not right. For the goat, cold water is the triall. Now if the beast make no shew and semblance of being mooved or affected, when as the said water is powred aloft on it, be sure the soule thereof is not disposed as it ought to be by nature.

Now, say it go for currant and be constantly beleeved, that it is an undoubted and insallible signe, that the God will give answer, when the host or sacrifice thus drenched doth stire; and contrariwise, that he will not answer, if the beast quetch not: I see nothing herein repugnant un­to that, which we have before delivered. For every natural power produceth the effect for which it is ordained, better or worse, according as the time and season is more or lesse convenient: and 20 probable it is, that God giveth us certeine signes, whereby we may know when the opportunity is past. For mine owne part, I am of this minde, that the very exhalation it selfe which ariseth out of the earth, is not alwaies of the same sort; but at one time is slacke and feeble, at another stretched out and strong. And the argument which maketh me thus to judge, I may easily con­firme and verisie by the testimonie of many strangers and of all those ministers who serve in the temple. For the chamber or roume, wherein they are set and give attendance who come to de­mand the answer of the Oracle, is filled thorow (not often, nor at certeine set times, but as it fal­leth out after some space betweene) with so fragrant an odour and pleasant breath, as the most pretious ointments and sweetest perfumes in the world can yeeld no better. And this ariseth from the sanctuarie and vault of the temple, as out of some source and lively fountaine: and ve­ry 30 like it is, that it is heat, or at leastwise some other puissance, that sendeth it forth. Now if per­adventure, this may seeme unto you not probable nor to sound of trueth: yet will ye at leastwise confesse unto me, that the Prophetesse Pythia hath that part of the soule, unto which this winde or propheticall spirit approacheth, disposed some time in this sort and otherwhiles in that, and keepeth not alwaies the same temperature, as an harmonie immutable. For many troubles and passions there be that possesse her body, and enter likewise in her soule, some apparent; but more, secret and unseene: with which she finding herselfe seized and replenished, better it were for her not to present and exhibit herselfe to this divine inspiration of the god, being not alto­gether cleane and pure from all perturbations; like unto an instrument of Musicke well set in tune and sounding sweetly, but passionate and out of order. For neither wine doth surprise the 40 drunken man alwaies alike, and as much at one time as at another; nor the sound of the slute or shaulme affecteth after one and the same sort at al times, him who naturally is given to be soone ravished with divine inspiration: but the same persons are one time more, and another while lesse transported beside themselves; and drunken likewise, more or lesse. The reason is, because in their bodies there is a divers temperature: but principally, the imaginative part of the soule, and which receiveth the images and fantasies, is possessed by the body, and subject to change with it, as appeareth evidently by dreames: for sometimes there appeare many visions and fansies of all sorts in our sleeps; otherwhiles againe, we are free from all such illusions, and rest in great quietnesse and tranquillitie. We our selves know this Cleon here of Daulia, who all his life time (and many yeeres he lived) never (as he said himselfe) dreamed nor saw any vision in his sleepe: 50 and of those in former times, we have heard as much reported of Thrasymedes the Hoereian. The cause whereof, was the temperature of the bodie: whereas contrariwise it is seene, that the complexion of melancholicke persons is apt to dreame much, and subject to many illusions in the night; although it seemeth their dreames and visions be more regular, and fall out truer than others, for that such persons touching their imaginative faculty with one fansie or other, it can not chuse but they meet with the truth otherwhiles: much like as when a man shoots many [Page 1350] shafts, it goeth hard if he hit not the marke with one. When as therefore the imaginative part and the propheticall faculty is well disposed and sutable with the temperature of the exhalation, as it were with some medicinable potion, then of necessitie there must be engendred within the bodies of Prophets an Enthusiasme or divine furie: contrariwise, when there is no such propor­tionate disposition, there can be no propheticall inspiration; or if there be, it is fanaticall, un­seasonable, violent and troublesome: as we know, how of late it befel to that Pythias or Prophe­tesse, who is newly departed. For there being many pilgrims and strangers come from forren parts to consult with the Oracle, it is said, that the host or beast to be sacrificed, did endure the first libaments and liquors that were powred upon it, never stirring there at nor once quetching for the matter: but after that the Priests and Sacrificers powred still, and never gave over to 10 cast liquor on, beyond all measure; at length (after great laving and drenching of it) hardly and with much adoe it yeelded and trembled a little. But what hapned hereupon to the Prophetesse or Pythias aforesaid? Went she did indeed downe into the cave or hole, against her will (as they said) and with no alacrity at all: but incontinently, when she was come up againe, at the very first words and answers that she pronounced, it was well knowen by the horsenesse of her voice, that she could not endure the violence of possession, being replenished with a maligne and mute spirit, much like unto a ship caried away under full sailes with a blustering gale of wind. Inso­much as in the end being exceedingly troubled, and with a fearefull and hideous crie, making haste to get out, she flung herselfe downe, and fell upon the earth: so that not onely the fore­said pilgrims fled for feare, but Nicander also the High-priest, and other Sacrificers and religi­ous 20 ministers that were present. Who notwithstanding afterwards taking heart unto them, and entring againe into the place, tooke her up lying still in an extasie besides herselfe: and in very trueth, she lived not many daies after. And therefore it is, that the said Pythias keepeth her bo­die pure and cleane from the company of man, and forbidden she is to converse or have com­merce al her life time with any stranger. Also, before they come to the Oracle, they observe cer­teine signes; for that they thinke it is knowen unto the God, when her bodie is prepared and disposed to receive (without danger of her person) this Enthusiasme. For the force and vertue of this exhalation, doth not move and incite all sorts of persons, nor the same alwaies after one maner, nor yet as much at one time as at another: but giveth onely a beginning, and setteth to (as it were) a match to kindle it, as we have said before; even unto those onely who are prepared 30 and framed aforehand to suffer and receive this alteration. Now this exhalation (without all question) is divine and celestiall: howbeit for all that, not such as may not faile and cease, not incorruptible, not subject to age and decay, nor able to last and endure for ever: and under it, all things suffer violence, which are betweene the earth and the moone, according to our doctrine: however others there be who affirme, that those things also which are above, are not able to re­sist it; but being wearied an eternall and infinite time, are quickely changed and renewed (as one would say) by a second birth & regeneration. But of these matters (quoth I) advise you I would and my selfe also, estsoones to call to minde, and consider often this discourse, for that they be points exposed to many repre­hensions, and sundry objections may be alledged against 40 them. All which, the time will not suffer us now to pro­secute at large: and therefore let us put them off unto another opportunity, together with the doubts and questions which Philippus moved as touch­ing Apollo and the Sunne. 50

WHAT SIGNIFIETH THIS WORD EI, ENGRA­VEN 10 OVER THE DORE OF APOL­LOES TEMPLE IN THE CI­TIE OF DELPHI.

The Summarie.

AMong infinite testimonies of the fury of maligne spirits and evill angels (who ha­ving beene created at first good, kept not their originall, but fell from the degree and state of happinesse, wherein continue by the grace and favour of God the good 20 angels, who minister and attend upon those who shall receive the inheritance of sal­vation and everlasting life) these may bereckoned for the chiefe and principall, that such reprobate spirits and accursed fiends, endevour & practise by all meanes possible to make them­selves to be adored by men: and fame would they be set in the throne of him, who having impriso­ned and tied them fast in a deepe dungeon, with the chaine of darknesse, reserveth them to the judge­ment of that great day of doome. And so farre proceeded they in pride and presumption, as to cause themselves to be stiled by the name of God; yea, and to be adorned with those titles, which are due and apperteine unto the Aeternall, their soveraigne judge. Their devices and artificiall meanes to bring this about, be woonderfull, and of exceeding variety: according as the infinit numbers of idols warming in all parts, and so many strange and uncouth superstitions, wherewith the world hath 30 beene diffamed unto this present day, doe testifie and give evident proofe. But if there be any place in the whole earth, wherein Satanhath actually (hewed his furious rage against God and man, it is Greece: and above all, in that renowmed temple of Delphi, which was the common seat, upon which this cursed enemy hath received the homages of an infinit number of people of all sorts and qua­lities, under the colour and pretence of resolving their doubtfull questions. Heere then especially presu­med he and was so bold, as to take upon him the name of God: and for to reach thereto, hath set out and garnished his Oracles, with ambiguous speeches, short and sententious, intermingling some trueths among lies: even as it pleased the just judge of the world, to let the reines loose unto this notorious seducer, and to give him power for to deceive and abuse the world: as also by certeine notable say­ings (as these: Know thy selfe. Nothing too much: and such like) he hath kept bound unto him, 40 persons of highest spirit and greatest conceit: causing them to thinke, that in delivering so goodly pre­cepts for the rule and direction of this life, it must needs be the true friend of mankinde, yea and the very heavenly wisdome, that spake by these Oracles. But his audacious pride, together with most in­tolerable impudence, hath appeared in the inscription of this bareword, E I, upon the porch of the temple of Apollo in Delphi, in that he pretended title and claimed thereby (according to the last interpretation thereof in this present discourse) to put himselfe in the place of the eternall God: who onely Is, and giveth Being unto all things. And that which worse is, the blindnesse was so horrible, even of the wisest Sages, that this opinion hath beene seated in their heads whiles this tyrant posses­sed them, in such sort, as they tooke pleasure to suffer themselves so to be cousened by him. But hereby good cause have we to praise our God, who hath discovered and laid open to us such impostures, and 50 maketh his majestie knowen unto us by his word, to be the onely true and eternall deitie; in adoring and worshipping whom, we may safely and truely say E I, that is to say, Thou art: as contrariwise, the deceitfull wiles and illusions of satan and his complices, do declare how fearefull and horrible the judge­ment of God is upon such rebellious spirits. Now if some over-busie and curious head, will heere di­spute and reason against the justice of him who is the disposer of all things, and enterprise to controule that eternall wisedome which governeth the world, for having mercy upon such as it pleaseth him, and [Page 1352] suffering to fall from so excellent an estate, the Apostatate and disobodient angels, and yet permitting them to have such a powerfull hand over the most part of Adams children; we answer in one word: Man, what art thou, that thus wilt plead against God? shall the thing formed, say unto him who for­med it, Why hast thou made me so? Hath not the potter full power to make of the same masse of earth or clay, one vessell for honor, and another for dishonor? The judgements of God are unsearchable, they have neither bottom nor brinke: the riches of his wisdome and knowledge are inscrutable, and beyond all computation: his waies are hidden and impossible to be found out. If then there be any place in the consideration of the secrets of God, where we ought to be retentive, warie and discret, it is in this, where every man hath just occasion to thinke upon this not able lesson and advertisement: Not to pre­sume for to know over and above that which he should, but to be wise unto sobrietie: and that no man ought to be pussed up with pride, but rather to feare. Moreover, as touching the contents of this dis­course, 10 the author having used an honest and decent Presace, saith in generall: That by this present in­scription, Apollo intended to make himselfe knowen, and to incite every man to inquire into time. But heere in the enemie of mankind sheweth his audacity and boldnesse sufficiently, as also how he deludeth and mocketh his slaves; in that after he had deprived them of right and sound judgement, he stirreth them up to know, who he is: which is as much as if one should plucke out the eies, and cut in twaine the ham-strings of a traveller or watfaring man; and then bid him seeke out his way, and goe onward on his journey. Now he brings in foure divers personages, delivering their minds as touching this Mot, EI. Lamprias opining in the first place, thinketh that the first and principall wise Sages of Greece devised it, for that they would be knowen and discerned from others. Ammonius secondly, 20 referreth and applieth it to the Wishes and Questions of those who resort unto the Oracle. Theon the third, attributeth this [...] unto Logicke, and doth all that possibly he can to mainteine his opini­on. [...] the Mathematician speaking in the fourth place, and seconded by Plutarch, Philo­sophizeth at large upon the number of 5. represented by the letter E: he discourseth and runneth through all the Mathematikes, and divers parts of Philosophy, and all to approove and make good his conceit: but his [...] and end is, to shew under the mysticall sense of numbers, the perfection of his Apollo, which he draweth and fetcheth also from the consideration of his titles, epithets and attri­butes. But Ammonius gathering together their voices, and closing or stopping up the disputation, seemeth to hit the marke: prooving by most strong and learned reasons, that Apollo would by this word instruct pilgims, how they ought to salute and call him, to wit, in saying thus, E [...] that is to say, 30 Thou art he: which is opposite unto that salutation which this false god (usurping the name of the true Jehovah, or alwaies Existent) greeteth men with, in setting just before their eies, in the entrie and forefront of his temple, these two words, [...]: that is to say, Know thy selfe. Ha­ving enriched this with two evident proofes, the one taken from the uncerteine condition of crea­tures; the other from the firmitude and true estate or being of the Creator; he exhorteth his fel­lowes to list up themselves to the contemplation of the essence of God, and to honour the Sunne, his expresse image. Which done, herefuteth certeine contrary opinions: and after a new confirmation of his discourse, he endeth where he first began; to wit, that the knowledge of God and our selves, are opposite in such sort, as yet neverthelesse they must meet and concurre in us. But all the ap­plication of this discourse unto Apollo (whom you must take for the very divell) in no wise is 40 fit and agreeable. And heerein a man may see better yet, what madnesse and folly is the wis­dome of man: and in how thicke and palpable darknesse they goe groping with their hands before them, who are no otherwise guided than by the discourse of their owne reason. Which teacheth us once againe to adore the secrets of God: to recognize and apprehend his mercies in the matter of our sal­vation: to dread also his justice, which sheweth it selfe in the deplorable and piteous blindnesse of so ma­ny nations; even from the time that sinne first entred into the world, unto this present day. 50

WHAT SIGNIFIETH THIS word EI, engraven over the dore of Apolloes temple in the city of Delphi.

I Light of late in my reading (friend Sarapion) upon certeine pretie [Iambique] verses, not unelegantly endited, which Dicaearchus sup­poseth that the Poet Euripides delivered unto king Archelaus, to this effect: 10

No gifts will I to you present,
Since poore I am, and wealth you have:
Lest I for folly of you be shent,
Or by such giving seeme to crave.

For he, who of that little meanes which he hath, bestoweth some small present upon them that are rich and possesse much, gratifieth them nothing at all, nor deserveth any thanks: and that which worse is, because no man will be­leeve that he giveth (be it never so little) for nothing, he incurreth the suspicion and obloquie of being cautelous, illiberall, and simply naught. But forasmuch as the gifts that be in the nature of silver, gold and temporall goods, be in regard of beautie and liberall courtesie, farre inferiour 20 to those which go in the kinde of good letters, and proceed from learning: it standeth well with honesty, both to give such, and also to demand the like of those who receive the same. And therefore, in sending presently unto you, and for your sake unto those friends about you in those parts, certeine discourses gathered together as touching the Temple and Oracle of Apollo Py­thius, as an offering of first fruits; I confesse that I expect from you others againe, both more in number and better in value, considering that you live in a great city, have more leasure, and en­joy the benefit of more books, and all sort of scholasticall conferences and learned exercises. And verily it seemeth, that our good and kinde Apollo doth indeed remedy, ease and assoile the doubtfull difficulties ordinarily incident to this life of ours, by giving answer unto those who re­paire unto his Oracle: but such as concerne matter of learning, he putteth forth and proposeth 30 himselfe unto that part of our minde, which naturally is given to Philosophize and study wise­dome, imprinting therein a covetous desire to know and understand the trueth: as may appeare by many other examples, and namely, in this petie mot, EI, consecrated in his temple. For it is not like, that it was by meere chance and adventure, nor by a lotterie (as it were) of letters shuffled together, that this word alone should have the preeminence with this god, as to pre­cede and goe before all others; ne yet, that it should have the honour to be consecrated unto God, or [...] in the temple as a thing of speciall regard for to be seene and beheld: but it must needs be, that either the first learned men (who at the beginning had the charge of this temple) knew some particular and exquisit propertie in this word, or els used it as a device to symbolize some matter of singularity, or covertly to signifie a thing of great consequence. Ha­ving 40 therefore many times before, cleanly put by and avoided, or passed over this question pro­posed in the schooles for to be discussed and discoursed upon; of late I was surprized and set up­on by mine owne children, upon occasion that I was debating with certeine strangers, as desi­rous to satisfie them: whom being ready to depart out of the city of Delphi, it was no part of ci­vility either to deteine long, or altogether to reject, having so earnest a minde to heare me say somewhat. When therefore, as we were set about the temple, I beganne partly to looke unto some things my selfe, and partly to demand and enquire of them; I was put in minde and admo­nished by the place and matters then handled, of a former question which before-time (when Nero passed thorow these parts) I heard Ammonius to discourse, and others besides, in this ve­ry place; and as touching a question of the same difficultie likewise propounded. For, conside­ting 50 that this god Apollo is no lesse a Philosopher than a Prophet, Ammonius then delivered, that in regard thereof the surnames might very well be fitted and applied, which were attributed unto him very rightly and with good reason; shewing and declaring, that he is Pythius, a Questi­onist to those who begin to learne and enquire; Delius and Phanaeus, that is to say, cleere and lightsome unto such as have the trueth a little shining and appearing unto them; Ismenius, that is to say, skilfull and learned unto as many as have atteined unto knowledge already; and Lesche­norius, [Page 1354] as one would say, Eloquent os Discoursing, when they put their science in practise and make use thereof, proceeding for to conferre, dispute and discourse one with another. And for that it apperteineth unto Philosophers, to enquire, admire and cast doubts, by good right the most part of divine matters belonging to the gods, are couched & hidden under darke aenigmes and covert speeches, and thereupon require that a man should demand, why? and whether? as also to be instructed in the cause. As for example, about the maintenance of the immortall or eternall fire, Why of all kinds of wood they burne the Firre only? Also, Wherefore they never make any perfume but of the Laurell? Likewise, What is the reason, that in this temple there be no more but two images of two destinies or fatall sisters, named Parcae, whereas in all places els there be three of them? Semblably, What should be the cause, that no woman (whatsoever she 10 be) is permitted to have accesse unto this Oracle for counsell or resolution? Againe, What is the reason of that fabricke or three footed table? and such other matters which invite, allure and draw those who are not altogether witlesse, void of sense and reason, to aske, to see and heare somewhat, yea and to dispute about them, what they should meane? And to this purpose, doe but marke and consider these inscriptions standing in the forefront of this Temple: Know thy selfe, and Nothing too much: what a number of questions and learned disputations they have mo­ved: also, what a multitude of goodly discourses have sprung & proceeded from such writings, as out of some seed or graine of corne. And this will I say unto you, that the matter now in que­stion, is no lesse fertile and plentifull, than any one of the other.

When Ammonius had thus said, my brother Lamprias began in this wise: And yet (quoth he) 20 the reason which we all have heard as touching this question, is very plaine and short. For repor­ted it is, that those ancient Sages or wise men, who by some are named Sophisters, were indeed of themselves no more than five: to wit, Chilon, Thales, Solon, Bias, and Pittacus. But when first Cleobulus the tyrant of the Lindians, and then Periander the tyrant likewise of Corinth (who had neither of them any one jot of vertue or wisdome) by the greatnesse of their power, by the num­ber of their friends, and by many benefits and demerits whereby they obliged their adherents, acquired forcibly this reputation, in despite of all usurped the name of Sages: and to this pur­pose caused to be spred sowen and divulged throughout all Greece certaine odde sentences and notable sayings, as well as those of the others, wherewith the former Sages above named were discontented. Howbeit for all this, these five wisemen would in no hand discover and convince 30 their vanity, nor yet openly contest and enter into termes of quarell with them about this repu­tation, ne yet debate the matter against so mighty personages, who had so great meanes of countenance in the world: but being assembled upon a time in this place, after conference to­gether they consecrated and dedicated here the letter [E] which as it standeth fifth in the or­der of the Alphabet, so in number it signifieth five: as if they testified and deposed heere before the god, that they were but five; protesting that the sixth and the seventh they rejected and ex­cluded out of their societie, as who had no right to belong unto them. Now that this conjec­ture is not beside the purpose, a man may know, who hath but heard them speake who have the charge and superintendance of this temple; namely, how they call that EI, which is written in gold, the EI of Livia Augusta the empresse and wife of Augustus Caesar: the other in brasse, the 40 EI of the Athenians: and the first, which is most ancient, and for the matter and substance thereof no better than cut in wood, at this very day they name, the EI of the Sages; as being de­dicated not by one of them alone, but by all together. Heereat Ammonius pleasantly smiled, as supposing this to be the proper and peculiar conceit of Lamprias himselfe, howsoever he see­med to father it upon others, feigning that he heard it else where, to the end that he might not be called to account, and put to the maintenance and defence thereof. Then another of the company who were there present, said that this was much like unto a foolish toy which a Chal­daean stranger, and by profession an Astrologer, not long since set abroch: That seven letters there were forsooth in all the Alphabet, which were vocall and of themselves rendered a voice: like as seven starres there were in the heaven, which had their proper motions apart, at liberty, 50 and not bound and linked to others. Also that among those vocall letters or vowels, E was the second; even as the Sunne of all the Planets was next unto the Moone: and that all the Greeks in maner, with one accord, hold Apollo and the Sunne, to be both one. But this, when all is done, savoureth altogether of his counting table of judiciall Astronomie, and of his triviall dis­coursing head. Moreover it seemeth that Lamprias taketh not heed, but ere he is aware, stirreth up all those who have the charge of the temple, against this reason of his. For there is not a [Page 1355] man in al the citie of Delphi, who knoweth ought of that which he hath said, but they alledge the common opinion, & that which runneth currant throughout the world, which is: That it is nei­ther the outward forme and shew, nor the sound; but the very Mot only as it is written, contei­neth some secret signification: for it is as the Delphians doe conceive of it. And with that the high priest Nicander himselfe (who was present) said, that this EI is the forme and maner that they use, who come to consult with the god Apollo, and to conver their questions unto him: and ordinarily, it carieth the first place in al their interrogatories. For usuall it is with them thus to demamaund: EI [...]; EI [...], &c. that is to say, If, or whether they shall have victo­rie? if they shall marry? if it will be expedient for them to goe to sea? if they were best to till the ground? or if they should do well to make a voiage and travell into forren parts? And here­in 10 the God (who is wise and learned, mocking the Logicians, bidding them farewell who hold, that of this particle or Conjunction EI, that is to say, If, and of what Subjunctive proposition soever following after it, nothing can be made, nor categorically affirmed) both understan­deth all interrogations annexed unto EI, as reall things in esse, and so accepteth of them. And for as much as this EI is proper for an interrogation proposed unto him as a Divinor or Pro­phet: and common it is with us, by it to pray unto him, as to a god; they thinke that this word EI is of no lesse validity to pray and wish by, than it is to demand or aske a question: for eve­ric one that praieth, useth ordinarily this forme: EI [...], that is to say, ô if it might please god. And thus Archilochus wrote:

EI [...]: 20
O if my lucke and hap were such,
As Neobules hand to touch.

And it is said, that in the adverbe of wishing EIOE, which signifieth, Would God; the second syllable [...], is an adjunction idle and superfluous, for that EI alone signifieth as much: like as [...] in this verse of the Poet Sophron:

[...]:
Desirous also in their need
Of children, for their joy and meed:

as also in Homer:

[...]: 30
As I will now, even thee disgrace,
And foile thy strength in present place.

Where [...] signifieth just nothing. Thus you see, how in this little word EI there is an [...] power sufficiently declared. When Nicander had delivered these words, Theon (for I presuppose you know him, being a familiar friend of ours) demaunded of Ammonius, whether Logike might have the libertie to speake in her owne defence, being thus wronged and troden under foote? when Ammonius willed him to speake hardly, and to say all that he could, and for to helpe her out of the mire: Certes, quoth he then, there be many Oracles which beare wit­nesse & evidently shew, that god Apollo is a most skilful Logician. For in some sort it belongeth to one and the same artist, both to moove doubtfull ambiguities, and also to assoile and cleere 40 the same. Moreover, according as Plato said, that there being in old time an Oracle given unto the Greeks, that they should double the altar within the temple of Delos, (which is a piece of worke for an expert Geometrician to performe, and who had the very habit and perfection of that Art) it was not that indeed which the god commanded the Greeks to doe, but he enjoined them to studie Geometrie: even so, in giving otherwhiles ambiguous answers, and doubtfull Oracles, he recommendeth thereby and augmenteth so much the more, the credit of Logike, as being a science right necessary for as many as would gladly understand his speech. Now in Logike this Conjunction EI, that is to say, If (which is so apt to continue a speech and pro­position) hath a great force, as being that which giveth forme unto that proposition, which is most agreeable to discourse of reason and argumentation. And verily of this nature be all these 50 Hypotheticall propositions,, copulative, disjunctive, &c. And who can deny it? considering that the very brute beasts themselves have in some sort a certeine knowledge and intelligence of the subsistence of things: but nature hath given to man alone the notice of consequence, and the judgement for to know how to discerne that which followeth upon every thing. For, that it is day; and, that it is light, the very woolves, dogs, and cocks doe perceive: but that, if it be day of necessitie it must make the aire light, there is no creature save onely man, that knoweth: [Page 1356] for he alone hath intelligence of the beginning and of the end, of the antecedent and the [...] , of the proceeding and finishing of things: as also of the coherence and bringing together of both ends and extremes, of the conference of one to another; what habitude, Cor­respondence, or difference there is betweene: and this is it whereof all demonstrations take their chiefe originall and beginning. Now since it is so, that all Philosophie whatsoever, con­sisteth in the knowledge of the trueth; and the light which cleereth the trueth, is demonstration; and the beginning of demonstration, is the coherence and knitting of propositions together: by good right that power which maketh and mainteineth this, was dedicated and consecrated by the Sages and wise men unto this god, who above all others loveth the trueth. Againe, this god is a Divinor and Prophet; but the arte of Divining is as touching future things, by the 10 meanes of such as are either present or past. For as nothing is done or made without cause; so there is nothing foreknowen without a precedent reason: but forasmuch as all that is, depen­deth and followeth upon that which hath beene; and consequently all that shall be, hath a stint and dependance of that which is, by a certeine continuitie, which proceedeth from the begin­ning to the end: he who hath the skill to see into causes, and by naturall reason how to compose and joine them together, knoweth and is able to discourse

What things are now, what shall heereafter come,
As also what are past, both all and some;

according as Homer saith: who very well and wisely setteth in the first place the present, then the future, and that which is past. For of the present dependeth all Syllogisme and reasoning, and 20 that by the vertue & efficacie of a conjunction: for that if this thing be, such a thing went before: and conversìm, if this be; that shall be. For all the artificiall feat and skill of discourse and ar­gument, is the knowledge of consequence, as hath beene said already: but it is the sense, that gi­veth anticipation unto the discourse of reason. And therefore although haply it may seeme to stand little with decent honesty, yet I will not be affraid to affirme that this reason properly is the Tripode or three footed table as one would say, and Oracle of trueth: namely, when the disputer supposeth a consequence upon that which was premised and went before: and then afterwards assuming that which is extant and subsistent, commeth in the end to induce and inferre a finall conclusion of his demonstration. Now if it be so, that Apollo Pythius, as the report goeth, lo­veth musicke, and be delighted in the singing of swans, and sound of lute and harpe; what mar­vell 30 is it then, if for the affection that he beareth unto logicke, he likewise embrace and love that part of speech, which he seeth Philosophers most willingly and oftenest to use? Hercules before that he had loosed the bonds wherewith Prometheus was tied, and having not as yet conferred and talked with Chiron and Atlans two great Sophisters and professours of disputation, but be­ing a yong man still, and a plaine Boeotian, abolished all logicke at first, and scoffed at this little Mot E I: but soone after seemed as if he would plucke away by force the three footed table of Apollo, yea and contest with the god, about the art of divining; for that together with age and processe of time he proceeded so farre, as that he became by that meanes a most skilfull prophet, and as subtile and excellent a logician. When Theon had made an end of this speech, Eustrophus the Athenian, as I take it, directed his wordes unto us & said: See you not how vali­antly 40 Theon defendeth the art of logicke, & hath in maner gotten on the lions skin of Hercules? It is not therfore decent, that we who in one word referre all affaires, all natures and principles joinctly together, as well of divine as of humane things into number, and making it the author, master, and ruler even of such matters as simply are most faire and precious, should sitte still and say never a word: but rather for our part, offer the fruits of the Mathematicks unto god Apollo. For we say and affirme that this letter E, of it selfe, neither in puissance, nor in forme, ne yet in name & pronounciation, hath any thing in it above other letters: how be it we thinke, that preferred it hath beene before all the rest, in this regard that it is a charracter and marke of the number five, which is in all things of greatest vertue and validity, and is named Pemptas. Whereupon our Sages and great clerks in times past, when they would expresse the verbe [to 50 number] used Pempazein, as one would say, to count and reckon by fives. And verily Eustro­phus in saying thus, addressed his speech unto me, not merily but in good earnest, for that I was very affectionate and much addicted then unto the Mathematicks; but yet so, as in all things I observed and kept still the old rule: To much of nothing, as being a schollar of the Academie schoole. I answered therefore, that Eustrophus had solved passing well the difficulty of the questi­on by this number. For seeing it is so (quoth I) that number in generality is divided into even [Page 1357] and odde, Unity is in power and efficacy common to them both: in such sort, as being put unto the even, it maketh it odde; and likewise added to the odde, causeth the same to be even. Now the beginning and ground of even numbers is Two; and of odde, Three is the first: of which being joined together is engēdred Five, which by good right is highly honored as being the first compound of the first simple numbers, where upon it is worthily named [...], that is to say, Mariage; because the even number hath some resemblance to the female, and the odde, a reference to the male. For in the sections & divisions of numbers into equal parts, the even is al­together cleane parted and severed asunder, leaving a certaine void space betweene the parts, as a beginning of capacity apt to receive somewhat more: contrariwise in the odde number, if a man doe as much by it, and cut it into two numbers, there remaineth alwaies somewhat in the 10 midst betweene, fit for subdivision, yea and generation of new numbers: whereby it appeareth that more generative it is than the other. And whensoever it commeth to be mixed with the other, it carieth the preeminence, and is master alwaies, but never mastered. For what mixture soever you make of them twaine, you shal never come thereby to an even number: but mix and compose them as often and in what maner you will, there shall arise alwaies thereof an odde number. And that which more is, both the one and the other added to it selfe, or compounded with it selfe, sheweth the difference that is betweene them. For never shall you see an even num­ber joined with another that is even, to produce an odde; for it goeth not out of his proper nature, as having not the power to beget any other than it selfe, so feeble it is and imperfect: but odde numbers coupled and mingled with others that be odde, bring forth many even num­bers, 20 so powerfull it is to engender every way. As for all the other properties and different puis­sances of numbers, the time will not now serve to discourse throughly of them all. But heereby you see, wherefore the ancient Pythagorean Philosophers called Five, the Mariage; as being compounded of the first male and of the first female. The same also is sometime named Na­ture; for that being multiplied by it selfe, it falleth out still to determine in *For 5 times 5 maketh 25. it selfe. For like as nature taking a graine of wheat in the nature of seed, and so diffusing it, produceth many formes and divers kindes of things betweene, through which she passeth and proceedeth, untill at last she bringeth her worke to an end; and when all is done sheweth a corne of wheat againe, rendring the first beginning, in the end of all: even so, when other numbers multiply them­selves, and end by growing and multiplication in other numbers, only five & six, if they be mul­tiplied 30 by themselves, do bring forth and regenerate likewise themselves: for six times six, ma­keth thirty six; and five times five, ariseth to twenty five. But take thus much withall againe, that Six doth this but once and after one maner onely, when of it selfe it becommeth that *That is [...] say, 36. made of 4 nines. foure square number: but unto Five the same befalleth, when it is multiplied by it selfe; and besides particularly, it hath this property, that by addition of it selfe it produceth also it selfe, in as much as it maketh ten; which it doth alternatively, and holdeth on this course in infinite, as farre as a­ny numbers will extend: so as this number resembleth, that principle or first cause, which doth conduct and governe this universall world. For like as it, of the owne selfe preserveth the world; and reciprocally, of the world returneth into it selfe, according as Heraclitus said of the fire:

[...]: 40
Fire into all things first doth turne,
And all things shall to fire returne:

like as golde is exchanged for wares, and wares likewise for golde: even so the meeting of five with it selfe, howsoever it be, can engender and bring forth nothing either imperfect or strange, but all the changes that it hath, be limited and certeine. For either it begetteth it selfe, or els produceth ten; that is to say, that which is proper and familiar, or els perfect and accomplished.

Now if a man should come unto me and demand: What is all this (good sir) unto Apollo? I will answer againe: That this concerneth not Apollo alone, but *Alluding to the [...] , [...]: where­upon a thing is said to be [...], which is not to the purpose. Bacchus also, who hath no lesse to do with the city of Delphos, not is of lesse anthority there, than Apollo himselfe. For we 50 have heard the Theologians (partly in verse and partly in prose) sing and say, That this god be­ing of his owne nature incorruptible and immortall: yet, I wot not by what sentence and reason fatall he is transmuted and changed in many sorts. Sometime he is all on a light fire, and cau­seth all things to be of the same nature, and like unto all things: otherwhiles most variable, in all maner of formes, passions & puissances all different, and becommeth (as now he is) the World; so called by a most common and best knowen name. But the Sages and wiser sort, willing to [Page 1358] conceale and keepe these secrets hidden from common people, name this mutation & change of his into fire, Apollo; signifying thereby, a kinde of sole unity whereunto it reduceth all things, and negation of plurality: and Phoebus likewise; betokening thereby his purity and cleerenesse from filth and pollution. As for his conversion into winds, water, earth, starres, and into sundry kinds of plants and living creatures, together with the order and disposition thereof, such as we see; all this passion (I say) and mutation, they covertly do signifie under the name of a certeine distraction and dismembring: and in these regards, they call himselfe Dionysus, Zagreus, Nycte­lius, Isodaetes. They exhibit also and counterfet I wot not what deaths, destructions and dispati­tions; regenerations also, and resurrections: which be fables all, and aenigmatic all fictions, devi­sed for to represent the foresaid mutations. And verily, to Bacchus they do chant in their songs 10 certeine Dithyrambicke ditties and tunes, full of passion and change, with motions and agitations to and fro. For according as Aeschylus saith:

The Dithyrambe with clamours dissonant,
Sorts well with Bacchus, where he is resiant.

But unto the other (that is to say, Apollo) they sing the Paean, which is a setled kind of song, and Musicke modest and sober. Moreover, in all their pictures and portraictures of images and sta­tues, they make Apollo alwaies with a yong face, and never aging: but the other, to wit, Bacchus, they represent in many shapes, and as many formes and visages. And in one word, to the one they attribute a constancy uniforme and evermore the same, a regular order, a serious and syn­cere gravity: but unto the other, mixed sports, games, wantonnesse and insolency; in summe, 20 such a gravity as is interlaced with fury, madnesse and inequality: they invocate and call upon him by the name of Bacchus Eüius:

Bacchus (I say) [...] Eüius,
Who women doth to rage incite:
And in such service furtous,
And frantike worship, takes delight:

noting hereby not unfitly and without good purpose that which is proper to the one and the o­ther mutation. But for that the time of the revolutions in these changes is not equall and alike, but of the one (which is called Coros, and signifieth plenty or satiety) longer; and of the other (named Chresmosyne, which betokeneth want and necessity) shorter: observing even herein the 30 proportion, they use the canticle Paean, during all the rest of the yeere, in their sacrifices: but in the beginning of winter, they stirre up the Dithyrambe, and downe goeth Paean; and so invo­cate this god for three moneths space in stead of the other, supposing that there is the same pro­portion of the conflagration of the world to the restoring and reparation thereof, as is of three to one. But peradventure we have dwelt longer upon this point than we should, considering the time: howbeit this is certeine, that they attribute the number of five unto this god Apollo, as proper and peculiar unto him; saying, that one while it begetteth it selfe by multiplication, as fire; and another while maketh of it selfe ten, as the world. Moreover, thinke we not, that this number hath no societie with Musicke, which is so agreeable unto this god, as nothing so much? Certes, harmonie is (to say at once) occupied most of all about accords, which we call Sym­phonies: 40 and that those are in number five, and no more, reason prooveth, and experience will convince it to be so, even unto him who shall make the triall, either with strings or pipe-holes, by the very sense of hearing only, without any other reason. For al these accords take their gene­ration by proportion in number. Now the proportion of the Musicke or Symphonie Diatessa­ron, is Epitritos or Sesquitertiall, that is to say, the whole and a third part over: of Diapente, Hemolios or Sesquialterall, that is to say, the whole and halfe as much more: of Diapason, du­ple: of Diapason with Diapente together, triple: & of Dis-diapason, quadruple. And as for that which the Musicians bring in over and above these, to wit, Diapason and Diatessaron (for so they name it) they are not worthy to be admitted and received, as transcending all meane and measure to gratifie forsooth the unreasonable pleasure of the eare against all proportion, and 50 breaking as it were the ordinance of the law.

To let passe therefore the five positures of the Tetrachords, as also the first five tones, tropes, changes, notes or harmonies, (call them what you will) for that they change and alter by set­ting up or letting downe the strings, more or lesse, or by streining or easing the voice; all the rest are [...] as bases and trebles. For see you not that there being many, or rather infinit intervals, yet five there be onely used in song; namely, Diesis, Hemitonium, Tonos, Trisemito­nion, [Page 1359] and Ditonos? Neither is there any space or intervall greater or lesse in voices, distingui­shed by base and treble, high and low, that can be expressed in song. But to passe by many other such things (quoth I) onely Plato I will alledge, who affirmeth, that there is indeed but one world: mary if there were more in number, and not the same one alone; it must needs be that there are five in all, and not one more. But grant that there be no more in trueth than one, as Aristotle holdeth; yet so it is, that the same seemeth to be composed and coagmented in some sort of five other worlds: whereof one is that of earth, another of water, the third of fire, the fourth of aire; as for the fifth, some call it heaven, others light, and some againe, the skie; and there be, who name it a quint-essence: unto which onely it is proper and naturall (of all other bodies) to turne round, not by violent force, nor otherwise by chance and aventure. Plato there­fore 10 observing and knowing well enough, that the most beautifull and perfect figures of regular bodies which be in the world & within compasse of nature, are five in number (namely, the Py­ramis, the Cube, the Octaedron, Icofaedron & Dodecaedron) hath very fitly appropriated and attributed ech of these noble figures unto one or other of those first bodies. Others there be al­so who apply the faculties of the naturall senses, which likewise be in number five, unto the said primitive bodies: to wit, Touching, which is firme, solid and hard, to Earth; Tasting, which jud­geth of the qualities of savors by the meanes of moisture, to Water; Hearing, to the Aire, for that the aire being beaten upon is the voice and sound in the eares: of the other twaine, Smel­ling hath for the object Sent or odour, which being in maner of a perfume, is ingendred and e­levated by heat, and therfore holdeth of the Fire; as for the Sight, which is cleere and bright, by 20 a certeine affinitie and consanguinity which it hath with the heaven and with light, hath a tem­perature and complexion mingled of the one and the other: neither is there in any living cre­ature other sense, nor in the whole world any other nature and substance simple and uncom­pound; but a marvellous distribution there is and congruity of five to five, as it evidently ap­peareth.

When I had thus said, and made a stop withall, after a little pause betweene: O what a fault (quoth I) ô Eustrophus, had I like to have committed: for I went within a little of passing over Homer altogether, as if he had not beene the first that divided the world into five parts; allot­ting three of them which are in the middes unto three gods, and the other two which be the ex­tremes (namely, heaven and earth, whereof the one is the limit of things beneath, the other the 30 bound of things above) in common and not distributed like the others. But our speech must re­member to returne againe, as Euripides saith, from whence it hath digressed. For they who mag­nifie the quaternarie or number of foure, teach not amisse nor beside the purpose, that everie solide body hath taken the beginning and generation by reason of it. For it being so, that every solide consisteth in length and bredth, having withall a depth: before length there is to be sup­posed a positure and situation of a point or pricke, answerable to unitie in numbers; and longi­tude without bredth is called a line; and the mooving of a line into bredth, and the procreati­on of a superficies thereby, consisteth of three: afterwards, when there is adjoined thereto pro­fundity or depth, the augmentation groweth by foure, untill it become a perfect solidity. So that every man seeth, that the quaternary having brought nature to this point, as to performe 40 and accomplish a body, in giving it a double magnitude or masse with firme soliditie apt to make resistance, leaveth it afterwards destitute of the thing which is greatest and principall. For that which is without a soule, to speake plaine, is in maner of an Orphan, unperfect and good for nothing, so long as it is without a soule to use and guide it: but the motion or disposition which putteth in the soule, ingenerated by meanes of the number of five, is it that bringeth per­fection and consummation unto nature. Whereby it appeereth that there is an essence more excellent than the foure, inasmuch as a living body endued with a soule, is of a more noble na­ture, than that which hath none: but more than so, the beauty and excellent power of this number five, proceeding yet farther, would not suffer a body animate to be extended into in­finite kinds, but hath given unto us five divers sorts of animate and living natures in al. For there 50 be Gods; Daemons, or Angels; Demi-gods, or Heroës: then after these, a fourth kind, of Men; and last of all, in the fift place, is that of brute Beasts and unreasonable. Furthermore, if you come and divide the soule according to nature, the first and obscurest part or puissance thereof, is the vegetative or nutritive faculty: the second is the sensitive: then the appetitive: after it the irascible, wherein is engendred anger. Now when it is once come unto that power which dis­courseth by reason, and brought nature as it were to perfection, there it resteth in the fift, as in [Page 1360] the very pitch & top of all. Since then this number hath so many, and those so great puissances & faculties, the very generation thereof is beautiful to be considered; I meane not that whereof we have already heeretofore discoursed, when we said, that composed it was of two and three, but that which is made by the conjunction of the first principle, with the first square and qua­drate number. And what is that principle or beginning of all numbers? even one or Unitie, and that first quadrat is Foure: and of these twaine (as a man would say, of forme and of matter) be­ing brought to perfection, is procreated this Quinarie or number of five. Now if it be true, as some do hold, that Unitie it selfe is quadrat and foure-square, as being that which is the power of it selfe, and determineth in it selfe, then five being thus compounded of the two first qua­drat numbers, ought so much the rather to be esteemed so noble and excellent as none can be 10 comparable unto it. And yet there is one excellency behind, that passeth all those which went before. But I feare me (quoth I) lest if the same be uttered, it would debase in some sort the honor of our Plato, like as himselfe said, the honour and authority of Anaxagor as was depressed and put downe by the name of the Moone, who attributed unto himselfe the first invention of the Moones illuminations by the Sunne; whereas it was a very ancient opinion long before he was borne. How say you, hath he not said thus much in his Dialogue entituled Cratylus? Yes verily, answered Eustrophus; but I see not the like consequence for all that. But you know (quoth I) that in his booke entituled: The Sophister, he setteth downe five most principall beginnings of all things: to wit, That which is: The same: The other: Motion, the fourth: and Rest for the fift. Moreover in his Dialogue Philebus, he bringeth in another kinde of partition and division of these principles, where he saith: That one is Infinite: another Finite, or the end: and of the mix­ture 20 of these twaine, is made and accomplished all generation: as for the cause whereby they are mixed, he putteth it for the fourth kinde: but leaveth to our conjecture the fift: by the meanes whereof, that which is composed and mixed is redivided, and separate againe. And for mine owne part, I suppose verily, that these principles be the figures and images (as it were) of those before: to wit, of That which is, The thing engendred: of Motion, Infinite: of Rest, the End or Finit: of The same, the Cause that mixeth: of The other, the Cause that doth separate. But say they be divers principles, and not the same: yet howsoever it be, there are alwaies still five kinds, & five differences of the said principles. Some of them before Plato, being of the same o­pinion, or having heard so much of another, consecrated two E. E. unto the god of this temple, 30 as a very signe to symbolize that number which comprehendeth all. And peradventure, having heard also, that Good appeareth in five kinds: whereof the first is Meane or Measure; the second, Symmetrie or Proportion; the third, Under standing; the fourth, The Sciences, Arts and True Opi­nions, which are in the soule; the fifth, Pure and Syncere Pleasure, without mixture of any trou­ble and paine: they staied there, reciting this verse out of Orpheus:

But at the sixth age cease your song:
It booteth not to chaunt so long.

After these discourses passed betweene us: Yet one briefe word more (quoth he) will I say unto Nicander, and those about him;

For sing I will 40
To men of skill.

The sixth day of the moneth when you lead the Prophetesse Pythia into some hal named Pryta­nium, the first casting of lots among you, of three, tendeth to five: for she casteth three; and you, two: how say you is it not so? Yes verily, quoth Nicander: but the cause heereof we dare not re­veale and declare unto others. Well then (quoth I, smiling thereat) untill such time as god permitteth us after we are become holy and consecrate, for to know the trueth thereof, meane while let that also be added unto the praises which have bene alledged in the recommendation of the number Five.

Thus ended the discourse as touching the commendations attributed unto the number of five, by the Arithmeticians and Mathematicians, as far as I can remember or call to mind. And 50 Ammonius (as he was a man who bestowed not the worst and least part of his time in Mathe­maticke Philosophy) tooke no small pleasure in the hearing of such discourses and said: Need­lesse it is and to no purpose, to stand much upon the precise and exact confutation of that which these yong men heere have alledged, unlesse it be that every number will affoord you also sufficient matter and argument of praise, if you will but take the paines to looke into them: for, to say nothing of others, a whole day would not be enough to expresse in words all the ver­tues [Page 1361] and properties of the sacred number Seven, dedicated to Apollo. And moreover we shall seeme to pronounce against the Sages and wisemen, that they fight both against common law received, and all antiquity of time; if disseizing the number of seven of that preeminence, whereof it is in possession, they should consecrate Five unto Apollo, as more meet and besee­ming for him. And therefore mine opinion is, that this writing EI signifieth neither number, nor order, nor conjunction, nor any other defective particle; but is an entier salutation of it selfe, and a compellation of the God: which together with the very utterance and pronuntiation of the word induceth the speaker to think of the greatnesse & power of him, who seemeth to salute and greet every one of us when we come hither, with these words [...], Know thy selfe, which signifieth no lesse, than if he said [...], that is to say, All haile or god save you: and we a­gain 10 to render the like, answer him EI, that is to say, Thou art; yeelding unto him not a false, but a true appellation and title which onely and to him alone appertaineth, namely, that he is. For in very trueth and to speake as it is, we who are mortall men, have no part at all of being indeed, because that all humane nature being ever in the midst betweene generation and corruption, giveth but an obscure apparence, a darke shadow, a weake and uncertaine opinion of it selfe. And if paradventure you bend your minde and cogitation for to comprehend a substance and essence thereof, you shal doe as much good as if you would cluch water in your hand with a bent fist; for the more you seeme to gripe and presse together that which of the owne nature is fluid and runneth out, so much the more shall you leese of that which you will claspe and hold: and even so, all things being subject to alteration, and to passe from one change unto another, rea­son 20 seeking for a reall subsistence is deceived, as not able to apprehend any thing subsistant in trueth and permanent; for that every thing tendeth to a being before it is, or beginneth to die so soone as it is engendred. For, as Her [...] was wont to say, a man cannot possibly enter twice into one and the same river: no more is he able to finde any mortall substance twice in one and the same estate. Such is the suddenesse and celerity of change, that no sooner is it dissipated but it gathereth againe anon, or rather indeed not againe, nor anon, but at once it both subsi­steth and also ceaseth to be, it commeth and goeth together; in such sort, as that which begin­neth to breed, never reacheth to the perfection of being, for that in very deed this generation is never accomplished, nor resteth as being come to a ful end and perfection of being, but con­tinually changeth and moveth from one to another: even as of humane seed, first there is ga­thered 30 within the mothers wombe a fruit or masse without forme; then an infant having some forme and shape; afterwards being out of the mothers belly it is a sucking babe, anon it proves to be alad or boy, within a while a stripling or springall, then a youth, afterwards a man growen, consequently an elderly & ancient person, & last of ala croked old man: so that the former ages & precedent generations be alwais abolished by the subsequent & those that follow. But we like ridiculous fooles be affraid of one kinde of death, when as we have already died so many deaths, and doe nothing daily and hourely but die still. For not onely (as Heraclitus saith) the death of fire is the life of aire; and the end of aire, the beginning of water: but much more evidently we may observe the same in our selves. The floure of our yeeres dieth and passeth away when old age commeth: youth endeth in the floure of lusty and perfect age: childhood determineth in 40 youth: infancy in childhood. Yesterday dieth in this day, and this day will be dead by to morow: neither continueth any man alwaies one and the same, but we are engendred many, according as the matter glideth, turneth and is driven about one image, mould or patterne common to all figures. For, were it not so, but that we continued still the same, how is it that we take delight now in these things, whereas we joied before in others? how is it that we love and hate, praise and dispraise contrary things? how commeth it to passe that we use divers speeches, fal into dif­ferent discourses, & are in sundry affections; retaine not the same visage, one countenance, one minde and one thought? For there is no likelihood at all, that without change a man should en­tertaine other passions; and looke who is changed, he continueth not the same; and if he be not the same, he is not at all: but together with changing from the same, he changeth also to be 50 simply, for that continually he is altered from one to another: and by consequence our sense is deceived mistaking that which appeareth, for that which is indeed; and all for want of know­ledge, what it is to be. But what is it (in trueth) to be? Surely to be eternall, that is to say, which never had beginning in generation, nor shall have end by corruption; and in which, time never worketh any mutation. For a moveable and mutable thing is time, appearing (as it were) in a shadow with the matter which runneth and floweth continually, never remai­ning [Page 1362] stable, permanent and solid, but may be compared unto a leaking vessell, conteining in it (after a sort) generations and corruptions. And to it properly belong these tearmes: [...] , and after: Hath bene, & shall be: which presently at the very first sight do evidently shew, that time hath no being. For it were a great folly and manifest absurditie to say, that a thing is, which as yet commeth not into esse, or hath already ceased to be. And as for these words, Present, Instant, Now, &c. by which it seemeth that principally we ground and mainteine the intelli­gence of Time, reason discovereth the same, and immediatly overthroweth it; for incontinent­ly it is thrust out & dispatched, into future, and past: so that it fareth with us in this case, as with those who would see a thing very farre distant; for of necessitie the visuall beames of his sight doe faile before they can reach thereto. Now if the same befall to nature which is measured, 10 that unto time which measureth it; there is nothing in it permanent nor subsistent, but all things therein be either breeding or dying, according as they have reference unto time. And therefore it may not be allowed to say of that which is, It hath beene, or it shall be: for these termes be certaine inclinations, passages, departures and chaunges of that which cannot en­dure nor continue in being. Whereupon, we are to conclude that God alone is (and that, not according to any measure of time, but respective to eternity) immutable and unmooveable, not gaged within the compasse of time, nor subsert either to inclination or declination any way: be­fore whom nothing ever was, nor after whom ought shall be, nothing future, nothing past, no­thing elder, nothing yoonger; but being one really, by this one Present or Now, accompli­sheth his eternitie and being alway. Neither is there any thing, that may truely be said to be, 20 but he alone, nor of him may it be verified: He hath beene, or shall be, for that he is without beginning and end. In this maner therefore we ought in our worship and adoration, to salute and invocate him, saying, EI, that is to say, Thou art; unlesse a man will rather, according as some of the ancients used to doe, salve him by this title EI EN, that is to say, Thou art one: for god is not many, as every one of us, who are a confused heape and masse composed, or ra­ther thrust together of infinit diversities and differences proceeding from all sorts of alterati­ons: but as that which is, ought to be one; so that which is one, ought to be: for alternative di­versitie being the difference of that which is, departeth from it, and goeth to the engendring of that which is not. And therefore very rightly agreeth unto this god, the first of his names, as also the second and the third: for Apollo he is called, as denying and disavowing [...], that is 30 to say, plurality & multitude: likewise, Iëias, which is as much to say, as One, or alone: thirdly, Phoebus, by which name, they called in the olde time, All that was cleane and pure, without mix­ture and pollution. And semblably even at this day, the Thessalians (if I be not deceived) say, that their priests upon certeine vacant dayes, when they keepe forth of their temples and live a­part pivatly to themselves, [...]. Now that which is one, is also pure and syncere; for pol­lution commeth by occasion that one thing is mingled with another: like as Homer speaking in one place of Yvorie having a tincture of red, said it was polluted; and the word that he useth is [...]. Diers also, when they would expresse that their colours be medleies or mixed, use the word [...], that is to say, to be corrupted; and the very mixture they tearme [...], that is to say, Corruption. It behooveth therefore, that the thing which is syncere and incorruptible, 40 should be also one and simple, without all mixture whatsoever. In which regard, they who thinke that Apollo and the Sunne be both one god, are worthy to be made much of and loved for their good conceit and pleasant wit, because they repose the notion of god in that which of all things that they know and desire, they honour and reverence most. And now, so long as we are in this life, as if we dreamed the most beautifull dreame that a man could imagine of this god Apollo, let us excite and stirre up our mindes to passe yet farther and mount higher, for to con­template and behold that which is above our selves, in adoring principally indeed his essence: but yet honoring withall his image, to wit, the Sunne, and that generative vertue which he hath infused into it, for to produce and bring forth; representing in some sort, by his brightnesse some obscure resemblances and darke shewes of his clemency, benignity, and blessednesse, as 50 far forth as it is possible for a sensible nature, to shew an intellectuall; and for that which is mo­vable, to expresse that which is stable and parmanent. Moreover, as touching I wot not what extasies and leapings forth of [...] and his owne nature, certaine strange alterations like­wise, as namely when he casteth fire and withall dismembreth and teareth himselfe, as they say: as also that he stretcheth, dilateth and spreadeth forth; and contrariwise how he gathereth and draweth in himselfe heere below, into the earth, the sea, the windes, the starres, and uncouth ac­cidents [Page 1363] of beasts and plants; they be such absurdities, as are not to be named without impiety. Or else if we admit them, he will become worse than the little boy, whom the Poets seigne, play­ing upon the sea shore with an heape of sand, which he first raised, and then cast downe a­gaine and scattered abroad: if (I say) he should continually play at this game like fast and loose, namely in framing the world first, where before it was not; and then anon destroying it, so soone as it is made. For contrariwise, how much or how little soever of him is infused into the world, the same in some sort containeth and confirmeth the substance thereof, maintaining the corpo­rall nature of it which otherwise by reason of infirmity and weakenesse tendeth alwaies to cor­ruption. In my conceit therefore, against this opinion principally hath beene directly oppo­sed this Mot and denomination of god, EI; that is to say, Thou art: as giving good testimony in 10 his behalfe, that in him there is never any change or mutation. But either to do, or suffer this, as is beforesaid, belongeth to any other god or rather indeed to any other Daemon, ordained to have the superintendance of that nature, which is subject both to generation and corruption: as may appeare immediately by the significations of their names, which are quite contrary and directly doe contradict one the other. For our god here is named Apollo, the other Plu­to: as if one would say, Not Many; and Many. The one is cleped [...] that is, cleere and evi­dent: the other Aïdoneus, that is to say, obscure blinde and unseene. Againe the former, is na­med Phoebus, which is as much as Shining or resplendent: but the latter Scotius, which is all one with Darke. About him are seated the Muses and Mnemosyne, that is to say, Memory: but neere to this are Lethe, that is to say, Oblivion and silence. Our Apollo, is surnamed Theorius and Pha­naus, 20 of Seeing and shewing: but Pluto is

The Lord of night so * [...] bleake and darke,
Of idle sleeps that can not warke:

who also is

To gods and men most odious,
And to them as malicious.

Of whom Pindarus said not unpleasantly:

Condemn'd of all he was, for that
He never any childe begat.

And therefore Euripides to this purpose spake right well: 30

Soule-songs, dirges, libations funerall
Faire Phoebus please not, he likes them not at all.

And before him, Stesichorus:

Apollo joies in mery songs, in dances, sports and plates:
But Pluto takes delight in sighs, in groanes and plaints alwaies.

And Sophocles seemeth evidently to attribute unto either of them their musicall instruments, by these verses:

The Psalterie and pleasant Lute,
40
With dolefull mones do not well sute.

For very late it was, and but the other day to speake of, that the pipe and hautboies durst presume to sound, and be heard in matters of mirth and delight: but in former times it drew folke to mourning and sorrow, to heavie funerals & convoies of the dead, and in such cases and services emploied it was, as it were not very honourable nor jocund and delectable; howsoever after, it came to be intermingled in all occasions one with another. Mary they especially, who confu­sedly have hudled the worship of the gods with the service of Daemons, brought those instru­ments in request and reputation.

But to conclude, it seemeth that this Mot EI, is somewhat contrary unto the precept [...], and yet after a sort to accord and agree therewith. For as the one is a word of devout ad­miration 50 and reverent worship directed to God, as eternall and everlasting: so the other is an advertisement given unto men mortall, to put them in minde of their fraile and weake nature.

[Page] AN EXPLANATION OF SUNDRY TEARMES SOMEWHAT obscure, in this translation of Plutarch, in favour of the unlearned Reader; after the order of the Alphabet.

A.
AUlus,
A forename a­mong
A.
the Romans. Abyrtace, A deintie kinde of meat, with the Medes & other Barbarous nations, sharpe & quicke of taste to provoke and please the appetite, composed of Leeks, Garlike, Cresses, Sen­vie, Pomgranate kirnels, and such like.
Academie,
A shadowy place full of groves, a mile distant from Athens, where Plato the Philosopher was borne, and wherein hee taught. Of it, the Academicke Philoso­phers tooke their name; whose maner was to discourse and dispute of all questions, but to determine and resolve of nothing. And for the great frequence and concourse of scholars to that place, our Universities and great schooles of learning, be named Academies.
Aediles,
Certeine magistrates or officers in Rome: who were of two sorts; Plebeij and Curules. Plebeij, of the Commons onely, two in number, more ancient than the o­ther; chosen by the people alone, to second and assist the Tribunes of the Commons, as their right hands. This name they tooke of the charge which they had to mainteine temples and chapels: albeit they registred the Sanctions and Acts of the people, cal­led Plebiscita, and kept the same in their owne custodie; were Clerks of the Market, and looked to weights and measures, &c. yea, and exhibited the games and playes named Plebeij. Curules were likewise twain, elected out of the order and degree of the Patritij: so called of the Yvorie chaire wherein they were allowed to sit, as officers of greater state; and by vertue whereof, in some cases, and at certein times they might exercise civill jurisdiction. It belonged un­to these to set forth the solemnities, called Ludi Magni or Romani: overseers they were likewise of the buildings thorowout the city, aswell publike as private, in maner of the Astynomi in Athens: they had regard unto the publike vaults, sinks, conveiances, and conduits of the waters that served the city, as also to the Arcenall, &c. Moreover, they had power to attach the bodies of great persons: and were charged to see un­to the provision of corne and victuals. At the first, none but of noble families or Pa­tricians were advanced to this place: but in processe of time, Commoners also attei­ned thereto. More of them; & how in Iulius Casars time there were elected six Aediles, whereof two were named Cereals; See Ale­xander at Alexander, lib. 4. cap. 4. Genial. dieth.
Aegineticke, Mna or Mina,
Seemeth to be the ancient coine or money of Greece: for they were the first that coined money: and of them came [...]. Caelius Rhodig.
Aeolius Modus,
In Musicke a certeine simple, plaine and mild tune, apt to procure sleepe and bring folke to bed.
Aequinox,
That time of the yeere, when the daies and nights be of equall length; which hapneth twice in the yeere, to wit, in March and September.
Aestivall,
that is to say, Of the Summer: as the Aestivall Solstice or Tropicke of the Sunne, when he is come neerest unto us, and returneth Southward from us.
Aloïdae or Aloïadae,
were Othus and Ephialtes, two giants, so named of Aloëus the giant their supposed father: for of his wife Iphi­media, Neptune begat them. It is said, that every moneth they grew nine fingers.
Alphabet,
The order or rew of Greeke letters as they stand; so called of Alpha and Beta, the two formost letters: and it answereth to our A.B.C.
[Page] Alternative,
By course or turnes, one after an­other; going and comming, &c.
Amphictyones,
Were a certein solemne coun­sell of State in Greece, who held twice in the yeere a meeting, in the Spring and Au­tunne, at Thermopyle; being assembled from the 12 flourithing cities of Greece: there to consult of most important affaires.
Amphitheatre,
A spacious shew place; in forme round, and made as it were of two Theaters. See Theater.
Amphora,
A measure in Rome of liquors only. It seemeth to take that name of the two eares it had, of either side one: it conteined eight Congios, which are somewhat under as many of our wine gallons.
Amnets,
Preservatives hung about the necke, or otherwise worne, against witchcraft, poi­son, eiebiting, sicknesse, or any other evils.
Anarchie,
The state of a city or countrey with­out government.
Andria,
A societie of men, meeting together in some publicke hall for to eat and drinke: Instituted first among the Thebans, like to the Phiditia in Lacedaemon.
Annales,
Histories, Records, or Chronicles, conteining things done from yere to yeere.
Anniversarie,
Comming once enery yeere, at a certeine time: as the Nativity of Christ, and Sturbridge faire, &c.
Antarcticke,
That is to say, Opposit unto the Arcticke. See [...] .
Antidote,
A medicine, properly taken inwardly against a poison or some pestilent and ve­nimous disease. A counterpoison or pre­servative.
Antipathie,
A repugnance in nature, by reason of contrarie affections; whereby some can not abide the smell of roses, others may not endure the sight of a Cat, &c.
Antiparistasis,
A [...] or restraint on every side; whereby either colde or heat is made stronger in it selfe by the restraining of the contrary: as the naturall heat of our bodies in Winter, through the coldnesse of the aire compassing it about: likewise, the coldnesse of the middle region of the aire in Summer, by occasion of the heat on both sides cansing thunder and haile, &c.
Antiphonie,
A noise of contrarie sounds.
Antipodes,
Those people who inhabit under and beneath our Hemisphaere, and go with their feet full against ours.
Apathte,
Impassibilitie, or voidnesse of all af­fections and passions.
Apaturia,
A feast solemnized for the space of foure daies at Athens in the honour of Bac­chus. So called of Apate, that is to say, De­ceit: because Xanthius the Boeotian was in single fight slaine deceitfully by Thimoeles the Athenian. For the tale goeth, that whiles they were in combat, Bacchus appea­red behind Xanthius, clad in a goats skinne: and when Thimoeles charged his concur­rent for comming into the field with an as­sistant; as he looked backe, he was killed by Thimoeles abovenamed.
Apologie,
A plea for the defence or excuse of any person.
Apothegme,
A short sententious speech.
Apoplexie,
A disease comming suddenly in maner of a stroke, with an universall asto­nishment and deprivation of sense and motion, which either causeth death quicke­ly; or else endeth in a dead palsey.
Archontes,
Were chiefe magistrates at A­thens, at first every tenth yeere; and after­wards yeerely chosen by lot, unto whom the rule of the common-welth in their po­pular state was committed: of whom the first was named [...], that is to say, King: the second, Archon, that is to say, Ruler: the third, Polemarchus: and the other six, Thesmothelae.
Arctick,
that is to say, Northerly; so called of Arctos in Greeke, which signifieth the Beare, that is to say, those conspicuous sea­ven starres in the North, named Charle­matns waine; neere unto which is that pole or point of the imaginarie axell-tree, about which the heavens turne, which thereupon is named, The pole Arctick: and over against it, underneath our Hemi­sphaere, is the other pole, called Antarctick, in the South part of the world.
Aristocratre,
A forme of Government, or a State wherein the nobles and best men be Rulers.
To Aromatize,
that is to say, To season or make pleasant, by putting thereto some sweete and odoriferous spices.
Astragalote Mastis,
A scourge or whip, the strings whereof are set and wrought with ankle-bones, called Astragali, thereby to give a more grievous lash.
Atomi,
Indivisible bodies like to motes in the Sunne beames; of which Democritus and Epicurus imagined all things to be made.
Atticke pure,
that is to say, The most fine and eloquent: for in Athens they spake the pu­rest Greeke; insomuch as Thucydides cal­led [Page] it [...], that is to say, Greece of Greece, as one would say, the very quin­tenssence of Greece.
Averrunct or Averruncani,
Were gods a­mong the Romans, supposed to put by and chace away evils and calamities: such as Hercules and Apollo among the Greekes, called thereupon Apotropaei.
Auspices,
Plutarch seemeth to take for Augu­res, that is to say, Certeine priests or sooth­saiers, who by the inspection and observa­tion of birds did foretell future things.
Axiomes,
Were principal propositions in Lo­gicke, of as great authoritie and force as Maximes in law: and it should seeme that those Maximes be derived corruptly from Axiomes.
B
BAcchanalta,
named also [...] , Certein licentious festivall solemnities in the honor of Bacchus, performed at the first by day light, and afterward in the night season, with all maner of filthy wanton­nesse: instituted first in Athens, and other cities of Greece euery three yeeres: in Ae­gypt also: at last they were taken vp in Italy and at Rome.
Bacchiadae,
A noble familie in Corinth, who for the space almost of 200. yeeres there ruled.
Bachyllion,
A song or daunce, which seemeth to take the name of a famous Tragoedian poet named Bachyllus, who devised and practised it; like as Pyladion, of Pylades, as notable a Comoedian.
Barbarisme,
A rude and corrupt maner of speech, full of barbarous and absonant words.
Basis,
The flat, piedstall or foote of a Co­lumne, pillar, statue, or such like, whereup­on it standeth.
Baeotarches, or Baeotarchae,
The soueraigne ma­gistrate or Ruler of the Boeotians.
Baeotius,
a kinde of Mesure or Note in Musick used in Baeotia.
C
CAius,
A common forename to many
C.
families in Rome, and Caia to the wo­man kinde: as usuall as John and Jone with us, as appeereth by this forme of speech or­dinary in mariage; Where thou art Caius, I will be Caia.
Calends.
See Kalends.
Callasitres,
Hardnesse in maner of brawn, as in the skinne of hands or feet, occasioned by much labour and trauell.
Cancerous,
that is to say, Resembling a certeine hard tumor or swelling, occasioned by me­lancholicke bloud, named a Cancer, for the likenesse it hath to a crab-fish, (named in Latine Cancer) partly, for the swelling veines appearing about it, like unto the feet or cleis of the said fish: and in part, for that it is not easily remooved, no more than the crab if it once settle to a place: & lastly, be­cause the colour is not much unlike. This swelling if it breake out into an ulcer, hard­ly or unneth admitteth any cure, and by some is called a Wolfe.
Candyli,
A kind of dainty meat made with ho­ny and milke.
Candys,
an ornament of the Persians, Medians, and other East nations; much like to a Diademe.
Catamite,
A boy abused against kinde: a bag­gage.
Cataplasme,
A pultesse or grosse maner of pla­ster.
To Cauterize,
To burne or seare with a red hot iron or other mettall.
Cenotaph,
An emptie Tombe or Sepulcher, wherein no corps is interred.
Censours,
Magistrates of State in Rome, whose charge was to valew and estimate mens goods, and enroll them accordingly in their seuerall ranges: Also to demise unto certaine farmers, called Publicanes, the publicke profits of the city for a rent, and to put foorth the city works unto them, to be undertaken at a price. Likewise their of­fice it was to oversee mens maners, where­by oftentimes they woulde deprive Sena­tours of their dignitie: take from Gentle­men their horses of service and rings: dis­place commanders out of their owne tribe: disable them for giving voices; and make them AErarij.
Centre,
The middle pricke of a circle or globe, equally distant from the circumference thereof.
Centumviri,
A certeine Court of Judges in Rome, chosen three out of every tribe. And albeit there were 35. tribes, and the whole number by that account amounted to an hundred and five; yet in round reckoning, and by custome, they went under the name of an hundred, and therefore were called Centumviri.
Cercopes,
Certaine ridiculous people inhabi­ting the Iland Pitherusa, having tailes like monkeys, good for nought but to make sport.
[Page] Chalons,
A small piece of brasse money; the eighth part or (as some say) the sixth, of the Atticke Obolus: somewhat better than halfe a farthing or a cue.
Chromaticke Musicke,
Was soft, delicate and effeminate, ful of descant, fained voices and quavering, as some are of opinion.
Cidaris,
An ornament of the head, which in Persia, Media, and Armenia, the Kings and High priests wore, with a blew band or rib­band about it, beset with white spots.
Cinaradae,
A familie descended from Cinaras. Some read Cinyradae, and Cinyras.
Circumgyration,
A turning or winding round.
Cn.
A forename to some houses in Rome.
Colian earth,
So called of Colias a promontory or hill in the territorie of Attica.
Colleague,
A fellow or companion in office.
Colonies,
Were townes wherein the Romanes placed citizens of their owne to inhabit, ei­ther as Free-holders, or tenants & underta­kers; endowed with franchises and liberties diversly: Erected first by Romulus.
Comoedia vetus,
Licentiously abused all maner of persons, not forbearing to name and tra­duce upon the Stage even the best men, such as noble Pericles, wise Solon, and just Aristides: nay it spared not the very State it selfe and bodie of the Common-weale; whereupon at length it was condemned and put downe.
Conctons,
Orations or speeches made openly before the body of the people, such pro­perly as the Tribunes of the Commons u­sed unto them.
Congiarium,
a dole or liberall gift of some Prince or Noble person bestowed upon the people. It tooke the name of that measure Congius, much about our gallon, which was given in oile or wine, by the poll: but after­wards, any other such gift or distribution, whether it were in other victuals, or in mo­ney, went under that name.
Consuls,
two in number, Soveraigne Magi­strates in Rome, succeeding in the place of Kings, with the same authoritie and roiall ensignes: onely they were chosen yeerely.
Contignate,
Close set together, so as they touch one another, as houses adjoining.
Contusions,
Bruises, dry-beatings, or crushes.
Convulsions,
Plucking or shooting paines: Cramps.
Cordax,
A lascivious and unseemly kinde of daunce, used in Comoedies at the first, but misliked afterwards and rejected.
Criticks,
Grammarians, who tooke upon them to censure and judge Poemes and other works of authors; such as Aristarchus was.
Criticall daies,
In Physicke be observed accor­ding to the motion of the humour and the Moone; in which the disease sheweth some notable alteration, to life or death, as if the patient had then his dome. In which re­gard we say, that the seventh day is a king; but the sixth, a tyrant.
Cube,
A square figure: as in Geometrie, the Die; having sixe faces foure square and even: in Arithmeticke, a number multipli­ed in it selfe; as nine arising of thrice three, and sixteene of foure times foure.
Curvature,
that is to say, Bending round, as in the felly of a wheele.
Corollarie,
An overdeale, or overmeasure, gi­ven more than is due or was promised.
Curule chaire,
A seat of estate among the Ro­mans made of Ivorie; whereupon certaine Magistrates were called Curules, who were allowed to sit thereon: as also Triumphes were named Curules, when those that tri­umphed were gloriously beseene in such a chaire, drawen with a chariot, for distincti­on of Oration, wherein Captaines rode on horsebacke onely.
Cyath,
A small measure of liquid things: the twelfth part of Sextarius, which was much about our wine quart. So that a Cyath may go for three good spoonefuls, and answe­reth in weight to an ounce and halfe, with the better.
Cynicke Philosophers,
Such as Antisthenes, Di­ogenes and their followers were: so named of Cynosarges, a grove or schoole without Athens, where they taught: or rather of their dogged and currish maner of biting; barking at men, in noting their lives over rudely.
D
DEcius,
A forename. For Decius, al­though
D.
it were the Gentile name of an house in Rome, yet grew afterwards to be a forename, as Paulus: and likewise fore­names at the first, in processe of time, came to name Families.
D. Decimus,
A forename to certeine Romans, as namely to Brutus surnamed Albinus, one of the conspiratours that killed Iul. Caesar.
Decade,
That which conteineth tenne: as the Decades of Livie, which consist every one of tenne books.
Democratie,
A free State, or popular gouern­ment; wherein every citizen is capable of soveraigne Magistracy.
[Page] Desiccative,
that is to say, Drying, or having the power to drie.
Diatessaron,
A consonance or concord in Mu­sick, called a Fourth, where of there be foure in the Scale which compriseth fifteene strings: it answereth to the proportion, Epitritos; for it consisteth of three and one third part.
Diapente,
A consonance or concord in Mu­sicke, called a Five, it answereth to the pro­portion Hemiolios, or Sesquialtera: for three conteineth two and halfe; three and two make five.
Diapason,
a perfect consonance conteining two fourths; or made of Diatesseron and Diapente, As if it consisted of all: an Eight. It answereth to duple proportion, or Di­plasion.
Disdia pason,
A duple Eight; or quadruple Fourth; which was counted in old time the greatest Systema in the Musicke scale.
Diastema,
The intervall in the scale of Musick. Also the rest or Time, of which and of founds or notes consisteth Diatonicke Musicke.
Diazeugmenon,
Of disjuncts in Musicke.
Diaphoretical, or Diphoretical,
So is called in Physicke Excessive sweat, whereby the spi­rits be spent, and the body much weakened and made faint, as in the disease Cardiaca.
Diatonique Musicke,
Keepeth a meane tempe­rature betweene Chromaticke, and En­harmoniacke: and may go for plaine song, or our Musicke.
Diatonos,
A note in Musicke. Diatonos Hypa­tōn, D, SOLRE. Diatonos Mesōn.
Dictatour,
A soveraigne Magistrate above all others in Rome, from whom no appeale was granted, meere absolute and king-like; but that his time of rule was limited within sixe moneths ordinarily: so named, because he onely said the word and it was done; or for that he was Dictus, that is to say, nomina­ted by one of the Consuls, usually in fome time of great danger of the state, and not otherwise elected.
Diesis,
The quarter of a note in Musicke; or the least time or accent, G, SOL, RE, UT.
Dionysius in Corinth,
An usuall proverbe in Greece, against such as are upon their pros­perous estate, so proud and insolent, as they forget themselves and oppresse their inferiors; putting them in minde that they may have a fall as well as Dionysius, who ha­ving beene a mighty and absolute Mo­narch of Sicily, was driven at last to teach a Grammar and Musicke schoole in Co­rinth.
Dithyrambs,
Were songs or hymnes in the honour of Bacchus, who was surnamed Di­thyrambus, either because hee was borne twice, and came into this world at two dores; once out of his mother Senerleus wombe, and a second time out of his father Jupiters thigh: or else of Lythirambus, ac­cording as Pindarus writeth. For when Ju­piter had sowed him within his thigh, at what time as he should come forth againe, he cried foorth, [...], that is, Undoe the seame, Undoe the seame. The Poets who composed such Hymnes were called Dithyrambicques, whose verses and words were darke and intricate.
Divination,
Soothsaying, or foretelling of future things.
Dolichus,
A long carriere or race, containing twelve, or (as some say) 24. Stadia.
Dorian, or Doricke Musick,
Was grave and so­ber: so called, for that the Dorians first de­vised and most used it.
Drachme or Dram,
The eight part of an ounce. Also a peece of money valued at se­ven pence halfe-penie in silver, and in gold much about a french crowne. The Romane denarius was aequivalent unto it.
E
ECho,
A resonance, or resounding of the last part of the voice or words delivered.
Echo-pan,
A song, of Echo supposed to be a Nymph not visible, but woonderfully be­loved of Pan, the Heardmens god.
Eclipticke,
making or occasioning an eclipse.
Elegi,
Lamentable and dolefull ditties, com­posed of unequall verses, as the Hexame­ter and Pentameter; and such be called E­legiake.
Elenchs,
subtile arguments devised to reproove or confute.
Elotae,
The common slaves that the Lacedae­monians used, and emploied in base mini­steries, as publicke executions, &c.
Elucidaries,
Expositions or Declarations of things that be obscure and darke.
Embrochalion,
a devise that Physicians have to foment the head or any other part, with some liquor falling from aloft upon it, in maner of raine, whereupon it tooke the name.
Emphaticall,
that is to say, Expresse and verie significative.
Empiricke Physicians,
Who without regard ei­ther [Page] of the cause in a disease, or the consti­tution and nature of the patient, goe bold­ly to worke with those meanes and medi­cines whereof they had experience in others, fall it out as it would.
Empusa,
A certeine vaine and fantasticall illu­sion, sent by the divell, or as the Painims say, by Hecate, for to fright infortunate folke. Appeare it doth in divers formes, and seemeth to go with one legge (where­upon it tooke the name, quasi [...]:) for one foote or legge it hath of brasse, the o­ther of an asse; and therefore it is named al­so [...] or [...].
Encomiastical,
Perteining to the praise of a thing or person.
Endrome,
A kinde of bickering or conflict.
Endymatia,
A kinde of daunce or Musicall Note.
Enharmonion,
one of the three generall sorts of Musicke: song of many parts, or a curious concent of sundry tunes.
Enthymemes,
Unperfect syllogismes, or short reasonings, when one of the premisses is not expressed, yet so understoode, as the conclusion neverthelesse is inferred.
Epact,
The day put to, or set in, to make the leape yeere.
Ephori,
Certeine Magistrates or Superinten­dents for the people in Sparta, in oppositi­on to the kings, and to take downe their re­gall power: such as were the Tribunes of the Commons at Rome, ordeined for to abridge the Consuls absolute authoritie.
Epiali,
Be fevers of the Quotidian kind, that is continuall: they have an unequall distem­perature, both of colde and heat at once: but the heat seemeth to be milde and gen­tle at the first: whereupon they tooke that name. These fevers also, for the same reason be called [...].
Epidemial diseases,
Such as are occasioned by some common cause, and therefore spred, and take hold of all persons indifferently in a tract or city: as the pestilence.
To Epitomize,
To relate or pen a thing brief­ly and by way of an abbreviarie.
Epitritos,
The proportion sesquitertion, whereby eight exceedeth sixe, namely by a third part.
Etymologie,
the knowledge of the origniall of words, and from whence they be derived.
Eviration,
Gelding, or disabling for the act of generation.
Exharmonians,
Discords or dissonances in Musicke.
Exstasie, or Ecstasie,
A traunce or transportati­on of the minde, occasioned by rage, ad­miration, feare, &c.
F
FLatulent,
Windy, or engendring winde: as pease and beanes, be flatulent meat.
Fomentations,
in Physicke, be properly devises, for to be applied unto any greeved part: ei­ther to comfort and cherish it; or to allay the paine; or else to open the pores of the skinne, and to make way for plasters and ointments to worke their effects the better. Laid to they are by the meanes of bladders, spunges, wollen clothes, or quilts and such like.
Fungosity,
A light and holow substance, such as wee may perceive, in spunges, mush­romes, fusse bals, elder pith, &c.
G
GAlli,
The furious priests of dame Cybele, the great mother of the gods, honored in Phrygia: It is supposed that they tooke that name of Gallus the river; the water whereof if they dranke liberally, they fell into a furious rage, and cut off their owne genetours.
Graecostasis,
A withdrawing gallerie or place in Rome, neere unto the Senate house Cu­ria Hostilia: where Greeks and other for­reine Embassadors staide and gave atten­dance.
Gymnastical,
Belonging the publicke places of exercise, where youth was trained up to wrestling and other feates of activitie: the which places were called Gymnasia.
Gymnick games or plaies,
performed or practi­sed by those who were naked.
Gymnopodia, or Gymnopaedia,
a certaine daunce, that the Lacedaemonian children were trai­ned in, barefoot; untill they proceeded to another more warlike, called Pyrrhica.
Gymnosophists,
Philosophers of India, who went naked, and led beside a most austere and precise life.
H
HAbite,
In our bodies, is either the sub­stantiall constitution thereof; whereby we terme the evill habite (in Greeke) [...], whenas the bodie misliketh and thri­veth not; and the good habite [...] (in Greeke) when it prospereth: or els the out­ward parts; and so we say sweats, pocks, me­zels, [Page] and scabs, are driven foorth to the ha­bite of the body by strength of nature.
Harmonicall Musicke,
See Enharmonia.
Hemiolios,
Proportion sesquialterall: contei­ning the whole & halfe; as twelve to eight.
Hemisphaere,
that is to say, The halfe sphaere or globe, used commonly for that part of the heaven which is in our sight.
Hexameter,
A verse consisting of six mesures, called feete.
Hexatonos,
Having six tones or six strings.
[...] ,
The Aegyptians sacred Phi losophie, delivered not in characters and letters, but under the forme of living crea­tures and other things engraven.
Holocaust,
A whole burnt sacrifice: whereas ordinarily they burnt upon the altar, onely the inwards of the beast.
Homonymie,
the double or manifold significa­tion of a word or sentence, which is the oc­casion of ambiguity and doubts.
Horizon,
That circle that determineth our sight, and divideth the one halfe of the sphaere of heaven above, from that which is under, out of our sight.
Horoscope,
the obseruation of the houre and time of ones nativitie, together with the fi­gure of the heavens at that very instant; and that forsooth in the East.
Hypate, hypaton,
Principall of principals. A base string in a Musicall instrument: or a note in the skale of Musicke, B, MI.
Hypate Meson,
A meane string or note in Mu­sicke: principall of meanes, E, LA, MI.
Hypate,
The base string in a lute or other strin­ged instrument; so called, because it is sea­ted highest & is principall. And yet it may seeme in vocall Musicke, as Lambinas ta­keth it in Horace, to be the small treble, by that which he writeth of Tigellus, who song Iö Bacche, modò [...] Voce, modò haec, re­sonat chordis quae quatuor ima: where by sum­ma he meaneth the treble, and ima the base. Also Boetius (as Erasmus upon the proverb Dis Diapason, observeth) writeth the cōtra­ry, namely, that Hypate is the lowest or base; and Nete the highest or treble. Nei­ther doth Plutarch seeme to agree alwaies with himselfe in these termes.
Hyperbolyaeum,
A terme in Musick, belonging to their skale, & appropriate to the trebles, that is to say, it signifieth Excellent or ex­ceeding.
Hyporchema,
An hymne and dance unto A­pollo, performed by children with a noise of pipes before them, in the time of pesti­lence, and thereupon it was also called Paean.
Hypotheticall proposuions,
such as are pronoun­ced with a supposition.
I
IAmbus,
A measure or foote in verse, consist­ing of two sillables, the former short, the other long: it is put also for the verse made thereof.
Iambicke verses,
be they which stand upon such feete. If of foure, they be called Qua­ternarij: if of six, Senarij: if of eight, Octona­rij. Now for that this kinde of foote run­neth very quicke, two of them together be reckoned but for one measure: and there­fore the said verses, be termed also Dime­tri, Trimetri, and Tetrametri, as if they had but two, three, & foure feete or measures.
Icosaedron,
A Geometricall solid body, repre­senting twenty sides or faces, distinguished by their severall lines and angles.
Idaeae,
The formes of things setled in the divine intelligence or heavenly minde, according to which as paternes, by Platoes doctrine all things were made.
Idaei Dactyli,
were certaine servitours unto Cybele, bretheren all, called otherwise Cory­bantes and Curetes. But whether they were Daemons, fanaticall men, or couse­ning impostors, it is not agreed upon a­mong writers: neither how many they were, or why so called. See Natalis Comes Mytholog.
* But heere I must not forget to note, that in the Page 257 line 50, instead of [...]: some read [...], that is to say, of their owne fingers. Caelius Rhodig. Lect. Antiq. lib. 17. cap. 12.
Identity,
that is to say, The samenesse, or being the very same.
Idus or Ides,
Eight daies in every moneth, de­rived of an old word Iduo to divide, for that they commonly fall about the midst of the moneth, namely upon the thirteene or fifteene daies, according to Horace: Idus tibisunt agendae; Quidies mensem veneris marinae, findit Aprilem.
To Incarnate,
that is to say, to make flesh, or helpe that the flesh may grow: and so cer­taine salves or medicines be called incar­natives.
To Incrassate,
that is to say, to make thicke and grose.
Intercular daies,
that is to say, set or put be­tweene, as the odde daie in the leape yeare.
[Page] Interstice,
that is to say, The space or distance betweene.
Inumbration,
that is to say, Shadowing.
Ionicke Musicke,
Gallant and galliardlike: plea­sant or delectable.
Isonomie,
An aequability of government under the same lawes, indifferently ministred to al persons: As also an aequality of right which all men doe enjoy in one state: And an ae­quall distribution unto all persons, not ac­cording to Arithmeticall, but Geometri­call proportion.
Isthmus,
A narrow banke of lande lying be­tweene two seas, as namely, that of Corinth and Peloponnesus: and by analogie thereto, all such are so called. By a metaphor also, other things that serve as partitions, be so termed.
Isthmick games,
Were those which were per­formed neere Corinth upon the saide Isth­mus: instituted as some thinke, by Theseus, to the honour of Melicerta, otherwise na­med Palaemon and Portamnus.
K
KAlends,
Was among the Romans the first day of the Moneth, or the very day of the new Moone, which commonly did concurre and fall out together: Neomenia in Greeke. But so called [...], that is to say, a Calando, because the [...] then to call the people unto the court Ca­labra, and there to pronounce unto them how many daies there were to the Nones, &c.
L
LUcius,
A forename to divers families
L.
in Rome.
To Laconize,
that is to say, To imitate the La­cedaemonians, either in short and pithy speech, or in hard life.
Lassitude,
that is to say, Wearinesse.
Later all motions,
that is to say, Moovings to a side; for distinction of those that be circu­lar, mounting upright or descending downward.
Libations, or Libaments,
Assaies of sacrifices, or offrings to the gods; especially of liquid things, as wine.
Lichanos,
A string of an instrument or note in Musicke: Index: In an instrument: the fore­finger string or third: in the GAM-UT, or skale, D, SOL, RE, and C, SOL, RE, UT, according to the addition of Hypatōn or Mesōn.
[...] ,
Any publicke function: but more particularly for the ministerie in the church, about divine service and worship of God.
Lydius Modus,
Lydian Musicke, dolefull and lamentable.
Lyceum, or Lycium,
A famous place neere to Athens, wherein Aristotle taught Philo­sophie. His followers, because they confer­red and disputed walking in this Lyceum, were called Peripatetici.
Lyrical poets,
Such as composed ditties and songs to be sung unto the Lute or such like stringed instruments.
M
MArcus,
M'. Manius, with the note
M'.
of apostrophus, Forenames of sundry houses in Rome.
Medimnus,
A measure conteining sixe Modij Romane; and may goe with us for a bushel and three pecks of London measure, or thereabout.
Megarian questions,
that is to say, Such as were propounded and debated among the Philosophers Megarenses: for there was a sect of them, taking name of the place; like as the Cyrenaiks: for Euclides and Stilpo were Megarians.
Mercenarie,
that is to say, Hirelings, or such as take wages.
Mese,
The middle string or meane: it endeth on Eight, and beginneth the other in the skale of Musicke. In the GAM- UT, A, LA, MI, RE.
Metamorphosed,
that is to say, Transmuted and changed.
Metaphysicks,
that is to say, Supernaturall. The first and principall part of Philosophy in the intention, although it be last attei­ned unto, as unto which all other know­ledge serveth, and is to be referred. The Philosophers Theologie or Divinity, trea­ting of intelligible and visible things.
Meteors,
Be impressions gathered in the aire above; as thunder, lightning, blasing stars, and such like.
Mimi,
Were actours upon the stage, repre­senting ridiculously the speech and gesture of others; jesters and vices in a play: Also certeine Poemes or plaies, more lascivious than Comoedies, and fuller of obscoene wantonnesse. The authors of such were cal­led Minographi, as Laberius.
Mina, or Mna,
A weight, answering to Libra, that is to say, a pound. Also coine valued at so much.
[Page] Minervall,
The stipend or wages paid unto a Schoole-master for the institution and teaching of scholars; derived of Minerva, the president of learning and good arts.
Mixolidian tune,
that is to say, Lamentable and pitifull: meet for Tragoedies.
Monarchie,
The absolute government of a state, by one prince. Roialty.
Mordicative,
that is to say, Biting and sting­ing: as mustard seed, Pelletary of Spaine.
Muscles,
The brawny or fleshy parts of the bodie.
Mythologie,
A fabulous Narration: or the delivery of matters by way of fables and tales.
N
NEmeia,
Certaine solemne games institu­ted in the honour of Hercules for kil­ling a lion in the forest Nemea; or as some thinke, in the remembrance of Arche­morus a yong babe killed by a serpent.
Nete,
The lowest or last string in an instru­ment, answering to the treble, and oppo­site to Hypate. Some take it cleane con­trary, for the base. See Hypate: and Erasmus upon the Adage, Dis diapason.
Nete Diezeugmenon,
A treble string or note of musicke, last of disjuncts. E, LA, MI.
Nete Hyperbolaean,
the last of trebles: A, LA Mi, RE.
Nete Synnemmenon or Syzeugmenon,
The last of the conjuncts: a string or note in mu­sicke, D, La, SOL.
Niglary,
Are thought to be notes or tunes in musicke, powerfull to encourage. See Scho­liast in Aristoph.
Nones,
Were certaine daies in the moneth: so called, because they began evermore the ninth day before the Ides, honored by the Romans both for the birth day of king Servius, and also for the chasing out of the kings: for otherwise it was not festivall; according as Ovid writeth, Nonarum tute­la deo caret.
Novenary
number, that is to say, Nine.
O
OBolus,
A certeine weight: halfe a scriptul or scrupul, the sixt part of a drachme or somewhat better in Greece: also a small coine, currant for eight chalci, which in silver is a peny and saithing.
Octaedra,
A Geometricall body of eight ba­ses, sides or faces, distinct by their angles.
Oeconomie,
House-governement: or the Ad­ministration and dispose of houshold af­faires.
Oligarchi,
A state of governement, wherein a few, and those properly of the welthier sort, rule the common wealth.
Olympiades,
were the space of those foure yeeres, according to which the Grecians reckoned the time: as the Romans did by their lustra; and Christians, by the yeere of our lord.
Olympicke or Olympian
games, were instituted first by Hercules in the honour of Jupiter Olymptus; or of Pelops, as some thinke: and celebrated with a solemne affluence and concourse from all parts of Greece every foure yeeres complet once, betweene Pi­sa and Elis, in a plaine called Olympta: where also stood the temple of Jupiter Olympius.
Oracle,
An answere or sentence given by the devil, or the supposed gods of the [...] : also the place where such answeres were delivered.
Organe,
An Instrument. And our body is said to be Organicall, because the soule performeth her operations by the parts thereof as instruments.
Orthios Nomos,
In musicke a tune or song ex­ceeding high and incentive; which when Timotheus sung before king Alexander, he was so moved and incited, that presently he leapt foorth and tooke armes.
Orthographi,
That part of Grammar which teacheth the feat of writing truely: also, true writing it selfe.
Ostracisme,
In Athens A condemnation and confining for ten yeeres space of that per­son, who was thought to grow greater in wealth, reputation and opinion of ver­tue or otherwise, than the democratic or free popular estate would well beare, ordained first by Clisthenes: who for his labour was himselfe first condemned. It tooke the name of Ostratos, a shell or little potsherd, wherein his name was writ­ten, whom any of the people was in that behalfe offended with; and meant to expell the city. And if the major part of the peo­ple noted one in this maner, he was sent a­way. It differed from banishment, because no person lost by Ostracisme goods or lands: againe the time was limited, and the certaine place set downe, where he should abide. In this sort Aristides the just, vali­ant Themistocles and other good men were driven out.
[Page] Oxyrynchos,
A fish, so called, of a long sharpe beake or snout that it hath.
P
PAean
The name of Apollo. An hymne also to Apollo and Diana for to avert plague, warre, or any calamity: [...], which signifieth to strike or to heale, or of [...], to stay or make to cease.
Paederastî,
The loving of yong boies: com­monly taken in the ill part, as signifying the abuse of them against kinde.
Paegnta,
Pleasant poems or merry ditties for delight.
Paeon, or Paeon,
The name of Apollo; and of a metricall foot in verse, of which Paeans are composed: and it is duple, to wit of foure sillables, either the first long, and the other three short; or the first short and the other three long: it is named also Paean: also an epithet of Apollo.
To Palliat,
that is to say, To cover or hide: and so such cures be called Palliative, which search not to the roote or cause of the dis­ease, but give a shew onely of a perfect cure; as when a sore is healed up aloft, and festereth underneath. And thus sweet pomanders doe palliat a stinking breath, occasioned by a corrupt stomacke or dis­eased lungs and such like.
P. Publius,
A forename to some Romane fa­milies.
Panathenaea,
A solemnity held at Athens: wherein the whole city men, women and children were assembled. And such games, dances and plaies as were then exhibited; or what orations were then and there made, they called Panathenaik. Of two sorts these solemnities were: once every yeere; and once every fifth yeere, which were called the greater.
Pancratium,
Plutarch taketh for an exercise of activity or mixt game of fist-fight and wrestling. Howbeit other writers will have it to be an exercise of wrestling, wherein one indevoureth with hand and foot, and by all parts of his body to foile his adver­sary: as also the practise of all the five feats of activity, which is called Pentathlon and Quinquertium: to wit, *Or [...] the dart. buffetting, wrest­ling, running leaping and coiting,
Pancratiast,
One that is skilfull and professed in the said Pancration.
Paramese,
Next the meane or middle string. A note in musicke: B, PA, [...] , MI, in space.
Paranete Hyperbolaean,
A treble string or note in musicke: the last save one of trebles: G, SOL, RE, UT.
Panegyricke,
Feasts, games, faires, marts, pompes, shewes, or any such solemnities, performed or exhibited, before the gene­rall assembly of a whole nation: such as were the Olympicke, Pythicke, Isthmicke, and Nemian games in Greece. Orations likewise to the praise of any person at such an as­sembly, be called Panegyricall.
Paradox,
A strange or admirable opinion held against the common conceit of men: such as the Stoicks mainteined.
Periode,
A cercuit or compasse certeinly kept: as we may observe in the course of Sunne and Moone, and in the revolution of times and seasons: in some agues also and other sicknesses, that keepe a just time of their returne, called therefore Periodicall. Also the traine of a full sentence to the end, and the very end it selfe, is named a Periode.
Paranete [...] ,
A treble string or note in Musicke: the last save one of dis­juncts: D, LA, SOL, RE.
Paranete Synemmenon or [...] :
C, SOL, FA.
Parhypate hypatōn,
that is to say, Subprinci­pall of principals. A string or note in Mu­sicke: C, FA, UT.
Parhypate Mesōn,
that is to say, Subprincipall of meanes: a string or note in Musicke: F, FA, UT.
Peripateticks,
A sect of Philosophers, the fol­lowers of Aristotle: See Liceum.
Phiditia,
Were publicke hals in Lacedaemon, where all sorts of citizens, rich and poore, one with another met to eat and drinke to­gether, at the publicke charges and had ae­quall parts allowed.
Philippicks,
Were invective orations made by Demosthenes the Oratour, against Philip king of Macedony, for the liberty of Greece. And heereupon all invectives may be cal­led Philippicke, as those were of M. Tullius Cicero against Antonie.
Phrygius Modus,
Phrygian tune or musicke, otherwise called Barbarian; mooving to devotion, used in sacrifices and religious worship of the gods: for so some interpret Entheon in Lucianus: others take it for in­censing and stirring to furie.
To Pinguifie,
that is to say, To make fat.
Plethoricall plight,
that is to say, That state of the body, which being full of bloud and o­ther humours, needeth evacuation: whe­ther the said fulnesse be, ad vasa, as the [Page] Physicians say, when the said bloud and humours be otherwise commendable, but offending onely in quality: or, ad vires, when the same be distempered and offen­sive to nature, and therefore would be ridde away; which state is also called Cacochy­mie.
Polemarchus,
One of the nine Archontes or head magistrates in the popular state of Athens, chosen as the rest yeerely. Who notwithstanding that he reteined the name of Polemarchus, that is to say, a Captaine generall in the field, such as in the Sove­raigne government of the kings, were em­ploied in warres and martiall service under them: yet it appeareth that they had civill jurisdiction, and ministred justice, between citizens & aliens, of whō there were many in Athens; like as the Archon for the time being, was judge for the citizens onely. Assistants he had twaine, named Paredri, who sat in commission with him.
Poliorceles,
A surname of Demetrius, a valiant king of Macedonie, and sonne of king An­tigonus: which addition was given unto him for beseeging of so many cities.
Polypragmon,
A curious busie body, who lo­veth to meddle in many matters.
Pores,
The little holes of the skinne, through which sweat passeth, and fumes breath foorth.
Positions,
Such sentences or opinions as are held in disputation.
Praetour,
One of the superiour Magistrates of Rome. In the citie he ruled as L. chiefe Justice, and exercised civill jurisdiction: Abroad in the province, he commanded as L. Governour, Deputie, or Lieutenant Generall: In the field, he was L. General, as well as the Consull. At first, the name of Consul, Praetor, and Judge was all one.
Primices,
First fruits.
Problemes,
that is to say, Questions propoun­ded for to be discussed.
Procatar cticke causes of sicknesse,
Be such as are evident and comming from without, which yeeld occasion of disease, but do not main­teine the same: as the heat of the Sunne, causing headach or the ague.
Prognosticke,
that is to say, Foreknowing and foreshewing: as the signes in a disease which foresignifie death or recovery.
Proscription,
an outlawing of persons in Rome, with confiscation of their goods, and sel­ling the same in portsale: and depriving them of publicke protection.
Prostambomene,
A, RE, a terme in Musicke, signifying (a String or Note) taken in or to: for otherwise of two Heptachords, there would not arise 15. to admit a place in the middle for Mese, that is to say, the Meane, to take part of two Eights, or two Diapasons.
Prosodia,
A certeine hymne or tune thereto, in maner of supplication to the gods, and namely to Apollo and Diana, at what time as a sacrifice was to be brought and presen­ted before the altar.
Proteleia,
The sacrifice before mariage: as also the gifts that ceremoniously went before.
Prytaneum,
A stately place within the castell of Athens, wherein was a court held for judgement in certeine causes: where also they who had done the Common-wealth singular service, were allowed their diet at the cities charges, which was accounted the greatest honour that could be.
Parhypate Hypaton,
A base string or note in musicke, Subprincipall of principals: C, FA, UT,
Parhypate Meson,
Subprincipall of meanes, a meane string or note, F, FA, UT,
Pyladion,
In musicke a kinde of note bearing the name of Pylades, a Poet comicall and skilfull master in musicke.
Pyramidal,
Formed like unto the Pyramis, which is a geometricall body, solid, broad beneath, and rising up one all sides which be flat and plaine, unto a sharpe point like a steeple. It taketh the name of [...], that is to say, Fire, which naturally hath that fi­gure.
Pythia,
or Phoebas, The priestresse or prophe­tisse, who pronounced the answeres at the oracle of Apollo Pythius at Delphos: who tooke that name of Python there slaine by him and lying putrified: or of [...], that is to say, To aske and demand; for the resort of people thither to be resolved by him of their doubts.
Pythick,
or Pythian games, were celebrated to the honour of Apollo Pythius, neere the city Delphos, with greate solemnity: in­stituted first by Diomedes and yeerely re­newed.
Q
QUintus,
A fore name to divers Ro­manes.
Q.
Quaternary,
the number of Foure: called like­wise [...] and [...], so highly celebrated [Page] by the Pythagoreans, comprising in it the proportion Epitritos, whereof ariseth the musicall harmonie * [...] . Diatessaron; for it con­taineth three and the third part of three: also Diplasion, because it comprehendeth two duple, whence ariseth the musicke dia­pason: and Disdiapason, being dubled, which is an Eight & the perfect harmony, according to the proverbe [...] also in that, it containeth all numbers within it; for, one, two, three and foure arise to Ten, beyond which we cannot ascend but by re­petition of former numbers.
Quaestors,
inferior officers in Rome in maner of Treasurers: whose charge was to receive and lay out the cities mony and revenewes of state: of which sort, there were Urbani, for the city it selfe: Provinciales, for the provinces: and Castrenses, for the campe and their warres.
Quinquertium,
named in Greeke, Pentathlon. Five exercises or feats of activity among the greeks practised at their solemne games: namely *Some put in stead hereof [...] . launcing the dart, throw­ing the coit, running a race, wrestling and leaping. See Pancratium.
R
RAdicall moisture:
Is the substantiall hu­midity in living bodies; which is so u­nited with naturall heat, that the one main­taineth the other, and both preserve life.
To Rarifie,
that is to say, To make more sub­tile, light and thin.
Rectdivation,
Is a relapse or falling backe into a sicknesse, which was in the way of recove­ry, and commonly is more dangerous than the former: Recidiva pejor radice.
Regents,
Professours in the liberall sciences and in Philosophi: a tearme usuall in the Universities.
Reverberation,
that is to say, A smiting or dri­ving backe.
Rhapsodie,
A [...] together or conjoining of those Poems and verses especially hero­icke or hexametre, which before were loose and scattered: such as were those of Homer, when they were reduced into one entier body of Ilias and Odyssca. Those Poets also, who recite or pronounce such verses, were tearmed Rhapsodi.
Rivals and Corrivals,
Counter-suiters: or those who make love together, unto one and the same woman.
To Ruminate,
that is to say, To ponder and consider, or revolve a thing in the minde: a borrowed speech from beasts that chew the cudde.
S
SAtyri,
Woodwoses, or monstrous crea­tures with tailes, yet resembling in some sort, partly men & women, & in part goats; given much to venery and lasciviousnesse, whereupon they had that name: also to scurrill, frumping and jibing, for which they were also called Sileni, especially when they grew aged; supposed by the ru­rall heardmen to be the fairies or gods (I would not else) of the woods.
Satyrae or Satyrs
were certaine Poems recei­ved in place of Comoedia vetus, detesting and reprooving the misdemeanours of people and their vices: at first by way of myrth and jest, not sharpely and after a bi­ting maner, to the shame, disgrace or hurt of any person; such were they that Horace composed; howbeit they grew afterward to more diracity and licentiousnesse, noting in broad tearmes without respect all leaud­nesse, and sparing no degree; as those were of Juvenales and Persius penning. Latine poets onely, handled this argument, both in the one sort and the other.
Scammonie,
A medicinable plant, and the juice thereof issuing out of the roote when it is wounded or cut: it purgeth yellow choler strongly. The same juice or liquor being concrete or thickned and withall corrected is called Dacrydium; as one would say, the teares destilling from the roote: and is the same which the unlearned Apothecaries call Diagridium; as if forsooth it were some compound like their Diaphaenicon.
Scelet,
The dead body of a man artificially dri­ed or tanned, for to be kept and seene a long time. It is taken also for a dead car­casse of man or woman, represented with the bones onely, and ligaments.
Scepticke philosophers,
Who descended from Pyrrho; so called, for that they would con­sider of all matters in question, but deter­mine of none: and in this respect they were more precise than the Academicks.
Scolia,
Were certeine songs and carols sung at feasts.
Scrutinie,
A search, and properly a perusing of suffrages or voices, at elections or judiciall courts, for the triallor passing of any cause.
Secundine,
The skinne that enwrappeth the childe or yoong thing in the wombe: in [Page] women the after-birth or later-birth; in beasts the heame.
Senarie,
The number of sixe, also a kinde of verse. See Iambus.
Septimane,
A weeke or seven-night. Also what soever falleth out upon the seventh daie, moneth, yeere, &c. as Septimanae foeturae, in Arnobius, for children borne at the seventh moneth after conception; and Septimanae [...] , Agues returning with their fits every seventh day.
Serg. Sergius Forenames to certeine fa­milies in Rome.
Serv. Servius  
Sex. Sextus.  
Sesquialteral,
A proportion, by which is ment that which conteineth the whole and halfe againe, as 6. to 4. 12. to 8. It is also named Hemiolios.
Sesqui-tertian,
A proportion, whereby is un­derstood as much as comprehendeth the whole, and one third part, as 12. to 9. and the same is called [...] .
Sesqui-octave,
That which compriseth the whole and one 8 part; as 9 to 8, 18 to 16: in Greeke Eptogdoos, or Epogdoos.
Soloecisme,
Incongruity of speech, or defect in the purity thereof. It arose of those who being Athenians borne, and dwelling in Soli, a city in [...] , spake not pure Attick, but mixt with the Solians language.
Solstice,
The Sunne-steed, which is twice in the yeere, in Iune & December, when the Sunne seemeth to stand for a while, at the very point of the Tropicks, either going from us, or comming toward us; as if hee returned from the end of his race, North and South.
Sp. Spurius,
A forename to some Romanes.
Spasmes,
that is to say, Crampes, or painfull pluckings of the muskles and sinewes. See Convulsions And Spasmaticke, full of such or given thereto.
Sphaeres,
The circles or globs, of the seven pla­nets: as also the compasse of the heaven a­bove all.
Spissitude,
Thicknesse or dimnesse.
Spondaeus,
An hymne sung at sacrifices and li­bations. Also a metricall foot in verse, con­sisting of two long syllables: whereof prin­cipally such hymnes or songs were com­posed.
Stadium,
A race or space of ground, contei­ning 625. foote, whereof eight make a mile, consisting of a thousand paces, which are five thousand foot, reckoning five foot for a pace; for so much commonly a man taketh at once in his pace, that is to say, in his stepping forward, and remooving one foot before another.
Stoicks,
Certeine Philosophers, whose first master was Zeno, who taught in a certeine spatious gallery at Athens, called Poecile, for the varietie of pictures wherewith Po­lignotus the excellent painter [...] it: And for that a gallery in Greeke is called Stoa, therefore those Philosophers who taught and disputed therein, tooke that name of Stoicks.
Strophes,
that is to say, Conversions or tur­nings. In Comoedies and tragoedies, when the Chorus first speaketh unto the actours; and then turneth to the spectators, and pronounceth certeine Jambicks. In the re­hearsing of Lyricall verses, when the Poet one while turneth to the right hand, and another while to the left, and so reciteth certeine verses: which thereupon be called Strophae, and Antistrophae.
Stypticke,
being such things, as by a certeine harsh taste, doe shew that they be astrin­gent: as the fruit called [...] , and A­lum especially, which thereupon is [...] Stypteria. And Stypticitie is such a qua­litie.
Subitarie,
that is to say, Of a sudden, without premeditation.
Subterranean,
that is to say, Under the earth.
Superficies,
The upper face or outside of any thing. In Geometrie it is that, which is made of lines set together, like as a line of prickes united.
Superfoetation,
Conception upon concep­tion.
Suppuration,
A gathering to matter or attir: as in biles, impostumes, inflammations and such like.
Sycophants,
Tale-bearers, false promoters, or slanderous informers, and such as upon small occasions brought men into trouble. The name arose upon this occasion, that whereas in Athens there was an act, That none should transport figges out of the territory Attica; such as gave informati­on of those that contrarie to this law con­veied figges into other parts, were tearmed Sycophants: for that Sycon in Greeke, is a figge.
Syllogismes,
Be certeine formes of arguing: when upon two propositions graunted, which are called Premisses, there is infer­red a third, namely a Conclusion.
To Symbolize,
that is, By certeine outward [Page] signes, to signifie some hidden things: Thus an eie symbolizeth vigilancy.
Sympathie,
that is to say, A fellow feeling, as is betweene the head and stomacke in our bodies: also the agreement and naturall a­mitie in divers senslesse things, as between iron and the load-stone.
Symphonie,
Concent and harmony, properly in vocall Musicke.
Symposiarch,
The master of a feast. The Ro­manes called him Rex, that is to saie, a king.
Symptomes,
Be accidents accompanying sick­nesse; as headach, the ague: stitch, short­nesse of winde, spitting blood, cough and ague; the plurisie.
Synemmenon, or Synezeugmenon,
A tearme of art in musicke, signifying strings or notes conjunct.
Syntaxis,
The construction and coherence of words and parts of speech by concord and regiment.
T
TItus,
A forename to many houses of
T.
the Romans.
Talent
Atticke (as well ponderall which was weighed, as numerall or nummarie, counted in mony) was of two sortes: The lesse, of sixty pound Attick, and every one of them consisted of one hnndred Drach­mae. If mina then, be three pound two shil­lings six pence starling in silver; this talent amounteth to one hundred eighty seven pound ten shillings of our english mony. The greater, or simply the great talent, is eighty minae and hath the proportion Epi­tritos, or sesquitertian to the lesse: so that it commeth to two hundred and fifty pound starling.
Tautologies,
Vaine repetitions of the same things oftentimes.
Ternarie,
The number of three.
Terpandrios,
A severall tune in musicke, or a song that Terpander devised.
Tetrachord,
An instrument in old time of foure strings: but now, it is taken for every fourth in the scale of Musicke or GAM, UT. whereof there be foure in fifteene strings: reckoning Mese, to end one octave and begin another.
Tetrarch,
A potentate or ruler over the fourth part of a country.
Theatre,
A shew place built with seates in maner of an halfe circle, for to behold games, plaies and pastimes; which if both ends meet round, is called an Amphitheatre.
Theorems,
Principles or rules in any science.
Theriacal Trochisks,
Trosches made of vipers flesh, to enter into the composition Theri­aca, that is to say, Triacle.
Thesmothelae,
Were six of the nine Archontes or chiefe rulers in Athens during their free popular estate. They had civill jurisdiction and sat as judges in certeine causes.
Thesmothesium,
seemeth to be the court or commission of the said Thesmothelae.
Topicks,
That part of logicke which treateth of the invention of arguments, which are cal­led Topi, as if they were places, out of which a man might redily have sufficient reasons to argue and dispute with Pro & contra.
Tribunes of the Commons,
Certeine officers or magistrates at Rome, as provosts and protectours of the cominaltie to restraine and keepe downe the excessive power of the consuls and nobility. Chosen they were and confirmed by the generall oth of the people, whereby they were Sacrosan­cti, that is to say, Inviolable, & no violence might be done to their persons. A nega­tive voice they had and power of inhibiti­on called Intercessio; whereby they might crosse and stop all proceedings of the Se­nate or any superiour magistrate (save on­ly the Dictator) even of the very consuls, whom in some case they might command. They resembled much the Ephory in Sparta.
Trite Diezeugmenon,
The third of disjuncts a string or note in the scale of musicke C, SOL, FA, UT.
Trite Hyperbolaean,
A treble string; the third of Exceeding or treble; F, FA, UT.
Trite Synnemmenon,
or Syzeugmenon, The third of the Disjuncts, a string or note in musicke, B, FA, B, MI in rule.
Trivtall,
Common and ordinary as is the high way, stale and of no account.
Trochaeans,
A metricall foot in verse, consist­ing of two sillables; the former long, and the other short.
Tropaees or Trophaees,
Were monuments in memoriall of victory, erected in marble, brasse, or in default thereof with heaps of stone or piles of wood, in the very place where any Generall had vanquished his e­nimies and put them to flight; whereupon they tooke that name: for that [...] in greeke signifieth, Turning back and flight.
Tropes,
In speech the using of wordes other­wise than in their primitive and naturall [Page] signification; which many times giveth a grace to the sentence.
Tutelar,
Protectours and defenders. So were the gods or goddesses among the Painims called, whom they beleeved to have a spe­ciall charge of any city or country.
A Type,
that is to say, A figure under which is signified some other thing.
V
VEstall virgins,
were certeine Nunnes or Votaries, instituted first by Numa Pom­pilius king of Rome, in the honour of Vesta the goddesse: whose charge was to keepe the sacred fire that it went not foorth. Chosen they were betweene the yeeres of six and tenne of their age: and were enjoi­ned virginitie for thirtie yeeres: after which time it was lawfull for them to be married: But if in the meane while they committed fornication, buried they were quicke.
Vnction,
that is to say, Anointing.

AN INDEX POINTING TO THE PRINCIPALL MATTERS CONTEINED IN THE MO­RALS OF PLVTARCH.

A
A Or Alpha, why the first letter in the Alpha­bet. 788. 10 What it signi­fieth.
ib. 30
Abaris, A booke of Heraclides.
18.30
Abrote, the wife of Nisus.
893.20
Abyrtacae.
703.50
Academiques.
1122.30
Acca Larentia, one a courtisane, and another the nourse of Ro­mulus & Remus.
862.30
Acca Larentia honored at Rome.
862.20.30
Acca Larentia surnamed Fabula, how she came renowmed. 862.30. Inheritresse to Taruntius. 863.1. made Rome her heire.
ib.
Acco and Alphito.
1065.1
Acephati, verses in Homer.
140.20
Acesander, a Lybian Chronicler.
716.30
Acheron, what it signifieth.
515.50
Achilles well seene in Physicke. 34.30. 729.50. Praiseth him­selfe without blame. 304.50. commended for avoiding occasi­ons of anger. 40.50. his conti­nencie. 43.30. charged by V­lysses for sitting idlely in Scy­tos. 46.1. of an implacable na­ture. 720.10. noted for anger & [...] . 24.26. he loved not wine-bibbing. 720.20. whom he invited to the funerall feast of Patroclus. 786.40. noted for his fell nature. 106.40. his discretion betweene Menelaus and Antilochus. 648.30. he kept an hungrie table. 750.1. he digested his choler by Mu­sicke. 1261.40. noted for a wan­ton Catamite. 568.30. killed by Paris.
793.50
Achillium.
899.1
Achrades, wilde peares.
903.40
Acidusa.
901.20
Acratisma, that is to say, a break­fast, whereof it is derived.
775.20
Acratisma and Ariston supposed to be both one.
775.30
Acroames or Ear-sports, which be allowed at supper time.
758.30
Acron the Physician, how he cu­red the plague.
1319.1
Acrotatus his Apophthegmes.
453.10
[...] who they be.
604.20
Actaeon the sonne of Melissus, a most beautifull youth. his pitifull death.
945.30.
945.40
Action all in all in Eloquence.
932.1
Actus, the dogge of one Pyrrhus.
963.40
Active life.
9.40
Ada Queene of Caria.
596.20
Ades, what it signifieth.
608.30. 1000.10
Adiaphora.
69.1
Adimantus, a noble captaine, de­based by Herodotus. 1243.30.40. what names Adiman­tus gave unto his children.
1244.20
Adipsa.
339.1
Admetus.
1146
Admirable things not to be discre­dited.
723.1
Admiration of other men in a meane.
55.20
to Admire nothing, Niladmirari.
59
Adonis thought to be Bacchus.
711.40
Adrastia.
557.40. 1050.20
Adrastia and Atropos whereof derived.
1080.30
Adrastus reviled by Alcmaeon. 240.30. he requiteth Alcmae­on.
ib.
Adulterie of Mars and Venus in Homer, what it signifieth.
25.10
Adulterie strange in Sparta.
465.10
Aeacium, a priviledged place.
933.50
Aeacus a judge of the dead.
532.20
Aeantis a tribe at Athens. 659.40. never adjudged to the [...] place. 659.50. highly praised. [Page] 660.20. whereof it tooke the name.
ib. 40
Aegeria the nymph.
633.30
Aegipan.
913.1
Aegipans whence they come.
568.50
Aegles wings consume other fea­thers.
723.20
Aegon, how he came to be king of the Argives.
1281.1
Aegyptians neither sowe nor eat beanes.
777.20
Aegyptian priestes absteine from salt. 728.1. and sish.
778.30
Aegyptian kings how chosen.
1290.40
Aegypt in old time, Sea.
1303.40
Aemylij, who they were called.
917.30
Aemilius a tyrant.
916.40
Aemilius Censorinus a bloudie prince.
917.20
Aemilius killeth himselfe.
912.30
Aeneas at sacrifice covered his head.
854.1
Aeneans their wandering their voiage.
891.50
896.10.20
Aeolies, who they be.
899.30
Aequality which is commendable.
768.1
Aequality.
679.30
Aequality of sinnes held by Stoiks.
74.40
Aequinoctiall circle.
820.40
Aeschines the oratour, his paren­tage.
926.40
Aeschines the oratour first acted tragoedies. 926.50. his emploi­ments in State affaires. 927.1. banished. 927.10. his oration against Ctesiphon. ib. 20. his saying to the Rhodians as tou­ching Demosthenes. ib. his schole at Rhodes ib. his death. ib. his orations. ib. 30. he endi­ted Timarchus. ib. 40. his edu­cation and first rising.
927.30.40
Aescre, what fiend or Daemon.
157.30
Aeschylus wrote his tragoedies being well heat with wine. 763.40. his speech of a champion at the Isthmicke games. 39.10. his tragoedies conceived by the insluence of Bacchus. ib. entom­bed in a strange countrey.
277.20
Aesculapius the patron of [...] . 997.20. his temple why without the citie of Rome.
881.1
Aesops fox and the urchin.
392.20
Aesope with his tale. 330.30. his fable of the dog.
338.20
Aesope executed by the Delphi­ans. 549.10. his death reven­geà and expiated.
ib. 20.
Aesops hen and the cat.
188.50
Aesops dogs and the skins.
1091.20
Aethe, a faire mare.
43.20.565.40
Aether, the skie.
819.10
In Aethiopia they live not long.
849.50
Aetna full of flowers.
1011.10
Affabilitie commendeth children and yoong folke. 12.1. commen­dable in rulers.
378.30
Affections not to be cleane rooted out.
76.40
[...], what day it was.
785.1
Agamedes & Trophonius built the temple at Delphi.
1518.20
Agamemnon clogged with cares.
147.50
Agamemnon noted for Paedera­stie.
568.30
Agamemnon murdered treache­rously. 812.1. noted in Homer for pride.
24.10
Agamemnon his person, how compounded.
1284.1
Agamestor how he behaved him­selfe at a mery meeting.
653.10
Aganide skilfull in Astronomie.
324.40
Agathocles his Apophthegmes. 407.40. being of base paren­tage, he came to be a great Mo­narch. 307.40. his patience.
126.1
Agave enraged.
314.1
Aged rulers ought to be mild unto yoonger persons growing up un­der them.
398.10
Aged rulers paterns to yoonger.
392.40
Age of man what it is.
1328.1
Agenor his sacred grove.
903.30
Agenorides an ancient Physician.
683.40
Agesicles his apophthegms.
444.1
Agesilaus the brother of Themi­stocles: his valour and resolu­tion.
906.40.50
K. Agesilaus fined for giving pre­sents to the Senatours of Sparta newly created. 179.20. he a­voided the occasions of wanton­nesse. 41. 10. his lamenesse. 1191.20. of whom he desired to be commended. 92. 30. his Apophthegmes. 424. 10. he would have no statues made for him after his death. ib. 50. commended in his olde age by Xenophon.
385.1
Agesilaus the Great, his Apoph­thegmes.
444.10
Agesilaus noted for partialitie. 445.50. his sober diet. 446.10 his continencie. 445. 20. his sufferance of paine and travell. 446.10. his temperance. ib. 30 his faithfull love to his coun­trey. 450. 1. his tendernesse over his children. ib. his not a­ble stratageme. 451.10. he ser­ved under K. Nectanebas in Aegypt. 451.20. his death. ib. 30. his letter for a friend, to the perverting of justice. 360.10. too much addicted to his friends.
359.50
K. Agesipolis his Apophthegms.
451.40
Agesipolis the sonne of Pausanias his Apophthegmes.
451.50
Agias given to bellie cheere.
679.20
Agis a worthy prince. 400.30. his Apophthegmes.
423.40
Agis the yonger his Apophthegms.
425.1
Agis the sonne of Archidamus his Apophthegmes.
452.1
Agis the yonger, his apophthegms.
452.50
Agis the last king of the Lacedae­monians his apophthegmes. 453.1. his death.
ib.
Agis the Argive a cunning flatte­rer about K. Alexander the Great.
98.20
Aglaonice, well seene in Astrolo­gie, how she deluded the wives of Thessalie.
1329.10
Agrioma, a feast.
899.40
Agronia.
765.30
Agroteros.
1141.20
Agrotera, a surname of Diana.
1235.20
Agrypina talkative.
206.30
Ajax Telamonius how he came in the twentieth place to the lot­terie. 790.50. his feare compa­red with that of Dolon.
74.50
Aigos Potamoi.
1189.30
[...], what place.
821.1
[...] what it signifieth.
788.40
[...] what it signifieth in some Po­ets.
29.40
Ainautae who they be.
897.50
Aire how made. 808.40. the pri­mitive colde.
995.40
Aire or Spirit the beginning of all things. 806.1. why called [...].
995.50
[Page] Aire the very body and substance of voice.
771.1
[...] what it signifieth in Homer.
737.1
Aix.
891.10
Al, what parts it hath.
1031.30
Ale a counterfeit wine.
685.40
Alalcomenae the name of a citie in Ithacesia.
901.40
Alalcomenion in Boeotia.
ib.
Alastor.
896.1
Alastores.
1330.40
Alcamenes his Apophthegmes.
453.20
Alcathoe.
899.30
Alcestis cured by Apollo.
1146.30
Alcibiades of loose behaviour.
350.50
Alcibiades a not able flatterer. 88.50. his apophthegmes. 419.30 he had no good utterance.
252.10
Alcioneus the sonne of K. Anti­gonus, a forward knight.
530.1
Alcippus and his daughters, their pitifull historie.
948.10
Alcyons the birds.
615.20
Alcyon a bird of the sea of a won­derfull nature. 977.30. how she builds her nests.
218.10
Alcmaeonidae debased and tradu­ced by Herodotus.
1231.20
Alcman the Poet.
270.40
Alcmenaes tombe opened.
1206.1
Alenas, how declared K. of Thes­salie.
191.1
K. Alexander the great winketh at his sisters follies. 372.50. his respect to Timoclia. 504. 1. his apophthegmes. 411.10. his magnanimitie. ib. his activitie. ib. his continencie. ib. his mag­nificence. ib. his bountie and li­beralitie. 411.30. he noteth the Milesians. ib. 40. his gratious thankefulnes to Tarrias. 1279.50. his frugalitie and sobrietie in diet. 412.10. entituled Ju­piter Ammons sonne. ib. 20. he reprooveth his flatterers. ib. he pardoneth an Indian his ar­cher. 413.10. his censure of Antipater. 412.30. his conti­nence. ib. 40. he presumeth not to be compared with Hercules. 413.30. his respect of those who were in love. 412.40.50. whereby he acknowledged him­selfe mortall. 105.20.766.30 he honored Craterus most, and affected Hephestion best. 413.40. his death day observed. 766.1. his demeanour to king Porus. 413.40. his ambitious humour. 147.40. 639.20. he used to sit long at meat. 655.10. he dranke wine liberally. ib. he wisheth to be Diogenes. 296.20. his flesh yeelded a sweet smell. 655.10. his moderate ca­riage to Philotas. 1280.20.30. he died with a surfet of drink­ing. 613.20. how he was cros­sed by Fortune. 1283.20. he would not see King Darius his wife, a beautifull Lady. 142.20. he was favorable to other mens loves. 1280. 1. his picture drawen by Apelles. 1274.50. his statue cast in brasse by Ly­sippus. ib. his bounty to Persian women. 487.1. whether he were given to much drinking. 655.10. he intended a voyage into Italie. 639.20. his sorrow com­pared with that of Plato. 75.1. he forbeareth the love of Anti­patrides. 1145.1. he contesteth with Fortune. 1264. 30. how hee reprooved his flatterers.
1282.1
Alexander nothing beholden to Fortune.
1264.40
Alexander his misfortunes and crosses in warre.
1264.40.50.
The meanes that Alexander had to conquer the world. 1265.40. how he enterteined the Persian ambassadours in his fathers ab­sence. 1283.10. what small helps he had by Fortune.
1265.30
Alexander the great, a Philoso­pher. 1266.10. he is compared with Hercules. 1282.40. how he joined Persia & Greece to­gether. 1267.40. his adverse fortune in a towne of the Oxy­drates. 1284.50. Epigrams and statues of him. 1269.10.20. his hopes of conquest whereupon grounded. 1283.40. his apoph­thegmes. 1269.30. his kindnes and thankefulnes to Aristotle his master. 1270.10. how he honored Anaxarchus the Mu­sician. ib. his bounty to Pyrrho and others. ib. his saying of Di­ogenes. ib. his many vertues joined together in his actions. 1270.10. he espoused Roxane. 1278.50. his behavior toward the dead corps of King Darius. 1271.10. his continency. ib. 20. 1279.1. his liberalitie compa­red with others. 1271.30. his affection to good arts and Arti­sans. 1274.20. his answere [...] the famous architect Staficra­tes. 1275.40. he graced For­tune. 1276.40. his sobriety and milde cariage of himselfe. 1278.1. his temperance in diet. 1278.50. his exercises and recreati­ons. ib. he espoused Statira the daughter of Darius. 1278.50. his hard adventures and dan­gers. 1281.30. compared with other Princes.
1284.10
Alexander Tyrant of Pherae, his bloudy minde.
1273.30
Alexander Tyrant of Pherae. 428.10. killed by Pytholaus.
1155.20
Alexander the [...]
6 9.20
Alexandridas his apophthegmes.
453.30.
Alexidimus bastard son of Thra­sibulus.
329.20
Alexis on old Poet. 385.50. what pleasures he admitteth for prin­cipall.
27.40
Alibantes.
989.50
Alibas, what body.
785.20
Alimon a composition.
338.40
Alima.
339.1
Aliterij who they were.
143.50
Aliterios.
896.1
Allegories in Poets.
25.1
Allia field.
859.20.637.20
Alliensis dies.
858.30
Almonds bitter prevent drunken­nesse. 656.1. they kill foxes. 16.30. their vertues and pro­perties otherwise.
656.10
Aloiadae what Gyants.
1175.20
Alosa a fish.
953.20
Alphabet letters coupled together, how many sillables they will make.
782.30
Alpheus the river, of what vertue the water is.
1345.1
Altar of hornes in Delos, a woon­der.
978.20
Altar of Jupiter Idaeus.
908.1
[...] of divers significations.
29.20
Alysson the herbe, what vertues it hath.
684.40
Alynomus how he came to be K. of Paphos.
1281.20
K. Amasis honoureth Polycritus, his sister and mother.
505.20
Ambar, how it draweth strawes &c.
1022.40
Ambition defined.
374.50
Ambitious men forced to praise themselves.
597.10
Ambrosia.
338.10.1177.30
Amenthes what it [...] .
1299.20
[Page] Amoebaeus the Musician.
67.10
Amestris sacrificed men for the prolonging of her life.
268.20
Amethyst stones, why so called. 684.1. their vertue.
18.50
Amiae or Hamiae, certeine fishes, whereof they take their name.
974.30
Amity and Enmity the beginning of all things.
888.1
Aminocles enriched by ship­wracks.
1237.30
Amnemones who they be.
889.20
Amoun and Ammon names of Jupiter.
1291.1
Amphiaraus.
908.20
Amphiaraus commended. 419.10. he comforteth the mo­ther of Archemorus.
43.1.
520.50
Amphictyones.
390.40
Amphidamas his funerals.
716.20
Amphidamas.
334.40
Amphithea killeth her selfe.
914.10
Amphion, of what Musicke he was author.
1249.20
Amphissa women their vertuous act.
491.20
Amphitheus delivered out of pri­son.
1226.20
Amphitrite, a name of the sea.
1317.20
[...] what it is.
687.20
Anacampserotes, what plants.
1178.50
Anacharsis the Philosopher had no certaine place of abode. 336.1 put his right hand to his mouth, &c.
195.40
Anacreon his odes.
759.1
Anaxagoras his opinion of the first principle of all things. 806.10. how he tooke the death of his sonne. 529.10.132.1. why he was thought impious.
266.20
Anaxander his apophthegmes and epigrams.
453.50
Anaxarchus tortured by Nico­creon. 75.10. he flattereth A­lexander. 295.20. reproved by Timon. 70.50. a loose and in­temperate person.
752.1
Anaxilas his apophthegmes.
453.50
Anaximander his opinion of men and fish. 780.10. his opinion of the first principle. 805.50. his opinion of God.
812.1
Anaxemenes confuted by Aristo­tle. 995.1. his opinion of the first principle..
806.1
Anchucus the sonne of Midas, his resolute death.
908.1
Ancient men how to accept of dig­nities.
396.50
Ancus Martius king of Rome.
631.1
Andorides the oratour his paren­tage, acts and life. 920.40. ac­cused for impiety. ib. acquit. 921.1. he saved his owne fa­ther from death. ib. a great sta­tist and a merchant besides. ib. 10. arrested by the K. of Cy­prus. ib. 20. banished. ib. his orations and writings. 921.30 when he flourished.
ib.
Andreia.
762.1
Androclidas his apophthegmes.
454.1
Androcides how he painted the gulfe of Scylla.
705.30
Anger the sinewes of the soule. 75. 10. how it differeth from other passions. 119. 20. 30. how it may be quenched and appeased. 120.10. how set on fire. ib. 20. compared with other passions. 121.10.20. &c. who are not subject unto it. 123.50.124.1. mixed with other passions. 131.10. to prevent it, as great a ver­tue as to bridle it. 40.30. to be repressed at the first. 120.30. upon what subject it worketh. 121.30. how it altereth coun­tenance, voice and gesture. 122.1.10. compounded of many pas­sions. 131.10. it banisheth rea­son.
542.20
Angle lines why made of stone­horse tailes.
971.10.1008.40
Anio the river whereof it tooke the name.
917.40
Animall creatures subject to gene­ration and corruption. 846.30. of sundry sorts.
ib. 50
Annibal his apophthegme of Fab. Maximus. 429.10.20. he scof­feth at soothsaying by beasts en­trals. 279.20. vanquished in Italie.
637.1
Anointing in open aire forbidden at Rome.
864.30
Anointing against the fire and sun.
620.30
[...].
1166.10
Answers to demaunds how to be made. 204.30.40. of three sorts.
205.40
Antagoras a poet.
415.10
Antagoras a stout shepheard.
905.20
Antahidas his apophthegmes. 425.30.454.10. how he retorted a scoffe upon an Athenian. 363.50. his apophthegme to K. A­gesilaus.
423.1
Antarctike pole.
820.40
Anthes and Anthedonia.
894.20
Anthes an auncient Musician.
1249.30.
Anthedon what it is.
894.10
Anthias the fish, why called sacred.
976.1
Anthisterion what moneth.
785.1
Anticlia the mother of Vlysses.
901.40
Antigenes enamored upon Tele­sippe, was kindly used by King Alexander.
1280.1
Antigonus the elder, how he tooke his sonnes death. 530.1. being an aged king, yet governed well. 395.50. his answere unto a So­phister.
1268.50
Antigonus the yoonger, his brave speech of himselfe. 909.1. his apophthegmes. 415.40. his pie­ty and kindnesse to his father.
ib.
Antigonus the third his apoph­thegmes. 416.10. his continen­cie.
ib. 20
Antigonus the elder his justice. 414.30. his patience. ib. 40. his magnificence. ib. he reproo­veth a Rhetorician. 414.50. reproved by the Poet Antago­ras. 415.10. his apophthegmes. 414.10. his martiall justice. ib. warie to prevent the ocasion of sinne. ib. 20. what use he made of his sicknes. 414.30. his coun­sell to a captaine of his garison. 1137.20. he acknowledgeth his mortality. ib. how he repressed his anger. 124.30. his patience. 126.1. his secrecy. 197.30. his answer to an impudent begger.
167.20
Antiochus one of the Ephori, his apophthegme.
425.30.454.20
K. Antiochus Hierax loving to his brother Seleucus. 416.20 he loved to be called Hierax.
968.50
Antiochus the great, his apoph­thegmes. 417.10. he besiegeth Hierusalem, and honoureth a feast of the Jewes.
ib. 20
Antipater Calamoboas, a Philo­sopher.
207.30
Antipater his bash fulnesse cause of his death. 165.30.40. his an­swer to Phocion.
103.30
Antipatrides rebuked by K. Ale­xander the great.
1145.1
Antiperistasis what effects it wor­keth.
1021.50
Antiphera an Acolian borne, maid servant of Ino.
855.40
[Page] Antipho the oratour his pregnant wit. 918.50. his parentage and life. 418.40. he penned orati­ons for others. 919.1. he wrote the institutions of oratorie. 919.10. for his eloquence surnamed Nestor. 919.10. his stile and maner of writing and speaking. ib. the time wherein he lived. ib. 20. his martiall acts. ib. his Embassie. ib. condemned and executed for a traitour. ib. 30. his apophthegme to Denys the Tyrant. ib. 40. how many ora­tions he made. ib. he wrote tra­goedies. ib. he professed himselfe a Physician of the soule. ib. 50 other works and treatises of his. 920.1. the judiciall processe and decree of his condemnation. ib. 10. inconsiderate in his speech before Denys.
108.1
Antipathies of divers sorts in na­ture.
676.20
Antisthenes what he would have us to wish unto our enemies.
1276.1
Antipodes.
825.30.1164.10
Antisthenes his answer. 364.20. his apophthegme. 240.50. a great peace maker.
666.1
Antitheta.
988.10
Anton.
1145.40
Antonius his overthrow by Cleo­patra. 632.1. enamoured of Queene Cleopatra. 99. 20. abused by flatterers.
ib. 93.50
Antron Coratius his history.
851.20
Anubis borne.
1293.20
Anytus loved Alcibiades.
1147.10
Anytus a sycophant.
300.10.
Aorne a strong castle.
413.30
Apathies what they be.
74.20
Apaturia, a feast.
1232.1
Apeliotes what wind.
829.30
Apelles his apophthegme to a painter.
8.30
[...] what feat of activity.
716.40
Aphabroma what it is.
893.20
Aphester who he is.
889.
Apioi.
903.40
Apis how ingendred. 766.40. kil­led by Ochus.
1300.1
Apis how he is interred
1301.20
[...], what daunces.
1251.30
Apollo why called Delius and Pythius. 608.30. he wan the prize personally. 773.1. a favo­rer of games of prize. ib. 10. surnamed Pyctes.
ib. 20
Apollo the Runner. ib. surnamed Paean & Musegetes.
797.20
Apollo when borne. 766.10. why named Hebdomagines. 766.20. his two nourses, Alethia and Corythalia. 696.1. why surnamed Loxias.
103.30
Apollo painted with a cocke on his hand.
1194.20
Apollo the authour of Musicke. 1252.50. his image in Delos how portraied.
1253.1
Apollo what attributes he hath, and the reason therof.
1353.50
Apollo affectionate to Logicke as well as to Musicke.
1356.30
Apollo and Bacchus compared together.
1348.1.10.20
Apollo, why he is so called. 1362.30. why he is called Iuios. ib. why Phoebus.
ib.
Apollo and the Sunne supposed to be both one.
1362.40
Apollo compared with Pluto.
1363.10
Apollodorus troubled in consci­ence.
547.1
Apollodorus an excellent painter
982.20
Queene Apollonis rejoiced in the love of her brethren.
176.40
Apollonius the physician his coun­sell for leane folke.
1004.30
Apollonius his son cōmēded.
530
Apollonius kinde to his brother Sotion.
185.40
Aposphendoneti who they be.
890.50
Apotropaei what gods they be.
756.1
Appius Claudius the blinde. 397.20, his speech in the Senate.
ib.
Application of verses and senten­ces in Poets.
45.30
April consecrated to Venus.
879.30
Apopis, the brother of the Sunne.
1302.10
Apples why named [...].
726.30
Apple trees, why called [...].
726
Araeni Acta, what it is.
897.20
Arcadians, repute themselves most ancient.
881.1
Arcesilaus, sunne of Battus, un­like to his father. 504.20. sur­named Chalepos. ib. poisoned by Laarchus.
ib.
Arcesilaus the Philosopher defen­ded against Colotes. 1123.40. he shutteth Battus out of his schoole. 92. 20. his patience. 129.20. a true friend to Apel­les.
102.30
Archelaus, king of Macedonie his answere to Timotheus the Musician.
1273.50
Archestratus, a fine Poet not re­garded.
1273.10
Archias, [...] Spartan honou­red by the Samians.
1233.20
Archias, the Corinthian his noto­rius outrage.
945.40
Archias, murdered by Telephus his minion. 946.1. he built Sy­racusa in Sicily.
ib.
Archias Phygadotheres, a nota­ble catchpol.
936.20
Archias, an high priest.
1225.1
Archias, the ruler of the Thebans negligent of the state.
650.30
Archias, tyrannized in Thebes. 1204. 10. killed by Melon.
1225.20
Archelaus, his opinion of the first principles.
806.30
K. Archelaus, how he served an impudent craver. 167.10. his apophthegme.
408.1
Archidamus his apothegme.
425.1.423.20
Archidamus the son of Zeuxida­mus his apophthegmes.
454.50
Archidamus the sunne of Agesi­laus his apophthegmes.
455.20
K. Archidamus fined for marying a little woman.
2.40
Archilochus an ancient poet and musician.
1250.20
Archilochus what he added to musicke.
1257.10.
Archimedes how studious in geo­metrie
387.10.590.10
Archiptolemus condemned and executed with Antiphon.
920.10.20.30
Architas represseth his anger. 542.30. his patience.
12.40
Arctique pole.
820.40
Arctos, the beare, a starre, repre­senteth Typhon.
1295.50
Ardalus.
330.30
Ardetas a lover.
1145.50
Aretaphila her vertuous deede 498.10. her defence for suspi­cion of preparing poison to kill her husband.
499.1
Argei at Rome what images.
861.30
Argileonis the mother of Brasi­das, her apophthegmes.
479.40
Argoi, the name of all Greeks.
861.40
Argos women, their vertuous act.
486.1
Aridaeus, an unwoorthie prince.
1277.30
[Page] Aridaeus, a yoong prince, unfit to rule.
395.50
Aridices his bitter scoffe.
668.10
Arigaeus his apophthegme.
454.30
Arimanius.
1044.1
Arimanius a martiall Enthusi­asme.
1143.1
Arimanius, what God.
1306.1
Arimenes his kindnes to Xerxes his brother.
403.40
Ariobarzanes, sonne of Darius, a traitour executed by his father.
909.50
Arion his historie.
342.20.
Ariopagus.
396.40
Aristaeus, what God.
1141.20
Aristarchium, a temple of Diana.
902.40
Aristinus, what answer [...] had from the Oracle.
852.1
Aristides kinde to Cimon. 398.20. his apophthegmes. 418.50. he stood upon his owne bothom. ib. at enmity with Themisto­cles. 419.1. he laieth it downe for the Common-wealth.
ib.
Aristippus his apophthegme as touching the education of chil­dren. 6.10. his answer as touch­ing Lais the courtisan.
1133.10.
Aristippus and Aeschines at a jarre: how they agreed.
130.40
Aristoclea her tragicall historie.
944.40
Aristocrates punished long after, for betraying the Messenians.
1540.1
Aristocraties allow no oratours at bar to move passions.
72.40
Aristodemus fearefull and me­lancholike.
296.1
Aristodemus usurpeth tyrannie over Cumes.
505.50.290.1
Aristodemus, Socrates his [...] at a feast.
753.50
Aristodemus, tyrant of Argos. killeth himselfe. 265.10.205.10. his villanie. 946.40. sur­named Malacos, 505.30. mur­dered by conspiratours.
506.30
Aristogiton, a promoter, condem­ned.
421.10
Aristomache a Poetresse.
716.30
Aristomenes poisoned by Ptolo­maeus.
112.20
Ariston his opinion of vertue.
64.50
Ariston his apophthegmes.
454.40
[...], a dinner, whereof it is deri­ved.
775.30
Ariston punished by God for sa­criledge.
545.20
Aristonicus an harper, honoured after his death by K. Alexan­der.
1274.40
Aristophanes discommended in comparison of Menander.
942.40
Aristotimus a [...] tyrant over the Elians. 492.30. his treache­rous vilany toward the wives of Elis. 493.10. murdered by conspiratours. 494.1. his wife hung herselfe.
495
Aristotle how he dealt with pra­ting fellowes. 193.30. reedifieth Stagira his native city. 1128.50. his opinion of God. 812.10. his opinion as touching the prin­ciples of all things.
808.10
Aristotle a master in his speech.
34.20
Aristotle the younger, his opinion as touching the face in the Moone.
1161.1
Arithmeticke.
1019.1
Arithmeticall proportion chaced out of Lacedaemon by Lycur­gus.
767.50
[...] a great favorite of Augu­stus Caesar.
368.20
Aroveris borne.
1292.20
Arsaphes.
1302.20
Arsinoe, how she was comforted by a Philosopher for the death of her sonne.
521.50
Arsinoe.
899.30
Artaxerxes accepted a small pre­sent graciously.
402.20
Artaxerxes Long-hand his a­pophthegmes.
404.1
Artaxerxes Mnemon his apoph­thegmes and behaviour.
404.30
Artemisium the Promontory.
906 40
Artemisia a lady, adviseth Xerxes
1243.10
Artemis, that is to say, Diana, why so called.
1184.40
Article, a part of speech seldome used by Homer.
1028.10
Arts from whence they proceed.
232.30
Artyni, who they be.
888.50
Aruntius carnally abused his owne daughter, and sacrificed by her.
912.1.10
Aruntius Paterculus executed worthily by Aemilius Censo­rinus.
917.30
Aspis the serpent why honoured a­mong the Aegyptians.
1316.30
The Asse, why honoured among the Jewes.
701.10
Asses and horses having apples and figges a load, be faint with the disease Bulimos. 739.1. what is the reason thereof.
799.40
Asander.
1152.20
Asaron.
645.10
Ascanius vanquished Mezentius
876.20
Asias what it was.
1250.40
Aso a Queene of Arabia.
1292.40
Asopicus a darling of Epami­nondas.
1146.10
Asphodel.
339.1
Assembly of lusly gallants.
898.1
Assent and the cohibition thereof argued prò & contrà.
1124.10.20
Astarte, Queene of Byblos in Ae­gypt.
1293.40
Aster, a notable archer.
908.50
Astomi people of India.
1177.30
Astrologie is conteined under Geometrie.
797.10
Astrologie.
1019.10
Astycratidas his apophthegmes.
455.50
Asyndeton.
1028,40
Ate.
346.10
Ateas the king of the Scythians, his apophthegmes.
405.20
Ateas misliketh musicke. 405.20. 592.1. 1273.50. [...] unto idlenesse.
394.30
Atepomorus king of the Gaules.
914.40
Athamas and Agaue enraged.
263.20
Athenians. more renowmed for martiall feats than good letters.
981.50
Athenians of what disposition they be.
349.30
Athenians why they suppresse the second day of August. 187.40. reprooved by a Laconian for plaies.
985.50
Athens and Attica highly com­mended.
279.1.10
The Athenians would not breake open king Philips letters to his wife.
350.1
Athens divided into three regions. 357.20. the mother and nurse of good arts.
982.20
Athenians abuse Sylla and his wife with [...] language.
196.1
Athenodorus his kindnesse to his brother Zeno.
181.20
Atheisme and superstition compa­red.
260.1
[...] who they were.
1099.1
Atheists who they were.
810.40
Athisme mainteined by Epicu­rus.
592.20
[Page] Athisme. 260.40. what it is. ib. 50. it arose from superstition, 267. 40. 50. how engendred.
260.1
Athos the mountaine.
1175.20
Atlas.
1163.20
Atomi.
602.50.807.40.50
Athyri what it signifieth.
1310.20
Atropos. 1049.10.797.40. her function. 1184.40. what she is and where she keepeth.
1219.30
K. Attalus died upon his birth day.
766.1
Attalus his reciprocall love to his brother Eumenes.
188.20.416.30
Attalus a king, ruled and led by Philopaemen.
394.20
Attalus espouseth the wife of his brother yet living:
416.30
Avarice how it differeth from o­ther lusts.
211.20
Against Avarice.
299.10.20
Averruncani, See Apotropoei.
Augurs who they be. 883.10. why not degraded.
ib.
Augurs forbidden to observe bird flight, if they had an ulcer about them.
874.30
Augurs and Auspices why they had their lanterns open.
874.10
After August no bird-flight ob­served.
863.30
Of August the second day suppres­sed by the Athenians out of the kallender.
187.40.792.10
Augustus Caesar first emperour of Rome.
631.50
Augustus Caesar his apophtheg­mes. 442. 50. how he paid his father Caesars legacies. 442.1. his clemency to the Alexandri­ans. ib. 10. his affection to Ari­us. ib. his anger noted by Athe­nodorus. 442. 30. his praier for his nephew Tyberius Cae­sar. 631.50. fortunes dearling.
ib.
[...].
901.20
In Autumne we are more hungrie than in any other time of the yeere.
669.10
Autumne called [...].
785.10
Axiomes ten, by complication how many propositions they bring foorth.
782.20
B
B. Vsed for Ph. 890.20. B. for P.
ib.
Babylon a hot province. 685.20. about it they lie upon water bud­gets.
686.50
Baccharis the herbe, what vertue it hath in garlands.
684.20
Bacchiadae.
945.50
Bacchon the faire.
1131.50
Bacchus why called by the Romans Liber pater. 885.1. why he had many Nymphs to be his nurses. 696.1. surnamed Dendriteus. 717. 20. the sonne or father of oblivion. 751.40. why called E­leuther and Lysius.
764.10
Bacchanals how they were perfor­med in old time.
214.30
Bacchus how he commeth to have many denominations.
1358.1
Bacchus patrone of husbandrie. 797.20. not sworne by within dores at Rome. 860.10. What is all this to [...] a proverb whereupon it arose.
645.1
Bacchae why they use rime and meeter.
654.40
Bacchae.
643.40
Bacchus taken to be the [...] god. 712.10. surnamed Lyaeus and Choraeus. 722.40. he was a good captaine. 722.40. a physi­cian. 683.40. why surnamed Methymnaeus. 685. 40. sur­named Lysius or Libes and wherefore. 692.30. what is the end thereof. 337.20. why na­med [...].
726.50.
Bucchus surnamed Bugenes.
1301.20
Bacchus portraied with a bulles head.
1301.20
Bacchus the governour of all moi­sture.
1301.40.
Bactrians desire to have their dead bodies devoured by birds of the aire.
299.50
Baines and stouphes. 612.1. in old time very temperate. 783.30. the occasion of many diseases.
783.30
Balance not to be passed over.
15.10
Ballachrades.
903.30
Bal what it signifieth in the Aegyp­tian language.
1319.1
Banishment of Bulimus.
738.20.
Banishment how to be made tolera­ble. 275.1.10. no marke of infa­mie. 278.20. seemeth to be con­demned by Euripides.
ib. 30
Banished persons we are all in this world.
281.20
Banquet of the seven Sages.
326.30
Barbarians and Greeks compared.
39.40
Barbell the fish honoured.
976.40.
Barbers be commonly praters. 200.40. a pratling Barber, checked k. Archelaus.
408.10
Barber to K. [...] cru­cified for his [...] tongue. 200.30. Barbers shops dry ban­kets. 721.20. a Barber handled in his kinde for his [...] tongue.
201.1
Barly likes well in sandy ground.
1008.10.20.
Barrennesse in women how occasio­ned.
844.20
Evill Bashfulnesse cause of much [...] & danger. 165.10.20.30. over-much Bashfulnesse how to be avoided. 164.30. Bashful­nesse 163.10. of two sorts. 72.1. Bashfulnesse to be avoided in diet.
613.1
Bathing in cold water upon exer­cise. 620.20. Bathing in hot water. ib. 30. Bathing and [...] before meat.
612.20
Bathyllion.
759.10
Battus the sonne of Arcesilaus
504.30
Battus a buffon or [...] .
775.10
Battus surnamed Daemon.
504.20
Battus.
1199.20
Beanes absteined from.
15.20
Beare a subtill beast. 965.10. why they are saide to have a sweet hand. 1010.50. why they gnaw not the [...] . 1012.30. tender o­ver their yoong.
218.20
a Bearded comet.
827.20
Beasts haue taught us Physicke, & al the parts thereof. 967.60. Beasts capable of vertue. 564.50. docible & apt to learne arts. 570.1. able to teach. ib. 10. we ought to have pittie of them. 575.30. brute Beasts teach pa­rents naturall kindnesse. 217.218. Beasts braines in old time rejected. 783.10. they cure themselves by Physicke. 1012.1. Beasts of land their proper­ties. 958.50. what beasts will be mad. 955.20. beasts not sacrifi­ced without their owne consent. 779.20. skilful in Arithmetick. 968.20. kind to their yong. 218.10. beasts wilde, what use men make of them. 237.40. of land or water, whether have more use of reason. 951. 30. beasts have use of reason. 954.955. how to be used without injurie. 956.40. how they came first to be killed. 779.10. whether they feed more simply than we. 702.1. whether more healthfull than men.
702.1.
[Page] Beauty the blossome of vertue. 1153.10. beauty of what worth 6.50. beauty of woman called [...] & [...]. 728.50. beau­ty without vertue not [...] .
47.1
Beboeon.
1370.40
Bebon.
ib.
Bed of maried folke [...] ma­ny quarrels betweene them. 322 20. bed-clothes to bee shuffled when we be newly risen.
777.40
Bees of Candie how witty they be. 959. 50. bees cannot abide smoke. 1014.30. they sting un­chaste persons. ib. 40. the bee a wise creature.
218.1
The Beetill flie what it signisieth [...] . 1291.30. why honoured by the Aegyptians.
1316.30
Beer a counterfeit wine.
685.40.
Begged flesh, what is ment by it.
891.50
Bellerophontes continent everie way.
739.30
Bellerophontes commended for his continence. 42.30.139.30. he slew Chimarchus. 489.10. not rewarded by Iobates.
ib.
Belestre.
1137.1
The Bellies of dead men how they be served by the Aegyptians. 576.40. of belly & belly cheere, pro & contra. 339.340. belly pleasures most esteemed by lipi­curus and Metrodorus. 595. 10. belly hath no cares.
620.40.
Bepolitanus strangely escaped execution.
502.40
Berronice & the good wife of [...] .
1111.40
[...] detected for killing his fa­ther.
545.30.
Bias his answer to a pratling fel­low. 194.20. his answer to king Amasis. 327.10. his apophtheg­me. 456.1. his apophthegme touching the most dangerous beast.
47.30
Binarie number. 807.10. Binarie number or Two, called contenti­on.
1317.30
Bion his answere to Theognis. 28.20. his apophthegme. 254. 50. his saying of Philosophie.
9.1
[...] & hath divers significations.
29.20
Birds why they have no wezill flap. 745.10. birds how they drinke. 745.10. skilfull in divination. 968.40. taught to imitate mans mans voice.
966.30
Biton and Cleobis rewarded with death. 518.10. See Cleobis.
Bitternesse what effects it worketh.
656.10
a [...] of his toong how he was ser­ved by K. Seleucus.
200.20
Blacknesse commeth of water.
997. 10
Blacke potage at Lacedaemon.
475. 20
Bladder answereth to the winde­pipe, like as the guts to the we­zand.
745.20
Blames properly imputed for vice.
47.30
Blasing [...] .
827.10
The Blessed state of good folke de­parted.
530.50
Bletonesians sacrificed a man.
878.10
Blushing face, better than pale.
38 50
Bocchoris a k. of AEgypt.
164.40
[...] [...].
898.40
Bodily health by two arts preser­ved.
9.10
Body fitter to entertaine paine than pleasure. 583.10. body feeble no hinderance to aged ru­lers. 389.40. bodies what they be. 813. bodies smallest. 813.50. body, cause of all vices and ca­lamities. 517.30. body may well have an action against the soule. 625.1. much injuried by the soule.
ib.
Boeotarchie.
367.10
Boeotians good trencher men. 669 10. noted for gluttony.
575.1
Boeotians reproched for hating good letters.
1203.50
Boldnesse in children and youth.
8.40
Bona a goddesse at Rome.
856.50
Books of Philosophers to be read by yoong men.
9.50
Boreas what winde.
829.30
Bottiaeans. 898.30. their virgins song.
ib.
Brasidas his saying of a silly mouse.
251.20
Brasidas his apophthegmes. 423. 30.456.1. his death and com­mendation.
ib. 10
A Brason spike keepeth dead bo­dies from putrefaction.
697.50
Brasse swords or speares wounde with lesse hurt.
698.1
Brasse why called [...], and [...]. 698.1. why it is so reso­nant.
770.10
Brasse of Corinth.
1187.1
Bread a present remedie for fain­ting.
739.1
Brennus king of the Gallogreeks.
910.40
Brethren how they are to divide their patrimonie. 180.40. one brother ought not to steale his fathers heart from another. 179 30. they are to excuse one ano­ther to their parents. 179.50. how they should cary themselves in regard of age.
184.185
Briareus a giant, the same that Ogygius.
1180.20
Bride lifted over the threshold of her husbands dore. 860.30. bridegrome commeth first to his bride without a light. 872.10. 20. bride why she eateth a quince before she enter into the bed­chamber. 872.20. brides haire parted with a javelin.
879. 50
Brimstone why called in Greeke [...].
705.30
Brison a famous runner.
154.30
Brotherly amity a strange thing.
174.20
Brutus surprised with the hunger [...]. 738.50. his gracious thankefulnesse to the [...] .
739.1
Decim. Brutus why he sacrificed to the dead in December.
862. 10
Brutus beheadeth his owne sonnes.
909.50
The Bryer bush [...].
892. 50
Bubulci the name at Rome. how it came.
865.10
Bucephalus K. Alexanders horse 963.50. how he was woont to ride him.
396.20
Buggery in brute beasts not known
568.30
Building costly forbidden by Ly­curgus.
577.30.880.1
Bulb roote.
704.20.
Buls and beares how they prepare to fight.
959.1
Buls affraied of red clothes. tied to figge-trees become tame.
323.
741.30
Bulla what ornament or jewell. 40. why worne by Romaines chil­dren.
883.40
[...] and [...]. a fainting of the heart and no hunger.
739. 30
Bulimos what it signifieth.
738. 20
Bulimos the disease, what it is, & whereupon it proceedeth.
738. 739
Buprostis.
738.30
[Page] Buris his resolution for his coun­trey.
474.1
A man not to be cased of his Bur­den.
777.40
Busiris sacrificeth strangers and guests. 917.1. killed by Hercu­les.
ib. 10
Bysatia killeth herselfe.
913.20
Bysius what winde.
890.20
Buzygion.
323.10
C
CAbirichus Cyamistos 1225 10. killed by Theopompus.
ib. 30
Cabiri.
666.20
Cabbas or Galba, a bawd and witall. 1144.10. and a merrie busson withall.
ib.
Caecias the wind gathereth clouds.
240.10
Caecilius Metellus Macedoni­cus, his rare felicity.
630.20.
Caecilius Metellus his apoph­thegmes.
436.20
Caena, that is to say, A supper, whereof derived.
776.1
Caeneus the Lapith.
247.1.1055 30
Caepio and Cato brethren, agree well together.
185.20
Caepion an auncient Musician.
1250.40
Caesar commended by Cicero for erecting againe the statues of Pompeius. 243. 1. 10. hee made head against M. Crassus.
874.10
C. Caesar his apophthegmes. 440. 40. he putteth away his wife Pompeia.
441
Cajus and Caja.
860.50
Caja Caecilia a vertuous & beau­tifull lady. 860.50. her brasen image in the temple of Sanctus.
861.1
Cakes of Samos.
613.40
Calamarus fish foresheweth tem­pest.
1008.50
Calamoboas, why Antipater was so called.
207.30
Calauria, what place.
894.10
Calbia a cruell woman. burned quicke.
498.40.
500.30
Calendae. See Kalendae.
Callicles answer.
378.10
Callicrates.
1106.30
Callicratidas his apophthegmes. 459.1. his death.
ib. 30
Callimechus stood [...] upon his feet.
906.30
Callimici, a surname of certeine princes.
1278.40
Calliope the Muse. 795.40. wherein emploied.
798.50
Callipides a vaine jester.
449.10
Callirrhoe a beautifull damosell, her wofull historie. 947.40. she hangeth herselfe.
913.10
Callisthenes refused to pledge A­lexander the great. 120.30. in disfavour with K. Alexander. 655.20. his apophthegme a­gainst quaffing.
ib.
Callisthenes killeth himselfe upon the body of Aristoclia his bride.
945.10
Callisto, what Daemon.
157.30
Callistratus a friendly man in his house, and keeping great hospi­tality.
707.40
Callixenus a sycophant.
300.10
Sea Calves their properties.
977. 20
Cambyses upon a vaine jealousie put his brother to death.
188. 20
Furius Camillus.
631.10
Camma the Galatian Lady, her vertuous deeds. 500.40. poi­soneth her selfe and Synorix.
501.20
[...], what it signifieth.
28. 50
Candaules shewed his wife naked to Gyges.
654.10
Candaules killed by Gyges.
902. 10
Candidatus [...] for offices at Rome in simplerobes.
867.30
Candyli.
703.50
Canobus or Canopus, a pilot and starre.
1296.10
Cantharides the flies, how used in Physicke.
28.30
Cantharolethros.
156.50
Canus the Minstrell, studious and bent to his worke.
387.10
on Capitol mount no Patritij at Rome might dwell.
880.40
Capparus the name of a dog. 962. 50. he discovereth one that had committed sacriledge. ib. pro­vided for by the Athenians.
963.10
Sp. Carbilius, why he divorced his wife.
855.10
Carians murdered by the Meli­ans.
847.50
Carmenta the goddesse, honoured by Romane matrons. 869.50. the mother of Euander. ib. named Themis and Nicostra­ta. ib. the etymologie of Car­menta.
870.1
Carmina, whereof the word com­meth.
870.1
Carneades his witty apophthegme against flatterers. 96.40. when he was borne.
766.10
Carnia what [...] .
766
[...] dames suffered their heads to be shorne.
284.1
Carthaginians of what nature they be.
349.40
Caryce.
703.50
Carystian quarry, what stone it yeelded.
1345.50
Caspian sea.
1183.30
Cassandra the prophetesse not be­leeved.
376.30
Cassius Severus his apophthegme of a cunning flatterer about Ty­berius.
[...] .
Cassius Brutus a traitour.
909. 40
Castoreum an unpleasant drug.
9. 50
Castor and Pollux how they lo­ved.
[...] .
Castorium, what [...] among, the [...] .
1256.30
Casual adventure what it is.
1052 30
Catacautae.
894.50
Catamites hate Paederasts most deadly.
1155.20
Cataptuston, a mouth of the river Nilus, why so called.
1292.50
Catephia what it is.
163.20
Cateunastes, what God.
1142.1
Cathetus ravisheth Salia.
917.40
Cats can abide no sweet perfumes.
323.30
Cato the elder his apophthegmes. 432.30. an enemy to gluttony.
ib.
Cato his accusation and plea. 384. 40. his apophthegme of Julius Caesar Dictator.
1083.1
Cato Vticensis killed himselfe. 295.50. more carefull of his souldiers then of himselfe.
ib.
Cato the elder against the libertie of women.
432.30
Cato being a boy, very inquisitive of his Teachers.
36.40
Cato the elder his severitie. 432. 40. he would not have his owne image made.
375.10
Cato the elder misliked statues.
432.50
Cato the yoonger his upright dea­ling against Muraena.
242.50
a Cat, why she symbolizeth the Moone.
1312.30
Catulus Luctatius his apoph­thegmes.
437.1
Caudinae [...] .
907
Cause, what it is.
813.20
Causes of three sorts.
ib.
Cause efficient, chiefe.
ib.
[Page] Causes materiall and efficient.
1348.1
Cecrops why said to have a dou­ble face.
443.20
Celaenae a city in Phrygia.
907.50
Celeus a great housekeeper.
707.40
Censors at Rome, if one died, other gave up their places. 868.1. what first worke they under­tooke after they were sworne. 882.40. their charge.
882.50.883.1
Centaures whence they come.
568.50
Centaury the herbe.
1178.50
Ceraunophoros, an image repre­senting K. Alexander.
1275.40
Cerberus.
880.30.604.50
Cercaphus.
896.30
Cercopes.
98.20
Cerdous what God.
154.50
Ceres differeth from Proserpina.
1181.40
Ceroma what cōposition.
672.50
Ceres worshipped in the same tem­ple with Neptune.
709.10
Ceres surnamed Anysidora. 797.10 patronesse of agriculture.
ib.
Ceres [...] .
897.40
Chaeron how he altered the pro­spect of Chaeronea.
134.10
Chabrias his [...] .
420.30
Chalcedonian dames their mode­stie.
903.20
Chalcitis, a miner all medicinable.
698.1
Chalcodrytae.
712.40
[...] , what they thinke of the Gods.
1306.40
Chamaeleon changeth colour upon feare.
973.20
Change in States difficult & dan­gerous.
349.20.350.20
Chaos. 646.10.1000.10.1032.50. whereof derived, and what it signifieth.
989.30.1300.20
Charadrios, a bird curing jaun­dice.
724.1
Chares, a personable man.
389.50
Charicles & Antiochus how they [...] their fathers goods.
181.10
Charidotes the surname of Mer­curie.
904.20
Charila.
891.1
Chatillus his apophthegmes.
469.40.423.1
Charillus an infant, protected by his uncle Lycurgus.
1277.30
Charites or Graces, what were their names, and why so called.
292.1
Charmosyna, what feast.
1299.10
Charon the brother of Epami­nondas, commended for resolu­tion and love to his countrey. 1204.50. he enterteineth the exiled men at their [...] . 1216.30. his speech made to the conspiratours.
1223.30
Charroles why commended by A­nacharsis.
737.10
Cheiromacha, a faction in Mile­tum.
897.50
Chenosiris what it is.
1302.10
Chersias the Poet scoffed at by Cleodemus.
338.1
Childhood how to be ordered by Nourses.
4.50
Childrens words taken for Osses.
1293.10
Children good of bad parents.
555.40
Children punished for their pa­rents.
554.1
Children begotten in drunkennes.
2.40
Children are not to heare leawd speeches.
4.50
Children to be taught by lenity & faire meanes.
10.40
Children why they ought to have no golde about them. 375.1. how they come to resemble their parents and progenitours. 843.50. how it commeth, that they be like neither to the one nor the other. 844.10. they used to goe with their fathers forth to sup­per.
861.50
Chilon invited to a feast, enquired alwaies who were the guests.
328.30
Chimaera a mountaine.
489.30
Chimarchus or Chimaerus an archpirate.
489.1
Chiomara wife to Ortiagon, her vertuous deed.
501.50
Chios women their vertuous acts.
485.10.40
Chiron an ancient Physician. 683.40. a singular bringer up of no­ble youth.
1262.10
Chirurgery, men did learne of Ele­phants.
968.20
Chlidon sent by Hippostheni­das to the banished of Thebes. 1216.1. a ridiculous fray be­tweene him and his wife.
1216.20
Choaspes the river water, drunke only by the Persian kings
273.1
Choenix. 15.10.749.50. 1328.20. it conteineth 4. Sextatios.
Cholera the disease.
781.50
Choler youth ought to suppresse. 12.20. the whetstone of forti­tude.
566.10
Chonuphis a Prophet in Mem­phis.
1207.1.1291.10
Chresmosyne.
1358.30
Chrestos, what it signifieth.
889.30
Chrithologos who it is.
889.40
Chromatique musicke.
796.40
Chrysantas commended by Cyrus for sparing to kill his enemie.
863.50
Chryseis.
35.1
Chrysippus taxed for nice subtil­tie.
41.40
Chrysippus his contradictory opi­nions. 1060.10. to what pur­pose borne.
1082.40.50
Chrysippus brought in a super­fluous plurality of vertues. 65.10. his statue and the epigram to it.
1058.20
Chthonie, what Daemon.
157.30
Church robber detected by his tongue.
201.40
Cicero his scoffe. 664.30. noted for praising himselfe.
303.40
Cicero his apophthegmes. 439.30 the reason of his name. ib. he is not ashamed of it.
ib.
Cich peace forbidden to be eaten. 881.50. their derivation in Greeke.
ib.
Cidre, what drinke.
685.40
Cimon incestuous at first, proved a good Ruler.
543.40
Cimon why blamed.
297.20.351.1
Cimmerians beleeve there is no sunne.
266.20
Cinesias how he rebuked the Poet Timotheus.
28.10.759.30
Cinesones.
1199.30
Cinna stoned to death.
915.1
Cio women their [...] act and chastity.
490.491
Circle.
1021.10
The Cirque Flaminius why so called.
872.30
Cleanthes did grind at the mill.
286.30
Cleanthes thought that the hea­ven stood still and the earth mo­ved.
1163.1
Cleanthes hard to learne. 63.1. noted for playing with Homers verses. 41.40. his contradicti­ons.
1059.20
Cleanthes and Chrysippus con­tradictory to themselves.
1058.40
Cleanthes and Antisthenes pra­ctised [Page] to correct Poeticall verses by change of some words.
44.1
Clearchus his countenance encou­rageth his souldiers. 109.20. given to austerity. 651.50. a tyrant. 296.1. his insolent pride.
1278.20
Clearchus the Philosopher confu­teth Aristotle Junior, about the Moones face.
1161.20
Clemencie what it is.
69.10
Cleobis and Biton kinde to their mother. 518.20. deemed by Solon happie.
96.30
Cleobuline a studious and vertu­ous damosel, named also Eume­lis.
329.1
Cleobulus, usurped the name of a sage and was none indeed.
1354.20
Cleodemus a Physician,
335.20
Cleomachus the Thessalian his death. 1145.20. his sepulcher.
1145.30
Cleombrotus the sonne of Pau­sanias, his apophthegm.
459.40
Cleombrotus a great traveller.
1322.1
Cleomenes the sonne of Anax­andrides his Apophthegmes. 459.40.425.10. punished for his perjury and trechery.
ib. 50
Cleomenes repelled from the wals of Argos by women.
486.20
Cleomenes the sonne of Cleom­brotus his apophthegmes.
461.1.
Cleon being entred into governe­ment rejected all his former friends.
358.50
Cleopatra. 632.1. banished and restored.
637 30
A Clepsydre.
840.20
Climacides and Colacides what women.
86.20
Clio. 795.40 wherein emploied
798.50
Clitomachus the Grammarian could abide no amatorious mat­ters.
757.50
Cloelia her vertuous deed. highly honored by k. Porsena.
492.1
492.20
Clonas an ancient musician.
1269.50
Clotho
797.40 1049.10
Clotho her function. 1184.40. what she is.
1219.30
Cloudes how engendred.
828.10
Clusia flang her selfe from an high tower.
910.20
Clysters commended. 624.10. first [...] by the bird Ibis.
968.1.1317.1
Clytus his vaine glory.
1278.10
Cneph among the Aegyptians.
1295.50
Cnidian graine, a violent purga­tive.
623.50
Cocks of the dunghil for what use made.
1073.20
White Cocke honored by the Py­thagoreans.
711.1
Cocles moderate in receiving ho­nours.
375.40
Cocytus. 604.50. what it signifi­eth.
515.50
Codrus the king, disguised, killed.
911.40
Coeranus preserved by Dolphins.
980.1
Coeranium.
ib. 10
Colde primitive what it is. 993.10. it is not the privation of heat.
ib. 20
Colde good to preserve things.
774 10
Colde outward increaseth naturall heat.
739.10
Coliades who they be.
892.30
Colour what it is.
814.10
Colours all but white deceitfull. 859.40. of divers kindes.
814.20
Colotes the Epicure, wrot against the [...] . 581.10. he is confu­ted.
1110.50
Combat of three twins, bretheren.
911.10
Combats of prize in what order set by Homer.
673.40.50
Comminius Saper worketh the death of his owne sonne Com­minius.
916.10
Comoedian condemned by the A­thenians.
985.1
Comoedia Vetus banished out of feasts.
759.20
Comoedia Nova commended at banquets.
ib. 30
Company of friends at meales com­mended.
742.40
Company bad, children must avoid
15.1
Comparatives used for positives.
719.40
Conception how it commeth. 842.20. how it is hindred.
ib.
Conception of children.
220. 20
Concoction what it is.
1003
Concordance of [...] and philo­sophy.
605.20.48.30
Conflagration of the world.
807.30
Conipodes who they be.
888.50.
Conjunctions, a part of speech not much missed.
1028.20
Conjunction of man and wife why called [...].
1155.30
Conscience [...] a safe harbour
161.10
Conscience a sufficient witnesse.
252.40.50
Conscience cleere a singular [...] .
603.20
peace of Conscience a sovereigne joy.
80.1
Consualia a festivall day at Rome.
867.20
Consular place at the boord hono­rable. 650.10. the reasons why
ib. 20
Consuls at Rome, when first en­stalled. 856.20. not admitted to triumphall feasts.
877.10
Consultation of serious matters at the table and wine..
761.40
Contentment of minde in [...] Crates the philosopher.
147.50
Continence and temperance how, they differ.
69.20
Continency in beasts compared with the thastity of men and women.
566.40
Contingent how defined.
1051 20
Contradictions of stoicke philoso­phers.
[...] .1058
Contrusius the sonne of [...]
914.10
Conus.
1021.1
Cophene a yong damosell saved the Megarians from being [...] . 487. 40. maried to Nymphaeus.
ib.
Coptos a city in Aegypt why so called.
1293.10
Corax aliâs Collocidas. 553.20 murdered Archilochus.
ib.
Cordax
759.10
Cordial confections and counter­poisons called, The hands of the gods.
1703.1
Core the same that Persophone.
914.10.1181.50
Coretas gave first light of the ora­cle at Delphi.
1345.10
Corinna reprooved Pindarus in his poetre.
984.30
Corinthians chappell.
1193.1194
Coronistae, who they be.
505.30
Corpulent and fat folke barren.
676.1
Coros
1358. [...]
Correction of Poets verses.
44.1.10
Corruption what it is.
1114.1115
Corybantes.
1142.50.1143.10.1183.40
Cothus his subtile practise.
895.20
Cotyla a measure. 1328.20. it con­taineth [Page] ten ounces, that is to say, about a pint.
Cotys a prince given to anger, how he restrained it.
405.10
Covetousnesse what maner of dis­case.
210
Counsell of state in Lacedaemon how called,
391.30
the love of native Country surpas­seth all others.
362.10
who voluntary left their owne Countries.
277
native Country called [...].
395 1.
Cradephoria what [...] .
712.10
Cradias what tune or song.
1251.10
Cramp-fish Torpedo how subtile he is.
972.40
Cranes what order they keepe in flying.
960.1
Crantor his opinion as touching the soule of the world.
1031.30
M. Crassus why he was said to ca­ry hey one his horne.
874.1
Crassus bitterly taunted and chec­ked Domitius. 240.30. acused for incontinency.
241.30
Crataiadas.
895.1
Crates his trecherous part with Orgilaus. 381.1. he is put to death.
381.10
Crates the philosopher joieth in his poverty. 147. 40. called Thi­repanoectes. 666. 1. his epi­gram opposed to Sardanapalus his epitaph. 310. 1. he for sooke the world. 288.10. his exclama­tion against negligent fathers in the education of their children
5.50
Cratevas why he killed Archelaus
1155.20
against importunate Cravers.
168 40
Credit in a city won at the first and suddenly.
356.10.20
Cretinas his honest cariage to his concurrent Hermes for the good of the common weale.
362.1
Crexus what he added to musicke.
1257.10
Crisson the Himerean, a flatterer.
96.30
Critolaus killed his sister Demo­doce.
911.10
Crocodile resembleth god, and ho­nored by the Aegyptians.
1316.30
Crocodiles tame and familiar. 970. 10. their maner of brec­ding and their foreknowledge.
977.1
Croesus erected the statue of his woman baker, in beaten gold.
1195.40
the Cromyonian sow.
565.30
Crowes of Barbarie how crafty they be.
959.40
Crowes age
1327.30
Cruelty in men whēce it arose first.
951.10
Cruelty in the killing of brute beasts for our food, condemned.
577.1
Cryassa the new.
487.50
Cryassians conspire against the Melians.
487.30
Cube. 819.20. how to be doubled.
767.30
Cumin-seed to be sowen with curses.
746.30
Cupid or love, highly honored by the Thespians.
1131.10
Curiosity fostereth anger. mixed with [...] and malice.
132.20.
134.20
Curious persons ought to looke in­to themselves.
134.50
against Curiosity the [...] of an Aegyptian.
135.50
Curious folke wherein they love to intermeddle.
136.10
Curiosity in other mens matters how to be avoided.
136.50
Manius Curius his Apoph­thegmes.
428.20
Curtius a Romane knight. he deflowreth his owne daughter Cyane.
908.10
911.50
Cuttle-fish how crafty he is.
972.30
Cyanippus killed himself.
912.30
Cybele the great mother of the gods.
1129.30
Cydippe.
896.30
Cydnus the river, of what vertue the water is.
1345.1
Cylindre.
1021.1
Cynegyrus lost both his hands.
906.30
Cynesias the Poet.
985.1
Cynosarges at Athens.
1133.30
Cyon the dog-starre, representeth Isis.
1295.50
Cyphi the composition, of what and how many ingredients it consisteth.
1319.10
Cyphi how the Aegyptians use. 1319.30. when it is burnt for perfume.
1319.40.
Cypselus miraculously saved. 345 30. how he tooke that name.
ib. 40
Cyrenaiks philosophers.
1122.30.584.10
Cyrus sbunned the sight of faire Panthea. 41. 10.142.20. be­loved of the Persians. 377.10 how he exercised himselfe with his play-feeres 207.1 his apoph­thegmes.
403.10
Cyrus the yonger his pollicy to win the Lacedaemonians unto him.
404.10
D
DAEmons, how long they live. 1327. 40. sundry sorts of them, and their divers offices.
1329.20.30
Daemons of what nature they be.
1327.20
Daemons who they be. 1221.50. what nature they be of.
1297.1
Daemons about the Moone.
1183.40
Daemons how they speake with men.
1217.50
Daemons: the attribute Daemonius how Homer useth.
812.40
1297.20
Daemons of sundry kinds.
157.40
Daemons twaine allotted to every one of us.
157.30
Daie at Rome began at midnight.
879.40
Daiphantus.
484.40
[...] what reports in Homer. 679.1. why so called.
ib. 50
[...] what maner of drinking.
337.50
[...] who they were.
ib.
Dames of Rome debarred from riding in coches. 869.50. put to no cookerie, nor grinding of corne.
879.20
Damindas his apophthegme.
456.20
Damis his apophthegme.
456.20
Damocrates an impudent jester.
354.50
Damonidas his [...] .
425.10.456.20
Damoteles murdered.
904.40
Darius father of Xerxes, hated idlenesse. 394.30. his apoph­thegmes. 403.10. he remitted certeine taxes imposed upon his subjects.
ib. 20
Darius fortunes minion.
1264.30
Darius came up of nothing.
ib.
Darius his commendation of K. Alexander.
1279.20
Darius the sonne of Hystaspes, how he atteined to the crowne.
1280.40
Darknesse whether it be visible.
837.40
Darknesse about the oake, what it meaneth.
894.30
[Page] [...] seeds forbidden in fires for stonphes.
697.10
Date tree branch in all games for victory. 772.1. why it hath the superiority in such games.
ib. 30
Date tree highly commended. ib. 10. liveth long. ib. 30. it never sheadeth leaves. ib. 40. it bring­eth to the Babylonians 360. cōmodities. 773.40. it beareth no fruit in Greece. ib. pressed downe it curleth upward. ib. 50. the reason thereof.
1013.40
The Date trees braines.
622.30
Datys warred upon the Atheni­ans.
906.30
Daulides, what birds.
777.1
three Dances of the Lacedaemoni­ans.
308.20.476.40
of Dauncing three parts.
799.50
Daunce and poesie compared.
801.1
Daunce Candiot.
801.30
Dawning of the day why called Clytus.
771.20
In Dearth and famine how the Ly­dians passed the time.
622,1
Death what it is. 848.1. whether it be common to soule and bodie.
848.20.
why men reported Dead, upon their returne enter not into their hou­ses at the dore.
851.40
Death the remedy or end of all mi­series.
515.20
Deaths houre why unknowen unto us.
516.1
in Death no harme. 516. 50. to what Socrates compared it. ib. it resembleth sleepe. 517.1. cal­led the brother of sleepe by Di­ogenes 517.20. compared to a long voiage.
517.20
Death a favour and gift of the gods 518.20. compared to our estate before birth.
519.10
Death onely ill, infeare and expe­ctance.
519.30
Death of yoong folke is their bles­sednesse.
520.30
Death how it is accounted diversly
75.20
Death day of Diogenes the Cy­nike observed.
766.1
Death good in what respect.
603.40
Deaths twaine.
1182.20
Deaw the daughter of Jupiter and the Moone.
1011.20
Deaw how it fretteth the skinne and raiseth a scurse.
1005.50
Deaw daughter of the aire and the Moone.
697.50
Deawes most in the full Moone.
697.40
Debt a sinne in Persia.
285.20
Decelique warre raised by Alci­biades.
419.50
December the tenth moneth. 856.20. the last moneth.
862.10
Decias voweth himselfe for his ar­mie. 299.30. he cared not for fire.
ib.
Decij vowed themselves to death for their countrey.
901.40.50
Decrees proposed to the Athenian people.
938.10
Decree for the honour of Demo­sthenes.
ib.
An honourable Decree in the be­halfe of Demochares.
938.50
An honourable Decree proposed for Lycurgus.
939.30
Defluxions of all things.
1009.40
Deiotarus K. of Galatia.
1073.40
[...] who they be.
28.40
[...], a supper, whereof derived.
775.30
[...] in dauncing what it is.
801.1
Delius an epithet of Apollo.
1353.50.
The Deliaque oration of Hype­rides.
937.10
Delights of eie and eare more dangerous than of other parts. 752.40. how to withstand the danger of such delights.
753.20
Delphinius a surname of Apol­lo.
978.40
Demades findeth fault with Phocius slender fare.
211.30
Demades noted pleasantly by An­tipater.
211.40
Demades a very glutton.
211.30
Demades his images melted.
376.1
Demades the oratour compared to a burnt sacrifice. 416.10. his apophthegme of the Athenians.
615.30
Demades a scoffer requited by Demosthenes.
355.10
Demades his politique practise.
373.30
Demaratus his apophthegmes. 456.30. his free speech to king Philip. 111.1. his speech to K. Alexander.
1267.30
Demetria a stout dame, slew her owne sonne for cowardise.
480.10
Demetrius counselled K. Ptolo­maeus to read books of policie.
422.40
Demetrius Phalereus, with [...] 300. statues. 375. 50. [...] happily in [...] .
273.20
K. Demetrius spared the [...] of Ialysus drawen by Protoge­nes. 415.20. his [...] . ib. his liberality. 415.30. sur named Polyarcetes, and his complaint of fortune.
942.1
Demetreioi, why the dead are called.
1182.30
Demetrius his vaine glory,
1278.10
Demi-gods or Heroes.
812.40
Democratie what it is.
941.20
Democrita and her daughters their wofull end.
948.40
Democritus studious in searching the causes of things.
660. [...]
Democritus commended. 1128.1 his opinion as touching dreames. 784.20. his opinion as touching Atomes. 807. 40. what he thought of God.
812.1
Democritus a brave captaine et sea.
1242. [...]
Demodorus an ancient Musici­an.
1249.40
Demonides his shoes.
23.10
Demosthenes the oratour never dranke wine. 792.50. he loved not to speak unpremeditate. 355 10. his parentage, education and life 930.50. he called judicially to account his tutors or Guardi­an. 931.10. he sued Midias in an action of battery. 931.20. his painfull studie. ib. how he cor­rected his evill gestures. ib. 30. his defects in nature. ib. 40. his exercise of declaiming by the seaside. ib. he sided against the faction of K. Philip. 931.40. encouraged by Eunomus and Andronicus. ib. 50. his speech of Action in eloquence. 932.1. flowted by Comicall Poets for his broad othes in pleading. 932.1. he mainteineth the pro­nouncing [...], with the accent over the second syllable.
932.10
Demosthenes dashed Lamachus out of countenance. 932.20. commended by K. Philip for his eloquence. 932.20. his kind­nesse unto Aeschines. 932.40. disgraced at his first comming to the barre. 398.20. accused, and quit. ib. his timorousnesse. ib. 50. his Motor device upon his targuet. ib. not blamed in his orations for praising himself. 304.50.305.1. his imploiment [Page] and good service in the Com­mon weale, 933.1. his honours that he obteined. ib. 10. noted for bribery and corruption. ib. 20. condemned and banished. ib. recalled home by a publique decree. ib. 30. he flieth and ta­keth Sanctuary. ib. 40. his an­swer as touching premeditate speech. 8.1. his statue, with his owne Epigram. 934. 10. his death. ib. his issue. ib. 30. ho­nours done unto him after death. ib. 40. he first made an oration with a sword by his side. 934.30. his orations. ib. 50. surnamed Batalus for his rio­tous life. ib. scoffed at by Dio­genes the Cynicke. 935.1. his tale of the asse and the shadow. 935. 10. his apophthegme to Polus the great actour. 935.20 he studied his orations much. ib. 30. how he tooke the death of his only daughter.
529.40
Denary or Ten, the perfection of numbers.
806.40
Deniall of unjust and unlawfull re­quests.
170.20
Denys the Tyrant.
296.40
Denys of Sicily abused by slatte­rers. 93.40. how he served a minstrell.
56.1
Denys the tyrants wife and chil­dren cruelly abused by the Ita­lians. 377.1. his cruelty to Phi­loxenus the Poet.
1274.1
Denys the elder could not abide idlenesse. 394.30. how he na­med his three daughters. 1278.30. his witty apophthegmes. 406.10. the yoonger, his apoph­thegmes. 407.20. his apoph­thegme. 1268.50. his base ni­gardise to an excellent Musici­an. 1273.30. his proud vain­glory.
1278.20
Dercillidas his apophthegmes.
456.30
Deris what Daemon.
157.30
Destinies three.
797.40
Destiny or fatall necessitie. 816.40 what it is. 817.1. substance thereof what it is.
ib. 50
Deucalion his deluge.
961.50
Dexicreon a cousening Mount­banke or Merchant venturer.
904.1
Diagoras of Melos.
810.40
[...] in [...] of two sorts. 758.40. whether they ought to be rehearsed at supper time.
759.50
Dianaes temple at Rome, why men do not enter into.
851.10
Diana but one. 796.20. the same that the Moone. 697.20. her attributes given by Timothe­us. 28.10. her temple within the Aventine hill, why beauti­fied with Cowes hornes.
851.20
Diana Chalceoecos 455.10. sur­named Dictynna.
978.40
[...] how defined.
953.1
Diapason, what symphonie in Mu­sicke.
1037.1
Diapente, what symphony in Mu­sicke.
1037.1
Diapente in tempering wine and water.
695.20
Diaphantus his apophthegme.
2.30
Diatessaron, what symphony in Musicke.
1035.50
Diatessaron in tempering wine and water.
695.20
Diatonique Musicke.
796.40
Diatrion in tempering wine and water.
695.20
[...].
736.50
[...] the citie perished.
1190.20
Dice.
295.20.557.50
Dictamnus the herbe medicin­able.
968.20
[...].
785.20.
Diesis.
1037.40
Diet exquisit condemned.
617.40
620.20
Diet for sicke persons.
611.40
Diet for men in health.
612.10
Diet physicke taught us by brute beasts.
969.10
Differring of punishmēt.
540.1.10
Digestion of meats how hindered.
701.1.10
Diligence supplieth the defect of nature. 3.20. the power thereof.
ib. 30
Dinaea what Daemon.
157.30
Dinarchus the orator his life and acts. 937.30. his voluntary ex­tle.
ib. 50
Dino a great captaine.
901.30
Dinomenes what oracle he recei­ved as touching his sonnes.
1197 20
Diogenes smote the master for the scholars misbehaviour. 81.40. his free speech to K. Philip.
111.10
Diogenes the Sinopian, a Philo­sopher abandoned the world.
249.20
Diogenes compared himselfe with the great king of Persia.
250.1
Diogenes the Cynicke his apoph­thegme unto a boy drunken.
250
Diogenes his patience. 128.20 his speech to a yoonker within a Taverne.
254.30
Diogenes the Cynicke his answer as touching his banishment. 273 20. he contemned slavery.
299.20
Diogenes master to Antisthenes.
666.1
Diogenes rebuketh Sophocles about the mysteries of Ceres. 28.10. his apophthegme as tou­ching revenge of an enemie. 28.1. concerning fleshly pleasure. 6.30. his silthy wantonnes. 1069.1. his franke speech to K. Phi­lip.
279.10
Diognetus sansieth Polycrite.
497.1
Dion how he tooke the death of his owne sonne. 525.40. through foolish bashfulnesse came to his death. 165. 30. his apoph­thegmes.
408.1
Dionysius. See Denys.
Dionysus Eleutherios.
885.1
Dioscuri, two starres.
822.10
Dioxippus rebuked by Dioge­nes for his wandering and wan­ton eie. 141.20. his opinion as touching the passage of our meats and drinks.
745.1
Dis, diapason.
1037.30
Discontentednesse in Alexander the great.
147.40
Discourse of reason what it is.
839 40
Diseases of a strange maner.
782.40
Diseases of the body which be worst.
313.30
Diseases of the soule woorse than those of the body.
313.10
Diseases have their avantcurriers or forerunners.
616.20
Diseases how they arise.
781.10
Diseases new how they come.
781.20
Diseases which were first.
782.1
a Dish of sowes paps.
613.50
Disme or tenth of goods, why offe­red to Hercules.
855.50
Disputation, what maner of exer­cise.
619.30
Disputation after meales.
622.50
Distances betweene sunne, moone, and the earth.
1165.30
Dithyrambs what verses & songs. 1358.10. they sort well with Bacchus.
1358.10
Diversitie.
65.40
Divine what things be called.
728 20.30
Divine knowledge or doctrine of [Page] the gods seven folde.
810.10
Divine providence what it is.
1052 50
Divine providence denied by the Epicureans.
598.1
Divine service most delectable.
ib. 40
Divine power, author of no ill, nor subject thereto.
600.1
Divination of many kinds.
841.10
Divination ascribed to Bacchus.
1764.10
Divination by dreames.
784.10
Divination dented by the Epicu­reans.
598.1
Docana what images they were.
174.1
Doctrine and life ought to go toge­ther.
1057.40
Dodecaedron.
1020.40.819.20
Dogs sacrificed by the Greeks in all expiations. 873.1. odious unto Hercules. 880.30. not allowed to come into the castle of A­thens. 886. 50. esteemed no cleane creatures. 887.10. sa­crificed to infernall gods and to Mars.
887.20
Sea Dogs how kind they be to their yoong ones.
218.20.976.40
Dog how subtill he is.
959.40
Dogs their admirable qualities.
962.20
a Dog discovereth the murderer of his master.
ib. 30
a Dog detecteth the murder of Hesiodus.
ib. 40
Dogs gentle and couragious with­all.
964.10
an Indian Dog of rare [...] .
964.10
a Dog counterfeited a part in a play.
967.30
Dogs crucified at Rome.
638.30
a Dog saluted as king in AEthio­pia.
1087.40
a Dog resembleth Anubis.
1305.10
a Dog why so much honoured in AEgypt.
1305.20
Dogs why they pursue the stone that is throwen at the.
1015.10
a Dog why he resembleth Mercu­rie.
1291.40
Dolphins loving to mankind. 344.30.751.20.979.1.10. deligh­ted in Musicke.
ib.
Dolphins spared by fishers.
344.30
a Dolphin saved a maidens life.
344.40
a Dolphin, the armes that Vlysses bare in his shield.
980.20
Dolphins how affectionate to a boy of Jasos.
979.40
Dolphin how crafty he is, and hard to be caught.
972.10
Dolphins in continuall motion.
974.1
C. Domitius his apophthegme. 431.30. he overthrew K. An­tiochus.
ib.
Dorian Musicke commended by Plato.
1253.40
Dorians pray to have an ill hey harvest.
1008.10
Doryxenus who it is.
893.30
Cocke Doves squash their hennes egges.
954.20
Dragon consecrated to Bacchus.
699.20
A Dragon enamoured of a yong damosell.
966.10.
who never Dreamed in all their life time.
1349.50
Dreames to be considered in case of health.
618.10
Dreames how they come.
841.30
how to be regarded.
255.10
Dreames in Autumne little to be regarded. 784. 1. the reason thereof. ib. how to be observed in the progresse of vertue.
255.10
Drinke whether it passe through our lungs. 743.20. the wagon of our meat.
743.50
Drinkes which are to be taken heed of.
613.30
Drinking leisurely moistneth the belly.
743.50
Drinke five or three but not foure.
695.20
Dromoclides a great states man in Athens.
348 40
Drunkenesse what persons it soo­nest assaileth.
652.10
Drunckenesse is dotage.
765.20
Faults committed in Drunkenesse doubly punished.
336.50
Halfe Drunke more brainsicke than those who be thorow drunke.
694.20
Drunkenesse most to blame for in­temperate speech. 194.10. how defined. 194.40. soone bringeth age.
690.10
Dryades what Nymphs.
1141.30
Duality the authour of disorder and of even numbers.
1341.1
Duplicity of the soule.
65.40
Dying is a kinde of staining or in­fection.
774.40
Dysopia what it is.
163.20
E
EAres give passage to vertue for to enter into yong mens mindes.
52.10
Eare delights are dangerous.
18.40
Eare-sports how to be used. [...] 10. when to be used at a feast.
761.30
Eares of children and yong [...] how to be desended.
52.10
Earely eating condemned in olde time.
775.30
Earth whether it be the element of colde.
999.40
Earth called Estia or Vesta where­fore.
1002.1
Earth by god not alwaies placed below.
649.1
Earth whether but one or twaine.
829.50
Earth what prerogative it hath. 1345.30. what it is. 830. 1. what forme it hath. 830. 10 the situation thereof. 830.10 why it bendeth southerly.
830.30
Earth whether it moove or [...] .
830.40
Earthquakes how occasioned.
831.20
Earth corrupteth waters. [...] it causeth diversity of waters.
774.40
Earth for the most part not inhabi­ted.
1177.40.50
Echemythia.
139.10
Echeneis a fish. 676.10. the reason how she staieth a ship.
676.50
Echo how it is caused.
839.20
In Eclipses of the moone why they rung basons.
1183.20
Eclipses of the Sunne.
1171.20.30
Eclipses why more of the Moone then of Sunne. 1172. 10. of eclipses the cause.
1172.10
Education of what power it is.
4.10.6.40
Eeles comming to hand.
970.1
Eeles bred without generation of male or female.
672.10
Egge or henne, whether was be­fore.
669.50
Egges resemble the principles of all things.
670.50
The Egge whereof came Castor and Pollux.
671.20
E. signifieth the number five.
1354 30
EI. written upon the temple at Delphi what it signifieth.
1353 30.1354
EI. an gold, in brasse, and in wood.
1354.30
EI. a stone.
345.20
EI. as much as [...] .
EI. of what force it is in logicke
1355.
[Page] why E. is preferred before other letters.
1356.40
Eight resembleth the female.
884.20
Eight, the first cubicke number.
884.30
[...], signifieth both the fruit and the tree of the olive.
32.1
Elaeus the city whereof it tooke the name.
917.40
Elaphebolia a feast, when institu­ted.
485.10.699.50
Elasiae who they be.
895.40
Electra concubine to Deiotarus with the privity and permission of his wife.
50.40
Elegie whose invention.
1257.10
Elements. 4. 994.40. which be e­lements.
805.10.808.1
Elements before elements.
813.50
Eleon.
901.10.20
Elephants how they be prepared for fight.
959.1
Elephants docible. 961.10. their wit, patience and mildenesse.
961.30
Elephant of king Porus how du­tifull unto him.
963.40
Elephants witty and loving to their fellowes. 965.40. devout and religious. ib. 50. full of love and amorous, they can abide no white garments.
323.40
Elephantiasis a disease not long knowen.
780.30
Eleutherae.
899.50
Eleutheria, what feast.
914.40
Elians why excluded frō the Isth­mick games at Corinth
1194.40
Elieus the father of Eunostus
900.40
Ellebor root clenseth malancholie
659.10
Ellebor.
91.50
Elops the onely fish swimming downe the streame and winde
973.50
Eloquence becommeth old men. 391.10. in princes most neces­sary.
352.10
Elpenor.
899.20
Elpenor his ghost.
791.40
Elpisticke Philosophers.
709.1
Elysius the father of Euthynous
518.30
Elysian field in the moone.
1183.30
Emerepes his apophthegme
557.1
Empona her rare love to her hus­band. 1157.1158. cruelly put to death by Vespasian.
ib.
Empusa.
598.30
Empedocles his opinion touching the first principles. 807.50. how he averted a pestilence. 134.10 a good common wealths man.
1128.10
Emulation that is good.
256.50
Enalus enamoured of a virgin de­stined for sacrifice.
345.1
Encnisma what it is.
895.50
Encyclia what sciences.
9.1
Endrome the name of a canticle
1256.40
Endimatia, what dance.
1251.30
Engastrinythi what they be.
1327 1
In England or great Brittaine why folke live long.
849.50
by Enimies men may take profit. 237.20.30.50. of Enimies how to be revenged.
239.30
Enneaterides.
891.1
Entelechia.
805.30.808.10
No enterring the reliques of tri­umphant persons within the ci­ty of Rome.
876.50
Enthusiasme.
1344.20
Enthusiasmus. 654.40. of sundry sorts. 1142. 50. what kinde of fury.
1142.40
Envy. 1070.50. Envy a cause of mens discontent, 156.1.10. Envy among brethren. 183.10. how it may be avoided.
184.1.10.20
Envy and hatred differ.
234.1
Envy what it is.
234.20
Envious men be pitifull.
235.50
Envy hurtfull especially to scholars and hearers.
53.50
Envy of divers sorts.
53.50.54.1
Envious eie hath power to bewitch.
724.20
Envy whome it assaileth most. 388.20. compared to smoake. ib. 30 how it is to be quenched.
389.1
Envy not excusable in old age. 399 10. in yong persons it hath many pretenses.
399.10
Enyalius what god.
154.50.1141.10
Epacrii a faction in Athens.
1149 10
Epact daies.
1292.10
Epaenetus his apophthegme
557.1
Epaminondas beheadeth his owne sonne.
910.1
Epaminondas his commendation.
53.20
Epaminondas accused of a capi­tall crime. 477.40. his plea. ib. his death.
428.1
Epaminondas the nickename of a talkative fellow.
207.20
Epaminondas had a grace in de­nying his friends requests. 361.10. how carefull for the The­bans. 295.40.50. he retorted a reprochfull scoffe upon Calistra­tus. 363.50. his valiant exploit 400:10. his magnanimity. 303 20. his apophthegmes. 425.40 he could not abide fat and cor­pulent soldiers. ib. his sobriety and frugality. ib. 50. debased by the Epicureans. 1129.10 his apophthegme. 625.50. ad­mired in commending himselfe.
303.10
Epaphus.
1302.20
Ephyppus.
899.20
Ephort by whom brought into Sparta. 294. 1. graced by the Kings.
371.20
Epiali what fevers.
160.50.
Enterring of other things with the dead corps.
602.1
[...], what it is.
953.1
Epicharmus rebuked king Hiere too sharpely.
108.1
Epicranis.
834.40
Epicureans, enemies to policie, rhetoricke and royall govern­ment.
1129.1
Epicurus honored by his favorites and sectaries.
597.1
Epicures given wholy to pleasures.
582.1
Epicures life confuted.
582.1
Epicurus his favorites. his consolatory reasons in perils. 601.1. he mainteineth the mor­tality of the soule.
600.20.
601.10
Epicurus his vanity. 60.50. woon­derfully respected and loved of his brethren.
185.30
Epicurus a Democratian. 1111.20. collauded by his favorites. 1119.20. his opinion as touch­ing the principles of the world. 807.30. his opinion of the gods.
812.20
[...] what use it hath.
743.40
Epimenides.
338.50
Epimenides how long he slept.
384 10
Epimetheus.
31.1
[...], the surname of Diana.
902.40
Epitedeius the Sycophant, first put to death at Athens.
578.20
[...] an image representing K. Alexander the great.
1275.40
Epitherzes his narration as touch­ing the great Pan.
1331.40
Epithets that Empedocles useth, be most proper and significant.
726.30
Epithymodeipni who they be.
775.10
[Page] Epitritos, what proportion.
1036.50
[...].
1070.50
Epopticon what part of Philoso­phie.
1318.10
Erato, how emploied.
779.20
[...].
779.20
Erebus.
1000.10
Erechtheus sacrificed his owne daughter.
912.10
Eretrians wives rost flesh against the sunne.
897.40
Ergane who she is. 232.10.352.50. the surname of Minerva.
692.30
Erinnys.
557.50
[...] who they be.
744.1
Ervill why called Catharter.
902.20
Eryngium the herbe, what vertue it hath. 290.10.20. being held in the hand staieth goats for go­ing.
746.10
Eryxo her vertuous act.
504.20
Eteocles his saying as touching a kingdome.
614.10
Etesiae what winds.
829.30
Ethos.
543.10
Euboean brasse the best.
1345.40
Euboedas his apophthegme.
557.10
Eubulus a good [...] .
366.20
Eubulus the surname of Bacchus
762.20
Eucarpos a surname of Venus.
323.10
Euchnamus the Amphissian.
1146.10
Euclides how he repressed his bro­thers anger. 50. loth to fall out with his bro­ther.
130.30.187.
ib.
Eucteus and Eulaeus the minions of K. Persius.
110.40
Eudamidas his Apophthegmes.
425.20.557.10
Eudorus as touching the soule of the world.
1031.40
Eudoxus studious in Astronomy.
590.1
Euemerus the Atheist.
810.50 1296.20
Euergetes a fit attribute for prin­ces.
307.1
Euergetae a surname of some prin­ces.
1278.40
Euippe.
346.10
Eumaeus kept a good house.
750.10
Eumenes reported to be dead. 416 30. his milde behaviour to his brother Attalus. ib. 188.10.20 his stratageme by secrecy.
197.40
Eumertis. See Cleobuline.
Eumolpus instituted the sacred ceremonies at Eleusis.
280.30
Eunomia.
630.1
Eunostus. 900.30. murdred by the brethren of Ochna.
900.40
Evocation of tutelar gods out of their places.
871.1
Eupathies what they be.
74.20
Euphranor and Parrhasius pain­ters compared.
982.30
Euphranor his notable picture of the battel at Mantinea.
982.40
Euphrone a name of the night. 762.20. the reason therof.
141.50
Euripides his day of death and birth observed. 766. 1. his speech to a foolish and ignorant fellow. 61. 10. taxed for A­theisme. 811.1. he forsooke A­thens his native city.
277.20
Euryclees.
1327.1
Eurycratidas his Apophthegmes.
457.50
Eurydice a noble and vertuous la­die.
17.10
[...].
1182.50
Eutelidas bewitched by himselfe.
724.40
Euterpe what she is allotted to.
795.50
[...] in Hesiodus what it is
747.1
Euthynous died suddenly.
518.30
Eutoria her daughters twaine de­floured by Saturne.
909.10
Eutropion king Antigonus his cooke highly advanced.
13.40
Euxine sea why so replenished with fishes.
976.1
Euxynthetus and Leucomantis
1152.20
Exercise of body fit for health. 619 1.10. meet for students.
619.10
Exercise of body for youth. 10.1. after meat.
622.40
Expedition or quicke execution.
296,40
Experience what it is. better than the book for govern­ment.
836.10.
392.40
of Exile or banishment.
270
Extremities in all changes are naught.
625.20
Ey of the master feeds the steed.
11 30
Ey-sight how it is performed.
657.30.40
Ey-biting, and the reason thereof.
723.30.40
Ey-sight the sourse and beginning of love.
723.40
F
FAbia committed [...] with Petronius Valentius. 917.1. she killeth her [...] .
[...] .
Fabius Maximus his pollicie in wearying Annibal by [...] . 429.10. his apophthegmes. 429.1. his courteous usage of an amo­rous souldiour, otherwise vali­ant. ib. 30. his death. 907.50. he despised scoffes and frumps.
ib. 10
Fabius [...] the sonne of Fabia killeth her mother and the adulterer.
917.1
Fable of the foxe and the leopard.
313.10
the Fable of the ox and the camel.
629.50
Themistocles his Fable of the feast and the morrow.
633.10
C. Fabricius his apophthegme. 428 30. his contempi of money. ib. 40 he misliked treason even against his enemies.
ib. 50
Faculty in the soule what it is.
67.40
Faeciales what priest.
871.20
Faire meanes to be used with chil­dren.
10.40
Fame or rumour had a temple at Rome.
[...]
Fasting long, why it procureth ra­ther thirst than hunger.
730.30
who Fast long feed more slowlie.
658.30
Fatall destiny how to be understood
1048.40
Fathers love their daughters bet­ter than their sonnes. their folly in chusing governours and teachers for their children. 5.40. taxed for their negligance in this behalfe. 6.10. they ought not to be austere unto their chil­dren. 16.20. their care in cho­sing wives for their sonnes. 16.40. they are to give good exam­ple to their children.
321.50
16.50
Fatnes occasioned by cold.
688.40
Faunus sacrificeth guest strangers. 917.10. killed by Hercules.
ib.
Feare of God how to be limited.
598.40
Feare. 15.1. what passion it is.
26.1
Feare compared with other passi­ons. 261.1. why it is named in Greeke [...] and [...].
ib.
of Feasts, what is the end.
652.40
Philosophy not to be banished from Feasts.
764.10
[Page] Festivall daies at Athens, or mar­tiall victories.
987.10
Feasts have two presidents, hunger and Bacchus.
722.40
Feasts ought to make new friendes.
699.30
a Feast of what proportion for number of guests it should be.
720.30.40
at a Feast consideration would be had of roome and sitting at ease.
721.10
a Feast master what person he ought to be.
651.10
Februarie.
873.1
Februarie the moneth, what it sig­nifieth. 872.50. the twelfth and last moneth of the yeere.
856.20
Feeding a part or in common whe­ther is more commendable.
678.20
Feeding without fulnesse.
619.1
Femals whether they send foorth seed in the act of generation. 842.10. how they are begotten.
ib. 30
Fenestella, a gate.
635.20
Fenestra, a gate at Rome.
863.1
Ferula stalke why put into the hands of drunken folke.
762.40
Ferula consecrated to Bacchus.
642.1
Fever what it is. 849.20. an acces­sary or symptome of other disea­ses.
849.30
Figs why sweet and the trce bitter.
727.20
the sacred Figtree at Athens.
749 30
Figtree juice hot. 741.40. it crud­leth milke.
ib.
Figtree never bloweth. ib. never smitten with lightning.
727. 20
Figtree Ruminales.
632.40
Figtree leafe what it signifieth.
1301.50
Figure what it is.
814.1
Figure of the elements.
ib.
Fish [...] best for sickly and weake stomacks.
709.40
Fish more deinty and costly than flesh.
708.10.20
sea Fish most pleasant and holsome.
709.40
abstinence from Flesh.
340.40
certeine Fishes why called Ellopes.
778.10
Fishes mute and dumbe.
ib.
why Pythagoras forbare to cate Fish.
778.1
to kill Fish, cruelty. 779.30. to eate them, gluttony.
ib.
Fishes harmelesse creatures.
ib.
Fish not eaten by Vlysses and his mates, but upon extremity.
779.50
a Fish adored as god by the Syrians
780.10
Fish among the Aegyptians symbo­lyzeth hatred.
1300.20
Fish, a name implying blockishnesse.
969.1
Fishes and their properties descri­bed.
969.50
Fishes very obsequious. 970. 1. used in divination. ib. 20. more wary and circumspect than land beasts. ib. 30. how ready they be to helpe one another. 971.30.40 why they swim for the most part against the streame. 973.50. how kinde to their yoong fry.
976.30
Fist-fight or buffets the first exer­cise by Homers reckoning.
673.30
Five the number, what preoga­tive it hath.
1357.1.10.1341.30
Five the number why called [...]. that is to say, The mariage.
1357 1
Five a number most be seeming ma­riage. 850.50. why it is called Nature.
1357.20
Flamen Dialis why he might not touch meale nor leven. 886.10. forbidden to touch raw flesh. ib. 30. he might not touch nor name a goat or dogge. ib. 40. in steed of an altar or sanctuarie. 887.1. not permitted to touch an Ivie tree, nor to goe under a vine.
887.30.
Flamen dialis not admitted to sue for government of estate.
888.10
Flamina.
879.30
Flamin or priest of Jupiter gave up his sacerdotall dignity if his wife died.
867.40
Flaminius circus.
872.30.
Flaminia via.
ib
Flatterers the overthrow of yoong men. 15.30. they are depainted in their colours.
16.40.50
Flattery to whom most hurtfull,
ib.
what Flatterers be most dangerous
86.20
Flatterers how they be discovered.
89.10.20.&c.
the Flatterers of Denys.
90.20
Flatterers abuse the world by franknesse of speech.
97.40.50.98.10.20
Flatterers of K. Ptolomaeus.
98.1
Tiberius Caesar Flattered under liberty of speech.
98.20.30
Flatterers how they abused Anto­nie. 99.20. compared to gadflies and ticks.
92.40
Flatterers tame and wilde.
99.40 50
Flatterers about Demetrius.
379 10
Flavius whipped his wife.
856.50
Flesh, Pythagoras forbad to be eaten.
572.10
Flesh eating might be well dispen­sed with in the first age of the world.
572.50.573.1
Flesh eating condemned in men.
574
Flesh meats apt to breed [...] .
84.50
Flesh killed, hanging upon a figtree soone becommeth tender. 741. 20. it sooner corrupteth in the Moone, than in the Sunne-shine
696.10
Flinging of stones or weightie things how performed.
1022.20
Floures of trees may be gathered.
683.20
Flyes will not be tamed.
777.20
Food fit for students.
620.40
Forme.
805.30
Fornacalia, what feast.
888.20
Fortitude what it is.
69.10
Fortitude of brute beasts compa­red with mens valour.
565.1
Fortitude in men not naturall.
565.40
Fortune by whom attended when she pleads against vertue.
630.10
Fortune not sufficient to make mi­serie.
299.50
Fortune in geatest favour with Venus.
630.40
Fortune primigenia.
635.20.
885.30
Fortune virilis.
631.1
Fortune a word unknowne to poets
31.20
Fortune had many temples at Rome.
630.50
Fortune although it differeth from wisdome, yet it produceth like effects.
765.50
Fortune viscata.
ib. 635.30
Fortune with divers attributes.
875.1
Fortune. 631.1. by whom erected.
635.1
Fortune much honoured by king Servius Tullius.
875.1
Fortune muliebris or foeminine. 631.1 when erected.
635.10
little Fortune and short Fortune [Page] with their temples.
874.50
temple of Fortune fortis, where built.
631.20
Fortune what it is. 817.10.1051 50. how it differeth from rash adventure.
ib.
Fortune favorable to Julius Cae­sar.
631.40
Fortune envieth great felicitie.
513.40
against Fortune.
230.1.10.&c.
Fortune and vertue at debate.
628.10
Fortune obsequens.
635.20
Fortune commeth to plead against vertue.
629.40
Fortune favourable to Ser. Tulli­us.
635.10
Fortune private.
635.30
Fortune in what maner she came to the city of Rome.
629.40.50
Fortune the virgine.
635.30
Fortune good hope.
635.30
Fortune, as it were hope.
ib.
the Fox of Telmessus.
565.30
Fox more spotted than the leopard 313.10. his suttelty in passing over rivers frozen.
962.1
Franke speech beseemeth a ruler in extremities. 370.1. it besee­meth not a flatterer.
971
Franke speech to friends how to be used.
105.30.40
in Franke speech scurrility and bi­ting is to be avoided.
108.1.10
Free will.
1051.1
of Freinds but few paires.
224.50
a Freind why he is called [...] in Greeke.
225.1
Friend the word, how to be taken.
699.10
Freindship true how many things it requireth.
225.30
Freindship ought not to be in a meane.
227.40
Freinds how to be used by a magi­strate.
360.30
Freinds how they may be denied in their unlawfull sutes.
361.10
Freindship not unpleasant
85.30
Freinds may praise friends aswell as blame them.
85.50
Freinds how they differ from flat­terers.
91.40.50
a true Friend will doe his friend good secretly.
102.40.50
plurality of Freinds.
224.30
Frogs why they coake against raine 1004.10. how they engender. 977.20. they prognosticate rain.
ib.
Fulvius sharply rebuked by Au­gustus Caesar for his lavish tongue. 199.40. he killeth him­selfe and dieth with his wife.
199.40
Functions meet for aged Rulers.
395.20
Furciferi, who they were.
873.40
Furie of divers sorts.
1142.40
Fyre the best sauce. 85.40.615.20. argued to be better than wa­ter. 991. 1. found out by Pro­metheus. 990.1. the principle of all things. 807. 20. worship­ped by the Assyrians & Medes. 1174.40. how made. 808.40. in olde time might not be put out. 748.40. not alwaies by God placed aloft. 649. 1. dieth two maner of wates. 748.40. why it was so religiously preserved un­extinct. 749.1. not to be digged into with a sword. 15.10. stron­ger in Winter; and more seeble in Summer. 1323.20. seemeth to have life.
875.20
G
G. and C. letters of great affi­nitie.
869.1
G. devised first by Sp. Carvilius.
ib.
Galaxion a place plentifull of milke.
1201.30
Galepsus a towne in Euboea, plea­santly seated.
707
Galli the priests of Cybele.
1129.30
the Gallion of Delos.
387.50
Garrulity. 192.20. compared with other vices. 193.10. accompa­nied with curiositie and much medling. 199. 50. compared with treason and treachery.
202 20
Garrulity how to be cured.
202.40
the Garrulity of a Romane dame.
198.30
Garments how they are said to warme the body. 78.40. they both heat and coole.
735.30
Gates of Rome not hallowed.
859.50
Gaule women their vertuous act. 487.10. their advice is taken in counsell house.
ib.
Gegania.
636.10
Geirs or vultures most observed by the Romans in their Auspices. 881.10. strange birds and sel­dome seene in Italie. ib. most harmlesse and just. ib. 20. most significant in Augurie. ib. 30. all females, and conceive by the East winde.
ib.
Gelon scoffed at by allusion to his name. 305.40. his apophthegms. 405.40. he reclaimed the [...] from sacrificing chil­dren to Saturne. ib. [...] .
ib.
[...], what it signifieth in Hesio­dus.
1327
Genitamana a goddesse at Rome. 868.20. a dogge sacrificed unto her.
ib.
Generation and corruption.
816.1
Generation what it is.
1114.1115
Generation and creation different.
1018.10
act of Generation a token of morta­litie.
766.30
Geometricall proportion allowed in Lacedaemon by Lycurgus.
767.50
Geometrie commended. 767.10. in what subjects or objects it is oc­cupied.
767.20.30
Geomori who they were.
904.40
[...], that is to say, Honour, why so termed in Greeke.
391.30
[...], why old men be so called.
391.30
Geryones or Geryon, a wonder­full giant.
374.20
Gidica her villany. 916. 10. she hangeth her selfe.
ib.
Glasse with what heat it is best melted and wrought.
697.1
Glaucia with childe by Deima­chus.
901.10
Glaucia a riveret of her name.
ib. 20
Glancopis, why the Moone is cal­led so.
1174.1
Glaucus his foolish bargaine with Diomedes.
1087.20
Lucius Glauco lost both his hands.
906.40
Glory of what account it is.
6.50
Glosses.
28.50
Glottae.
1311.40
Gluttons abroad, spary at home.
614.30
Gnathaenium the name of an har­lot.
1144.1
Gnatho a smell feast.
754.40.
Gnatho the Sicilian, a glutton.
606.30
Go we to Athens.
898.30
Goats very subject to the falling sicknesse.
886.40
Goats rivers, a place so called.
922.10
Goats of Candie cured by Di­ctamnus.
569.40
Goats commending their pasturage and feeding.
702.10
a Goat fancied Glauce.
966.30
[Page] God how he is called Father and Creatour.
766.30
God.
768.50
Gods and Goddesses how they dif­fer.
766.40.50
how God is said by Plato to pra­ctise Geometrie continually. 767 10. how he framed the world.
768.10
God manageth great affaires onely.
364.40
Gods nature what it is according to Plutarch.
263.40
God seemeth to deferre punishment for causes to him best knowen.
541
God immortall.
1099.1
God is not Philornis, but Philan­thropos.
1221.10
God not the authour of euill.
1033.50
God described by Antipater.
1076 10
Gods, which were begotten, which not.
1076.20
God what he is.
808.10.809.20
notion of God how it came.
809.20
God his nature described.
1335.50
Gods worship in three sorts.
810.10
Gods the Sunne and Moone, why called [...].
810.20
Gods good and profitable.
810.20
Gods bad and hurtfull.
ib.
Gods fabulous.
810.30
what God is, Sundry opinions of Philosophers.
812
God the father and maker of all things.
1018.1
[...].
953.10
Goldsmiths with what fire they melt & work their gold.
699.1
Gold why it maketh no good sound.
770.10
Good or [...], what it signifieth.
868.40
Good or bad things simply.
1084.40
to Good men, what epithets and ad­ditions Homer giveth.
1297.10
a Goose in love with a boy.
966.30
Geese silent as the flie over the mount Taurus.
202.10
Geese of Cilicia, how witty they are.
959.50
Geese saved the Capitoll of Rome. 638. 20. carried in a shew at Rome. 638. 30. how they re­straine their owne gagling.
ib.
Gorgias [...] the great Rhetorician. 919. 20. his a­pophthegme of Tragoedies.
985.10
Gorgias could not keepe his owne house in peace.
323.20
Gorgo the wife of Leonidas a stout dame. 464.30. her apoph­thegme.
ib.
Gorgo the daughter of Cleome­nes her apophthegmes.
479.40
Gorgon and Asander.
1152.20
Governours of youth how to be chosen.
5.10
Government politicke the best.
940 50
of Governments the exorbitations.
941.30
C. Gracchus. 348. 50. by what device he did moderate his voice in pleading.
122.10
Graces, why placed with Venus and Mercury. 316. 10. their names.
292.1
Grammar what art it is.
1249.1
Grashoppers sacred and musicall.
777.10
Greece in Plutarchs time fallen to a low ebbe.
1326.1
[...] and Galatians buried quicke by the Romans.
878.40
Greekes what opinion they have of the gods.
1306.40
Greekes compared with the Aegyp­tians, in matters of religion.
1315.10
Guests ought to sort well together.
722.1
Guests sit close at first: but more at large toward the end.
722.20
Guests invited ought to be of ac­quaintance.
755.40
Guests invited coming last to a feast
775.20
A Guest ought to come prepared to a feast.
328.10
Guests how to be placed at a feast 646.20. how to be pleased at the table. 648.20. allowed their chaplets of flowres.
680 20
Whether it be commendable for Guests to weare garlands.
682.10
Of Guests a multitude to be avoi­ded at a feast.
721.20
The guide a fish
975.30
Gurmandise in men taxed by Gryllus.
669.10
Gifts none betweene wife and hus­band.
853.1
No gifts from sonne in law or fa­ther in law.
853.20
Gymnasia the overthrew of Greece.
864.20
Gymnopaedia what daunce.
1251 30
Gymnosophists.
1270.30
Gyrtias her apophthegmes.
480.1
H
HAbitude in the soule what it is.
67.40
Hades and Dionysius, both one.
1298.40
Haile how it commeth. 828. 10 how it may be averted.
746.30
Haire long commended and com­manded by Lycurgus.
422.40
Haire long commended.
423.10
Halo the circle how it is made.
832.40
Halcyones sea-birds. see Alciones
633.50
Hamedriades why so called.
1327 50
Hamoxocylistae, a family in Me­gara.
905.40
Hands alwaies warme, holsome and good for health.
611.40
Hands most artificious instru­ments.
174.40
Hanno banished for ruling a lion.
349.50
Happinesse diversly taken by Poets and philosophers.
32.30
Happinesse not to be measured by time
1333.1
Hares how crafty they are.
965.1
The Hare why not eaten among the lewes.
111.10
Hares of exquisit sense.
711.10
Hares and asses alike.
ib.
Harma the name of a city.
908.20
Harmatios what tune or song.
1251.1
Harmonia what goddesse.
1306 50
Harmonie what Daemon.
157.40
Harmonicke musicke.
976.40
Harmonice.
1019.1
Harmony commended.
1255.30
Harpalus endevoured to have I­vy grow about Babylon.
685.20
An Harpe or lute going about the table.
645.10
Harpe familiar at feasts.
760.20
Harpocrates the sonne of Osiris by Isis, wanteth his nether parts
1295.1
Harpocrates his portracture.
1313.50
Harts or Stagges age.
1327.30
Hatred how engendred. 234.20. it differeth from envie.
234.1
Hauke symbolizeth god.
1300.20
Hauke symbolizeth Osiris.
1308.10
Hautboies and slute. 760.30. com­mended at feasts.
ib.
[Page] Romanes worshipped the gods with their Heads covered; but men, bare headed.
853.50
Health what it is.
849.30
Health of what price.
6.50
Health the best sauce. 615.20. by what meanes mainteined.
618.50
Health and pleasure agree well to­gether.
702.1
Health how it is accounted of di­versly.
75.20
Heart not to be eaten.
15.20
Heat naturall mainteined most by moisture.
730
Heat putrifieth things.
774.10
Heats by fire of divers kindes and sundry operations.
697.1
Heaven how the Aegyptians pour­tray.
1291.30
Heaven how made.
808.30
Heaven beautifull.
809
Heaven what substance it hath. 830. into how many circles di­vided.
820.40
Heare much and say little.
53.20
Hearing how to be emploied. 18.40. presenteth the greatest pas­sions to the minde. 52.10. ought to goe before speech.
52.50
Hearers how they should be quali­fied. 53.20. &c. they ought to se­quester envy and ambition. 53.50. how they should behave them selves in praising the speaker.
58.40
Hebius Tolieix.
915.40
Hecates gulfe in the Moone.
1183 30
Hecatompedon a temple of Mi­nerva in Athens.
963.20
Hecatomphonia.
341.10
Hector noted for presumption.
24.40
Hegesias caused his scholars to pine themselves.
223.1
Hegesippus surnamed Crobylus his apophthegme.
420.40
Helbia a vestall nunne smitten with lightning.
878.20
Helena escaped sacrificing. 916.10. how in Homer she spiceth her cups.
644.1
Helepolis an engine of battery.
415.30
Heliope what Daemon.
157.30
Helitomenus.
1295.1
Hellanicus a valiant citizen of Elis. 493.40. he conspired a­gainst Aristotimus.
494.40
Hemerides.
76.50
Hemeris the vine.
1141.30
Hemiolion, what proportion.
1036.50
Hemitonium.
1039.20
Hemlock a poison.
690.20
Hens having laid an egge turne round about. &c. 746.10. hardy in defence of their chickens.
219 20
Hephaestion inward with king. Alexander. 412.10.1280.30 rebuked by king Alexander.
1277.10
Heptaphonos a gallery in Olym­pia.
192.40
Heraclides surnamed little Her­cules, a great eater and drinker.
655.40
Heraclitus the Philosopher in a dropsie.
625.30
Heraclitus his opinion as touching the first principles.
807.20
Heraclius the river.
908.40
Hercules noted for Paederasty 568 30. with Omphale in habite of awench. 386.20. poisoned by Deianira.
812.1
one Hercules killed treacherously by Polysperchon. 165.40. en­raged.
165.40.263.20
Hercules disguised in womens ap­parell.
905.30
Hercules sacrificed the tenth cow of Geryons drove. 855.50. not sworn by, within house at Rome 860.10. hee never sware but once.
860.20
Hercules his sexton.
862.30
Hercules where most honoured.
1180.40
Hercules skilfull in musicke.
1262 10
Hercules & the Muses why they had one common altar at Rome
870.30
Hercules greater altar. 870.40. women participate not of his be­getting.
630.30
Hergians.
902.50
Hermanubis and Anubis.
1311.30
Hermes images why so portraied.
401.10
Hermione in Euripides.
322.40
Hermodotus the poet wisely re­prooved by Antigonus.
1296.40
Hermogenes his beliefe in the gods.
630
Hermodorus Clazomenius his soule how it walked abroad.
1200.20.30
Herodotus a Tharian by habita­tion.
277.30
Herodotus the historiographer his malice.
1228. &c.
Herondas his apophthegm.
458.1
Herois what feast.
891.1
Heroes or demi-gods.
1327.1328
Herons how crafty they are to get the meat in oysters.
960.10
Hesiodus whose Poet. 459.40. murdered, and his murder de­tected. 344.1.10. skilfull in phy­sicke.
339.20
Hesychia the priestresse of Mi­nerva.
1197.20
Hiere, what she is.
398.40
K. Hiero his apophthegmes. 405.50. noted for a stinking breath. 242.1. first an usurper, prooved afterwards a good prince. 543.20. his wife a simple and chaste dame.
242.10
Hieroes statues.
1189.30
Hieroglyphicks Aegyptian.
1291 20
Hieromnemones.
780.1
Hierophoroi.
1288.30
Hierostoloi.
ib.
Hierosolymus the sonne of Ty­phon.
1300.1
Himerius a flatterer.
98.40
Hinds their naturall subtilty.
965.10
Hippalcmus.
899.20
Hipparchus troubled in consci­ence.
547.10
Hippasus his opinion of the first principle.
807.20
Hippasus dismembred by his mo­ther and aunts.
899.30
Hippo the daughter of Scedasus.
946,10
Hippochus murdred.
485.20
Hippoclides a dauncer.
1240.20
Hippocrates confesseth his owne ignorance.
254.40
Hippocratides his apophthegme.
458.50
Hippodamus his apophthegme.
458.40
Hippodamia killeth Chrysippus 915.30. banished by her hus­band Pelops.
ib. 40
Hippolochus tooke Lais to wife.
1154.10
Hippolitus the sonne of The­seus by Hippolyte. 915.50. killed at the request and praier of his father.
916.1
Hippona how engendred.
914.30
Hipposthenidas his counsell.
1215.1
Hippothoros what tune.
315.50 751.10
Hircanians sepultures.
299.50
Hircanus the dogge of king Lysi­machus. 963.40. his love un­to his master.
ib.
[Page] Hister a singular actor.
885.50
Histriones.
ib.
HOC AGE [...] it signifieth.
859.10
Hogs why honoured among the Ae­gyptians.
710.30
Holy warre.
491.10
Homers Ilias and Odyssea in what steed it stood king Alex­ander the Great.
1265.40
Homer the chiefe [...] .
708.1
Homer whose Poet. 459.40. pre­suming much of his owne per­fection. 252.20. commended. 24.1.25.1.195.10. his words were said to have motion.
1189.40.
Homoeomeries.
806.10
Homoeoptota.
988.10
unto Honor the Romans sacrificed with bare head.
854.40
Honoris a temple at Rome.
630.50
Honours which be true.
375.10
the Honour of old age void of emu­lation.
388.40
Hony best in the bottome of the ves­sell. 747.30. once boiled, it is marred.
774.10
Hope.
15.1
Hope remaineth in Pandoras tun. 514.20. holdeth body and soule together longest.
709.1
Horatins Cocles. 629.30. his va­lour. 909.1. he killeth his sister Horatia.
911.20
Hora.
866.50
a Horse why sacrificed at Rome to Mars.
882.20
river Horses unnaturall to their parents.
954.20
river Horse symbolizeth impu­dence and vilany.
1300.30
Horizon what circle.
1305.10
Horne of Apimdance.
630.1
Horta a goddesse at Rome. 40. her temple open.
866.
ib.
Horus the sonne of Osiris. 1294 40. see Orus.
Hosias who.
890.10
Hosioter who it is.
890.10
Houndes have the discourse of reason.
962.10
Houndes of a brave courage.
964 20
House-government.
335.50
A House what it is.
336.20
What House is best.
336.20.30
Hunger whereupon it proceedeth 273.20. allaied by drinke.
733.10
Hunting of wilde beasts commen­ded.
950.40
Hunting wilde beasts how farre forth tolerable.
957.10
Hunting commended above fish­ing.
958.30
Husband prevaile more with their wives by gentlenesse than by roughnesse.
317.30
Husband and wife are not to use daliance before strangers, much lesse to chide and braule one with another.
317.40
The Husband ought to direct and governe the house.
317.20
The Husbands example maketh much to the wives behaviour.
318.20
The Husbands praeeminence over the wife.
317.20.319.1
How he ought to rule over his wife
321.10.20
Hyaenaes skinne not smitten with [...] .
727.20
Hyagnis an ancient Musician.
1250.10
Hyanthia a city.
893.1
Hybristica what feast.
486.30
Hydrophobie when it was disco­vered first.
780.30
Hymenaeus.
861.30
Hyms a plough share whereof de­rived.
710.30
Hypate in musicke whereof it is derived.
1025.10
Hypate.
796.40
Hypates the Thebane killed by conspiratours.
1226.10
Hypatos an attribute of Jupiter
1308.1
Hypeccaustria who she was.
889.20
Hypaera Hyperes and Hyperia.
894.20
Hyperballontes.
646.50
Hyperbolus a busy or at our.
1228 30
Hyperides the oratour his paren­tage and life.
935.40
Hyperides articleth against De­mosthenes. 937. 1. his maner of stile and plaine pleading. 937.20. his embasage to Rhodes. 937.10. he defended Calippus. 937. 20. his praise for elo­quence. 936.40. chosen to accuse Demosthenes.936.1. his ora­tions. ib. given exceeding much to the love of women. ib. he pleaded for the noble curtisan, Phryne. 936.50. he secretly framed an accusatory oration a­gainst Demosthenes. ib. accu­sed and acquit. 936.1. he fled and was taken. ib. his death.
936.20
Hyperochus K. of the Inachians.
892.10
Hyprocreteridian in Herodo­tus.
1348.1
Hypocrisie of the Epicureans.
595.30
Hyponoeae.
25.1
Hyporchemata.
801. 10. 1251.30
Hyporchema and Paean differ.
1251.40
Hypotinusa.
590.10
Hypsipyles foster father.
701.20
Hysiris, the same that Osiris.
1301.10
Hysteropotmoi who they be.
852 10
I
IAmbicks Trimeter and Tetra­meter whose invention.
257.1 10
[...],
785.20
January why the first moneth a­mong the Romans.
856.10
Jason a monarch of Sicilie. 372.20. his apophthegme.
625.10
Jasians coine what stampe it hath.
980.1
Javelin consecrated to [...] .
880.10
Jaundice cured by the bird Cha­radrios.
724.1
Ibis in age, smelleth sweet.
393.10
Ibis wherefore honoured among the Aegyptians. 710.50.1317 1. what letter it representeth a­mong the Aegyptians.
789.20
Ibicus murdered and the murde­rers strangely discovered.
201.50
Iearius stoned to death.
909.20
Ichneumon how armed.
959.10
Icosaedra.
762.20.819.20.1020 30
Idaei Dictyli.
257.50. [...] .40. 1250.10
Idathyrsus his [...] .
405 20
Ides of the moneth.
858.1
Ides of December, a feastivall day.
822.20
Ides of August feastivall.
883. 30
Ides whereof they tooke the name.
858.10
Idaea.
1310.1
Idaea. 768.50. what it is.
808. 10 813.1.1019.1.10
Identity.
65.40
Idlenesse how hurtfull. [...] . bree­deth no tranquillity of [...] . 145. 50. an enime to health.
624.30
Idols of Aegina and Megara.
725.30
[Page] [...], what significations it hath.
976.10
Janus honoured most by K. Numa.
156.30
Janus with two faces.
857.30
Janus temple shut and open at Rome.
634.40
Jests, which men can abide best.
664.20
Jests without biting.
664.50
Of Jests and prety, scoffes sundry sorts.
664.40
Jewes how superstitious they were. 265.50. why they abstaine from eating swines flesh. 710. 20 they have swine in abomination.
711.20
The Jewes feast.
712. 10
Ignorance is odious
608.40
Ilands inhabited by great persons.
275.
Ilithyia a surname of Diana.
697.20.1184.40. 1142.1
Image workes exhibited at feasts and banquets.
760.10
Images and statues refreshed by the Censours.
883.1
Images devised by Democritus.
784.30
Imaginations or fantasies whether they be true.
835.40
Imagination what it is.
836.30
Imaginable.
836.40
Imaginative.
836.40
Imagined or fantasie.
ib. 50
Imitation in bad things.
89.50
Imitation
33.1
[...] . Imber. of Thymbris.
913.30
Immortality of the soule.
553.1.10
Immortalitie without knowledge and wisdome is not life.
1288.1
Imperfections of the body not to be imputed by way of reproch.
47.50
Impiety, see Athisme.
Inachus the river.
901.20
Incense burned by the Aegyptians.
1318.40
Indian dames burnt with their husbands in one funerall fire. 299.30. loving to their hus­bands.
299.30
Indian Sages die voluntarily.
299.40
The Indian root.
1177.30
Indifferent things what they be.
1084.40
Indolence condemned.
510.1
Indolence of the Epicures.
583.30
Indos a sophisticall argument.
622.20
Infants bewitched by some mens eies.
723.10
Infants in the wombe whether ani­mal or no? 844.50. how they be nourished. 845.20. what part of theirs is first perfected in the wombe. 845.30. borne at seven moneths end be livelike. 845.40. how they be vitall and like to live. 10.20.846.20. eight moneth infants live not ordina­rily.
846.20
Infants new borne helpelesse.
221.1
Infinity the principle of all.
805.50
Infortunity not to be ubraided.
48.1
Injury to a mans selfe.
1066.10
Ino enraged upon iealousie.
855.30
Vnto Ino praiers made in the be­halfe of Nephewes and Neeces. 855.40. troubled in minde for abusing her lord and husband Athamas
548.10
Inoculation or graffing in the budde.
675.10
Intelligible subjects.
1018.50
Intemperance and incontinence how they differ.
69.50.70.1
Intervals in Musicke.
1358.50
Io traduced and slandered by He­rodotus.
1229.40
Iobates king of Lycia.
489.10
Iocasta in brasse.
715.20
Iolas poisoned king Alexander.
937.1.
Iolaus became yoong againe.
1055 50
Iolaus beloved of his uncle Her­cules. 191.20. his dearling. 1146.20. his tombe.
ib.
Iole flang her selfe downe from a wall.
910.20.
Ion the Poet wrate also in prose.
628.20
Ionique Philosophie.
805.40.806.30
Iphicles brother of Hercules [...] .
880.30
Iphicles slaine, and lamented by Hercules.
191.20
Iphicrates discommended for dea­ling in too many matters. 366.20. his apophthgemes. 419.50. his apophthegme to Callias. 82.20. reproched for his base pa­rentage. 419.50. his bodilie strength and valour.
420.1
Iphigenia sacrificed.
910.40
Ire how portraied hieroglyphically by the Aegyptians.
1291.30
Ire moderate, helpeth vertue.
77.10
Irene.
894.10
Iriciscepta what they be.
704.40
Iris the Poets fable to be the mo­ther of Love.
1151.30
Ironia that Socrates used.
665.50
Irreligion bringeth in brutish bar­barisme.
1126.40
Isagoras traduced by Herodotus.
1233.30
Isis Haires, or Isidos Plocamoi, what plants.
1178.40
Ision, the temple of Isis.
1288.20
Isia.
1311.20
Isis, what it signifieth. 1288.10 whereof derived.
1321.20
Isiake Priests. 1288.40. why they be shaven and weare linnen, ib. 50. why they forbeare salt.
1289 20
Isis borne. 1292.20. she mourneth for Osiris. 1293.10. her abili­ments.
1318.1
Isis symbolizeth the land of AE­gypt.
1302.30
Isles fortunate for blessed folk.
531 50
Isles of Damons and Heroes about Britaine.
1332.10
Isles commended.
275.20
Ismenias his prety scoffe to an un­skilfull minstrell.
665.40
Ismenius an epithet of Apollo.
1353.50
Ismenodora a vertuous and beau­tifull dome. 1132.1. she falleth in love with Bacchon.1132.1. she surpriseth Bacchon.
1138.10
Isaeus the oratour, his life. 926.20 he imitated Lysias. ib. 30. when he flourished. ib. his orations and other works.
ib.
Isocrates would not philosophize at the boord. 640.30. taxed for pusillanimity and idlenes. 988.1.40. his parentage and condi­tion. 923.20. the time of his birth and education. ib. he de­fendeth his master Therame­nes. ib. 30. his nature. ib. 40. he penned orations. ib. he taught a schoole. ib. 50. his abode in Chios. ib. a great gainer by kee­ping schoole. 924. his scholars. ib. his answer to Demosthe­nes comming to him for to be taught. 924.10. his minervall. ib. the time of his death. 924.20. he pined himselfe to death. ib. his age. ib. his wealth. ib. 30. his apophthegme. ib. 40. he ad­opted Aphareus his sonne. 924.30.40. his sepulchre. 924.50. his tombe. 925.1. his statue of brasse erected by Timotheus [Page] the sonne of Conon. 925.10. his orations. ib. his bashfull mo­destie. ib. 20. his apophthegms. 925. 20. he mourned for the death of Socrates. ib. 30. he termed Ephorus Diphorus. ib. 40. given naturally to waen­tonnesse. 925.40. his statue ere­cted in brasse by Aphareus his adopted sonnc. 925.50. his pi­cture.
926.10
Isoscecles.
1020.30
Isthmia the name of the Admirall gallie of Antigonus.
718.10
Isthmique games.
717.10
Ithacesia.
898.10
Judaeus the sonne of Typhon.
1300.1
Judges how portraied in AEgypt.
1291.30
K. Jugurtha led prisoner by Sylla.
358.30
Julia law, as touching adulterie.
442.40.
Julius Drusus a man of great in­tegrity.
351.10
Julius Caesar beholden to Fortune.
631.20
June the moneth, dedicated to Ju­no.
879.30
Juno why she is so called.
876.1
Juno had but one nourse, Euboea.
696.1.
Juno Lucina.
ib.
Juno, aire.
808.1
Junoes Priestresse or Flamina e­ver sad.
879.30
Juno Gamelia. 320.10. no beast having gall, sacrificed to her.
ib.
Junoes dressing her selfe in Ho­mer, what it meaneth.
25.10
Jupiter Olympius.
1360.40
Jupiter Agoraeus.
1218.10
Jupiter compared with Neptune.
1288.1
Jupiter Labradeus in Caria his image.
902.10
Jupiter Hospitalis.
279.40
Jupiters statue without eares.
1317.10
Jupiter Tarsius.
908.10
Jupiter Astraeus.
314.40
Jupiters Priest or Flamin is not anointed abroad in the aire. 864 10. why called Flamin. 864. 30. he might not sweare.
866.1
Jupiter, fire.
808.1
Jupiter Carius.
1233.40
Jupiter had two nourses, Ida and Adrastia.
696.1
Jupiter Sthenius.
1256.40
Jupiters oaristes why Minos was called.
290.10
Jupiter had divers acceptions a­mong Poets.
30.10
Jupiter the onely immortall God, consumeth all the rest.
1099.1
Jupiter [...].
1278.10
Justice or Fortitude, whether the greater vertue.
424.10
Justice or Injustice in beasts.
956. 10
Justice what it is. 69.10. the end of the law.
295.1
Justice neglected by Magistrates, the overthrow of States. 360. 20. whether there be any in beasts.
956.1
Ivy garlands, what use they have. 683.50. whether it be hote or colde. 685.10. it would not grow about Babylon.
685.20
Ivy chaplets, why used in Winter.
ib. 40
that Ivy is cold.
686.1
Ivy berries intoxicate the braine. 686.1. why the wood groweth tortuous. 686.10. why it is al­waies greene.
686.20
Ivy consecrated to Bacchus. 690. 20.1302.10. rejected from the sacrifice and temples of celestiall gods. 887.40. fit for franticke folke.
888.1
Ixion loved Juno. 291.10. in Eu­ripides representeth a godlesse man.
24.50
K
KAimin, what it signifieth.
1310.20
[...], in Poets of divers significa­tions.
32.10
[...], what place.
717.10
Kalends, whereof they tooke the name.
857.50.858.10
[...], what exercise or feat of activitie.
716.40
[...].
680.1
[...].
ib.
[...] the wallnut tree, why so cal­led.
683.50
[...].
1166.10
[...].
746.1
[...].
953.10
Killing of a man but upon necessi­tie.
863.50
to be a King, what a trouble and burden it is.
392.1
Kings abused by flatterers and pa­rasites.
94.1
Kings sonnes learne nothing well, but to ride an horse.
96.40
Kings ought to be milde and gra­cious.
125.10
Kissing the eare.
53.20.
Kissing of kinsfolke by women, how it first came up.
484.20
why women Kisse the lips of their kinsfolke.
852.20.30
Knowledge simply is the greatest pleasure.
588.40.50
much Knowledge breedes manie doubts.
784.1
KNOVV THY SELFE. 84. 40. 346.1. 526.50. 240.40. 1120.30. 1201.10. this Mot hath given occasion of manie questions & disputations.
1354 10
[...], who they were.
679.50
[...].
785.20
[...], what it signifieth.
670.1
[...], a kinde of Sophisme or masterfull syllogisme. 622.20 not fit for feasts.
645.1
Kyphi, a certeine composition.
1308.40
[...].
775.1
L
L. who pronounce in stead of R.
869.1
Laarchus usurped the tyrannie of Cyrenae. 504.30. murdered.
ib.
Labotas his apophthegmes.
461.1
Labour with alacrity.
619.1
Labour. See Diligence.
Lacedaemonians bountifull to the Smyrnians. 103.10. their mo­destie to them. ib. how they sca­red their children from drun­kennesse. 121.50. they shewed their Ilotae drunke to their chil­dren. 1091.10. why they sacri­fice to the Muses before battell.
125.50
Lacedaemonian apophthegms.
469. 50 444.1
Lacedaemonians reverence old age.
473.20
Lacedaemonian customes and or­ders. 475. 10. how they lost their ancient reputation.
479.1. 10
Lacedaemonian womens apoph­thegmes.
479.30
Lacedaemonians forbid torchlights.
475.30
the Laconisme or short speech of the Lacedaemonians.
103.10.20
Lachares a tyrant over the Athe­nians.
586.10
Lachesis her function.
1184.40. 1219.30
Lachesis.
679.50.797.40.1049. 10
Lacydes a fast friend to Cephiso­crates, and made no shew there­of.
102.40
Lacydes noted for effeminate wan­tonnesse.
[Page] 241.20
Ladas the famous runner.
356
Laelius advanced Scipio.
357.50
Laesmodias.
759.20
Lais a famous courtisan.
61.1
Lais became a maried wife. 1154.10. stoned to death for envie of her beauty.
ib.
Lamachus. 378. 10. his apoph­thegme.
419.50
Lamentation for the dead how to be moderated.
521.40
Lamia the witch.
135.1
Lamps, why the Romans never put forth, but suffer to goe out of their owne accord.
875. 10. 748.30
the golden Lampe of Minerva.
765.10
Lampe burning continually at the temple of Jupiter Ammon. 1322. 10. why lesse oile was consumed therein every yeere than other.
ib. &c.
Lampon. 759.30. the rich mer­chant.
388.1
Lampsace, the daughter of Man­dron, her vertuous act. 497. 40. honored as a goddesse.
498.1
Lampsacum the city how it tooke that name.
497.50
Lapith of the Stoicks.
1055.30
Lares, what images.
868.10
Largesses.
377.20
Lasus, what he conferred to musick
1257.20
Lautia what presents they were.
865.50
Law of what power it is.
294.295
Leaena her rare taciturnitie.
196.30
Leager.
902.50
Lead why it causeth water to bee more cold.
735.10
Lead plates and plummets seeme to sweat and melt in hard winters.
740.10
Leander bewitched with the love of Aretaphilaes daughter. 499 20. hee exerciseth tyrannie. ib. 30.40. betraied by Areta­phila into the hands of Anabus 500.10. put to death.
ib. 30
Leaves of trees not to be plucked.
683.10
Left-hand Auspices presage best.
876.20
[...].
[...]
Lenity of parents to their children.
16.10
Leon the sonne of Eucratidas his apophthegmes.
461.30
Leon the Bizantine a mery concei­ted person.
355.30
Leonidas the sonne of Anaxan­dridas his apophthegmes. 461. 40. his valiant death. 907.40. his heart all hairy. ib. his vision with the temple of Hercules at Thebes. 1239.1. his noble acts & not able apophthegmes.
1239 10.20
Leontidas together with Archias tyrannized in Thebes. 1204. 30. a valiant man. 1225.50. he killeth Cephisodorus. ib. he was killed himselfe by Pelopi­das.
1226.1
Lcontis a tribe.
660.30
Leotychidas the first, his apoph­thegmes.
461.10
Leotychidas the sonne of Ariston his apophthegmes.
461.20
Leschenorius, an epithet of A­pollo.
1353.50
Lethe.
609.20
[...]. that is to say, The common­wealth.
872.40
Letters in Aegypt invented by Mercurie.
789.20
Letters in the alphabet just 24. how they arise.
789.30
[...], the gorge or we sand.
744.10
Leucippe.
899.30
Leucippidae.
902.50
Leucippus killed by Poemander.
899.20
Leucomantis
1152.20
Levites whereof they tooke that name.
712.20
Leucothea, what it is.
64.50
Leucothea kind to her sisters chil­dren.
191.20
Leucothea or [...] temple admitteth no maide servant to enter into it.
855.30
Liberality what it is.
69.10
Libitina, supposed to be Venus. 857.40. her temple how em­ploied.
ib.
Libs, what winde.
829.30
P. Licinius vanquished by Perse­us. 431.40. his demaunde of Perseus.
ib.
Lictors officers of Rome, why so called.
872.30.40
Life and language ought to concur in a governour.
352.1
Life is but an illusion.
603.40
Life solitary and hidden discom­mended.
606.20
Life hidden or unknowen, a sen­tence full of absurdities.
607.30.40
of Life three sorts.
9.40
long Life not best.
521.20
Life of man transitory and [...] .
585.40
Light how delectable it is.
608.40
Lightning how it is shot foorth.
1022.30
Lightning. 704.20. what effects it worketh.
705.1.10
bodies smitten with Lightning [...] not.
705.20
folke a sleepe never blasted with Lightning.
705.40
what things be smitten with Light­ning.
ib. 50
Lightning how it cōmeth.
827.40
Line or flaxe the herbe.
1289.10
Linus of what Musicke he was the inventor.
[...]
Lion how stout he is in [...] of his whelpes.
218.30
Lion why the Aegyptians consecra­ted to the sunne.
710.50
Lions heads gaping, serve for [...] of fountains in Aegypt.
710.50
Lion how he goeth in [...] .
959.1
Lions kinde one to another.
966.1
Lions portraied with mouthes [...] open in the porches of the Ae­gyptians temples.
1302.30
Literature compared with the [...] of fortune and nature.
7.1
Liver diseased, how it is discove­red.
782.50
Lochagas his apophthegmes.
462.20
Lochia a surname of Diana.
1142 1.697.20
Locrians law against curiositie.
139.1
Locrus. 130.1. what cities he built
893.1
Locusts engendred in Sicilie.
671.30
Lode-stone how it draweth iron.
1022.30
Logicke or Dialecticke.
804.40
Lotos the herbe in Homer.
1057 50
Love of yoong boies how permitted.
14.1
Love of what power it is.
294.295.1143.40
against Love-drinks.
316.40
Love in yoong persons soone hot and quickly cold.
ib.
of Love or amity foure branches.
1142.30
Love lively described.
1143.30
Love of boies compared with that of women.
[...]
Love [...] commended.
ib.
Love a violent affection.
1138.50
[Page] Cato his saying of Lovers.
1143.30.
The bounty and goodnesse of Love. 1146.50. how it comes to be called a god.
1139.10
Love an ancient god.
1140.20
Love covereth defects and imper­fections.
59.40
Love the most auncient worke of Venus.
1140.20
Lovers be flattcrers.
93.30
Love teacheth Musuke &c.
655.50
Love resembleth drunkennesse.
654.1
Love what resemblance it hath with the Sunne.
1149.50
why Lovers be Poets.
654.10
Lovers how they can away with jests.
667.20
Loxias one of the surnames of A­pollo.
103.30
Lucar what mony among the Ro­mans.
880.10
Lucifer the starre.
821.30
Lucina.
1142.1
Lucretia the Romane lady
491.30
Lucullus noted by Pompey for his superfluitie. 386.30.40. led by Callisthenes. 394.30. his valour. 437.30. given to pleasure. 438.40. kinde to his yonger brother. 182.1. why bla­med.
297.20
Lungs full of pipes and holes to transmite liquors and solide meates.
744.40
Luperci at Rome, why they sacri­fice a dogge.
872.50
Lupercalia.
ib.
Lusts and appetites of sundry sorts.
567.10.1212.50
Lutatius Catulus erecteth an al­tar to Saturne.
909.20
Lycaons sonnes, Eleuther and Le­badius.
900.1
Licaeum.
900.10
Lycas a booke of Ariston his ma­king.
18.30
Lycian womē their vertues.
489.1
Lycia overflowen by the sea.
489.20
Lyciscus a traytour punished long after his treachery committed.
540.10
Lycophanes what it is at Lace­daemon.
475.40
Lycospades what horses. 677.10. why they be fuller of sto­macke than others.
677.20
Lycurgus his apophthegme as tou­ching education. 4.10. his apophthegmes. 462.20.422.50. his example of two whelps, ib. he caused all vines to be cut down. 19.30.76.40. he brought in base coine. 463.10. hurt by Alcander. ib. 50. his patience. ib. his ordinances in Sparta. 464.40. he ordeined sacrifices of least cost. 402.30. honoured by the oracle of Apollo. 600.20. not blamed for praising him­selfe.
305.1
Lycurgus the oratour his paren­tage. 927.50. his education. 928 1. his state affaires. ib. his fideli­ty and reputation. ib. 10. his building for the city. 528.10.20. beloved of the people. 928.30. a severe justicer. ib. 20. his authority. ib. 30. his ordinances and [...] ib. he enacted that Poets might be free burgesses.
928.40
Lycurgus ordeined to perpetuate the tragoedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. ib. he rescued Xenocrates the pht­losopher for going to prison. 929.1. he saved his wife from the danger of law. ib. his meane apparell. ib. 10. his painfull stu­die. ib. his apophthegmes. ib. his children endited and acquit. ib. 30. his death and sepulcher. ib. he advanceth the weale pub­licke. 929.40. his innocencie. ib. his children. ib. 50. his ora­tions. 930.10. his crowne and statues. ib. honours decreed for him and his. ib. his wealth and bounty. ib. 20. surnamed Ibis.
ib.
Lydian musicke rejected.
1253.20
Lyde the wife of Callimachus.
515.10
Lyde an Elegie of his composition
ib.
Lydiades first an usurping tyrant, prooved afterward a good prince.
543.30
Lying in children to be avoided.
13 4
Lynceus quicke-sighted.
238.30
Lyncurium.
954.30
Lysander his apophthegmes.
423.50
Lysander refused jewels sent to his daughters. 320.10. unthankfull
357.40
Lysander slaine by Inachion for want of understanding an ora­cle.
1200.30
Lysanoridas combined with the tyrants of Thebes.
1205.20
Lysanoridas put to death.
1227.1
Lysias the oratour his parentage and place of nativitie. 921.40. his education. ib. 50. his trou­bles and exploits. 922.1.10.20 his age and death.
922.20.30
Lysias the oratour, his orations and writings. 922. 20.30. his stile. ib. 40. commended. 195.10. his eloquence.
195.10
K. Lysimachus for to quench his thirst lost a kingdome. 416.1.547.40. his apophthegmes.
416 1
Lysippus how he portraied K. A­lexander.
1296.50
Lysis, his reliques.
1208.1
Lysius the surname of Bacchus.
330.50
M
MAcareus deslowreth his owne sister.
914.10
Macedonians plaine spoken men 409.30. their armie after A­lexanders death compared to Cyclops.
414.1
Macellus a famous theefe at Rome.
869.1
Macellum the shambles there.
ib.
Maemactes.
125.20
Magas how he dealt with Phile­mon.
124.50
Mage the sages what they thinke of Oromazes and Arimanius.
1306.30
Magi the tyrants of Persia.
375.40
Magistracy shewes a man.
363.364.&c.
May the moneth why so called.
879.40
Maidens not permitted to mary upon a feastivall day.
885.10
Maiden-haire the hearbe why al­waies greene.
686.30
Mallacos what it signifieth.
505.30
Malladies new come, and olde de­part.
782.50
Malladies new and strange where­of they proceed.
783.10.20
Malladies of the soule compared with those of the body.
313.20
Malcander king of Byblos.
1293.40
Males how begotten.
842.30
Male children and female how they be formed in the wombe.
847.20
Mallowes.
339.1
Man why called [...].
668.40
[Page] Man most miserable.
312.50
Mankinde most unhappy.
312.50
Mans life full of miseries.
512.30.40
Men derived into three sorts. 601.30. made to doe good.
393.30
Men unable in the act of genera­tion.
844.20.30
Men at what age they come to perfection.
847.40
Of men in the moone.
1176.50
Mandragoras cold and procureth sleepe.
689.40
Mandragoras growing neere to a vine.
19.40
Maneros who it was.
1294.10
Manis a king.
1296.30
Manica. ib. his pride and arro­gancie. 1278. 20. how he was scoffed by Pasiades.
ib.
[...] might not be surnamed Marci.
880.40
M. Manlius sought to be king of Rome.
ib.
Manlius Imperiosus beheadeth his owne sonne.
910.10
Battell of Mantinea described.
983.1.10
Mantous.
154.50
Marcellinus unthankefull to Cn. Pompeius. 439.10. checked by him.
ib.
Marcellus his apophthegme as touching the gods of Taren­tum.
429.40
March in old time the first moneth.
856.10
Mariage in kinred forbidden at Rome.
852.40.886.1
Mariage love discredited by Pro­togenes. 1132.50. maintained by Daphnaeus.
ib.
Mariage, a number.
1035.40
Mariage with a rich and wealthy wife, argued.
1137.10.20
Mariage with a wife yonger or el­der.
ib. 40
No Mariages at Rome in May.
879.30
Mariage with the cousin germains how permitted.
852.50
of Mariage, precepts.
315
Maried folke ought to have a re­verent regard one of another.
317.20
C. Marius defaited the Cimbri­ans. 637.1. his apophthegmes. 436.30. he crucified his daugh­ter Calpurnia. 912.10. he en­dured the cutting of his vari­ces. ib. his justice.
ib. 40
Marius and Sylla, how they first fell out.
350.30
Marius Gurges.
907.30
Marpissa ravished by Aphareus.
917.30
Mars and Venus commit adulte­rie. 24. 30. disguised himselfe, and lay with Sylvia. 913.50 what is meant thereby in Ho­mer. 25.1. what epithets and at­tributes he hath. 1140.50. his etymologie.
ib.
Mars opposite unto love.
1140.40
Mars hath divers acceptions in po­ets.
30.10
Mars what God.
1141.10
Marsyas the minstrell deviseth a hood or muzzle for his cheekes whiles he piped. 122.40. why punished by Apollo.
761.1
Martiall men ought to be strong of body.
391.1
Martius Coriolanus.
631.1
Masanissa an aged king.
394.1
Masdes a renowmed prince.
1296 30
Massacre in Argos.
368.1
Mathematicks what pleasure they affoord.
590.30
Mathematicks. 1018.40. of three kinds.
796.50
Mathematicall five solid bodies.
819.20
Matter.
768.50.805.30.808.10
the Matter, not the man, to be re­garded.
55.30
Meale an unperfect and raw thing 886.10. why called Mylepha­ton.
886.20
Meats which are to be refused.
613.40
for the Medes, leave somewhat.
750.1
Medica the herbe.
583.1
Mediocrity or meane, how to be ta­ken.
68.50
Mediterranean sea.
1173.30
Medius an archsophister and flat­terer in K. Alexanders court.
104.50
Megaboetes a faire Catamit.
449.40
Megabyzus pretily reprooved by Apelles.
96.10.154.40
Megali, a surname of some prince.
1278.40
Megarians insolency against their principall burgesses.
894.1
Megisto her vertuous deed.
492.30
Megisto the wife of Timoleon, her wise speech.
494.10
Melancholicke persons great drea­mers, and their dreames most significant.
1349.50
Melanippides, what he altered in Musicke.
1257.20
Melanchosike disposition praesage the sicknesse.
618.20
Melanthius his apophthegme of a tragoedie.
55.50
Melanthius his speech concerning factions in Athens.
25.40
Melanthius checketh Gorgias.
323.20
Melanthius the flattering parasite of K. Alexander Phaeraeus.
86.10
Melanthia what it is.
64.50
Melanuri.
15.20
Melicertaes body cast up with a wrecke.
717.10
Melichrus a slattering terme.
93.30
Mellicre what she is.
398.30
Melisponda.
712.50
Melissus the Philosopher a good Statist and martiall man.
1128 20
Melissa wife to Periander.
330.40
Melissus the sonne of Abron kil­leth himselfe.
945.50
Melon one of the conspiratours a­gainst Archias the Thebane.
1225.20
Melos women their vertuous act.
487.30.
Memnon his apophthegme.
404.50
Memorie in children to be exerci­sed.
11.30
Memorie how profitable it is. 11.50. the mother of the Muses. 1131.30. of what power it is.
1344.1
Menalippe a tragoedie of Euripi­des.
1139.30
Menander his comoedies praised. 759.30. much commended be­fore Aristophanes 942.40. his untimely death.
943.30
Menander a wise and mild prince. 377.1. highly honoured by his subjects.
377.1
Menecrates a vain-glorious Phy­sician. 424.20.449.10. reproo­ved by Agesilaus.
424.20
Menedemus shutteth the doore against his friends sonne. [...] 10. his opinion of vertue.
64.50
Menelaus and Paris enter com­bat.
793.1
Menelaus and Helena debased by Herodotus.
1230.20
Menelaus came unbidden to A­gamemnon his feast.
753.40
Menelaus in Homer protected by Minerva.
1282.10
[...], what it is.
[Page] MENTIS a temple at Rome. 630 40. when it was dedicated.
635.1
Mercurie terrestriall and celestial.
1182.30
Mercurie is come, what it mean­eth.
193.10
Mercurie, why he is shrined neere to the graces. 59.20. master of merchants.
692.30
Mercuriall Daemons.
1297.50
Mercurie Hegemon.
290.40
Mercurie the author of Grammar and Musicke.
1288.30
Mese.
796.40
Mesoromasdes.
294.40
Messenger reporting newes of the victory at Marathon.
984.1
Messenger of the victory at Man­tinea, how rewarded.
984.10
Mestor an attribute of Jupiter in Homer, what it signifieth.
1308.1
Metageitnion and Metageitnia.
272.30
Metaphors.
800.1.10
Metellus sacrificeth his owne daughter. 910.30. his secrecie. 197. 30. checked by Cicero.
439.50
Meteors what they be.
826.30
[...] and [...].
685.40
[...] and [...].
890.50
Methides sepulchre in AEgypt.
1295.40
Methyer, what it signifieth.
1310.20
Metiochus a favourite of Peri­cles.
365.1
Metrocles challenged the kings of Persia. 299.50. he contemned poverty.
299.20
Metrodorus his letters commen­ding bodily pleasures. 595.10. professeth ignorance in historie and poetrie. 590.40. his grosse opinion of pleasure. 1127.10. he vaunteth for rescuing Mythra. 1128. 50. he scorneth Lycur­gus, Solon, and such.
1129.20
Mettall mines that have failed to bring forth oare.
1345.40
Mezentius king of the Tuscanes.
866.20
Micca her vertuous deed. 492.30. most barbarously misused by one Lucius. 492.50. murdered by him.
493.1
Mice of the water detested of Zo­roastres and the Magi.
711.1
Mice conceive by licking salt.
728.40
Midas upon a melancholie killed himselfe.
265.1
Mildenesse of Euclides his bro­ther.
130.30
Milesia the daughter of Scedasus.
946.10
Milesian maidens troubled with melancholy. 496.30. how their rage was repressed.
ib. 40
Milichius an attribute to God.
125.20
Military exercises fit for youth.
10 10
Milke not properly called moist as oile is.
740.40
Milke in women how it is made, and whereto it serveth.
220.10
Milke-way or Galaxia.
826.40
Milke how students should use in their diet.
621.10
Miltiades a tyrant at first, prooved a good captaine.
543.40
Mimi.
760.10
a MIND, the efficient cause of all things.
806.30
Minerva rebuked for piping.
122.30
Minerva flang away her pipes.
122 40
Minerva Chalcioecos.
909.30
Minerva provident.
381.1
Minerva Itonia.
796.20
Minerva but one.
796.20
Minerva Optelitis.
464.1
Mine and Thine.
80.30
Mine and Thine reprooved by Plato.
318.40
K. Minis why accursed by the Ae­gyptians.
1290.40
Minos a judge among the dead. 532.20. why he was called Jupi­ters Oaristes.
290.10
Minotaures whence they come.
568.50
Minstrels at Rome disguised in womens apparell.
869.20
Minstrell pipers forsake Rome.
ib.
Minstrell wenches whether they are to be admitted to sober feasts
757.20
Minyas his daughters enraged.
899.30
Mirrors and the resemblances in them.
837.20
Mirrors of divers sorts and their reflexions.
1170.1
Mirth to be joined with serious af­faires.
653.1
Misogyne a temple of Hercules.
1198.1
Mithridates, one who for eating and drinking wan the best game. 655.30. surnamed Dionysus
ib.
K. Mithridates escaped death by the meanes of Demetrius.
415.20
Mitres, who he was and what it signifieth.
1036.1
Mixolydian musicke who invented
1253.20
Mixarchagenas who it is.
895.40
Mixture of elements.
814.40
Mneuis a beefe or bull in Helio­polis.
1300.50
[...], how defined.
953.1
[...], mother of the Muses.
11.30.796.30
Mnesarete her image of beaten gold. 1195. her name was also Phryne. ib. why named Phryne
1195.1
Mnesiphilus.
336.40
Mnesiphilus kind to Themisto­cles.
398.20
Mockes and scornes to be abidden with patience.
48.10
Mockers and scorners how to be answered.
ib.
Modesty a great token of progresse in vertue.
253.10.20
Moderation in both fortuues com­mended.
510.20.30
[...].
29.1.679.30.50
Moist what thing is properly cal­led.
740.30
Molionidae. 1106.20. massacred by Hercules.
1194.40
Molpus the minstrell.
896.40.
Molus the father of [...] found headlesse.
1330.10
Monarchia what it is. 941.20. it is the best government.
ib. 50
Monethly termes or purgations of women.
220.30
Moneths first and second to what gods consecrated.
858.40
Moneths attributed to Juno.
876.1
Monogenes the name of Proser­pina, and the reason thereof.
1182.30
Monophagi in Aegina.
901.50
Monsters how engendred.
843.1
Mony with the stampe of Janus face and the prow or poope of a ship.
864.50
Mony with the stampe of a beefe, sheepe, and a swine.
865.10
Moone at full what effects it hath.
697.30.40
Moone slow, and of a feeble heat.
1168.50
Moones upon the shooes of the no­blest Senatours in Rome.
875.30
Moone of what substance it is.
1183.10
[Page] Moone the type of this worlds mu­tability.
875.40
Moone a most pure mirrour.
1161 1
at full Moone women have easiest child-birth.
876.10
whether the Moone be earth.
1163 1
the Moones substance.
824.30
the Moone whether it be a dimme fire.
1162.1
the Moones three motions. 1177. 10. her magnitude. 824.40. 1172.1. illuminate from the Sunne.
ib. 50
Moone why it falleth not.
1163.20
the Moones forme or figure.
824.50
Moone within the confines of the earth. 1165.20. her seven shapes 825.1. her illuminations. ib. 10. her ecclipse. 825.20. her month­ly occultations. 825.40. how she is illumined from the Sunne.
1169.10
the Moones face, or unequall appa­rition therein.
825.50
the face appeering in the Moone, and the cause thereof.
1160
the Moone hath divers denomina­tions.
1329.1
the Moone inhabited.
825.50.1177.1178
the Moone worketh moist effects.
1179.10
the Moone is named Pseudopha­nes.
826.1
Moone-shine hurtfull to babes, and for sleepe.
697.10.20
Moone how farre distant from the Sunne.
826.1
the tale of the Moone and her mo­ther.
338.10
Morall vertue what it is.
64.30
Morows after Kalends, Nones, and Ides, dismall daies.
858.20
Motes in the Sunne.
770.40
Mothers love their sonnes better than their daughters. 321. 50. they ought to suckle their owne babes. 4.30. how tender they be over their infants.
220.50.221.1.10
Moüth, a name of Isis, what it sig­nifieth.
1310.20
Motion what it is.
815.40
of Motion sixe sorts.
831.40
to Mourne for the dead, what nati­ons be addicted most.
523.10
Mucius Scaevola his valorous re­solution.
907.1
Mucius or Mutius Scaevola.
629 30
Mulbery tree not cut downe at A­thens.
749.30
Mules why barren.
844.20
a Mules craft detected by Thales.
964.40
a Mule rewarded at Athens.
963.20
a Mullet hard to be caught.
971.20
Mulius.
634.20
Multitude not to be flattered and pleased.
7.20
Mummius mooved to pittie with the verses cited by a yoong lad.
787.20
Murderers of the Poet Ibycus re­vealed by their owne wordes.
201.50
Musaea, what houses.
141.50
Muses why called in Greeke [...]. how they be severally emploied.
799.10.20.30
Muses three, named Hypate, Me­se, and Nete.
796.40
Muses why nine.
796.20
Muses at first but three. 796.30 why they be many.
796.20.30
Muses named [...].
795.50
Mushromes of Italy.
613.40
Mushromes whether they breed by thunder.
704.1
Musicall discourses rejected by E­picurus.
591.30
Musicke how to be emploied.
1249.1
Musicke ariseth from three causes.
654.20
Musicke used in warre among the Lacedaemonians.
477.1
Musicke or melody of three kinds.
796.40.
Musicke Phrygian.
1251.20.
Musicke Dorian.
1251.20.
Musicke Lydian.
1251.20.
Musicke sorteth well with martiall knights.
1274.50
Musicke why used at feasts.
1263.10
Musicke necessary in the managing of the state.
1262.20
the effects of Musicke in a common wealth.
1262.30
lawes of Musicke not to broken.
1261.1
Musicall notes, Mese, Hypate and Nete, answerable to the three faculties of mans soule.
1025.10
Musicke doth inebriate more than wine.
750.50
Musicks complaint to Justice.
1257 40
Musicians ditties of what matter they are to be made.
25.20
Musicke plaine commended in La­cedaemon.
477.10
Musicke Chromaticke.
592.30
Musicke harmonicall.
592.30
Musicke highly regarded in olde time.
1256.30
Musike commended.
263.10
the use of Musicke in warre.
1256.30
Musicke fitter for merry [...] than for sorrow and sadnesse.
758.10
the use of Musicke.
1261.40
Must or new wine doth not soone inebriate or make drunke. 693. 30. how it continueth sweet long
1012.20
Mutabilitie of this life.
511.1
Mycale the blinde mouse deified by the Aegyptians.
710.40
Myconos what it is.
646.30
Mymactes, an attribute to God.
125.20
Myrtia Venus.
857.1
Myrionimus, an attribute of Isis.
1309.1
Myro her piteous death.
495.10
Myronides his apophthegme.
418 40
Myrrhe burnt in perfume by the Aegyptians at noone.
1318.50
Myrrhina a sumptuous strumpet.
936.40
Myrtle why not used in the chappel of the goddesse Bona. 856.50. consecrated to Venus. ib. why it is alwaies greene.
686.30
Myson his apophthegme to Chi­lon.
878.50
N
NAmes among the Romanes men have three, women twaine.
884.30
Fore-names when given to the Romanes children.
884.10
Fore-Names how they be written.
884.40
Names of gods, how to be taken in Poets.
29.50
Names of vertues attributed to vices the overthrow of states.
93.40
Namertes his apophthegme.
467.10
Naphtha about Babylon.
723.50
Narcislus, why the daffodille is so called.
683.50
Narrations historicall, resemble pictures.
983.50
Native country which is properly called.
272.20
Nature what it is.
817.30.805.1 1114.1115.
Nature why called [...].
1101.1
[Page] Naturall heat how it is excited.
611.40
Naturall is finite; Vnnaturall, infi­nite.
782.10
Naturall Philosophy wherein it consisteth.
804.40
Naturall things.
805.1
Nature contented with a little.
1179.40
Nature of what power for attai­ning to vertue.
3.1
Nauplius assisted by the Chalci­dians.
898.1
Nausicaa in Homer, how to be praised or blamed.
35.20
Nausicaa by Homer, compared to a date tree.
772.10
Nausicaa in Homer washing her clothes.
658.40
[...].
738.40
Neaera the wife of Hypsicreon enamoured of Promedon.
496 20
Necessitas non habet legem.
400.40
Necessity.
797.50.1033.10
Of Necessity what is the essence.
816.30
Necessary defined.
1051.20
Necessity what it is.
816.20
Nectar.
338.10.1177.30
[...] in Homer.
791.40
Negligence corrupteth the good­nesse of nature.
3.20
good Neighbours, a great treasure.
418.20
Nemanous what it sgnifieth.
1293.40
Nemertes what Daemon.
157.40
Nemesis, what it is.
768.1
Nepenthes.
644.10
Nephalia. 712. 50. what sacrifi­ces.
621.50
Nephthe or Nepthis borne. 1292. 20. what other names she hath.
ib.
Neptune Equestris.
867.20
Neptune why pourtraied with a three forked mace.
1317.20
Neptune surnamed Phytalmios. 717.20.780.1. surnamed [...].
ib. 10
Neptune and Jupiter compared together.
42.1
Neptune many times vanquished
792.1.10
Nero abused and corrupted by flatterers. 93.50. his soule tor­mented in hell. 560. 50. he hardly escaped murdering.
196.20
Nessus the Centaure.
870.40
Nestis the water.
808.1
Nestor feedeth the ambitious hu­mour of Vlisses.
663.1
Nestor and Calchas compared together.
38.30
Nestor milde in rebuking. 398.1 why esteemed above Laertes, or Peleus.
389.20
Nete. 796.40. how it is derived.
1025.20
Nets why they rotte more in win­ter than in summer.
1007.50
Newes forbidden to be harkened after in the city Locri.
139.1
Nicander his apophthegme.
467.20
Nicanor wonne by the liberality of K. Philip.
408.50
[...], that is to say, victory, where­of it is derived.
772.1
Nicias the captaine by his super­stition overthrowen.
265.10
Nicias the painter how much ad­dicted to his worke.
387.1. 589.30
Nicocles. K. of Cyprus his libe­rality to Isocrates.
924.30
Nicocrates his tyranny. 498.10. murdered by Daphnis.
499.30
Nicolai certeine dates, why so cal­led.
772.20
Nicolaus a peripateticke Philoso­pher.
ib.
Nicomedes. K. of Bithynia made himselfe vassall to the Romans.
1276.40
Nicostratus his apophthegme. 425.20. a concurrent of Phau­lius, and detectour of his baw­dry.
1144.30
Nicturus a starre, the same that Phaenon or Saturne.
1180.40
Nicostrata the daughter of Phoe­dus.
948.10
Niger the great Rhetorician died with overstraining his voice.
620.10
Night meet for the sports of Ve­nus. 692. 10. more resonant than the day.
770.10.
Night what it is.
1000.1
Night and eclipse of the sunne com­pared.
1171.20.30
Nightingales teach their yong ones to sing.
966.50
Niloxenus.
327.1
Nilus water is thought to pingui­fy and make corpulent.
1289.30
Nilus water why drawen in the night by sailers for their drinke.
774.10
Nilus, inundation whereof it is caused. 833. 10. the height of the rising thereof.
1304.40
Nine, a number resembling the male. 884. 20. the first square triangle number.
884.30
Niobe over-sorrowful for the losse of her children. 526. 40. her children slaine by Latona.
266.50
The Lady Niobes daughters kil­led.
1145.10
Nisus built the city Nisaea.
893.20
Nobility of what esteeme.
6.40
Nobility of birth alone, not com­mended.
46.1
[...], what they be.
953.1
A Noise from without sooner heard within than contrariwise.
769.10
[...], why lawes be so called.
680.10
[...] in musicke of sundry sorts.
Nonae Capratinae.
632.30
Nones.
858.1
After Noone Romans made no league nor treaty of peace.
878.50
Noses hawked in estimation a­mong the Persians, and why?
403.1
NOTHING TOO MUCH. 1201. 10. 345.50. 526. 50. This Mot hath ministred mat­ter of many questions and dispu­tations.
1354.10
Nothing.
1098.10
Notions of divers sorts.
836.10
Notus the winde, why so called.
1025.20
Nources who are to be chosen.
4.40
Nourishment and groweth in ani­mall creatures.
849.1
Nourishment or feeding of infants.
4.20
Nouriture, see education.
Novv.
1019.40
[...], 858.10. named, Nonae.
ib.
Nownes and verbs sufficient for speech.
1027.10
Nuceria killeth Phenius Firmus her husbands base sonne.
915.40
Nullity, or not being after this life condemned.
604.30.40.50
Numa Pompilius a sage & Phi­losophicall king. 855. 20. a peaceable prince.
856.30
Numa Pompilius. 630. 10. his raigne ascribed to fortune.
633.30
Number the principall of all things.
806.40
Numbers even defective.
868. 50
Number odde, perfect.
ib.
[Page] Nundinae what they were.
865.40
Nympha in breeding of bees what it is.
670.40
Nymphaeus a captaine of the Melians.
487.30
Nymphs age.
1327.40
Nymphs Nomades.
1333.30
O
OAristes.
290.10
to Oblivion an altar.
792.10
Ocean represented the Moone.
1161.10
Ochimus.
896.30
Ochna the daughter of Collo­nus. 900. 30. killeth her selfe.
ib. 40
Ochus a wicked king of Persia. 486. 50. why he was called by the Aegyptians, The sword.
1291.50
Ochus by the Aegyptians called an asse. 1300.1. he killed their Apis.
ib.
Ocridion.
896.30
Ocrisia the supposed mother of Servius Tullius. 635. 40. strangely conceived with childe.
636.1
Octaedra.
768.20.819.20.1020 30
Ocytocium.
956.10
Odours sweet proceed from heat.
655.20
Odours smell better a farre off
657.50
Oeconomie. See House-govern­ment.
Oedipus overthrowen by his own curiosity. 142.40. he plucketh out his owne eyes.
223.1
Oenomaus loved to have a race of good horses.
903.40
Oenuphis the priest and prophet of Heliopolis in AEgypt.
1291.20
Oeolycus his funerals.
716.20
Oeonoloae.
899.40
Oeonus the sonne of Lycimnius.
880.30
Ogygie what Iland.
1180.20
[...] who they be.
28.40
[...] of divers significations. 29.1 an Oinion commended by Homer.
709.30
Oinions rejected by Isis priests, and why.
1290.20
Oke branches made the Civik co­ronet at Rome.
880.50
Okes honoured.
749.20
the Olde age of divers princes and rulers, happy in their govern­ment.
385.1.10
Olde age berest of bodily pleasures.
386.50
Olde age whereof it commeth.
849 50
Olde age hath recreations. 388.20 it is freed from envy.
ib. 30
Olde age how to be secured from contempt.
389.10
Olde men fit for to be rulers.
389.40
Olde age how it is commendable for government.
390.20
Olde men unmeet to mary.
ib. 30
Olde age why honored most in La­cedaemon.
398.50
Olde age not unfit for government. 383.1.10. it should not be idle.
384.1
Olde folke why they drinke meere wine. 656.40. wherefore dull in all senses.
ib.
Olde folke see better a farre off. 657.10. they love to be asked many questions.
664.1
Olde men soone drunken.
687.10
Olde men drie. 687.30. why called in Greeke, [...].
ib.
Olde age to what accidents subject.
687.50
Oligarchy what it is.
941.20
Olive tree wood, for what fire it serveth best.
697.1
Olympus an ancient Musician.
1250.10
Q. Olympias words of a Thessa­lian woman whom the King her husband loved. 319. 30. her speech of a yong gentleman new­ly maried.
319.40
Omomi.
1306.10
Omphalos what part of the world.
1321.40
Omphis, what it signifieth.
1304.40
Onobatis, who she was.
889.1
Onochus king of the Aenians. 896.20. killed by his owne men.
ib.
Onomademus his counsell to have alwaies some adversaries. 244. 10. a great politician. ib. his apophthegmes.
ib.
Onoscelis how ingendred.
914.20
Opium what it is, and the force thereof.
684.40
at the Oracles why they made a great sound with basons &c.
854.10
Oracles of Apollo delivered in rude verse.
1188.1
Oracle at Delphi why it hath gi­ven over to answer in verse.
1189.20
Oracles delivered in prose.
1197.20.1198
from Oracles why poesie is rejected.
1199.40
Oracles why given in verse and ob­scurely in old time.
1199.1200
Oracles why more plaine of late time than before.
1200.40.50
an Oracle bidding the Greekes to double the altar at Delos.
1207.20
Oracle of Lebadia.
1323.50
Oracles why for the most part they ceased.
ib.
Oracle of Ptous Apollo.
ib.
Oracle of Amphiaraus.
1324.1
Oracle of Tegyrae.
1324.10
Oracle at Delphi in olde time not frequented.
1326.20
the reasons discussing why Oracles cease.
1343.1
Oracles by what meane they be performed.
1344.20
Oracle at Delphi, by what occasi­on it began first.
1345.10
Oracle of Tyresias how it came to faile.
1346.10.
Oracles of Mopsus and of Am­philochus.
1346.10
Oracle of Mopsus, how it was tri­ed by the governour of Cilicia.
1346.20
Oratours pleading at the Pythique games for the prize.
716.20
Oratory wherein it cōsisteth.
796.1
Oratour, whereof derived.
866.50
Oratours and warriours compared together.
987.40
Order in the composition of the world.
646.10
Order belongeth to God.
1167.10
Order in feasts.
646.10
the Order of setting guests at the table.
649.30
Orestes furious.
857.1
Orestes how he was feasted. 642. 50. how he was feasted by the linage of Demophon.
678.30
Orestes revengd his fathers and sisters death.
916.50
Orgilaus.
380.50
Orion what starre.
1295.50
[...] and [...], what they be.
1062.40
Ornaments of women what they be
320.10
Oromasdes.
1044.1
Oromazes, what God.
1336.1
Orontes his apophthegm.
404.40
Orpheus an ancient Poet & Mu­sician.
1250.20
Orphne.
100.1
Orthios what musicke.
1251.10
Orus his fable.
1044.10
[Page] Orus or Horus the elder, the same that Apollo.
1292.20.30
Orus his answers to his father O­siris. 1294.40. he vanquished Typhon in sundrie battels.
1294.1295
Oryx a beast observing the Dog­siarres rising.
968.30
Osiris what he signifieth.
778.30
Osiris, how the name is derived. 1291.20.1308.40. 1311.30. how he is portraied.
ib.
Osiris the Sunne, and Isis the Moone.
1308.50
of Osiris and Isis the fable.
1292.1
Osiris borne. ib. 10. he reduced Aegypt to civilitie. 1292.30. supposed to be Bacchus. ib. found by Isis. 1294. 10. why there be many monuments and sepulchres of his. 1294.20. his body, where interred. 1295.30 his corps dismembred by Ty­phon.
1294.20
Osiris, Isis and Typhon allegori­zed.
1300.10
Osiris shut up in a chest, what it signifieth.
1303.10
Osiris his sepulture. 1304.30. how he is pourtraied hieroglyphical­ly. 1308.1.10. his pollicy to vanquish his enemies and to rule his subjects. 1315.40. his robes.
1318.1
Otacaustes.
143.1
Otacaustae, who they be. the Oth that the judges in Aegypt tooke.
143.30.
404.50
Othes not rashly to be taken.
860.20
Othe of the Pythagoreans.
806.50
The Other.
1031.1
Othryades his valour.
907.20
Othryadas traduced by Herodo­tus.
1231.20.30
Otis a bird delighting in the fellow ship of horses.
[...]
Overweening in yoong men is to be rid away.
53.40
Ovihj, how the name came at Rome.
865.10
Oxyrynchites, what people.
1289.50
Oxyrynchos, what fish.
ib.
Oyle [...] transparence & [...] in the sea.
1007.30
Oyle why Homer calieth Moist.
740.30
Oyle the onely moist and liquid [...] that will burne.
740.50
Oyle best in the top of the vessell.
747.30
Oyle will not be mingled with any liquor.
675.30.748.1
Oyle an enemie to plants. 675.30 hurtfull to Bees.
ib.
Oyle of all liquors most transparent 994.20. it allaieth the waves of the sea. ib. it is full of aire.
ib.
Oyle why it breedeth much rust in brasse.
1187.30
[...] , people why so called.
893.
[...], who he is.
225.20
[...], that is to say, Fish, is put for all other meats. 708.1. what it [...] .
775.30
[...], that is, Gluttons.
ib.
[...], of the Stoickes.
1092.30
P
P. Or Pi, the letter in Greeke how it differeth from other mute consonants.
789.1
P for B in the Aeolique dialect.
738.30
Pacification in civil dissentions how to be made.
380.20
Paean the song, sorteth well with Apollo.
1358.10
Paedaretus his apophthegmes.
425 10.468.20
Paegnia.
760.10
Paines be durable, but pleasures momentanie.
582.583
Paines excessive not durable.
49.1
Palamedes devised foure letters of the alphabet.
789.20
Palamnaeus
896.1
Palaestinus who he was.
1294.10
Palaestra where of it tooke the name
672.40
Palintocia, what it is.
893.50
Palladium the image.
92.50
Pallas her image devised with a dragon by it.
1317.10
Palladin recovered by Ilus and Metellus.
911.30
Pambaeotra, what solemnity.
947.40
Pammenes reprooved Homer for his order in raunging a bat­tle.
649.1145
Pamylia what feast.
1292.10
Pamylitia, a feast to the honour of Priapus.
1301.50
the great Pan dead.
1332.1
Pan.
808.50
Pan and the world differ.
809.1
[...], whereof derived.
1310.10
Pan the god of heard-men.
873.
Panagra what net.
972.10.20.50
Pancration, what exercise.
672.50.364.40
Pandarus taxed for vanitie.
24.40
Pandecles an attribute given to Isis.
1309.1
Pandora in Hesiodus.
514.20
Panegyricus an oration penned by Isocrates.
988.20
Panique terrors or affrights
1193 1.1142.50.425.40.488.40
faire Panthea loved by Araspes.
257.20
Panthoidas his apophthegmes.
467.30
Paracyptusa.
1152.20
Paradoxes of the Stoicks.
1083.30
Parallelo grammon what [...] .
1036.30
Paralos the ship.
364.30.
a Parasites portraiture.
90.40
[...], [...] defined.
953.1
Pardiae, what [...] .
957
Parentage how important both waies.
[...]
Parents chalenge the [...] next to God. 176.10. most de­lighted in the love of their owne sonnes.
[...]
Parents wicked have begotten good chidren.
545
Pariere what she is.
23.40
Paris in Homer resembleth a wanton.
398.40
Parisa.
988.10
Papyrius Romanus deflowred his owne sister.
914.20
Paralli a faction at Athens.
1149 10
Parmenides defended against Colotes. 1116.40. his singular commendation.
1128.10
Parmenoes sow.
715.30
Parmeno crying like a swine. 23.1 all Parts of speech in one verse.
1026.40
Parts of speech all save Verbe and Noune, to what use they [...] .
1027.50
Participle what it is.
1029.10
Partridges how subtill and craftie they be. 964.50. their naturall affection to their yong. 964.50. carefull over them. 219.10. their subtilty. 219.1. the male kinde to the female.
954.30
Parysatis her apophthegme.
404.30
Pasiades how he checked Lysi­machus.
1278.20
Pasiphae.
317.1
Passion of the soule what it is.
67.40
Passions different from reason.
71.30
Passions not to be rooted out quite.
76.50
Passions how divided.
799.20
Passion counterfect, we can abide to [Page] see, but not in deed.
715.1.10
Pataecion, a notable theefe.
28.10
Pater patratus who he was.
871.20
Patience of Socrates. 12.30. 129 30. of K. Agathocles. 1261. of K. Antigonus. 126.1. of Arce­silaus. 129.20. of Archytas and Plato.
12.40
Patience commended.
242.40
Patratus what it signifieth.
ib. 30
Patres and Patres Conscripti at Rome, who they were.
870.20
Patroclus his funerall obsequies and games of prize.
716.20.
Patroclus commended himselfe.
304.20
Paulus Aemilius his Apoph­thegmes. 431.40. the osse that hee observed of his daughter Tertia. ib. 50. his infortunitie in the losse of his children. 432. 20. his contempt of golde and silver. ib. compared with king Perseus. 158.20. curious in the dispose of feasts. 646.1. his for­tune.
630.10
Pausanias his treason and death.
909.30
Pausanias the sonne of Cleom­brotus his apophthegmes.
467.30
Pausanias the sonne of Plistonax his apophthegmes.
468.1
Pausanias troubled in conscience for the abuse and murder of Cleonic.
547.20
Pauson the painter, and the tale of him.
1188.20
Peach dedicated to Harpocrates.
1314.1
Pedetes
904.40
Pediaei a faction in Athens.
1149.10
Pegasus Bellerophontes horse.
164.40.
Peinting a mute poesie.
95.50
Peinters excellent, were Atheniens.
982.20
a Peinter, who had peinted cocks unskilfully.
104.40
Peitho. 630.1. her image why pla­ced with Venus.
316.20
Pelamides fishes, why so called.
Pelias Achilles speare, Patrocles would not meddle with.
97.1
Pelopidas his apophthegmes.
428.10
[...], what it signifieth.
1310 10
[...].
1341.20. 1356.50.
of Pente came [...].
1341.30
Pentagons.
1020.50
Pentathus.
716.15
Peueleus.
899.20
People are to be led by the cares.
353.30
Pepromene, whereof derived.
1080.30
Perdicca his moderation toward K. Alexander.
1283.40
Periander why he burnt in his wives funerals her habiliments. 602.10. master of the banket of the seven Sages. 326.50. he was none of the seven Sages.
1354.20
Periander tyrant of Ambracia, killed by his owne Ganymede or Catamite.
1155.20
Pericles noted by Cratinus for his slownesse. 988.30. he praiseth himselfe without blame and en­vie. 303.1.302.50. why he dis­robed the image of Minerva. 283.40. his apophthegmes. 419 20. his apophthegme as touch­ing speech not [...] . 7.50 how hee admonished himselfe. 651.40. surnamed Olympius. 529.10. how he bare the death of his two sonnes.
ib.
Pericles eloquent. 353.10. a singu­lar polititian.
365.40
Periclitus an ancient musician.
1250.40
Peripneumonia.
745.20
Periscylacismus.
873.1
Persephone or Proserpina.
1181.50
Persian women their prowesse. 486.
40
Persian kings allow their slaves and dogs to be served from their own table.
749.40
Persian king how hee enterteined Antalcides the Lacedaemonian.
761.20
Persian kings of what water they drinke.
272.50
Persian king called by the Asians the great king.
424.10
Persian kings not drunken in the presence of their wives. 318.10 they count al slaves but their wives.
294.30
Persians not merry at the bourd in their wives presence.
642.30
Persian Sages procure their owne death.
299.40
Perswasion.
797.50
Pestilence remedied by making great fires.
1318.50
the great Pestilence at Athens in Thucydides.
[...]
Petron mainteineth 183 worlds.
1335
Petromus a flatterer about Nero the emperour.
98.40
Phaeacians in Homer [...] woers, cate no fish.
779.40
Phaedra compasseth the death of Hippolitus.
916.1
Phaedus a captaine of the The­banes.
948.1
Phaenician letters in number [...] , invented by Cadomus.
789.20
Phaenon what starre. 821.40. the same that Saturne.
1180.40
Phaethon what starre.
821.40
Phagilus who it is.
[...]
Phagrus the fish.
229.1
Phalaris hated of the [...] .
377.10
Phalaris a tyrant.
917.10
Phalarts abused by slatterers. [...] . he justly executed Perillus.
917.20
Phallus.
214.30.1294.30
Phallephoria what [...] .
1292.20
Phanaeus, an epithet of Apollo.
135.3
Phantasium whereof derived.
836 30
Pharos the Isle, become part of the continent of Aegypt.
1303.50
Pharicum a poison.
360.1
[...] her piteous death.
1189.40
[...], what pipe it is.
744.20
Phaulius an Argive prostituted his owne wife.
1144.30
[...] signifieth both the beech tree and the mast.
32.1
Phemius a musician.
1249.40
Phemius king of the [...] .
892.10
Phiditia.
861.50.743.1.762.1
Phidon his notorious treacherie.
945.20
Philadelphus a fit epithet for a prince.
307.1
Philammon an ancient musician.
1249.1
Philanthropon what musicke.
[...]
Philemon an old poet.
385.50
Philemon how he was punished by Magas.
75.10
Philippus tyrannizing in [...] with Archias, murdred by Cha­ron and Lysitheus.
1225.20
Philip, Callias his [...] .
[...]
K. Philip of Macedonie reproo­ved by a musician. 668.20. 1274. 10. his commendation and apophthegmes. 408.30. his apophthegme as touching the Greeks revolting frō him to T. Quintius. 1228.1. [...] suspecteth his own prosperity. 408.30. [...] [Page] trustful of fortune. 513.40. his clemencie. ib. how he saved the credit of his host that invited him. 612.40, his patience. ib. 40 124.30.40. his bounty to Nica­nor. 408.40.50. made better by slanders of enimies 409.1. his pleasant conceit to his Chirur­gian. 409. 10. he plaieth with the names Hecateros and Amphoteros. ib. his compari­son of Demosthenes orations with Isocrates. 932. 30. his counsel to his sonne Alexander. ib. 30.40. his liberality. 409.40 his demeanour at Chaeronaea. 763. 20. he recommendeth to Alexander the philosopher A­ristotle. 410. 20. wounded in the eie. 908. 50. he checketh a judge commended unto him by Antipater. ib. his behaviour to Machetas in case of wrong and judgement. 410.30. noted for rasing the city Olynthus. 55. 10. his uprightnesse in judge­ment. 410. 30. his trust in An­tipater. ib. 40. reprooved mildly by a minstrell. ib. 50.108 1. his disagreement with his wife and sonne, taxed by De­maratus. ib. reprooved by an old woman.
411.1
Philip the sonne of Demetrius repelled from Chios by women.
485.50
Philippides his answere to K. Ly­simachus.
136.30
Philippides the Poet refuseth to know kings secrets.
199.50.416.10
Philistus.
1145.40
Philoctetes.
715.20
Philomela.
777.1
Philometus the tyrant of the Phocoeans.
1189.40
Philometor a fit epithet for a prince.
307.1
Philopappus a courteous prince.
659.40
Philophanes a professed Rhetori­cian.
444.10
Philopoemen.
372.10
Philopsi who they be.
708.1
Philosophie what it is. 804.30 how it is divided.
ib.
Philosophers [...] .
805.40
Philosophers ought to converse with Princes and great men,
289.30.40
Philosophie commended. 9.1. it is the Physicke of the soule.
9.10
Of Philosophie the fruits.
9.10
Of Philosophie three parts.
796.50.1059.50
Philosophie Active or Practive.
804.50
Philosophers how to be deemed.
1266.1
Philosophers their sundry opini­ons of the gods, and principles of the world.
1306.1307
Philotas a minion of K. Alexan­der, by his owne folly over­throwen.
1280.10
Philotimus his answere to a pa­tient of his.
57.40.34.40
Philoxenus the sonne of Eryxis a glutton.
606.30
Philoxenus solliciteth K. Alex­ander to wantonesse.
596.30
Philoxenus the musician made a sale of all that he had.
288.20
Phloeon.
904.30
Phoebus.
497.20
Phocion his poverty. 421. 10. crosse unto the common people. ib. how he tooke his death.
422.10
Phocion compared with De­mosthenes. 355.1. a just ruler. 360.10. his magnanimity at his death. 304. 20. he retorted a scoffe upon Demades. 364.1. commended for his selfe-praise. 364.20. his apophthegme. 420.50. aged and yet a good ruler 394.1. a frugall man.
211.20
Phorea women their deeds.
491.10
Phocis dames their vertuous acts
484.30
Phocus his pitifull history. 947.30. his murder revenged.
948.1
Phoebidas his apophthegme. 469.10. he held Thebes with a garison.
1204.10
Phoenician letters. See Phoenici­um.
Phaenix the birds age.
1327.40
Phaenix the tutour of Achilles. 5.20. he instructeth Achilles to bridle anger.
35.10
Pholia what disease of a beare.
965.10
Phora in dauncing.
799.50
Phosphoria.
1121.50
Phosphori Proeresij.
ib.
Phosphorus what starre.
821.40
Phraaces king of the Parthians.
438.40
Phrygnis enamoured of Pieria.
496.1
Phryne the courtisan shrined in gold.
1276.30
Phryne the famous courtisan, ab­solved by the Judges for her beauty. 936. 50. See more of her. 614.1. 1137.1. 1195.1. her children Lecastus and Par­rhasius strangely saved.
916.30
Phrynichus and Aeschylus brought into Tragoedies narra­tions patheticall.
645.1
Phrynis an anncient Musician.
1250.30
Phthois.
890.30
Phthorae, what they be.
774.30
Phygadotheres, the name given to a pursuvant.
933.50
Phylactes a Gaoler in Cumes.
889.10
Phyllidas conspireth with Pelo­pidas and others to surprise and murder the tyrants of Thebes. 1205.30. he feasteth Archias and other of the Tyrants of Thebes.
1216.30
Phylonome defloured by Mars.
916.30
[...] a city.
893.1
A Physician challenged all men in drinking, and by what meanes.
656.1
Physicians reprooved by Pausani­as.
468.10
Physicke how it began first.
607.10
Physicians we ought to be unto our selves.
626.1
Phytalmius.
76.50
Phyximelon what it signifieth.
890.40
Pictures absurd.
22.40
Picus Martius a bird.
632.50
K. Picus transformed into the bird called Woodpecker. 857.10. he gave answer as an Ora­cle.
ib.
A Pie of woonderfull qualities.
977.1
Pieria her vertuous deed. 495.40 highly honoured of the Milesi­ans.
ib. 10
Pinarij who so called.
870.40
Pindarus forewarned of his death. 518.30. checked and reproved by Corynna. 984.30. he was borne during the solemnity of the Pythique games.
766.10
Pine tree. See Pitch tree.
Pinnoteres a fish.
974.40
Pipes banished from what feasts.
214.10
Pisistratus first an usurper, after­wards a good prince. 453.20. murdered by his Nobles. 915.10. why hee married a second wife. 177.1. a tyrant of the A­thenians. [Page] 422.20. his patience toward Thrasibulus. 124.50 his apophthegmes. ib. his speech to the people.
643.30
Pismires industrious. 960. 20. their caves and holes.
961.1
Pissites wine.
717.50
Pithya, that gave answers in ora­cles, what kinde of wench shee was.
1199.30
Pithya, when she was restrained from verse and poeticall termes.
1198.1199
Pit-water why lesse nutritive than others.
1014.1
Pittacus his answer to the king of Lydia. 181.40. crossed with a shrewd wife.
153.30
Pittacium a piece of ground.
1231 10
Pittacus grinding corne. 338.50. modest in receiving honours. 375.40. debased by Herodo­tus.
1231.1
Pittacus elected Ruler by all the Metylenaeans.
1149.40
Pittacus his valour.
1233.1
Pitch-tree garlands. 717.10. con­secrated both to Neptune and to Bacchus. 717.20. the reason thereof.
ib. 30
Pitch accordeth well with wine & wine vessels.
717.40
Place, what it is.
815.10
Distinction of Place at feasts and meetings observed in olde time. 647.40. observed among the gods and goddesses.
647.40.50
Places at a feast how to be disposed. 645.30. which be most honora­ble.
650.10
Places at a table.
329.40
of curious and sumptuous Plaies the speech of a Laced emonian.
758.10
Planctae, what rocks.
338.10
Plants and herbes that can abide no wet.
1178.50
Plants whether they be animall or no. 848.30. how they grow.
ib.
Platoes suppers commended by Timotheus.
729.40.50
Plato repressed his own anger. 542 30. excused and commended. 745.50. another Chiron, to cure the soule. 766.20. his cen­sure of Lysias oration. 59.50. his supposed father, Apollo. ib. his opinion as touching the prin­ciple of all things. 808.10. his nativity or birth day solemni­zed. 765.50. his fable of Era and Harmonius how to be un­derstood. 791.20. his text in Timaeus expounded. 1031.1 mainteined against Colotes. 1119. 1120. a good politician.
1128.20.
Plato bunch-backt. 34.20. how he reprooved Denys the tyrant. 107.20. how he graced his bre­thren.
182.10
Platychetae who they be.
890.1
Pleasures spirituall, or of contem­plative life.
591.1
Pleasures of an Active life.
594.20
Pleasures of the flesh may be soone too costly.
6.30
Pleasures of the body not to be pro­voked by the lusts of the minde.
614.10
Pleasures be momentany.
582.583
Pleasures of the body compared with those of the soule.
387.10.20.584.1.10
Pleasures proceeding from know­ledge of Arts, incomparable.
589.10.20
Pleasure the Summum bonum of beasts.
Pleasures not in the senses, but in the understanding.
715.20
A prize or reward proposed for de­vising new Pleasures.
653.30
Plistarchus his Apophthegmes.
468.30
Plistonax his Apophthegmes.
ib. 40
Ploiades what clouds.
889.50
Ploutis mainteineth a faction in Miletum.
897.50
Plutarch comforteth his owne wife for the death of their yoong daughter an infant. 533. 40 a priest unto Pythius Apollo.
395.10
Pluto, the earth.
808.1
Pluto blinde. 463.30. why called Dis and Ades.
268.20
Pluto obeyeth Love onely.
1146.40
Pluto his medowes.
1182.40
Podargus a swift horse.
1153.1
Poemander.
899.10
Poesie and painting compared.
983.20
Poesie how it commeth to be so powerfull.
33.20
Poesie whereof it is the imitati­on.
34.10
Poems and Poets not to be rejec­ted.
19.50
Poets and Poems how to be heard and red.
18.50
Poetry described.
22.30
Poets lyers.
20.10
Poets in olde time had their com­bats for the best game.
716.10
Poets and Poetresses was the victory at the solemne games.
716.30
Poetrie referred to Musicke.
797.10
Poets and Philosophers compa­red.
25.40
Poetrie an inducement and trai­ning to Philosophy.
50.1
Poetry standeth more upon fine invention of fables than words or verses.
984.50
speeches different in Poets how to be reconciled.
26.10
speeches wicked in Poets, how to be red.
26.10
Pogonias the bearded blazing starre.
827.20
[...].
557.40
Polemon a ruffian reclaimed by Xenocrates.
112.40
Polemon a great Antiquary.
716.30
Polemon by his patience repres­sed the anger of another.
130.40
Poletes who it is.
807.1
Policie or governement of the Persians.
941.20
Policie or governement of the Spartans. 941.20. of the Athe­nians.
ib.
Policie and politicians.
348.20
Pollis.
895.1
Politicke governement joined with Philosophy.
9.30
Politia hath many significations.
941.1
Policions feast.
652.1
Polium a stinking herbe.
91.50
Pollux kinde to his brother Ca­stor. 182.10. killeth a picke­thanke for whispering a tale a­gainst his brother.
180.30
Poltys his answere to the Troi­ans and Greekes.
425.1
Polus a famous actour in [...] .
385.50
Poliager a notorious bawde to his owne wife.
35.40
Polyarchus brother of Eryxo, complotteth to murder Laar­chus.
504.50
Polycephales what song.
1250.50
Polycratidas his apophthegme.
469.1
Polycrete died for joy.
496.50
Polycrite her vertuous deed.
496.10
Polycrithus a great Architect.
899.10
[Page] Polydorus the sonne of Alcame­nes his apophthegme.
468.40
Polymathia.
499.20
Polymnestus a Musician.
1249.50
Polysperchon how he intertained an impudent craver
669.20.
Polymniae.
995.50
the Polyps head.
19.1
Polyp fish how he changeth colour.
973.10.1009.10
Polymestor murdereth Polydo­rus.
913.20
Polyzelus how he became blinde.
906.30
Pomgranates why called [...].
726.20
C. Pompeius an enimie to bellie cheere. 438.50. his clemencie to the Mamertines. 438.1. surna­med Magnus by Sylla. ib. 10 his name cofirmed by Servisius. 438.20. noted for effeminate wantonnesse. 241.30. his apoph­thegmes. 437.40. his martiall justice. ib. 50. he died the same day of the yeere whereon he was borne. 766.10. killed by Ptolo­maeus.
631.40
C. Pompilius his apophthegme.
437.20
[...] who they be.
29.1
Poppie juice.
684.40
Popular government which is best.
335.40
Popular praise to be avoided.
43.1
Porinus Selinus.
921.40
Porsena his patient behaviour to Muteus.
124.50
Porsena made peace with the Ro­mans.
907.10
Port of the dragon.
897.30
Portij, or Porcij the name at Rome how it arose.
865.10
Porus to king Alexander.
125.10
of Poros and Penia the fable.
1310.30
K. Porus bis answere to Alexan­der the Great.
1271.10
Postumia a Vest all nunne accused for incontinencie. 241.30. chec­ked for her light behavior.
241.30
Postumius Albinus defeited by the Samnites.
907.20
the Pot being remooved from the fire, why the ashes are to be con­fused.
777.30
Poverty in rulers not to be dissimu­led. 378.20. how it is esteemed diversly.
75.10
Praepositions how they may be spa­red. 1028.1. how they serve in speech.
1029.20
Praise by another is pleasing.
320.1
Praise the best sound.
387.30
selfe-Praise when, and in whom allowed.
301.302
selfe-Praise odious.
303.40
Praisers to be taken heed of.
93.1.10
Cicero misliked, and Scipio com­mended for selfe-Praise.
303.40
warriours & sea-men apt to Praise themselves.
310.30
Praise and dispraise how to be used in the education of children.
10.50
Praise overmuch hurtfull to them.
12.40
Praise properly due to vertve.
47.20
Prandium, that is to say, a dinner, whereof derived.
776.1
a Prater is traitor to himselfe.
202.20
much Prating gave occasion that Athens was forced by assault.
196.1
Priestresse of Minerva would not curse Alcibiades.
866.10
Preneste or Prineste the citie why so called.
918.1
a Prenestine resolute for his coun­trey.
370.10
Presbeion what it is.
388.30
Prester.
827.50
Prestites or Lares. 868.10. por­traied with dogs by them. ib. tor­menting spirits or divels.
868.20
Princes unlearned compared to Colossi.
294.10
Prince the image of God.
295.1
Princes hardly admit good coun­sell.
293.50
Princes why they be named [...]. 295.40. their secrets not to be enquired into.
136.30
Princes vigilant over their sub­jects.
295.40
what Prince most happy.
332.333
Princi­ples 5. Essence or being, of all.
1340 30
Princi­ples 5. The same, of all.
1340 30
Princi­ples 5. The other, of all.
1340 30
Princi­ples 5. Motion, of all.
1340 30
Princi­ples 5. Station, of all.
1340 30
Principles three of the world.
768.50.805.30.
Principle and Element how they differ.
805.20
Principles five of all things.
1360.10
Privation.
805.30.994
Privet flowers what vertue they have.
684.20
Probascania what they be.
724.30
Procles the tyrant of Epidaurus
1197.30
[...], what it is.
247.10
Proculus his policy.
915.20
Prodotae.
1199.30
Progne and Itys.
766.50
Prognosticke signes of sicknesse to­ward.
618.1.10
of Progresse in vertue and philoso­phy, the signes.
248.10.20.&c.
Promethea
630.1
Prometheus.
31.1
Prometheus the Thessalian cured by his enimies sword.
241.10.
Prometheus the author of wise­dome and foresight.
1288.30
Promises of friends and flatterers how they differ.
101.20
Promises how to be considered.
38.50
Pronoune a kinde of Noune.
1029.10
Propomata.
783.20
Proportion Arithmeticall and Geometricall.
181.30
Proposition consisteth of Noune and verbe.
1026.40
Prophesie of the warre betweene K. Philip and the Romans.
1191.20
Prosagogidae what they be.
143.30
Proselem why the Arcadians were so called.
875.30
Proserpinaes fielde in the Moone.
1183.30.
unto Proserpina a dogge sacrifi­ced.
868
Proserpina why called [...].
29.50
a Prosopopoeia betweene Poets and warriers.
985.30.
Prostaterios what moneth it is.
693.30
Prothesis what it is.
952.50
Proteleia.
1021.50
Protogenes a great paederast.
1132.40
Providenee of threc sorts.
1053.1
Prudence what it is. 68.1. guideth all arts. 82. 30. seene in foure things.
510.50
Prudence of beasts compared with the wisdome of men.
569.30
Prytaneion.
762.10
Prytan ship.
367.1
Psoloes who they be.
896.30
Psychostasia a Tragoedie of Aes­chylus.
21.20
Psychoponipos what god.
1142.1
[Page] Psyche.
29.1
Ptolomaeus Philadelphus espou­seth his owne sister.
13.20
Ptolomaeus Lagus, his sonne how frugall he was.
414.1
Ptolomaeus the first that erected a library.
591.40
Ptolomaeus [...].
547.10
K. Ptolomens Philopater sacri­ficeth elephants.
965.50
K. Ptolomaeus abused by flatte­rers. 93.40. 98.1. a lover of learning. 98.1. he represseth his anger.
125.10
Ptolemaeus Soter translated the Colosse of Sarapis unto Alex­andria.
1298.40
Pulse, why forbidden to be eaten.
881.50
Punishment ought to be inflicted at leasure.
542.30
Punishment of servants how to be ordered.
126.40.50
Purgations for students.
623.20
Purgative physicke taught us by brute beasts.
968.1
Purgatorte of the Painims and phi­losophers.
1182.40
Purple, death in Homer.
13.30
Purple fishes how sociable they be.
975.40
Putrefaction what it is.
774.30
Pyanepsion what moneth.
1314.20
Pyladion.
759.10
Pylaochos.
1301.30
the Pyramis was the first bodie.
1339.20
Pyramis.
819.20
Pyramus a lake.
799.40
Pyrander stoned to death.
915.1
Pyraichmes king of the Euboeans. 908.30. his horses.
ib.
Pyroeis, what starre.
821.40
Pyrtho his apophthegme.
255.1
Pyrrhias sacrificed to his benefac­tour.
898.20
K. Pyrrhus delighted to be called the eagle. 968.50. his apoph­thegmes.
416.50
Pyrsophion.
898.1
Pysius what it signifieth.
890.20
Pythagoras sacrificed an oxe for the invention of one Theore­um.
768.40
Pythagoras his precepts smell of the Aegyptian Hierogliphickes
1291.20
Pythagoras a Tuskane [...] .
776 30
Pythagoras how much addicted to Geometrie. 590.10. he condem­ned crueltie to dumbe beasts. 243. 30. hee [...] a draught of fishes. 779.1. the first author of the name of Philoso­phers. 806.30. he taught in Ita­ly. 807.20. his opinion of God.
812.1
Pythagorean precepts.
ib. 40
Pythagoras abode long in Ae­gypt.
778.20
Pythagorical darke sentences ex­pounded.
15.10.20.
Pythagorean precepts not to be ta­ken literally.
887.30
Pythagoreans pittifull unto dumb beasts.
958.20.248.30.
Pythes the rich. 506.40. his ver­tuous wife ib. his strange death.
507.40
Pytheas his apophthegme.
420.40
what befell unto Pythia the pro­phetesse at the Delphicke oracle.
1350.10
Pythia how she is to be chosen and disposed.
1350.20
Pythicke games which were most ancient.
715.50
Pythocles unmeasurably praised by Colotes and the Epicureans
1126.20
Pythoegia, what day it is.
693.30
[...] what they be.
1327.1
Pythius an epithet of Apollo.
1153.50
Python modest in his selfe praises. 306.1. how he avoided envie.
306.1.371.1
Python wounded by Apollo.
891.10
Q
QVaternary of the Pythago­reans.
806.50.1036.10
Quaternary number.
1036.10
why dedicated to Mercury.
789.20
Quaternity of Plato and Pytha­goras compared.
1037.50
Questions or riddles proposed by K. Amasis of AEgypt to the K. of AEthiopia.
333.50
What Questions are to be pro­pounded unto a Philosopher.
57.50.58.1
Questions to be discoursed upon at the table, of what sort they should be.
644.20
What Questions men delight to be asked.
662.30
What Questions we mislike most.
663.30
A Question or case as touching repugnant lawes.
793.1
Questions Platonique assoiled.
1016.10.20. &c.
Questours at Rome [...] ambassadours.
805.50
A Quince why eaten by the new bride.
316.20
Quinquertium.
[...]
[...] .
808.10.812.10
Quintilis, what moneth.
856.10.
the same that Julie.
859.20
Quintius his apophthegmes. [...] . a parle betweene him and K. Philip. 431.1. he set free all the Greeke captives. ib. his [...] tale of his host at Chalcis. 431.20. his jest as touching Philopoemen.
[...]
Quires three in Lacedaemon.
308.20
Quirinalia, the feast of fooles.
880.10
Quiris, a speare or javelin. 880.10. the name of Mars.
ib.
[...] the name of Juno.
880.10
R
RAine how ingendred.
828.10
Rain-water nourisheth [...] and seeds most.
[...]
Raines which be best for seeds or yoong plants.
1004.50
Raine showers named [...].
[...]
Rainbow. 828.30. how it [...] . 1151.30. how it is repre­sented to our [...] .
[...]
Raria.
322.10
Rationall or verball Philosophy.
[...]
Ravens age.
1327.40
Reading what maner of [...] .
619.30
A Reading schoole first taught by Sp. Carbilius.
[...]
To teach for to Read and spell, an honourable office.
870.30
Reason ought to guide and rule our free will.
51.40
Reason or discipline powerfull to attaine vertue.
3.1
Reason given to man in [...] of many other parts.
231.30
Of Reasonable natures foure kinds.
1327.20
Reason how divided.
799.10
Reasoning or disputing at the ta­ble.
622.20
Rebukes and checks at wise [...] hands be well taken.
106.30.40
Recreation and repose to be allow­ed children in due time.
11.10
Recreations allowed Governours and Statesmen.
388.20
Recreations and pastimes allowed by Plato.
624.50
Red sea.
1183.30
[Page] Regulus a Pancratiast died with bathing and drinking upon it.
630.20
Religious men have great com­fort in the exercise of their reli­gion.
599.50
Religion the foundation of all poli­cie and government.
1127.40
Religious in the good, breedeth no desperate feare.
45.30
Religion a meane betweene [...] and superstition.
268.40
Remorse of conscience in divers.
547.1.10
Repentance and remorse of con­science.
160.50
Repletion or emptinesse, whether is more to be feared.
703.30
Repletion cause of most diseases.
616.10
Reproofe of others, a thing inci­dent to olde folke.
310.50
Respiration how it is performed.
840.10
Revenge not best performed in an­ger.
125.30
Revenge not to be done [...] . 545.10. how it should be taken.
126.10
Revenge of enemies to forbeare, is commendable.
243.1
Rex Sacrorum at Rome.
871.40
Rhadamanthus a judge of the dead.
532.20
Rhesus killed his brother Simi­lus. 913.40. banished by his fa­ther.
ib.
Rhetana her enterprise.
914.50
Rhetoricke hath three parts.
786.50
Rhetrae.
450.10
Rhetrae delivered by Lycurgus in prose.
1197.40
Rhodopis the harlot and her obe­lisks.
1194.50
Riches how to be regarded. 6.40. how to be used.
214.1
A Riddle as touching a Phrygian flute.
331.30
Riddle of the king of AEthiopia unto Amasis king of AEgypt.
332.1
Riddle of Cleobuline.
335.20
[...], what it signifieth.
28.50
[...].
785.20
[...] in Musicke.
1252.20
Right line.
1021.10
A Ring worne streight.
1137.10
Rods and [...] why borne before the head magistrates at Rome.
877.50
Roiot, youth ought to avoid.
12.10
Roma a Trojan lady.
484.20
Rome city whether beholden more to vertue than to fortune.
628.10
Rome the worke of fortune and [...] jointly together.
628.30
Rome the pillar of the whole world.
628.40
Rome why founded and reared by the favour of fortune.
632.20
Rome much subject to scarefires.
867.10
The Romane Daemon.
636.50
Romane kings left their crowne to none of their children.
149.10
Romane words derived from the Greeks.
776.10
Romanes, of their returne home gave intelligence beforehand to their wives.
853.30
The Romanes fortunate affaires under the conduct of Cn. Pom­peius.
636.40
Romane tongue used in all coun­treys.
1028.1
Romulus a martiall prince.
856.20
Romulus and Remus their birth & generation ascribed to fortune. 632.20. when begotten. ib.
30
Romulus and Remus wonderful­ly preserved. 632.40. how [...] and brought up.
633. [...] . 916.40
Romulus translated.
632.30
Romulus killed Remus.
859.50
Romulus murdred by the Senate.
915.20
The Rose garland of what use it is.
683.30.684.20
Rose, why called [...] in Greeke.
684.50
Rosin burnt by Aegyptians in the morning.
1318.40
Rue growing neere unto a fig tree is not so strong sented.
723.30
Rue why called [...] in Greeke.
684.1
Rubbings or frictions which be good for students.
619.30
Rulers ought not to dispend above their living and abilitie.
378.1
Rulers ought to live warily and without note. 350.50. how they may helpe and advaunce their friends. 361.20. how they ought to cary themselves toward their companions in governement.
370.20.30
Rulers ought not to be over-pre­cise.
472.40
Rulers must banish from them­selves avarice. 374.40. they ought to bee voide of ambi­tion.
374.50
Ruma.
632.40
Rumina, a goddesse at Rome.
870.10
Rusticus his gravity.
142.143
Rust of brasse how caused.
1187.30
Rutilius a prowde usurer. reproved he is by Musonius.
286.10 ib.
S
SAbbats feast of the Jewes.
712.20
Sabbat whereof it commeth.
712.20
Sabine maidens ravished.
861.20
Sabinus the husband of Empona.
1157.20
Saboi.
ib.
Sacadas an ancient Poet and mu­sician.
1251.20
Sacred fish.
976.10
Sacrificing of children.
268.1.10
Sacrificing of men and women.
268.1
Sacrifice how to be observed at the Oracle at Delphi.
1347.10.1349.1.10
Sacriledge strangely detected by the offender himselfe.
201.40
Saffron chaplets what use they have.
684.20
Sages in olde time accounted se­ven, were in trueth but five.
1354.10
Sailers and sea men love to dis­course of the sea.
662.50
Salaminia a ship.
364.30
Salmatica beseeged by Anniball.
489.50
Salt highly commended. 709.10. provoketh appetite to meate and drinke.
709.30
about Salt and Cumin a proverbe.
727.40
Salt-fish washed in sea water is the fresher and sweeter.
658.30
of Savours onely the Saltish is not found in fruits.
1005.10
Salts called [...].
728.10
Salt why so highly honored. 727.40 it provoketh wanton lust. 728.1 why called divine.
728.10
Salt why given to beasts.
1004.20
Salt procureth appetite to food. ib. it maintaineth health. ib. 30. it abateth corpulency. ib. it moo­veth to generation.
ib.
the SAME.
1031.
Sambicus a miserable man.
902.30
Sanctus a god at Rome.
861.1
Saosis Queene of Byblos in Ae­gypt.
1293.40
[Page] Sapience, what it is.
68.1.804.30
Sapphoes fits in love.
1147.50
Sapphoes verses.
759.1.1148.1
Sarapis who he was.
1298.20.
Serapis or Sarapis the same that Pluto.
1298.40
Sarapis from whence it is derived.
1299 1
Sardanapalus his epitaph.
310.1.1269.1
Sardanapalus an effeminate per­son, advanced by fortune. 1264.30. the epigram over his sta­tue.
1276.20
Sardians port sale.
868.40.50
to Saturne the Romans sacrificed bare headed.
854.20
Saturne kept in prison by Jupiter.
1180.20
Saturne counted a terrestriall or subterranean god.
854.30
Saturne the father of verity.
854.30
Saturnes reigne.
ib. 40
the Island of Saturne.
1181.1
Saturnalia solemnized in Decem­ber.
862.20
Saturnes temple the treasury at Rome. 865.20. the arches for records. 865. 20. in his raigne there was justice and peace. ib. why portraied with a sickle in his hand.
ib.
Saturne supposed to cut the privy members of Coelum or Oura­nos.
[...]
Saturne a stranger in Italy.
865.50
in Saturnes temple embassadors are regestred.
865.50
Saturne kept prisoner asleepe by Briareus.
1332.20
Sauces provoking appetite, are to be avoided.
614.10
Scalenon.
1020.30
Scamander.
901.1
Scammonie a violent purgative.
623.50
Scaurus his uprightnesse shewed to Domitius his enimy.
243.40
Scaurus [...] trecherie even toward his enimy.
243.40
Scedasus, his lamentable historie and of his daughters. 946. 10 his daughters defloured. 946.20. murdered. ib. 20. his death and his daughters murder re­venged.
947.20
[...], what it is.
785.20.
a Scelet presented at Aegyptian feasts.
328.30.1294.10
Schema in dancing.
800.1
a Scholasticall life.
1058.1
Scilurus and his 80 sonnes.
103.40
Scilurus perswadeth his children to unity.
405.30
Scolia certaine songs. 645. 10. sung at feasts.
1257.1
Scipio not well thought of for lea­ving out Mummius at a feast. 370.30. why blamed otherwise. 297.20. blamed for loving his bed to well.
ib. 351.1
Scipio the elder his apophthegmes 529.50. a great student. ib. ac­cused judicially before the peo­ple. 530.40. his maner of plea.
ib.
Scipio the yonger his apoph­thegmes. 433. 50. his commen­dation.
434.10
Scipio used the advise of Laelius 400.50. not blamed in praising himselfe.
303.40
Scipio Nasica, his saying of the [...] state.
239.20
Sea what it is. 832. 1. how it com­meth to be salt or brackish.
ib.
Sea commodious to mans life.
778.50
Sea aire most agrecable to us.
709.40
Sea accounted a fifth element. 990. 40. what commodities it affoordeth to man-kind
990.50
Sea-water nourisheth no trees.
1003.1.10
Sea-water hotter by agitation con­trary to other waters. 1006.20. naturally hot ib. 30. lesse brack­ish in winter than in summer. ib. why it is put into vessels with wine.
ib.
Sea sickenesse how it commeth.
1007.10
Sea why the Aegyptians doe detest.
1300.20
Sea-gods faigned to be the fathers of many children.
728.50
Sea, Salt, Sea-fish and Sailers odi­ous to the Aegyptians.
778. 40
Seaven the sacred number and the commendation thereof.
1361.1
Secrecie of K. Antigonus and Metellus.
197.30
Secrecie of K. Eumenes and his stratageme wrought thereby.
197.40
Secrets revealed the cause of much ruine.
195.40
Section of bodies.
814.30
Seditions how to be prevented and appeased.
386.40
Sedition dangerous at Delphi.
381.10
Sedition at Syracusa.
381.10
Sedition at Sardis.
ib. 20
Seed falling upon oxe hornes why they proove hard and untoward
746.40
Seed what it is.
671.20
Seed naturall to be spared. 619.1. why called [...]. 1100. 50. what it is. 841.40. whether it be a body.
841.50
of Seednesse three seasons.
323.1
Seeing in the night how it com­meth.
658.10
Seleucus Callinicus how he ser­ved a blab of his tongue.
Sella Curulis
877.20
Selfe-praise. 301.20. in what cases allowed. 302. 50. See more in praise.
Semiramis of base degree became a Queene. 1136.40. her brave acts. 1276.20. her [...] ambition. 1136.50. her se­pulcher and epitaph.
[...]
P. Sempronis why he drowned his wife.
855.10
Senate of Rome why so called.
391.30
Senses inserted in our bodies by harmonie.
1256.20
Sense what it is.
835.50
Senses how many.
835.50
Sense common.
837.10
Sentences over the temple porch at Delphi.
103.20
Septerian what feast.
891.1
Septimontium what festivall so­lemnity.
873.20
Sepulcher of children.
895.60
Sepulcher of envy.
496.50
Sermons, how to be heard with pro­fit.
56.30
Servius Tullius a favourite of fortune. 635. 40. strangely borne. 636. 1. how he came to the crowne.
636.10
Seth, what it signifieth.
1307.40. 1304.20
Sextilis what moneth at Rome.
856.10
Sextilis is August.
863.30
Sextius a great student in philoso­phy.
249.1
Shadowes at a feast. 682.30. who they be. 753.50. how they began
ib.
whether it be good manners to goe as a Shadow to a feast.
754.20
what shadowes a guest invited may bring with him.
755.50
Shame good and bad.
164.30
Shame breedeth fortitude.
42.40.50
Sheepe woolfe-bittē why they yeeld [Page] sweetest flesh. 677.40. whether their wooll breed lice.
677.40
Sibylla the prophetesse.
1190.1.716.30
Sicknesse how to be prevented. 618 30.40. how immediately occasi­oned.
849.40
Sight how it is caused.
837.10
Signes 12, in the Zodiaque they be dissociable.
846.20
Sideritis the Load-stone.
1312.1
Silenus caught by K. Midas in­structeth him of life and death.
525.50
Sileni.
98.20
Silence for five yeeres enjoyned by the Pythagoreans.
139.10
Silence commended.
194.40.242.20
Silence of Zeno. 194.30. commen­dable in yoong men.
13.1
Silon the bould.
634.20
Simonides his sage admonition to Pausanias. 513.40. his saying of silence and speaking. 614.20. he devised foure letters in the al­phabet.
789.20
Simonides aged. 385.20. in his old age covetous.
397.1
Sinatus espoused Camma.
500.40
Sinistrum in latin what it signifi­eth, and whereof it is derived.
876.10
Sinorix enamoured of Camma. 500 50. he murdreth Sinatus.
501.1
Sinus equal according to the Sto­icks.
74.40
Sipylus a city in Magnesia.
1082
Siramines a Persian his apoph­thegme.
402.50.
Sirenes in Homer.
798.1
Sirenes upon the stars & sphares.
797.40.1146.50
why the muses were called Sirenes
798
Sisachthia in Athens what it was. 359.40. [...] by Solon.
1284.30
Sirius the dogge starre.
1036.20
Sistrū what it signifieth.
1312.10
Six a perfect number, and the [...] .
1031.1
Skic called [...].
810.1
Skoffes which they be wherein men delight to be skoffed.
664.20
Sleepe to bee regarded in case of health.
618.10
Sleepe after supper.
623.10
Sleepe procured by cold. 689.40 how occasioned 847.50. whether it be common to body and soule.
848.20
Sleepe how procured by aromatical smels.
1319.20
Smalach if it be troden upon grow­eth the better.
746.30
Smalach wreathes used for coro­nets in the Isthmike games. 718.1. why given with proven­der to Achilles horses.
720.1
Smelling how it is effected
848.20
Smilax a plant whereof the sha­dow is hurtfull.
684.40
Smy one of the names of Typhon.
1312.1
Smyrna enamoured of her owne father Cinyras.
912.40
Snow how it commeth.
828.10
Snow from out of Aegypt. 613.50 why it thaweth so soone upon Ivy.
686.20
Snow keepeth flesh long sweet.
774.10
Snow preserved in warme things, as chaffe, and clothes. 735.30. a most subtile and piercing sub­stance.
739.50
Socrates permitted to doe what he would in his [...] , by directiō from the oracle.
1218.1
Socrates guided by his familiar.
ib. 10
Socrates his patience, & repressing choler. 12.30. opposite to Alexis the poet.
27.50
Socrates had a familiar.
600.30
Socrates the wrestler, his precepts as touching health.
618.50.619.50
Socrates the Philosopher his opi­nion of the first principles.
808.10
Socrates his familiar spirit. 1208.30. his birth-day solemnized. 765.50. he drunke poison wil­lingly. 299.20. whether snee­zing were the familiar of So­crates. 1209.20. he bridleth anger. 1110.30. he is defended against Colotes. 1119. 1. a goodstates man and mainteiner of lawes. 1128.10. resolute and constant in all his courses. 1209. why he is named a midwife or physician.
1016.40.50
Socrates why he was condemned and put to death. 1266.30. his apophthegme of the great king of Persia. 7.10. his enimies were odious to the world. 235.30. how he cooled his thirst. 205.30 endured the shrewdnesse of Xantippe.
242.40
Socrates and Plato both of one o­pinion. 808.10. what they thought of God.
812.10
Solon opposeth himselfe against the designes of Pisistratus. 397.30. he held them infamous who in a civill dissention tooke nei­ther part.
379.30
Solon abused and discredited by his friends. 359.40. whom he deemed happy.
96.20
Solon chosen jointly by all the fa­ctions in Athens.
1149.10
Soluble how the body is to be made
624.10
Sonnes enterred their parents with heads covered, but daugh­ters bare headed.
854.50
Sonchis a priest or prophet of Sais in Aegypt.
1291.10
Soothsaiers of divers sorts.
1221.30
Sophocles his answer as touching venerte. 211.10. he tooke joy in his old age. 390.1. he rejoiceth for being disabled for wanton pleasures.
590.50
Sorow a violent passion.
510.1
Sorow for the dead. 521.50. to be resisted at the first.
533.30
Sotades paid for his lavish tongue.
13.20
Soteres.
1122.1.1278.40
Soteria.
1121.50
Sothe, or Sothis a starre.
968.30
Sothis what starre.
1295.50
Spring and fountaines dried up.
1345.40
Soule of man what it is according to sundry philosophers.
65.20.30.&c.
Soule of the world.
65.50
Soule of man how divided
833.40
Soule what it is.
1023.50
Soule of the world what it is.
1033.10
Soule in infants when and how en­gendred.
1079.40
the Soule a chiefe instrument of God.
345.20
Soule sicknesse woorse than [...] of the body.
314.30
substance of the Soule.
833.50
Soule hath two parts.
834.20
Soules estate after this life.
1182.40.50
Soule reasonable where it is seated
834.30.40
Soules motion.
834.50
Soule whether immortall or no.
835.1.10.
Soules not affected onely according to the body.
714.1
Soules delights and food apart from the body.
714.10
Soule why it is supposed to be a light.
608.40
Soules of good men after this life.
608.50.609.1
[Page] Soules of the wicked after this life.
609.10
Soule why called [...].
1079.10
Sous his devise to beguile his eni­mies.
469.20
Sp. what it signifieth.
884.40
Space or roome what it is.
815.20
Spadix, what it is.
772.50
wilde Sparage adorned the newe brides head.
316.20
Speech of two sorts.
290.40
Speeches premeditate preferred before those which are extem­pore.
7.40
Speech with what moderation to be used.
8.30
Speeches short and pithy of the Lacedaemonians.
103.1
Speculative philosophie.
804.40
Spertis his resolution for his coun­trey.
474.1
Speusippus reclaimed by his un­cle Plato.
190.40
Sphagitides.
660.30
Sphinges whence they came.
568.50
Sphinx held the rocke Phycion.
565.30
Sphinges why portraied upon the church porches in Aegypt.
1290.50
Sphragistae, what Priests.
1299.50
Spiders how they weave their cop­webs.
959.30
Spintharus his commendation of Epaminondas.
53.20.1221.10
Spongotheres what fish, and his nature.
974.40
Sports admitted at feasts.
652.50
Spoyles of enemies suffered all Rome to run to decay.
863.20
Springs of hot water be wondered at.
1012.50
Spurij, who they be.
884.40
Spunges of the sea and their pro­perties.
974.50
Stags weepe salt teares, but wilde Bores shed sweet drops. 746.30 why called in Greeke [...]. 970.30. their naturall wit.
965 10
Starres whence they have their il­lumination.
822.1
Starres how made. 808. 30. of what substance they be.
820.50
the order, situation and mooving of Starres.
821.30
Starres shooting.
827.30
Starres motion. 821.50. their sig­nification.
822.30
Starfish how crafty he is.
972.40
Stasicrates a famous Architect, his device to portray K. Alex­ander.
1275.30
A States-man what kind of person he ought to be.
348.10
A States-man or governour, whe­ther he may execute base and meane offices for the Common­wealth.
364
States-men are to consider the na­tures and humours of the sub­jects under them.
349.20.350.10.20
A States-man ought first to re­forme himselfe, 350.20. when and how he may scoffe.
354.30.
How States-men may rise to cre­dit and reputation.
356.40.50.357.1.10.&c.
Yoong States-men and Rulers whom they are to joine unto. 358.40. what friends they are to chuse.
358.50
Stationary plants.
247.50
Station or Rest rejected.
815.50
Statues rejected by Agesilaus.
446.50
Step-mothers jealous over their daughters in law.
321.40
Stereometrie.
1019.1
[...], whereof derived.
1153.40
Sthenelus & Diomedes compa­pared.
38.1
Sthenelus commended for prai­sing himselfe.
303.20
Sthenius a resolute man for his countrey.
438.1
Sthenia, games of prize.
1256.40
Sthenon.
370.1
Stilbon what starre.
821.40
Stilpo his apophthegme of K. De­metrius. 159.1. his dreame of Neptune.
ib.
Stoiks opinion of God. 812.20. bit­terly bent against the Acade­miques. 1082.20. repugnant to common sense and notions both in doctrine and maners. 1086.10. they lead a voluptuous life.
1058.10
Stones lying within the earth, more pliable and easie to be wrought.
747.10
Stone why it resoundeth not.
770.10
Stone flakes whereof Naperie is made.
1345.50
Storks doe us some service. 777.10. kinde to their parents.
954.20
Storks why honoured by the Thes­salians.
Stratius a surname of Mars.
1141 10
Stratocles a great polititian at A­thenes. 348.40. he [...] the Athenians.
350.10
Stratonice wise of Deiotarus, her kindnesse to her husband.
501.40
Straton his disloialtie unto Theo­phanes and Callisthenes.
314.30
Strato his apophthegme of Mene­demus and his scholars.
155.40
Stratonicus his apophthegme of the Isle Seriphos. 273.30. his speech concerning banishment. 273.30. how he taxed the Rho­dians.
211.20
Awispe of Straw or hey why tied to the hornes of curst beasts.
673.50
Strength of body how to be regar­ded.
6.50
Struthias a scoffing flatterer.
94.10
Styx, and the water thereof.
1000.40
Styx what it is.
1219.20
Sulpitius Gallus why he put a­way his wife.
855.10
Summer.
829.40
The Sunnes substance. 822.30. his circle. [...] . his magnitude. 823.20. his forme or figure.
ib. 30
Sun-steads or Tropikes.
[...]
Sunnes twaine appearing in Pon­tus.
829.10
Sunnes ecclipse how occasioned.
824.1
The Sunne the image of God.
296.10
Sunne rising how portrayed among the Aegyptians.
1291.40
Sunne and Moone row in barges.
1301.1
to the Sunne, incense burned three times a day.
1308.40
The folly of Superstitious persons.
262.20.30.&c.
Superstitious folk compared with Atheists.
263.30
Of Superstition. 260.1.10.&c. what it is. 260.40.598.50. to be avoided. ib. 30. how it is bred.
260.1
Be Surety, and be sure to pay.
346.10
Suretiship dangerous.
165.20
Surfets how cured.
618.40
Surnames drowne other names.
1195.1
Swallowes how they build.
959.10
Swallowes why to be kept out of our houses. 776.40. unthanke­full [Page] and disloyall. 777.1. they will not be tamed.
ib. 20
Swallowing of our victuals how it is performed.
1022.20
Sweet and pleasant how they dif­fer.
693.50
Swine eare the Aegyptians land in stead of a plough. 710.30. sub­ject to leprosie and the scurfe Psora. 711.20. love not to looke up into the aire.
711.30
Swine tame why they farrow ofte­ner than the wild.
1010.20
Sword-fight at Pisa in olde time.
717.1
Sybarits how they invite women to a feast.
328.10
Sycophants who they be.
143.40
A Sycophant first put to death at Athens. 951.5. compared with curious busibodies.
143.40
Cornelius Sylla Fortunes minion and adopted sonne. 630.30. he surnamed himselfe Foelix. ib. his stile.
ib. 40
Sylla Foelix his apophthegme. 103 30. 437. 10. hee advaunced Pompeius and envied not his glory. 358.30. envied by Ma­rius. 358. 20. hee surnamed himself Epaphroditus
306.10
Sylvanus.
913.1
Sylvia mother of Romulus and Remus.
632.30
The Symbolicall speech of Hera­clitus.
103.30
Sympathie in man and wife com­mended.
318.50
Symphonies in Musicke five, with their proportions.
1358.40
Symposiaca and Sympotica how they differ.
662.1
Syncritesmus what it is among the Candiots.
188.40
Synorix murdered Sinnatus. 1154.30. poisoned by Camma.
1154.50
Syssitia what they be, and by whom instituted.
463.20
T
TAbernacles feast of the Jewes.
712.10
Table-talke not to be forgotten.
642.10
Table makes friends.
64.2
Table discourses of Philosophie al­lowable.
642.20
Table why not voided cleane at Rome.
748.3.872.1
the Table a sacred thing. 750.20 why it is called vertue. ib. colde Tables in old time, what they were.
783.20
Table, the foundation of the house.
339.30
a Table furnished with meats and drinks commended.
ib. 40.50
Table talke of two sorts.
661.50
Table discourses of learning highly commended.
730.1.10
Table talke ought to be used with discretion.
742.50
[...] . 193.1. commended. 53.20. of a Romane seruant.
204.10
Talasia and Talosos.
861.10
Talassto a word used at weddings.
861.10
Talassius an active gentleman.
861.20
Tale of the Fox and Crane out of AEgypt.
640.40
Tanagra.
899.10
Tanaquil wife to Tarquinius Priscus.
635.40
Tanaquillis or Tanaquil a wise Lady.
863.10
Tantalian riches.
298.10
Taphosiris in AEgypt.
1295.40
Tarpeia betraied the Capitoll.
910.50
Tarquin the proud deposed and banished. 491.30. he warreth upon the Romans.
491.30
Tarquinius Priscus. 630.10. his prowesse.
883.40
Tarrias a false cousener.
1279.50
Tartarians desired to be devoured of dogs.
299.50
Tartarus for the damned.
531.50
Taruntius.
862.50
Taste, how it is performed.
838.30
Taunts and merry scoffes how to be used by a States-man.
363.40
Taxiles an Indian king, his confe­rence with King Alexander.
413.20
Teares of wilde-bores sweet, of stags and hinds saltish.
1010.1
Technatis king of Aegypt loved frugalitie.
1290.40
Telamon killeth his brother Pho­cus.
913.40
Telechus his apophthegme.
423.10
Telecrus his apophthegme.
469.30
Telegonus the sonne of Vlysses Circe.
917.50
Telemachus his discretion.
214.50
Telemachus bewaileth that hee hath no brother.
177.10
Telephus cured by his enimies speare.
241.1
Telephus healed by that which wounded him.
62.1
Telesphorus encouraged.
279.10
[...], what it signifieth.
1060.1
Teleutia mother of Pedaretus.
481.10
[...] who he is.
225.10
Tellus deemed by Solon happy.
96 20
Tellus the goddesse her chappell.
1196.20.40
Telesilla her noble acts.
486.1
Telesinus.
634.20
Temenus.
902.50
Temon his stratageme.
892.1
Temperance what it is. 69.10. how it differeth from continencie.
69.20
Temperance and continencie defi­ned.
567.1
Temperance of brute beasts compa­red with that of men.
568.569
Tenes and Tenedians
896.40
Tenes staine by Achilles.
896.50
L. Terentius redeemed by Scipio the elder. 430.20. he wore a cap in the triumph of Scipio.
ib.
Teres his apophthegme.
405.1
Tereus.
777.1
Teribasus how devoted to the K. of Persia.
264.50
no beast sacrificed to Terminus.
855.20
Terminus a god.
855.20
Terminalia.
ib.
Ternarie number.
807.20
Ternarie number or three, called Justice.
1317.30
Terpander an ancient Musician.
1249.40
Terpsichore the Muse, who lo­veth dauncers.
692.30
Tetractys the famous quaternarie of the Pythagoreans, called the World.
ib. 1317.30
Thales his errour. 805.30. the first author of Philosophie. 16.40. he travelled into Aegypt. ib. his opinion of God.
812.1.
Thales how he answered his mo­ther as touching mariage. 691.40. he found out the height of the Pyramis in Aegypt 327.20 admired of K. Amasis. 327.20. accused unto him.
ib.
Thalia.
797.20
Thalia wherein emploied.
799.1
[...].
299.20
Thamus pronounceth, That the great Pan was dead.
1332.11.
Thargelia.
766.10
Thamyris the musician chaleng­eth the Muses in song.
1249.30
[Page] Thamyris the musician how he fa­red in his anger.
121.40
Thaumas the father of the [...] .
828.30
Theacidas his apophthegm.
458.1
Theagenes a vaing lorious cham­pion.
364.40
Theagenes died in the quarrell of his countrey.
503.1
Theano a chaste and sober matron
321.1.
Theano, daughter of Scedasus.
946.10
Theatrical sports banished.
358.30
Theatre, whereof the word came.
1256.50
Thebe the wife of Alexander, ty­rant of Pherz.
428.20
Thectamenes his apophthegme.
458.30
Thelonae, what nources.
870.10
Thematiron what musicke.
1252.30
Themisteas his apophthegm.
458 10
Themistocles his apophthegmes. 417.30. riotous in his youth. ib. reclaimed by the proesse of Mil­tiades. ib. his stratageme to save Greece.
418.1
Themistocles in his government over-ruled much by his friends.
359.20
Themistocles and Aristides, laid by all private quarrels, for the good of the weale publicke. 361.50. suspected for a traytour to the state of Greece. 241.40. his apophthegme as touching his banishment.. 273.20. he basheth not to blazon his owne vertues before the Athenians. 304.40. his words as touching Miltia­des. 244.30. he lived richly in exile.
273.20.
Themistocles for his wisedome surnamed Vlysses. 1243.1. de­praved by Herodotus. 1244.40.50. his apophthegme to his sonnes.
1266.40
Themis.
295.20
Themotecles captaine conspira­tour against Aristodemus.
506.20
Theodestes a wanton person, how he saluted his love.
751.50
Theodorus his saying of his scho­lars.
1303.40
Theoclymenus furious.
837.1
Theocritus the Sophister punished for his intemperate speech.
13.30
Theodorus counterfeiting the creaking of a wheele.
23.1
Theodorus Atheos.
148.30.810 40
Theodorus neglected the sepul­ture of his body.
299.40
Theodorus being banished how [...] answered king Lysimachus.
279.10
Theopompus first instituted the Ephori. 294.1. his apophthegm.
423.20.458.10
Theophrastus twice saved his countrey.
1128.50
Theori.
905.40
Thera and Therasia.
1191.10
Theramenes his buskin. 379.50. his apophthegme. 458.30. put to death by his colleague in go­vernment.
513.50
Thero the Thessalian an amorous person.
1146.1
Thessander, captaine of the Ar­gives.
907.10
Thessales and Achilles compa­red.
37.40.50
Therycion his apophthegme.
458.30
Theseus banishod from Athens. 280.30. his temple there.
ib.
Theseus his pictures.
982.30
Thesmophoria.
1314.10
Theos the generall name of God, whereof derived.
1311.20
a Thessalians apophthegme as tou­ching Thessalians.
Thesmothesion.
762.10
Thespesius how he became a new man. 556.10. his tale.
ib. 40
Thesis the mother of Ac hilles 896.50. she complaineth of A­pollo.
20.50
[...], of divers significations.
29 10
[...], the name of the night.
1163.10
Thoosa what Daemon.
157.30
Thraseus justified by Nero his e­nimie.
362.50
Thrasonides his miseries.
210.50
Thrasybulus his counsell to Peri­ander.
327.50
Thrice signifieth Many times.
1300.50
Thucydides commended for his diluciditie of stile.
983.30
Thunder how caused. 827.40.1004.50. what things be good a­gainst it.
704.20
Thunder.
ib.
Thyades, religious priestresses.
1301
Thyasi what sacrifices.
902.1
Thybians, ey-biters.
723.20
Thyrsophoria what feast.
71210
Thyrst whereof it proceedeth. 731.1. quenched and slaked by sleepe.
731.10
Thyrst not allayed by meate.
733.10
Tiberius declared Heire apparent by Augustus. 442. 50. his [...] .
626.1
Tides of the sea how occasioned.
[...]
Tigranes K. of Armenta his base minde.
1276.40
Tigers love not to heere drummes and tabours.
323.40
Time, what it is.
1024.20.815.30
the instruments of Time.
1024.1
essence of Time.
815.30
Timagenes jesteth to broad with Augustus Caesar.
108.20
Timarchus murdered by Procles.
1197.30
Timarchus his tale as touching the familiar spirit of Socrates. 1218.20. how he died.
1220.50
Timber not to be sallen but in the full moone.
[...]
Timesias a busie politician.
365.10
Timoclia her vertuous deed.
503.10
Timoleon. 371. his speech of Smallach coronets. 718. 1. mo­dest in praising himselfe.
360.1
Timon the brother of Plutarch.
185.40
Timons nource of Cilicia.
782.40
Timotheus a Poet and musician, emboldened by Euripides. 398.30. his vaineglory. 301. 50. his speech of Chares a tall and per­sonable man. 389.50.420.20. a fortunate captaine. 420.20. his apophthegmes.
ib.
Timotheus his apophthegme of the Academie fare.
616.1
Timotheus the musician rebuked by K. Archelaus for craving.
408.20
Timoxena the daughter of Plu­tarch.
539.20
Tiresias his ghost.
791.40
Tissaphernes compounded with Agesilaus. 445.10. his treache­rie.
ib.
Titans.
1333.50
Titus the emperour given over much to bathing.
612.20
[...] and Typhones.
1184. 30
Thesimachus his policy.
915.10
Tongue naturally seated, against much [...] .
193.40
Tongue the best and worst peece of all the body.
52.20.197.20
[Page] Tongue one, eares twaine.
53.20
Tongue lavish hath undone many states.
195.50
how to frame the Tongue in ma­king answeres.
204.20.205.1
Tongue an hard matter to bridle.
13.1
Tongue lavish compared with o­ther infirmities.
193.10
Tone.
1037.1.40
Toredorix a Tetrach of Galatia. 502.20. executed by Mithri­dates.
502.40
Tortoises of the sea, their maner of breeding.
976.50
Tortoises of the land cured by the herbe Origan.
569.40
[...], what it signifieth in vines and other things.
1013.10
Tragoedies condemned at feasts & banquets.
759.1
Tragoedie what maner of deceit.
19.20
Tragoedie what it was at first.
645.1
Tragoedians compared with cap­taines.
985.20.
Tranquility of minde. 145.1. what is the fountaine thereof.
148.1
Transmigration of soules into new bodies.
578.40
[...].
775.10
Trees bearing pitch or rosen will not be grafted in the scutchian. 675.10. they will beare no impe of another tree. ib. 20. they be unfruitfull.
676.1
Trees growing within the sea.
1178.40
Trees some shed their leaves, others not; and why.
Triangles of three sorts what they represent.
1328.40.685.30
Triangle named Pallas.
1317.20
Tribunes at Rome why they wore no imbraydered purple robes. 877.10.20. counted no magi­strates.
ib.
Tribunate a popular function. 877.30. a sanctuary to the cō ­mons. ib. 40. inviolable and sa­cred.
ib. 50
Trimeres what musicke.
1251.30
Trioditus or Trivia why the moone is called.
1177.10
Trochilus and the crocodile their society.
975.10
Tritogenia, a name of Pallas.
317 20
Tritons sea gods why so called.
1317.20
Trojan warre why caused by the gods.
1073.30
Trojan dames their worthy deed.
484.1
Trojans and Greeks compared to­gether.
38.40
Trojans setled in Italy.
484.20
Troilus the page of Hesiodus, & a rocke of that name.
344.10
Trophaees of Sylla.
630.40
[...], whereof derived.
731.50
Trophoniades, what Daemons
1183.40
Trophonius and Agamedes re­warded with death.
518.20
Trophonius Oracle and cave.
1218.27
[...].
543.10
[...] what it signifieth.
736.50
Trueth a commendable quality in yong folke.
13.40
Trueth but one, lies be infinite.
782.10
Trueth and the knowledge thereof is incomparable.
1287.50
The plaine or field of trueth.
1334.40
Tullus Hostilius executeth Me­tius Suffetius.
908.40
The two tunnes in heaven full of destinies.
271.30
Tuny fish not ignorant of Astro­nomie. 974.1. skilfull in Areth­meticke and perspective.
ib. 20
Tuskane women their vertuous ast.
488.1
Tutelar god of the Romans not to be named or inquired after.
870.50
Tutours and teachers of children, how to be chosen.
5.10
Twines how engendred.
843.30
Tynnicus the Lacedaemon how he tooke the death of his sonne.
472.40
Typhon, a Meteore.
828.1.10
Typhonij.
1316
Typhon.
1121.20
Typhon what it signifieth.
1288.10
Typhon borne. 1292.20. he con­spired against Osiris. 1292.40 his outrages. 1298.10. repressed and plagued by Isis.
ib.
Typhon of a ruddy colour. 1299.30.40. how portrased in Her­mopolis
1307.50
Tyrants and good princes wherein they differ.
296.1
Tyranny to be repressed at the first.
121.10
Teribazus how obsequious and devoted to the king of Persia his name.
264.50.
Tyrtaeus the Poet, what Leoni­das thought of him.
950.20
Tyrians enchained the images of their tutelar gods.
871.1
A Tyrant living to be an old man, is a wonder.
1206.40
V
VAlerius Poplicala.
865.40
Valerius Poplicala suspec­ted for affecting the kingdome of Rome.
880.40
Valerius Torquatus. 908.30 exiled.
910.30
Valeria her vertuous act.
491.50
Valeria Tusculanaria enamoured of her owne father.
912.50
Valerius killeth himselfe.
913.1
Veleria Luperca, destined to be sacrificed. 916. 20. she had a gift to cure the sicke.
ib.
Vallies within the Moone three.
1183.30
Valiant men may be slaine by cow­ards.
973.50
Variety accordeth to Nature.
652.40
Ventoses and cupping glasses, the reason of their attraction.
1022.10
Venus image why placed hard by Mercurie.
316.10
Venus Belestie.
1137.1
Venus what attribute she hath.
1140.10
Venus why called Harma.
1155.30
Venus and Love how they differ.
1140.10
Venus image among the Elians upon a tortoise shell.
321.1
Temple of Venus the murdresse.
1154
Of Venus the end.
337.30
Sophocles joied, that by age he was bereaved of the sports of Venus.
390.1
Venus how to be used.
621.10
Venus of Dexicreon.
904.1
Venus altogether to be abando­ned.
691.40
Venus sports in day time not to be used. 692.50. at what time to be used.
690.30
Venus why she is said to be borne of the sea.
728.50
Venus the goddesse, on whether hand wounded by Diomedes.
789.50
Venus Epitalaria.
635.30
Venus Epitimbia.
857.40
Venus her image with a Tortoise.
1317.20
Venus to be used with tēperance.
619.1
[Page] Venus how she came to the Spar­tans.
629.40
Venus enervate without Love.
1144.10
Veneralia a solemne feast.
866.20
Vord-de-gris of what effect it is.
698.1
Verses taunted by Cicero
439.40
Verses cited to good purpose.
787
Verses unfitly and unseasonably ci­ted.
787.40.50
Vertue morall differing from con­templative.
64.30
Vertue and exercise of vertue, how they differ.
1213.10
Vertue no more than one.
64.1
Vertue by what meanes accompli­shed.
3.1
Vertue excelleth other gifts.
7.10
Vertues commendable in yong men.
12.20
Vertue & vice of what power they be.
79.20
Temple of Vertue at Rome when built.
634.50
Vertue may be learned.
81. 10. 20. & c.
progresse from vice to Vertue.
246.40.50
proceeding in vertue by degrees.
247.30
Vertue what it is.
65.20.67.50
Vertue standeth upon two grounds.
15.1
Vertues temples at Rome.
630.40
Vertue taken diversly among poets.
32.1
Vertue and Fortune at debate. 628.10. compared together. 629.20. she advanceth forward to plead against Fortune.
ib.
Vespasian his crueltie to Ladie Empona.
1158.10
Vessels more slow in Winter upon rivers than upon the sea.
1006.10
Vestall Nunnes three, for inconti­nent life convict and punished.
678.30
Vestall virgins committing fornica­tion, why buried quicke at Rome.
882.1
Vestall Nunnes at Rome of three sorts.
398.30
[...] in Greeke whereof it is deri­ved.
1301.1
variety of Viands better than sim­ple feeding.
700.30
Viands of sea or land, which be bet­ter.
707.50
Viands simple, more holsome than of divers sorts.
700.20
Viands rare and dainty.
613.40
Vice what it is.
67.50
Vice sufficient for infortunity.
298.40
Vice according to the Stoicks, pro­fitable for the world.
1088.1089
Victours at games of prize how ho­noured at Lacedaemon.
674.30
Vinegre most contrary to fire.
690.10
Violet garlands of what use.
684.20
Visible subjects.
1018.50
Vlysses highly commended for his silence. 197.1.10. he vaunteth of his owne deeds. 309.20. he inhabited Italie.
892.30
Vlysses excused. 36.1. noted for drowsinesse. 36.10. he schooleth Telemachus and teacheth him patience. 41.20. able to rule his passions. 66.50. drenched in the sea.
659.20
Vnderstanding in man, better than the soule simply.
1182.20
Vnderstanding and knowledge com­pared with other parts.
7.1
Vnitie the beginning of numbers.
858.50
Vnity of the Pythagoreans.
806.40
Vnitie, named Apollo.
1317.20
Vnitie, is the principle of all order.
1340.1341
Vocall Musicke.
760.50
Voices in the night more sounding and audible than in the day: the reason thereof.
769.20
Voice what it is. 838.40.1248.50 why called [...]. 838.40. how it filleth whole Theaters. 839.10. whether it be a body or no.
839.20
what Voice most pleasant.
302.1
a strong Voice commendable in a States-man.
355.40
Voice exercised, good for students health.
619.20
Voidnesse or vacuity rejected.
814.50
Voidnesse or emptinesse in the world whether there be any.
820.10
Voluptuous life.
9.40
Vomits usuall hurt the body.
624.1
Vomits for students. 623.20. how to be procured.
623.50
Vpbraiding of good turnes ordina­ry in flatterers.
103.1.10
Vrania.
798.50
Vrchin honored by Zoroastres and the Magi.
711.10
Vrchin of the land craftily begui­leth the fox. 965.20. provident for his yoong ones.
ib.30
the Vrchins hole.
ib.
Vrchin of the sea how crafty he is.
973.40
Vse, of what effect it is.
3.40
against taking money upon Vsurie.
283.1.10. &c.
Vsurers to be avoided.
284.20
Vulcane but one.
796.20
Vulcane the prince and authour of all arts.
992.10
Vulcanes Temple why founded without the city of Rome.867.1. the chamber or counseil house of Romulus and Tatius.
ib. 10
Vulcane hath divers acceptions in Poets.
30.10
Vulcane lame.
1162.10
W
WAking out of sleepe, how occasioned.
847.50
Wals of cities set out by the plough.
860.1
Wals of Rome held to be sacred, but not their city gates.
859.50
Walking after supper.
623.1
Wanton words, as well as filthie deeds to be avoided.
36.30
Warre knoweth no stint.
423.20
gentle civill Warre and friendly betweene the Megarians.
893.30
Warre the father and protectour of the world.
1306.50
Water and fire compared together.
989.20
Water argued to be more profitable than fire.
ib. 40
Water once heat, becommeth col­der afterwards.
734.20. 996.50
Water is the primitive cold or e­lement of cold.
997.1
Waters which be most unholsome.
1014.10
Waters why blacke in the bottome, and white above.
1015.30
Water how it runneth.
1022.50
Water-gals resembling rainbowes or sundry sunnes.
829.20
Water what kinde of drink.
621.20
Water of the sea unctuous.
659.1
Water how made more cold.
734.20
Water fresh compared with sea water for skouring.
658.40
Water of lakes and pooles in sum­mer not potable.
774.20
Water the principle of all things. 805.40. the reasons prooving the same.
ib.
Water how made.
880.40
Wealth alone not commendable.
46 40
[Page] Wedlocke what conjunction it is. 321.30. mainteined against Pae­derasti.
1155
Wedded folke forbidden at Rome to give or receive any thing in­terchangeably.
321.40
Wedlocke precepts.
315.316
new wedded wives bidden to touch fire and water.
850.20
at Weddings why five torches or wax-lights are lighted.
850.40
at Wedding suppers many guests, and why.
706.40
[...] why honoured among the Aegyptians.
1316.30
a Welcome home.
776.30
the Wesand pipe.
744.1
Westwinde swiftest.
1014.20
Whales cast away for want of the guide, a fish.
975.40
Wheat loveth cley ground.
1008.20
three moneth Wheat.
ib.
Wheat hote.
741.40
White clothes purest and least cost­ly
859.40
in White they mourned at Argos
859.50
Widowes might be wedded upon a feastivall day.
885.10
a Wife ought not to bee awed by her husband. 317.10. she ought to be most [...] by her husband.
317.10
a Wife ought to keepe the house.
800.40
of a little Wife an apophthegme.
178.30
the new Wife decketh with woole the doore of her husbands house.
861.10
a Wife must frame her selfe to her husband.
317.50.
Wives in Aegypt weare no shooes.
320.50
how a Wife ought to carie herselfe toward her husband.
320.50
Winde egges.
52.50
Windes what they be.
[...]
Wine liberally taken what effects it worketh.
194.10
Wine how it killeth the vine.
1013 20
Wine how hot, and how it is colde.
1112.10.20
Wine how students should use.
621.10
Wine the best drinke.
ib.
Wine what effects it worketh. 681 20.763.50. it discovereth the [...] of the heart.
681.40
Wine a singular medicine. that Wine is cold.
683.40
689.30
Wine new. See Must.
Wine whether it should runne through a streiner before it be drunke.
736.20
Wine called at the first [...], by the name of Lees.
736.40
varietie of Wines soone causeth drunkennesse.
700.50
Wine best, in the middes of the vessels.
747.30
Wine why poured forth at Rome before the temple of Venus.
866.30
Wine hurt with winde and aire.
747.50
Wine the foundation of govern­ment and counsell in Greece,
762.1
Wine in Greeke, why called [...].
762.50
Wine and the vine came of giants bloud spilled upon the ground.
1289.40
Wine is talkative.
763.1
Wine worketh boldnesse and confi­dence.
763.40
Wine causeth a selfe conceit and opinion of wisedome.
763.1
Wine new at what time of the yccre first tasted or set abroach.
785.1
Wine sparily drunke by the Ae­gyptian kings.
1289.40
that Wine is cold.
688.1
a Wing compared to God.
1021.40
Winter how it is caused.
829.40
Wisdome and fortune produce like effects.
628.20
the wise man of the Stoicks descri­bed.
1055.50
Wisdome what it is. 233.1. to be preferred before all worldly things.
1288.1
Wool more pliable if it be gently handled.
658.30
Wolves whelpe, al in twelve daies
1015.20
Women not soone drunke, and the reason thereof. 687.10. their temperature moist.
ib.
Women whether they be colder or hotter than men.
688.1
that Women be hotter.
ib. 10
one Womans body put to tenne dead mens bodies in a funerall fire.
688.20
that Women be colder than men.
688.30
Women why they conceive not at all times.
843.20
a Woman beareth five children at the most at one birth.
850.50
Women why they weare white at funerals in Rome.
859.30
a prety tale of a talkative Wo­man.
198.30
Women can keepe no secret coun­sell.
199.30
Women are best adorned with vertue and literature.
325.10 20
Womens vertuous deeds.
482.20
Women publickely praised at Rome.
483.10
Women of Salmatica their ver­tuous act.
489.50
a Woman of Galatias, love to Toredorix.
502.50
Wooden dogge among the Locri­ans.
892.50
Wood-pecker a birde why so much esteemed at Rome.
857.10
Wood-pecker feed Romulus and Remus. 857.10. consecra­ted to Mars, wherefore.
ib. 20
Words filthy are to be avoided by children.
11.50
a Word, occasion of much mis­chiefe.
242.20
Words compared with deeds.
402 40
Words the lightest things in the world.
668.40.196.10
Words have wings.
198.10
World, of what principles it was composed.
1305.50
World how it was made. 808.20 in the World foure regiments.
1219.30
World one. 808.50. how Plato prooveth it.
809.1.1335.30
more Worlds than one.
1335.50
World not incorruptible.
809.10
Worlds infinite.
809.10
infinity of Worlds condemned.
1332.30.1334.20
World round.
809.30
Worlds in number five.
1335.20
World why called [...].
818.1
Worlds whether one or infinite.
818.10
Worlds not one nor five, but 183.
1334.30
World and Whole, not both one.
818.10
World and the parts thereof com­pared to a mans body.
1168
World what it is.
646.10
Worlds in number five, how proo­ved.
1339.10
World what forme or figure it hath.
818.20
World whether it be animate or endued with soule.
818.30
Worlds five which they be. 1359.1. whether it be corruptile or [Page] eternall.
818.40
World whereof it is nourished.
818.50
Worlds five, proportionate to the five senses.
1359.10
Worlds fabricke at which element it began.
819.10
Worlds fabricke in what order it was framed.
819.30
World why it copeth or bendeth.
819.50
the World to come hath joies for good men.
603.20
Worlds sides, right & left.
820.20
the Worlds conflagration.
1328.10
World created by god.
1032.40
the Worlds generall conflagration held by the Stoicks.
1090.30
Worship of brute beasts excused.
1327.50
Wrathfulnesse what it is.
119.50
Wrestling whether it were the most ancient Gymnike exercise.
672.30
X
XAnthians plagued by the meanes of Bellerophontes.
489.40
Xanthians negotiate in the name of their mothers, and beare their names.
489.50
Xenocrates his aurelets or bolsters for the eares.
52.20
Xenocrates a scholar hard to learne. 63. 1. his opinion as touching the soule of the world. 1031.10. he directed Alexan­der the great in the government of the king dome.
1128.30
Xenocrite her vertuous deed. 505 30. she conspireth the death of Aristodemus the tyrta.
506.30
Xenophanes his saying of the Ae­gyptian Osiris.
1149.10
Xenophon reporteth his owne acts.
372.10
Xenophon the Philosopher belo­ved of king Agesilaus. 448.30 how he tooke the death of his sonne.
529.30
Xenophon called Nycteris. 930.20. he penneth the history of himselfe.
982.10
Xerxes menaceth Athos. 121.40 he died for sorrow that his owne sonnes were at deadly discord.
176.50
Xerxes and Ariamenes bretheren how they strove for the crowne. 186.40. how they were agreed.
187.1.10
Xerxes his pollicie to keepe downe rebellious & mutinous subjects. 403.40. his apophthegmes. ib. his clemency unto two Lacedae­monians.
474.1
Xerxes his barbarous cruelty un­to rich Pythes.
507.20
Xuthus.
895.20
Y
YEere why it is called the age of man. 1328.20. of Jupiter. 826.20. of the Sunne. ib. of Mercury and Venus. ib. of the moone.
ib.
the Yeere or revolution of Sa­turne.
826.20
the great Yeere.
826.20
Yeeres dedicated to Jupiter.
876.1
Yeugh tree shade how hurtfull.
684.40
Yoong men are to be governed with greater care than children. 14.40. to what vices they be sub­ject.
14.30.40
Yoong men how they sleepe at La­cedaemon. 475. 40. how they demeaned themselves to their elders at Lacedaemon.
476.1
Yoong lads permitted to steale, at Lacedaemon.
476.20
Yoong folke drunke resemble olde men.
687.50
Youth ought not to be over-bold, nor yet too fearefull. 8.40. how they should read the bookes of Sages.
9.50
Youth is to obey.
391.20
Youth brought up hardly at Lace­daemon.
476.20.
[...], what it fignifieth in compositi­on.
726.50
[...], what it signifieth.
726.40
[...].
760.10
[...], that is to say, Nosegaies.
684.30
Yron, why it is not vocall and reso­nant.
770.30
Z
ZAleucus his [...] highly re­puted among the Locrians
306.10
Zarates the maister of Pythago­ras.
1031.20
Zeipetus king of the [...] .
903.10
[...], that is to say, To live.
991. 20
Zeno his opinion of vertue. 65.1 he lost all that he had.
148.40
Zeno traineth his scholars to the hearing of the musicke of in­struments.
67.20
Zeno the disciple of Parmenides undertooke to kill the [...] Demytus.
1128.30
Zeno bitoff his own tongue. 196.30. contrary to himselfe.
1058.50
Zeno the Cittiaean honored by Antigonus the yonger.
416.1
Zeno his valorous resolution. 1128.30. his opinion as touch­ing the principles of all things. 808.20. his answere to the Per­sian embassadour as touching taciturnity.
194.30
Zephiodorus a minion of Epa­minondas.
1146.10
Zephyrus what wind.
693.40.789.30
Zovs hath many significations.
[...]
Zeuxidamus his apophthegmes.
457.50
Zodiak circle. 809.40. how it pas­seth. 820. 40 the obliquity therof who first observed.
820.50
Zoilus a priest died of a little ul­cer.
899.40
Zoilus taxeth Homer for incon­gruity.
719.50
Zones of the heaven.
820.40
Zones
5.835.10
Zona Torrida.
831.10
[...], an attribute given at Pittacus.
775.20
[...].
775.1
Zoroastres never fed of any thing but of milke.
700.10
Zoroastres very ancient.
1306.1
[...], what it signi­fieth in Homer.
719.20

Errata.

Page. line. Reade
2. 41. DWarf-kings
6. 34. given themselves
7. 10. The violence of warre
9. 9. so, as many as
11. 19. In summe, rest and repose,
  33. examined
12. 6. Take it a pitch against
  50. Speusippui
14. 13. rule and squire
  24. love the beautie
16. 18. juice or liquor.
17. 20. sage lessons all, which
10. 22. as in a picture drawen to the
  36. entituled, Theriaca, (life.
  52. with Apollo, for the
22. 47. rage and madnesse
23. 2. cart wheele or pullie
  34. Nay, sleepe
24. 32. choler. He
  36. Patroclus
  44. nor bare heavilie
26. 10. How then? should I For Gods cause die?
27. 39. credit of the worse
30. 45. This was the will
31. 9. he meaneth
39. 48. seeketh for roots
41. 39. [...] &c. [...] & [...]
42. 6. Beholde, one father
  21. What Glaucus, You
  25. that Pandarus through
43. 21. Aetha, which he gave
44. 45. For Atreus
  49. For Atreus
45. 26. Wsse men fearefull
  43. not at all
46. 30. at quailes
48. 1. Homer derideth
  16. provoked him
  40. armes so dred
  45. thou overmatched be
  53. decisions
  55. to endure such doctrine
50. 50. in those cities
53. 5. poure forth any
54. 3. a certein importunate desire
55. 31. a speciall fansie
56. 45. and stuphe
  52. Embrochations.
57. 38. caudrons
  44. laterall motions
58. 3. undo the knots
59. 41. composed
62. 27. was strange
63. 36. this counsell, that
64. 1. but more
69. 9. base and treble
  43. worse with
70. 38. anchor flouke
  40. not unproperlie
71. 43. neuer considering
74. 5. many an house
76. 19. audacious; rash also
  34. dilatations
  43 a sensuall
  52. [...]
79. 57. giveth thereto
81. 21. to shoo
83. 56. do us pleasure
86. 31. under that visour
87. 23. soone followeth them,
  42, with sicke likewise sicke persons best do sort:
89. 21. long first: I [...] I liked him not, a great &c.
91. 51. Castoreum
92. 31. this rule,
93. 51. with the profusion
  54. grandeur.
95. 34. of his skill
  40. also, and precepts
96. 9. shew-places
98. 16. fellowes, use
  24. Cercopes
102. 18. the lines
103. 28. onely. A friend
105. 13. sound judgement
106. 48. a stomacke fell,
107. 12. and then, spare
108. 10. made the statues
112. 8. given unto; whiles he
113. 10 in clipping
115. 18. leaud courses
119. 7. which are trebles in one. 8.
  8. more high & small become [...] . i. the Basses.
  34. and burne themselves
122. 12. their forme of visage
123. 1. at secret root of hart
  2. but lie apart
131. 13. and a dredge
  44. and forwardnesse
134. 40, an Isthm
135. 1. have I done
  19. and what was the occasion
137. 34. the very mids
137. 40. if he recount
138. 3. doth ever chant and sing
  37. make a start
140. 48. not to amuse
141. 51. that regard the street
143. 1. cause great remorse
  5. to heare
146. 30. by line descended
147. 16. when they be under saile
149. In the marg. [...]
150. 6. weaknes of yours, you shall
  42. to refresh (be sure
151. 3. that ran away; who being demanded what his Master
  37. that they were absent
152. 52. monntaine Athos
153. 48. passions, do falsisie
154. 54. surnamed Enyalius
155. 43. if there be more
156. 4. live by grasing
  20. upon the dore-sill
  26. and to make
157. 3. a table, do say
  6. falle out to their minds; for,
158. 11. of them: I wist,
162. 43. scope
163. 28. a sad heavinesse
167. 41. to dispense
169. 16. Helicon a Cyzicene
172. 57. and to repeat
180. 17. he hath him alone
186. 4. in siding
188. 57. our sight unto those bodies
190. 44. cry out upon him
194. 29. to mocke him
195. 54. harried Asia (him
199. 29. an imputation charged upō
200. 52. tidings, whiles they
202. 21. by his treason
204. 5. guests were present
206. 12. give me then
  30. [...]
  44. Bacchu
  49. writh himselfe
207. 28. refuted the sect
209 34. of meane raiment
210. 10. ordinarily, he that hath
212. 11. of the baine
213. 32. or Lyceum
215. 8. run a madding
218. 55. craw and gesier
219. 7. with their coovie
  21. but for themselves
  24. to fight for them
220. 17. providence, industry and di­ligence
221. 19. that induced them.
222. 12. wanton love, whoring, and
223. 13. taking it to be a prodigious wonder; confessing
227. 47. it well besits
228. 34. who died most
229. 17. to sue and mung
231. 3. sight of eies
  5. by the eare to the braine
  56. attributed to fortune.
233. 12. Jove shall lend,
234. 18. be the same
  48. grandeur
238. 42. the geirs or vultures
239. 24. was now setled
240. 54. honest another day,
243. 48. ambition, declaring
244. 45. with their diligence
246. 54. My lying dreames
250. 26. many there be
251. 14. and profited more
254. 46. or Sutures
255. 48. Aphyae
261. 12. in Galaetia
  17. morimals
266. 44. Phoebas
268. 4. those Galatians
270. 49. Celmis or Bacelas
  50. upon the pleasant tabor [...]
271. 34. to dispense
  40. more potable
272. 15. not include
273. 36. where, as one
275. 38. [...]
277. 8. who hither
280. 52. Mad Bacchoe, running
282. 49. exposed to
283. 36. towne Aulis
  50. occasions
  53. from our table
  54. is needlesse
285. 1. their spurnes
  2. stoupe and sincke
289. 18. seigneurs
  54. things profitable
290. 8. everrunning
292. 56. grandeur
295. 13. realme, a prince
  40. [...]
300. 6. called Napeltus
306. 15. Zaleucus
308. 1. A plaine and common soul­diour might enjoy &c.
310. 4. all els
312. 26. no decision
314. 36. maugre
318. 3. superficies
319. 5. their havoir
322. 39. Lady Hermione
327. 45. amisse. And in trueth
329. 31. whom not? before
331. 32. hornes so brag
  54. begin with me,
332. 38. of the negotiation
336. 8. grandeur
337. 1. last yeere, and not
339. 5. physicians name
  26. of this faire
341. 20. sicke any more,
  35. wine do drinke
342. 3. coming toward, kissed him
344. 27. unto the temple [...]
346. 2. Hector
349. 29. that he is now able
352. 11. magnificent port
353. 51. affectation;
357. 29. entrance than so;
  37. former avenue
358. 35. here at Marius tooke
360. 2. called Cadmia,
  5. that one Sphodrias
361. 50. to have a cop
362. 7. go forth and retire
363. 13. of Comices
  53. with the Paricides
  42. but matters light
365. 20. who could drive with
  46. sentences, acts
369. 12. and how
371. 15. or Polus,
373. 35. so, as I purpose
  36. a Mna of silver
375. 3. a proper chaffer
376. 37. For why?
377. 22. congiaries
378. 5. and by endebting
385. 25. when for
388. 1. Lampon
391. 35. honourable marks
394. 5. arme and follow him. Now
396. 47. grandieur (when
397. 52. Now, in the advices
398. 42. power to initiate
400. 1. or declame
402. 9. Some tracts
  16. to set the reader
  39. since that (most gracious
415. 13. what! Antagoras, prince)
  26. Jalysus
  32. grandeur
417. 14. where, as
420. 54. and guesse worse;
423. 38. hath many better
426. 44. citie of Thebes
429. 20. cloud hoovering
430. 25. unto him L. Terentius
  49. sacrifice and give thanks
436. 7. who they had foiled so often
439. 49. redily, Thy mother quoth he, hath
442. 34. neither say nor do ought
445. 7. yea; thereupon
446. 6. lay sicke: when the partie
450. 39. preserve the lawes
455. 34. whether you would be na­med an ill Poet, for to be a good Physician?
  35. and to joine battle
462. 3. I bring quoth he, mé enough
463. 22. foure Chalci
  52. he raught him a rap with his baston
471. 8. do not demolish
473. In marg. to dulce, gétly handle,
474. 35. and hafted with them so,
475. 30. maner, all naked
477. 47. by which meanes they ac­customed
481. 17. accompanying a lame son of hers
  18. that thou steppest, thy ver-
  37. upon her head, (tue
483. 30. draw to the life men and women
484. 25. that women should
486. 23. losse and carnage
489. 4. was a mecre fable
492. 34. bearing himselfe
498. 38. Thebe, the wife of the ty­rant of Pherae,
499. 14. being now fully perswaded.
500. 50. unto her husband;
502. 25. undertooke one day this enterprise
503. 13. and reaped she of vertue.
  47. who stood above
504. 49. and haft no longer
511. 56. some great office,
512. 8. of felly,
513. 5. without regard
514. 26. and flew
518. 43. he went out
519. 45. Being none have left
  50. Being none, have [...]
520. 43. than thou
524. 1. should have shed
  33. and satisfie my selfe
525. 57. is to die
526. 56. but Jove alone
529. 26. ech one being
532. 10. their eies, eares and whole
536. 1. it is become (body
  55. of our felicity or miserie
539. 42. faring and inveighing
543. 51. Of freedome
545. 9 plant Ledum
  55. beare foorthwith
556. 34. Cilicia,
558. 13. degenerate
  25 and swertish withall
  27. the soule
562. 15. no other appuy
565. 54. customes & reprehensions,
598. 3. lavander, canel, and malaba­thrum,
  4. skill and
  36. Ganymede
572. 6. cary themselves
574. 21. but disavoweth (ling
577. 26. touchings, frictions & hand-
583. 6. and extremities of the body
586, 30. pleasant, a principle
589. 55. knowen to stocke
590. 52. Etesian winds
591. 21. or compost
594. 6. Boidion
597. 40. Acts of Cities
598. 27. and composed of
603. 25. prise of the victorie
608. 8. as dormant
  22. upon a fervent desire
610 48. nor desirous was he
611. 27. concerning the regiment
613. 25. Glaucus
615. 33. and such as they will
622. 29. to the tast, yet hurtfull
624. 9. be so hard,
  22. foreknowledge or suspiciō:
627. 52. of their grandeur
629. 6. of that grandeur
  21. in her pace and maner
630. 2. guiding and wresting
  4. as Alcman the Poet
  37. all sute
  38. selfe repute
  40. [...]
631. 23. they built it to the
  39. and turne about backe
  54. Scipio, as well beloved In the marg. To [...] Locutius, &c. to the goddesse Moneta, &c.
632. 2. by whose warres, as well
  48. paps bestrut
634. 6. whiles the junctures
636. 50. private destiny.
  37. but they being humbled by this affliction,
  52. pieces or plates of corke,
639. 22. beginning now to shote
  43. to Philosophize
644. 5. drougues,
644. 5. drougues, wherewith shee
645. 1. and meere injurie done
  7. [...] In the marg. [...]
646. 32. there should not be
649. 42. one rich man with another
  54. as an emollitive
650. 8. male or female
656. 28. diaphoreticall
659. 22. all plundged he had bene
665. 24. reproching persons with such vices & defects as are
  33. Kymbix (not
666. 6. Thyrepanoectes
  38. buffon of king
669. 41. of pulse, wheat-bread,
671. 45. there were no egges,
675. 40. impes or buds with their eies
677. 18. and yet rescued, & escaped
680. In the marg. that is, the soule
  50. or reward to check the same
683. 43. unto Agenortdes,
684. 27. [...] ose and lay even
  36. that were expressed
685. 56. spurred us forward
688. 9. the onely cause
689. 40. apply [...] wine unto
690. 25. counterpoison
691. 41. For, That an ancient
692. 48. The slaves of Bacchus
695. 3. purpose, new wine
  6. dead folke, which at the first
696. 24. sapie or corrupted
697. In the marg. or halfe moone
698. 38. it is a received opinion.
699. 29 and therefore, As it were a
702. 13. barke and brouse (base
705. 57. soft and laxe
709. 22. as [...] saith
  47. aire, which it [...]
710. 44. Mygale
717. 31. apperteineth unto Neptune
721. 33. chose for to
725. 13. that be: for custome
737. 11. if he had [...]
738. 22. with twigges
  45. as is before said, there,
739. 44. contortion
  48. [...] or breath
751. 3. do acquit of Intemperance
754. 44. of the [...] or Parasite
755. 46. do affirme, there is ( Gnatho
756. 2. [...]
758. 45. a conformation
761. 18. but also, those who being
  33. altercation
762. 11. is that night assembly
  54. them that drinke
764. 48. our beds, bidden to tuffle
765. 21. but filleth not unto them, wine
766. 22. even another Chiron,
767. 29. that in all other
  35. square by mechanical
  43. was amorous of him:
768. 47. this [...]
769. 1. forme, Setting
  2. he made, which he doth
771. 1. many times, scatter it
772. 54. Spadix,
773. 34. middes of those
774. 24. reason also inclineth
776. In the marg. who procured her
778. 56. Pythagoreans war, (sister
779. 42. conteining themselves
780. 19. and helpe themselves
  20. and mother both,
781. 27. incredible: pronouncing
  44. stipticity
782. 13. like to the sand
  24. of the ten Propositions,
783. 30. of bathing our flesh
784. 4. I wot not how
785. 30. thickned; the poure
786. 6. accordant, in Muficke?
788. 32. Quinquertium,
  32. in that she is a [...] :
790. 19. this Lady gently, See,
791. 3. and therefore, [...] ,
798. 1. our willes
799. 18. in nature?
800. 4. a lively and true
  9. of running water, they are
  12. with hot desire, and
  42. [...] with her gold crowne honour'd, Faire [...] and well
  45. From [...] (favour'd.
  55. And [...] ,
801. 1. who list to know
805. 43. That, as all things
808. 18. called Entelechia
811. 21. snow blacke; [...] cold;
816. 33. and percussion
  47. chaine, there is comprised
  37. Nature none there is
824. 36. the curvature or [...]
826. 2. Pseudophanes,
828. 38. warre portends
831. 32. the clifts and chinks
834. 42. hold it to be in
836. 53. I thee beseech,
839. 10. and cich pease
846. 22. Scorpio is unsociable
848. 5. the inferior bellie
853. 29. about, and returne
  54. with their [...]
855. 48. for that [...] was a Lady
858. 44. and present offrings
869. 37. whom partly.
871. 8. with them their Tutelar
  36. [...]
  46. were the greatest
872. 32. Cirque of [...]
  57. Febraten and Febrarin,
874. 15. called Auspices
  56. smalnesse [...] Fortune,
881. 31. of all besides,
  51. [...] and [...] pease
884. 29. the uneven number, nine,
886. 41. not onely not to touch
889. [...] . and there, held them still
898. 28. in all respects otherwise,
899. 8. Stratonice,
  12. by townes and villages
  55. them they send
903. 12. injuries and wrongs
  54. any mony at interest
905. 21. Hercules being departed
906. 41. in which battle L. Glauco
915. 24. and bestowed every man
918. 35. States and governments
  46. corporation of Rhamnus
  48. as some thinke by himselfe
919. 3. no, [...] by those
  9. [...] and Archinous
920. 13. preferied by Andron: The Senate hath ordeined
921. 24. he was driven out
223. 3. for sapience should now immortall be)
925. 10. the sonne of Conon
928. 25. up to the very cope
  32. demaunded to have had
929. 9. meeting with the children
932. 7. driven out of countenance
  8. of lusty youthfulnesse
  22. alleadged testimonies
  26. the [...]
934. 5. to convince the Macedoni-
943. 7. as buckler in (ans
945. 17. body of the espoused virgin
  53. of the Bacchiadae;
950. 1. being not taught, nourished, nor any waies framed
  47. commended hunting.
952. 16. againe for them, contrarie:
954. 29. when they coove or sit
955. 30. and the same not in small
  32. For, that ( Heraclitus
  33. dealing with thē as he doth,
960. 13. at Hercules, if he putting
961. 9. the nature of this wit & intelligence
962. 21. conclusion inferred
  25. either disjunct or conjunct
967. 29. & among other prety tricks
  37. matter of the play required
969. 28. hides and deepe obscurity
  49. a tincture as one would say, from
970. 6. among the rest, those in
971. 4. that rurall oxe head bare
  51. within the Amphitheaters
  56. that he may raise himselfe upon, and so get foorth,
972. 2. but say it were true,
974. 26. enter into the sea of Pontus.
977. 1 within the sand
978. 2 swallowes doe; nor yet
979. 35. About the temple Nemeium
980. 24. with his feet; and as men say.
984. 16. called Phiditia
986. 42. most sacred oblation that is
  56. [...] accompanieth
988. 44. the inconsiderate folly
991. 54. a man may account
992. 45. another declamation
994. 19. and perceivance of cold
997. 56. [...]
998. 46. contiguate
999. 2. not evermore cold alike
  8. huge meeres
1004. 36. cattell to licke salt
1009. 5. the [...]
  43. others, their smitings.
  [...] . in steed of crookes
1012. 9. divers [...] , sweetnesses
  31. in the vatte
1017. 8. most just and equall
  42. immutable, doth alwaies
1020. 8. thereof, yet [...]
  36. and Icasaedron
1021 56. cupping glasses;
  51. rough [...]
1023. 30. to succeed and receive them, the
1024. 24. no nor any noise consonant
1026. 43. Adverb. For, the Particle [...] ,
1028. 34. in gesture, in port; by the regard of his eie in his voice:
1029. 39. either parts or elements
1031. In the marg. and his sectaries.
  45. generation either of it selfe
1034. 24. much lesse then, unto
1036. 48. to wit, two and three unto
  35. of three to two,
1038. 1 which are inserted,
1040. 10. of which, let the lesse number
  44. a sesquiterce to a [...]
1046. 3. of the Eclipticke
  42. Paramese
1052. 3. certaine and one.
1059. 23. As for [...]
1063. 43. very bald and absurd
1066. 22. forbiddeth expresly
1067. 3. and are better
  5. and all one, as to say
1068. 10. such as Hydanthyrsus the Scythian was, and Leucon
  55. could receive wrong
1075. 28. nor expedient, is if
1087. 40. had filled two cups
1092. 42. is conducible
1095. 21. in the peising and hand­ling
  46. [...]
1097. 28. the care diseased,
1102. 17. the water aloft,
  2. Also, they annexe heereto, their
1115. 38. is really of a
1116. In the marg. [...]
1121. 56. Phosphoria [...]
1124. 8 to heare belive.
1127. 55. [...] pardon. For, to slip
1129. [...] the papyr reed,
  33. of Cybele, the great
1132. 5. friend of hers, and a
  49. that I [...] now against
1134. 39. of Paederastie
1136. 10. signes of ripenesse show
1138. 47. stratage me, as it were of the yong man himselfe
141. 17. And is there never a god
1142. 9. The shady night me never
  39. need it hath not of [...]
  50. even so, saith he,
  57. Panique terrors and frights,
1143. 35. or enamelled
  47. and so doe call them; it is
1144. 28. named Nicostratus,
1146. 32. wome have not ordinarily,
1147. 9. into fire burning,
1150. 18. but divers; like as
  20. and if this would not seeme
1151. 10. wonderfull generative
  42. invention of love, that
1152. 33. to second his suit
1153. 10. braches and bitches
1155. 4. and revile Venus,
1156. 31. confused trouble and In the marg. [...]
1159. 47 to incite those [...]
  50. have made the overture
1160. 15 amulets
1163. 18. avowed to be the earth:
1164. 2. Do bitter
1165. 1. bodies heere, and their concretion with the earth,
  2. which be there gathered
  9. highest cope
1166. 22. to come themselves [...]
1169. 18. [...] ,
1174. 27. and the calme, white:
  56. is a dead body
1175. 21. and argumentation,
1176. 10. even and subtile
  30. and curbed mirrors
1177. 27. doe not [...]
1181. 1. with the windes and tran­sported
  27. incontaminate
1183 18. grandeur
  40. They be assistant
1185. 35. all the babble of
  43. make this disputation of
1186. 21. presently withall,
1188. 37. And [...] , some you
1191. 55. called [...] (shall
1194. 9. or seene the [...]
  15. from his root above, which
  25. with a cock upon his hand
1198. 3. [...]
  45. Ad now to these things so well [...]
1198. 21. For, wine, as
  49. golden tufts
1200. 36. Inachian an [...] ,
1202. 9. of the said god.
1206. 2. my selfe quoth [...] ,
1207. 28. what the sense and meaning
  51. is [...] occasion
1208. 52. and called unto those his familiar
1211. 11. good turne, either hath it
  14. which by his [...]
1214. 1. As [...] your [...] ,
  30. by the inspection of
1219. 29. all above
  33. there is a Fiend or [...]
1220. 20. and orderly motion
1221. 31. [...]. [...] . [...]
  ib. others [...]
1225. 21. whom being [...]
1227. 8. was retired, immediately
1228. 45. and besides that it is
1229. 2. and how he treated
  26. evident it [...] , that it [...] .
1230. 14. by his [...]
1232. 4. feast named [...]
  33. exiled from [...]
  39. upon a poore and [...]
1234. 10. [...]
1240. 37. Did with their bloud
1245. 45. abandoned and betraied
1246. [...] . Colosses & giant like [...]
1247. 18. Sochares, [...] ,
  49. Greeks, were quite [...]
1252. 2. [...] ( [...]
  14. Diesis next unto the [...] and a discord or dissonance,
  52. no more than the lute or the harpe onely &c.
  53. for this god devised the play both of the one and the other:
1254. 23. did it wittingly. But to
1255. 27. [...]
  28. to six; & nine is [...]
  56. according to excesse in nu-
1257. 11. Tetrameter Iambicks ( [...]
  23. who first brought vp, by their
1259. 14. For, the most part
  16. or the teacher: but the bet­ter sort reject [...] indiscretion;
1260. 34. mixture of parts (as the
  49. as he the parts
1261. 28. and these verily
  39. which are [...]
1263. 9. As things that
1265. 52. resolution; of prowes
1268. 12. who use to chace [...]
  54. to preach unto me of justice
1269. 51. as making this account
1273. 22. under Alexander, as by A.
  29. as sweetly singing ( lexander.
1276. 34. truly [...] , Lo the [...]
1277. 40. whom differing in truth no­thing from
1281. 39. river that had fourd passable
1285. 22. with the sword, glaives,
1286. 11. & by that meanes also, cause
  50. of the rasure, vesture,
1288. 50. few there be among them.
1290. 54. dimly appeareth.
1291. 25. Unitv, Apollo; Two Diana;
  31. And Ire, they set out
1292. 44. Osiris body, and caused
1293. In the marg. in the trunke of the Plant
1295 41. one Methide
49. where they were honored
1297. In the marg. wicked or curst.
  [...] to Minerva.
1298.46. Hades and Dionysus.
1300.29. O all yee
[...] . religious Thyades
[...] . sacred fury
1302.31. with whose head having
51. sonne of Isis
1309.41. [...] it
1317.4. Clystre
1319.14. all these speeres
1321.20 ouvertures
1323.2. and taketh not up
1324.33. Adieu dame Corone,
43. or els to looke
1327.2 Engastrimythi
42. The daughters verily
1328.32. in order from one: and
33. by foure every way,
  In the marg by another, maketh
54. all suddaine
1329.12. as a [...]
1335. In the marg. [...]
1339.9. having equall angles,
1340.29. Essence or Being,
1344.16. who in Conjectures [...]
1354.27. they usurped (least
1356.13. hath a suite and
1357.36. in [...] ,
1362.17. nor subject either
31. [...] ,
1363.45. as were not

Those few faults which haply have escaped us besides, are such, as the Reader not altogether unlearned may cor­rect of himselfe, and of his curtesie pardon us for, considering the farre absence of our Author, and the matter of the booke not alwaies familiar.

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