THE firste head concerneth those first wordes, By the Queene, about the which he examineth whether these so many fierce & cruell lawes, and proclamatiōs (as he cal leth them) which come out dayly against Catholiques, do proceede of her Maiesties owne inclination and propension or no, or whether by the instigation of others for theire owne commodities, abusing her Maiesties sexe, and age at the beginning, where vnto he rather yeildeth, and nameth fiue, or six principall men, who haue bin the causes and instru­mentes of all miserie to Ingland as he tearmeth it, and of the perdition of the realme by theire especiall autho­rity with her Maiestie.

These men he affirmeth to haue bin Sir Nicolas Ba­con, Five counce­lors. and my L. Treasurer, the Earle of Leicester, Sir Francis VValsingham, and Sir Christophor Hatton; of whome he saith he will tell their beginninges, their entrance with the Queene, their manner of procee­ding, their actions, and their endinges, obseruing the order rather of their deathes, and falling, then of their rising to honours, for that he saieth the remembrance of this day is more ioyfull to good men then that of the other, and so for that my L. Treasurer is the onely mā of all the five that now liueth, he reserueth his story for the laste place of all.

Of Sir Nicolas Bacon he sheweth how he rose, and Sir Nicolas Bacon [Page 19] how my L. Treasurer and he, the one helping the other, by the assistance of Sir Antony Cooke theire father in law, and Sir Ihon Cheeke King Edwardes schoole-mai­ster, came both first in fauor. That Sir Nicolas Bacons father beinge seruant to the Abbote of Bery, and keeper He VVas chief hynde vnto the Abbot. of his sheepe and cattell, put his sonne to Greyes Inne, where first he was vnder-butler, aud afterward grew vp higher vntill by the augmentation court, and attur­neship of the VVardes he came to be lord keeper, wherein this man (saith he) shewed himself so corrupt, and partiall for bribery, as neuer man before, or since in that place: for which he allegeth a protestation also of Plowdē the famous lawier, made at the Chauncery barr Bacon beinge present, that he woulde neuer returne thither so long as so cortupte a iudge should sitt in that place, which he performed; here vnto he addeth diuers other perticularities touchinge the life and death of Sir Nicolas Bacon.

Of my L. of Leicester, and the varietie of fortune Earle of Lecester. which he saw and proued in his life; how he was borne, and brought vp in all aboundāce and felicitie, and after saw himself againe in extreame calamity, his father, and bretheren being put to death, and himfelf condemned to the same lotte, but that fortune turning againe, lifted him vp higher then euer before, but all to the worse, for that he had neuer bin so wicked, yf he had not byn so potent. How he was the sonne of a Duke, brother of a Kinge; nephew of an esquier, and great grandchild of a Carpenter, as the common fame runneth, which yf it be trew, the Carpenter by all likelyhoode was the happiest man of all the generation; for that perhaps he was an ho­neste man, and died in his bedd, whereas all the other perished by violent deathes, for theire wickednes &c.

Of Lecesters entrāce in to fauour with her Maiestie, of the begininge of his greatnes, how he firste lefte the Catholique faith, which at the beginning for diuers [Page 13] yeares he fauoured; of the murdering of his wife at Cū ­ner; of his adulteries, murders, and rapines, after; of his dealings in flanders, and miserable death, without heyre, or frind, and of the quicke mariage of lady Let­tece after his dispatch.

Of Sir Francis VValsinghams seruing of Leicesters Sir Francis VValsinghā. turne in all thinges; how he was Embassador in Fran­ce, and how he came to be of the Councell, how he helde a faction againste my L. Treasurer, was a man of hastie, fiery, and cruell nature, especially againste ca­tholiques, spente infinitely vpon spyery, and when mat­ter wanted, filled her Maiesties eares with matters feig­ned of himself: how God plagued him for his furious crueltie againste catholiques; how he died in debt, depri­ued of his greate Idol Sir Philipp Sidney his sonne in law, and strooken in the secret partes of his body, as Eu­sebius reporteth of Maximus the Tyrant.

After Sir Francis VValsingham, he bringeth vnto the Sir Christo­phor Hatton. stage Sir Christophor Hatton, whose good nature he cōmendeth aboue all the rest, and saith that yf he had any feeling of any religion, he thought the catholique to be the trewer, and that so he had signified diuerse wayes in his life time, and that he had vpon sundrie oc­casions protested moste earnestly in secret to his fren­des (and namely to father VVilliam Crighton the Scot­tishe Iesuite at his deliuerie out of the Tower) that his hand had neuer subscribed to the death of any one ca­tholique, nor neuer should, which yet this awnsweret thincketh not to be trew, considering his authoritie and place he had in the Councell, and the bitter speeches, which he openly vsed often times in the starre chamber, and other places against catholiques for maintenance of his creditt.

And here by this answerer frameth a certaine consi­deration how wicked a course this is of the Councell, to sett forward in common a thing so hoatly for the mur­dering, [Page 14] and persecuting of Catholiques, which most of them in priuate will deny, to their frendes to haue their fingers in, which he sheweth also in other Councellers at this day besides Hatton and namely, and aboue the reste in my L. Treasurer who euer secretly feigned him self to be a moderator and mol­lefyer of Catholiques afflictions, vntill of late he saith his lordship, hath byn inforced to shewe himself o­penly theire vnmasked enemy. The like also he she­weth, to haue bin in the Councell of King Edward the sixt, when the Duke of Northumberland, the Earle of Arundell, the Earle of Penbrooke, the L. Pagett, Sir VVilliam Peter, and others sate dayly vpon orders to punishe, and extinguishe Catholiques, whose religion notwith stāding at that time both they knew to be trew, and after chose the same to die therin, when they found themselues more free of the bondage of ambition, wherin before they liued. VVherefore he thincketh Sir Christofer Hatton to haue bin most vnhappie euen in these thinges wherein other men doe thinck him for­tunate, which are the fauours had with her Maie­stie, the causes, begininges, and increase whereof this awnswerer declareth, and finally his death, much sub­iecte (as he saith) to suspicion of poyson, and how the very next day after his death my L. Treasurer trium­phed and gat forth this, [...] nation againste Catho­liques, which he neuer had done yf the other had liued, and the causes why.

In the fifte, and laste place, he commeth to treate of The L. Treasu­rer. my L. Treasurer, and that much, more largely then of any of the reste, for that he yet liueth, and for that, as this man saith, he more then all the reste together, hath and doeth in deede seeke the destruction of the Catho­liques by couert meanes, though whiles the others li­ued that were more open, he shrowded himself, and his doings now vnder VValsingham, and now vnder Le­cester, [Page 15] signifyinge in secrett vnto Catholiques, when they sued vnto him, that they onely were the cau­ses, which since hath bin knowen to haue bin quite contrary, &c.

Of my L. Treasurers pedegrie, and how Cecil his father was grome of the wardrop, and was neuer called maister in all his life vnles it were in iest, & how his mo­ther would neuer suffer her self to be called Mistresse, but after her sonne was made Baron of Burlegh: how my L. Treasurers grandfather was one of the kinges guard, and kept the best Inne in Stamford; how my L. Treasurer himself is said to haue bene first of al belringer in S. Ihons Colledge in Cambridge, and after grew by learning and cunninge, and by the helpes, and fauoures of Sir Ihon Cheeke, and Sir Antony Cooke, to be se­cretary to the Duke of Somersett that was protector, to whome he was a stickler to sett him against his owne brother the Admirall, for pleasinge the Duches, and to cutt of his head, as he did, and that he is thoughte to haue bin the principall instrumente to bring in father Latimer, (that fond and hypocriticall preacher,) to be an agent as he was, in that barbarous tragedie, and that for this seruice chiefely by the Duches of Somersets procurement to her husbād, M. Cecile was made Secre­tarie to king Edward the sixt.

How afterward he seing Dudley the Earle of war­wick Treason against his Maister. to be more cunning and potent then the duke of Somersett his maister, he secretly forsooke, and betraied him, and gaue matter of ouerthrow to warwicke a­gainste him: for which seruice, when the Duke, and his trustie frendes were pulled downe and cut of, maister Cecil was set vp by warwick and brought in to the kin­ges fauour and counsaile againe: & so he folowed that mans fortune euer after, so long as he stoode in prospe­ritie, euen to the consenting to the depriuation, and de­position of all king Henry the 8. his children, and na­namely [Page 16] of Queene Mary, and this Queene, against whome this awnswerer saith, that Sir VVilliam Cecill wrote, and penned the proclamatiōs and othes, that the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolke sett forth a­gainst them, and woulde haue bene content to haue byn the headsman also himself to haue dispatched them both with his owne handes, at that tyme, rather then they should haue escaped to his losse or disgrace yf Northumberland would haue putt him to it.

How Queene Mary being established in the crowne, Extreme bypocrisie and cose­nage. and the Duke of Northumberland beheaded, my L. Treasurer bestirred himself to gett creditt with the Catholiques, frequented Masses, said the Litanies with the prieste, laboured a paire of greate beades, which he continually caried, preached to his parishioners in Stamford, and asked pardon of his errours in king Edwardes tyme; what he said, and protested to diuers, and namely to Sir Francis Inglefeild (then of the Coun­cel) about his beleef of all pointes of the Catholique Ro­man faith. How he deceaued Cardinal Poole, and per­suaded Sir VVilliam Peter to resigne vp his office of the Secretariship vnto him, yf Queene Mary would haue admitted the same, who neuer could be persuaded to beleue him.

How M. Cecil being reiected by Queene Mary, he His entrāce vvith this Q. gat to serue the lady Elizabeth, and how he entered with her afterward when she came to the crowne, to persuade her to the change of Religion for his owne in­terest, against the opiniō of other councelors. VVhat reasons he laid for the same, and what great difficul­ties he founde in the Queene and otherwise, and by what crafte he ouercame them, and how yf he had by byn admitted secretary in Queene Maries tyme, he had ne­uer sought the change of Religiō in this Queenes dayes.

VVhat shiftes and deceites were vsed by him, and M. Bacon in the change of Religion, how the Earle of [Page 17] Arundell was cosened by them with hope of hauing the Queene in mariage, and thereby his sonne in law the Duke of Norfolke gotten to their parte.

How other noble men were persuaded either to giue their consents, or els to absent themselues from the parlament, or els to leaue their voices in the handes of heretiques, and what fraude, breach of order, and aun­ciente lawes was vsed in choosing these firste burgeses of parlament, and knightes of the shires, and the open violence vsed againste the Bishops, by which meanes this answerer holdeth that this first parlament could haue no validitie or force at all, and yet that al founda­tions of future treasons in matters of religiō were layed in the same, and al other parlaments synce haue depen­ded therof.

How the proceedings of Cecil, and Bacon, seeming M. Cecilesca. peth han­ging. at length intolerable vnto the auncient nobilitie of the Realme, they ioyned together in the olde L. Trea­surers howse, and concluded to pull them both from her Maiestie by violence, & to hang them at the Coure gate: what the old Earle of Penbrok said in that meet­ing and how Leicester was also present and consenting to this conclusion, and reuealed all afterward, and how Sir VVilliam Cecill escaped the dāger by flattering and abusing the Duke of Northfolke with weepinge & fayr promisses and paide him for it afterwad with cutting of of his heade, and how from that day foreward he tooke sure order for pulling downe, & disgracing the olde nobility.

How my L. Treasurer hath gotten in to his owne But aboute some 50. offi­ces in all. power, al the greate offices almoste of the courte, and countrey, and how he playing the Aman as he doeth with the Catholiques, may iustly feare the greate, and high galowes prepared by himself for Mardocheus, and the children of Israel, for that God is as iuste now, as he was then and as potent.

[Page 18]Of Sir VValter Rauleys schoole of Atheisme by the Sir VValter Ravvley. waye, and of the Coniurer that is M. thereof, and of the diligēce vsed to get young gentlemē to this schoole, where in both Moyses, and our Sauior; the olde, and new Testamente are iested at, and the schollers taught amonge other thinges, to spell God backwarde.

How miserable a thing it is that her Maiestie descen­ding of so noble progenitours, should be brought to make lawes and proclamations in matters of Religion, according to these mens senses and opinions, & leauing all her olde nobility, and the auncient vvisedome, graui­tie, and learning which Ingland vvas wonte to haue, should rule her self by these new vpstarts, and publish edicts so contrary and opposite to all the lawes, & edicts of al the Kings and Queenes that haue bin in Ingland from the firste cōuersion thereof vnto this day, as eui­dently he presumeth to shew; and with this he endeth this first head of this section.

The second head of this first section.

THE seconde head of this firste Section, is about these first wordes in the tytle of the proclamation, to wit; A declaration of great troubles pretended against the realme by a number of Seminary priests, and Iesuits &c. about which, reseruing the peculier defence of the priests and Iesuits comming into the Realme, vnto the fourth Section where at large he handleth the same, in this place he taketh vpon him to shew how that the true causes of troubles, feares, and perils towards Ingland, doe not proceede of the comming in of Semi­narie priests, and Iesuits that come peaceably, & to yeild their liues, and without intention to hurt any body, but that they come of their accusers, to which purpose he alleageth the fable of the wolf, who drinking at the foun­taine, & desiring to haue a quarell against the lambe, that [Page 19] drunke at a brooke farre beneth him, said that he troub­led The trevv causes of the troubles of Ingland. his water; also he alleageth the example of Nero that punished the Christians for burninge of Rome, which himself for his pleasure had sett a fire, al which this man applieth saying, that these which now gouerne, finding Inglād quiet, peaceable, strong, rich, fortified with frinds both abroad & at home at their entrāce, haue by change of Religion, by troubling, & vexing, & killing subiects at home, and by dryuing others to flye abrode, by brea­king all leagues with auncient allies, & by other vnquiet meanes, turned all vpsidowne, and brought al about their owne eares, & now being a fraide of that which the murderers of Christe suspected when they said wil you bring this mans blood vpon vs? They would gladly lay it vpon moste innocente Catholique priests, which haue no part therein.

After this he gathereth together diuers particuler, & speciall causes of the troubles, and dangers of her Maie­stie, and Ingland, whereof the first and principall, and roote of al the reste, is (as he saith) the greate, and irreconciliable differences, and warres in Religion, not onely with the Catholiques, but especially betwe­ne the protestants, and puritanes them selues, who he saith, are mortall enemy, and would haue bin longe agoe by the cares to to [...]er had not the feare of the Catholique helde them both in awe. He touchetlt diuers of their bookes written one against the other as Martin Marprelate, Mar Martin; The worke for the Cooper. The Countercuffe to Martin iunior; The Owles Almanack; The Pap with a batchet, or countrycuffe. Discord of heretiques among them selues. The Epistle to Huffe, Ruffe, and snuffe; in which among other things is affirmed, that the Martinistes or Pu­ritans are much more dangerous for domisticalbroyles, then the Spaniardes for open warres, which this awnswerer also confirineth, for that they muste needes (as he saith) hate her Maiestie, & the protestante [Page 20] Councell most deadly, as both by reason, and by their bookes, and by their propositions gathered by R. Alison, and dedicated of late to Sir Thomas Henedge, that no hope remayninge more now of reformation of the Antichristian Church of Ingland (which they cal Ba­bel) all are bounde to forsake it, though the prince do inhi­bit them.

An other danger, and ineuitable peril both of her Incertitud of succession. Maiestie, and the Realme he saith to be the incertitude of the succession, which he saith my L. Treasurer and others haue especially procured, by keeping her Maie­stie frō mariage against the example of her auncestours, and other princes of Christianitie, and that for their owne interests, thereby to be able to gouerne her Maie­stie the better, and to haue her still in their power, as also to be able to shufle the better for the crowne to theire owne frendes when occasion shall be offered, which he proueth at large.

Of the pestilent, and dangerous doctrine of Hacket the late new Christe, and his Prophetes against her Ma­iestie; of the vncertaine assurāce of Princes estates vpon hereticall doctrine, which theire authors doe varye ac­cording to tymes, fancies, & cōmodities; as he sheweth by diuers examples of later dayes in Ingland, by Lati­mer in K. Edwardes reigne, that could applye his con­science and preachingest, the ouerthrow of the L. Ad­miral Seymer without any cause at all; Also by Cran­mer, Sandes, and Iewell, that were content vnder the Duke of Northumberland to bolster vp Queene lanes tytle, and disinherite her Maiestie that now is; and by Goodman, who in Queene Maryes time both writ, & preached, that no woman oughte to reigne, with a com­parison of the Catholique cōtrary doctrine and doctors in this behalf, and of theire modestie, constancy, and certayne rule of conscience, far different frō heretiques in these affaires,

[Page 21]And finally he cōcludeth this head with a large proof and declaration, that by no law of Christian conscience, nor by any reasonable consequence or illation, can this coming in of priests in so peaceable, and apostolicall sorte, as they do come, be accompted treason, and that the Turke, More, or Persian doeth not make this con­sequence against the lewesior Christians, that liue vnder them; & that of all other infelicities this is the greatest, Great infe­licitie. that her Maiestie shoulde be brought to accompte such men, so borne, and so brought vp, so learned, wise, ver­tuous, and modest, and so determined to dy in Gods, and her Maiesties seruice, yf she would accepte it, to be her mortal enemies; and of this he saith much.

The third head of this Section.

THE third head of this Section is about these wor­des Insufficient prouision. in the tytle of the proclamation, with a proui­sion very necessary for remedie thereof &c. Shewing that this prouision sett downe by my L. Treasurers witt in this proclamation is moste insufficient for the reme­die pretented, but rather to make the sore farr worses for seing it is the very same prouision, and no other then Antiochus, Herod, Nero, Decius, Diocletian, and other tyrantes, and persecutours inuented against gods ser­uants in olde tymes, to wit, founded onely vpon cruel­tie, tyrannie, and false surmysed crimes, it can haue no other ende or effecte, then theirs had, which was the destructiō of the deuisers, and happines of the sufferers.

That the old persecutours edicts against Christians, though they pretended treasons as this doeth, yet were they more moderate, and discreet in willing onely such to be punished as were accused, or knowen publiquely to offend, & not to turne vpsid-downe their estates, & Kingdomes with such searching and reuoluing both of towne citie & countrie as this proclamatiō prescribeth, [Page 22] leauing neither village, howse, nor cōmō Inne vntossed, which to all the world must needes seeme extreame bar­barous, and to the very protestants themselues at home intolerable. who must needs also be sought, & examined as well as others, excepte they alwayes cary their pas­portes with them in their pocketts, & ride vp & downe Ingland, as they would passe thorough Turky.

Of the miserable endes of all common wealthes, and gouernours that haue growen to these extremities in gouernment; and that it is impossible for Ingland and her Maiestie to auoide the same, yf this violente course be vsed to driue men to desperation. That all the solici­tude vsed to extinguish Catholique Religion by perse­cution is meere follie; and that all is very poison to the vvounde which my L. Treasurer vseth for medicine, that a little time vvil proue this to be true, with an ex­hortation to her Maiestie to take some other course both for sauing the Realme, and those that stand at the go­uernmente thereof.

For firste her Maiestie is made by M. Cecil to com­plaine that the King of Spaine for the space now almoste of 33. years had alwayes sought to moleste, & trouble her dominiōs without any iuste cause on her parte giuē. &c.

To this before this awnswerer commeth to say any thing in perticuler, he maketh a large cōplainte against my L. Treasurer, and such other like politiques, & men [Page 23] of no conscience or religion, as he imagineth them vvho from the beginning of this Queenes raigne to make matters of the Catholique faith more odious, & punish able, haue sought to entangle them euer vvith mat­ter of estate, and vvith forged cōspiracies vvith forraine Princes as Gensericus, and Hunricus Arian Kings did vvith the Catholiques of Africa, vnder pretēce they dealte vvith the Pope of Rome; and so he saith that our gouernours of Ingland haue not pursued matters of Re­ligion, as points of Religion in this Queenes gouerne­mente, according as the Catholique Church doth vse to doe vvith heresies, but rather haue chosen to punish them as forged matters of estate, vvhich this awnswerer sheweth to be true by diuerse former proclamations, sett forth against the Seminaries of Doway, Rheims, and Rome, in vvhich diuerse feigned conspiracies were put to be cōtriued by the studēts, vvith the Pope, the Duke of Florence, & other Princes, all vvhich, tyme had pro­ued to be as vaine and false, as he saith, this is of their cō ­spiracie now vvith the King of Spaine.

After this he commeth to avvnsvvere M. Cecils cō ­plainte K. Philips doings to vvardes th. Queene. as he calleth it against the King of Spaine for his proceedings against her Maiestie and for more equall triall (as he saith) he layeth downe eche Prince his doings tovvardes the other for the space of more then thirtie years; & firste for the King of Spaine he declareth hovv that cōming into Inglād the yeare 1554. by the cōsent, & inuitatiō of the realme, to marry Queene Mary, he foūde lady Elizabeth, after she had bin some space prisoner in the tovver for Sir Thomas vviates rebellion, cōmitted novv to vvoodstoke, vnder the custodie of Sir Henry Benengfild, & in extreame great daunger of her life, for that both Queene Mary, & the Inglish Councell, vpon euidente confessions of Sir Thomas VViat himself, and others of that conspiracie, vvere resolued to haue caused her to be araigned, and executed.

[Page 24]How the King deliuered her Maiestie out of this dā ­ger of her life, and of two the like afterwards, to wit vpon the conspiracies detected of Sir Antonie Kingston Vdal, and his cōpagnions; and of Thomas Stafford that tooke Scarbrough, and was beheaded at London, in all which her Maiestie was againe touched, and had bin executed, but for the special fauour of the King and his Spanis he Councell.

Of many other fauours of the King to her Maiestie, whiles he was in Ingland, and after; how he gaue her freely al Queene Maryes lewells, and other riches that she had of his; how the to wne of Calis being loste and betraied by cōspiracie of Inglishe heretiques, that were within it, and specially of the Lord wentwoorth, with­out any faulte in the world of the Kinge, yet that after his great victorie had against the French at S. Quintins, he would admitt no peace at all with them, but with restoring of Calis, vntill the Inglish themselues without him had made their peace with them, and renounced Calis vnto the French for euer.

Of the Kings proceedings towardes her Maiestie after he retorned into Spaine, and how constantly he euer mayntained his league with her for thirtie yeares together, notwithstanding the manifold iniuries that on the other side he receaued of the Inglishe diuers wayes. How he for conseruing the saide league and frendship refused to gyue aide to the aunciēte nobilitie of Ingland the yeare 1567. when they ment by force to haue reformed the estate, and to haue hanged Cecil and Bacon, againe how he denyed the same the nexte yeare after to the Earles of Northumberland, & VVest­merland, and to the L. Dacres when they rose for the restoring of Religion in the North, pressed ther vnto by. M. Cecils vrginge.

How the K. afterwaerds to wit the yeare 1575. For contenting her Maiestie, and at the persuasion of some [Page 25] of his owne officers, but namely of the Commendader Maior, that for the present gouerned Flanders, was content to yeld to the banishement of all Inglishe Catholiques out of his estates of Flanders, for the space of two years, thoughe he paide them alwayes their pen­sions to liue on, as before. And for the same considera­cion of frendship with the Queene, and for his keeping his league with her, he denyed diuers yeares helpes to the Irishe that demaunded the same, as namely the yeare 1578. to Sir Iames Fizmoris, and to Sir Thomas Stukeley, and to the later of them when afterward he came with some fiue, or six hundred men that he had broughte from Italie, the King would not graunte so much as a porte in Spaine to enter into, whereby he was forced to passe to Lisbone, where finding the King of Portugall ready to go with his army to Barbary he could not refuse to go with him, where he was slaine; Sir Thomas Stukelyes death. but to Sir Iames Fizmoris returning againe the nexte yeare to aske succours for the Irishe oppressed for their Religion in Ireland the Kinge denyed the same againe, vntill at laste at the earnest sute of the Pope (for that D. Sanders vpon his extreame zeale had ad­uentured to go thither before to comforte the Catho­liques with lesse then fiftie men) his Maiestie was con­tente to wynke at, and say nothing, whiles Sega the Bishop of Placētia the Popes Nuncio vnder certaine of his Italian Captaynes did send thither some foure or fiue hundred souldiers taken vp vpon the Sea coste of Italie, which this awnswerer saith were those which my L. Gray so cowardly, and traiterously murdered in Irland, after they had yeilded themselues by cōposition the yeare 1580.

And so from this time forward vntill the yeare 1585. Inglishe actions to­vvardes Spaine. he sheweth that the King of Spayne obserued most exactely his league with her Maiestie, and the Inglishe nation; at what tyme being inforced by the Queenes [Page 26] open taking of Flushing, Briel, Ostēde, & other townes in Flanders, he made the arreste ofthe Inglishe shippes in Spaine; but on the other side he declareth how the Inglish euen from the firste entrance ofher Maiestie to the crowne, haue exercised all kinde ofhatefull & hostile actions against the King, by stirring vp and fauoring firste of all his rebelles in Flanders by intercepting his money firste in the Duke of Alua his time, and alwayes after when they coulde lay handes on it, by treating also first the comming of the Duke Matthias into Flanders, and after ofMounsieur the Duke of Alenson, and assi­sting him publiquely against the King in time of peace, by mayntayninge, and bolstering vp ofDon Antonio that calleth himself King ofPortugall, by sending Haw­kins, Frobishire, Drake, Candishe, & other Pirates to the Indians, and some ofthem euen in to Spaine it self, for which he alleageth out ofStowes chronicles, speciall commission geuen by her Maiestie to spoile the King of Spaines subiects by sea, long before any breach ofleague was talked of by the Kinges parte, and so he concludeth that this firste accusation ofthe proclamation is moste iniuste, and that the whole world will laugh thereat, & that the writer thereof (which he taketh to be my L. Treasurer) was very shamelesse in setting it downe.

The 2. parte of this section.

THE secōde poynte of this Section, cōcerneth that which the proclamation affirmeth of the King of Spaines ambitious doings also towardes other Princes besydes her Maiestie, and that all Christendome is troubled at this day by his onely warres. For discussing whereof this awnswerer laieth downe al the procee­dings, both ofher Maiestie, and the King of Spaine with their neighboures from the beginnings of both their raignes.

And firste for the King ofSpaine he sheweth his dea­lings [Page 27] in particuler with the Turke, Moores, and other The King of Spaine: dealinges vvith his neighbours. infidels, then also with the Italians, Portugalls, French, Inglishe, Irishe, Scotishe, and Flemishe, and sheweth al to haue bin euer most honorable, quiet, iuste, & with­out iniury offered to any, as by their owne testimonies, and witnesse also of all writers appeareth, and for the warre and other affaires that haue passed in Portugall he proueth in particuler out of Hieronimo Franchi a Genoes that vvas present, and wrote the storie, and in other points sheweth himself no great frind to Spani­ardes, yet doeth he so iustifie all the Kings actions in this affaire, euen by testimony of the Portugalles themselues, as they seemed rather ouer scrupulous, then onely iustifiable.

He proueth also outof Genebrard a French writter, the King of Spaines noble proceedings with France in all the tymes of the minorities of al Kinge Henry the secōd his children, to witt of Francis, Charles, and Henry the thirde, and how he neuer soughte not onely to profit himself, or to impaire the kingdome of France, duringe those troubles (as the Queene of Ingland did by taking new hauen) but also ofhis owne charges sent aydes of men, horse, victualls, and money often tymes to the succors of these younge Princes, against their re­bells, notwithstanding the olde enimities, & emulatiō betweene these two crownes of France, & Spaine, & the cruell warres that had passed betwene them many years before.

Likwise he sheweth the kings wonderfull clemente proceeding, with his owne subiects that haue rebelled in the low countreys, as appeareth by his many pardons, peaces, and tolerations made with them, his liberall, and noble dealing with Inglishe, Irishe, and Scottishe, es­pecially such as haue bin troubled, & afflicted for their consciences at home, whom he hath sustayned liberally abrode without requyring any seruice at their hands.

[Page 28]After this he taketh in hand to compare with this the Inglish pro­ceedinges vvith ther neighbours. Inglishe proceedings towardes all their neighbours rounde about them, to whome he sheweth that they haue bin the proper, and continuall causes of troubles, warres, sedition, bloodshedd, and vtter perdition, as namely in Frāce of fower ciuill warres, besides all other reuoltes and conspiracies against the true Kinges, tur­moyles in Religion, and other garbroyles, and the like to haue bin caused by them in Flanders, by stirring vp and ayding firste the Guses, and other rebelles of the countrie, and then by settinge on foote Orenge, and bringing in other princes, and forraine povvers, and lastly by open iniustice of inuadinge and holding the same to themselues, as at this day they do.

In Scotland also he declareth very particulerly, out of the Inglishe cronicles themselues what vvicked, and sinfull stratagemes at the beginninge were vsed, to putt that people at discorde the one against the other, and to pull dovvne firste the Queene Dovvager, by the Ha­miltons, and by them the Catholique religion, and af­terward the Hamiltons againe by others, and then to ouerthrovv the true Queene proprietarie vvith her husband, and to crowne her ovvne child against her self vvith the slaughters that ensued, and affliction of Scotland by the often hostile entrance of the Inglishe souldiours, which are recounted with many particulers of greate miserie and compassion: their troublesome proceedings also vvith other nations are recou [...]ed, vvhich compared vvith the calme, quiet, and iuste pro­ceedings of the Kinge of Spayne, doe shevv, as this ansvverer saith, that my L. Treasurer, vvhich he ac­counteth to be both author, counceler, and scribe of this proclamation, not onely to lacke shame, but also vvise­dome and consideration, in that he maketh her Maie­stie to publishe to the vvorld things soo euidently false as these are, that the King of Spaine is the onelie [Page 29] cause of the trouble of Christianitie at this day.

The third point of this section.

THE thirde member of this Section is about these wordes, where it is saide in the proclamation, that the King of Spaine now in his declined yeares meetest for peace, when he ought to be satisfied with his owne with­out seekinge of more Kingdomes by violence, seing be posses­seth at this day more crownes, Kingdomes, and countreyes, then euer any Christian Prince had before, that all this notwithstanding he hath begunne a most vniuste warre a­ganist the present Kinge of France, most daungerous to all Christendome, which yet is like to be the ruine of himselfe, as his enterprise against Inglande gaue him iuste cause to repent &c.

For answere of all this, there are many points tou­ched, Diuers fals hodes and folyes of M. Cecil. firste that the King of Spaine, not onely in this his olde age but in all his life by testimony of the whole world, hath bin euer most desirous and obseruante of peace, and the Inglishe quyte contrary: secondly that this exprobratiō of the Kinges old age, is ridiculous, her Maiestie folowinge him so nere in years as she doeth, & my L. Treasurer farr passing him, and nerer to his graue by all likelyhood. Thirdly that so greate amplification of the Kinges forces, wealth, and power, (being their enemy) was inconsiderate, and can serue to no other ef­fecte, but to terrifie their owne frends and subiects, and to animate their contraries, and to shew their lack of prouidence in making so vnequalla match fowerthly, that this great power of the King of Spaine being so iu­stely and temperately vsed, at it is, can not be fearefull to any good man, but rather confortable nor is it daun­gerous to Christendome, but rather a great and singu­ler stay, & prouidence of almightie God, who forseing the tumultes and reuoltes that heresies should bring in these tymes, hathe prouided this so potent and opulent [Page 30] a Prince of all ages, for the defence of his Catholique church in these troobles. Fystly that this warre of the Kinge against Nauarre, is not iniuste, but moste iuste, & necessary, not for any intereste of the Kings, but onely for the good of France it self, and consequently that all reasons, and circumstances considered, and the forces on both partes wayed, it can not be like to be the ruine of the King of Spaine, but rather of Nauarre, and other heretiques depending of him, or ioyning with him; and albeit the Kings last fleete against Ingland, had not the successe which was expected, yet it was not for wante of strength, or by any valure, or praise of the Inglishe, but rather by tēpeste, lacke of experience in some prin­cipall officers, and other such casualties, that often fall out in warre, whereof the Inglishe oughte not to bragg, seing there are so many reasons, and examples of enterprices that take successe the second or thirde tyme, which did not at the firste, whereof this awnswe­rer alleageth many testimonies, and authorities, both prophane, and diuine, which in the booke are to be seene,

After this he entreth to treate at large of Nauarres Nauarres iust exclusion from the crovvn of France. iniuste pretence to the crowne of France, being an open knowen heretique, as he saith, and refusing to take the othe of mayntayning the Catholique Romaine religiō, which all Kings both of Fraunce and Ingland haue ta­ken before this, and are bounde to take from the firste institution of Christian Kinges, and that her Maiestie tooke also the same othe at her entrance to her crowne of Ingland, and that by Cecils councell also, by whose councell the same othe was afterwarde violated; & that the tytle of particuler succession in Kingdoms being founded onely vpon positiue lawes of seuerall coun­treyes, (and not vpon law of nature or nations, for that Kingdomes and monarchies neither were from the be­ginning, nor are at this day in all realmes a like) it [Page 31] muste needes folow, that the whole righte of these successions and interests to the same, do depend of the particuler ordinances, lawes, othes, and conditions, with which each countrey hath ordayned admitted, & authorized their Kings, vvhereof the cheefe condition beinge in the Kingdome of France, hat the Kinge shall sweare, and geue assurance to defende and mayntaine the olde Catholique Romaine religion, and the pro­fessors thereof, and Nauarre refusing to do the same, he can by no law diuine or humaine be admitted to the crowne, which is largely proued by many autho­rities, examples, and reasons.

Vpon this he declareth how al Catholique people in France are bounde vnder payne of damnable synne, to resiste Nauarrs entrance into that crowne, conside­ring the inestimable dāmage that is like to ensew therof vnto that whole realme, yf he shoulde preuaile; And for the same consideration he proueth, that the Catho­lique partie of French nobilitie that either for hope of honour and commodity, or for hatred, and emulation against others that are againste Nauarre, or for any other passion, or pretence whatsoeuer do folow or fauour him in this his pretēce, doe offend God highely, and are guiltie of al euills & miseries of their countrey, and that besydes the eternall punishement, which they are to expecte at Gods handes (excepte they repente) they will also be destroied, and pulled downe by Gods iuste iudgements in this world, as this awnswerer sheweth by as many of the nobilitie both of France, Flanders, Ingland and Scotland by name, as for any pretence whatsoener, haue bin the firste ayders of heretiques in their countreyes, haue perished and come to naught.

The firste is, for that he is saide heere. for fortifyinge of his strange violent attempts to haue procured a Milanois a Vassall of his owne to be exalled to the Papacie of Rome, and to haue seduced him without consente of the colledge of Car­dinalls to exhauste the Treasures of the church, & there with to leauie forces in Italie (which had no sounde of ware in is before) to inuade France a Kingdome that hath bin alwayes a mayntainer of that church, in all their oppressions &c.

These are the wordes of the edicte, which the awns­werer doth play vpon diuersly, asking where my L. Treasurers wit was, when se set foorth these fancies; for first he saith that it is no noueltie for a vassall of the Kinge of Spaines, to be made Pope, seing the greatest partes of Italy, and the Ilandes adiacent (out of which nation in our times the Popes commonly are wonte to be chosen) are vnder him, & the onely state of Millaine in our dayes hath had three Popes: which were Pius quartus, Pius quintus, and this Gregorie the fourteenth, whereof this proclamation speaketh.

Secondly he sheweth, that it is rather a signe of great pietie and humility in the King, then to be attributed to ambition, yf he shoulde desire a subiecte of his owne to be made Pope, and thereby to be made his superiour and better, for that, as this awnswerer auoucheth, the pryde of hereticall Princes can not beare such a matter, & in particuler he thincketh my L. Treasurer for exam­ples sake, would not choose Cardinall Allen of all others to be Pope, thoughe he be an Inglishman.

Thirdly he saith that it is a ridiculous complaynt that the Kinge seduced this Pope to exhauste the Trea­sures [Page 33] of the churche without the consent of the Col­ledge of Cardinalls, as though the Pope were a childe, or that Ingland had such care to conserue the Churches treasure, whereof it seemeth that my L. Burley would also be treasurer, aswell as of that of her Naiestie yf he might.

Fowerthly it is much more childishe saith he that the Pope by leuying souldiours in Italy for France, did trouble the peace of Italie, as my L. Cecill insnuateth, & moste of all, it is foolishe, saith he, that the Church of Rome by sending ayde to the Catholiques of France doeth invade that Kingdome which hath bin a mayn­tayner of that churche in al her afflictions; for neyther is this ayde of the Popes to inuade France, but to assiste France, nor is it sente against the French, but for the French: neyther is Nauarre of those Frenth Princes that ayded the church of Rome, but contrarie to them, and to theire faith & affection towards that churche, neither doeth there thing with thinge, nor tyme with tyme, nor person with person, as he saith, agree, whereof he maketh pastyme at large against my L. Treasurer, and and his broken Rhetorique, as He tearmeth it.

The second point of this section.

THE secōde poynte touched in this sectiō is about the accusations layde against Cardinall Allen, and father Persons (whome the writer of the edicte cal­leth heads of sedition and of base birth) saying that they haue bin dealte withall hy the King of Spaine to gather together with greate labours vpon his charges a multitude of dissolute younge men, who either for lathe of liuing or cri­mes committed leaue theire countrey, & become fugitiues, rebells, and traytors, and are broughte vp in certaine demies and receptacles, named Seminaries erected in Rome, Rheims, & Spaine.

[Page 34]For awnswere of this, is examined first, why these two men aboue others should be so odious to the state of Ingland, seing they neuer cōmitted any thing against them that mighte iustely be imputed to hatred or euill will, but rather haue soughte by all meanes their good both temporall, and eternall yf they would see it.

And whereas the Scribe, as this awnswerer tearmeth My L. Trea­sure [...]er of his gētry. him, thrusteth in a parēthesis, as hath bin said, that these two men are very base in birth, the awnswerer handleth that poynte somewhat at large, especially touching the Cardinall, for that he lyuing in so eminent a place of dignitie, such a slaunder (as he saith) is not to be passed ouer by silence, albeit the other beinge a Religious mā and hidden from the worlde, make lesse accompte of such affaires.

And by this occasion he commeth to defend the Cardinals gentry, and to compare it with the nobilitie of all the present clergie of Ingland, and with diuers of the Councell his enemyes, & namely with my L. Trea­surer the bringer in of this comparison, of whome he saith, that a letter of his, writen with his owne hande, at westminster, vpon the 10. of January last 1592. to a cer­taine intelligēcer of his in the low countries, came vnto his hādes, euen at this very tyme when he was come to awnswer this point of gentry and nobilitie, touched in the proclamation: and for that he saith the matter of the saide letter, fell out fitt for this place, he resolued to awnswer the same heere, reducing the effecte hereof to two principall heads.

For my L. Treasurer in that letter first geueth thancks to the saide Intelligencer for sending him a copy of a printed pamphlet set forth presently in avvnsvver of this proclamation, in which avvnsvver both the fact of setting foorth this proclamation, and bloudy cour­se determined to be folovved by the same, is vvith many reasons thoughe briefely, yet very pithely repro­ued, [Page 35] and some persons that haue bin causers thereof, but namely my L. Treasurer by reason of this his byte to the Cardinalls birth is insinuated to be but of very meane parentage, wherevnto his L. replieth in these wordes firste that this course is a necessary course, seing the multitude of priests (saith he) that come in dayly appeareth now to be so great as they are seuen for one in a yeare in res­pecte of former tymes, and that this course will not he lefte for any such audacious censure of this awnswerer, & that he douhteth not but that the scope thereof is iustifiable in all Kingdomes, and common wealthes where it shalbe knowen.

To which wordes of his L. this awnswerer saith firste that the necessitie of this course hath proceeded of the inconsideration and euill councell of such as haue go­uerned, more for their owne passion and interests then for the common good, & haue broughte her Maiestie by little & litle to this bloudy necessitie, which can not in­dure. And secondly yf it be trew that seuen priests for one do returne home now in respecte of former tymes, then saith he may his L. see, what he and others haue profited by their former persecutions against Ca­tholiques, and accordinge to that may make their ac­compte and proportion for the tyme to come, for yf they had not so vexed men at home, neuer so many vvould haue come abrode, nor yf there had not bin so great hope of martyrdome vvithin the I­lande, neuer vvould so many haue desired to returne, nor vvoulde forayne Princes so greedily haue sett vp Seminaries, and offered mayntenance abrode for the same.

To the third poynt wherin his L. saith, that this cen­sure of this awnswerers and this laying of their errors VVicked men are vvarned vvithout o­pe of amend­ment. before their eyes vvil not stay this course begunne of persecutiō, this man saith he is also of the same opiniō, & that he tooke not this awnswere in hande, with any such hope of stayinge this course, vntill God shall bend [Page 36] or burste the same of himself, and that for all this, men may not cease to speake the truth for that Christe did not omit to tell the Scribes and Pharisees, of their er­rours, and wickednes, thoughe he knew that they were obdurate therin, & would not cease to shedd his bloud for the same, so also he surceased not to forewarne ludas of his perdition albeit he knew it would little auayle him; and generally when he sent both prophets, and other good men to reprehend both by worde, and writings the wicked Kings, and Queenes of lurie, and other countreys, and common wealths as Moab, I­dumea Egypte, and the like, that persecuted his ser­uants, he sent them not with any hope (for the moste parte) that they would leaue, or amend their course thereby, but rather be worse, & in the sending of Moy­ses and Aaron to Pharao it is wonderfull to cōsider that on the one side God woulde haue him warned of his ruyne, & on the other syde he saide in plaine wordes, that he would obdurate, or harden his harte, so as he should not heare the good councell geuen him, but rather waxe more fierce thereby, and run on headling to his owne destruction, for that there are some kinde of people, as the Prophete saith, which haue made a league, and contractewith death, so as nothinge will make them to auoyde the same, which this later awnswerer sheweth principally to be fulfilled in wicked and ambitious go­uernours, who laying commonly all conscience aside, & being tyed to the prosecution of their euill actions once begunne with the forcible chaynes of honor, credite, riches, authoritie, envy, malice, & ambition, haue no other way ordinarily of retreate, but when Gods hand entreth, and breaketh downe all; and then al falleth together like old muddy walles with losse of al that was moste deare vnto them in this life, and of that also that shoulde haue bin for the life to come.

And finally to the laste clause, he awnswereth that all [Page 37] forayne Kingdomes and states are so farre of from allowing or iustifying the scope of this desperate Inglish course, that the very protestante Princes and Councel­lors that otherwise are no enemyes to Ingland, do cry out of the same. The reste that are aduersaries do laugh in their sleeues to see Inglād ruine it self on the rocks, & the sandes, as is dothe by this course, which muste needes be er lōg their totall destructiō; only the poore Catholi­ques (which rather I should call happy saith he) are those that abide the brunte for the presente, who are sent to heauen more hastely, then otherwise they would perchance haue walked of themselues, and others are inforced to merite more by sufferinge, then they had purposed, which is al the hurte they receaue; for as for their seede it shall remaine for euer & peccator videbit, Psal. 111. & irascetur, dentibus suis fremet & tabescet.

In the second parte of my L. Letter, he defendeth somewhat the gentry of three persons touched before in the firste Inglishe awnswere, to vvit my L. of Leice­ster Sir Nicolas Bacon, and his owne; and for the firste he saith that Leicesters great grādfather (whome many men reporte to haue bin a carpenter) was no lesse then a lord Dudleys sonne, wherewith this awnswerer saith he vvil not greatly trouble himself at this present, thoughe this new genealogie seeme strāg & not credible to many Inglishe mens eares of moste knowledge & experience that liue abwade, and neuer heard of the same before.

For the second his L. saith no more, but that albeit Bacons father were no man of liuing, yet was he accoun­ted so wealthy as he lefte to two of his sonnes stocks of mony to be honeste marchants, and to the third (which vvas afterward L. keeper) mayntenance for his study in Grayes Inne: al vvhich supposed to be trew (saith this awnswerer) it is nothing against that vvhich before hath bin spoken of him.

To the third, vvhich is himself, my L. Treasurer saith [Page 38] much more for his gentrie, affirming that his howse, to wit the Cecills of Stamford, doe come of the auncient howse of the Sit siltes of wales, and are descended from the reigne of the conquerour, & haue matched, & come of many noble howses both of Ingland and wales, yea of the Princes of wales (for these are my L. owne wordes in his fore said letter) aud that his L. grandfather Dauid Cecil came out of Brytany as a sergeuit at armes first, with King Henry the seuenth, and was by the saide King placed at Samford, and was Steward of his mothers howse the Countesse of Richmond, and after was squyer for the body, both to King Henry the 7. and also to King Henry the eight: hither­to is my L. Treasures ovvne allegation for this gentry, and nobility.

To all vvhich, this awnswerer replieth, that so dili­gent a displaying of genealogies by his owne hand vvriting at this instant, when he handleth the match of his grandchild with Arbella, implieth a further sequel, them euery man doth looke into, especially vvhere he addeth that his howse is descended of the very old Princes of wales themselues.

Secondly he taketh vpon him to shew that al this flourish, or at leaste wise the more part thereof, is but an ambitious fiction of M. Cecill himself, and very ridicu­lous to all Inglish of the discreeter sort; for that he saith, that many yet remēber when M. Cecil for diuers yeares after his comming to creditt, went about to deriue his name of Cecil, frō Cecilius the Romaine name, whereof theire vvere diuers, but especially that famous rich man named Caecilius Claudius vvho as Plinius writeth, Plin. 1. 23. cap. 10. after greate losses receaued in the ciuil warres, lefte notwithstanding in his testament, aboue foure thou­sand slaues, and aboue three thousand yoke of oxen, and aboue two hundred and fifty thowsand of other ca­tell besydes infinite quantitie of ready mony, vnto whome this awnswerer upposeth that our M. Cecil [Page 39] at that tyme, desired to be like as well in vvealth as in name, and for that he imagined that the progenye of those Cecils had remayned in Ingland, euen from the Romaines tyme, and that his howse vvas descended of the same: He write himself (as he doeth now also in this his letter) Cecil, with two c. c. and after the first of them an E, which is far different in antographie frō Sitsilt vvhich himself writeth with tvvo s. s. twoo T. T. and tvvo I. I.

By occasion also of this, this defender telleth a story, A story. how that in Q. Maryes tyme when M. Cecil had decea­ued Sir VVilliam Peter, and had made him beleeue he was an earnest papiste, and had persuaded him to offer the resignation of his office of Secretariship vnto him, as before hath bin touched; the old countesse of huntingtō mother to the earle that now liueth (though far differēt from him in Religion) told the Queene and maydes of honor in the courte, that she had hard an old prophecie that one who had two c. c. in his name should be the destruction of Ingland, which thinge saide she I know not vvhome it shoulde meane, excepte it were M. Ce­cil, who being out of credit at this present, and neuer like to come in againe, I hope shall neuer be able to bring that to passe. This doe reporte such as haue hard it of the Countesse owne mouth, and perhaps her sonne may yet remember it though he vvil not dare to speake it; neither remembred M. Cecil at that tyme to vvrite himself Sitsilt to euacuate that prophecie, as he mighte haue done, had he knowen himself then to haue descen­ded of that howse which now he pretendeth.

Moreouer this awnswerer asketh, how yf it be trevv Manisest ar­gumentes. that Dauid Cecil my lordes grandfather descended of the nobles, & Princes of wales, & was so greatly in cre­ditt with K. Henry the 7. as to be squyer for the body as well to him as to his sonne K. Henry the eighte, hovv He is said to hauebene first then is it lykely that he would keepe an Inne in Stāford [Page 40] as diuers vvorshipfull yet aliue or lately dead haue af­firmed an ostler in that Inne and after to haue marie the hostesse. to haue layen in the same; also how it is possible that his sonne the Treasures father, named also Dauid Cecil (if I forget not) should be onely groome of the vvardrobe, & so plaine, and meane a man, as thousandes yet can testifie that he was? & how finally VVilliam Cecil their child now Treasurer could be so poore, and meanely brought vp, as to get parte of his maynte­nance by ringing the morning bel at his beginning in S. Ihons colledge in Cambridge as commonly yet in that vniuersitie is reported.

And lastly this awnswerer taketh this for an euidente argumente of M. Cecills cogging and coseninge in this behalf, that for diuers yeares he tooke himself farr diffe­rent armes frō these, vvhich of late he hath taken vp of the Sitsiltes, for his former armes (yf I be not deceaued) vvere twoo Lyons eating of a wheaten sheafe betwene In stede of tvvo Forses at a botle of bay. them, as it is to be seene in diuers of his howses vvhere they are yet engrauen, & aftervvard seing the Armes of the Sitsiltes (an auncient howse greatly decayed, yf not extinguished) to be six Lyons, he hath taken them also to himself, as it is here reported, to terrifie the vvorld perhaps vvithal, and to liken himself thereby to Prin­ces, that commonly haue Lyons in their armes, where as a good fatt capon, or a rosted pigg seemeth a fitter cog­nisaunce for an Inneholders grandchild as this man affir­meth, seing that those things are more commonly to be founde in Innes, and Osteries then are Lyons; and thus much in effecte he avvnsvvereth to the contents of my L. Treasurers letter touching his gentry, which this de­fender taketh either vvholy to be feigned, or moste vai­nely to be delated by the old mans ambition.

After this he commeth to avvnsvvere those wordes of the proclamation vvherin is is saide, that my Lord Car­dinall, and father Parsons do gather together with greate la­bours a multitude of dissolute yonge men, who haue partly for [Page 41] lack, of liuing and partly for crimes committed, become fugi­tiues, rebelles, and traitours; for whome there are in Rome, and Spaine and other places, certaine receptacles made to liue in, there to be instructed in schoole points of sedition &c.

All vvhich vvordes this avvnsvverer examineth, and Ezech. 9. Prouerb. 29. firste vvhat difference there is in holy vvryt betvvene dispersers and gatherers, and vvhat curse there is laide vpon the one & blessing vpon the other by Gods ovvne mouth, and that seing M. Cecill, and other persecutours at the instigation of the devil do so attend to disperse their countreymen; good reason some others should serue God in gatheringe, and nourishing the dispersed for his cause.

Secondly he sheweth that these two men haue no need to vse greate labours in gathering together these youthes, as the proclamation feigneth, for that God himself gathereth them aboundantely from al partes of the Realme, and the euidente truth of the Catholique faith stireth them to seeke meanes abreode for the saluation of their soules, seing they can not be permitted to haue them at home: and whereas many were letted be­fore from comming out of Ingland, for that they knew not where to goe to be receaued, mayntayned and in­structed, now being informed thereof by this indiscrete proclamation of M. Cecils penning, which admo­nis heth all men that besydes the former colledges, and Seminaries in France and Rome, there are other also newly erected in Spaine, many haue resolued to come ouer, which otherwise had stayed in Ingland, & so them selues at theire comming haue professed: and the King of Spayne among other Princes hauing seene so barba­rous an edicte, and considered the conscienceles causes of their distresses hath greatly enlarged his fauours to­wardes the saide Inglishe Seminaries in his dominions both by his personall visiting of that in validolid, and larger allowance tovvardes the mayntenance of the [Page 42] same, and thus doeth M. Cecil profit by his new diuises.

Thirdly he sheweth that these students come not out of Ingland neither for lacke of liuing, nor for crimes committed, as the proclamation moste vn­justly doth slaunder them. Not for the firste, for that they being commonly gentlemen, or vvealthie peoples children, and as good witts as any lefte be­hynd them, they might casely haue preserrmente, yf they vvould apply themselues to the protestant proceedings, and here he sheweth at large the great multitude of gentlemens sonnes, vvhich leauing their inheritances, and other hopes of vvorldly pos­sibilities at home, do come ouer dayly to study, and be made priests vvith infinite desire to returne a­gaine quickly to Ingland, vvhere priesthoode is more hated, infamed, and pursued, then any cryme or vvickednes in the vvorld: and that no such desire vvas seene in gentry and nobilitie to priesthood in Catholique tyme, vvhen is vvas honorable and com­modious to be a prieste, vvhich muste needes procede of Gods owne hande: and that there are more gentlemen this day in the Inglishe Seminaries of France, Rome, & Spaine, then in all the Clergy of In­gland tvvise told, to vvhich no gentleman common­ly will affoord his sonne to be a Minister, and much lesse his daughter to be a Ministers vvyf; vvith di­uers examples of the basenes of their chiefe Prelates, as among others of Pierse, & Cooper; Archbisshop, & Bisshop, of yorke and winchester, both borne at Oxford, as this felow saith, the one the sonne of a la­bourer, and the other of a cobler, and diuers o­thers like vnto them, vvhich yet M. Cecil toucheth not with basenes, nor that they went to their mini­sterie for neede.

And that these students come not ouer for crymes committed he saith is much more plaine by the desire [Page 43] the Magistrates of Ingland haue to receaue them backe againe with all grace and fauor, yf they vvould returne: and he noteth for a very markable thing, that in these twentie yeares, vvherein aboue a hundred of the Semi­naries haue bin put to death publiquely, and vvillingly for their religion, and many hundreds haue liued in Ingland in common attire of other men, the more thereby to dissemble their calling, neuer yet any one of them in so many yeares hath bin apprehended, or punished for any crime or disorder of life, or man­ners; as thefte, murder, adulterie, quarreling, co­sening, or the like: for vvhich crymes and vvorse, notwithstanding al Ingland knoweth that their mini­sters, are at euery assise almoste brought to the barr, and many tymes also to the gallowes it self: neither at the condemnations of these so many priests as haue bin martyred hathe any such matter of cryme or euill life bin proued against them, but onely matters of iudgement and learning layd to their charge which M. Cecil in this proclamation by a new fonde, phan­tastical phrase tearmeth Schoole points of sedition, as for example, to teach that a man muste confesse his synnes to a prieste, that he muste make restitution of such things as he hath taken vvrongefully from others, that he muste heare masse, that he muste acknowledge the Bisshop of Rome to be superame heade of the Church next vnder Christe, and the like vvhich vvere poyntes of schoole, and accomp­ted both currant and Catholique doctrine in In­gland for a thousand yeares before Cecil vvas borne; and are at this present in other countreyes abroade, and will to the worldes ende, when a thousand such malignant and wrangeling vvormes, as Cecil is, shalbe dead, and rotten, and rosting in hell for their vvickednes, and yet onely for these crimes of aun­cient doctrine, and our fathers faith are these priests [Page 44] apprehended condemned, & murdered, which well de­clareth their innocency in crymes of life, and manners, whatsoeuer the staunderous toung of Cecill the old Atheiste affirmeth to the contrary.

The like manifeste lye, & sclaūder this awnswerer saith it is, wherby such as go ouer to the Seminaryes are na­med here by M. Cecill a multitude of dissolute yonge men, whtrin this defender reporteth himself to the testimony of all the purseuantes, and catchpoles of Inglād, whether their chiefeste signe, and marke to descry a papiste or a Catholique yonge man be not, to note his modestie, his silence, his grauitie, his composition of body and coun­tenance, his moderation of wordes, and the like; and yf he can come to pearse more inwardly into his life, then to learne whether he faste, or pray much, whether he vse to weare heareclothes, or some tyme to lye on the ground to mortifie his body, whether he geue much al­mes, or make secret restitution of thinges vniustly pos­sessed either by himself, or his auncestours; which signes of a papisticall life yf any man should bring to a purse­uante of Inglād, I doubte not but that he would thincke he had iuste cause enough to suspecte, and apprehend such a person without further matter; and on the con­trary side yf one should come and say that such, or such a person is a papiste, and recusant, and others should come, and say that they know him to be a good felow, as they tearme him; that is to wit, that he will eate, and drincke & tosse pottes with any man, that he will fight, and brawle, sweare, and stare, and folow queanes; cutt, and hacke, and take a purse when opportunitie is offe­red; in this case this defender assureth himself that no purseuante in Ingland would euer lay handes on such a man for a recusant, though he neuer went to church throughout the whole yeare, as moste of such protestā ­tical good felowes do not in deede, excepte it be only once or twise for a shew; & yet are they neuer touched [Page 45] or called in question for the same; by which is is euident saith this awnswerer, on what side lieth the dissolution of life, & licentiousnes of manners, and where discipline and order is held in the same.

And thus much now at home, where it is wel knowne (saith this man) that many a Catholique youth, to the ende he be not discouered, and brought in question, is inforced to feigne himself against the heare often tymes, to be a Ruffian a cutter, or good felow, thereby to gett the creditt of a good protestant, or at leaste wise, not to be any precise or zelous papiste, which is not the leaste miserie, and seruitude, among others to such as in­wardely are otherwise bent, & would serue God in ver­tuous life; wherefore it is no maruaile (saith this awn­swerer (yf vvhen they get ouer the sea, and are in liber­tie to liue as they would, they betake themselues to so stricte, and precise a forme of lyuing, both of their stu­dies & manners, at that of the Seminariesis, which this man very particularly prescribeth; firste, how they en­ter in, then how they proceede, and finally in what ma­nor they end, and do turne to there country againe.

He declareth what they muste do to be admitted, The order and institution of the Semi­naries. what exercises of learning and vertue they muste haue in the howse throughout tbe vvhole day, vveeke, and yeare; vvhat prayers dayly both mental, and vocal; what meditatiōs, lessons, and disputes they haue in the forenoone, vvhat after dynner, vvhat dyet, apparell, cōuersation, & recreatiō, is allowed them; vvhat exerci­ses in philosophie; vvhat in schoole diuinitie, vvhat in positiue, vvhat in cases of conscience, controuersies, tounges, and other learning fit for the end vvhich they do pretende: how they profit in the same, & vvith what mynd and furniture they returne to Ingland; and at leugth he compareth all this with the loose proceedings of Inglishe vniuersities, and colledges at this day, where he saith that Cecil, Leicester, and such other like, rather [Page 46] Cancellers of all vertues then chauncelors of vniuersities haue ouerthrowen all, broken downe the walles and hedges of all discipline, exiled all sounde and solid lear­ning, extinguished all modestie, shamefastenes, and religiō haue laide open the vvay to dissolution, Ruffian­ry, and Atheisme.

For to theise gouernours he imputeth the taking away of porters from colledge gates, which greatly kept students in awe; to these he imputeth the cōfusion in apparell, & immodestie thereof whereby euery man weareth in the vniuersities, either as his pryde or fancy serueth, or as his purse and ability permitteth. To these he imputeth the filling vp, and pestering all colledges with all harlotry women to be baytes for younge men, that study in the same, the headships geuen to lighte and wanton compaignions, the fence and dauncing schooles so much by students frequented, the tauernes filled with schollers, the statutes of founders cōtemned & broken, the leases embezeled, the goods made away, and places of felowes, and schollers publiquely sold, and infinite o­ther disorders, confusion, and dissolution, which all the world seeth, and the students themselues do wonder at; when they come ouer, and see the contrary on this side the sea, as this defender affirmeth; and with this & with a place or two of S. Gregorie Nazianzene against lulian the Apostata, very bytterly applied against my L. Trea­surer, he endeth the second parte of this thirde Section.

The thirde parte of this 3. Section.

IN this parte of the Section he answereth the charge giuen in the proclamation against Seminary priests, that their end of comming in to Ingland in such secret ma­ner with authoritie of the Pope, is to moue men to rebellion, and to cause them to renounce their allegeaunce due to the crowne of Ingland, vpon hope of a Spanish inuasion, & that they binde men with othes, and Sacramenes to yeilde their [Page 47] obedience to the Pope, and Spanish King: and that for this they bring indulgences for them that wil yeeld to their per­suasions, and curses to the contrary; all which this defen­der How priests returne to Ingland. saith is feigned stuffe, & false calumniations; excepte the firste two points, that they come into Ingland in se­cret manner; and that they haue their spiritual authori­tie from the Pope, which two points he confesseth, and saith that the former of them is warranted by Christes owne example, which walked not openly some tymes but in secret as the Euangeliste saith, at such tymes I meane as the Iewes soughte to kill him; and the second he confirmeth by diuers testimonies of the same Christe our Sauior, who assigned al principality of spiritual au­thoritie vnder himself to S. Peter, and his successours, whereby the Catholique Church hath euer vnderstode, that no priest can be made, or haue iurisdiction to deale with soules, but by authoritie deriued either im­mediately or mediatly from this supreame and vniuer­sall pastor, & largely he declareth the disorders, & impli­catiōs of the protestātical cleargie, for want of this sub­ordinatiō among themselues & the sea Apostolique.

These two points onely then granted, he denyeth all the reste, to wit, the intention to moue sedition, or rebellion, the renouncing of allegeaunce dew vnto the crowne of In­gland, the hope of a Spanishe inuasion, the binding of men by othes or Sacraments to yeild any temporall obedience to the Pope, or King of Spaine, or lastly the bringing in of any indul­gences, or curses to that ende. All which points are meere fictions saith he of VVilliam Cecils head, and diuelish deuises to make innocente men odious, and to shed their blouds, and that they vvere neuer yet proued, or cōfessed by any, & can not be presumed but by infinite malice, & among all other, this old murderers abhomi­nations, (which this man saith are infinite and do cry vengeance at Gods hands none are more impious, and Great ini­quitie. damnable, or that vvillye more heauily on himself, & [Page 48] his progenie for euer (as the bloud of Christe doth lve vpon the lewes vnto this day) then this vvilfull slaundering & accusing of men against his knowledge, and conscience for seruing only his ovvn turne, & this is the effecte of this awnsvvers speach to this third parte of the Section though more largely delated in the booke it self.

As touching the firste, the proclamatiō auoucheth, that none suffer in Ingland for Religion, or are impeached in their liues, goods landes, or liberties for the same, except onely in a certaine pecuniary summe as a penaltie for the tyme to those that do refuse to come to church, and that the priests, & such others as are put to death suffer not for any points of Re­ligion, but onely for meere treasons, as appeareth by their, arraignements, and condemnations, and that is a manifeste course to falsifie the slaunderous speaches, and libelles of fu­gitiues abrode. This is the totall summe yea the very wor des themselues of the proclamation in this Section, vvhich this avvnsvverer taking to come vvholly from M. Cecils head and penne, as he doth also the vvordes Contradi­ctions of M. Cecil. to the same effecte vttered in the booke intituled the execution of Iustice in Ingland vvriten some yeares ago, & published in diuers languages, to the same end that this novv is, (though it vvas euidently refuted out of hand, saith this man, by the Catholiques:) he adioyneth here many sentences out of that booke of Cecils to these of the same authour in this proclamation, vvhich affirme that no Catholique at all, yea not one is troubled in Ingland [Page 49] for his conscience, vvhich woordes, and sentences after he hath laide together, then doeth he shew the plaine con­trary, & contradictory by other vvordes of the Queene, and Cecill himself, and of the whole parlament in sundry statutes, and in this also, and other proclama­tions, and by the vvordes of Holingshead, and Stow in their chronicles, and so maketh sporte, and vvoonder of Maister Cecils contradictions against himself, and of his shameles impudency in affirming things so euidentlie false, as yf a soole, saith he, vpon a stage shoulde auouch such stuffe in a comedy he would be hissed out, and not permitted, whereas this man tel­leth it both as an accuser, a witnes, and a Iudge in a moste bloudy tragedy, in the sighte, and hearing of the whole worlde.

Firste then to beginne withall, this awnswerer she­weth out of S. Hilary, S. Nazianzene, Eusebius, and o­ther auncient fathers, and vvriters, the custome of all diuelish persecutors, and especially of heretiques to haue bin euer to enuy the glory of such as they put wrongfully to death, to the ende they should not be ho­noured, & accomted for martyrs; & for that reason euer lightly affirmed the causes of their deathes to he seditiō, rebellion, & treason, which lying course the Catholique Church notwithstanding would neuer yet vse (saith this man) for that shee neuer vvould punish heretique vn­det other tytle then onely for heresy, but that M. Cecill thought good to folow the other vvay, & so to procure a double crowne to the murdered, the one of martyr­dome in that they dye for the trew faith, and the other of Iustice for that they suffer for supposed false treasons which they neuer imagined.

After this he passeth on to auouch the matter more in particuler by diuers examples both of men, and wo­men martyred in Ingland, vvhose causes could not con­teyne any shew of trew treason by any law or reason in [Page 50] the vvorld, nor that the iudges or accusers did in their arraignements, or condemnations alleage any such mat­ter against them, but onely of Religion, and Acts of the same, made crimes by parlament, as yf the Burgeses of Ingland should make it adulterie to heare a womans confession, or thefte to geue almes, and this he proueth by the very recordes of the condemnations yet extant, and by the testimony of the Inglishe chronicles printed by allowāce of the present state, which haue set downe in print the causes of diuers executed far different frō that which M. Cecil here telleth vs, vvhos woordes he citeth.

He handleth also the peculiar punishements for hea­ring of masse, & the 20. L. a moneth for not cōming to Church, which are euident peynes for matters of Re­ligion, which matters M. Cecil so often, and impudent­ly Great [...]. (saith he) in his foresaide booke of execution of Inglish iustice, denieth vtterly to be punished in Ingland, and though in this proclamation he confesse that there is a pecuniary payment for such as refuse to come to Church, yet he doth it very slyly, and vnderhand, and vttereth not what the summe is, being ashamed (as may be thoughte) that the world should vnderstand, of so barbarous, and in humaine a crueltie, and rapyne as no Turk, or Moore at this day doeth exercise the lyke vpon his subiects for difference of Religiō; for yt the Turke shoulde impose such a tribute of twentie pounds for euery moneth vpon the Christians, lewes, and other subiects of his that refuse to come to hisMoscheyes, or Churches, what an infinite summe would it rise vnto, or what people would abyde to be vnder his gouernement, saith this defendant.

Besydes M. Cecil telleth not (saith he) how recusants are handled besydes the payment of these twentie pounds a moneth, how they are held in prison, and caried from barre to barre, let out, and called in, vpon [Page 51] euery light occasion, vexed, troubled, spoiled, made subiecte & obnoxious to euery purseuante, catchpole, and other that liste to moleste them, and how they are denyed the common refuge, and course of law in their affayres, as people out of the protection of their Prince, and countrey.

Againe he saith that M. Cecil telleth not of the tor­ments, tortures, and other violences vsed to Catho­liques against al law in prisons, to make them con­fesse and discry others of the same Religion; he saith nothing of the barbarous, and blouddy questions vr­ged vpon men for their very thoughts to come; vvhat they vvould do, persuade, or iudge, yf warres for Religion should happen in Ingland; as yf the Pope, or any other Catholique Prince, should aske his fren­des or subiects, or the husband should examine his vvife vvhat they vvoulde doe in such or such cases, vvherein it is euident that vnder payne of damnation they are bound to be againste him; and yet no ciuil humaine Prince vvill euer aske such demaundes before hand, so that he concludeth Maister Cecil to be a An egregious bloodsucker. very monster and to breake all law of nature, nations, ciuilitie, and religion, and shevveth out of Luthers ovvne sayings, and many examples besides, that protestants vvould neuer beare the hundred parte of these tyrannies, and oppressions layd vpon Ca­tholiques.

The second part of this fourth section.

THIS second part of the Section contayneth par­ticuler matter against the L. Cardinall Allen, and F. Persons, against whome this defender saith, that my L. Treasurer telleth a large feigned tale, hovv that they, as heads of these dennes, and recepta­cles, which by traytours are called Seminaries haue very [Page 52] lately assured againe the King of Spaine, that though An impudent tale. heretofore he had no good successe in his armie against Ingland, yet yf he vvil once againe renew his warr for this nexte yeare there shalbe founde ready many thousandes of able people vvithin the land to take his parte, and that there be alredy many Semi­narie priests, and Iesuits sent into the land to hold these reconciled people in this resolution, and that the Pope, and King vpon these assertions (though they know the most parte thereof to be false) yet haue they resolued to attempte that matter once againe this nexte yeare that commeth; and for that diuers of the King of Spaines vvisest councellors doubte that he shall not preuaile, therefore is he othervvise persuaded that yf this his purpose may not take place against Ingland, yet that the same forces may be well imployed againste France, or the low countreyes, or Scotland. Thus far telleth M. Cecil his tale, saith this awnswerer, deuised ofhis owne head, as resolutely as yf he had bin of the King of Spaines councell, and present at the delibera­tion it self.

And firste of all saith this defender, seing that by a little processe of ty me synce the proclayming of this fa­mous lye, it is euidently discouered, that neither the Pope, nor King of Spaine haue made preparations of warre correspondent to any such intention, as here is set downe, nor haue not at this present any leaste de­monstration tending that vvay; euery man vvil easely see how this old spirite of Beelzabub in Cecil hath folo­wed his former accustomed course of forgery and lying in this blouddy action, of so many peoples mole­station, and destruction, which this vvicked man, saith he, hath vvroughte, by this hateful, and malitious fable inuented of himself, in vvhich fable as there are many things odious, so nothing, saith this defender, carieth more foundation or credit, then is the onely conscience [Page 53] of Cecil the reporter, vvhich conscience by his former actions, may be presumed to be somewhat vvorse then that of Nero, Caligula, or Heliogabulus (for they had yet perhaps some) wherby it is easie to iudge in what af­flicted case poore Catholiques do stand, whose liues, & beings muste depend of the same.

In this narration also the proclavmer saith (with like truth as the reste) that Allen the scholler, for his treason is honoured with a Cardinals hat, & that Persons the schoolmā, doeth arrogate vnto himself the name of the Kinge Catholi­ques confessor. By which occasion of the wordes Scholler and schoolman, and the like fond tearmes impertinently thruste in, this defender discourseth vpon M. Cecils wit and discretiō in vsing these and like woordes, and phra­ses so much out of order, sense, propriety and methode in this proclamation, as it wel declareth (saith he,) that he doth not onely lacke trew iudgemente, vvise­dome, and learning, but also that he can not wel speake M. Cecil [...] vviseman. Inglish, with any grauitie, or proprietie, but lodgethvp all his proclamations & other writings with idle yncke­pot tearmes, without sense, iudgemente, or conuenien­cie very often, and that he is so farr of from all ability to write any one page of the fluente graue and substātious stile of the Cardinall whome he stoffeth at, as yf he were otherwise in Christianitie and honestie fit for the same, yet his grace would be loth to entertaine him for his se­cretary, thoughe the simple Duke ofSomerset a man wholy vnlearned, moste vnfortunately both for him­self and others tooke him for his, and broughte him in to be also the same to the King his pupil, as both their ruynes felt it after, & since that tyme how he hath crepte vp by abusing her Maiestie that now is; and how vnde­seruedly he hath gotten the place, and riches that now he possesseth, euery discreete man in Inglād doeth ease­ly see; and yf he were here in banishement (saith this awnswerer to shew, and shifte for himself as others do [Page 54] (his far betters euery way and that by his procurement he would appeare but a silly soule, excepte onely in lying, and cosening, which here among vs, saith this awnsvverer, is not accompted vvisedome, but disho­nestie, and thoughe in Ingland of some of the simpler sort or passionate people, he be reconed for a great wise man, yet is he not so abroad by those that more sub­stantially looke into matters, and yf he had gotten his treasurship vvith no more treacherie, then D. Allen hath gotten his hat vvith treason, he vvere a happy man; but the ones merit, and vvorthines, beareth no comparison vvith the others indignity, and vvikednes, and so I leaue them both to the iudgemente of God, and good men, and thus much the awnswerer in effecte replieth to this poynte of the Cardinall.

An other poynte also he handleth touching father Persons, vvhome, he saith, my L. Treasurer in this proclamation by a certayne calumniation more redi­culous then enuious, affirmeth to arrogate to himself the name of the King Catholiques confessour, vvhich not being so, nor likely, nor almost possible to be so, for that this place, and charge requireth a man of the same na­tion, skilfull and practised both in the language, and affayres of the country, and the saide father not lying, or residing in the court, but commonly in the Inglish hovvses, and colledges either of Vallidolid. Ciuil, or S. Lucar, and no argument or probability offering it self in the vvorld, vvhy old Cecil should fall into this so doting an imagination, excepte it vvere to scoffe by the vvay at the King of Spaines being cal­led Catholique, and hauing of a confessour, this defen­dant taketh occasion hereby to examine these tvvo vvoordes?

First vvhat this vvord Catholique meaneth, hovv it The vvord Catholique. first began, euen with the vvord Christian, and vvas [Page 55] inuented by the Aposteles themselues, and put in to their creed to explicate the other vvord, and to re­strayne the signification of a Christian, or professour of Christe his name in generall, vnto a trevv, faith­full, and obedient Christian, for vvhich he alleageth the testimony of an auncient holy Bisshopp named Pa­cianus, pacianus exempla ad Symp. Nouat. that saide, Christian is my name, but Catholique is my surname, by the first I am named, but by the second I am knowen, proued, and distinguisted from all others, for which cause also the Aposteles vsed this word Catholique to distinguish the trevv Church of Christe, from al other false conuenticles of heretiques, and feigned Chri­stians; of all vvhich this man inferreth by diuers testi­monyes of S. Augustine, and other fathers, that no name is more glorious in the vvorld then to be cal­led a Catholique; and that the Kings of Spaine haue iustly to reioyce, and take honour of this tytle geuen them by the sea Apostolique notvvitstanding Maister Cecils scoffe, and that it is much more ridiculous, & apis he in the Ministers of Ingland to geue the tytle of defender of the Catholique faith, so solemnely in euery of theire ser­mons to the Queene of Ingland, seing it is a tytle that vvas assigned to her father, by Pope Leo the tenth for vvriting only against Luther in defence of papistrie, vvhich her Maiestie impugneth, and persecuteth to death; and therefore to hold the tytle, and to deny the faith, no man can imagin (saith this awnswerer) how it can stand together, but onely by M. Cecils combina­nation, that can pach together any thing for his purpose in what kind soeuer.

For the second, vvhy euery Prince should haue a Kinges con­fessors. confessour, according to the old custome of all Princes, this man alleageth many reasons, and authorities; and namely out of S. Augustine, vvho saith, that no Christian will refuse to confesse his synnes to a priest (that is) Aug. lib. 2. de visit. in­firm. cap. 4. Gods vicar) but onely such as either are cōfounded by shame, [Page 56] or beaddy with pryde to their owne damnation: & vpon this he inferreth what a miserable daungerous state Maister Cecil hath broughte not onely himself, but also her Maiestie vnto, that whereas other Princes discharge their consciences by confession, and re­ceauing absolutiō of the Church appointed by Christe Matth. 18. our sauiour, euery yeare many tymes; her Ma­iestie hath passed ouer now fower and thirtie yeares, without that benefit, contrarie to the example of all the Kinges, and Queenes of Ingland her noble pro­genitours, that euer were from the firste conuersion of the same vnto her tyme; whereof none euer wanted this honour and benefit of a confessour but her self, excepte it were perhaps King Edward her brother, who being a child, and in the handes of others, can make no president to the contrary; but for King Henry her father, he obserued the same also most strictely euen vnto his dying day, and made it death vnto him that should contradict the same, and so did all his auncestours before him obserue the like moste holy beneficial, and Catholique vse, in so much that (in deed) her Maiestie is the very firste of all Inglish Princes, that euer hath auentured to caste her soule into that aeternall daunger, as to heape fower and thirtie yeares sinnes to­gether, without confession or absolution of theChurch, and to leaue them to the seuere iudgemēte of almighty God, vpon contempte of that spiritual tribunal which he hath assigned in his Church for the remission of the same, and all this vpon M Cecils persuasion (saith this awnswerer) who being oppressed with the multitude of his owne synnes, wil not be able to help her Maiestie in that day, and for that Cardinall Allen, father Persons, & others of their coate, and charitie, do pitty her Maiestie in this great danger, therefore M. Cecil auoucheth them for traitours.

VVherefore this Section is concluded vvith a sharpe [Page 57] reprehensiō of my L. Treasurers proceedings, woordes, and dealings against these two men in special, who yet are auouched neuer to haue done him hurt, nor to any other protestant that hath passed in Catholique countryes, where their credites might haue vvrought them preiudice, yf they vvould. And in particuler he Cecils grand­child in Rome. alleageth how that both these men being in Rome to­gether the yeare 1586. they had vnderstanding of my L. Treasurers grandchild, & heyre of his howse, being secretly there, and vvere so farr of from doing him hurte (which they mighte haue done) as they vsed all curtesie, & frendship towardes him, both in wordes, and deedes, and procured from the Pope his safe returne, which the grandfather that well knoweth thereof, and was priuy to the iourney, in all law of no­bility, and ciuilitie were bounde to requite (saith this awnswerer) yf any seede of the one, or the other vertue were in his breste.