The Originall and beginning of the Turkes, and of the foure Empires which are issued and proceeded out of the supersticious sect of Mahumet.
COnsidering that I haue the penne in hand, I make so mine accompt, that I were as good to make an ende as to staie, vntill you required of me, from whence the nacion of the
Turkes are come, & what manner people they be, that haue bene so much vnknowen to our predecessors sauing about three hundreth yeeres agone, and that
Pomponius Mela, and
Pliny haue made some mencion of them and numbered thē among the
Scythians. But, to declare truely, their originall and beginning, it behooueth to beginne at the
Sarazines, and than to write of the Empires, that haue beene engendered of their wicked and abhominable superstition and sect, as the
Caliphe of
Baudras, the
Miramamolin of
Aphrick, the
Souldain of
Egipt, the
Assan or
Sophie of
Perse. For these are they from whom the
Turkes are proceeded.
MAHOMET, (whom some doe call
Muhamet, and the
Turkes mehemet, that is to say, loued or praysed,) was an
Arabian; & borne in a village (nigh to
Mecque) called
Itrarip, about the yeere, of our Lord & sauiour Iesus Christ 600. at such time as the Emperor
Heraclius gouerned in
Grecia, & king
Dagobert reigned in
Fraunce, his father was named
Abdala, which word may be interpreted, the seruaunt of God, though in deede he was
[Page] a Gentile and very Idolator. But
Mahumet being an Orphan at the age of eight yeares, was left in the regiment of one of his vncles, named
Abutaliph, who caused him to be instructed by a
Iewe in the
Mathematical and naturall
Sciences▪ and after that to be married at the age of fifteene or sixteene years, and then instructed him in the trade of Merchandize, which hee practized both in Egipt and Sury, wher not a litle he frequented the company of
Iewes &
Christians, but chiefely with a Moncke of the order of saint Benet called Iohn, (as the Bishop of
Ptolomais or
A
[...]on reporteth,) as also with another Monck called
Sergius an hereticall
Nestorian, of whō he learned the holy Scriptures, & especially the old & new Testament. To which knowledge whē he had attaigned & cōsidered with himself, that it was no great difficult matter vnder the shadow of Religion, so to draw to him the
Arabians being but grosse, rude, and Idolators: he therefore absented himselfe out of companie and remayned secret by the space of two yeares. And after that presented himselfe to the people saying, that all the while of his absence, he was with the
Angell Gabriell who taught and gaue to him the law of God; and that to beleeue in Idols was foolish & vaine. But perceiuing, that at that time, his woords could obtaine small credit, he inuented another policie. For which purpose he had an Esclaue called
Zeidimy to whom he told that the will of God was, that all men should be free, & therfore dyd giue him immediatly his libertie, wherby frō euery part, all the Esclaues in a countrey repayred to
Mehemet, and gaue him such credit, that whatsoeuer hee commanded, they obeyed him: In so much as this companie,
[Page 2] thus drawne togethers, brought no litle dread and feare to some great and welthie families in
Mecque, as were the
Caraxins, Haximins, and
Benimitains, who vpon the intelligence of the drawing togethers of this wicked packe, tooke armour against them. Whereof
Mehemet getting intelligence, fled immediatly, and retired himselfe to the towne of
Almedine, sithens called
Medinathalmaby, which is so much to say, as
Medin of the Prophet, where he began in such sort to preach to the Iewes, that in steede to beleeue him, they beat him in sundrie fights and his Esclaues also. So as in one of these skirmishes
Mehemet gat such a stroke ouerthwart his face, that not onely hee lost two of his sore teeth, but also was left for dead in a dike ther, wherin he was cast: though in the ende he ouercame the Iewes. And because the
Arabians, (which indeede be discended from
Ismaell the sonne of
Abraham, and of
Agar his wiues maide,) were called
Agarins; hee caused to be ordained (in that it was not honorable for his people to carie the name of a woman seruant,) that from thence forth they should be named
Sarazins, deducted from the name of
Sara, the lawfull wife of
Abraham, alledging that
Ismaell was engendred of
Sara and not of
Agar hir maiden. The which name of
Sarazins, so long endured, vnto such time as the Turkes dyd abolish both the name and the nation, as heereafter I will declare.
Mahumet hauing thus crept into credit among ths ignorant and rude people, that hee was a Prophet and messenger of God, hee acquainted himselfe with a Lady of no litle wealth and riches; named
Tadiga or
Cadiga being a widow, and so to the purpose,
[Page] hee behaued himselfe towards hir, that hee married hir, although hee had three other wiues besides hir, whereof the one was called
Anosse, the second
Ahasse, and the third named
Seick, or
Zeich, whom he rauished from one that was one of his bringers vp, beesides a Concubine that he had called
Marie a Christian woman of the sect of the
Iacobits. And than he began to publish his damnable law that it was lawfull for any man to haue foure wiues. Howbeit, thorough the marriage of this Lady,
Mahumet was wonderfull re'nforced and strengthened, in such sort, as that thorough his welth that hee dyd get, he was able to wage soldiours. Whereby partly by sorce, and partly by good oppinion that was had in him, all his neighbours obeyed him, and so as his trayne growing to such a number thorough the multitude of
Sarazins that repaired to him, the Emperour
Heraclius (who at that time had vnder his dominion, both the countries of
Surie, Egipt, and
Africk) serued himselfe with these people in his warres against the
Persians. Howbeit, it so afterwards came to passe, that at a pay of the Emperours army, among whō at that time vvere certaine bands of the
Sarazins, so as mony vvas not so plentie there at that instant, able to pay the vvhole army: And that hee, which had the order of the pay of the army among vvhom the bands of
Sarazins also were attending for their vvages, vndescretly gaue ansvvere to the
Sarazins, that the Emperor had not mony ynough, there to pay the
Chrictians, that vvere Souldiours; and therfore they being but dogges, ought not to demaund for vvages. With vvhich aunsvvere, the
Sarazins being not a little moued, departed
[Page 3] from the seruice of the Emperour, and returned into
Africk where they found
Mahumet. The Emperour
Heraclius, afterward sent into
Africk to leuie his tribute there, which seemed to bee not a little greeuous to the
Africans to be so much troubled with subsidies, as they were: they falling into a mutinie, (and stirred thereto also with the subtill perswasions of
Mahumet, that told them, the pleasure and will of God was that each one should liue at liberty,) the
Commissaries of the Emperour were there slaine, and the countries of
Egipt and
Africk reuoulted wholy from the obedience of the Empire; of which rebellion;
Mahumet was chiefe and their Generall: Who by reason of the same was immediately pursued both by the
Christians and
Iewes. And albeit the Emperour did send against him a great army vnder the leading of one of his Nobilitie called
Theodore, who fought sundry battelles with the
Africans: yet in the end
Theodore being ouerthrowne and slaine.
Mahumet with his
Sarazius after this victorie departed from thence, & inuaded the countries of
Sury &
Mesopotamia, and made conquest of the same. Thus then the
Greekes, lost the countries of
Sury, Egipt, and
Africk, & other territories which the Emperours of
Rome and
Grecia, had euer in possession from the time of
Iulius Cesar, sauing that part of
Africk which the
Vandalls held who were
Christians, though
Arrians, & there had continued from the time that the
Romaines, suffered them to inhabit: And so
Mahumet was crowned king in
Damasco, about the yeere of our Lord God 630. and liued after about tenne yeeres.
After the death of
Mahumet the
Sarazins preferred
[Page] to his kingdome one of his disciples & familiars, named
Othamar whom▪ the
Turks doe call
Othmar. Howbeeit some affirme that hee that next succeded
Mahumet was one called
Bubacher, otherwise named
Caliph which word signifieth enheritor or successor, beecause hee was placed in the rome & authoritie of
Mahumet, and so after him were called all his successors, though some
Italian authors doe call them
Alipha. The chiefest place where the
Caliph had his residence, was established at the citie of
Baudars which the
Italians call
Baldat, & the
Turks Bagdet, that sometime was the famous citie of
Babilon though others hold opinion that this Citie, was that, which in times past was named
Susa, and is situated vpon the riuer of
Euphrates. About this time the
Sarazins conquered in a little space (vpon the
Greekes) the territorie of Caramanie aunciently called
Cilitia where the citie of
Antioche standeth, and
Pamphilia which at this day is called
Scauri, and the towne of
Selucia named by the inhabitants there
Scandalor, and after that they made enterprize vpon the kingdome of
Persia, which they call
Pharsie and this was about that time when the
Greekes did cut of the nose, and the tongue also, of the Empresse
Martine and
Heraclion hir sonne and of the Emperour
Heraclius, beecause they enpoisoned
Constantine the eldest sonne of
Heraclius begotten vpon an other wife at such time also the
Lumbards entred into
Italy. Of
Persia, at this time, was king one called
Hormisda, named also by
Hayton (that writeth of these matters)
Ascaiorth elected king next after
Adaesar, sonne of
Syroe sonne of
Cosroe or
Cosdroe whom the Emperour
Heraclius tooke prisoner when he recouered the city of
Hierusalem. Hormisda,
[Page 4] hauing assured intelligence▪ that the
Sarazins were comming to inuade him,
[...]ought for succours at such as were his neighbours and chiefely of those of
Turquesten who frontered vpon the
Persians on the West & towards the East on the realme which
Hayton calleth
Tarsie, and vpon the famous riuer of
Indus towards the North, and to the
Corasmins and
Med▪ on the South (which are the verie confines and limits which
Plinie and
Strabo doe appoint to the
Parthes) whom the
Turkes doe call
Turguestain as
Francis Freinston saith. This nation which sithens by the Frenchmen & other haue bene named
Turguimans, and afterward
Turks, (who among them at that time had no manner of law or policy, departed out of their countrie, to the number of six thousand fighting men, to come to the succour of king
Hormisda. But beecause (according to their custome) they brought their wiues and children with them, they were the longer in comming, so as before they came, the
Sarazins and king
Hormisda had sought togethers, and
Hormisda ouerthrowen and slaine, about the yeere of our Lord God 640. And so the
Sarazins became Lords of
Persia and of the whole countries about, sauing the realme of
Abeas, which is in
Georgia, & a part of the greater
Armenie called
Haloen who were the refuge & receptacle of
Christians. The
Turqui
[...]ains being by this ariued, (in that part of
Persia named
Chor
[...]e
[...] or
C
[...]osley and by some
C
[...] roz
[...]i
[...]) they vnderstoode of the ouerthrow and death of
Hormisda: for which cause, they staied there, and fortified themselues in the best wise they could, and sent vnto the
Sarazins, requesting to accept them as their friends, & withall that they would receiue tribuit from
[Page] them, for vvhich alvvaies they vvould bee at their commandement to serue them faithfully in their vvars, if it vvould further vouchsafe the
Sarazins to beestovv on them the place, vvhere they at that time vvere to inhabit. The
Sarazins receiued their ambassage curteously & accepted them as their friendes and offred Tributaries, hovvbeit they caused the
Turks to lodge further of in a part of another countrie vvhich they appointed them; to thende that if they reuolted; they should doe the
Sarazins lesse harme. In this manner remained the
Turkes or
Turquimains, tributaries, & as it vvere subiects to the
Sarazins, vvhose customes, lavvs, & maners, they quickly learned through continuall trade and frequentation vvhich they had a among the
Sarazins; insomuch, as in the end ther vvas no manner of difference betwixt▪ thē, either in religion, law, or forme of life, which was very easie for the
Turks to doe considering, that be ore they liued without any law, rule, or pollicie, which they wer sooner moued to embrace onely to be pertakers of the honours and riches which the
Sarazins, of whom these
Turks became familier companions and meruailously well beloued, for that they tried themselues to be euery where in their warres, their best souldiers. Thus they liued togethers about three hundred yeeres, that they were accounted in manner to be of one nacion. Howbeit the
Turquimains kept themselues alwaies a part by themselues and grew to bee of such wealth and might, that about the yeere of our Lord God 1400 they became maisters ouer the
Sarazins, by occasion of discord growing among the
Sarazins themselues, as hereafter shal be declared.
[Page 5]This first
Caliphe, endured not very long, because another
Sarazin named
Ascaly, chased him from his place, purposing to haue vsurped his rome, howbeit he could not so attaine it, for he was slaine by the
Sarazins, who preferred another (to that dignitie) called
Haly.
Haly the second
Calphe: was coosen
Germain to
Mahumet, & his sonne in law (as some affirme) hauing maried
Fa
[...]ma, (whom the
Turks pronounce
Fatma) the daughter of
Mahumet, whose lawes
Haly chaunged, or rather anulled, and made new of his ovvne inuention, through vvhich innouation of religion, or rather supersticion, the
Sarazins beecame meruailously deuided: Insomuch as those vvhich follovved
Mahumet made a
Caliph in
Egipt. The others remained in
Persia vvith Haly vvho alvvaies continued in such reuerence and estimacion as vvell among them as vvith the
Turks at this day, that incontinently next to
Mahumet vvhen they goe about any of their affaires, they say
Alla, Mahumet, Haly, God
Mahumet and
Haly. Thus the
Sarazins began to be deuided among themselues the vvhich diuision hath euer sithens continued and endureth yet: For albeit the
Turks & the
Persians also are in effect very
Mahom
[...]ists, yet differ they so in ceremonies, & other contrarieties of opinion, that the one do account the oother very heretiques. The
Caliphe doth execute his office as though he vvere both their
Pole and their Emperour. For these
Caliphes doe ordaine gouernours and officers through euery prouince vvhere they haue authoritie, vvhich they call
Sultans, vvhich may be interpreted
Prouosts o
[...] gouernours▪ But by succession of time, this terme
Sultan,
[...]s conuerted to an
[...]ppellation or name
[Page] roiall, and signifieth the word king. At the time of this
As the Latin word Imperator at the first was no name of Regall power and authoritie. first deuision there was a
Sultan of
Alexandrie named
Selym that killed the first
Caliphe of
Egipt, and returned in obedience to the
Caliphe of
Baudras to haue fauour.
After this, part of those
Sarazines of
Egipt that would not come to the obedience of the Caliph of Baudras, passed into Africk & chased from thence the Vandales, which were
Christians, but heretiques, maintaining the abhominable error of the Arrians, wher these Vandales had domination sithens the time of their king Gencericus, who with his nation being Vandales were chased out of Hispain by the
Gothes (that were Arrians as they also were) and so arriued in
Africk in the time of the Emperour Theodosius the yong sonne of Arcadius about the yeere of our Lord God 410. and after were tributaries to the Emperours of Constantinople where they remained vnto the yeere of our Lord God 668, that the
Sarazins (as aboue said) ther first entred; and established a generall to rule ouer them, whom they named a
Miramamolin, which is so much to say as a ruler or lord ouer y
e people, & ordained his residence & place of dignitie, to bee at
M
[...]r
[...]hque, at this day called
Tunes nigh to Cartage. Which name of
Miramamolyn hath sithens beene chaunged: for at this day they call their king
Moulee, as he that at this day reigneth at
Tunys, is called
Moule Assan that is to say, king or
Seigneur Assan.
I would not discribe to you further at length what the
Sarazins did, after their conquests of
Persia &
Afrique. But will admit a little intermission vnto the yeere of our Lord God 1040. at which time they were subdued by the
Turkes or
Tursquimains their tributaries. For
[Page 6] otherwise that were against my purpose, determining rather to make an Epitome or abridgement, than a whole large Chronicle of their dooings.
THE yeere of grace 660.
Mehua (which signifieth suddaine or hastie)
Sultan of
Egipt, successor of
Selym tooke the Isle of Rhodes, and carried away the famous Colosse or piller of Brasse that was esteemed on height three score and tenne elles, which an Earthquake ouerthrew as Plinie affirmeth.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 660.
Abdalla (the
Sultan of Egipt after
Mehua,) came to
Syracuses; where sometime was slaine the Emperor Constantins sonne to Constantine, whom his mother in law
Martyn, wyfe to
Heraclius caused there to be poysoned: where the Sarazins sacked the towne with a great part of the riches of Rome which the said Constantins before had caused to bee brought thether to haue conueyed the same to Constantinople.
ABOVT the yeere of 690.
Abimelech (which woord may bee enterpreted the father of the King) inuaded Hispain, with a nauie of 270. shippes, but was repulsed, and from thens, passed into Africk, from whence, againe the Sarazins were chased by the Emperor
Iustinian the second: And so
Abimelech was the first
Miramamolyn among the Sarazins, against whom, the Emperor Leonce sent a Captain of his, named Tiberius who by the armie was made Emperor, and so without executing further his charge, returned to Constantinople, against his Maister Leonce, where after he had taken him, and cut of his nose; he cast him in prison in which the miserable
Leonce remained all his life: These matters being done at the
[Page] time, whan Sergius, the first of that name, was Pope. And Theodorick or Thierry sonne of Clouys reigned King in Fraunce.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 712. Sultan Selyman (which is so much to say as peasible) whom, some doe call QVLEMEN, the Caliphe of Baudraz besieged Constantinople, but thorough pestilence and famen, poslessing his Camp, he was driuen to raise his siege, which before had beene continued by the space of two yeeres. And this was, at what time the Emperor Theodoxe had taken his pre
[...]ecessor Anastasius & made him a Monck, when Giegory the twelfth was Pope, and Chilperick the last King of the line of Pharamonde reigned in France.
IN this time, also
Mizza Miram
[...]molin, successor of
Abimelech,
[...]t the request of
Iulian the
Conte of
Consuegra (who was sent as
Embassador to him, fr
[...] ▪
Rodrigo King of Hispain) caused twelue thousand men vnder the leading of his generall called Cariph, to passe into Hispain against the sayde King Rod
[...]rigo to reuenge the iniurie done to the sayd Conte Iulian, in that Rodrigo had deflowred the daughter (or as some doe say the wife) of the sayde Conte Iulian, called Caba, as the Chronicles of Hispain doe make mencion: Who landed at Gibraltar which place our auncients name Calpe and the Sarazins, Gibelcariph (the Mount of Cariph,) and from thence marched alongst the famous Riuer of
Bet is (and by the
Sarizens named
Guadalquiber) which is so called vnto this dav. Where nigh vnto the same, in a foughten battell the saide King
Rodrigo, (who was the last king of the line of the
Gothes) was slayne.
And taking hold of occasion the
Sarazines so farre then
[Page 7] proceded, that they conquered in manner the whole kingdome of Hispain, where they lost the name of the Sarazins and were called by the Spanierds, Moores of the name of the countrie in Afrique (from whence they came) called Mauritania.
THE yeere 725. Eudes Duke of. Aquitain, otherwise called the D
[...]chie of Guien (discended from Alarie king of the Gothes, who in the yeere of our Lord 412. at such time as the Emperour Honorius reigned) dyd possesse the same duchie of Guien, from whence passing into Hispain, and from thence chasing the Vandales, as before I haue sayde, brought into Fraunce (against Theoderick brother of Chilperick, sonnes of Dagobert the second of that name: which Theodorick was the last king of the ligne of Pharamond.) Those Sarazins, (who at that time were in Hispain, conducted by Abderaman (whom the French Historiographers doe call Adramar) King of Cordoua, who after their entrie into Fraunce, tooke the townes of
Bourdeaulx, Tholose, Narbone, Nimes, Arles and
Auignon, Platina, Blondus, Sabellicus, and other Historiographers doe write that those Sarazins came euen to towres, where they were fought with, by
Charles Martel, (father of
Pipin,) and ouerthrowen so as all that euer was wonne by them before, was againe recouered by the same King Charles, and the Sarazins chased into Hispain, where after they remayned more than 700. yeeres. Vnto such time as
Ferdinand the king of
Aragon did win from them the Citie and Countrie of Granado: (which was in the yeere of our Lord God 1487.) Howbeit, ther tarried and remayned still sundrie townes and villages entier, peopled with the Sarazins whom the Emperour
[Page] Charles (the fifth of that name) comming to his dominions in Hispain found ther dwelling, and caused to embrace the christian faith, yet they could neuer bee cō pelled to chaunge their habit or the language of the
Sarazins, nor perhaps secretly their abhominable
Mahometical sect, what face outwardly so euer they shew.
In the yeere of our Lord God 500. the
Sarazins of Africk, did take the Isles of
Corsica and
Sardinia, and two and twentie yeeres after they pilled and sacked the Isles of Candia and
Sicilia, and so held them more than two hundreth yeeres: at what time Pope Leo was persecuted by the Lumbards, and succoured by
Charlemain.
The yeere of our Lord God 837. The
Sarazins vnder the leading of Sultan Saua wan the port of
Ciuitauechia, in Italy and sacked the citie o Rome, and the Church of Saint Peter, with the
Mont Cassin (otherwise called
Saint Germain, which is the chiefe monestary or abbie of
Saint Benet. And twentie yeeres after that they tooke the port of Ancona and ouer ran all the coasts on that side of the Golfe of Venice, and likewise those on thother side on the coast of Sclauonie: and this done in the reignes of Lotharie son of Lois le Piteux king of Fraunce, and
Michaell Emperour of Constantinople about the yeere of our Lord God 900. they likewise assailed the territories of Pulia & Calabria in the kingdome of Naples, & wan
Mont Gargan, otherwise called Le Mont Saint Auge) when as Constantine sonne of Leo, who was sonne of
Basilius. Emperour of Constantinople reigned and that Berengier (of the ligne of the Lombards) caused the eics of Lewes (who was last Emperour of the ligne of the French men and sonne vnto to the Emperour
Arnold) to
[Page 8] bee put foorth.
In the yeere 923. Roman the Emperour of Constantinople, did stir the Sarazins to inuade the territories of
Pulia and Calabria which rebelled against him: Howbeit the Sarazins were ouerthrowen at the riuer of Garriglian by the Marquiz of Tuscan named Aulbry or Alberic, at the especiall instance of Pope Iehan the eleuenth of that name.
In the yeere 930. the Sarazins wonne the towne of
Gennes, and spoiled all that coast of the Sea, when the Berengiers occupied the Empire, & fortified the towne of
Fraxinet which they kept 100 yeeres.
Thus the Sarazins continued inuading and spoiling the sertile regions of
Italy (while the controuersies were depending about the right of possessing the Empire, betweene the
French, the
Greekes, and
Lombards, & the discentions were on foote betweene the Popes & the people of Rome in such sort, as they enioyed the most part of
Pulia and
Calabria which they kept euen vnto the yeere of Grace 990 or thereabouts, that they were chased both from thence and out of Sicilia also, by
Tancred de Haulte Ville, or
Haulte Fu
[...]ille in Normandy, (who first beegan with them) but ended by Guillaume Ferrabach sonne of the said Tancred, with the help of Maloch leiuetenant of Michaell Cathalau Emperour of Greece: And so they did bring back from the hands of the Sarazins Pulia, Calabria, and Sicilia, whereof the said Guillaume remained lord, in the time of Robert the French king, and of the Emperour
Otho, the third of that name.
In the yeere of our Lord 1040. the number of Sultains
[Page] or Soldains began to be many: For in euery Prouince, the
Caliph) as I before declared) did institute one as at Damasco one; at Hames another; at Halep the third: in Egipt another, & the like in sundry other places; who falling at dissention one with the other, did in the end reuoult from the obedience of the Caliph. In Hispain likewise, euerie of the Moors that could get vnder his obedience a citie or towne, would immediately vsurpe the name of a king, as at Granado, Cordoua, Toledo, Sarragosa, Ciuilia, and Valentia. In like manner was it vsed in Africk, as at Tunes, Tripolis, Bugia, Maroch, Fesse, and Tremessen and other places also there, so as in manner no kinde of amitie or friendship was maintained among these kings, but for the most part continuall dissention & wars. Wherof when the Turks had got intelligence (who as yet rested vnder the obedience of the Caliph who were meruailously this while encreased both in wealth & number of people) and withall perceiuing that the Sarazins were wonderfully weakened and diminished through these intestine deuisions & wars thus among them selues; they made a king whō they called Sadoc (which name is so much to say as Iust) and inuaded the Sarazins whom within short time they ouerthrew, so as therby they made thē selues shortly dominators ouer whole Persia and Syria, alwaies with great reuerence regarding in no wise to touch the Caliph, for the high estimation that they bare him who was suffered still to liue quietly at Baudras. And at whose hands the said Sadocke would be named and created the Sultan of Asie, howbeit he liued not long afrer.
[Page 9]After Sadoc, his sonne Dogriz succeded, who did annex to the gotten Empire of his father the country of Mesopotamia which
Diogines the Emperour of
Constantinople had recouered from the Sarazins at such time as they had warres among them selues as likewise the whole countrie of
Cilicia, which hee gaue to his cosen Arthot.
To Dogriz succeeded Aspalam his sonne; who about the yeere of our Lord God 1080. did send his Nephew
Solyman into
Cappadocia (being than vnder the possession of the Greekes) to whom he gaue all there, that he could conquer: Who in such sort guided his affaires, that he brought vnder his obedience the whole Asia the lesse; except the Sea coasts towards the South, and the Isle of
Cipres: And this was that valiant Soliman that gaue charge vpō the famous Godefroy de Buillon and the army of the christians remaining in siege before the towne of Niece, in Asia the lesse, as before I haue shewed; which Solyman the said Hayton doth name Solimansa.
About this time a Gentleman of Hispain named Rodrigo de Vuiar, chased the Moors out of a great part of the realme of Valence in
Aragon and from much of
VVhence
[...] family of Mendoza in Spaine had their beginning. Castile, who was named by the Moores, through his excellencie, Cyd: (that is to say, Lord) and Cyd Ruydas, from whom the noble & famous race of the Mendozzas are descended.
To Aspalam succeded Melechla his sonne who sent Arthot the Sultan of Mesopotamia to Antioche, whervnto also by his commaundement, came the said Solyman and tooke the same citie with all the country about,
[Page] and thus you see how the Greekes lost all
Asia the lesse.
Belchiarot, sonne of Melechla reigned after his father, who liued whan as Godefroy and the christians passed into the holy land, and besieged the citie of
Antioche in Suria, being then vnder the dominion of the said Belchiarot, and by him committed to the defence of a Turk named
Assan or
Cassan whom in
Antioche hee had ordeigned his Generall, to whom after he sent in succour one named (by Hayton)
Cerbagat, and by the Frenchmen
Corbadas, who ariued there when the christians had already gotten
Antioche, where vpon hee beseeged them in the same citie a long time, but in the end
Corbadas was fought with by the christians ouerthrowen & put to flight, as in the Historie of that iourny plainely appeareth, wherfore
Corbadas now returning back into Persia found that
Belchiarot was dead, & that his yongest brother pretending right to the crowne was slaine. Now when the Turks of Persia could not accord and agree whom to make their King, but fought long among themselues thervpon, the fame of their dissention came to the eares of the
Georgiens and
Armenians their neighbours, being christians, who considering the great army of the other christians than remaining in Sury, immediately inuaded the Turkes thus deuided among themselues, and did beate & chase them out of Persia, so that such of the Turks as could escape some retired towards
Solyman, and some to
Arthot, and others of their nation, being than in
Asi
[...] the lesse. And this was in the yeere of our Lord God 1106. at such time as Baldouin brother to Godsrey reigned king in Hierusalem. This Georgiens
[Page 10] after that they had thus chased the Turks out of Persia pilled and spoiled the country, & forbearing from farther pursuit of their good fortune (as they should) against the
Souldans of
Damasco, Halep, Hames, and others that remained in quietnesse. But with the
Armenians departing from the realme of Persia, a certaine people among the
Corasmins (whom some Latin Historiographers doe call
Grossiones) neighbours to that prouince which diuers doe thinke to bee those whom the auncients doe name to be the Medes who vpon the East haue the Sea called Mare Caspium,
Hircanum or
Abucuth, and on the South
Turquesten or
Parthia, and vpon the North
Cumania or
Alania, and vpon the Occident or West
Persia and
Armenie the greater) who had none other vocation, trade or condition of life, but liued like herdmen and keepers of cattell, hauing among them neither house or towne (howbeit very valiant in warres) these entred then into Persia, where, of very poore catiues, they beecame a rich people and made a King among them called lalaladin (which signifieth the gift or grace of God.) With this their king they became so hardy and bold as to inuade the Turks beeing in Asia the lesse: howbeit they were encountered by the Souldan of Turque named Aladin & ouerthrowen in a sore foughten fielde in which conflict lalaladin their King lost his life, & the rest that escaped did assemble themselues in the plaine of Rohai
[...], with purpose to haue entred into Sury. But the Souldan of Aleph did enbarre them of that passage, & chased them euen vnto the deserts of Arabia, who from thence, trauasing the territory of Caldee or Assyrie, they passed the riuer of Euphrates
[Page] nigh to a castell there named Cacabe, and entred into Iudea (otherwise called the Hierusalem) wher they cō mitted much outrage and damage. Howbeit in the end this multitude of disordered people could not long abide togethers considering euery of them would bee a ruler, so as their Captaine that should haue commanded could not be obeied, and so they departed by troopes and companyes, whereof some retyred towards the Sultan of Damasco, others towards him of Halep, & some to him of Hames, but the most of them repaired to the Soldan of Egipt, to whom likewise repayred their Captaine Bartat; seeing himselfe so abandoned and forsaken of his owne soldiors. And thus decayed the force of this nation of the Corasmins (whom the writers of the passage and iourney of Godfrey doe call Hoarmins,) who maynteined their reputation but a litle time.
IN this manner the Turkes remayned in Surie, chiefely the Corasmins. Now for the
Sarazins they deuided themselues into litle realmes vnto the yeere of our Lord God 1240. or thereabouts, that the Tartares ouerthrew them as heereafter shall be declared; whilst in the meane time the Turkes daylie continued wars against the kings of
Hyerusalem as followeth.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 1103. the Turkes tooke prisoner Boemund the Prince of Antioche (sonne of Robert Guiscard surnamed Courbespine discended from Tancred, the Norman of whom beefore I made mencion.) Who, three yeeres after, was redeemed by his nephew Tangrey.
IN the yeere 1105. the Turkes made head against
[Page 11] Baldwyn the first of that name (King of
Hyerusalem brother
Ptolemais Opp: nunc Acre. Laodicea Opp nunc, Licquee Berythus Opp: nunc, Baruth. of Godefray) as he besieged the towne of Acre, and were ouerthrowen, after which that towne (otherwyse called
Accon and
Ptolemais) was taken by
Baldowyn together with the towne of
Licquee, which the auncients called
Laodicea. And foure yeeres after that hee tooke the towne of
Baruth sometime called
Berythus, and so likewise the towne of
Sydon.
In the yeere of our Lord 1115 the Turks vanquished and put to flight king Baldwin the second of that name at
Montreal.
In the yeere 1120. King Baldwin tooke
Gazis (whom some doe call
Gary,) from the Souldan of
Damaz.
In the yeere of our Lord 1122. King Baldwin was taken prisoner by Balach (named by some Alaph)
Gamela Opp: nunc, Hames. Souldan of
Hames (aunciently called
Camela or
Gamela and
Gaucamela.) which word Balach signifieth a destroier: So as he remained there prisoner by the space of one yeere.
The yeere of our Lord God 1128 King Baldwin discomfited
Doloquin (of some named
Baldoquin) and of others called
Baldecan, Souldan of
Damaz, who succeeded to the
Souldan Gazes.
The yeere 1132 Foulques Daniou who maried the daughter of King Baldwin, & succeded in the kingdome
Geth: nunc Ybelim. of Hierusalem, ouerthrew the Turkes at Ybelim which Place holy Scripture calleth Geth.
The yeere 1140 or ther abouts, Alaph (or Balach)
Souldan of
Hames, tooke the towne of Rohaiz & there vnmercifully murdered a great number of Christians.
The yeere 1143 King Baldwin the third of that
[Page] name, sonne of king Fulque discomfited at Hierico, the valiant Norradin (son to Baldecan,) Soldan of
Damaz.
The yeere 1146. The Emperour Conrad and King Lewes of Fraunce, sonne of Lewes le Groz passed into Surie, where with king Baldowin they besieged the towne of Damasco, but could not take the same, and therefore they returned home into their Countries.
The yeere 1148 after the departure of these said two Princes, Norradin the Souldan of Damasco besieged Antioche, wher Raimond the Conte of Antioche issuing forth in a skirmish was vnfortunately slaine, the Contes of Rohaiz and Tripoli taken prisoners, which Contee of Tripoli, after, was shamefully murdered by an Assassin.
The yeere 1160 Almery king of Hierusalem brother to king Baldowin, tooke the towne Alexandria, & beesieged the great citie of Caire in Egipt.
The yeere 1170. Saladin the Souldan of Egipt began to inuade the holy land in the time of king Baldowin the fourth of that name king of Hierusalem, at what time likewise the Emperour Frederic made war vpon the Pope & the church in burning & destroying Italy.
The yeere 1174 king Baldowin discomfited the Souldan
Tyberias Opp: nunc, Tabaria Saladin, at the towne of Tabaria (which sometime was called Tiberias) & after that ouerthrew a second time at the towne of Ascalone.
The yeere 1179 king Baldowin aforesaid fought againe with the Souldan Saladin at Margelion nigh to the towne of
Tabarie, where king
Baldowin then was discomfited.
The yeere 1184 began that discention among the
[Page 12] Christians in the holy land, which was the cause of the losse of the same: The originall of which was this Guy of Lusignen, hauing married the Lady Sibil sister of the late king
Baldowin (and widow of William Longuespee Marquis of Monferrato) by whom she had a son named
Baldowin who at that time but sucked his Nurce to whom appettained the kingdome of
Hierusalem; the said Guy of Lusignen father in law of the infant would needes haue his title and wardship against the will & minde of
Bartrand Contee of
Tripoly to whose tuition and gouernance the childe was giuen by force of the testament of king
Baldowin, brother of the said lady Sibell, when in the mean time the infant died & ther vpon
Guy of
Lusignen named himselfe king in the right of his wife, wherwith the
Contee of
Tripoly was wonderfully wroth.
The yeere 1186
Saladin tooke prisoner
Guy of
Lusignen king of
Hierusalem, with the maisters of the
Templars and of the order of
Sainct Iohn that came to succour the towne of
Tabarie, which the said Saladin had then besieged, so as vpon restoring of king Guy, & the both aforenamed maisters to their liberties,
Tabarie, Lique, and
Ascalone were rendred to
Saladin, who in the end wan also the citie of
Hierusalem, & after y
t the towne of Acres.
The yeere 1147 the
Templars reencountred Saladin, nigh to
Casal Robert, where Saladin ouethrew them, & slew in fight the maister of the order of
Sainct Iohn Hierusalem named
Brother Roger dez Molins, which hapned the first day of May that yeere.
In the yeere of our Lord God 1149 ther passed to succour the holy land the Emperour
Frederic Barberossee,
[Page] Philip the French King, and Richard King of England: Frederic tooke his way by land, and comming into Cilicia, where thorough extreame heate, desirous to bath himselfe (or as some say in passing the riuer, which some doe call Cauno, and the frenchmen, the riuer of
Salif, & the latins doe name Cydnus which passeth through the famous citie of
Tharsus, at this present named
Therasso) was vnfortunatly drowned. The two kings his confederates ariued in
Sicilia, & frō the towne of
Mossana they passed into the holy land, & came to the towne of
Acre, which after two yeeres beesieging they tooke. King Richard in his passage thether tooke the Island of Cypres which he gaue to king
Guy of
Lusignen in exchaunge for the kingdome of Hierusalem: But after the taking of
Acre king Phillip being sickly returned into Fraunce.
The yeere 1204
Baldouin Earle of Flaunders and
Henry Conte de Sainct Paul, with his brother
Loys Conte de Sauoy, and the
Conte Boniface & Mont ferrat, with a great company assembled themselues at Venice, to passe from thence into the holy land. To whom the Venetians did graunt ships vpon condition that beefore they passed they should aide them to recouer the towne of
Zara in
Sclauonie (which before had reuolted from them) and so hauing done they after proceeded on their voyage to Constantinople whereof they possessed themselues in the Empire which remained in the frenchmens hands about threescore yeares after.
The yeere 1210.
Ichan de Brene, maried the daughter of
Conrad of
Montferrat, and the Lady Isabell daughter of king Amaulry: who was sister of Baldouin the Meseled; and of the Lady
Sibel that was wife to
Guy of
Lusignen:
[Page 13] Which said
Ichan de Brene was made king of
Hierusalem, & crowned at the towne of
Tyrus (which commonly is called
Sur and
Sor) by reason that it is situated vpon a rocke in the sea. But Alexander the great to the intent to winne that towne filled vp all that distance of the sea betwixt the same and the land with stone and earth, so as at this day the same remaineth firme groūd, which towne of Tirus, came into the possession of the said
Conte Conrad who afterward was shamefullie, on a suddaine, murdered, by a couple of the sect of the
Assassins.
In the yeere 1216.
Pope Honorius the third of that name did send the Cardinal Colonne into Surie accō panied with
Henry Contee of
Neuers and
Gualtier of Sancerre constable of Fraunce with others in a great nūber: who after their landing in Acre, discended into Egipt, & tooke there the towne of Damiat, which within sixe yeeres after, vpon composition, was surrendred to Cordier son of
Saladin, Souldan of Egipt: whom the frenchmen doe call
Le Admiral des Cordes; In which time also
Iehan de Brene king of
Hierusalem accōpanied with his brother
Garin de Montaguae great maister of the order of Saint Iohns came into Fraunce, & in passing through Italy, the said king of Hierusalem gaue his daughter
Yolant
By what ti
[...] the kings of Spaine chalenge the right of the crowne of I rusalem. in marriage to the Emperour Frederic (second son to Henry, who was sonne to Frederic Barberousse) with the whole interest & title which he had to the kingdome of Hierusalem, which the Kinges of Sicilia doe intitle themselues to & claime at this day.
The yeere 1229. the said Emperour Frederic departed out of Italy giuing hopes that hee would passe into
[Page] Surie, but incontinently hee returned againe as one hauing small deuocion to performe that voiage.
In the yere 1230 the aforenamed
Soldan Corder caused the vvals of Hierusalem to be ouerthrovven at such time as the Emperour Frederic persecuting the church, gaue beginning to the partialities of the Guelfs & Gibelins & therwith not contented; did call in the Sarazins of Africk to his seruice, and gaue to them the towne of Nucera in Italy (vvhich yet is called Nucera des Sarazins) from vvhich aftervvard they vvere expulsed by the Frenchmen.
In the yeere 1237
Theobald king of Nauarre,
Emery Contee of
Mont fort, &
Henry Contee of
Campaign, &
Barre vvith a great army passed through Hungary & Constantinople into Surie, and recouered sundry townes which the
Sarazins beefore had wonne, but encountring with the
Soldan Corder beetwixt the tovvnes of Acre, and Gazera (sometime called Gaza) there they vvere discomfited and ouerthrovven by the same Soldan.
In the yeer of our Lord God 1244 the christians were discomfited at a place called Forbye, where were taken the Maister of our order of Sainct Iohns called brother Guillaume de Chasteln
[...]uf and the Maister of the Templers named brother Herman de Pierresort, the Archbishop of Sury, and two sonnes of Signeur de Boteron, (which otherwise was called Botrus) with moe then three hundred Gentlemen; At which time likewise the cruell wars by sea began betwixt the Venetians, & the Geneuoys about the intrest & possession of the Monestary of Sainct Saba in the towne of Acre in Sury, which may wel be said another cause of y losse of the holy land.
[Page 14]In the yeere 1249 Lewes the French king, otherwise named Sainct Lewes, passed the Seas and was taken prisoner before the tovvne of Damiat in Egipt, by the Soldan Melechsalem, but after his atteined liberty hee recouered the tovvnes of Sidon and Iaffe aunciently called Ioppe before that time taken by the said Soldan. I am now come vnto the time that the Tartares inuaded the Turks or Turquimans, but to the end it may be better vnderstood how this came to passe, & frō whom this people of the Tartares haue their being, it behoueth me a little to turne back, & to begin a little before this time.
In the yeere 1231. in that country of Tartaria vvhich at this day is called Catay, (and the Orientall Scythia) at vvhich time the Tartares liued vvithout knovvledge of any law, or sorme of gouernment: there was one (by Hayton) called Cangy, and by Paulus Venetus, Chinchis, but by Michael a Michou, (Cinguis) beegotten vpon a widdow during hir widdowhood: who hauing other children by hir former husband, they would haue staine hir all for shee had conceiued this Cangy while shee was widdow: howbeit shee so wittely behaued hir selfe in hir words, that shee caused them beleeue, how she conceiued that birth by force of the beames of the sun; & other father in name the child had not, which opiniō so taking place, was not onely auaileable to the mother, but also afterwards to Cangy, who cōming to perfect age, brought this barbarous people to beleeue that the almightie God, had sent him to bee their king; & to make them Lords of those other nations to whom euen vnto that time they had ben tributaries, by reason they neuer had head to guide the.
[Page]And so prudentlie this Cangy can led himselfe that he subdued all his neighbours, and therefore was
[...]u
[...] named Cangy Can, (or Cham) hee reigned twelue yeeres, and died by the stroke of an Arrow which had wounded him in the knee at the aslault of a castell
[...] his Cangy was the first that perswaded the Tartares to beleeue in one God.
To Cangy Cham, succeeded Hoccata his son, who to know countries further of, sent ten thousand horse men to inuade the territorie of Cappadocia than possessed by the Turks by whome these Tartares were ouerthrowen: with vvhich losse Hoccata being not a little mooued, he sent againe, thirtie thousand men, whom hee called Tamachi (that is to say conquerers) against whom, vpon the fronters of Cappadocia (which the Turks call Genech) came Guijatadin king of the said Turkes, (whom Sabellicus doth name Goniat.) In whose army were two thousand christians (the remainder of the forces, that before came into Surie) conducted by two
[...] aptains where of the one vvas called Iohn Liminad of the Island of
Cypres, and the other
Boniface du Chasteau a Geneuoys (
Sabellicus calleth this
Boniface, Boniface du Molin vvho he saith vvas a Venetian,) but in that daies deed Guijatadin and his Turks vvere discomfited in the yeere of our Lord God 1239. about vvhich time also
Hoccata died, leauing behind him three sons, the one named Cin (vvhom Paul the Venetian calleth Cui) and of others Guys & Guyscan,) the second vvas called Iochy, & the third Baydo or Batho (as Michaell of Michou saith.)
After
Hoccata, his son Cin or Cui succeeded, vvhose
[Page 15] reigne not long continued.
Next to him, Mango or Mongu whom (Sabellicus calleth Metho) cosen to the faid Hoccata possessed the Empire of Tartaria. This is that Mango Cham, to whom Pope Innocent the fourth, of that name, did send Frees Ascelin, (one of the order of the Freers Preachers:). in the yeere of our Lord God 1266. as Vincent the Historial and Michael a Michou doe report.
IOCHY whom some doe call Iachis one of the sonnes of the sayde Hoccata tooke his way towards the West (being the countries of Turquesten and the Corasmins and part of the Region of Persia) euen vnto the riuer of Tygris which Hayton calleth Phison (but I beleeue that Phison is that Riuer which is called Ganges) where Iochy remayned.
BAYDO or Batho, the third sonne of Hoccato passed thorough Russie, Cumanie, or Comanie, and Moscouia and entred into Polone, Hungary, & Austruhe burning and destroying the countries beefore him which afterward thorough famin he was enforced to abandon and so, to returne into Tartarie Comanie, which is beeyond the sea Maior, (called Pontus Euxinus) but at this day Zauolha and Zahady. Some doe affirme that this countrie of Comanie is that which Strabo calleth Cataonia part of Capadocia, at this day called Cricassj. The sayd
Baydo was called by the Polonians,
Bathy & Zaim Cham, of whom Tamberlane the great discended (as Michael a Mechou saith, who did write of these great distructions in these North Regions done by Baydo) which was in the yeere of our Lord God 1263.
To Iochy in the orient, succeded his sonne (named
[Page] according to Hayton,) Barath, and (after
Paulus Venetus)
Barachim.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 1250. or there abouts at such time as king Lewes (otherwise called S. Lewes) the French king passed the seas: The king of Armenie being a christian (& named Hayton, perceiuing that the Tartaires had conquered so many countries, and were entred into Natolie, purposed to enterteine amitie and league with the said Mango Cham or Mongu; VVho (as before) succeded to his cosin Gin or Cuj, son to Hoccata in the realme of Tartarie, onely to haue ayde against the Caliph of Baudraz and the Turkes of Damasco, Halep, Haman & other places: for which he sent towards him the great Constable of Armenie named Sinebaud, but the yeere after, he went in person; where he obtained such fauor with the said Mango Cham, that the same Cham receiued the holy law of the christian faith & was baptized by a Bishop being the chancellor of Armenie, with a brother also of his whom Hayton (being cosen Germain of the said king of Armenie) calleth Haullon, and Paul the Venetian Allau. This Allau was sent by his brother Mango Cham with the king of Armenie aforesaid, accompaned with a mightie armie to make war on the Turkes, who passed the riuer of Tygris and tooke the realme of Persia which remayned without gouernour sithens the Corasmins had inioyed the same.
After which hee inuaded and tooke the countrie of the Assassins (whom the Latins doe call Arsacides) of
Arsacides. which people there is much mention made in the histories of the passage of the famous
Godefride de Boillon.
[Page 16]For which cause it cannot be much from my purpose if I declare partly wher this countrie of the
Assassins lieth, and what people they be. This territorie being no great countrie is situated at the foot of the mountain Libanus towards the Orient (as Brocard the Monke affirmeth) beyond Antaradus otherwise called Tortosa, and frontereth vppon Persia towardes the North (which both the said Hayton & Paul the venetian doe call Mulete.) The Lord of this countrie was called Aloadin or Aladin which signifieth Diuine or of God.
THE Histories of the sayde passage doe name it
le viel de la Montaigne (as also do Hayton and Paul the Venetian, who were then liuing.) This territorie is, as it were a plaine, enuironed round about with mountaines, into the which, was but one onelie entrie & passage: vpō the which, Aladin aforesayde caused a great fortresse to be builded named Tigado. All the sayd plaine naturally
Tigado. is very fertile and pleasant to the eye, by reason of the faire medowes, brookes, woods & groues, wherwith the same doth plentifully abound. Besides which naturall contents, this Aladin had furnished the said plaine euery where with beautifull Gardins, vergers, rich palaces, and houses of pleasure, in most sumptuous wise that could be deuised; and therewith caused the same to be enhabited with the fayrest young men & women of the best faces that any where he could finde. For which purpose too he waged certaine soldiors, to awaite and watch the getting of such young men and beautifull women. Hayton saith that this Aladin cared for no manner of Religion. Paul the Venetian sayeth that hee was a Mahemetist.
[Page]When Aladin had thus surprised any young man, hee was brought to this castle of Tigado, and within a litle time on some faire day when the sunne dyd shine verie cleere, one should come and bring this man (thus taken) a drinke, which would enforce him so strongly to sleepe▪ that he should so remaine a very long space without any manner of moouing or feeling as though he were plainly dead. Than would he cause him to be borne into this vallie and so thorough his faire palaices and gardens among his beautifull women, and withall, to be clothed in rich apparell. So as, whan hee waked hee found himselfe an other man, & as though comde into a new world. In such his galantrie, hee was straight wayes enterteygned feasted with the Ladies there, and wonderfullie welcommed, with the shew of all manner of pastimes and trayned to all kinde of pleasures: which youth and lust could desire, and this so long as all that day would endure. At night after a certain banquet prepared, whervpon to repast, the like drink as before, to make him sleepe, againe was giuen him. Thus being made to sleepe; his sumptuous apparel was taken of, & his former garments put on, & so brough againe into the said fortresse from whence he went, and into such place as might be much vnlike to that which he had beene before. So as vpon his awaking, he should soone perceiue himselfe in an obscure & euill sented old chamber cleane chaunged, from the place, where he could not but remember he had beene before. When Aladin vpon conference with him, would declare that the place where hee had beene was Paradice, and that it was in his power to send him thether whan hee would, if therefore the young man had minde to
[Page 17] continue such blessednesse for euer it was graunted vpon condition that he would take courage and hardinesse to aduenture his life and to die for him in such seruice as vpon occasion hee would commaund. To which numbers of young men for recouerie of that felicitie and Paradize whereof before they had tasted, would soone giue their consent, as not esteeming any aduenture dangerous whereby to atteigne that which hee most desired, when Aladin to make these men the more feruent to execute his desires would cause them sundrie times to bee had to these places of pleasure and to tast thereof as beefore: And thus serued this pestilent
Viel de la Montaigne for sending abroad his wicked Ministers to murder and kill Princes euen in their owne houses, who cared not of the losse of their owne liues in executing their dampnable purposes, so that they might atteigne their vain Paradize as they expected, before hand promised by Aladin. Of this pernicious band, were those
Assassines, that had almost killed Richard King of England in his owne Pa
[...]iliō being in the holy land, one of which likewise murdered at
Sur, Conrade the
Contee of
Montferrat; and an other that valiaunt
Contee of
Tripoly in his owne house, whereby I thinke the Italians doe call those to be
Assassins▪ which we in our French tongue doe call Brigans, that is to say, spoylers and cut-throtes.
The saide Allau therefore besieged the same stronge fortresse of
Tigado; where before he could get the same hee dyd lye there in siege the space of three yeeres. Hayton sayeth hee beesieged it by the space of seauen and twentie yeeres and in the ende for want and lacke of clothes to couer theyr bodyes (though they had
[Page] victualls ynough) the Soldiors defendaunts yeelded the castle which afterward was razsed and laide leuell with the earth: while the siege thus continued
Allau returned into Persia, & king Hayton into Armenye.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 1255.
Allau with the king of Armenie returned and came against the Caliph of Baudraz, where they besieged him in Baudraz, which in the ende they tooke, with the Caliph also, and all his treasure, being of an inestimable value. Which treasure whan
Allau had seene, he demaunded of the Caliph, why hee dyd not therewith, leauie & wage soldiors for his owne defence, considering his so great meanes. Wherevnto the Caliph aunswered; that vnto that time, hee alwayes supposed, his owne subiects had beene sufficient ynough to haue resisted any
[...]orreine enemie, which Allau vnderstanding, immediatly caused all that treasure to bee had into a tower and the Caliph there to bee set in the middest of the same treasure, prohibiting that any should giue him eyther meate or drinke, whereby hee miserably dyed thorough famin in the middle of his riches. And thus ended the Empire of the Caliphes of Baudraz which vnto that time had endured aboute sixe hunderd yeeres.
THE yeere of our Lord 1260. Allau and the King of
Armeny againe did assemble their armies in the plains of Rohaiz, to the ende to recouer the Citie of
Hierusalem and the residue of the holy land. Who when they had taken the tower of Rohaiz, they remoued to Alep, which was rendered to them, the ninth day after the besieging thereof, though the castle of Alep held foorth vnto the eleuenth day after that they besieged the Citie
[Page 18] of Damasco, which also was rendered where the Souldains of these two places, beeing taken prisoners, were sent into PERSIA with theyr Wiues and Children.
The Prince of Antioche at that time was called Raymonde de Austriche, that married the daughter of the sayde King Hayton of Armenie, to whome were giuen backe all the landes and territories which the Turkes before had bereft him. And to the sayde king of Armenie was giuen the sayde towne of Alep and other places which were frontering and nigh to his dominions.
Howbeit, as Allau was nigh to Hyerusalem, there came intelligence that his brother Mango was dead: Wherevppon Allau, purposing to depart into Tartarie, leaft in Sury with the king of Armenie, a nephew of his called Guibogan (named by Sabellicus, Garbocao, and by others Guithboga) with tenne thousand horsemen. And so ALLAV departed out of Sury towardes the towne of Almalech where MANGO deceassed.
But there hee vnderstood, that the Tartaires had chosen to theyr King another of his brotheren named Cobila, (whome Paul the Venetian doth call Cublay) with which Cublay, the sayde Paul was verie familyar; by whome, the same Paule was sent into Fraunce vnto Pope Clement the fourth of that name in the yeere of our Lord God 1268. at such time as the French lost the Empire of Constantinople, and that Carles de Aniou brother of the king sainct Lewes, was made king of Naples and Sicilie.
[Page]Guibogan pursuing his enterprise, conquered a great part of Surie, with the help of the king of Armenie. Howbeit he would not vtterly driue forth the Turks, but onely made them Tributaries. Whereby it came so to passe, that the Christians of Sydon could not there abide the Turkes to bee so nigh their neighbours, inuaded certaine villages of the Turkes, theyr neighbors being tributaries to the said Guibogan; and spoyled them and tooke prisoners of them, and draue away their cattell: Such as escaped, came to Guibogan to complaine. Who immediatly sent to the Christians at Sydon for redresse: Howbeit in stead of amendes, the Christians slew the messengers of Guibogan. Wherevpon Guibogan gathered his power against Sydon, and in the ende hee ouerthrew the wall of Sydon, and the castle of
Beaufort, and therwith also did set a side a great part of the amitie that beefore hee dyd beare to the Christians of Surye.
The Christians in Sury, being thus at dissention with Guibogan who also was a christian, and come vnto their aide: the Souldan of Egipt named
Cathos, and surnamed Melechmees, that is to say, a King of people, made wars vpon Guibogan, so that in a battell, Guibogan was ouerthrowen and slaine, wherby the countrie of Surie remayned vnder the obedience of the said Melechmees sauing certaine townes which the christians kept still; in the yeere of our Lord 1274.
At which time the towne of Damasco was shamefully lost and beetrayed and sold by a
Sarazine that had the same in garde, to Melechmees. Allau, this while being in Persia, and aduertised of this ouerthrovv of
[Page 19] Guibogan and the victorie of Melechmees, & thereof giuing intelligence to the kinges of
[...]ie, & Georgie, he raised a great army, that ioyning with the forces of these two kings, he purposed to haue entred into Surie, to haue recouered that which there was lost, and being in readines to haue set forward, hee was sodainely taken with sicknes, wherof within a while after he died.
Abagan sonne of Allau succeeded his father & would not become a Christian, as his father was, but tooke vpon him the supersticion of the sect of Mahumet, and made wars vpon his neighbours, whereby the power and might of the Souldans of Egipt began meruailously to augment and encrease, insomuch as Bendecar otherwise called Benedecadar whom Hayton calleth Benededar, and by himselfe named Melechdaer which signifieth the aboundant or puisant king, being Soldan of Egipt, did winne the citie of Antioch vpon the christians, with sundry other townes, and after allied himselfe with the sarrares of
Cumdnie and
Cappad
[...], & after inuaded
Armenia, during such time as king Hayton the king of
Armenia was tournied and gone to A
[...]al
[...] towards Cobila or Cublay cham. The two s
[...] of the king of
Armenia, vpon such inua
[...] made by the Souldan, encountred
[...]he Souldan with a great Armie, which consisted of twelue thousand horsemen, & fortie thousand f
[...]n:
[...] Souldan ouerthrew them & did
[...] with the
[...] of one of those sons of the king of Armenia, & the other so
[...] led captiue into Egipt. Hayron hearing of this ouerthrow hastely
[...]
Armenia, & p
[...]g that he could not
[...] of Abagan to
[...], he proceeded
[Page]
[...]
[Page 21]
[...]
[Page] no farther but fell to composition, with the Souldan Melechdaer, and rendred to him the towne of Alep with Sangolassar a nigh kinseman of the said Souldan for the recouerie of his said sonne, beeing prisoner as aforesaid, who vpon the same conclusions was accordingly redeliuered to his said father. King Hayton vpon the returne of the same his sonne did crowne him king of Armenia, whose name was Thyuon; & after that Hayton entred into religion, and named himselfe Macarie, which signifieth blessed, whē he had reigned ouer the Armenians fortie & fiue yeeres, & died soone after, how beit afore he died he pacified king Abagan with his neighbours the yeere of Grace 1273.
After the death of king Hayton, Melechdaer that had conquered Antioche & Cilicia, purposing further to enter into Natolye where were sundrie gouernours & Captains of the Tartares beeing subiect to Abagan, among whom thene was a Sarazin named Paruana, who had secret conference with y
e Soldan Melechdaer, wher of Abagan getting intelligence, raised a great army, and marched towards the Souldan, which the Souldan vnderstanding, the Soldan would not abide him but fled, &
Abagan folowed him into Egipt, so far as he could for the great heats of the countrie, which enbarred him to proceede any further, neuertheles in this chase he ouerthrew
[...]oe than two thousand
[...]emen pertaining to the said Souldan, and after
Ab again returned into Natolie, & tooke Paruana, & caused him to be sawed in sunder with a sawe after the manner that the Far
[...]res doe vse, & so to be cut in go
[...]i
[...]s & pecces, wherewith they being serued at their table▪ they did
[...]ated
[...]
[Page 20] as the same meat endured.
After that
Abagan, had thus set in quietnesse the countrie of Natolie, hee offered to giue the same to King Thyuon of
Armenia, but hee durst not receiue the same, through seare of the Souldan of Egipt, in excusing curteously himselfe & aledging that the realme of
Armenia was big inough for him to gouerne, so that to haue greater dominions were but further troubles to him, & therfore most hartely he thanked him of his most gentle offer; which he was bounden to remember vpon due occasion, vpon which refusall
Abagan committed the gouernāce & regement of Natolye to sundrie of his owne Captains, among the which one named Othoman was one, from whom the Princes of the Turks, that presently reigne, are descended.
Abagan returned into Persia, wher he staied a certaine time, and in the meane season he was stirred by the said king Thiuon of
Armenia to make war vpon the Soldan of Egipt, named Melechsayt (that is to say the king desired) who succeeded next to Melechdaer & molested the said king Thiuon: for which cause
Abagan did send Mangodanior his brother with thirtie thousand horsemen ioyned with the army of the same King of
Armenia against the said Souldan Melechsayt, and came before the towne of Hames, where they found encamped the armie of the Sarazins, and therevpon each side preparing to fight; they ordered their armie, and deuided them into three battelles, whereof the one was vnder the leading of Mangodanior, the second was guided by King Thiuon, and the third by a Captaine Tartarian named
A
[...]ech or
Achmat, (which signifieth
[Page] gracious) these two, so worthely behaued themselues with their battails against the like number of Sarazines, that those Sarazins were vanquished and put to flight. The meane time, Mangodanior who had no manner of experience (as it seemed) in wars, without giueing any manner of charge vpon the enemie, which towards him was readie to encounter against him, hee gaue himselfe shamefully to flie, & staied not a whit vntill he came to the riuer of Euphrates which they call Euphra, though hee was not pursued or chased at all by the third battell of the Sarazins, which consisted of those people called Beduins: who in the holy Scripture are named Madiani or Madianites, and to succour their companions that were ouerthrowen and fled, followed their fellowes so fast as they could; but the next day, when king Thyu on and Achmet vvere returned frō the chase to Hames, & perceiuing that Mangodanior vvas in such order departed, they follovved him, and ouertooke him at the saide riuer; and instantly required him to returne, declaring to him hovv they had vvon the battaile & put the Sarazins to flight, but for any thing they could say or aledge he vvould not returne but immediatly retired tovvards his brother into Persia, about the yeere of our Lord God 1282 Abagan beeing not a little displeased vvith the flight and cowardnesse of his brother, was purposed to haue gone in his owne person against the Souldain, howbeit he was enpoisoned by a
Sarazin and died leuing behinde him two sonnes, the one named Argon and Ragait.
Tangodor neuertheles succeded to his brother Abagan being elected by Tartares to be their king, this Tangodor
[Page 21] was sometime a christian, and at the time of his baptisme hee was named Nicolas, but through his tomuch keping companie with
Sarazins, he became a Mahomatist and was named Mahumet, he caused to be destroied & ouerthrowen all the churches of the Christians within his dominions, and entered in amitie and league with Melechsayt
Souldan of
Egipt, wherfore one of his owne bretheren together with his said nephew Argon, accused him before Cobila Cham of the aforesaid crimes, wherevpon Cobila Cham sent him word and commaunded him to amend and redresse those iniuries which he had done and from thence forth to liue in a better sort, or otherwise he would extremely punish him: but Tangodor, nothing amended with this aduertisement from Cobila Cham, in dispight, he caused his said brother to be apprehended, and to be put to death. Howbeit his nephew Argon, vpon this escaped from him, and fled to the mountaines, and after, with the aid and helpe of his friends and seruants of Abagan his faide father, he surprised and tooke Tangodor and caused him to bee sawen in sunder in the middle after that he had reigned three yeeres in the yeere of grace 1283.
Argon after that hee had put to death Tangodor his vncle was elected king, but hee would neuer accept the name and title of Cham without the leaue of Cobila who perceiuing the same gladly thereto did condiscend. This Argon was a christian and caused to bee reedified & repaired the Churches which his vncle wickedly before had destroyed. He vvas visited by the kings of Armenia and Georgia to whom hee promised hee would goe vvith them to recouer the holy land, but the
[Page] meane time he died, as one that had not the leasure to performe that worthie promise, after that he had reigned three yeeres, at such time as Melechnazer Souldan of Egipt florished.
After Argon, succeeded Ragayt his brother, called by Sabellicus Queghat, and by others, Tagadayt, a man most vnprofitable to rule without either faith or law, hated of his owne, and vtterly abhorred of straungers, he had a son named Cassan Baydo or Bathy and according to Sabellicus called Bandon, and had a cosen also called Cassan which succeded him anno domino 1290. This said Cassan Baydo was a christian, and honoured the Churches of God, and prohibited that none should speake of Mahumet, which those that followed the sect, tooke it in meruailous euill part, and secretly aduertised the said
Cassan or
Assan which was sonne to the saide
Argon that if hee would forsake the christian faith beeing also a christian, they would proclayme him king; vnto whom this Cassan, son to
Argon accorded, & vnder this promise & hope Cassan son to
Argon raised war against his cosen Baydo, which Baydo hearing gathered his power togethers & encoūtred
Cassan; & ioyning in battell
Baydo was shamefully forsaken by his owne subiects being
Mahometists, that reuolted to the part of
Cassan, & so
Baydo ther was slaine.
After the death of
Baydo, Cassan was called king, but at the first, he durst not declare what was resting secretly in his mind against those who brought him to this dignity by the meanes abouesayde. Howbeit when he thought himselfe assured and confirmed in his regall authoritie, hee beegan first to shew himselfe a friend to christians,
[Page 22] and then hee commaunded to bee put to death those who counsailed him to denie the christian faith.
And after he addressed an armie against the
Soldan of
Egipt & the
Sarazins of the which his purpose
Cassan aduertised the kings of
Armenia & Georgie, who with their armies came & ioyned with him at
Baudras, and from thence marched to the towne of Hames which is situated in the midst of Sury, where the
Souldan of Egipt called
Melechseraph who had chased the christians out of Sury came against them with a great army & encamped in a great medow, thereby supposing to haue surprized the christians, and albeit he found the christians partlie in disorder, and so gaue charge vpon them, yet
Cassan with the rest of the christians so manfully fought it out, that in the end the
Souldan was there vanquished & put to flight: this battell was fought the seauenth day beefore Christmas day in the yeere of our Lord God 1300 At which battell the said
Hayton (that was cosen to the king of
Armenia) saith that he was present, & did put the acts & doings of the same in writing.
Cassan pursuing his victorie marched vnto the towne of
Casana, wher the
Soldan had lodged a mighty deale of his treasure, insomuch as
Cassan tooke the towne with all that treasure there, & meruailed greatly what the
Soldan meaned that in going to the wars he would bring so much treasure with him, which treasure
Cassan tooke, and deuided it among his souldiours. After that he marched to the citie of Damasco which was rendred to him, wher he sound that Citie was no otherwise furnishied but onely with victuall very plentifully, wher the whole army of
Cassan staied forty fiue daies, sauing sortie thousand horsemen
[Page] vnder the leading of their Captaine Molay vvhich pursued after the
Souldan. Harton not a little meruayleth that in so little as this Cassan was, vvere resident so many vertues and valiaunt courage, though among thirtie thousand men, ther vvas not a worse shaped and deformed person then he vvas.
Cassan being at Damasco, he receiued intelligence that one of his Cosens named Baydo vvas entred into Persia vvith a great army, to inuade him. For vvhich cause he returned into Persia to encounter Baydo, leauing behind him in
Sury, one called Molay vvith tvventy thousand horsemen and at Damasco a
Sarazins named Capehach to bee generall of the same, vvho sometime before vvas in meruailous fauour vvith the
Souldan of Egipt & through certaine displeasures betvvixt them reuolted from the
Souldan, and to obtaine his fauour againe this Capehach shamefully rendred to the
Soldan the tovvne of Damasco, and other tovvnes therevnto adioyning.
Molay thus perceiuing vvhole
Sury stirred vp into rebellion, he vvithdrew and retired himselfe into Mesopotamia, and after gaue intelligence to Cassan of the troubles of Syria, who purposed the next winter ensuing, to retourne into Syria because through the feruent heat of the sommer then present there was noe grasse or other feeding for horses, how bee it the meane time Cassan sent an other Captaine named Cotuloze otherwise called Caroloz with thirtie thousand horsemen giuing him also in charge, to aduertise immediately the king of Armenia, and other christian Princes nigh to him adioyning of the iourney, who vpon the intelligence,
[Page 23] with their powers repaired and chiefely Thyuon king of Armenia, Emery of Lusignen king of Cypres, the maister of the hospitall of Sainct Iohns Hierusalem, named brother Guillau de Villaret, and the Maister of the Templars, who all arriued by sea, at the towne of Sur, and from thence marched with their armie, to the towne of Tortosa aunciently called Antaradus: But the meane time Cassan fell sicke of a greeuous disease, that so as these wars for this time, proceeded no further, and euery of the saide princes with their powers returned home into their countries.
Two yeeres after Cassan determining to returne in to Surie, againe gaue intelligence of his purpose to the king of Armenia, & that he should meete him at the riuer of Euphrates, where he and his armie should abide for him, which armie of his, was so great, that the same occupied the grounds of three daies iourny in length. And as Cassan entred into Sury the said Baido inuaded the kingdome of Persia againe, out of the which, before Cassan sundry times had chased him, & therefore Cassan made towards him, with so much expedition as hee could, leauing Cotuloz with the king of Armenia and forty thousand horsemen, to proceede in warres against the Souldan, who marched forward & toke the townes of Hames, and from thence went & besieged Damasco, where, Cotuloz and the king of Armenie had intelligence, how that the Souldain came to raze their siege: wherefore they leauing certaine bandes to continue their siege, with the
[...]est of their army, they marched towards the Souldain, & finding him so strongly encamped in such a place where they could doe him small
[Page] harme, and that the Tartares through scarcety of fresh water, departed from them by troopes: Cotuloz and the king of Armenia retourned to their siege of Damasco, whereas in one night after, the waters about Damasco, began in such sort sodainely to grow, & that the Sarazins thereabouts brake in sunder the Sluses; that in lesse space then an houre, all the places where the army of the Tartares and christians encamped, was drowned and ouerflowen with water, which through the sodaine comming of the flud, and the darknesse of the night, was the more dreadfull to the whole armie, as those that did not fore-see that water and inconuenience, whereby many of the Tartares there were drowned, as ignorant of the passages to escape, considering the dikes that inuironed the place of their encamping were both deepe and filled with the ouerflow of this water, so as a great number of the horses of the Tartares there likewise perished, and all their baggage likewise: so as they that escaped had none other minde but in hast to retourne home into their countrey▪ and the truth to say, they beeing thus turmoyled with waters, they were not good or meete to abide any fight.
Considering aswell their bowes as arrowes (which are the chiefest weapons that they doe vse) were all to wet, and made vnprofitable thereby to serue: so as if the Sarazines that were very nigh them, had in this disorder giuen charge vpon the Tartares, they might haue had a
[...]ight good market on them: Howbeeit, the Sarazines as it seemed durst not issue vpon
[Page 24] them: so as the Tartares had leasure inough to escape, who stayed not much vntill they came to the riuer of Euphrates which they passed according to their custome (for Michaell de Michou sayeth, that euery of them that had a horse did packe and fasten his wife children and baggage vpon the horse, and than the husband would take the taile of the horse fast in his hand: and in swimming, the horse brought them all, so to land, and thus, they vsed to passe riuers, were they neuer so great or broad.
The Armenians and Georgians that were in this army were enforced to retire, as the Tartares did, though a great number of them also perished & were drowned, and durst not abide, through the great doubt, they had of the Sarazins.
Hayton the Historiographer beeing an Armenian borne, saith, that hee himselfe among others was in this army, when this departure chaunced, and alledgeth, that the whole fault of this disorder and departure was in Cotuloz, that would not bee aduised by the King of Armenia, but onely would follow his owne wilfull braine: But the King of Armenia marched on to the Citie of Niniuie (which standeth on the riuer of Tygris,) called by Eusebius, Nicibis, vvhere most curteouslie hee vvas receued by king Cassan, and at his departure Cassan commaunded tenne thousand horsemen, paied at his owne charges, not onely to attend and conduct the King of Armenia, into Armenia: but there to abide at the kings appointment, to garde and defend the dominions of Armenia: vnto
[Page] such time, as hee the same Cassan could conueniently raise an other army to returne againe in person against the Souldain of Egipt, but (alas to the great infortunity of christendome) this valiant Cassan dyed soone after.
Some doe suppose that of him Sury, toke the name of Azamie, for that the Turks call Azam or Assam, Assamie: Howbeeit, it may bee, that this worde Azamie is deriued from the auncient name of Aram, son of Sem, who were sons of Noe, of whom, the same country once was named, & by the Hebrux, Aram, y
t is to say high or excellent, which they would pronoūce
Aramie.
After this Cassan or Assan, succeeded Carbagan, whom some doe call Cerbagat, & the Frenchmen name Corbadan son of the sayd Cassan, who also was christened & at his baptisme was named Nicolas, & so remayned a good christiā man during his mothers life, but after his mothers decease, he wickedly fell into the abhominable sect of Mahumet, which all his successors after him, did neuer forsake, and at this daye doe maintaine the same.
Of the said Cassan or Assan are discended the kings of Persia, who in honour of this Cassan, haue taken vpon them the Surname of Cassan, vnto Vssun Cassan of whom otherwhere we haue made mencion.
But now, we name the princes of Persia, Sophies, for that Seichayder Sophi, maried the daughter of Vsun cassan, & begat vpon hir, Ismael Sophi, who reigned a little before our time, & was father to Taamar Sophi, who at this day reigneth in Persia. The Turks doe call Persia, Pharsie: and the Persians, Quezelbach: that is to say red heads, as before of them I haue spoken, which
[Page 25] Persians and Turks, are perpetuall mortall enemies one against the other, & very different in opinion touching their supersticious law and beliefe.
A little beefore, I haue made mention of the beeginning of the Empire of the Caliphes of Baudraz, vnto their end. Likewise of the Miramamolins vnto their deuisions, and in such sort of the Persians so much as I could get knowledge of them. Of the Othmans I haue amply inough spoken before, so as I neede not, further so entreat of them, least I should passe and exceede the measure of a Summarie or an abridgment? I haue written also of the beginning of the Empire in Egipt, & therfore now it behoueth me to shew how the same fell into the puissaunce and dominacion of the Mamaluchs.
In the yeere 1160. that Almery king of Hierusalem besieged the great city of Caire as before I haue spoken, the Souldain named Quare who as then was also called the Caliphe, perceiuing that he was not able to resist the christians, hee required succours at the Souldan of Halep, who sent him a Captaine named Saracon or Syracon, and by some called, Syrasson, who (by his nation) was a Corasmin: this Syracon hauing in such sort giuen aide to the
Caliph that his countries were defended from the enemie, and therewith perceyuing how vnmeet the Caliph was to rule through his cowardnesse & to much feare in him resident; & considering also how few friends he had to leane to him, in time of necessitie, he tooke the Caliph & put him in prison wher he died, and Saracon made himselfe Souldain of Egipt. Thus the Empire of the Sarazins or Arabians was transferred into the handes of the
Corasmins or
[...]
[Page]After Melechnazer, was Souldain, Melechseraph (which word signifieth the ardent or bright Prince) who did win vpon the christians the towne of Acre in Sury in the yeere of our Lord God 1293. and chased the christians out of all Sury, which he ioyned to the kingdome of Egipt: he was the first that caused to be coined in Egipt the Ducats of Golde, which are there called Seraphes. This Soldain is named by Sabellicus and others Melecastraphus.
Thus proceeded the said Mammeluchs, to dominate and rule in Egipt, and did choose their Souldains either vpon christians that became renies or that were christians children, bought as abouesaid, and educated in that forme of religion & trained so, to the warres as aboue is declared, albeit therwere none of these Māmeluchs that durst goe alone through the city wher they were, but by expresse commandement of their Emyrs, who were their superiors; they should goe two at the least togethers: and to bee briefe, these Mammeluchs had the authoritie and dominacion ouer all the people of Egipt & Surie, from the time they chased the christians out of Surie vntill that Selim the great Turke, as afore is mencioned, vtterly ouethrew them & their name for euer.
Thus, the first of the law of Mahumet, that reigned in
Asia, were the
Arabians, whom the Hebreus and Suriens doe call Saba, and the Greeks, Sab
[...]i, & they themselues doe name Sarazins: after the
[...] ▪ ther did the Turquimans or Turkes rule, who chased from thence the
Sarazins: these Turks were Parthians as Hayton doth fronter and limit them. The Turks likewise were driuen
[Page 27] from thence by the
Tartaries, beeing
Scithians orientall, who haue taken vpon them also the name of the
Turks though they be none in deed, and at this present reigning vnder the name of the
Turks, who of very truth are but
Tartaires and
Scithians by their discent, which, their maner of fight and weapon therewith that they vse, as their bowes made of horne, which our elders doe appoint and attribute to the
Scithians, sufficiently doe witnesse. Againe the language
Tartaresque, and the
Turks speech, are not much different: for
Michael de Michou saith that the
Tartairs who destroied
Russia, and the regions thereabouts named in their language
Tartaresque, the tops of steeples of Churches there,
Altum Bachne, considering those toppes of steeples were gilded▪ so in the
Turks language this word
Altum Bachne signifieth a head of gold or gilded. Wherefore according to the opinion of Authors, one may iudge that they are
Scithians and
Tartares to whom the name of the
Turks are giuen at this day, whose elders, in that they possessed the countrey of
Turquestan; of that region, they haue left the name of
Turks, to the
Turks that presently reigne, beeing their posteritie, which to others perhaps is vnknowne, being ignorant both of the difference of these two nations, so far of, and barbarous, and of the chaunges fortuned in their kingdomes.
Heere endeth the first booke.
The second Booke
Of the conquests made by the Turkes, and the succession of the house of Ottoman.
I Supposed to haue ben acquited & dispatched from your earnest suits, and fully to haue satisfied your demaunds, to the best of my knowledge and power, touching the affaires and matters concerning the Turks. Now you desire of me their progresse, and continuances, as it were from the father to the sonne, how they haue proceeded & attained vnto the conquests of so many regions, which at this day they possesse and keepe: Yet you consider litle the affaires, wherwith I am cōtinually occupied, nor the imbesilitie of my memorie, that so redely should write vnto you a Historie of matters that haue passed two hundred yeeres & more in Countries, so far of & sundry, full of vocables & names, both right strange and different, from our vulgar language. Wherefore in this request, if I satisfie you not in such good sort as your desire, yet you ought to accept my paines in good part, for be it well or euill, it beehoueth mee to▪ doe as you will haue me.
In the yeere of our lord God one thousand & three hū dred, at such time, as the Emperour Henry, the seuenth of that name, purposed to renew in Italie the partialities & diuisions of the
Guelfes &
Gibelins (at which time also reigned in France
Philip le Bel,) there were in
Natolie or Asia the lesse, certaine Captaines of the Turks (wher
[Page] this nacion had continued euer sithens the passage and famous iourney of
Godefroy de Bologne, duke of Boullon, and there had remained, euer since the time that they presented themselues against the army of the christians, before the citie of
Nice, which we may name
Victoire anciently called
Antigonia, vnder their valiant generall named
Solyman or
Soleyman. After which passed an hundred yeeres & more, that not any did speake of this Nation, vnto such time (as I haue said) there were in
Natolie sundry Captaines among the which, more famous than the rest, were
Othman, Caraman, and
Assan or
Azam, called by way of dignitie
Begy or
Bey, which is as much, as
Seigneur or
Mounsi
[...]ur, & in our English tongue Lord, howbeit the
Turks doe abstract and withdraw from this word
Begy, this letter
y, and so doe call them
Othmanbeg, Caramanbeg, &
Assambeg. Othmanbeg (who was very valiant and a man of great actiuitie) allied himselfe with two
Greeks Reniez, and a third being a
Turke borne, the one of these
Greeks was called
Michali, & the other
Marco. Of the saide
Michali, are discended the
Michalogli of whom, there continue some at this day, as likewise such of the lignage of
Marco, who are named
Marcozogli, the
Turke was named
Aramy, of the race of whom, called
Auramogly, none can be found, that any knoweth: the successours of this
Auramy, are accounted and reputed to bee of the bloud royall of the
Turks, and to them, the Empire of the
Turks should appertaine, if euer the
Othmans line should be extinguished. With the helpe & aid of these three,
Othmanbag aforesaid became of meruailous credit & puissance, in such sort as he cōquered sundry cities & townes situated vpon the sea side of
La Mer
[Page 29]
Maiour otherwise called in latin
Pontus Euxi
[...]us, & amōg them the towne of
Syuas which the
Greeks call
Sebasie was one, which is named by vs, in fraunce
Auguste. Caraman did draw himselfe towards
Cilicia, where he rested, & called that region according to his owne name
Caramania. Assam repaired into
Persia, which the
Turks do call
Pharsic, as also into
Assiria which according to his name, he caused to be called
Azamie. These last two and their successours haue euer sithens beene vnmercifully persecuted by
Othman and his posteritie: In such sort, as vtterly they haue destroied
Caraman his bloud, & gotten his countries. But
Assambeg notwithstanding (which is called the Sophi) right valiantlie doth defend his owne, and liueth in continuall warres and enmetie with the
Othmans. This
Othman reigned twentie and eight yeeres vnto the beeginning of the reigne of
Phillippe de Valloys the french King. Which
Othman was so surnamed of a certaine towne or castle called
Othmanach situated in
Natoly betwixt
Synope and
Trebisonde the famous cities, and left a sonne named
Orcan, who succeded his father in his dominions.
Or
[...]an the sonne of
Othman maried the daughter of
Caramanbeg, and after made cruell war vpon him, causing to bee put to death his eldest sonne brother to his wife, whom before hee had taken in battaile: he tooke also the citie of
Bursie, which the auncients named
Prusias. At this very same time
Andronico Paleologo, then Emperour of Constantinople dieng, did leaue his sonnes named
Caloiany and
Andronico vnder the gouernance & regiment of
Iohn Catacusan, who though hee very prudently, behaued himselfe during the time of this his regiment,
[Page] yet through the malice of the
Patriarch, and of an other person of base conditions and birth (howbeit of meruailous credit after with the Emperour)
Catacusan was expelled, who notwithstanding found the meane, after, to returne againe to Constantinople more strong than beefore, and for the more assurance of himselfe, he caused his daughter to bee giuen in mariage to the young Emperour
Caloiany: howbeit they could not so long remaine in concorde, but that the Emperour secretly departed to the Isle of Tenedo, where an army of the
Geneuois to the number of threescore Gallies came to succour him, who brought him backe to Constantinople and chased from thence
Catacusan. Now he immediatly repaired for aide to the
Venetians, through whose help retourning home assailed the army of the
Geneuois riding with their Gallies in the
Canall of Constantinople aunciently called
Propontis: howbeeit the victorie remained to the
Geneuois, and the Citie with
Caloiany, who in recompence of their worthy seruice, rewarded them and their Captaine named
Francis Cataluz, with the gift of the Isle of
Methelin, in times past named
Lesbos: Who continued the possession thereof vnto the time that
Mahumet the second did winne the same from
Nicolas Cataluz the last Duke thereof: This little deuision engendred after most cruell wars betwixt the
Geneuois and the
Venetians: which as it brought the Citie of
Venice to such extremety, that it seemed readie to render it selfe to the mercy of the
Geneuois, so in the ende it was cause by the alteration of fortune that the
Geneuois (beeing in sundry fights and conflicts on the seas a
[...]ter ouerthrowen by the
[Page 30]
Venetians) came to miserable ruine and seruitude, for thereby they were enforced to yeelde themselues, to the Archbishop of
Milane whom they made gouernour of their Citie of
Geanes, and to sell all their lands and Seigneuries to the communaltie and brotherhood of Saint George, which is within their Citie, and lastly to submit themselues to the french Kinges protection vnder whose subiection they remained a while, vntill hee gaue them to
Iohn Duke of
Calabre sonne to
Reignard King of the realme of
Naples, vntill they reuoulted to
Philippe Duke of
Milane, whom in the end they forsooke to, in such sort as (through their inconstancie,) they did not know well, to what good Saint, to vow themselues: howbeit the greatest mischiefe was, that this forenamed warres gaue an vndoubted occasion to the vtter losse of
Surie & the realme of
Hierusalem (& what was worse then that) the same opened to the Turks, the gate and entry to
Greece and other parts of
Europe, as heereafter I shall declare, all which was about the time that
Lewes de Bauiere, &
Frederic of
Austrich contended about the obtaining of the Empire of
Alemaign. The said
Orcan reigned two & twenty yeres vnto the beginning of the reigne of
Iohn the french king which was in the yeere of our Lord God 1350. leauing behinde him his sonne Amurath.
Amurath (whom the
Hungarians and the
Scla
[...]nes doe call Ammarat, and the Turkes
Moratbeg which is as much to say, as the Lord
Morat, (but
Frossart supposing to pronounce this name, as they doe, calleth him
Lamorabaquin,) entred to his dominions when as
Catacusan, pursued the Emperour his sonne
[Page] in law, through the aide of
Mar
[...] Carlouich the
Despot of
Despot: what it meaneth.
Bulgaria: this word
Despot is so much to say in our English tongue as Prince or Lord: and the Prouince of Bulgaria
Bulgari
[...] is that Country which anciently was named
Gaetae and
Gepidae. This
Amurath was secretly fauored among certaine of the Nobility of
Grecia, whom the Emperor
Caloiaun hated, who finding that hee was to weake, to encounter with the Nobilitie that reuoulted, hee was constrained to demaund and require aide of
Amurath, who forthwith sent him twelue thousand horsemen, through whose help, when the Emperour had pacified his affaires, hee gaue the
Turks leaue to returne home. But they hauing seene & tasted the sweetnesse & beautie of the region of
Grecia, after their returne perswaded (as it was easie to doe) Amurath to goe in person to inuade
Grecia. Which he so did, who accompanied with threescore thousand men, by the help of two great ships of the Geneuois (among whom he bestowed a threescore thousand ducats)
Amurath passed the famous straits called by the ancients,
Hellespontus (and now the straits of
Calipoli or the
Castells by reason of two castells whereof the one is situated in
Asia, and the other in Europ) wherin ancient time were also the townes of
Sestus and
Abydos. The french doe call these straits
Le Bras de Sainct George, Saint Georgesarme, where the said
Amurath wan the towne of
Calipoli beeing on this side those straits in
Grecia, & than tooke
Adrianople and
Philippopoli aunciently called
Olympias▪ and so▪ ouerran the Prouince of
Romany, in times past called
Thracia, vnto the Mountaine
Rhodope, which the Greekes doe name
[...] the Queene and Lady of those Mountaines,
[Page 31] which some a so do call, the mountaine of Siluer by reason of the mines of siluer that are found in the same: and after ouercame in
[...]attaile the aforenamed
Marc Carlouich taking prisoner the
Conte Lazaro of
Seruia, which is
Misia Inferior, (whom
Frossart calleth
Le Conte
[...]e Lazaran) whose head hee smote off, which was when Charles the fourth was letted from resisting the sonnes of the Emperour
Lewes of
Bauer to de
[...]end himselfe against
Frederic Marquiz of
Misne & the Countie of
Wittenberg his competiteurs, leauing the Empire after him to his sonne
Lancelot, who sold the Cities and Segneuries of Italy (as
Milane) to the family of the viconts and others. In the ende
Amurath was slaine by a seruant of the said
Conte Lazaro as reuenging the death of his saide Maister, the yeere of our Lord God 1373 after that hee had reigned 23 yeeres, about the beeginning of the reigne of Charles the fifth the french king, and left two sonnes
Pasait and
Seleyman.
Pazait or
Basait as the Turks doe name him, who neuer pronounce this letter
P. (and called by
Frossart le Roy Basant, sonne of
Lamorabaquin and sometime
[...]morabaquin, according to his fathers name.
Enguerran & Master
Nicol
[...] G
[...]les that collected the Annales of Fraunce call him the king
Basaa
[...]g. This
Pazait was hardy, diligent and very couragious, he s
[...]w
[...]ia
[...] battaile
Marc Carlouich, where with him the whole Nobilitie of
Seruia and Bulgaria ended their liues, and after did ouerrun the territories of
Thessalia and
Macedonia, now called Thumnestie and Albanie. He wasted whole
Grecia vnto Athens which at this day is called Cethine and spoiled the territories o
[...] Bosna (which is called
Misia Superior,) Crocia and Sclauonie (that are named aunciently
Dal
[...]tia and
Liburnia)
[Page] and this at that time when the Emperour
Lancelot sonne of Charles the fourth liued so vertuouslie, that his subiects sundry times did enprison him, but in the end was deposed by the
Alemans, who elected at one time two Emperours, the one called
Ioce Nephew to
Lancelot, and the other Robert of
Bauiere otherwise called
Ruebrecht which is interpreted in their
Alleman language
Trouble Peace. But to returne to
Bazait, who then inuaded
Hungary, & there ouerthrew king Sigismond, (that afterward was Emperour of
Alleman, called by the Historiographer
Engerrant de Mountralet, Sagimont) in the renowned battaile of
Nicopoli: the cause of the losse wherof was, for that the french men ther seruing would not bee aduised by the king Sigismond, nor frame themselues according to the pollicie of these wars as the Allemans also counsailed them, the which
Frossart imputeth likewise to the orgulitie and pride of the french, where was taken prisoner the Conte of
Neuers, Iohn who afterward vvas Duke of
Burgoign sonne of
Philippe the first duke,
Philip Darthois, Conte de Eue constable of Fraunce.
Iohn le Maingre called
Boucicault and sundrie others beeing men of estimation to the number of seauen or eight, vvho all vvere sent to Bursie, the rest of that nacion vvere slayne to the number of a thousand horsemen.
This battaile was foughten on Michaelmas euen Anno Domini 1396 and these prisoners, vvere after redeemed for no little ran some, in expedicion vvherof great dilligence vvas vsed by one
Iames Hely a gentleman of
Picardie, vvho also vvas taken prisoner among
[Page 32] them, and beefore had serued in the Court of Amorabaquin. After this battaile, Bazait beesieged the Citie of Constantinople, and had wonne it, if it had not beene that into
Natolie was entered the great Prince of
Tartary called
Tamerlaine or
Tamburlaine, (but by the
Turkes Demirling,) and by some French Historiographers (as
Enguerrant) named
Le Grant Tacon de Tartarye, but the
Tartariens themselues doe call him
Temircutlu, that is to say, the
Fortunate Sw
[...]ord or luckie iron, descended of the race of one Cham of
Tartarie called
Zaym Cham, of the Horde or multitude of
Zauolba and
Czahaday, which is towardes the riuer of
Rha or
Volha, which falleth into the Sea
Dabacuth, by the latins named
Mare Caspium and
Hircanum, which
Zaym was he whom the
Polonians doe call in their Histories
Bathy, the first
Mahum
[...]tist of all the
Tartares. Tamerlaine, was afterward Lord of
Tartarie Precopie, called by them
Prezelzoph, situated betwixt the riuers of
Tanais which they call
Don, and
Boristhenes called
N
[...]per and
D
[...]r
[...]z, the which countrie of
Precopie was in auncient time called
Scithia Inferior, now in possession of the
Turke. This
Tamerlayne was for the most part resident in the great Citie of
Samarcand, which is toward the sea Caspium, who caused himselfe to bee called the Scourge of God, though his verie title of his dignitie was
Vlucham, which is to say, the mightie Lord.
Bazait hauing intelligence of the entrie of Tamerlayne into
Natoly, thought it requisit to raise his siege of Constantinople, and with all diligence, to encounter with the innumerable army of Tamerlayne, where nigh the city of Dangory, by our ancients called Ancira (not
[Page] far from the mountaine
Stella, which
Enguerrant de Monstrelet, doth call Appadi, where
Pompeius Magnus ouerthrew the famous
Mithridates,) the mighty armies encountred, and cruelly did fight, in which conflict Bazait was vanquished and taken prisoner, whom Tamerlaine caused to bee bound and made fast with chaines of gold, and so to be put in a cage as though hee had beene a Lyon, in which sort hee carried Bazait about with him, through euery region of Asia as he passed, so long as Bazait lined, which was not aboue two yeeres after or therabouts, who died Anno Domini: 1400 after he had reigned twentie seauen yeeres, about the twentith yeere of the reigne of Charles the sixth the french king. From this conflict escaped certaine of Bazaits sons, who supposing to haue passed into Europe, chanced to fall into the hands of the Emperour of Constantinople who caused the seas surely to bee kept at that time. An other of his sonnes named Cyris, and by the frenchmen
Quirici, whom some also doe call Calapin or Calepin escaped ouer to Adrinopoli whose sirname beeing called Ciris Cheleby was but a little of dignitie and Noblesse giuen to the children of the great Turk, as Achmat Cheleby, Mahumet Cheleby, or Mustapha Cheleby, which is as much as to denominate a gentleman, according as the Spaniards doe name their Nobilitie Don Alonso or
Don Rodrigo, and the frenchmen
Charles Monsieur or
Loys Monsieur, being appropriate to their blood roiall. Cyris reigned sixe yeeres or thereabouts, and left behind him a son named
Orcan, when as his three bretheren named
Musach, Mahumet, and
Mustapha escaped out of Constantinople, while the Emperour was gone into Fraunce to the sayd
[Page 33] king Charles to require succours against the afornamed Cyris,
Musach slew
Orcan his nephew, & for recompence himselfe was after slaine by his owne brother
Mahumet: And than first began they to deuise how the one brother might kill another, which vnto this time, they haue right well practized and put in vre.
Mahumet the first of that name, after he had slaine his brother
Musach, vsurped the Empire, and recouered all the whole Countries of
Natolie which Tamerlayne before had wonne of Bazait. This
Mahumet remoued his seat imperiall from the citie of Bursie in
Natolie, to Adrianopoli in
Grecia. He made wars vpon the region of
Valachie (which some french histories doe call
Valaigne and other Blaquie, and of the ancients named Bessi and Triballi.) He also ouerthrew in battaile the Emperour
Sigismond in the plaines of
Selumbez and was the first of his nation that passed the riuer of
Donaw or
Danuby: hee subdued the countrie of Bosnia made war vpon Caraman and died the yeere of our Lord God 1418 and in the xxxviii yeere of the reigne of the said King Charles, after hee had reigned eighteene yeeres reconing therewith the yeares of Cyris (which some doe not) and left a sonne called Amurath.
Amurath the second of that name was in
Natolie, when his father died, whereof so soone as hee was aduertised, passed into Europe; albeeit the Emperour of Constantinople did what he could to stop his passage, who sent against him
Mustapha his vncle, sonne of Bazait, whom the said Emperour had kept prisoner sithens the taking of Bazait, as before I haue tolde: howbeit
Mustapha beeing to weake, was vanquished & slaine
[Page] in battaile by Amurath, who to reuenge himselfe vpon the Emperor of Constantinople▪ spoiled and burnt the whole territory of Thracia in Grecia: and tooke from the Venetians the notable towne of
Thessalonica called now
Salonichi, which
Andronico Paleologo before had sold them in dispite of the Emperour
Constantine his brother: after that, the said
Amurath entred into
Seruia or
Rascia & constrained
George Vucouich the
Despot or Prince of that country, to giue him in mariage his daughter named
Irinye, surnamed
Catacusine, notwithstanding which affinity hee afterward came against this
Despot with an army, and enforced him to flie into
Hungary, towards the Emperour
Albert sonne in law to the late
Sigismond the Emperour, leauing his sonne George for the defence of his said Countrie, this George was taken by
Amurath, who caused his eies to bee put forth, though he was his brother in law. After the death of the said
Albert; Lancelot brother to the king of Pole was chosen by the
Hungarians for their King, albeit that
Albert had left his wife with childe, who after the death of hir husband was deliuered of a sonne, that at his Baptisme was also named Lancelot, who after, wa
[...] nourished and brought vp vnder the keeping of the Emperour
Frederic the third of that name, and was the onely cause, that the said Lancelot of
Polen, durst make no maner of enterprize against the
Turks nor to inuade them, least in the meane time the Emperour
Frederic should haue annoied him vpon some other part, and so haue set the other
Lancelot (the true king in his realme of
Hungary. During this time,
Amurath who could not long rest, besieged
Belgrado (which they call
Nandoralba, and
[Page 34]
Alba Greca, and by the
Hungariens, Chrieschisch, but by our elders
Taurinum,) situated betwixt the riuers of
Danubia or
Donaw, and Sauus or Saua vpon a verie necke of lande, where those two riuers doe ioyne togethers, the which towne of
Belgrado the said
George Vucouich before had giuen in exchange for others to the said Emperour
Sigismond for that it was the key and entrie to the kingdome of
Hungarie: After which at the suit and perswasion of the same
George Vucouich, the said king
Lancellot raised a very great army against
Amurath, and therewith recouered the territories of
Seruia and
Rascia, which he rendred againe to the said
Despot George Vucouich: to reuenge which wrong,
Amurath leuied a great power, vnder the leading of one
Carabey who encountring with the Christians, nigh the mountaine
Costegnaz (anciently called
Hemus) was there ouerthrowen, and
Carabey taken prisoner. The which two victories, with sundrie others before and after, were obtained by the famous prowesse, and valiantnesse of
Iohn Huniad called by
Enguerrant de Monstrelet, and
Philip de Comines, Le Blanc Cheualier de la Velaign, and by the
Hungarians Ianc
[...] Ban, or
Vaiuod, that is to say, Prince of
Transiluania at this present
Moldauia, and by the
Hungarians named
Sibenbourg, that is to say,
Septemcastrum, but by our elders
Dacia. This worthy
Iohn Huniad was father to the valiaunt
Mathias king of
Hungary, who not long agone reigned there. After this battaile there was an abstinence from armes condicioned betwixt the
Hungarians and the
Turks, for two yeres, by reason wherof, & with the paiment of fifty thousand ducats of ransome,
Carabey was deliuered: the which trewse beeing soone after broken by the
[Page] said king
Lancelot, at the instance and perswasion of
Eugenius the
Pope, the fourth of that name, to king Lancelot was very infortunate, for afterward he was slaine in the battaile soughten beetwixt him and
Amurath nigh the towne of
Verna, aunciently called
[...]yonisiopolis vpon
Saint Martins day, the eleauenth of
Nouember Anno Domini 1444 wher the said
Iohn Huniad was put to flight. Of this victory
Amurath had small cause to reioyce considering it cost him very decre both in losse of his▪ best friends, & choice souldiers: after this
Amurath toke the towne of
Sophie, beeing the head towne of whole
Bulgaria, Scopie, and
Nouomont, and ouerran all the territories of
Acarnania (called at this instant,
Ducat or
Duche) and the Prouince of
Cymera (aunciently called
Epirus) where hee spoiled and wasted alongst the riuer of
Achelous (at this day named the riuer of
Pachicolan) vnto the mountaines
Du Diable (in times past called
Acroceraunii) which are part of the Mountaines called
Pindus, hee tooke also the famous port towne, named
Velone (sometime called
Aulon) and passed the Gulfe of
Larta, in latin called
Sinus Ambracius, vnto the towne of
Oricus (now named
Rigo) and so went forward towards the
Gulf of
Cataro (which is called
Sinus Risonicus) beeing fiue and twentie miles from the towne of
Ragusa, (in ancient
[...]me named
Epidaurus.) Hee enforced
Iohn Cos
[...]i
[...]th the
Despot of
Cymera to giue him the enpregnable towne of
Croia with his three sonnes in hostage, and pledge of fidelitie, all which hee caused to be
[...] come
Turks the yongest named
George Castrioth, at that time not aboue nine yeeres of age, was called by the
Turkes Scanderbeg that is to say
Alexander▪ the great, who after,
[Page 35] became so valiant a Captaine, that for his worthie acts hee was comparable to the famous and most renowmed
Pyrrus, and others his worthy predecessours, dominators and rulers of
Epirus: for hauing commaund vnder
Amurath, he conquered
Seruia, and did bring to the
Turks obeisance the Countrie of
Carmania▪ how beit afterward this
Scanderbeg retourning to the christian faith, caused
Amurath to loose the territorie of
Seruia, and then toke from him the strong towne of
Croia with all the countries, townes, & castells that before belonged to his said father
Iohn Castrioth, besides that in twentie or thirty battels, wherein valiantly he fought with the Turks, he alwaies caried away with him the victorie, so as
Amurath had neuer iuster matter to obiect to this Scanderbeg, then to reproch him with vnkindnes, that beeing so carefully brought vp by him, in his tender age, should so without cause reuoult▪ calling him by sundrie letters the ingrate & vnthankfull sonne: howbeit Scanderbeg cared so little for
Amurath, that vpon occasion he departed from his owne Countries, to succour in person
Ferdinand king of
Naples against
Iohn Duke of
Galabre, which
Ferdinand hee restored to his realme, & expelled the Duke from the same: for which deede
Ferdmand afterwards, curteoushe receiued the spoiled and calamitous children of Scanderbeg (whom
[...] the second, after the death of their father exiled and
[...] of all their liuelihoode) & gaue them lands in the kingdome of
Naples, so as they became
Marquizes of
Saint Angelo, and of
Tripaldo: so as a worthy gentelman of that race named
Ferdinand Castrioth Marquiz of Saint Angelo was slaine, valiantly fighting on the imperiall
[Page] part in the late battaile before
Pauia. Amurath after that did winne the countrie of
Moree (which in latin by our elders is called
Peloponesus) through the discord of two bretheren, the one called Thomas and the other
Demetrius, Despots of the same country, being brothers of
Constantine Paleologo last Emperour of
Constantinople, who by reason that the
Albanois moued warres against them, sought for succours to
Amurath, and became his tributaries, but after denying to pay their promised tribute,
Amurath draue them out of their whole countrie of
Moree. Howbeit
Demetrius afterwards retired himself towardes the
Turque, but
Thomas repayred to
Rome, to the
Pope where hee ended his life, leauing foure children, two sonnes and two daughters.
Amurath beeing now become aged, and wearie both of the world and of his victories, withdrew himselfe among certaine
Heremits and other Religieux, of his supersticious sect, pretending to leade the rest of his daies solitarilie and in quietnesse: & established in his place his son.
Mahumet being but yong of yeeres, to reigne and gouerne his Kingdomes, appoynting for his gouernour one
Haly Bassa, called of some,
Caly Bassa. Howbeit when the famous
Iohn Huniades, with the
Hungarians had gathered togethers a mightie army, to haue inuaded the dominions of this young
Mahumet. Amurath (at the great instaunce and suite both of his sonne as also of the sayd
Haly Bassa (that could not bee obeyed) was enforced to take vppon him the administration and gouernment of the present affaires, who making head against the saide
Hungarians in the ende, vanquished and put them to flight. After which
Amurath inuaded
[Page 36] the dominions of the valiaunt
Scanderbeg, beesieged his strong towne of
Croia, howbeeit hee could not winne the same. And in his retyring by the Mountaynes there, hee was spoyled by the Paisaunts, and verie manie of his armie slaine, whereby
Amurath entered into such a meruaylous melancholie and displeasure, that what by disease therewith taken, and his olde age togethers hee dyed, in the yeere of our Lord God 1451. of his age seauentie fiue, and of his reigne thirtie two, and of the reigne of Charles, the French king the seauenth of that name twentie sixe. Thus
Amurath was the first, that instituted the
Iannisaries.
MAHVMET, the second of that name, called by
Enguerrand, and other french Historiographers
Morbesan, perhaps they would haue said
Morbesalem, which is as much in the
Surien or
Moresque language, as these woordes in the
Gospell, Vade in Pace, depart in peace. This woord
Morbesan among the
Turkes signifieth so much as Duke or Duchie. This
Mahumet was sonne of the saide
Amurath, and of
Iriny a Christian woman daughter to
George the
Despot of
Seruia, who beganne to reigne the one and twentie yeere of his age, and two yeeres after did winne by assault the Citie of
Constantinople Anno Domini 1453. where the Emperour
Constantinie was slayne, by which it so came to passe,
that as one
Constantine sonne to
Helen, was the first Emperour of
Constantinople: so an other
Constantine sonne of an other
Helen, was the last Christian Emperour there. This
Mahumet proued in the ende, neither
Musulman or
Mahometist, for in his infancye hee
[Page] was instructed in the christian faith, by his said mother, and after by others in the Turkish supersticion, howbeit, whan he came to age, he cared neither for the one nor other. In the beginning of his reigne, he caused two of his bretheren being but of very tender age (the one, of a yeere and a halfe, the other not passing sixe moneths olde) to be slaine: howbeit some doe affirme that the elder sonne was secretly saued, an other childe beeing put in his roome, who was caried to
Venice, and from thence to
Rome to
Pope Calixt, who caused him to bee baptised and named
Calixt Othman, vpon whom the Emperour
Frederic afterwards did bestow great liuings.
Mahumet hauing thus taken
Constantinople as I haue declared, did inuade the dominions of
Hungary, and besieged
Belgrado, from which, hee vvas repulsed by the worthie
Iohn Huniades, that was then within
Belgrado, with the
Cardinall Angelo, and the famous gray
Frier called
Iohn Capistran▪ From this siege
Mahumet withdrew himselfe and his army with shame inough, for beesides his owne hurts & wounds, he lost wholy his artillerie & baggage, with his for euer hope to haue the realme of
Hungarie: besides hee was compelled wholy to attend the recouerie of the dominion of
Moree, which the
Venetians had wonne from him, hauing repaired the
Examilo
ila. (which is a long wall of the length of sixe Italian miles extending from the Gulfe
Patras, which the latines doe call Sinu Corinthiacus, vnto the Bay of
Egino named in latin
Sinus Megaricus, betweene which two Gulfs, (as it were in the midst of the
Istmus, not passing sixe miles broad, being a peece of groūd comparable vnto a bridge tyeng the dominion and territorie of
Peloponesus, vnto
[Page 37] the maine land of
Grecia) the Citie of Corinthe stood sometime of notable fame, but now reduced to a little village called Coranto) the which long vvall named the
Examilo, Amurath in his life had caused to bee demolished and cast downe, to the end to haue the more easie passage into
Peloponesus: but when
Mahumet came, the
Venetians hoping they had beene strong inough, in a battaile which they fought vvith him, vvere cleane ouerthrovven, vvhere a great number of Italian Captaines vvere slaine: so as
Mahumet recouered the chiefe of the territory of
Peloponesus, foorthvvith againe after vvhich in the very sight of the
Venetians hee did vvinne from them the vvhole Iland of
Negropont called also
Euboea, ioyned to the firme & main land vvith a bridge, vvith the Ilands of Stalimene anciently named
Lemnos, and
Methelin called
Lesbos, appertaining then to
Nicholas Cataluz a
Geneuois: and so prosecuting his good fortune hee tooke the Isle of Saint
Maura (called
Nerytus, and by some
Leucas, &
Leucadia) together vvith the Isles of
Zante (aunciently named
Zacynthus) and Cephalenia, (called novv Chiphalonie:) Hee recouered the strong tovvne of Croya, after the death of Scanderbeg, spoiled the tovvne of Scodra called novv Scutare from Seigneur Aranith Comino, or Comnenus surnamed Golent father of Seigneur Constantine, vvho then gouerned the
Marquesdome of
Montferrato, after the death of the Duchesse his niece, at vvhich time Charles the eight the French King retourned from Naples: after all this
Mahumet inuaded the territorie of Bosne, and tooke the
Despot thereof called Stephan Hierchec, and of some Historiographers the Duke
Latic, and caused
[Page] his head to bee smitten off, compelling a yong sonne of this
Despot to be made a
Renie, and to be circumsised, in surnaming him
Achmath. Hee tooke from the
Geneuois, their towne of
Capha (auncientlie called
Theodosia) situated in
Prezocopie, named by the
Geographers Taurica Chersonesus: which is as though it were halfe and sland, as is
Peloponesus, and hath on the one side the
Gulf of
Nigropila (called
Sinus Carcini
[...]s) & on the other, the
Baye called
La Mer Noir, named in latin
B
[...]cis Paulus, from which not very far distant is the famous
Gulfe called
Palus Meotis commonly named the
Gulf de li Tana, during which time of these his expedicions & exploits in war in countries so farre distant the one from the other; hee was assalted in
Natolie by
Piramet Caraman, who enforced him to relinquish his further enterprises. Notwithstanding before his departure, he tooke the strong fortresse of
Mancup or
Manlzup, situated in the
Isthmus or strait peece of ground which knitteth or ioyneth
Prezocopie vnto the firme land called by the ancients
Taphre, now
Azan or
Assou▪ standing vpon the shore of the
Gulf▪ of
T
[...]na. That done,
Mahumet retired into
Natelie, and repulled from thence
Caraman, inuading the countries of the same
Caraman, whereof he did win a great part: and in his returne tooke the citie of
Sinopes, the
Metropolis of
Pap
[...]lagonia, which standeth vpon the coast of the sea called anciently
Pontus Euxinus, & now
La Mer Maiour, as also vpon the same coast▪ the renowned citie of
Trapezonda, being the chiefe city of the Empire of
Trapezonda, where he did put to death the Emperour therof called
Dauid Conino or
Comnenus, who was a Christian, discended of the valiaunt
Isaac Conino, who from a meane
[Page 38] Captaine became Emperour of
Constantinople, after the Emperour
Michaell: all which troubles aboue said came to passe, when as the
Hungarians, and those of
Austrich moued wars against the Emperour
Frederic to recouer
Ladislaus (whom some doe call
Lancelot) the sonne of
Albert, to be their king and lord, whom
Frederic had in keeping, yet would not restore him, though he was adiudged meete to reigne: while
Mahumet became thus victorious, there did spring a new enemie against him named
Vssuncassan or
Assambeg the prince of
Persia, who with a great power of the
Persians (whom the
Turkes doe call
Keselbach, that is to say, red heads, by reason that they did weare red hoods) entered into
Capadoce and
Trapesonde, and fought two battailes with
Mahumet; in the first of which
Mahumet was ouerthrowen, but in the second
Assambeg had the worst, and therby lost sundry of his dominions. This
Vssuncassan or
Assambeg was sonne in law to the saide
Dauid Conyno Emperour of
Trebisonde, of whom beefore I made mencion, who reigned in the yeere of our Lord God 1472.
Mahumet thus deliuered of his aduersarie, retourned into
Caramany after the death of
Pyramet Caraman, and enforced
Abraham his sonne to seeke for succours from the Christians, and chiefelie of
Pope Pius the second of that name, who was determined in person to haue gone against the
Turke, and for that purpose was repayred to the Citie of
Ancona, where hee had in readinesse a great army on the sea: but while hee stayed there for the
Venetians that should haue accompanied him in the voyage,
Pius dyed, without any further exploit done at that time.
[...]
[...]
[Page]Whereby it so came to passe, that this army being scattered, and the
Allemans and the
Hungarians continuing still at warres, this infortunate
Caraman not able to resist
Mahumet, was in the end miserablie slaine by him, and by this meane the race of
Caraman was vtterly ouerthrowen, and his dominions rested in the subiection of the
Othmans. Mahumet now assured and safe vpon this coast of
Cilicia, sent
Omarbey, the
Sangiac of
Bosnia, who was sonne of a
Geneuois, to pill and ouerrunne the countrie of
Istria (called
Liburnia) as likewise to spoile the territorie of
Carinthia (commonly called
Crayn) & so to furrow the land of
Stiria (anciently called
Valeria, now at this day named
Steirmarck) all which countries are comprehended vnder the name of
Illirium. This
Omarbey in executing his princes commandement, passed vnto the region of
Frioll, (which in latin is called
Forum Iulii,) trauesing mightie and great riuers, both by foords and bridges made on boates as occasion serued, and ouerthrew the armie of the
Venetians that came to debat his passage, in which conflict were slaine & taken a great company of notable good Captaines of
Italy. Of another part
Mahumet did send
Athmath Bacha (surnamed
Ghendich, that is to say with a great Tooth, sonne of
Stephan sometime
Despot of
Bosnia, of whom I dyd speake beefore) with a great army by sea into
Italy who tooke the towne of
Otrant
[...] (called in latin
Hydruntus and of the auncients
I
[...]pigium) situated in the territorie of
Apulia in
Italie: a little beefore which
Mesith Bacha Paleologo, discended of the race of the Emperour of
Constantinople, did beesiege the famous citie of the
Rhodes with a mightie army, from which hee was repulsed by
[Page 39] the Christians that valiauntly defended the same. Now
Mahumet not contented thus with these three Armies, in person went against the
Soldain of
Egipt, but being arriued nigh vnto
Nicomedia (a Citie of
Bithynia in
Natoly, which Citie at this day is called
Comidy, and of the
Turks Nichor, Mahumet died in the yeere of our Lord God 1442 of his age 54. And of his reigne 31. About the ende of
Loys the eleuenth, and the beginning of the reigne of
Charles the eight the
French king. This
Mahumet was called by the
Turks, Mahumet Boiuc, that is to say
Mahumet the great, who left beehinde him, two sonnes the one called
Pazait and the other
Zizimy, which is to say loue, for
Mustapha his eldest sonne, who was Gouernour of
Icony called
Iconium in Latin, dyed soone after the second battell fought as aboue saide against
Vsuancssan, in which battell
Mustapha had very valiantly behaued himselfe.
PAZAIT otherwise called
Bazait the second of that name, and the yongest as was supposed of his three Bretheren (thorough the aide and fauour of the
Ianizares of whom their
Laga or Captaine was his sonne in law,) seized and atteigned the Empire. And
Zizimy his brother, was planted in the Citie of
Bursie wherewith and the dominions of the same hee could haue very well contented himselfe. But
Bazait would not let him rest so nigh, for which with the armie that was put in redinesse by his father to haue gone against the
Soldan of
Egipt he draue his brother
Zizimy out of
Bursie. So as
Zizimy for succour, was enforced to repaire to the
Soldain of whom he was aided both with men and money, yet neuerthelesse, after he had fought two battels and lost them both, hee was in the ende vtterly put to flight by
Achmat Ghendich Bacha,
[Page] and not knowing how to recouer himselfe, retired into the
Isle of
Rhodes to require succors of vs Christians, being then of the age of eight and twentie yeeres. Whereof
Bazait beeing aduertised sent great gifts and presents to the great maister and counsaile of the
Rhodes, beeseeching them to keepe well his brother
Zizimy and for the maintenaunce of his estate and entertainment, he would cause yeerely to bee payde to them the summe of fortie thousand Ducats, as also during the time of his keeping he would make no manner of inuasion vpon the Christians. For which this
Zizimy, for saftie, and to keepe
Bazait in continuall feare and subiection was sent, into the realme of
Fraunce where hee continued very long in a house of the order of the
Rhodes, called
Bourgeneuf, but after hee was giuen to
P. P. Innocent the eight of that name, and had to
Rome where hee was resident, whan
Charles the eight inuaded the Realme of
Naples, who needes would haue
Zizimy away with him, hopeing by his meanes to recouer the Empire of
Constantinople but the
P. P. Alexander the sixt of that name (perceiuing hee must depart with
Zizimy whither hee would or no) enpoysened him in such sort (as was said) that after such his delyuerie hee dyed within three dayes at
Tarracine. Baizait thus dispatched of his brother; beeganne to inuade the Countries of
Transyluania and tooke
Moncastro standing on the Riuer of
Neper called in
Lattin Boristhenes, with the towne of
Lithostomo at the mouth of the riuer of
Danubye. After which, he caused to be put to death, his famous Generall
Achmat Ghendich Bacha, comparable in valour to any excellent man of warre of his time. He was sonne to
Stephan sometime
Despot of
Bosnia as beefore I declared. This being done, to pursue the entent
[Page 40] and purpose of his father
Mahumet against the
Soldain of
Egipt and partly to reuenge himselfe vpon the same
Soldain for mayntaining of his brother
Zizimy against him, hee sent a mightie armie into
Sury. Of the which the
Mammaluchs getting intelligence, assembled themselues at
Antioche, marching towardes the
Turkes whome they found encamped vnder the mountaine
Amanus (now called
Monte Negro) wher they couragiously encountred their enemyes betwixt the same mountain and the
Golfe of
Layasse (which is called in Latin
Sinus Issicus. Where sometime also
Alexander the great, discomfited king
Darius) ouerthrew the
Turkes armie, and tooke prisoner the Generall of the same, called
Cherseogli sonne in law of
Bazait whom they brought to the
Soldain than being at his great Citie of
Cair (which the
Turkes called
Mitzir.) But seeing I am thus chaunced to make mencion of these
Mammaluchs I shall not much digresse from my matter, if first I shew you what these
Mammaluchs are.
This woord
Mammaluch in the
Surienne tongue, (beeing
Mammaluch the common language vsed in
Africk which wee call
Moresque and the most enlarged and extended vulgare speech that at this day is vsed in the world▪) betokeneth or signifieth a seruiteur or soldior. This
Soldain and the
Mammeluchs were of one manner of Religion, and liued without marriage, as those that are of the order of the
Rhodes & the knights of
Malta doe, who aboue their other apparrell, vsed to weare a gowne of white
Bocassin bright & artificially made to shine. And as the great
Turk hath foure
Visir Bacha exceeding the others in dignitie: So hath the
Soldain foure
Emir Quibir surmounting the rest
Emir Quibir in honour next vnto the
Soldain.
[Page]For this word
Emir betokeneth an Admerall and
Quibir signifieth great. So as this woord
Emir Quibir, is as much to say a great Admerall. Besides, they had in their society a great constable called in their tongue
Derdard Quibir, whom
Paulus Iouius calleth the great
Diadaro. The
Soldain being but a
Mammaluch is chosen to that dignitie by the rest of the brothers, as they doe elect the great Maister of the
Rhodes, and most often hee is of one of their
Emirs. Who being thus elected to be
Soldain giueth to euery of the other
Mammaluchs by way of reward a hundred Duckets for his welcome. All which
Mammaluchs were Christians Renies, or sonnes of Christians as are the
Ianizaries; (who in no case would receiue any
Turke Moore or
Iewe to be of their societie) being all
Liuerous for so the
Turkes doe name them. This
Liuerous were aunciently named
Hiberi and
Circassi (whom they call
Cercaz,) among whom the
Colchi, Georgii, Albani, and others Christians who were
Iacobits and
Nestorians, remaining about the riuer of
Phaso otherwise called
Phasis) were accounted. This
Circassi beeing young whan the
Tartarians dyd surprise and take them, were carryed by troopes and solde to the saide
Emirs, with whom they were brought vp in the exercise of armes but chiefely on horsback, who beecomming very valyaunt; were made
Mammaluchs obseruing the
Mahumeticall law. This order of the
Mammaluchs beganne at such time as the king saint
Lois was taken prisoner before
Damyate (which some cal
Heliopolis) among whom the first
Soldain was named
Melechsalem whom they dyd kill and was the cause that the sayd saint
Loys was the more easily deliuered. But to returne to
Bazait, this ouerthrow that the
Turkes thus receiued
[Page 41] nigh to the Golfe of
Layasse by the
Mammaluchs, was the greatest calamitie that euer came to the
Turckes, whereof
Bazait hauing receiued intelligence, and perceiuing that his affaires had small good successe on that side, retired his force into
Sclauonye, and there tooke the towne of
Durazo (aunciently called
Dirrachium) and
Epidamnus perteigning to the familie of the
Carlouichs who affirmed themselues to haue descended out of the house of the kings of
Fraunce. That is to say from
Charles of
Durazo surnamed
de le Faix sonne of
Peter Duke of
Grauyn sonne of
Charles second king of
Naples, and of
Hungary in the right of his wife. The which
Charles was sonne of
Charles D'aniou king of
Naples brother to the said king saint
Loys.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 1493.
Bazait sent eight thousand horsemen vnder the leading of
Cadum Bacha to ouer runne the Countries lying betweene
Hungarie and
Sclauonie, against whom, certaine of the Nobility of
Hungary Croace and
Sclauony dyd assemble themselues and encountered the
Turckes nigh vnto the Riuer of
Moraua (auncientlie called
Moschus) where the Christians were ouerthrowen. Fiue yeeres after,
Haly Bacha the
Albaneze and
Enuch with a great armie by sea made towardes the towne of
Iara or
Iadera situated on the shore of the
Golfe of
Venice in the coast of
Sclauony. And albeit that the forces of the
Venetians (which was very mightie on the sea,) pursued the
Turkes yet durst they not charge thē, which
Haly Bacha perceiuing, tooke at their noses the towne of
Lepantho, aunciently called
Naupactum.
IN the yeere of our Lord God 1500.
Bazait came in person to
Modon, that somtime was called
Methones, in
[Page]
Moree and tooke the same. And after, when
Lewes the twelfth, the
French King ioyned in aliaunce with the
Venetians against
Ludouic Sforza the vsurper of the Duchie of
Milayn, Bazait at the request of
Sforza caused tenne thousand horsemen to inuade the territorie of
Friol, insomuch as they approched euen to the towne of
Triuiso in the view of the Citie of
Venice. For which the
Venetians prepared immediatly a great armie on the sea against the
Turkes, with whom the Gallies of
Fraunce vnder the charge of
Seigneur Rauestaing, as also the Gallies of the king of
Aragon vnder the leding of the famous
Don Ferrando Consaluo ioyned, with which armie they dyd win from the
Turks the
Islands of
Cephalonia, and saint
Mauro. But (vpon certaine conclusions of peace traicted by the meanes of
Messire Andreas Gritti (who afterwardes was Duke of
Venice) betwixt the
Venetians & the
Turkes) were againe surrendered, yet the Gallies of
Fraunce, passed forwardes to the
Isle of
Lesbos, (otherwise called
Metheline) hopeing to haue subdued the same, but not able to bring their enterprise to passe, they returned home againe. About this time beeganne the fame and renowne of
Siach Ismael the king of
Persia, by surname called the
Sophie according to the name of his father, who was sonne to the Daughter of
Vssuncassan, and of one
Seich Ayder (that is to say the good
Religioux) for he was reputed among the
Persians to bee a very good and holy man, and a Prophet called
Sophi, of that sect new begunne among the
Mahumetists, which they call
Sophi or
Sophilar, of the which I dyd speake beefore, according to the which hee lyued.
Some holde opinion that hee was called
Sophi of
[Page 42] the Countrey of
Sophena which was vnder his dominion. But neyther the
Turkes nor yet the
Persians know what Countrey
Sophena is: The sayde
Seich Ayder after the death of
Vsuncassam was shamefully slayne by the commandement of
Iacopbeg his brother in law, doubtting that the people of
Persia (who meruailously were affected owardes
Seich) would haue deposed the sayd
Iacopbeg and made
Seich to haue beene theyr King.
For which
Seich Ismaell hearing of his fathers death beeing than not passing eyght yeeres of age, fledde to the towne of
Leziam situated vppon the Sea of
Abacuth (commonly called
Caspium,) where hee remayned vntill hee came to mans age, and than returned into
Persia, where finding meanes to assemble but three hundered men thorough theyr help hee tooke the towne of
Sumach, and after, increasing his number, hee wanne the Citie of
Taurys in
Armeny with the towne of
Syras, where the good Armours are made.
Hee afterwardes vanquished and slew in fight
Aluant sonne of
Iacopbeg who made him-selfe King after the death of his father, who was sonne to
Vsuncassan (Vncle to the sayde
Ismaell) and entered in league with the Prince
Aladulad or
Anaudule and the
Soldain of
Egypt by whome hee was drawne to mooue warre against
Bazait, against whom he obtayned sundry victories. About this time
Selym, the youngest sonne of
Bazait, departed from
Trebisconde whereof he was gouernour, and without the knowledge of his father, married with the daughter of the
Cham of
Tartarie Prezecopie.
[Page]Thorough whose aide and a great number of Horsemen, which his brother in law (called of the
Turkes Chamogly or
Canogly:) brought to accompany him, (hauing already gained the hearts of his fathers
Iannizaries.) Hee enforced
Bazait his father to leaue to him his Empire. Which
Bazait, purposing to draw himselfe to the cost of the sea
Maior otherwise named
Pontus Euxinus and there to leade the residue of his yeeres in quietnesse, dyed in his going thither, empoysonned as was iudged by his sonne
Selym, in that they did drinke togethers at their departure.
Bazait reigned thirtie yeeres, lyued threescore and three yeares, dyed in the yeere of our Lord God, one thousand fiue hundered & twelue. And in the fourteenth of the reigne of
Lewes the twelfth, the
French king, leuing behinde him
Selym, Achmat, and
Corchuth.
SELYM, thus hauing attained to the Empire, through the meanes aboue declared, endeuored himselfe aboue all things to dispatch himselfe from the feare of his bretheren. For which first hee caused
Corcuth his brother to bee put to death, who before had fled to the sea cost ouer against the
Island of the
Rhodes and there had hidden himselfe vntill hee might haue gotten shipping to haue past vnto the great Maister, but being shamefully discouered by one of his owne men, in the ende was strangeled with a bow string.
Achmat his brother dyed by lyke death, being taken in battell, accompanied with an able armie which hee had gotten togethers thorough the ayde of
Siach Ismael, and of
Campson Ciauri Soldain of
Egipt. Yet through his fatnesse and vnweldinesse of body whereby hee was not able to abide labour on horseback and so to flye, was taken & put to death.
Selym, being thus deliuered
[Page 43] from his father & bretheren, deliberated to inuade the
Sophy, aswell for the auncient enmitie that was betwixt them, as to reuenge himselfe of this new iniury, for ayding his brother
Achmat, to make wars against him. Howbeit, that the more easely he might bring his purpose about, he found meanes first to make peace with
Lancelot the king of
Hungary, & than for his greater suertie, renewed the alliance & league that he had with the
Venetiās: after which he set forward towards the
Persiās, whome the
Sophy met, accompanied with a great nūber of men at Armes, nigh to
Assiria, wher these great Princes with their Armies fought a wonderful sore battell, in vvhich the
Sophy through the
Turks Artillery had the worst, & was put to flight: forsomuch as the
Persian horses vvere neuer frequented to the noise & thundring of artillery, which they could not abide to heare. This battell vvas fought in the plain of
Calderan, betwixt the cities of
Tauris, and
Coy: which citie of
Coy sometime hath bene called
Artaxata. The maner of this battel is painted in the counsail chamber at
Venice, vvhich ther I haue seene, & is reported that
Selym caused so to be done, & sent to
Venice, to the
Senat ther. After vvhich conflict the citie of
Tauris came into the hands of the
Turks, vvith a great part of the Realme of
Persia: Howbeit the
Turks had no long possession of the same: For
Siach Ismael recouered al that he had lost, right soone after. In such sort as
Thomas the sonne of the said
Ismael holdeth the same at this day.
Selym now retourning out of
Persia came to
Trebizonda, where he taried all the winter, but the sommer next ensuing he inuaded the prince
Aladolus, othervvise called
Anardule, (vvho frontered vpon the
Soldain
[Page] of
Egipt, towards a Towne of his called
Alep, by the french men named
Halappe, by the
Turks Adelphe, & by our anciants
Epiphania, supposed to be called
Aleph, because it is the first Towne which that vvay leadeth into
Sury). Vpon an other coast, he bordereth on the
Turks, toward the prouince of
Icony, & vnto
Armenia the lesse pertaining to the
Persians. All this country of
Anadule, vvas subdued by
Selym, Anadule himselfe taken, and his head smitten off, by commaund. There rested now no mo in the contrary of
Selym, but onely the
Soldain of
Egipt, vvho vvith a great Armie vvas come against
Caythby, the
Emyr of
Alep, vvho being subiect to the
Soldain, had reuolted against him. The armie of the
Soldain was supposed to be about eight & twentie thousand Horsemen, the most part of vvhich consisted of the order of the
Mameluchs, vvho litle estemed the
Turks, considering that heretofore they had encountred them in other vvars, & giuen them the ouerthrow, as before is declared. But
Selym politickly feigning as though he purposed to inuade the
Sophy, vvhereof he made a bruit to runne: vvhan he vvas come nigh vnto the Towne of
Aman, (called by our ancients
Apamea, situated betwixt
Alep and
Damas,) vvas instantly required & prayed by the sayd
Caithby, to giue him succours and ayde against the
Soldain: Wherunto,
Selym accorded right soone, as he, that found vvhat he desired, and a redy occasion, for vvhich he had long looked. Yet vvould he not vtter his thoughts therein, least the two armies of the prince and subiect, being ready in the feeld to fight, and perceuing his purpose, (vvho in taking part sought so to ouer throw them both) should accord togethers against him.
[Page 44] Wherfore immediately he raigned with the
Emir Caith by, bidding defiance to the
Souldain Campson Ciauri, with vvhom he fought in set field, vvhere the
Souldain vvas slaine, and
Caithby also as some doe say,) vvherby
Selym remained Lord ouer all
Siria, Damas. Hierusalem, &
Iudea. The
M
[...]mcluchs vvho saued themselues in that battaile, returned into
Egipt, vvhere vvith the others there, they chose an other
Souldain named
Tomombey, vvho before, vvas
Emyr of
Alexandria, hovvbeit
Selym hotly follovving his fortune and victories, entred into
Egipt, vanquished
Tomombey in an other battaile, tooke the great citie of
Caire, (vvhich of some, vvrongfully is called
Carra) & named of other by more aparant reason
Memphis,) vvhere vvhilst
Tomombey vvould haue saued himselse on the other side of the riuer
Nyle, he vvas pursued by
Canogly, vvho passed the riuer by ships, vvith ten thousand Horsemen, (the bridge that vvas made on boats ouer the same, being cloyed vvith
Ianizaries, so as he vvas not able to passe that vvay,) by vvhich
Canogly Tomombey, being taken and brought back to
Selym, caused him straight to be strangled, vvhereby the said
Selym remained King of
Egipt, Anno Domini. 1518. These victories thus attained,
Selym returned to
Constantinople, and purposing to remoue to the Citie of
Adrianople, died in his iournyeng, at a village called
Chiorlich: vvhere before vvith his
Tartarians, he did fight vvith his father
Bazait, and vvas ouerthrowen. Thus he died in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred and twentith, of his reigne the eightenth yeere of his age the sixe & forty yeere: and of the reigne of the right
Christian king
Erancis the French King, the eight yeere After
[Page] that he had put to death three of his most worthy
Bachas, Chenden Bacha, because he would haue mutined his
Iannissaires, entring into
Persia. Bostangi, otherwise called
Constantin Bacha his sonne in law, for sundry exactions and spoiles that he had committed: &
Ianus Bacha, wher of none could tell the cause, sauing that
Selym thought him to be high minded. This
Selym left but one sonne named
Solyman, called by the
Turks, Selyman: whom he recommended to the custody of
Peribacha, who before had gouerned him in his youth.
SOLYMAN came to his reigne the xxviij. yeere of his age, who the yeere next ensuing by the coūsail of
Peribacha, beseged
Belgrado, & did win it from king
Lewes of
Hungary (the son of
Lancelot.) who at that time was very young, hauing the Princes & Lords of his Countrie at discord among them selues, about the Regimēt of their King and of his Realme: Whereby it came to passe that no maner of Order was foreseen, either for the defence or succoring of that famous Place.
The next yeere after, hee beesieged the
Rhodes, espying alwayes after the custome of his elders, the discords & diuisions among
Christian Princes, the which enterprice was cleerely against the minde and counsail of
Peribacha, who accompted that Iourney very doubtfull and of no litle aduenture: Howbeit the same succeded too well with him, as he desired.
In the yeere of our Lord God 1527. whan
Italy was in wars & troubles,
Solyman entred into
Hungary in fauour, as he said, of
Iohn de Ziphs, the
Vayuod of
Sibenbourg, who pretended that the kingdome of
Hungarie dyd to him
[Page 45] onely of right appertaine: wher it came to passe, that the young King
Lewes, comming in person to the fight, was slaine: after which, the said
Iohn attaining the kingdome, dyed, leauing a yong son, an Infant, behinde him, vnder protection of
Solyman, with his Kingdome likewise.
The same
Selyman in the yeare 1535. going in expedicion against
Thomas king of the
Persians toke from him the whole country of
Mesopotamia, vvith the citie of
Babilon, and in 1538 continuing at
Aulona hee gaue an attempt to the vvinning of the Isle of
Corcyra. 1540 hee both besieged and tooke the strong fortres called
Castell Nouo in
Dalmatia. In the yeere 1541
Iohn de Ziphs king of
Hungaria being dead as aforesaid, & his widdow calling
Solyman to hir aide, who as then vvas besieged in the citie of
Buda, by
Ferdinand king of the
Romains. The said
Solyman not onely came to releeue hir, but beating back the army of
Ferdinand, tooke the said citie, placed therin a
Bassa, and sent the vviddovv vvith hir infant son into
Transiluania. The yeere following the same
Solyman defended the city of
Pestum in
Hungaria against the vnited and assembled forces of the whole
Germain Empire, and after toke from them the two strong holdes of
Strigonium and
Alba Regalis, and in fine concluded peace with
Ferdinand king of the
Romains and
Hungaria, vpon condicion of a yeerelie pension (which they doe call a tribute) to bee paied him. In the yeere 1549 and 1550 hee vndertoke another expedicion against the
Persians, and established a
Beglerbeg at
Vanum in the confines of
Media and
Armenia, after which he possessed himselfe of
Tripolis in
Africa, Temeswar in
Hungaria, the which with the adioyning countries he committed to the defence of a
[Page] new
Bassa. In the yeere 1553▪ he commanded his eldest son
Mustapha to bee put to death at
Halep: gaue order though in vaine, that
Zegethum in
Hungaria, should be besieged & afterward enforced his son
Baiaseth (desirous to succeed his father) hauing first ouercome him in battell, to fly to the king of the
Persians, where being apprehended, he the said
Baiaseth, with his foure sons,
Solyman, his nephews, were cruelly slaine▪ 1560 the
Turks gaue a great ouerthrow to the
Christians, at the Iland of
Garbe, while the saide
Christians were desirous to recouer the towne of
Tripolis, formerly taken, as is said by the
Turks. After which the said
Solyman attempted (but with small succes) the Iland of
Malta, yet toke that of
Chios belonging to the state of
Genua. Lastly being againe recald into
Hungaria by
Iohn of
Transiluania he died before
Zegethum in the yeere 1566. and of his age seauentie sixe.
To whom succeeded his son
Selimus the second, this
Selimus made peace with
Maximilian the
Emperour euery eight yeeres to be renewed, toke from the possession of the
Venetians, the Isle of
Ciprus, & in the yeere 1571 receiued that memorable ouerthrow in that worthy sea fought battell at
Lepanto. Hee likewise by
Sinamus Bassa his generall, toke in the kingdome of
Tunis in
Africk, forty yeeres after that
Charles the fift the
Emperor had held it in his command, & caused that famous fort of the
Gulet, to be ouerthrowen & leueled with the ground: This
Sinamus Bassa, is he who at this day is the great cōmander of all
[...]
Turkish forces in
Hungaria. And so the said
Selimus in the end of the yeer 1574 died. Who left behind him a son called
Amurath the third, the which
Amurath, for the space of 14 continued yeers, held wars both long
[Page 46] some & variable with the
Persian king called
Mahemet Hodobende, (as much to say as the seruant of God,) which wars scarce determined he began to make head against the
Christians & the
Emperour Rodolphe, by whose soldiors the
Bassa Bosnensis 1593 and others at
Sisciam in
Hungaria had ben slaine. This
Amurath after many miseries inflicted vpon the poore remaynder of
Hungaria, & the confines of
Austria in the end of
March, the yeere 1595 concluded his daies. To him succeeded
Mahumet the third his son, who now reigneth, a yong man then of the age of thirty two yeeres, little more or lesse, of a great spirit, able body, & infaligable minde, who before the performance of his fathers funerall rites, caused xviii of his brothers, & fathers sons by seuerall concubines to bee strangled, all which with their said father he toke order should honorably in the same monument be enterred, seauen & twenty of his sisters he inclosed in the
Seraglio, a place in manner of a monestary, deputed for the retyring of the great
Senior his children, & the safe keeping of his concubines. This
Mahumet is thought to prosecut the wars against the
Christians, which his father left vnfinished, with more feruent desire & greater forces then any other before him. In this sort as you see, haue I for your content entred and finished this matter, which required more largely to haue ben touched, & to haue busied one of better knowledge, which things though but slightly run ouer, may suffice to make aparant, that since but meane princes in regard of the vnited
Christian forces, haue thus encombred the course of their conquests it is not Impossible the like againe may be done, & greater when God shall encourage vs thervnto.
The end of the second booke.
The third Booke.
The Historie of
Celimus secundus: of the warres and siege of Malta.
WHO soeuer that complaine of the inconstance and imbecilitie of humaine affaires, & the estate of mankinde, truely they doe it not without cause: for well obseruing they shall see all things, with the heauens themselues, sometime flow, & somtime chaunge, though not according to the face of the heauens, and the positions, motions, and courses of the starres, (which in their times appointed, doe make returne,) the matters and state of mankinde are alwaies like, for neither mankinde it selfe, nor their worthie acts, pollicies, arts, regiments, and lawes, (whereof the most part are either at this present, chaunged, or els vtterlie decaied,) which any conuercion or retourne of the heauens can come againe, whereof example vnto vs, are the
Assyrians, Meds, Persians, Aegiptians, Carthagians, Greeks, and
Romains: For▪ time chaungeth and consumeth all worldly things, which had enfolded and vtterly ouerturned, the famous acts of these worthie nations, in the horrible darkenesse of obliuion and forgetfulnesse, if that an other (as it were a resplendishing and most bright sunne,) had not ben reserued from the first beeginning of mankinde, that should counteruaile such in constance and imbecilitie of humaine thinges, whereby not onely to prepare an immortalitie, to sliding and fluxible matters, but chiefelie
[Page] which all wee mortall creatures ought to desire,) to shew the perfect way, to ioyfull felicitie. And that is, the memorie of the acts and dooings past of mankinde, which wee vse to call and name a Historie: for when that in mankinde, there is by nature an engraued appetite and desire of that goodnesse, which is called felicitie, so as what soeuer wee thinke, we iustlie doe any thing, wee refer it to that end of goodnesse and felicitie, but verelie that true goodnesse, and most certaine felicitie consisteth in this point, that we may bee assuredly ioyned and knit with almightie God, and to bee like to him, as hee hath appointed vs: Which vnfainedlie they may affirme, to haue attayned and gotten, who that hauing brought in obedience to reason, the desires of their mindes, and appetites, will found and establishe their vniuersall life vpon vertue, accordingly as to the perfect dignitie of mankinde is required: howbeeit, none there is, that would suppose to haue gotten certainlie and absolutely this felicitie, except hee will liue and be conuersant in that kinde of societie and company of men, which by pollicie and wholesome lawes, being congregated and gathered togethers is rightly to bee called a citie or common wealth, which truely, then shall be accompted happie▪ if that three things, (whervpon due felicitie consisteth,) shall aide and helpe the same, that is to say,
That it may bee, that well it may bee, that
Vt sit, et bene, et semper.
alwayes in that stay it may bee: And for so much as there bee two especiall points, whereunto euery well ruled Citie or Common wealth ought to haue regard, that is to say, to peace and war, and that by peace, rather
[Page 48] than warres, wee inioy and haue happie liues, considering that warres ought to bee taken in hand to the ende, that wee may in peace liue quietlie: and such desire of peace is in mankinde, that no trauaile, no charge, no daungers and perilles will bee eschewed that peace may bee attayned and gotten, when as thorough the same, each necessarie matter for quiet life is purchased.
But truely, of that kinde of peace I meane, nor whan armour is layed a part, wee stay from moouing of warres, and in the meane time rancour and malice to haue domination in our breasts: but rather of such peace, I meane, that is grounded vpon the loue of God and beneuolence in the hartes of each good Citizen, to bee good vnto euery one. Albeeit,
Sapience and
Wisdome must bee the Queene and vnfallable guide of vs mortall people, who if shee bee our guide to felicitie, shee is plaine and able inough, of hir selfe to accomplish the same, it is shee that hath Fortune in obedience, it is shee that giueth vertue, deligence, and other good acts, and the same can make fast to remaine in vs: but vnto hir ther be two waies addressed, the one by
Philosophers and establishers of wholesome lawes, the other, by
Historiographers, the one by generall precepts of good life & demonstrations of reason, the other, (by shew and declaration of worthie facts, comming to passe, and sequels of the acts and doings of mankinde, ioyned with varietie of examples, & matters of themselues.) leadeth & guideth vs to wisdome, & so much this exceedeth the other, as the very acts & doings hath the superiority ouer words & sayings,
[Page] and as it may be well perceiued of what force it consisteth to alure the mindes of any, to the enbrace of the same: for this path way of history, both kings, generals in wars, and chiefelie rulers in common wealthes, citezins young, and olde, rich and poore, miserable, and fortunate, ought to haue in price and estimation, in this to delight, this to loue, and of this to make to themselues a fellow, companion, and familiar, as it, which vnto euery age, degree, and fortune, is most apt, and replenished with euery kinde of examples, aswell of priuate as publique fortune: for when we perceiue, how that fortune changeth or ouerturneth and abolisheth high, low, and meane, men, families, common wealthes, nations, Empires and kingdomes; if there bee any thing amongst men, that hath power to encounter and counteruaile fortune, and to stop hir of hir pretended course, it must bee either, onely history, or else none other art can be found, that with the consideration of the ends & examples of the good and euill of all estates and callings, set before our eies, we may thereby bee brought vnto the desired port of felicitie: For in history, as a most pure and cleere glasse, or as a most ample and large
Theatre, and high scaffolde, one may ponder and way, the course the race, and mutations of humaine affaires, the causes, and motions of the euents and commings to passe of the fortunate and infortunate, and of their prudencies and temerities: wherewith, except we be to much guided with follie or slouth, wee may bee brought and led (as it were with hand) to the seate of quietnesse and felicitie: in which, onely tranquilitie, and aboundance of all things to bee desired, glorie and immortalitie is
[Page 49] found. Wherfore hauing not a little considered of what valour, the memory of thinges done is, and how much vtilitie and profit the same bringeth to the affaires of mankinde: I haue (so much as in meelieth) not onely endeuored my selfe in much reading of histories, but also the same written in other languages, haue put in latin, and I my selfe likewise, to write the historie of the warres of
Malta. Howbeit in the great plentie and abundance of the famous acts and doings of worthy persons as, that which pleaseth one, liketh not an other; so to me, though not a little it seemeth hard and difficult to giue due ornament of words, vnto the arts and doings of valiant seruiters, I haue taken in hand, to put in perpetuall memorie, the worthy warres done in the said Iland of
Malta, of the which so briefelie as I can, I will shew vnto you the truth.
The warres, which
Solyman the Emperour of the
Turkes moued against the knights of the order of Saint
Iohn, heeretofore founded in
Hierusalem, & now resident in the Iland of
Melita commonly called
Malta, I purpose to write: not onely beecause the same seemed to bee meruailous cruell, and doubtfull to which of the parts the victorie would encline, but rather the worthie vertue and force of those excellent defenders, no lesse may vnto each one appeare, then likewise it may bee well perceiued, how much the force of Christian nations, ioyned togethers may preuaile, and which being sondred and disioyned how little the same can doe: But before I make mencion of the beginning of the warres, it is requisit that I should touch somewhat of the originall and beginning of the knights of this order of
[Page] Saint
Iohn, & by what meanes they first came into this Iland of
Malta, to the end that euery thing may the more easely & plainly be vnderstood & knowen. At such time as the christians of the
Latin Church, moued wars against the
Sarazins &
Turks, & other barbarous nations, for obtaining of
Hierusalem & other cities of
Syria: there were that vowed themselues, & all the goods that they had to serue in defence of the most sacred religion of our sauiour Christ: Among these, were some that builded Hospitals in
Hierusalem, for receiuing and lodging of Pilgrimes, & that defended the waies and passages of Pilgrimes from the inuasions of the Infidels, who alwaies studied to annoy the christians
[...] of these, some were called
Ioannits, some
Templars, some
Teutones. Howbeit the
Templars (about CC. yeres agone (by meanes of
Philip le Beau the french king, &
Pope Clement the fift of that name condemning that order) were vtterly destroied, the orders of the
Ioannits, and
Teutones did remaine: Neuerthelesse the truth of the name of the
Ioannits, is not according to the common fame, which supposeth that it tooke name in the honour of
Saint Iohn the
Baptist, but rather (as saith the
Bishop of
Tyrus, who at that time right grauely wrote the acts and worthy doings of the Christians in the
Orient:) that the hospitall & house, (whereof the
Ioannits doe account themselues to bee bretheren) was founded by the
Amalphitans people of
Italy, who traded about affaires of merchandize into the
Orient, (at such time as the
Egiptian Bishop whom the
Egiptians called their
Caliph ruled in the city of
Hierusalem) and by them, their order was consecrated to
Saint Iohn a
Ciprian borne,
Patriaroh sometime of
Alexandria,
[Page 50] who by reason of his great charitie towardes the poore people of God, was called
Saint Iohn the
Eleemozinar▪ But vnto those, that think the name to bee ascribed to
Iohn Hircanus one of the
Machabais, they seeme, they would craue authoritie from to much antiquitie: Howbeit I will leaue the credit thereof, vnto the authors and inuentors of the same. Notwithstanding, it is most manifest, that the white
Crosse, (which the
Ioannits vse vpon black apparell,) the first toke of one
Gerard sometime maister of the hospitall in
Hierusalem: but their institutions & rules, (wherwith their order is gouerned) one
Raimund
[...] Poggio a
Florentine (created with no little authoritie
Magister Equitum, (according to the warlike order of the ancient
Romains) did establish, & so in processe of time (both by the liberality of
Princes, & other nacions) they encreasing with wonderfull wealth, & riches, they builded to themselues (by vertue & good order,) such dominacion as it were another king do me, & attained therwith no little fame & glory, howbeit when as by the space o
[...] CC. yeeres, they had worthely serued in
Siria against the infidels: at the last when the infidels had taken
Hierusalem, they retired themselues vnto
Ptolemais, a city in
Phoenicia, & from thence, being expulsed by the
Souldan of
Egipt, then with a great nauie (which they gat together, partly by their owne wealth, and partly by the help & aide of the
Templars, and other christian nations, which succored them) they inuaded the Isle of the
Rhodes, being possessed at that time by the
Turks, whom they expelled from thence, where they & their posteritie remayned, vnto such time as by the aforenamed
Solyman, with a great and meruailous nauie inuading
[Page] and besieging the
Rhodes (whan as with their owne onely force they could no longer resist, and were forsaken, as it seemed, of all other Christian aide and helpe) they were compelled to yeeld vp the Iland of the
Rhodes into the hands of the
Turkes, and so to forsake the same. This fortresse of the
Orient in such sort beeing lost, and that the
Ioannits, had retired themselues into the Iland of
Sicilia: than by the liberalitie of the Emperour
Charles the fifth of that name, they obreigned the Iland of
Melita commonly named
Malta, in the yeere of our Lord God 1529. and there euer sithens haue staied themselues, which Island (as oportunitie shall serue when heereafter in this historie, I shall entreate of the besieging of the fame, and of the counsailes and preparations of
Soliman,) I will at length discribe. The
Ioannits, thus rested and setled in
Malta, and their power not a little encreased, they sea
[...]ed not by all the waies and meanes they could to endamage and anoy the
Turkes, aswell on the
[...]eas to spoile the
Turkes, as also in euery war that our Emperour moued against the
Turkes, they euer ioyned their forces with the powers of the Emperour. With which so doings
Solyman moued aswell by his vsuall insatiate appetite of dominacion and rule, as with his auncient hatred conceiued against Christian religion, was meruailouslie offended, and beegan to note and marke this their doings, and deuised with himselfe by what meanes he might driue the
Ioannits, from the seas, and vtterly (if hee could) to destroy them: therefore with no little dilligence and hast, hee caused a great nauie to bee prepared and rigged forth, and so commaunded to his Admirall and Captaines of his places
[Page 51] on the sea costs, to be in a readinesse at the next spring, whan as, a litle after, in person hee had viewed part of such things as hee had before commaunded, and part by intelligence hee had vnderstoode, to bee in readinesse. Than calling his nobilitie together in counsaile, he vsed these kinde of woords to them (as was reported) which follow.
That, which by these fortie yeeres I haue alwayes desired,
The woor Solyman, his Nobili that after myne other warres, I might get so much leisure, whereby I might once driue out from their nests these bosting
Cruciats, glorying so much themselues, to bee the chiefest propugnacle and fortres of the Christians. The same occasion, (mee thinketh) I haue now obtayned thorough the help of the great God and
Mahumet. For, as touching the attempts of the
Persians I haue in such sort repressed, that they cannot harme vs. And as concerning the troubles fained to bee in
Hungary, I trust to giue such orders in that behalfe, that our enemie ther, shall bee glad to get and hide himselfe in the furthest part of
Germany, and to be fayne to demaunde & craue peace at our hands.
You, your selues, are not ignoraunt what complaints are daylie made vnto vs by our subiects and marchanuts whom those of
Malta (whom rather pirats than soldiors I call) whan they get themselues to the Seas, they vtterly spoyle and reaue from them all that they haue. The iniuries of whom, and others vnto vs done, both Gods law and mans, doth mooue vs to reuenge. Nor truely there can be any thing more acceptable, or ioyful to me, or more aptly can purchase to me an Immortall fame, than that I might bring to passe (beefore I depart from
[Page] this mortall lyfe,) two things, the one to winne the
Island of
Malta, the other is to haue whole
Hungary and the landes and dominions of
Sarmatia in subiection. Except some will thinke that it will bee greater difficultie to mee, to expell these
Cruciats out of their Rocks of
Malta, than to our elders that droue theyr predecessors both out of
Hierusalem and whole
Syria, and to vs also that after, expelled them out of the
Isle of
Rhodes. But this
Island (you will say) is more nigh
Itally, from whens ayde may soone come, and with their Nauies the easilier to bee defended.
Beeleeue and credit mee, that the
Itallians dare not fight against vs on the seas; whan they remember howoft they haue had the ouerthrow at our handes. As for any great garrisons, the place being so litle and straight, they cannot haue. And if they haue, they cannot feede them long. Wherefore for their affaires, wee entende this next Spring, to set forwards our mightie Nauie, and for that purpose wee haue already giuen in commaundement to euerie of our Captaines of the Seas, that with theyr Gallies and Shippes, they may bee in a readynesse to depart.
The King of
Arger will bee there to serue vs. Our Garrisons remayning at ALEXANDRIA, in EGIPT are in readinesse. The Nauie of
Dorgutes, are lykewise rigged foorth to serue vs, by my meanes. To this great and mightie Nauie of ours, wee doubt not but that the force of the
Occident wil
[...] giue place: Which with the ayde of the grear God and
Mahumet, and your inuincible courage, I firmely hope will come to passe.
There resteth no more, but for you to thincke,
[Page 52] how these warres may conuenently proceede, and to giue to vs your faythfull aduises and counsayles in the same.
Which that you may the better doe, beeholde heere beefore your eyes the plat of the whole
Island of
Malta, and of euerie fortresse in the same, which I receiued from certayne friendes of myne right expert in discryuing of such matters. The woords of
The sheweth counsai
[...] of the of Mal
[...]
Solyman thus declared, and throughlie considered by those, to whome both the
Island and the order of the same, was right well knowne, and by them declared, what, conuenientlie was in that beehalfe to bee done.
It was fullie resolued and concluded, that the Nauie so in a readynesse at the appoynted tyme should set forward, and to depart. And so the Nauie beeing vitailled, and the Soldiours shipped, tarryed onelie for windes. Of these proceedings of the
Turke, Seignior Iean Valet, a French man borne, and at that tyme great Maister of
Malta, both by letters and Espialls getting intelligence, for that hee had at
Constantinople such friends, as most prudently gat knowledge of the secret counsaile and doings of
Solyman, as one not affrayde but alwayes thincking that victories remayned in the handes of God, and that the part of a prudent Generall and others at his commaundement, is to bee alwayes vigilant, dilligent and to woorke by Counsyle, and therefore hee called togethers a Counsayle of the Knights of the order, to whom in few woords hee dyd speake to this effect following.
[Page]What,
Solyman the
Turke (most noble and valyaunt
woords let the mastar to
[...]ann
[...]ts. knights) prepareth, and how great and mightie warres hee entendeth to mooue against vs, I thincke of late you haue vnderstood, so well, as I doe, whereof to make any long circumstance of woordes to you,
[...] neede not. The enemie is knowen, his insatiat desire of dominatiō and rule is knowen, his might and force is knowen, yea, & his continuall hatred against vs & the Christian faith is no lesse knowen to you. But now rather let euerie of vs, doe our endeuour to haue first almightie God to be our friend, and than to prepare euerie thing for the warres. Almightie God would be our friend, and we assuredly shall please him, if wee doe two things. One, if wee from hence foorth, amende our liues, the other is, if wee honour him with pure religion and to haue a firme hope & trust in him, which is called
Pietie. With these vertues, our famous elders, obtained innumerable victories against the infidells, in the
Orient. And there is no doubt, but, if with the like vertues, we be furnished, wee shall giue ouerthrow to the cruell purposes of this bluddie Tyrant. Howbeit, for so much as Almightie God is ready to aide such as would be circumspect & apt to doe well, and not the slowthfull, and cowardes: Let vs therefore prouide for those necessaries as both our profession requireth, and order of warres, willeth. Whereof part, in our selues consisteth, & part in other Christian Princes remayneth. As for victuall, money, armour, and other things which order of warres desireth, wee shall so prouide for the same, that you shall well vnderstand, that money, in necessaries, I will not spare, and much lesse, labour, where I may enploy it.
[Page 53]In these affaiers I will bee ready to spend all that I can make. And for any safegard of my lyfe, I will not eschew any perill. As touching other Princes, I cannot beeleeue, that (vpon such waightie occasions whereof the perill no lesse toucheth them, than vs,) they would bee negligent to giue vs ayde. As for the
Popes holynesse, the
Emperour, and the king of
Hispain, I doubt not (for the Pietie and godlynesse in them remayning) but that they will succour and aide vs to the vttermost, and that also they will mooue others to doe the lyke; And as for you, most worthie lampes and lights of Christians and others of our most louing bretheren knights of this sacred and martiall order, I doubt not but that you all, will so couragiously and valiauntly fight against this most cruell tyrant, subuerter & ouerturner of the true religion of God, and oppressor of all good conditions, manners, Artes, and discipline, in defence of our Christian Religion, liues, goods, and glorie of the Latin Church, that the view of the glorious Crosse of ours, (which this vile dog) so much abhorreth and contempneth) may bee seene to his perpetual care in
Constantinople (where he dwelleth.) Wee haue not now affaires in the
Isle of
Rhodes, farre from our aydes and succors out of
Asia, Europ, and
Aegipt, compassed about, with the enemie, both by land and sea: but rather in the view and face of
Italie & strong fortified places, wherby the enemy may be easilie ouerthrowne. That it may so bee, let vs make ernest prayer to almightie God. When the great master had thus giuen ende
[...] his most prudent woords. The Knights of the order which than were present,
[Page] with one voyce aunswered, that sooner theyr liues should take ende, than that so comman a cause for want of theyr endeauours should quaile, or that they on liue, to come into the handes of that cruell tyraunt
Solyman.
After common prayers and generall processions, commaunded to bee done in euerie Church in the
Island of
Malta: there were immediatlie of the order of the Knights, three chosen, to bee
Tribuni or generall surueiours, whereof one an
Italian by surname called
Imperadore; the other a French man borne, named
Bornye; the third, a
Spaniard, borne in
Aragone, called
Quatrius, gentlemen of great prouidence, foresight, and right expert in knowledge of warres. Who according to theyr prudence hauing considered euery thing meete to this warre, they immediatly dyd put the same in readinesse. For they, considering, that the suburbs and trees, nigh vnto places of fortification would not a litle bee an anoynce to the fame, they immediatly caused them to bee cast downe. Thus the fortifications being viewed, and the Garrisons of euery fortresse there, augmented, and the same aboundantly victualled according to the considered necessitie thereof. Letters were immediatly sent from the great master both to the
Popes holinesse and other
Princes, together with diuerse messengers into sundrie places, that might giue intelligence heereof as well to the knights of this order remaining among other nacions, as to others. Of which letters, one written to
Pius the fourth of that name, Pope of
Rome, that of this, the others may bee well considered, this (as followeth) is the Copie.
WHile that I endeauored my selfe with the force of
The Letter frō the great maister of Malta to Pope Pius the fourth of that name. this our order to withstand the great
Turkish nauie now in readinesse to approch towards vs: I found my selfe in manner vnarmed from euery necessary, which of my selfe I colde neuer haue furnished, if your exceeding goodnesse (most holy father) both with your Letters, money, and one Ensigne of valiant Soldiors had not ayded me. So that otherwise I had not knowne, how wel to haue done.
For considering by reason of the sundrie threatnings which the Turcke made these sundrie yeeres past, against this place and order; I haue beene brought to such intollerable charges that I know by no meanes, how to come out of debte, of the money that I haue borowed, besides the interest daylie thereof encreasing.
Howbeit a greater matter encombereth my mynde, which is, (whether this armie of the
Turkes eyther shall proceede, or stay,) whan I perceiue, him, beeing our generall enemie, so dilligent to set forward his Nauie and continually busie about his other afayres of warres, and wee of this order, to bee put to these intollerable charges.
Will not any thinke, that, right great is the folie of vs Christians, that will suppose, that whan the power of the Christians is such, that scarce it beeing able to defende themselues: The
Turke will feare to receiue any detryment at our hands. What courage will hee conceiue, when none of vs encountereth his intollerable pride.
[Page]Besides hee well knoweth, that if he might get but togethers his onely pirats that remayne heere in the Ponent or West parts, hee were able, of them, in mine opinion to make a greater Nauie and Armie by sea, than that we Christians with no litle difficulty made against him the other yeere. Which the like againe, this yeere, I would bee right glad to see. Howbeit who is so ignoraunt that if such a Nauie and force may bee made of his onely Pirats, what if a great part or the whole power of his Countries in the leuant and Orient, were ioyned togethers, may not hee than doe vs a greater detriment, if God of his goodnesse doe not stay him, vnto such tyme as Christian Princes haue cōuenient space to gather themselues together to encounter so puissaunt and mightie an enemie.
And whan as it seemeth that the
Princes of the Christians so much neglecteth the fauour of God, that with no detriments and with no infamies, they will awake from their too long sleepe and slouth, it is to bee feared that God will take of his hand and to let slip to this cruell tyrant, occasion and power to accomplish his long desired minde and furie vpon all vs Christians, that no power which heereafter shall bee against him made, can bee able to withstand his crueltie.
Which inconueniences, I doubt not, but that your holynesse, long, beefore this time, hath considered, and that worthie minde of yours is enflamed with the desire of so holy and Godly reuengement as is to bee done vpon so common a cruell enemie & hethen dog.
[Page 55] But I feare to seeme to much arrogant, in your holynesse sight, that haue taken so much boldnesse vpon me to intreat vpon such affaires so rudely with your holynesse, to whose diuine prouidence these things are better knowne than to mee. Neuerthelesse whan as such things, which by eies are seene, doe a great deale more moue vs, then that which we heare with our eares, then I hauing these thinges continually before mine eyes, am so afected, that I cannot in such waightie affaires hold my tongue, but most humbly and lowlie doe beseech your holinesse, not for this sacred order of knights sake, onely, which alwaies is and shalbe ready to liue & die for the defence of the Christian religion, (considering by our profession no kinde of death must be refused, where due occasion shall be ministred,) but also in the name of whole christendome that so much already hath tasted your most godly and paternall zeale and loue towards them, that for the publique tranquilitie of the same touching matters of faith, you laied aside all your owne priuate commodities and affaires, calling together of late a counsaile generall: now that you would vouchsafe, to call some other counsaile togethers (being a matter of no lesse importance, to repaire the wofull ruines of long times past, and to eschew worse to come) whereby Christian princes gathering themselues togethers may conuert and turne their powers against this pestiferous serpent; and to driue him into his auncient limits, that no longer, hee haue power to deuoure such multitude of Christians; as to the great shame of Christendome he hath done: For so far wee haue seene him spred his deadly poison, that now hee
[Page] hath in maner compassed the little limits of the christian kingdomes: now considering that all domesticall and ciuill warres beeing vtterly extinguished, and assured amitie and peace by the prouidence of God beeing resident among Christian princes, it beehoueth vs now to awake. For if by misfortune our princes againe should fall to any new vvarres among themselues, this importunate beast would not sleepe, but would seeke how hee may worke our vtter ruine. Truely most holy father, for the great pietie and singuler prudence in your holynesse remaining, I hope that so great an occasion of laude and perpetuall glory (whereby you may deserue well towards both God and man,) you would leaue to no successor of yours: With this hope I will comfort my selfe, trusting before I shall depart fro this mortall life, to see this saored
[...]ourny to bee aduanced against our cruell and commoneenemie of Christes religion, beesides which, nothing can happen to mee more ioyfully, or bee to mee a greater felicitie: If therefore in these matters, I haue beene either longer, or more liberall of writing, than to mee hath appertained, I hope that of your fathely clemency, you will giue pardon vnto me, whom no little care of our Christian religion rather then rashnesse hath mooued mee thus to wright: And for my part for your perpetuall goodnesse or rather pietie towardes this our order, I most humbly render to your holynesse immortall thankes, and so will continue to doe during life, and so doe beeseech almightie God to preserue your holinesse in good and prosperous life. About this time
Dom Garza di Toledo, the Viceroy
[Page 56] of
Sicilia, vnder
Philip king of
Hispain, and gouernour of all his graces nauy in those parts, fearing that the nauie of
Solyman, vnder coulour to seeme that hee would inuade
Malta, would straight passe to the
Gulet, a Castle standing in the straites and entering of the poole or stagne of
Tunes, and to beesiege the same, therefore he passed ouer to the castle of
Gulet, both to furnish the same with new supplie of
Garrison, and other necessaries thereunto appertaining, and in his way, the
Viceroy touched at
Malta, and there landed to confer with the great master, touching the warres pretended against
Malta: But they hauing intelligence that the nauy of
Solyman was departed from
Constantinople, so as by reason of small time, they could not tarry so long togethers as the waight of the cause required,
Dom Garza immediatly departed from
Malta, vnto the castle of
Gulet in
Barbaria, which when he had viewed, and furnishing the same with such necessaries as it lacked, hee retourned with all possible diligence into
Sicilia, to rig & set forward ther the kings nauy. But the meane time, the
1565. The 22 of March the Turks nauy vnlosed from Constantinople. nauy of
Solyman the xxii. of
March in the yeere of our sauiour Christ M. D. lxv began vnloose from
Constantinople, & the next day after departed from that port towards
Peloponneso, & so came to
Methone. Ther
Mustapha Bassa a man of the age of lxxv yeres, being appointed to be generall of the
Turks army by land, ther mustered his army where of his horsemen called
Spachi, which came out of the lesser
Asia, were seauen thousand, hauing to their captaine a gentleman of the same prouince of
Asia, with two liuetenants. Out of
Cilicia came v. C from the Iland of
Mitilena came also iiii. C y
t of euery of their prouinces
[Page] had captaines from whence they came: he had also of olde souldiers, whom they call
Ianizers, foure thousand fiue hundred, to whom
Solyman himselfe appointed two Captaines to bee their leaders, considering that their generall whom the
Turkes (in their tongue) call
Aga, neuer departeth out of
Constantinople: Beesides this, there be among the
Turkes, a kinde of souldiers that liue of the fruits and stipends of their spiritualtie, of these in this army were thirteene thousand, who at
Constantinople had vowed thēselues to serue for the defence of their faith and Emperour. There came also out of
Thrasia and
Peloponneso two Captaines, and one liuetenant with a thousand two hundred horsemen, & three thousand and fiue hundred other souldiers that came from diuers places, voluntary to serue for wages: there likewise, did
Pial Bassa the
Turkes Admirall, muster his nauy wher he found to be a hundred & thirtie gallies, eleauen ships of burden of the lesser sort, a eleauen ships of burden of the greater making, beesides a great ship that was broken beesides
Methone, in which were then sixe thousand barrells of gun pouder, thirtie thousand shot, and sixe hundred
Spachi, of the which scarce two hundred were saued. There came also from the Island of the
Rhodes ten gallies, vnder the guiding of
Haliport a man of the age of threescore and tenne, two gallies from
Mitylene vnder the leading of
Salach, brother to the king of
Alger, that newly was dead, also there were othersoists & pirats ships, about the number of seauenteene. With this great and mightie nauy, the
Turks departed from
Methone the thirteenth day of Maie, and ariued at
Malta the eighteenth day of the saide moneth
[Page 57] of Male, and tooke first port at the North cast part of
The 180 Ma
[...] the Nauie of the Turks ariued at Malta. the Island, which the inhabitants call
Marzasirocco. But the
Turkes perceiuing that they had not a safe rodested there, they remoued from thence to an other rodested of that Island, called
Maiaro. All this time the famous pirate
Dorguta was not come, it was said, he was tarieng in the Island called
Meninges, commonly named
Gerbas, with his ships, and in readinesse to come, and that hee had sent to the king of
Tunes, foure peeces of artillery of brasse, and other things, which hee gaue to him, to the end that the king should not aide the Christians in these wars, but rather to help the
Turks with a certaine porcion of victuall according to the agreement made beetwixt them, and for these and other causes it was fayned that the
Turks would first goe vnto the
Gulat, or else of purpose these newes were sowed, to the ende that those of
Malta crediting the same, should at vnawares be surprised: But the great maister of
Malta (being a man of a meruailous quicke and ingenious wit, and therewith right expert in the act of warres, and also wonderfull constant and circumspect against the practises and pollicies of the enimie) did fore cast these deuises and counsailes of the enimie, and right well did espie their purposes on euery side in his gentlemen and souldiers all, there was espied to rest an assured constancy and meruailous liuelinesse to serue in so worthy and most honorable cause: how beeit beefore I further proceede, this place requireth, to discriue vnto you the situation of this Island called
Melita otherwise
Malta. & of the especiall places thereof (wherein so many worthie acts were done,) to make mencion. The Island
[Page]
Malta is placed beetwixt
Africk and
Sicilia, and doubted
descript
[...] ▪ Malta. whether it should belonge to
Africk or
Europe, if it had not ben that the ancient inhabitants of
Melita time out of minde, hauing vsed the common language of those of
Africk, ha
[...]e alwaies reputed the Iland to bee a member of
Africk. This Iland from the North east to the North west is drawen in length twenty miles, & in breadth twelue miles, & from the place wher it is broadest, it proceedeth to be strait & narrow vpon the south towards that part of
Africk, where those famous quicke sands remaine that are called
Sirtis Minor, vpon the cost whereof is situated that towne which is named
Leptis Parua, & vpon the North faceing
Silicia, being more towards the
Promontory or lands end therof, called
Pachino than vnto
Lilybeo, & in compasse and circuit threescore miles the
Carthagians first inhabited this Iland, & after, as I vnderstand one
Battas, the first builder of the famous citie of
Cyrenes, did reigne there in the time of
Dido, which afterward came againe in subiection of the
Carthagians & so remained vnder their dominion vnto such time as the same in the second wars of the
Carthigians, that they with their nauy on the seas, being ouerthrowen came into the hands of the
Romaines: at which time those of
Malta were supposed to be very wealthy by reason of the repaire & much concourse of s
[...]ndry nations, through trade of marchandize that frequented thether, and famous, through sundry notable artes there vsed, & also of their notable Cotton which is very soft & white, there growing, of which sundry garments are made by those of
Malta and had much in estimacion. This Iland is well replenished with hony there growing, whereof
[Page 58] some suppose this Iland to haue the name, and also very famous with the growth there, of sweet roses: the trees there, haue fruit twise in the yeere, and oft times two haruests there, in one yeere, chiefely of barly flax & Cotten: How beit the ground ther euery where, is stony, vneuen, as heere an hill, there a valie, very vnfruitfull for trees, albeeit there groweth, the figge tree, Aple tree, Almonde tree and Vines planted with the much labour and diligence of the inhabitant, they haue wilde date trees but vnfruitfull, they haue exceeding plenty of great thistles, which they vse for their fewell and fire. In this Iland of
Malta is meruailous scarcetie of sweet water, which neither the skies (by reason of little rayne there) giueth, nor yet the grounds there, yeeldeth.
And
[...] for such fountaines and wells that there bee,
[...]y I beeleeue that it is the rayne that falleth in winter
[...]t maketh them, and yet they bee halfe
[...]alt and brackish, and drie in sommer. The Inhabitants through the exceeding heate of the Sunne are so
[...]anned, that they looke in colour much like to the
A
[...]thiopians so that rather in winter each thing that there groweth, seemeth to bee more pleasant to the view & sight. The men of this Iland for the most part are very healthfull of bodie, of sclender diet, very diligent and painefull rather than apt to wars, whom old age soner than disease and sicknesse, doth take them from this life: Their forme of buildings (except their citie which is situated in the midst of the Iland somewhat more towards the South which also is called
Melita) hauing certaine suberbs about the same, are long & low not much
[Page] vnlike the sheepe cotes of
Barbaria, couered with reede or thacht: the little and prety dogs called the
Miletean Dogs, are supposed to come forth of this Island, which
Pliny rather ascribeth to the other Island likewise called
Malta, lying in the gulfe of
Venice, betweene the Island
Curs
[...]la and the shore of
Dalmatia. In this Island of
Melita called
Malta, some affirme that
Saint Paule the
Apostle after shipwracke there did land: howbeit let them beeware, it be not the other
Malta, in the gulfe of
Venice that
Saint Luke makes mencion of, when as
Saint Paule in the the sea
Adriatico otherwise called the gulfe of
Venice, was tossed too and fro with cruell tempests of weather, but that he came out of that sea, into the other sea of
Mediterraneum, where the Iland of
Malta standeth, it appereth not in
Saint Luke. And as to that, which they say, no venemous beast neither there is engendred, nor, if from any other place, any venemous beast be brought into that Iland doth harme, and the same so hath continued there, sithens that time
Saint Paule, did cast of from his hands the viper and adder, that would haue stung him: howbeit it may be thought that this Iland hath naturally had that property, as likewise those Ilāds therabouts called
Gaulo, Galata, and
Clupea, at this day haue the like vertue by nature, & sundry other Ilands in that sea of
Mediterraneum, as others other wher: for the Iland of
Candye nourisheth no manner of venemous beast, as England hath no Wolues, nor Ireland any Serpent, considering both the aire of the places and nature of the grounds, are contrarious to the same: but touching this matter, as sundry haue their diuers mindes, so, that which hath seemed to make against the common
[Page 59] opinions by any probable maner, I haue thought good by the way not to let passe but to my purpose I will returne.
Malta vpon that part, which is towards
Sicilia, is bowed and croked into sundry bayes and rodesteids meet for the riding of shippes: as for hauens and ports this Island of
Malta hath two, besides the hauen vpon the East part of that Island, called
Marzas
[...]acco▪ and besides also the rodested of
Saint Thomas, and an other which is not far distant from the same, called
Seal or
Scala: of these two aforenamed hauens or ports, there is one which st
[...]heth from the South to the North, alongest the side of a long peece of ground of the said Island, in forme like vnto halfe an Island, and this hauen of the inhabitants is called
Marzamusetto, the other hauen stretching from the East to the West is likewise named
Porto Maior. Vpon the vttermost part and front of this halfe Island is situated a Castle or fortresse right stronglie fortified both by nature and art, called
Saint Elmo, whom heereafter I will name
Saint Hermes. To him that entreth into the other hauen called
Porto Maior, there doe appeare vpon the left hand thereof, foure long peeces of ground towards the sea, as it were certaine little halfe Islands or promontories, with as many rodesteds or baies for ships thervnto appertaining: vpon the first of these said foure promontories is situated a certaine
Gallos, being the common place of execution for offenders: vpon the second promontorie is planted an exceeding strong castle vpon an incredible high and ragged rocke of stone, called the castle of
Saint Angelo, nigh vnto the which, there is adioyning a towne seuered from the castle but with a dike and wall called
[Page]
B
[...]rgo, and sometime the new towne, cut and made out of a rocke right well fortified both with the sea, and art of the souldiour. In the Castle of
Saint Angelo, the great Maister of
Malta remaineth, & in the towne, the knights of the order are resident. Vpon the third promontorie there is a towne also called
B
[...]rgo, and a Castle called
Saint Michael. The fourth promontorie is vninhabited: hauing a mightie baie in the same, stretching to the water of
Marza, and in manner to halfe the Island as beefore I haue said. Againe from the hauen or port of
Musetto towards the West, there appeareth an other rodested, which is dedicated to
Saint George, and an other called
Benorrat: beyonde lieth the port of
Saint Paule, not much lesse then that, which is on the
Orientall part of the Island, after, is the rodested called
Salynarum. Vpon the other side of the Island which is towards
Africk is the rodested called
Miliaria: there bee also sundry other little Islands not farre from
Malta, as the Island of
Gaulos, which some suppose to be
C
[...]sira, at this day called
Gozo, in compasse thirty miles, towards the West of
Malta, not passing fiue miles distant, by sea from
Malta, which Islande of
Gozo, in the yeere of our Lord 1551 was taken and wasted by the
Turks and sixe thousand captiues, out of that Island were taken & had away, at such time as the towne of
Tripolis in
Africke, (which sometime was called
Leptis Magna,) was wone by the
Turkes, from the knights of this order. Betweene
Goza and the West side of
Malta, there lieth two other Ilands, whereof the greater, commonly is called
Cumino, and the lesser
Cuminetto, seuered the one from the other, with the sea, beeing there verie narrow.
[Page 60]At the South and by West part of
Malta, there is an
Ad Eurotiotum. other little Iland called at this day
Piper: All which Ilands are in obedience to the great Maister of
Malta, the rest for the mos
[...] part are compassed with huge rockes, and raging seas, thus of
Malta and the inhabitants thereof, (somuch as appertaineth to the knowledge of this present matter,) I thinke there is inough saide. The meane time, what power and army
Mounsier Valet the great Maister of
Malta, had to withstand the
Turks ariuall, I will shew vnto you first of all. In the Iland were a thousand and three hundred souldiers, that tooke wages: of a thousand of those, some were
Spaniards, some French men, and some
Florentines, the rest were
Neapolitai
[...]s: There also were a thousand, that frequented the seas, pertaining to the Nauie of the Knights of
Malta, and fiue hundred in the towne of
Saint Angelo: Of the inhabitants of the Iland were about fiue thousand, that were trained for the warres, and were retired from their Countrie habitations to
Borgo, where the great Maister was resident. There were also fiue hundred Knights of the order, beesides the Priests and esquires, for there bee three sortes of them, that in this order of
Malta are called bretheren: And this was the vvhole number that defended the Castles and Tovvnes of
Saint Hermes, Angelo, and
Michael, into the vvhich the souldiers vvere distributed, accordingly as each place was thought requisit to bee defended. In the Citie of
Malta (vvhereof beefore I mencioned,) vvere placed two hundred souldiers besides the citizens, & foure hundred chosen out of the rest of the vvhole Iland,
[Page] and three hundred, also that serued on horsebacke, vnto this garrison of the citie of
Malta, was appointed to be generall, one
Sor ▪
Io▪ Vagno a M
[...]ncalerio, a gentleman borne in the countrie of
Piemont: besides these things, was prepared a meruailous furniture of victuall, armour, weapon, and necessaries, which vsually was to be prouided, meet for abiding of a long siege and other wants, and aboue all other, that which is to be desired against euery infortunitie, there was planted in euery one that there serued, an inuincible courage, which oft times maketh the ouerthrowen to be victorious. Things beeing in this order and readinesse, and vnderstanding that
The Turkes landing in Malta. seauen and twentie of the gallies of the
Turkes had taken the port of
Marzasirocco, and had landed certaine of their souldiers: Immediatly
Gyon the Captaine of the nauie of the order of
Malta, a right diligent and forward gentleman accompanied with fiftie Arquebusiers was sent to view the enemie, and in so much as he could to endeauour to draw the enimie to some open places: But the
Turks espying them, right quickly retired to their gallies againe: at an other part, where the greater part of the
Turks nauie rode, ther were landed two hundred
Turks, & vpon them gaue a charge, one
Riuier a gentleman of france, accōpanied with eight other horsemen, who hauing his horse slaine vnder him, and with the losse of one of his companions, came into the handes of the enimie. While these matters were in doing, a christian man a captiue among the
Turkes slipt from them, as they rode in the port of
Vulturno, and fled into the citie of
Malta, and discouered there to the general, the purpose of the enimie, saying that the deuise of
[Page 61]
Mustapha the generall of the
Turkes army was, that the most part of their army should land with their great artillery, and to besiege and giue batterie to the fortified places, whose opinion
Piale Bassa, the
Turks Admirall, did vtterly mislike, saying that if he so did, he should but come to his manifest destruction, considering they had not passing eight thousand
Ianizers, and ten thousand
Spachies, besides a rude and vntrained companie of mariners to be left in the shippes, wherefore vnto such time as
Dorguta should come, who euery houre was loked for hee would enterprise nothing▪ at whose comming, hee would then agree, that the castle of Saint Hermes should first bee beesieged. For
Solyman the
Emperour of the
Turkes, did commaund that nothing should bee done without the aduise and counsaile of
Dorguta, such confidence and credit had this barbarous prince in the warlike knowledge and practise of
Dorguta: But whether this intelligence were true or fayned, the
Turks neuerthelesse riding in the port of
Vulturno, landed twentie thousand of their souldiers, with fiue field peeces, and encamped themselnes right stronglie
Azorbar. in a place, which those of
Malta call
Azorbar: that done
Pial Bassa accompanied with seauen thousand with him departed to view the situacion of the fortresse of
Saint Michael, vpon that part which loketh towards
Saint Katherines Church, and durst not approch nigher, beecause the artillery of the fortresse began to shoote of a pace, against him and his company, besides, certaine of the garison of the fortresse, made a salie and issue vpon the enimie, and in such sort behaued themselues that one named
Curfeline, by surname called
Prata a gentleman
[Page] of right singuler worthines, hauing in his company but one onely
Spaniard, valiantly berest an ensigne from the enimie, & killed a
Sangiaco, and certaine others of the
Consultation of the Turkes.
Turks. So the
Turks retired to their campe, vvher among the Princes of the same, consultation vvas had, vvhether it were better, that battery should be first layed to the fortresse of
Saint Hermes, or to the towne of
Saint Michael: Finallie it was concluded that the fortresse of
Saint Hermes should first bee beesieged. So the
Turkes to view the fortresse, mounted vpon a hill, who beeing perceiued by those of the fortresse, issue and salie was made, and therewith a skirmish on both sides beegan, and after a few slaine on each part, each side retired. Matters in this sort growing hotte, the Prince of
Malta, hauing in memorie those thinges that were to bee done, thought it most conuenient to vrge and stirre the
Viceroy of
Sicilia, in hast to set forward his Nauy, that then was in rigging. Therefore hee commaunded a gallie to bee with all diligence, set in a readinesse to depart towards
Sicilia, for the conuaying of one named
Saluago, a knight of that order, for the exploit of such matters of charge, wherewith he then commanded him. The meane time the
Turkes began to erect a Mount, of intent both to
Vallum ex
[...]uunt. Pa. 40. batter the fortresse of
Saint Hermes, & to anoy the ships of
Malta, as they rode in the port, that therby they might open a more safe entry for their galies that were abroad. Howbeit the fortresse of
Saint Elmo otherwise called S.
Hermes, so troubled them with the strokes of their great artillery, that the
Turkes were saine to forsake that peece of fortification, before the same could take end, which
[Page 62] partly discouraged the boldnesse of the
Turks. During which time, the
Turk Ochial with sixe ships hauing in the same nine hundred souldiers deducted, out of the garrison of
Alexandria in
Egipt, came as a supply to the encrease of the force of the
Turkes. Therefore the
Turks beegan an other fortification vpon an higher plat of ground then before they did, whereby, not onely they wonderfully annoied, the port where the ships of
Malta had their rodested, but also troubled with their great shot, the castle of Saint
Angelo, and besides with entrenching they gate night the Castle of Saint
Hermes, albeit, at the first they had much to doe therewith, considering they of the fortresse did what they could to enbar them, notwithstanding in the end the
Turks with much labour and diligence wherein they exceede all other nations, they accomplished their trench. Wherefore the
Turkes, with no little expedition, in such sort and place planted their great artillery, that they determined, both the castle of Saint
Angelo & Saint
Michael, should be encombered with the stroke of their Canon. This while, there was in the Campe of the
Turks, a
Spaniard, a gentleman,
A fugitiue. albeit a slaue, he, when he had assuredly learned a part of the pretences of the
Turkes, gaue intelligence of the same to
Mounsier Valet the prince of
Malta by a Christian that was a fugitiue, which when the prince vnderstood, he sent two ensignes of
Spaniards into the castle of Saint
Hermes, vnder the leading of the valiant captaines
Cerda and
Miranda, to supply a certaine want ther▪ which after was to the great defence of the castle of Saint
Hermes, & detriment of the enimie. This season ariued
Dorguta the
Turk, the general of
Tripolis accompanied with thirteene
[Page] ships and one thousand sixe hundred souldiers in them, after him also came tenne Brigantines, which brought
Decem B
[...]emes. two ensignes of men of war, from the towne of
Bona in
Barbaria, and out of the Island of
Meninges. The meane time
Saluago (a
Genuan borne, a knight of the order and a very forward gentleman) who (as before) was sent into
Sicilia, arriued at the citie of
Messana, who (after hee had declared to the
Viceroy, his charge, and the state wherein
Malta was,) was commaunded to ship himselfe againe in a barque that was prepared for him to depart, for whose safe conduction two gallies vnder the regiment of the Captaines
Cornissone and
Santalo, knights also of that order were commanded to accompany him, who left him not vntill hee was nigh the Iland of
Malta, and then retourned backe into
Sicilia, but
Saluago, not without meruailous daunger of his person, and but with losse of one of his men, passed with his ship through the middest of the enimie into the towne of
Burgo, about three of the clocke in the morning. This while, the
Turks seemed to change their deuise, where they once determined to haue besieged both
Saint Hermes and
Saint Michael, but now encamped themselues at the water of
Marza, beeing a fountaine there, which made the entrie of
Saluago to be more difficult and perillous: Howbeit after
Saluago had declared to the great Maister his charge, from the
Viceroy of
Sicill, immediatly the great Maister caused him to depart into
Sicilia againe, and to shew to the
Viceroy, that they had great neede to haue more aide of souldiers, and that for the time hee would vouchsafe to helpe them with the supplie of an other ensigne or two of chosen
[Page 63] souldiers, that the better they might withstand the furie of the enemie vntill further ayde came.
Saluago neither sparing labour, or dreading perill, immediatly gat himselfe to the sea, and in short time landed in the Port of
Sarragosa▪ in
Sicilia, where hee found those two Gallies, whereof I tould you before, and in them caused foorthwith to bee shipped (as was appoynted) foure hundred souldiors, among whom, were sundrie knights of the order of
Melita, and with them also were sent certaine expert Gunners and Cannoners.
These so shipped,
Saluago gaue aduise that they should eschew the West part of the Island
Melita, and compassing about, should endeauor themselues to draw towards the East part thereof, and so to get vnto the South coast of the
Island, and there to land at the port called
Miliare, and from thence by night to conduct the souldiors (by places of couert,) vnto the Citie of
Melita which from their landing place was not past foure miles distant, and so from thence easilie to get vnto the Castell of
Saint Michaell. Which aduise so giuen
Saluago departed to
Messana, and there shewed to the
Viceroy the furie of the warres in
Melita, and the great lacke of souldiors there, and required that hee might haue but a thousand footemen beesides those which hee had already sent, and than hee verilie hoped that the furie of the Turckes should for a time bee endured, vnto such time as the
Viceroy with his nauie should giue further succour.
While these matters were putting in redinesse, which might haue had more hast, if that our Christian Princes in so weightie and daungerous causes had not seemed to haue slept too much: the third day of the moneth of
[Page]
Iune, which was the holy day dedicated to saint
Hermes,
The first assalt. the
Turkes sodainely went to assault the fortresse of saint
Hermes, supposing to haue gotten by scaling of short ladders that part of a new fort which the Christians had builded ioyning nigh vnto the conterscarpt of the Castell. But the Christians with the help of a new
Casemact made strong and large in the dike, with faggot & earth, (which before had no manner of defence there) and by the ayde of the Castell also, worthelie withstood the enemie; In such sort as that they filled the dike of the fort with the dead bodies of the
Turkes. The
Turkes notwithstanding (by reason of their multitude, wherewith rather than manhoode they obtaine the victories that they get) dyd meruailously stand to their marke, in such sort, as y
t with very force (though late at night) they dyd win that part of the fort which vieweth y
e port of
Mussetto, and immediatly there, with a meruelous expedicion they entrenched thēselues with a new work, to the ende they might not bee endamaged by the Christians. For by the help of the
Turks artillerie which were planted vpon the other side of
Marzamusetto they were not a litle ayded to entrench, considering vpon that part, their Artillerie in such sort scoured, that our men durst not abide there, in that part of the fort to resist, wherwith also the corner of a bulwarke & the curtaine of that part of the fort were likewise beaten in sunder. Whereof though the height and greatnesse was very troublesome to the enemie; yet was the same litle profitable to vs, because the sides thereof was not bending & crooking ynough that therby both the same might the better haue ben defended, and the enemie more conueniently haue beene beaten
[Page 64] on the flanke. But for as much as the night approched on, the
Turks to the number of fiue thousand remained ther still, for about nine thousand gaue the assalt) & the Christians were compelled to retire themselues out of the fort into the fortresse, & to leaue the fort to the
Turks that wan the same. The
Turks through the benefit of the darknesse of the night with pokes stuffed with okam and earth, filled that part of the dike, that was vnder the ramper, that the breadth and deepenesse of the same, vpon the approach, might lesse annoy them. In this aslalt, aboue eight hundred
Turkes were slaine, whereof part were
Ianizaries, & part of the
Spachies, besides not a few
Spach
[...], qui seruent auec trois ou quatre cheualls chascun, et aut 200 ducats per An, et sont tous Azamoglan et esclaux dudict grand Turc. that were hurt, of whom a good part remained in the dikes, halfe dead & halfe aliue, for that part of the dike which was filled with them, did stop both them and vs from comming to help them, considering there was no passage to them, but onely that one which was in the front of the rampire, wherefore those that so remained hurt, of very force must needs perish, when none could come to helpe them. Of vs christians at the first encounter, were slaine about xlv, of the which were certaine knights of the order of the
Ioannits, as
Gaurdamps borne in
Auern in fraunce,
Masius of the prouince of
Narbon in france,
Contilia a
Spaniard, Somatia a
Florentine, &
Ninecas a
German, & certaine wounded, as Captaine
Motta, who afterward dyed in the fortresse, of his hurts. The great Maister thinking requisit, as reason was, that a supplie of soldiers should be sent to succour the fortresse, to the aide therof, immediatly he sent not onely ii C soldiours but also ii C gentlemen of his owne, that were knights of the
Ioannits, who if they had ben moe, together with
[Page] the foure hundred that were in the castle, perhaps they might haue beaten the enemie both from the walles & the vtter forts also, & to haue defended the place longer time: But because the great Maister lacked soldiors, therfore he did send
Saluago into
Sicilia as before is declared, that he might obtaine but fiue hundred souldiors for the time. And in the meane season hee would abide the mallice of the enemie and to eschew no labour or perrill: Albeit he thought that he had no litle occasion to lament the infortunitie of christian Princes, that by their long stay, the apparant occasion to ouerthrow so cruell an enemie, should bee ouerslipt.
Howbeit hee dyd greatlie meruaile that hee heard of no manner of ayde out of
Sicilia, nor of the two Gallies furnished with souldiors, which
Saluago (as before) dyd send: but the Gallies thorough the fault of one of the Marriners kept not their appoynted course; For whereas they were commaunded to eschew the West part of
Melita, and to keepe course towards the East, they dyd not so, but sayled onely towards the West vnto the
Island of
Gozo, which onely was thorough the default of the Marriner affirming that hee dyd see certaine Gallies of the
Turkes riding in the port of
Miliare for the defence of the same. Which (as it was after well knowen) was vtterly vntrew, whan in deede, the Marryner onely thorough feare (which oft times not a litle hindereth notable enterprises) durst procede no further. Whereby the great maister wanted his most necessarie ayde, which meruailosly grieued as well the
Viceroy and others, as chiefly
Saluago, for they euidently dyd see, that if the
Turkes dyd winne the fortresse of saint
Hermes,
[Page 65] being the chiefest hold of
Melita, the rest of the places there not onely should be brought in meruailous daunger, but also those of the
Island Melita should bee vtterlie debarred from their entrise to haue succors. It was not impossible but that the fortresse might be easilie wonne and gotten, considering that the enemie had gotten one of the Bulwarks of the fortresse, and that the fortresse beeing but narrow of it selfe, was in manner on euerie part continually assalted, which beeing considered by those, that could skill in warres, dyd greatly mooue them, chiefely when they perceiued that ayde so secretly came. The meane time by the commaundement of
Pope Pius the fourth of that name, certaine souldiors were gathered to the ende that by his example, other Princes might the better bee encouraged to giue succors to the order of the
Ioannits, and therefore hee commaunded that one hundreth pound of golde should bee giuen to
Cambiano, Lieuetenant of that order in Rome, and certaine furniture of ponder to bee deliuered to him out of the Castall of sainct
Angelo at Rome, that nothing should on his part seeme to want, that possiblie he could doe. For, vnto his holynesse souldiors, which were in number sixt hundereth, hee appoynted
Pompeio Colono to bee Captaine, and
Camillo Medices to bee Lieuetenant. After this bande, followed manie voluntarie souldiors that both vowed themselues to serue in so holie a cause, and also to winne immortall fame, proceeding with such ardent and couragious mindes, that euery litle stay, seemed to them to be an whole yeere.
Therefore they departing vnto
Naples, found there
Ioan Andrew Auria, with a leauen long shippes, and the
[Page] Prince of
Populonia with nine,
Lanicio Prouano with three, and so many other that were rigged foorth at the charges of other priuate persons. Into these ships that came from
Rome, all the bandes of footemen there, were shipt and carried ouer into
Sicilia, to the Citie of
Messana, where the kings nauie was in riging.
While that the Christians, considered not that the perill was so great as it was in deede. The
Turks not ignorant of the same, determined to proue the vttermost, beefore that the powers of the Christians should augment, thinking that if they could get the fortresse of
Saint Hermes, the rest were easily to be had, first thereby they should be onely maisters of
Porto Musetto, wherby they should gaine a safe and sure rodested for their nauie, so long as they liked. Besides, to haue all that peece of land, betwixt the two ports, both for the beating of the fortresse of
Saint Michael, and that no ship should enter, or goe forth out of the hauen of
Porto Maiore, without their leaue. These things and others, when the
Turks had pondered, they beeganne to giue a terrible batterie to the fortresse of
Saint Hermes, in such sort, as the great artillerie seafed not to thunder by the space of foure daies continually. The next night after, the
Turks sodainlie assalted the breach with ladders, and almost had gained the toppe of the curtaine, when as our Christians desiring nothing more then to come to hand strokes, couragiouslie gaue charge on them, that in the end the
Turks, were in such sort repulsed, that neuer after (vntill they wanne the fortresse) they durst rayse a ladder against the same.
[Page 66]While on this side these matters were in dooing, the souldiours of the
Turke Dorguta, puffed vp with a certayne pride, as though they would seeme to exceede the rest, gathered themselues togethers at
Martia Scala, beeing a little baie, beetwixt the place of execution and the rodested of Saint
Thomas, whom whan the garrison of
Borgo perceiued, they immediatly issued, and so hotte handeled them, that after the killing of a great number of them, the rest of those
Turks were compelled to retire from whence they came.
In which conflict was slaine
Bonnemio a gentleman of Fraunce a knight of the order of the
Ioannits, with seauen others.
At that time,
Monserrato was sent into the castle of
Saint Hermes, to bee Captaine there in the place of
Brolio, who beefore, there was Captaine, and thorough his intollerable watchinges and trauayles, about his charge, was fallen verie sicke. Which
Brolio oft times beefore did write to the great Maister that the fortresse of Saint
Hermes, was in such sort fortified and furnished, with euery thing thereunto appertaining, that hee thought that it was in manner impossible that the enimie should get it, for the knights of the
Ioannits and others that there serued, tooke such encouragement by his worthy exhortacions, that comming to hand strokes they fought it sorth aboue all mens expectation, nor the
Turks though they had these repulses, left off so, but beegan a new batterie with their artillerie by the space of certaine daies, and assalted most suriously the fortresse, with all the ingins that they could deuise.
[Page]Among which they had inuented a meruailous bridge
A Bridge of mastes. framed vpon mastes, of such a bredth that tenne persons might easily fight on front thereupon, and of such a length, that it ouerreached the dike and rested vpon the cortaine of the fortresse: Besides they placed foure thousand harquebusars alongst the dike, to beate the top of the Cortaines that none within should approch to the defence thereof, and than caused all their nauie to come neerer the shore of Saint
Georgis port in landing theyr whole force.
And whan as by the space of eighteene dayes they had battered this poore fortresse, and had cruelly rent the bulwarks and Cortains thereof with thirteene thousand shot, and in assured hope to haue wonne the fortresse. Beeholde one
Baragamo a
Biscaian borne, one of the order of the
Ioannits, accompanied with Captaine
Medrano a
Spaniard, and sundrie other valiaunt seruitures repayred to this dreadfull Bridge, and to the great meruaile of all that dyd see them, there incountred the Turkes.
The fight on both sides was meruailous vehement, and in such sort the
Turkes manfullie beehaued themselues that they had planted one of their Ensignes vpon a Bulwarke there, which when as Captaine
Medrano, had worthilie bereft, and held in his hands, and departing therewith, both hee and
Baragamo, with the shot of
The death of Medrano and Baragamo. harquebuses were slaine. At that time those three hundred souldiors whereof I told you beefore, which were sent thether from the great Maister, shewed themselues, in dooing notable seruice: For so soone as they perceiued the fortresse to consist in that apparant daunger,
[Page 67] some of them hurled wilde fire vpon the bridge, some burning pitch and brimstone, another sort of them tumbled mighty great stones vpon such as would haue entred, another part of them, kept the enimie occupied with continuall shot, that they durst not come nigher.
The bridge of Masts, burnt. So that after a dreadfull fight this new deuised bridge of the
Turks was burnt in sunder, & with the ruine ther▪ of perished eight hundred
Turks, the remnant, so well as they could (whereof few escaped vnhurt, and the most part very sore wounded,) retired to their shames, leauing behinde them whether they would or no, two of the chiefest ensignes they had, the one pertaining to
Mustapha, the other to
Dorgutes, which our Christians to the great griefe of the
Turkes, fixed vpon the height of the
Cortaine. During this cruell assalt vpon the one side; the
Turkes vpon the South West part of the fortresse, gaue another vehement charge, in such fort, as they had wonne the
Va
[...]mure of the same, which when the garrison that remained in the Castle of
Saint Angelo did perceiue, and thinking that with their artillery they were able to driue the
Turkes, from the place which they had gotten, they vnbended at the
Turkes, a great peece of artillerie, and in steede of them, taking one for an other, seauen of our Christians, beeing on the
Ramper of the fortresse, were pittifully slaine, which when they had perceiued, and to amend their former errour, they caused another great peece to bee blowen off, with the stroke whereof, were torne in peeces foure of the
Turkes most notable Captaines, and twelue other of their best and hardiest souldiers, that the
Turks had. While thus furiously that the fight continued, the
[Page]
Turkes entrenched vpon that part of the fortresse of Saint
Hermes which is towardes the Castle of
Saint Angelo. But our men espying their dooing, with pots filled with wilde fire and burning pitch, hurled among them, caused the
Turkes right soone to depart. The
Turkes (thus beeing expulsed by the valiant hardinesse of our Christians) retourned carefully, into their campe, leauing beehinde them dead in this terrible assault about two thousand of their souldiers, where two hundred of our men were slaine, & as many hurt. In the day of this assault the great Maister espying oportunitie caused a foist to bee prepared, and to bee had ouer a peece of a ground vnto
Martia Scala, and one therein with certaine Marriners to passe into
Sicilia, with letters to enforme the
Viceroy, and the
Popes holynesse also, of the manfull defence of the fortresse of Saint
Hermes▪ and in what extreame daunger, the same remained excepte speedie aide and succour, were giuen to the same: the tenor of which letters written to the
Viceroy, is as followeth, hauing of purpose thought conuenient not to set forth vnto you the contents of the
Popes letters, when as the effect of both the letters being one, the rehearsall of the letters of the
Viceroy may well inough suffice.
To Dom Garza di Toled
[...] Viceroy of Sicill and High Admirall of the Kings Mauie, most bartie greeting.
SIthens
Saluago departed hence, I haue sent vnto your Grace two seuerall letters, which were conn
[...]i
[...]d
[Page 68] through the citie of
Malta, vnto the Ilandos
Good, which I would of god, that they had come to your hands. But after, perceiuing that neither messenger nor yet letters came from you, I commanded one of my men with certaine letters, to be put in redinesse to depart vnto you, vnto
Messana▪ who after that hee had prooued to get foorth, sundry nights, and at last escaped, hee had not fully passed two miles on the sea, when hee was espyed by the
Turkes Nauie, that in all hast made towa
[...]d
[...] ▪ him, which when my messenger perceiued, with all the speede hee could, retired from▪
[...] de parted, and so ranne his ship on land,
[...]d with the losse of his letters hurled into the sea, saued himselfe and his company from the handes of the
Turkes.
Albeeit perceiuing now that the
Turkes haue brought their Nauie out of the
Port of
Vulturno, and thinking with my selfe, how much it is requisit that your Grace should haue intelligence of matters heere already passed, I haue therefore caused a foist to bee set in readinesse at
Martia Scala, while the
Turkes were occupied vpon an other part of this Iland, so as now I hope these my letters may shortlie and with safetie come vnto your handes. But what I haue thought conuenient, your Grace should vnderstand, are these. The fifteenth day of this month, the whole Nauie of the
Turks, about night passed this port, and because the night was darke, wee could not perceiue the inconuenience of their nauie, for we learned so much after that their gallies though they were left in manner vnarmed, they could not well bee towed from the place they had them,
[Page] and chiefely for lacke of water, they were enforced to departe from the port of
Vulturno, and perhaps the feare of your Nauie, which they vnderstoode (as I was enformed) to be a hundred and fiftie ships riding at an ancre in the port of
Messana, was likewise the cause that they would not ride in the port of
Saint Paule, but planted their ships aboue
Porto Musetto, and a good part of their gallies at
Saint Georges, howbeit their ships & gallies are not so farre in sunder, but if your Graces nauie should come at the sudden, in the feare that they are in, they would make speede, a pace to their nauie, if they were further off distant. At the port of
Vulturno, appeareth not one
Turcke, as for their first encamping places at
Saint Katherines, and
Saint Iohns, after the burning of the villages, they haue forsaken: and now the
Turks haue their nauie riding, whereas I tolde you, and their army on land lieng before the fortresse of
Saint Hermes, which as almightie God hath hetherto defended, so I hope, he will still conserue the same, and the more it is to bee hoped, in that (as yesterday) it so came to passe, that after a most furious assalt continued by the
Turkes, by the space of foure houres, with foure charges giuen, and valiantly sustained by our worthy souldiours, with the ouerthrow of a bridge, which the
Turkes had planted ouer the dike of the fortresse, the
Turkes had the repulse not without some losse of our Christians, where among others Captaine
Medrano, (to my great care) was slaine: with this victory our christians are so incouraged, that I hope with Gods helpe, the fortresse (vntill your Graces comming) may bee defended, chiefelie, in that the enimie hath partly deminished the
[Page 69] feruent heat of their vsuall shot of their great artillerie, so as if I had now any aide or supplie of souldiers from your Grace, or mine owne two gallies that are with you, furnished with souldiours, I am in assured hope that the enimie should neuer get the fortresse from me, for the defence whereof, while I loke euery houre for succour, both the souldiours and municions, which I had, in maner are consumed, determining not the lesse, with that little number which is left, to continue in the defence thereof, though it should cost vs all our liues, vntill such time your Grace shall send aide, who (as wee assuredly hope) for the pietie and famous vertue in your Grace remayning, you would not forget vs in this distresse, but rather your Grace considering the great danger that we are in, (which must needes be the ruine of vs all, if you defer any longer,) you will help vs out of hand, with some supplie of souldiours, when so easilie you may now send them, for the
Turkes are departed from the East part of this Iland, so as those which you will send may without any perill land at a place in this Iland called
Saxa Nigra. In your Grace (after Almightie God) is situated our health or hope, therefore wee most hartely beseech your Grace, forsake vs not in our imminent dangers, for vnto your approued wisedome & pietie, we commit all that we haue, and so fare your Grace most hartely well. From
Malta this seauenteene of
Iune.
The
Viceroy hauing receiued these letters, and considering the great daunger, of the besieged fortresse, was as it appertained wonderfully moued therewith, and shewed a meruailous desire to set forward the kings
[Page] whole nauie against the
Turks, howbeit because the ships that should come vnto him from
Geanes, was at that time not arriued, it was thought expedient, that his Grace should not aduenture to fight with the
Turkes, vntill their comming: therefore it pleased his Grace to send
Signore Giouanni Cardono, with foure long shippes called
Galliaceis, of the which two pertayned to the knights of
Malta. Vnto
Cordono the
Viceroy ioyned a gentleman called
Robles, with an ensigne of
Spaniards, beeing chosen souldiours. There were shipped, also with these about foure score knights of the order of the
Ioannits, that onely at
Messana, tarried for passage into
Malta, among these of the order of the
Ioannits, were
Signore Parisoto the nephew of the great master of
Malta, Vincentio Caraffa, Boninsegna, and
Maldonado, both
Spaniards, Centio Aquitano and others, who though through tempests and foule weather, they came not timelie inough to the Island of
Malta, as was desired, yet their comming was a meruaylous great helpe to the other Christians. Which new supplie if the same had come beefore the losle of the fortresse of Saint
Hermes, perhaps therewith the fortresse might haue ben saued. These foure
Galliaceis departed from
Messana the seauenteenth of
Iune. But the
Turks, the meane time (not caring for their great losse of souldiers, no more then they had ben beasts gone to the slaughter house, determined desperately to renew their fight,) beegan their furious batterie againe, with the great artillerie, continuing the same, both day and night, vnto such time as such breaches were made, as conuenientlie were to assault, then the
Turkes gaue so furious a charge with such a
[Page 70] multitude, and courage therewith, that vnlesse the most valiaunt vertues of the defenders, ioyned with contempt of death, and hope of immortall glory, had had the superioritie of the apparaunt terrour: truelie, the
Turkes had either put our Christians to flight, or else to haue compelled them to yeeld willingly the fortresse. Right hot was the fight on each side, in such sort, that both parts seemed to bee so desprate in fight, the one to win the fortresse, & the other to defend the same, that it appeared that day would haue giuen end to those wars: fiue houres it was furiously fought, so that in the end the
Turks through the worthinesse of our christians were repulsed, howbeit the
Turks the night following rested not, but still beat at the fortresse with their great artillery, that therwith the curtaines being so torne & rent, our christians had much a doe to stop the enimie from scaling, a
[...]o
[...] th
[...] which our christians had meruailous prouid
[...]. In this terrible conflict, were slaine of the side of the christians two hundred, & of the
Turks part, an innumerable sort, among whom the famous
Pirat Dorguta,
The famous pirat Dorguta wounded to death. while he executed no lesse the part of a prudent captaine, then also the function of a worthy souldior, through the stroke vpon his head with a great stone at this assalt, was wounded to death, and so within two daies after died, and his dead body from
[...]n
[...]e, honourablie was transported to
Tripolis in
Barbaria. But with this worthie
Constancie, and valiaunt acts of our Christians, the Captaines of the
Turkes (beeing made more furious and raging, then beefore they were) collected all their Nauie into one place, and commaunded that the fortresse on euery side, both by land & sea, should be assalted
[Page] and that euer fresh souldiers should continually be sent, vntill the fortresse were wonne by assault. Therfore the
Turks immediatlie caused, both bridges, ladders, ingins, weapon & other necessaries meet for the assault, to be with all diligence put in readines which when
Mounsier Valet being then in the castle of
Saint Angelo perceiued, fearing (as reason was) that the fortresse was not able to abide & beare the furious charge that was in preparing against the
[...]me, therefore about two daies before this last assault, hee called together the counsaile of the order of the
Ioannits, shewing them, that they all did
The counsell of the Ioannits perceiue, so well as hee, in what meruailous daunger, those rested, that were defenders of the fortresse, nor he doubted but that euery of them, for the pietie, & Godly harts in them remaining, had no little compassion of the perill of the rest of their bretheren, and other worthie souldiours, there yet remaining, no less
[...] then if the cases of the defenders were their owne, and therefore required, to shew their best aduise, what were requisit for the safegard of such valiant persons. The matter being throughly considered, the counsell gaue immediate
The sentence of the couns
[...]l. resolution, that forsomuch as the fortresse no longer could bee kept, that the liues of the defenders should be saued, and that for the bringing awaie of the defenders, twelue foists should be sent. For which cause there was elected, three knights of the order, that they in the night following should passe ouer to the fortresse and not onely to declare to the defenders, the determination of the great Maister and counsell, but also to suruey, in what state euery thing in the fortresse were, after so many cruell assaults suffered, and that, if there
[Page 71] were cause, to forsake the fortresse, then the waters ther to be poisoned, and the whole artillerie, to be cloied vp with nailes. For executing of which embassade foorth with departed
Medina a spaniard, Rocca a frenchman, & Constantino Castriota an
Italian, not without meruailous danger of their persons, considering the
Turks espying thē, charged at them sundry shot of the harquebuze, & after their ariuall in the fortresse, they expressed to the defenders, the pleasure & determinaciō of the great maister & counsell of the order. The defenders vnderstanding, the
Th
[...] answere of the worthie defenders. great care & thought, that the great Maister & counsell had for their safetie, most humbly gaue thanks to them all, for the same. Then so much as concerned the estate of the fortres, if the straitnes therof, the small number of the defenders, & the great number of the enimie, should be considered, truely the fortresse were in meruailous daunger, chiefely in that the enimie was purposed to giue of new another desperate assalt, howbeit insomuch as hetherto, they had tasted of the mercifull aide of almightie God, that vnto that time had defended them, from the rabious furie of so terrible an enemie, in that the place as they thought was defensable, with munition inough, there yet remaining, and that chiefely they had required of the great Maister the honour of the charge in defending of the peece or place if they knew all to loose their liues, they intended to defend the fortresse, to the death, perhaps such occasion of most honourable defence, neuer would come to them againe, therefore they were vtterly determined to spend their liues, for the glory of almightie God, and his holie religion.
[Page]
The race and cource of this britle life is but short, but the glory of eternall life, is perpetuall. And considering that to each one there is an appointed death, it is to be desired of euery good man, that this life of ours beeing subiect to casualties, might rather be emploied about the seruice of Almightie God, and his common wealth, than to be reserued to the extremitie of olde age. And if their chāce should be that there were none other way but to dye, they hoped to leaue such victory to the enemie, that the ioy and pleasure, which they would gaine therby, should cost them the best blood that remained in the worthiest Soldiours that the
Turks than had. And therfore they required the messengers to shew to the great Maister, what they had vowed, and to continue his good opinion in them, as pertained to haue, in worthie Seruitures: & chiefely of such as had giuen themselues to that order of Knighthood.
The three Messengers hauing thus receaued the defenders answere, containing greater courage than good hap, returned to the great Maister, who calling again the Counsail togethers, & hearing the valiant answer of the defendours, was likewise desirous to heare the opiniōs of the messengers,
Castriota was of opinion, that insomuch as the defendours were yet Maisters of the dikes, the fortres might be kept, & that he
Castriota, (if he were commāded) would take the defēce of the Fortres in charge, and that rather he would lose his life, than to forsake the place. But
Rocca the French man was of contrary minde, saying, that he verely beleeued, the Fortres was not able to be kept, if
Iulius Caesar were on liue, & had the defence therof, & saw to what extremities, the place was brought
[Page 62] vnto, & that euery Bulwark ther for the most part, rent in sunder by the enimies artillery, & hurled downe, & compassed with such number of desperate enemies; he would neuer suffer, that the liues of so many worthie soldiours should, through inconsidered partinacitie, haue end, but rather to forsake the place, and to reserue the liues of so many valiant Seruitures for other places of greatet importance. It is a valiant & worthie mans part, to doe that which a man may doe, and not to stretch beyond that, which a man cannot doe. And, that to be done, which as he thought, was vsed to be considered in diseased membres incurable in mans body: that for the safegard of the life & the rest of the whole bodie, it was meet the incurable member to be cut away, and not to care of the losse therof.
The Spaniard agreeing in opinion with
Castriota, thought conuenient, that the place should not be forsaken; for that the dikes and Rampers of the Fortres for the most part were yet not beaten in sunder, and that a meruailous vnitie of mynde was resident in the defendours, ioyned with a liuely courage and desire to come to hand strokes with the enemie, which in manner promised an assured victorie to the defendours.
The seuerall opinions of these three Messengers being throughly considered, it was thought good, by the most part of the Counsaill, that the defenders should continue in their charge for certaine dayes: For that it was neuer the vsage of that order, to forsake with ease such places, as once were committed to their gard: but rather to cōtinue in defēce of the same to the death;
[Page] to thend that the barbarous enemie might vnderstand, with what kinde of men he had to doe, to the repressing of his temerarious arrogance and pride: Least, in forsaking the place, the enemié would perhaps think it were done through feare. Whereby the courage of the enemie would encrease, and the auncient honour and estimacion of this sacred order would abate.
The
Turks this while, minding to put in effect, which
The last assalt giuen by the Turks to the castle of Saint Hermes. they before determined, the three and twentith of
Iune, with their whole Armies both by land and sea, about my dnight, assalted cruelly the Fortres on all sides, erecting their ladders, bridges, and other Ingins meet for that purpose. First vnbending at once two and thirtie great Cannons, that with the furious strokes thereoff, that which remained vp of the fortificacions, were vtterly throwen downe. The Christians on thother side manfully stode to theyr defence, some they ouerthrew into the dikes, some they repulsed, & some they slew, but a great deale being more couragious, to vvound & annoy the enemie than to looke to their owne safetie: insomuch vvere the greatest concourse and thrust of the enemie vvas, there vvere the Christians euer ready to shew theyr force and prowesse. The noyse of each side vvas great, mixed with vehement exortations, ioies and mournings: the face & countenance of the fight vvas variable, ambiguous, incertain, horrible, and pitifull to behold. Thus it vvas foughten vnto three of the clock, vvhan yet vvas doubted to vvhat part the victorie vvould encline. And except the
Turks had begun againe furiously to vnbend continually their great Artillerie, (vvhereby they ouertbrew all the Courtains
[Page 73] and Bulwarks vnto the hard Rock vvhereon the Christians stoode:) the Christians might vvell ynough haue sustained for a few daies more, the furie of the enemie, but the Rock thus made naked both of the defendours and vvalls, and more than foure hundred of the garrison slaine, rested nothing vp, scarce that could hide the head of the Souldiour: So as none, could once mount or shew himselfe, to stand to the defence, but immediately he vvas torne in peeces vvith the shot of the Canon, that neuer seased. And now
Monserrato the Generall of the Fortres, together vvith one
Garas, ruler of
Euboeae, vvith one bullet vvere miserably slaine togethers, gentlemen of like vertue, pietie, and vvorthinesse, vvho for this short lyfe, and most honorable beehauiour in the same, haue now togethers gained eternall glorie. Neuerthelesse, the other. that remained on liue, and that stoode manfully to their charge, nothing discouraged vvith the losse and slaughter of their compagnions, but rather as such as seemed to haue receaued new force and strength out of Heauen, they encountred the enimie most couragiously, in tearing and rending the Ensignes, vvhich the
Turks had fastened vpon the Fortres, and killing the Ensigne bearers, Captaines and others, of the chiefest of the enemie. So that the Christians looked for none other thing than to giue vp theyr lyues, for the Religion of Christ, to obtaine eternall lyfe.
Now the Sunne in his race, had ascended the middest of the Heauens, vvhereby vvas such raging heate, vvearinesse, and continuall thundering of Artillerie, again the multitude of the enimie so great▪ that still sent
[Page] fresh men to renew the assalt. On the other part, the little number of our Christians lest on liue, weakened with meruailous labour, watchings, drought, & wounds. The
Turkes at last gayned by force the fortresse of Saint
The Fort of Saint Hermes wonne.
Hermes, but with such an incredible losse of their souldiours that it was wonderfull that so great a multitude of the
Turkes, could bee slaine by so little a number
[...] of the Christians: thus our Christians valiauntlie fighting were euery one slaine.
Heere I cannot let passe, to touch the vnmercifull crueltie of these
Turkes, exercised against the knights of the order of the
Ioannits, whereby one may vnderstand, of what nature & propertie
Cruelltie is of, which euer sheweth, what will it hath still to reuenge, when the death of the person cannot suffice. For after the winning of the fortres, the
Turkes finding there, certaine knights of the order, beetwixt death and life, caused most cruelly their harts to be cut out of their breasts, & their bodies inuested with their scarlet cassocks, & white crosses (for that the knights of the order of the
Ioannits, in warers doe euer weare scarlet, & in peace black) to bee hanged vp by the feet to the number of a thirtie of them, in the sight of the Castles of Saint
Angelo, & Saint
Michael, but when this beastly crueltie seemed not to be inough to
Mustapha, he also caused these dead bodies to bee tyed togethers, and to bee hurled into the sea, howbeit the sea being moued as it were with greater mercie, then was in the
Turks, the next day after did cast the dead bodies fleeting into
Porto Maiori, where the great Maister knowing who they were commanded that the corses should be taken vp, and buried honorably, with no litle lamentation made for them.
[Page 74]In such sort that the great Maister straightlie commanded that from thence forth no
Turkes should be taken, but immediatlie to be slaine, whereby such as alreawere taken, by and by were put to death, and their beads throwen ouer the walles. From the beeginning of the siege, vnto the winning of the fortresse of Saint
Hermes, there were slaine of that garrison, the number of a thousand three hundred persons of the which there were a hundred & thirtie knights of the order of the
Ioannits. The great Maister
Valet, hauing thus lost the fortresse of Saint
Hermes, though he had (as reason was) a carefull hart, yet in dissembling the same, hee shewed outwardlie a good countenaunce, to the end, that hee should not discourage the rest of his souldiours. Saying that nothing hath chanced but that almightie God hath prouided the same, for such is the fortune of wars, and the will of God, that sometime one, and sometime another, may suffer ouerthrow. It is onely cowardnesse and not the worthie vertue and immortall courage of these valiaunt seruiters, beeing dead, that should cause vs to make care and mourning, nor, for all this the enimie ought so much to bee dreaded, considering his losse in deed, that rather it seemeth hee should accompt himselfe to haue receiued the ouerthrow then to bee named victorious. And as to such of our christians as are dead in this worthie seruice, let vs firmely beleeue, that they are recompenced with glory & immortallitie in the kingdome of heauen, which ought to enflame the harts of euery good man, to serue as they haue done, & as for himselfe, hee had not yet laied aside his hope of assured victorie to bee gotten of the rest of the enimies,
[Page] rather by the help of almightie God, then by his owne power, and that hee supposed, all there beeing present, to be of like minde, and so to be and continue, hee required them. These words beeing spoken, the great Maister being readie against all extremities of
Fortune, departed from the rest, and after much deuising with himselfe alone, he determined with himselfe in the end to write to
Petro Mesquito generall of the citie of
Malta, and to aduertise him, and the bretheren of the
Ioannits at
Messana, together with the
Viceroy, of the losse of the fortresse of Saint
Hermes. The copie of whose letters I haue thought expedient to discribe to you, to the end that the meruailous prouidence of
Valet the prince of this order of the
Ioannits, may the more appeare vnto you, which is as followeth.
DVring such time as the knights of the order, abiding
The letter of the great Maister to Mesquito. at
Messana, are preparing their passage hether, the miserable ouerthrow and taking of the fortresse of Saint
Hermes hath chanced, which as you ought to know, hath left vnto mee no little care, so I assuredly thinke, the
[...]ame hath fortuned, not without the secret permission of almightie God, which I take in such good part, that rather the father of Heauen, will correct vs by this losse, then vtterly to suffer vs to perish. And albeit in mine opinion, it is not requisit, to doubt any wise of his mercifull goodnesse and mightie power. Yet I cannot but complaine that it hath seemed, I haue beene forsaken of those, that should not haue becommed them so to haue done, that in the space of seauen and thirtie daies, wherin our most worthie Christians now dead, susteyned such
[Page 75] furious charges of the enimie, (as rather a meruailous matter done by God, then man,) of our owne (who of duetie ought to haue regarded vs) wee haue beene succoured with no manner of aide, which sundry times in this space, they might haue done, how beeit as I perceiue, we must hope no longer of mans help, considering that neither our letters, diligence, earnest requests, admonicions, or commandements, can in any wise take place with them, whom duety rather ought to haue moued to obedience, then negligence to haue staied them all this while. Lacke of time will not permit me, to write as I would to the
Viceroy, but rather your part shalbe, to giue intelligence as well to his grace, as to others our bretheren there of the occurrants of this Island. Which our bretheren, if they had obeied our commandements as had appertained, or else had sent vs any aide at all, perhaps we had not lost the fortresse of
Saint Hermes, about the defence wherof, so valiant & worthy seruitures as euer liued, haue lost their liues therin. Wherefore except the
Viceroy make hast to deliuer vs, I feare hee shall come to late to doe vs good, chiefely if we be besieged, before we haue the litle succours, which as I dreame, are in comming to vs, & as I feare scarce will come in time. Neuerthelesse we doe not mistrust of the loue & prouidence of almighty God towards vs, but that the deuine vertue of the
Viceroy, within few houres, to be moued & stirred vp by the holy ghost, will with speede deliuer vs. The meane time, the enemies hath gotten together all their nauie into the port of
Musetto, & are very dilligent in purging of the places of the fortresse, & reedifieng of the rampers & bulwarks which with the strokes of their
[Page] artillerie they did cast downe. Therefore vpon the sight heereof, I require you to send to vs, the captaines
Catharinensis, Belcarensis, Belmestio, and
Zoric, with their bands, that in our necessities, we may vse their faithfull and valiaunt endeauours. So requiring of God to send vs aide from some place, fare you hartely well. From the castle of
Saint Angelo the foure and twentith day of
Iune.
MEsquita the generall of the Citie of
Malta, after that hee had read the letters of the great Maister immediatly caused a foist to be rigged to the sea, & in the same sent one
Masio Co
[...]onello, to whom hee gaue both the great Maisters letters to him sent, and also other letters of his owne of like effect directed to the knights of the order of the Ioannits remayning at
Messana, requiring
Masio with all the hast hee could, to passe into
Sicilia. The meane time,
Mustapha Bassa sent a messenger to
Mounsier Valet, and with him an old
Spaniard, a prisoner to the which prisoner
Mustapha promised libertie vppon condition that he would goe to
Borgo with his messinger, commanding them both that they should practise with
Mounsier Valet to yeeld himselfe, and the whole Island vpon any reasonable appointment. Who after they had ariued at the towne, the
Turk remained without, & the christian entred in & was brought to the prince, to whom he disclosed the charge & commandement to him giuen by
Mustapha. When
Mounsier Valet heard the
Spaniard once name appointment & yelding, he began to enter into such a choler, that if he had not beene a christian man, he had commanded him immediatly to haue ben hanged, therefore he gaue the
Spaniard choise, whether he would tarry
[Page 76] still among the Christians in
Borgo, or else immediatly to depart, & to tell to the
Turke that came with him, except he did get him away in hast, he would cause the artillerie of the castle to constraine him to speed him away. The
Turke with this answere retourned to the campe, wherewith
Mustapha fell in such a rage, that hee openly sayde that from thenceforth hee would vse all the crueltie that hee could against the Christians. At this time with
Mustapha
Philip a Turke a noble man reuolted and came to the Christians. was a gentleman named
Philip, discended of the noble familie of the
Lascares in
Greece, who at such time as hee was a childe, was taken by the Christians, when as they wonne the towne of
Patras in
Achaia.
During which time, that hee was a prisoner, hee was so curteously vsed by them, that euer after hee bare meruailous affection and good will, towards Christians. This
Philip beeing priuie to sundry counsailes of
Mustapha, (moued as it seemed by deuine inspiration from Heauen) thought that hee might meruailouslie aide and profit the Christians, if hee should come to them, and therfore determined with himselfe to passe to the fortres of
Saint Michaell.
Which as hee prooued many times to doe, so in the ende in the Calends of
Iuly, hee did cast himselfe into the sea (considering hee could not get to the castle by land) and so did swimme to the castle, not without great daunger of his life, for he being espied by the
Turkes he was shot at, with sundry arrowes and arquebuses. Vpon his landing, he was immediatly brought to the great Maister, to whom not onely he discouered sundrie counsells of the enimie, but also shewed, what ought to bee done at a corner of the fortresse of
Saint Michaell,
[Page] to the end to make frustrate certain deuises of the enemies, which they purposed to practise against that place, and of sundry other things which afterward turned to much commoditie of the christians. Who also, as oportunitie serued, right valiantly, after, fought against the
Turks: So as, that after the siege, and
Malta being deliuered, he repaired to
Rome, with meruailous commendacion of the great Maister, where the Popes holinesse courteously entertained him, and for his vertue and good seruice done aswell towards those of
Malta, as towards vvhole Christendome, he rewarded him vvith sundry guifts. Where likewise, be dyd forsake his
Turkish faith, vvherein he vvas brought vp, vtterly detesting the same, and from
Rome he repaired to King
Philip, to vvhose Maiestie he discouered likewise certaine pretences of
Soliman the Emperour of the
Turks. While these things (as aboue) vvere done,
Colonello (of vvhome before, as I shewed you, that vvas sent into
Sicilia) ariued safe at
Messana, vvher he found the Christian Nauie not as yet readie, so that the afflicted affaires of
Malta could not out of hand be succoured. For neither the ships that should come out of
Spaine vvere than come, nor yet
Gouianni Andrea Auria, vvith his eight & twentie Galliaceis, vvho staied to enbarque foure thousand footemen, vnder the leading of
Capino Vitellio, that vvere collected in
Etruria.
The knights of the order at
Messana considering this tedious tarieng, and vvhat perill vvould ensue vppon longer staie, fully determined vvith Gods helpe, to succour their bretheren of the orderin
Malta. And vvith such power as they had gotten togethers,
[Page 77] vnder the leading of two notable gentlemen, knights of the
Ioannits, the one of the house of
Messana, & the other of
Baroleto; they purposed to passe into
Malta. Albeit before their departure, they repaired to the
Viceroy: & in consulting vvith him, they required his Grace, to call to memory vvhat seruice the knights of the
Ioannits had done, not onely for the King of
Hispain, but for all Christendome; and vvhat charges the
Ioannits vvere at the other yeere, at the vvinning of
Pinon de Beles, vvhere they neither spared victual, artillerie, or ships, nor yet theyr owne proper liues; vvhere theyr seruice might either profit the Kings highnesse, or any part of the Christian common vvealth. And besides this, that he vvould vouchsafe to consider vvith himselfe, that the losse of the Iland
Malta, not onely should touch the
Ioannits, but vniuersall
Italy, and chiefely the Iland of
Sicilia; by reason it should be a neighbour to so mightie an enimie as the
Turk.
For vvhich causes and others, that shortnesse of time prohibiteth to report, they required of him foure thousand footemen, vvith vvhome all the knights there, of the order of the
Ioannits, accompanied also vvith sundry noble personages and other voluntary soldiors, vvould passe ouer into
Malta, to succour their bretheren there: vvith vvhich supply, they sayd they assuredly hoped, if at the least, they could not repulse the enimie or vvinne againe the lost Fortres,
[...]et to stay the further procedings and pretences of the furious enemie, vnto such tyme as the vvhole Christian Nauie beeing in a redinesse might inuade the
Turkish Fleete, and also (as they trusted) vtterly to destroy the same.
[Page]Vpon these words, vvhile the
Vice Roy, deliberated with himselfe vvhat he should doe, there came a messenger out of
Hispain, but vvhat the effect of his letters vvas, vvhich he brought, though some iudged one vvay and some an other, none certainely could tell: but so it came to passe, that through his comming, the
Vice Roy gaue a briefe answere to the
Ioannits, saying, that he could not satisfie their request, considering the same vvere an vtter vveakening & diminishing of the force of the kings nauie. vvherby it should come to passe in so doing as they requested; that he could not giue them such succors, as shortly he pretended to doe. Howbeit if they vvould transport all the
Ioannits that were at
Messana (vvith a part of the souldiors vvhich the Popes holinesse sent) into
Malta, in those two Galleaceis vvhich they had prepared; hee himselfe vvould furnish an other Galliace to bee sent vvith them.
The knights hauing receaued this determined answer, vvhan as they otherwise could not amend themselues, they tooke the offer of the
Vice Roy. While these ships vvere making readie to depart; the foure ships vvhereof before I made mencion, vvhich transported the 600 Soldiours, & foure score knights of the
Ioannits, by the space of twentie dayes vvere on the Seas, tossed vvith meruailous tempests, & other stops and staies, that they could not attaine to
Malta. And chiefely they had commaundement giuen them, they should not land, except they knew certainly that the Fortres of
Sainct Hermes, vvere still in possession of the christians. But approching to
Malta, they sent their spiall on land, & promised him, to tarry on the Sea, vnto the next day for his retorne.
[Page 78] The meane tyme the Seas by tempestious vveather began so to grow, that the Spiall could not retourne at his appointed tyme. Wherefore the shippes that dyd abide him, dreaded that either he was perished in the tempest, or else come into the enimies hands. Whereby, they sayled back to
Pozalo, a place on the coast of
Sicilia, to the ende to learne somewhat there, of the state of
Malta. Where, vpon their arriuall they certainely dyd know, that the Fortres of Sainct
Hermes was yet vngotten by the
Turks: Which whan they had learned, they departed to the seas againe.
But comming within sixe miles of
Malta, wher at their place determined, they were apointed to land, they spied a fier from land, as a signe made vnto them, wherby they iudged, both that their former Espiall was taken by the enemie, & that some Ambush was there layed for them. Wherevpon they retourned to
Pozalo againe, at which place, they learned of one of the Knights of the
Ioannits, a French man, that came out of
Malta, of purpose to them, that the forenamed fire by his commandement was made, that they being instructed by that signe, might safely proceede to their landing place in
Malta. Vpon the vnderstanding whereof, they all with speede dyd get them to the Seas againe, and failed to
Malta, where at a place called
Saxa Nigra, (which is situated in that part of
Malta, which is towards
Lybia,) they landed in a quiet night, the nine and thirtith of
Iune, & so being not seene of any others, marched without impediment, to the Citie of
Malta, where, with incredible Ioy they were receaued, and there tarried vnto the tyme they knew the further pleasure of the Great Maister.
[Page]The meane time there grew about
Borgo, and the other places thereabouts such a mist, being not oft times seene there, that none in maner could see therabouts, when as a boy scarce of the age of twelue yeeres, lokeing out at a window of the castle, and all afraied, cried immediatly, that he saw the
Turkes marching towardes the castle o
[...]
Saint Michael, which being perceiued, and certaine of the knights making towards that part, in their way, they gate a certaine
Grecian borne that dwelt at the citie of
Malta, who being brought backe to
Borgo, and straitly examined of the cause of his departure from thence, considering he had no pasport, without which, it was lawfull for none, to stray abroad, in the end this
Grecian confessed, that he was purposed to haue fled to the campe of the enimie, and to haue giuen him intelligence of the ariuall of this new supplie, to the end that the
Turks, might in the marching of this supplie towards the great maister, surprise them by some ambush. Whervpon the
Ioannits considering, that by some occasion heereafter, this fugitiue; might worke to them no little detriment, they caused him to bee cut in foure peeces. Three daies after, this new supplie of souldiours that came out of
Sicilia, about night sa
[...]elie came to the great maister, sauing two or three lacques, that were charged with certaine armour and other fardels, who came into the hands of the enimie. It is in maner, incredible what courage was augmented in the hartes of the beesieged Christians, through the comming of this new supplie, and chiefely
Valet, the great maister, seeing beefore his eies, assembled, the flower of the
Ioannits, and other most worthie seruitures sent to him by the prouidence
[Page 79] of Almightie God, saied (vvith teares in his eies for Ioy) I thank thee humbly, most mightie God and heauenly King, that of thy mercifull goodnesse doest heare my prayers, and doest not forsake this pitifull flock of thine; trauailing vnder my charge, being compassed (as thou assuredly knowest) vvith these most raging and furious vvolfes; What shall I say more? but these are the works of thine onely parpetuall goodnesse, apparant omnipotencie, and inscrutable vvisedome.
This new supply, that vvas come to the great Maister, vvere earnest sutors, that it vvould vouchsafe the great Maister to graunt them that benefit, that they might serue in the Fortres of Sainct
Michael, the great Maister praising their valiant courage, did condiscend to theyr request; vvithout changing at all, there, the ancient garrison. The next day following, such of the garrison of
Sainct Michaels, as had desire to come to hand strokes vvith the enemie, issued forth, & meeting vvith the enemy at
Saint Margarets; so vvorthely behaued themselues that they killed aboue 200 of the
Turks, & hurt as many of them, that none of the garrison retourned home to the Fortres, vvithout blood drawen of the enemie; yea and vvithout losse of any of their company, at that time. Which vvhē
Mustapha parceued, he knew right wel that it vvas the new supply come to the Fortres of
Saint Michael, therefore he found meruailous fault vvith those that had the charge by sea; that by their negligence, this supply gate landing & entrie: So as they, to vvhose charge the vtter parts of the Iland vvere cōmitted, came in vvonderfull suspicion of
Mustapha. Whose suspicion also vvas augmented through the departure of three
[Page] Gallies of
Argire, that stole away, vvherby he had small credit to the rest of the
Argirians there, and much lesse confidence to the
Renegants that vvere Christians, and there seruing the
Turke. Wherefore hee ordayned that none of those persons should tarry on land out of their shippes vpon paine to be thrust through on stakes, and to bee burnt to ashes, and so in chaunging that watch, hee appointed the gallyes, of
Salach the
Turke, to take the custody of the Iland, that no supply should enter. And to the end that neither of his owne, nor any Christian should surprise theyr Nauy, he caused sundry of his owne shippes to be set a longst the breadth of the port of
Musetto, and the one to bee chayned to the other. And forsomuch as that the blody flixe and other diseases had inuaded his campe, he ordained for the sick three kindes of places, one for the wounded, at the water of
Marza, vnder the gard of 2000.
Turks, another on shipborde, for the voluntary souldiours, & the third vpon scaffolds deuised betwixt ship and ship for the
Renegants. At which time
Mustapha made
Ochial the
Turk, generall ouer
Tripolis in
Barbaria, who passing thether with fiue
Galliaceis ro take possession of his charge, & after setting euery thing in order ther, he returned to the campe in
Malta. And for the better furniture of bread for the campe, the
Bassa caused two ships frayghted with wheat to be transported to the towne of
Leptis, and there to be made and baked beecause the campe of the
Turkes had much neede of bread. Likewise
Mustapha sent to
Solyman the Emperour
Zaloth the
Turke, to shew him how he had wonne by assault, the fortres of
Saint Hermes, and bare with him the plat of the Iland, as he found it at his entry
[Page 80] there, & to declare to him that he found those of
Malta▪ better prepared, & more strong, then he hoped in the beginning, to haue found them. And that it his pleasure wer, that he should continue the wars ther in that Iland it were not a little requisit, to aide him with a great supply of men, victuall, and more furniture of municions. Which if he send, he trusted to win the remnant of the fortresses of
Malta, though not so sone, as perhaps would be loked for. And in the meane time while he receiued aunswere hee would foreslow and protract no time, to proue by assalt & otherwise, to gaine the fortresses if he could. And because, he should seeme, not to haue written vaine matters to his
Prince, Mustapha had beegun his battery with seauentie great peeces of artillery, (among which, were three mighty
Basiliscoes,) in foureteen seuerall places, insomuch as from the
Promontory of the place of execution vnto the water of
Marza, and from thence vnto the fortres of
Saint Hermes, where they had placed 300
Ianizaries in garryson, they entrenched and fortefied all that compasse of earth right warlike, with meruaylous strength. With which cruell battery, contynuing day and night, they tormented the townes of
Borgo and
Saint Michael, that the walles, bulwarkes and houses were there wonderfully
[...]ndammaged, so as none knew well where to bee safe, whereby at the first, both women and children were meruaylously annoyed. And the
Turkes themselues were driuen to keepe within their fortefied campe, nor durst issue abroad without great multitude, and for all that they escaped not home againe to their campe all free, for the horsemen of the Garrison of the Citie of
[Page]
Melita, now & than scouring the countrie, vvould charge them on the back and kill many of them.
Whan the newes of the losse of the Fortres of
Saint Hermes came to
Rome; the Citie was replenished with meruailous care and feare for the tydings: insomuch, as some there, mourned to see that auncient glorie of the
Latin Name vvas in such sort diminished. An other sort, was in no little dread that the calamitie of
Malta vvould redownd to
Rome.
There were also an enuious and detracting kinde of men more liberall with carping tongues, than expert in knowledge of warres, that layed the vvhole blame of the losse of the Fortres vpon
Mounsier Valet the great Maister: vvhome, both his Inuincible courage, and no lesse the valiant and noble personages there accompanyeng him, than also this Historie making mencion of all theyr most vvorthie Actes, vvould parpetually deliuer him from such infamy and sclaunder. But such, as care not for theyr owne estimacion, by lykelihood would not spare to defame the Renome of an other. For as Ignorance cannot Iudge well of the Pollicies and Inuencions of the learned sort. No more can Coward Varlets rightly discerne of the vvorthlie Acts and valiant doeings of Couragious olde and practized Soldiours. But to retourne to the matter of our History, before we told you how three Galiacies were in preparing, at
Messana, and what diligence they vsed about the same that had the charge thereof; in such sort as the seuenth of Iuly, they departed out of the Port of
Messana. There were in those three ships beesides the Knightes of the
Ioannites, sixe hundred
[Page 81]
Spaniards, and three hundreth of the Popes Soldiours, vnder the charge of
Pompeio Colona, among vvhom, wer some that voluntary rowed, & some that vver constrained. To the constrained, libertie vvas promised if they vvould doe their endeuours, to bring thē into the port of
Borgo, they should, after, be aduanced to roomes of Soldiours as the others vvere. So as not onely their purpose was to succour those that wer beseeged, with men, but also vvith victuall. For vvhich cause, they shipped 250
Medimni of Wheat, besids Gun pouder, Sall-peter, and Leade, meete for Artillerie and like vses.
And albeit they supposed it very difficult, to enter the Port, being so strongly garded by the
Turk: neuerthelesse such desire rested in the mindes in the
Ioannits present in those Shippes, that they made accompt the entrie might easely be brought to passe, both to them and thother.
Whan they approched nigh vnto
Malta, these shipps made foorth a Fragot to see if any signe from the Castle of
Saint Angelo could be espied, vvherby they might vnderstand, vvhether the ships might proceed to enter or retire. Whan the Fragot vpon his proceeding, parceuing a signe that he should retourne back, retourned to the shipps shewing the signe of retyring: though the
Turks vvhan they prouided the signe dyd vvhat they could to obscure the signe by shotte of great Artyllarye at the same, vvhereby they replenyshed the Skyes vvith meruailous obscurities, as though the same had bene thorough darke Cloudes; vvhich the shippes vnderstoode vvell enough: and so retourned backe into
Sicilia.
[Page]In deede, it was not thought meet by
Valet that most curteous prince, that so many worthy knights of the order, and so many noble personages and valiaunt fouldiours, beeing togethers in those ships, should bee brought in manifest danger, for hee did see apparauntly how that certaine of
Turks ships, lay by night, at the in comming of
Porto Musetto, at a place called
Arenula to enbar all entrie and issue, to and fro
Porto Maiore, without their leaue. At which time, when as the garrison of the citie of
Malta, had intelligence what good successe the new supplie had vpon their issue made (as before) against the
Turkes, they taking courage thereby; made likewise asalie vpon the enimie, that spoiled abroad in the Iland, as they wer driuing certain cattell, which they had taken, & in such sort they of the citie valiantly behaued themselues, that after sundry of the
Turks, by them slaine, not onely they recouered the cattell, but draue the rest of the
Turks to their shippes. The campe of the
Turks understanding the chase to come towardes them immediatly stroke a l'arme, and repairing to the pauilion of their generall
Mustapha, seased for that time, the battery. Which matter, caused the
Prince Valet to suppose, that the
Turks was marching to giue assalt at the breach▪ and therefore the prince fully determined with himselfe to be ther present at the defence of the breach, thinking thereby that his presence should not a little encrease the courage and hardinesse of the garrison of
Saint Michaels. For which purpose, immediatly he caused a bridge vpon boates to passe both the halfe Ilands to
Saint Michaels to bee made. But knowing what the a
[...]arme ment, he returned to the castle of Saint
Angelo.
[Page 82]There were some that indged this dooing of the
Prince to bee meruaylous bolde & couragious, but not voyd of great daunger occupyeng such a place & function, as he dyd, and therfore was worthie to be blamed for the same: Alleadging, that matters of great waight & importance, ought rather to be put in effect by the force of the mynde, counsail, & direct order; giuen by the Generall, than by any force of body by him to be shewed. Vnto which affaires, though the Generall be absent, yet by his prudent orders established, he may be present among his soldiours. For the decay of the General (which if he come to handstrokes may easely happen the ruin of the rest wherof he had charge, may likewise ensue: as we dayly see, whan the lyfe is gone, the body is dead. Other again affirmed that the prince
Valet, was worthy of much commendacion, Iudging that the presēce of the General was most necessary in perils, cō sidering that the Soule cannot rightly gouerne & direct the bodie, except it be present, yea, in the body: For in such doeing hath but followed the examples of y
e most prudent Generals
Alexander, Themistocles, Caesar, Marius, and sundry others vsing these kinde of words in effect following:
Ego met in agmine, in Praelio, consultor idem & sotius pericul
[...] vobis cum adero: Me vos
(que) in omnibus rebus iuxta geram. Both, in the Esquadron & fight (O worthy soldiors) you shal haue mee present a Counsail & compagnion in all perills: Wherein, as your fortune shall be, the same shalbe myne.
Who is so rude of witt, that if the same be requisit in other things, in Peace, it is much more to be desired in warres.
[Page]The presence of the Maister oft times causeth his affayres, with dilligence and greater facility to haue fortunate proceedings. Nor truely the prudent
Poet (discriuing the wars beetwixt the
Latins and the
Ruteli,) was of other minde, sayeng
Vrget Praesentia Turni, the presence of
Turnus prouoked the courage of his souldiours, by which most euident reasons it was iudged that
Valet the prince of the order of the
Ioannits should haue done both manfully and most prudently according to his function, if according to his determination hee had ben present at the defence of the breach among his soldiours, if the
Turks had assalted the same. The same time the king of
Argire with seauen gallyes & ten other ships, in which were two thousand and two hundred souldiours, came to the aide of the
Turks army in
Malta. Who seeming to be very sory, that he was not there at the beginning of the warres, required of
Mustapha, to haue so much honour shewed him, that both for the declaration of his good will, for the exployt of some notable seruice & to proue what courage rested in his owne souldiours he might haue the formost place with-his souldiours to assalt the fortres of
Saint Michael, which not onely was graunted to him, but also
Mustapha caused two thousand chosen soldiors of the army of the
Turk, to be ioyned to him, which being granted to him, about 90 small ships were commanded to be brought from
Porto Musetto, vnto the water of
Marza, for that vpon that side the king of
Argire purposed vpon the water to giue the assault vnto the fortres. Which when the
Prince Valet did perceue, as also, hauing had intelligence of this the
Turks preparation & deuise, by a certaine fugitiue that came out of the
[Page 83] campe to him. Immediately he called before him two of the best practised & faithfull pilots, that were in
Borgo, & of them demanded by what meanes the
Turks might be enbarred from the approching to the foote of the wall of the sortresse. The pilots answered that their opinions were, if of masts of ships, and other timber ioyned togethers at the ends with ringes of Iron, and thereof as it were a long chaine to be made, and the one end ther of to be sastned from the corner of the castle of Saint
Angelo, vnto the other side, where the enimie with their boates were determined to enter, the enimies deuises should bee vtterly stopped in that behalfe. This pollicie liked the great Maister in such sort, that in the night following, the chaine was ended, and placed accordingly. The
Turkes in the dawning of the morning, seeing this chaine placed to enbarre their pretences, were stonished, not knowing how to land the souldiours: but while the king of
Argire and his company were in this mase, a fugitiue a Christian, a man of meruailous hardinesse, (to which kinde of persons, rashnesse serueth for vertue, and desperation in stead of constancy) came to the king, and promised that he would breake this chaine afore aid. Wherevpon (taking an axe with him) did enter into the water, after whom followed two or three others, to aide and help him, and so swimming to this chayne, this fugitiue began to strike at this chayne with his axe. Which when the Christians in
Borgo, did perceiue, about fiue or sixe of them with their swords drawen did on their part by and by swimme likewise to the desence of the chayne, where, after killing two of that company, those Christians did put the other to flight.
[Page] After that, none was so bold to put in proofe the like againe: Neuerthelesse, the king of
Argire, dyd not leaue his purpose, for the xv day of
Iuly, at the breake of day, he proceded to the assalt, both by land and vvater.
The
Christians perceuing the pretence of the
Argirians, had prepared the most part of their Artillerie to be laied towards that place vvhere the
Argirians came to giue the assalt. So as, vpon the repaire of the
Turks, the Artillerie of the
Christians vvere vnbended with such violence by the space of three houres, during the time of the assalt, that with the bullets of the Canon & other Artillerie, about two thousand
Turks were torne in peces & drowned, with twelue of their ships. Howbeit the most part of their ships approching to the Chaine, & perceauing the same to enbarre them to land where they purposed, they turned the shipps vpon an other part towards the Fortres of
Saint Michael, but doeing nothing, they likewise vvere enforced to retourne. Vpon the land, likewise, it vvas meruailously fought, so as many
Turks vvere slaine, and two hundred of our
Christians vvanting, among vvhome
Frederic, the sonne of
Dom Garza, Viceroy of
Sicell, vvas torne in peeces vvith an Iron Bullet, also one
Gordio a Frenchman:
Francis Senoghera, vvith his Neuew
Iohn, Hispapaniards borne, and knights of the
Ioannits, Medina, there, likewise was vvounded to death, vvho afterward dyed of the same.
But the Prince
Valet, perceauing in what perills the state of vvhole
Malta should stand in, if many such battailes vvere often fought, vvhan as, those that were vvearie, both day and night should continually haue
[Page 84] to doe with the fresh and new Soldiours of the
Turks, and to haue no maner of supply of soldiours, sent to succour them. Therefore the seuententh of
Iuly, he sent a messenger into
Sicilia, who by swimming passed from the Castle at the vtter bay: leading to the water of
Marza, and from thence escaped vnknowen through the middest of the enemies, vnto the Cittie of
Malta, and so from
Malta taking shipping, came with diligence to
Messana. To this messenger,
Valet, gaue letters, by the which he required that he might haue those two Gallies of his owne, there remaining, and the same to be furnished and sent with those number of knights of the
Ioannits, as were remaining at
Messana, and with so many other soldiours as might fill and replenish those Gallies. And that, vpon their comming nigh to
Malta, they should abide a loofe before the Port, vnto such time they had a conuenient signe made vnto them whether they might safely enter the Port yea or no.
At which time that the messenger of
Malta, came to
Messana, there came thether a fleet of ships out of
Spain that brought in the same sundry knights of the order of
Ioannits, of diuers nacions. Whan as the Viceroy purposed to send away to
Malta, the two gallies written for, he first thought meet to write to the great Master certaine letters Ciphered by two seuerall little shipps, wherby he signified to the great Master, that with those he sent the two Gallies for y
t which he wrote howbeit he required that the Gallies might haue assured signe made vnto them, whan they came in sight of the Iland, whether they might enter without euident peril or no.
[Page]These two litle ships, thus departing from
Messana towards
Malta, (whereof the one was furnished with sundry simples and medicaments pertaining to Phisick & Surgerie, dyd not both keepe one course of Sayling▪ Whereby the bote that had the Medicaments for Phisick and Surgery, came into the hands of the
Turks, as afterward vvas learned, the other arriued▪ safe in
Malta. Neuerthelesse because, a few daies before, all the waies betwene
Saint Michaels and the Citie of
Malta, vvere vtterly enbarred by the
Turks, and that three Christians vvhich vvere vsed to goe and come betwixt those places, in their passing vvere surprised & taken by the
Turks, and most cruelly put to death. And besids, the entries of the Ports vvere vigilantly garded, that none vvithout the knowledge of the
Turks could vvell enter. Whereby the knights of the order, resting at
Messana, could not tell how to send safely the two Gallies away to
Malta. Notwithstanding considering that the great Maister so earnestly vvrote to haue them, & that they thought,
Vbirerum agitur summa, vnius particulae periculum, minus esse metuendum. Where the vvhole affaires rest in daunger, the perill and losse but of a part & particle thereof for the conseruacion of the rest ought the lesse to be regarded and feared, they determined vvith themselues to commit the two Gallies to the guiding of Fortune; alwaies aforeseeing, that all those knights of the order, should not passe in that hazard, but onely fortie of them ioyned vvith a good number of soldiours, that furnished vp the two Gallies. With these passed Captain
Salazar, an
Hispaniard, in a bote towed by the Gallies, into the Iland of
Goza vvho after from
[Page 85] thence passed▪ into
Malta to espie both the state of the Citie, and the
Turks Armie. The meane tyme, the
Turks not forgetting, the great ouerthrow and repulse that they receaued at their late assalt at
Saint Michaels, and not a litle desirous to reuenge the same, therefore they began vvith terrible sury theyr batterie againe, against the Fortres of
Saint Michaell, in such sort, as that so much as the defendours repaired vp in the night, the
Turks by day by their Artillery ouerthrew and brake.
While the enemies Artillerie, dyd their feate, the
Turks deuised theyr bridge, vvhich they finished, and dyd sett ouer the dyke before the Sunne rysing, the twentith of
Iuly, vvhereby they might come to hand strokes▪ vvith our
Christians. Which being perceaued by the defendours, and considered, vvhat detriment the bridge vvould import, if the same vvere suffered▪ Immediately
seignior Parisoto the great Maisters Neuew, and
Agleria, knights of the Order, vvith a good company of other soldiours, issued forth of entent to haue burned the bridge. Who in such sort vvere receaued by the
Turks, that vvithout executing the matter, they came for, all those that issued together vvith
Parisoto and
Agleria, vvere vtterly slaine. The
Turks (this space) seased not to continue the sury of their Artillery▪ in battering the walls; vntill the xxviij. day of
Iuly; So as, that afternone, they couragiously assalted the For tres on sundry parts thereof; and thrise did send fresh men, to supply the roomes of their soldiours that were either vvery in the fight or ouerthrowen in the assalt, & so manfully the
Turks stood to their mark, that they doubted not to gaine the Fortres that day.
[Page]But our Christians on their part with no lesse valyant courage resisted them, & with very force, what by Gunshot, arrowes, wildefire & handstrokes, at last they compelled the
Turks to retire from the assalt, with incredible losse. With this victory, the harts of the defenders in such manner encreased that they cared nothing for the malice of the enemie. And because there was not so often skirmishing on our side, as was wont, and that the artillery of the
Christian side, began to stay from shoting, the
Turks supposed, that there was few souldiours left on liue in the fortres, & that their furniture of pouder, shot, and other things, were spent. Which stay from skirmishing & shooting, was rather done of purpose by the counsaile and deuise of the
Prince Valet, then for any want of those matters in the fortres, & for a good cause, considering that he heard of no maner of certaine aide, at that time, & that euery day more & more the enemies fury & malice did grow the greater, hee thought it not requisit, to consume his garrisons & other furnitures idely & to no purpose. But the
Turks perceyuing, that by these often assalts of theirs, theyr pretences toke litle effect, they determined with themselues to prooue what they could by myning, and one mine they had in maner brought to passe, beefore our
Christians did perceiue the same, & to the end they might blinde the eyes of the defenders, they caused two gallyes towards the water, to aproch the wals of the towne of
Saint Michael, & to beate at the same with theyr artillery, supposing by the same that the garrison to haue forsaken their charge, & to haue aided the rest, would haue neglected the custody of the wals of the castle, & so by this mine, to haue entred into
[Page 86] the fortres. But the defenders, vnderstanding the subtile pollicies of the
Turks, by the meanes & prudence aswell of certaine of the garrison, as chiefely of one of the ensignebearers ther, brought vtterly to naught the mine of the enimy, by a contermine. For the ensigne bearer first entring the mine of the enemy, with a lanterne in hand, & casting certain arteficial fire among the enemies in the mine, that whether the enemy would or no, hee draue them out of the mine. For which good seruice done, the great master rewarded this worthy ensigne bearer with the gift of a chaine of gold wayeng fiue pounds, & because that
Virtus virtutem parit, ea
(que) in arduo sita est, one vertuous act, allureth another to do the like, though the same be very difficult to attaine vnto. The next day after which was the first of
August, certaine of the garrison of the fortres issued forth, & with pouder burnt to peeces the bridge which the
Turks before had deuised & layed ouer the dike, which worthy deed so done, turned to the whole fortres a wonderfull commodity. For the next day after, at the Sun setting the
Turks assalted agayne the fortresse, vpon that part which was garded by
Carolo Roffo, where by the space of three houres, it was valiauntly foughten on each side, but in the ende the
Christians repulsed the
Turkes, leauing beehinde them three hundred slaine. And on the
Christian part remayned dead,
Roffo himselfe with one
Bareso, and certaine other souldiours.
This while during the assalt the
Turks in such sort exercised their great artillery with continuall shot, that none of the defenders durst scarce shew his head to looke into the dike, but immediatly he was dispatched,
[Page] but for all that, where occasion of any worthy seruice was at that instant to be shewed, the souldiours of the fortresse would not spare his life, to execute the same. As well appeared in
Calderonio the
Hispaniard, who when hee doubted that the enimy was breaking that part of the wall of bulwarke, called the bulwarke of
Castile, hee issued immediatly to espy and know the same, but in a moment hee was slaine with the bullet of an arquebuse. Whose infortunity as to some it would haue beene a terrour and feare, so was the same not the lesse an encouragement of the rest, to endeauour to doe the like seruice. For when they perceiued that the enemy did what they could to fill vp the dike of the fortresse, they of the garrison determined rather to ende their liues with honour, then to come into the handes of a most cruell enemy, and therfore concluded togethers to issue forth that night vpon the enemy, and to enbar them of their purpose.
Wherevpon a hundred of the garrison issued forth, part where of were
Ioannits and part souldiours that tooke wages, and so worthely gaue charge vpon the enemy, that they enforced them to forsake the dikes and to flie away a pace, leauing behinde them slaine fourescore
Turks, and ten killed of our side, among whom of the Christian part remayned dead two knights of the order
Giouanni Cantabro, and one
Macrino, whole heads the cruell
Turks had cut from their bodies, and planting them vpon speares, did set them in the valie of
Saint Sauiors▪ to be viewed of the fortresse. That day at night, those that were in the citie of
Malta▪ made many bone fires, and therewith shot of their arquebuses, shewing
[Page 87] thereby a great token of reioyce: Which both those that were beseged, and the
Turks also hard very well, whereby the
Turks supposed, that either the Nauie of the
Christians began to approch the Iland of
Malta, or else such supply of
Christians were landed, that was hable to encounter with the
Turks Armie there. But it was none of those two matters, and onely of purpose done, aswell to shew their owne courages, as to make the
Turkes estonished vvith the newnesse of the matter.
The
Turks the meane time filled the dike of the Bulwarke of
Castile, which thing caused that neither the
Turkes could be endamaged by the Casemacts of the dyke being cloyed vp▪ nor yet by the Flankers from the Bulwarke of
A
[...]rne. Whereby the
Turks without any maner of impediment, might easelier enough assalt the breach which they with their Artillerie, before, had made. Also from their Mount placed vpon the right hand of
Saint Sauiors, they began to beate vehemently, with two brasen peeces there planted, so as, that at the first stroke, they beat in at a window made for the shooting out of Artillerie, vvherwith the enemie vvas vvont to be encombered, of the vvhich place one
Francis Castilia had the charge: so expert vvere the Canoners of the
Turkes part.
Also one
Giouanni Barnardo Godineto a
Spaniard, and knight of the Order, vvith the stroke of an Arquebuze ended his lyfe. That day
Francis Aquila
[...]es, a
Spaniard, one of the Garrison of
Saint Michaell, hauing vvife and children in the Isle of
Gozo, allured by two vvicked counsaillours, that is to say, Feare and Hope, shamefully
[Page] fledde out of the Towne of
Saint Michaels, vnto the Enemie, counsailing the Enemie to Assault the Towne againe, saying, that vvithout all doubt, they should vvinne the Towne, if they vvould attempt the same againe, because there vvere scarce foure hundred Soldiours left, and yet vvhat with extreme labors that they had suffered during the seege, and vvhat by their hurtes and vvounds, they vvere not able to endure longer, as for the rest of the Soldiours that vvere ther, they vver vtterly consumed & dead. Wherefore the
Turks perceuing, that such breaches alredy wer made, by their Artillery, in the townes of
Borgo & Saint Michael, that Carts vvere able to passe thorough them, they purposed to assalt both those townes at once, and to proue vvhether there rested in the garrisons of those two townes such courage and force, as vvere able to giue them such repulse againe, as before so often they had receaued.
Therefore vpon the seauenth of
August, at one instant houre, the
Turks assalted
Borgo at the Bulwark of
Castile, and the Fortres of
Saint Michael, vvith such a fury and multitude, that the vvhole earth thereabouts vvas couered vvith the enemie. And such vvas the thunder of the great Artillerie, the haile of the Harquebuze shot, the noise of Armour, the faufare of Trū pets, the sound of Drummes, and cries of men of each side, that Heauen & Earth seemed to beate togethers.
Which vvhan the bands of Horsemen that vvere in the citie of
Malta heard by the thundering of the great Artillerie, and saw the Skies obscured vvith the smoke of the same, and doubting that the
Turks vvould not
[Page 88] leaue the assalts, vnto such tyme they had vvonne the Townes, as they dyd, before Sainct
Hermes: Immediately all the Horsemen most valiantly issued out of the Citie of
Malta, and to the ende to turne the enemie from the Assault, they gaue charge vpon those bands of
Turkes that garded the sick and vvounded persons resting at the vvater of
Marza. Who thus being assailed vpon the sodaine, fled, and our Horsemen chasing them in killing and ouerthrowing them meruailously.
The noise, and cryes of such as fled, being perceued by those
Turks (vvho all this vvhile vvere occupyed in the assalt of
Sainct Michael) they were enforced at that tyme to leaue the fight, and to come to succour the rest that fled. Thus vvere the
Turks repulsed from both the Townes, leauing behinde them slayne, aboue 1500
Turkes beesides those that were slaine by the Horsemen of the Citie of
Malta, before they had succours from the Campe. Of the
Christian part of both the Townes vvere slaine more than an hundred, and as many wounded: both the assaults continued more than fiue houres.
Heere
Mounsier Valet, beeing thus deliuered that day, and many other, from such euident perills, caused generall Prayer to bee made to Almightie GOD, and hee him selfe vvith the vvhole Townes men, repaired to the Church about the same.
While these things, vvere thus in doeing,
Dom Garza the Vice Roy of
Sicel, had secret intelligence out of
Calabria, that
Soliman the Emperor of the
Turks had caused certaine ships to be set in a redines at
Constantinople
[Page] which were furnished vvith soldiours, victuall, & other necessaries appertaining to the vvarres, to be sent to
Malta. Wherefore to meet with them, the
Viceroy sent the Lords
Altamira and
Gildandrada, accompanied with fiue Galleaceis: vvho departing to the Seas, and sailing vntill they came vvithin xxx. miles of
Malta, they could not see nor heare of the ships that they sought for; but onely of a Gallie and a little Barque of the
Turks. The Gallie vvas taken, and the Barque escaped away to the
Turkes.
This vvhile,
Mustapha thinkeing there vvas none so strong, but that continuall labour and vvatching vvould in the ende breake and vveaken him vtterly, he thought conuenient, to keepe the defendours occupyed vvithout giueing them any maner of rest, in all that he could: therfore he commaunded that the Fortres of
Saint Michaell, should be assalted againe at the breaches before made by the Artillery. But the
Turks by the valiant defenders vvere quickly repulsed: vvith no litle destruction of the enemie.
These often assalts, this
Bassa dyd not make, in that he had any great hope to vvinne these Places, but rather to shew him selfe to execute the function and office of an expert Generall, and to satisfie the minde of his
Prince Solimane, vvho had commaunded them, either to winne the places, or else there to losse their liues about the same.
But also the
Bassa had dispatched and sent a litle Barque away vvith Letters to
Solimane, by the vvhich he gaue him intelligence of the state of his Nauie, vvith what meruailous inconueniēces his army was afflicted,
[Page 89] what small hope he had to win the places of the
Christians, and what preparation the
Christians were in making to giue succours to
Malta, & other such like things. The meane time the two gallies of
Malta, departed from
Messana, and came to
Sarragoza, where they tarryed one day, while the ship of
Salazar was set on ground to tallow, to make hir more swift of saile, and that the better the next day after they might passe togethers, the famous promontory and lands end of
Sicilia, called
Pachino. The next day, as they departed out of the hauen of
Sarragoza, they encountred a boate that came from
Pozalo, hauing in the same one of
Malta, beeing very sore wounded, who beeing demaunded, who had in such sort euelly entreated him answered that when as he & a companion of his, that other night, ariued nigh that port, and so required by two
Sicilians, that had houses vpon the shore, to come on land, and to lodge with them that night, which they did, sodainely the night being quiet, fiue
Turks landed, by whom the two
Sicilians were taken, and his companion slaine, and he himselfe hurt, as they did see, which two
Sicilians that were taken also told those
Turks, that in the port were riding two gallyes, hauing in the same sundry knights of the order, with other souldiours, to passe in
Malta, by whose words the knights of the order, in those two gallyes well perceiued, that theyr going into
Malta, was discouered to the enemy, whereby they knew it was either most dangerous for them, to enter the port of
Borgo in
Malta, or else vtterly impossible. Neuerthelesse they dread not to keepe on their course towards
Malta, toweng at their sternes the boate of
Salazar.
[Page]While these two galleyes thus sayled they perceiued not farre beefore them two other Gallyes, and a little Barque, who espying the two Gallyes of the
Christians to follow them, made all the hast they could towardes
Malta from them, whereby the Christians thought, that without doubt, they were the Gallyes that had sent the fiue
Turkes on land, who had done those hurts, which hee of
Malta, beefore recounted to them.
Howbeeit the two
Christian Gallyes continued theyr course vnto
Pozalo, from whence by theyr letters they gaue intelligence to the
Viceroy, of occurrants to them happened in theyr voyage. And forsomuch as they could not proceede on their course, in that the South and Southwest windes, were so much contrarious to them, they retyred with their Gallyes to
Sarragoza agayne, and so to proceede as the
Viceroy should further aduise them. About the which, immediatly a knight of the order, was sent from thence to
Messana, to the
Viceroy, whose counsell was, that the two gallyes should stay at
Sarragoza, for the rest of the whole Nauy, that right shortly would come and accompany them into
Malta.
But
Salazar being brought to
Pozalo, determined in his boate to continue forward his course, and albeit at the time, that hee departed from
Pozalo, the seas were meruaylously troubled with windes, thunders, & other stormes, the other daies following wer so quiet & calme that within a short time,
Salazar ariued safely at the citie of
Malta, and there taking apparell of a
Turk vpon him, and like weed for a companion of his, that could
[Page 90] speake the
Turkish tongue as hee could, by night they departed thence into the Campe of the
Turkes to espy the estate of the
Turkish armie, where they espying that, they came for, they perceyued that the whole number of the
Turkes left on liue in theyr Campe, amounted scarce to foureteene thousand men, wherof many of them were
[...]urt, and very sicke, the residue, were but an vnmeete and vnwarlike company, considering that their former fights and assaults had consumed their best souldiours, and after hauing secretly viewed the manner and forme of theyr encamping,
Salazar vvith his companion retourned backe to the citie of
Malta againe.
The next night after,
Salazar vvith one
Pietro Paccio a
Spaniard a gentleman of meruaylous hardinesse and courage, repayred to a place nigh vnto the beacon or vvatch place called
Maleca, vvhich place when hee had thoroughly considered, hee left
Pietro there, and keeping in memory the signes and tokens of the cities of
Gozo and
Malta, as
Pietro shewed him, to the ende to declare the same to the
Viceroy.
Salazar taking passage in his owne boate againe, found fortune so much to bee his friend, that shortly after hee ariued at
Messana, vvhere hee discouered to the
Viceroy, vvhat hee had seene, amongest many talkes, hee shewed how vveake the
Turkish Nauy remayned, how slender theyr Armie on land was, voyde of good souldiours, and weapon, that theyr whole number of
Turkes were not able to encounter, with tenne thousand
Christians.
[Page]To affirme the wordes of
Salazar to bee true, at that time returned one of the two little shippes, wherof I told you beefore, that were sent to bee espialls in
Malta, bringing with him a
Spaniard, and a fugitiue out of the
Turks campe, beesides, also retourned foure gallyes that before were sent from
Messana, who brought with them foureteene
Turks, whom they had taken about
Malta, who all approued the words of
Salazar to be true, that is to say, that the
Turks army was meruailously diminished, and that with beatings, they could not be compelled scarcely to aproach to the walls, for which cause the
Bassa, had slaine sundry of them. And the thing that made the
Turks so affraied, was that they saw neuer any of them whom the
Christians wounded, but hee lost his life.
Besides that, they said, they did see the
Christians, with incredible hardinesse defend their places, & that no peece of artillery of the
Christians side, was at any time vainely blowen of, wheresore the
Turks affirmed, they had right good cause, to bee weary and repent & to detest such wars, which made them to eschew vtterly to fight, and vtterly to flie away, and chiefely such as were
Renegants, that had forsaken the
Christian faith and become
Turks. For which cause there was right strait watch set by the
Bassa, and commandement giuen by him, that either they should winne the towne, or else to loose their liues all, for so had
Soliman their prince commaunded. These words and such like (which the
Turks that were taken did tell to the
Viceroy,) made the
Viceroy to set forth his nauie in a readinesse more soone then otherwise peraduenture he would. In the Fortres
[Page 91] of
Borgo, this vvhile, vvas one
Francis Giuara, a Captain, a very hardy gentleman and vvonderfull Ingenious, he a litle from that place vvhere the enemie vvith Artillerie had beaten downe a part of the vvall of the towne, builded a peece of Fortificacion, contayning in length fiftie paces, & in bredth
[...] paces, vvith two flanking Corners: vvhich being finished vvithin two nights, turned afterward to a meruailous help and ayde of the defendours of that Towne.
The enemies, the meane tyme, vnder the corner of the Dike vvhere
Boninsegna the
Spaniard, a vvorthie Knight of the
Ioannits had his charge, began to myne, vvhich vvhan the defenders perceued, they encountred the same vvith an other myne, & thereby brought the myne of the enemie to none effect.
During this tyme, vvhile a Fugitiue vvas comming from the enemie towards
Borgo & swimming the vvater, the
Turks tooke him, vvhich vvas meruailous hinderance to the
Christians that vvere vvonderfully desirous to know of the estate of the
Turks Armie, and of their Counsaills. But the enemies seeing the small successe of their purposes, vvould yet proue further deuises, and therefore caused two mynes to be made, one towards a Bulwark of
Saint Michael, and the other to the Bulwark of
Castile, into the vvhich Mynes for doeing of the feate, vvere certaine Barrells of Powder bestowed.
Howbeit the pretences of the
Turkes could not so prudently be vvrought, but through the vigilances of the defendours, the same vvas espyed, and so came to passe, that theyr Mynes came to none effect, and
[Page] the
Turks slaine in their owne Mynes, vvith losse also of such barrells of Pouder, as they had layed there, vvhich the
Christians recouered from them.
With these offences and difficulties, the hopes of
Mustapha and
Pial, the
Bassas of the
Turks, being vtterly ouerthrowen, they vvith the residue of the Captaines entred in Counsaill to know vvhether it vvere expedient to tarrie any longer, or else to retourne home: Whereof the most part, vvere of aduise, that they should depart. But
Mustapha vvas of an other opinion, saying, that hee thought conuenient they should tarry vntill the Gallie vvhich he sent to
Constantinople to
Solimane their prince, vvith letters, retourned againe. Whereby they might vnderstand vvhat the pleasure of the Prince vvere for them to doe in such behalfe: and in the meane tyme, by force or guile, to seeke some good Fortune of victorie. Which in deede the Enemies prooued and attempted more often, than that they gained thereby.
For as they themselues vvere vnquieted, so they purposed not to lett bee in rest the poore
Christians, sometime in exercising their vsuall fury vvith Artillerie, sometyme either myning, or entrenching, or filling the dikes, or else assalting some breach to theyr owne losse: howbeit, all vvhich that they dyd, they executed the same vvith meruailous diligence and in small time. Therefore vvhan as,
Robles Maister of the Tents, in the night came to view the ruine and ouerthrow of a part of the vvall, he vvas suddenly smitten in the head vvith a bullet of an Harquebuze, and immediately dyed, to the great lamentacion of all such
[Page 92] as had knowne him. For in him vvere resident sundrie good artes; vvith vvhich he profited much those that vvere beseeged. Wherefore the Great Maister sent a notable gentleman right expert in the vvarres, that vvas Coronell of the Fautery (vvhome vnto that time he kept about him selfe;) to be generall of the Fortres of
Saint Michaells, vvho vvith such singuler prudence guided his charge, vvith vvatching, counsailling, and prouidence, that so often as the Enemies gaue attempt to that peece, they vver alwaies repulsed, vvith no litle detriment & losse. The meane time those two gallies vvith thother ships of the
Turks (vvhich (as before I did tell you) vvere espied by the two
Christian gallies of
Malta,) arriuing among the
Turks Nauie, shewed vnto
Pial Bassa, the Admirall, that the
Christian Nauy vvas in redinesse to come to
Malta, vvho dreading the sodaine comming of that Nauie, commaunded 70. of his long ships to be put in a redinesse, leauing 40. ships in the Port of
Musetto, being the residue of his Nauie, which vver vtterly out of furniture, & vnarmed both of men & tackle: the masts of which 40. ships, wer cōsumed about making of bridges, & other necessaries, for the assalting of the places in
Malta, & the men therof likewise wer spent with sūdry diseases, & fights wherin they serued: Therfore
Pial, for certaine daies, abode all the day time nigh the shore of
Malta, about a place ther called
Maiaro, & in y
t time he staied abrode vpon the high Sea; abiding the comming of the
Christian nauie. But he perceuing none to come, he landed his company again: & forsomuch as that the furniture of powder began to decaie in the
Turkes Campe, therfore vvas giuen that
[Page] of euery thirty barrels of Pouder, in euery ship twentie or fiue & twenty barrells according to the appointed porcion should be taken. Whereby the
Turks, vvith greater fury than euer they did before, battered the vvalles of both the Townes, vvith such great peeces of Artillery as are called
Basiliscois: vvhereof euery bullet shot out of the same waieth two hundreth pound, and in compasse seauen spannes. With these peeces of Artillerie the vvalls of the Fortres of
Saint Michael, vvere throwen downe and made flat. Likewise at that time,
Mustapha Bassa, in such sort at
Borgo beat the Bulwark of
Castile vvith Artillery, that in maner the same vvas ouerthrowen. Whan as the enemies perceaued that both the townes vvas vtterly made voide, both of their vvalls and other peeces of Fortificacion, so as the
Turks might looke vpon the
Christians, and the
Christians on them: vvithout further tarrieng: the
Turks vpon the eightenth of
August, at noone tyme of the day, vvith their vniuersal armie gaue charge vpon both the towns, at the vvhich the Enemies, vvere three times put back, and thrise returned, and in the end the
Turks were vtterly repulsed, after fiue houres fight.
In this most dreadfull assalt, the inuincible courage of the
Prince Valet, was apparant to each one, who armed with his Curace, and formidable with his Picke in hand, was seene beefore the rest of the
Christians most valyantly fighting. Whose manfull presence, not onely gaue courage to his soldiors ther, but also moued vp the harts of the boies & women in such extremity to doe notable seruice. For so it commeth to passe ofttimes,
Magis homines mouentur exemplis quam verbis.
[Page 93] That men are more stirred forwards with examples of well doeing, then by onely doeings. Of this great number of the
Turks, a part of them had gotten downe into the dikes of
Borgo, and there tarried, and to the end they should not bee damaged with the flankers of the bulwarke of
Castile, they fortefied themselues on the flanke with earth and fagot, which they accomplished right quickly. And for this purpose they did the same, that they might vnderminde and sape the walls, about the which they had occupied the space of fiftie yards.
When the garrison of
Borgo vnderstoode the pollicy of the
Turks, who thus had gotten into the dike, they immediatlie caused certaine of the great artillery to be shot off, alongst that part of the dike, wherewith & with fire also hurled into the dike, a great sort of the
Turkes with theyr fortyfication in the dyke, were destroyed. The next dey after the enemyes renewed at the same places, their fights agayne, euer supplyeng the places of their wearied souldiours, with fresh men. But first of all, ensuing theyr vsuall custome, they beat at both the townes with their artillery vntill night, then about midnight, when the Moone shined vpon the earth, this furious assalt with raging cruelty and force began, which at the first made our
Christians somewhat afraied, who hauing yet memory of their former manhoode, & vertue, so behaued themselues, with their wilde fire, shot, & other weapons, that the enemyes were enforced to depart right euelly handled, into their campe, after three houres fighting.
That day, another mine of the enemyes was found made towards the fortyfication of the bulwarke of
Castile,
[Page] in the which were perceyued to bee a hundred
Turks, who vvere all slayne, and the mine broken. Nor for all that, the day following the enemy was quiet, but seauen times inuaded those places agayne, and sending fresh souldiors, who not onely with vveapon, but also with bags of pouder and fire, continued their fight. At the which
Boninsegna hauing his face burned, lost an eye. Likewise, at that instant the enemy assalted the fortres of
Saint Michael, at a place called
Sperone, assayeng at that part, to haue entred the fort, wher
Centio Aquitano, vvith an inuincible courage, mounting on the ramper, vvith his
Picke most manfully fought to the ouerthrow of such of the enemyes, as enterprised to ascend the ramper, & after killing one of the enemies, to the feare of the rest, beeing shot thorough one of his armes vvith the stroke of an harquebuze, and retyring himselfe, vntill hee had dressed his wound, manfully hee retourned againe to his place, & from thence he departed not vntill such time as the enemy forsooke the assalt, & hee remayned victorious. Thus the
Turks at both the places, with meruailous losse of their souldiours were repulsed, leauing the victory to the
Christians, of which our
Christians were then slaine, to the number of an hundred, wherof the most part were torne in peeces, with the
Turks artillery. Among whom at the ruine of the bulwarke of
Castile, was slaine one
Frago, and at the fortres of
Saint Michael, Scipio Prato, Giouanni Baptista Soderino, Paulo Boniporto, Marino Fagiano, Ruffino, all knights of the order of the
Ioannits, and sundrie others, worthie of longer life. The
Turks againe wrought an other mine, at the fortres of
Saint Michael, which when the defenders perceiued,
[Page 94] they so prouided for the same that the mine tooke none effect.
With such and many attempts and fights, certaine of the knights, & not of the lowest sort of them, fearing that, which so often is assalted, at the last may be gotten, said to the great Master, that they thought good that all the bookes of good learning and tables, and reliques of
Saints, and other matters of religion, were meet to bee had out of the towne into the
Castle of
Saint Angelo as into the most sure and safest place. The great master though hee knew right well, that all which they spake proceeded of a right good zeale & minde, neuerthelesse nothing moued therwith, he answered them in this sort, that this their aduise, was none other thing thē an vtter discouragement of the minds of all the
Christians ther, who vnto that time had shewed them so valiāt, a great deale aboue any mans expectation, therefore he was fully purposed to saue all, or loose all: & to the end that none should haue further confidence in the castle
Angelo, he was fully determined to bring forth the garrison there, to ioyne them with the rest to fight against the enemy, & to leaue in he castle onely gunners to beat at the enemy as neede should require. An aunswere right worthy giuen of such prince, & to bee commended to perpetuall memory of posterity, for how should the soldiours hope, when he seeth his generall in dispaire, or to doe any hardie act worthy of commendacion, wher the generall is full of vaine feare. While the great master, thus with this answere, not onely made them ashamed that gaue him this said aduise, but also renewed the harts of some that feared, with further courage.
[Page]The
Turkes determyning with themselues that, that day (no lesse than the other three dayes were before) should not bee voyde of some fight, furiously assalted be times in a morning, those two townes, with greater force, then hee dyd before, chiefely at the ruines of
Castile, wher
Sanromanus of
Aruernia defending that quarter, lost this britle lyfe, gayning immortality for the same. At
Saint Michaels, Adornio, a knight of the order, with one
Fagio, and sundre others, were wounded, for the enemy tarryed not long at the assault, but retyred. When as immediatly the enemy began the vsuall thundering of his artillery agayne, that therewith the whole Island seemed to tremble, & the Skyes to be set on fire. The meane tyme
Valet beeing weary with the morning fight, departed for the time, to recreat himselfe, when sodaynely a
Spanish Priest, with his hands holding vp
[...]o heauen, ran, and met with the
Prince Valet, sayeng & cryeng out,
Malta alas is lost, for three or foure ensignes of the enemyes, are already entred the towne, in at the ruynes of
Castile. Which when the
Prince Valet heard, forthwith hee did put on his head his
Burganet, & with his
Picke in his hand, came among his souldiours sayeng. Beeholde most worthy companions the houre is now come, wherein you must shew your selues valyant defenders of the
Christian religion, for if you still haue with you that noble courage, which you haue alwayes hetherto shewed in the former assaults, there is no cause why you should doubt in this extremity, for you see but the same enemy, and we haue still our former God with vs, who as hetherto hee hath mercifully saued vs, so he will now defend vs. Therefore most worthy sons
[Page 95] all, come on with mee; & let vs couragiously giue them the charge. With these words,
Valet him selfe gaue the onset, fighting stoutly wher the greatist peril remained, after him, mansully followed his Soldiours, yea, the townesmen, children, women & old men, right fearsely striking at the
Turks that were entred. Where the fight on each side was exceding cruel & perillous, some stopped the enemies from further entring, some killed them entring, some gaue them the chase in wounding & driuing them forth againe. The
Turks resisted meruailously, and thus it was couragiously fought on each part: within and without the grounds was couered with all sorts of weapon, dead bodies, and blood.
The Great Maister as cause serued, was alwaies present, prouiding euery necessarie: some he praised, some he encouraged, some he monished, & he himselfe right liuely fought, executing sometime no lesse the act of a worthie Soldiour, than also the function of a most prudent Generall. At last, with the Sunne set, this cruell conflict ended: and the Great Maister remained victorious, but not vvithout losse of two hundreth of his men. Where, of the enemies were slaine to the number of two thousand, besids those that entred, vvhereof none escaped. These vvere foure of the sorest conflicts that the
Christians vvhich vvere beseeged, had vvith the
Turks. During this time, the
Viceroy of
Sicel, for setting forward his Nauie into
Malta, staied for none other maner but onely for the retourne of
Giouanni Cardono, vvith his twelue long shippes that before vvas gone to
Panhorm, to conduct and bring vvith him foure Shippes there vvith victuall.
[Page]But perceuing that he tarried too long, he sent a Post to him to byd him come away vvith all the speede he could, and if he could not bring away those ships vvith victuall by towing them, for their better speede, than to shippe theyr victualls in his owne shippes, and leauing the others behinde at
Panerme, to make hast away, his owne selfe.
Therefore the
Viceroy vvith his Nauie of 72. Gallies the xx. of
August, departed from
Messana, and came to
Sarragoza, bringing vvith him in his Nauie ten thousand chosen men, among vvhom vvere 200, and moe, of the knights of the order of the
Ioannits, and about fortie knights of the new order of the
Stephanits, which order of knighthood vvas lately founded by that most prudent Prince
Cosmo Medices, Duke of
Florence, in the yeere of our Lord 1561. In this they differ from the
Ioannits, vvhere the
Ioannits vveare the White Crosse, the
Stephanits vveare a Redde Crosse, vvritten about vvith Gold▪ againe the
Stephanit, may be once married, vvhich cannot be permitted to the
Ioannit.
The Iland named
Ilua, anciently called
Aemathia, lyeng in the Sea called
Tuscum, is the place of their residence, but vnto such time as their new Citie called
Cosmopolis, be finished, being in building by the Duke of
Florence, being likewise the Great Maister of the same, as hee is the founder thereof. The knights of the
Stephanits, remaine at
Pisa, a Citie in
Italy, vnder the dominion of
Florence. And in that they be called
Stephanits, it is not that they deduct or haue their name of
Saint Stephan the
Prothomartyr, but of one
Saint Stephan, sometime Bishop and Patron of
Florence; Canonized
[Page 96] amongst the nūber of Saints. Besids the knights of th
[...]se two aforenamed orders, there vver in the
Christian Nauy sundry Noble men, as
Ascanius Cornia, the
Marquis of
Pescaro, and his brother
Annibal Estensis, Hercules Veraus, Aeneas Pius, Capinus, Vincentius, of the Familie of the
Vitelli
[...], and sundry others of Noble parentage, and famous in the vvarres.
The
Christian Nauy being thus arriued in the Port of
Sarragoza, the
Viceroy sent immediately
D'auri vvith a Gallie and a litle boate into
Malta, to the end he should land some person, and to speake vvith
Pietro Paccio vvho (as I shewed you before) vvas left at the Watch place of
Malta in the Iland, and of him to learne vvhat he had spied, sithence the departure of
Salazar. From vvhome he vnderstoode, that no shippe, that vvay, vvas seene in the Seas, sithence
Salazars departure sauing a Foist vvhich the one and twentith of
August in the morning made towards
Gozo, and that, that day at night (as he receaued intelligence from the vvatch of
Malta,) sixteene Sales of Shippes came and rode at the rodested of
Salinas, but vvhether after they went, he could not thorow the darknes of the night obserue the same. Our
Christians (this vvhile, right trimly fortified themselues nere the Ruins of
Castile, in sundry places thereof couched their Artillery in such sort, that both it was able to beat the enemie on the flank, & to scoure also alōgst the rampers ioining to the bulwark of
Boninsegna. The
Turks, meaning again, to assalt both the towns of
Borgo &
S. Michael, they first deuised as it wer a
Pluteum. scaffold made of Timber & boards able to hold y
e nūber of 30. soldiors, & these to be set at y
e breach of
S. Michael, y
t
[Page] thorough the Artillery that should be shot from that scaffold, none of the defenders should be able to shew or mount vp his head to defend the place. Which our
Christians perceuing, they thought the same to be intollerable, and immediately made issue forth, and putting to flight the
Turks that garded the scaffold, and setting fire in the scaffold, did burne the same. In like maner, vvere the
Turkes reiected from
Borgo, that at the ruins of
Castile, had prepared such an other scaffold, vvhich likewise by the defenders there vvas burnt in peeces. The next night after, our
Christians that garded the ruins of
Castile, issued vpon the
Turks and not onely destroyed the enemies Fortificacions towards that part, but also killed those that had the keeping and custodie of the same, and vvithout losse of any one of the
Christians, safely retourned into their charge againe.
And albeit that daye and others after, the enemie prooued both vvith theyr Scaffolds againe, and repairing their Fortificacions that vvere cast downe, and other Ingins, to driue the defenders from the vvalls: yet all their pollicies and labours, through the vigilancies and vertues of the Defenders, came to nothing.
The
Christians deuised a Myne vnder the Ruins of
Castile; and in the same couched an eight barrells of Pouder, that if the enemies made attempt againe, that vvay, they vvould giue fire to the trane, and so blow them vp. And vvhile the
Christians vvere thus vvorking, the
Turkes vvas likewise myning towardes that part: But the Christians perceauing the same, dyd get vnto the
Turkes Myne, and not onelye getting
[Page 97] from them certaine barrels of Pouder, and putting the enemyes to flight, but also destroyed the
Turks mine, performed their owne mine. In this manner things passing on both sides,
Mustapha the generall, being very famous & right expert in the art
Militarie, considering that the most part of the sommer was spent, and that longer he could not well abide, and that stifly to stand & continue against an enemie, openeth oftentimes an assured way vnto victory, hee determined therefore with his whole power to assault agayne the Fortres of
Saint Michaell, wherefore he caused to bee brought forth the chiefe standerd of
Solyman his prince, vpon the top wherof was a globe of fine gold, and commanded with the same, the souldiours to giue the assalt, and with force to enter the towne, thorough the ruines there made. The souldiours of the
Turks therwith gaue the charge, and the
Christians right couragiouslie resisted, a doubtfull conflict was on both sides. And when the
Turkes were twise repulsed,
Mustapha in person came vnto the trenches, with his souldiours, & perceiuing them to remaine discouraged, he began to require & exhort them not to faile him at that extremity, for that day should performe their former trauailes and victories, and not to permit his enemies, in manner ouercome, to spoile them of their long hoped victory, for the
Christians haue not a peece of fortyfication left to couer themselues, all are cast downe, and that neuer a good souldiour of them were then left on liue, sauing a few wearyed & maimed sort of them, that were not able to abide the sharpe edges of their swords, with such pertinacie and stifnesse, they gat at last the castle of
Saint Hermes. Then
[Page] according to the vocation of each souldiour,
Mustapha promised either mony or honours, mixing threatnings to some, & gentle words of desire, to others. The
Turks through
Mustaphais pretence, whether they were stirred vp vvith his fayre promises, or enforced through his threatnings, they ran freshly againe to the assalt, where the conflict of each part was vvonderfull furyous, but in the end the
Turks vvere enforced to retire. For our
Christians had made a dyke, and in the same had couched two field peeces, with vvhich they beate on the flanke, a scaffolde couered with ravv hydes against burning, which the enemyes had gotten in there. And at the first stroke, the scaffold was beaten in peeces with the artillery, and forty
Turks vnder the scaffold vvere also torne in peeces, with the bullets of the same. And the same night those
Christians that garded in
Borgo, the bulwarke of
Castile, issued forth vpon the
Turks, and brake downe all the places of defence of the enemy, nigh vnto the bulwark, & besides wanne a ramper from the
Turks, vvhich exceeded in height any peece of fortyfication that the
Christians had left to defend themselues, and from the same ouerthrew the
Turks, and dyd put them to flyght
By this, the
Christians vnderstoode right well, that the
Turks had no great will to fight, and that theyr courages deminished, for at that ramper for the garde of the same, were left in manner three hundred
Turkes, and our
Christians that gaue the charge vvere not aboue twenty fiue persons, and yet those three hundred as it seemed durst not abide our twenty fiue. Again our
Christians had made a myne nygh vnto the ramper of
Castile,
[Page 98] and perceyuing that a certaine number of
Turks vvere come to that place to reedefie the places of strength vvhich the
Christians did before cast downe, the
Christians gaue fire to the place, vvherby sixty
Turks ther being were blowen vp and slayne. Whyle these things, thus vvere in doing,
Dom Garza the
Viceroy of
Sicel with his whole Nauy departed from
Sarragoza, and hauing conuenyent windes, kept his course vnto the promontorie of
Pachyno, whan a great shippe was espyed in the sea, which by foule weather as afterward was learned) was brought to that place. That ship came out of the Iland
Meninges, and was fraighted with victuall, gunpouder, and a great number of shot to haue beene conueyed to the
Turks campe in
Malta. The great ship espyeng the
Christian fleet, yeelded hir selfe. Which the
Viceroy in changing hir marriners sent backe to
Sarragoza, when he with the rest of the fleet kept forth his course towards
Malta, but the winde changing vpon him, and blowing with such a fury, he with the whole Nauy was driuen to the Island
Aegusa, being 220 miles towards the West from
Malta. Now was the first of
September come, when the letters of the
Viceroy came to the great Maysters handes, by the vvhich hee signified vnto him that hee would shortly bee with him with his vvhole Nauy, that a
Christian, a prisoner, escaping out of the
Turks shippes, gate in to the towne of
Borgo, and told that very few Souldiours meete for any conflict was left on liue in the
Turkes campe, and that the most part of that army, left on liue, with wounds, famine, & sicknesse was wonderfully weakened, & that daily innumerable of them dyed, saying further that the
Turkes were
[Page] purposed to lay siege to the citie of
Malta, and had for the same put in a readinesse fiue great peeces for the battery, and for the drawing thereof thether, they had gotten first twelue horses, and then foure, which sometime pertayned to garrison of the citie of
Malta.
In the meane time the
Viceroy with the Nauy of the
Christians, which by tempest was put vnto
Aegusa, hauing conuenient winde to retourne, came backe againe into
Sicilia to
Drepano, and from thence did set saile towards
Gozo. In sayling, the two gallyes of the
Ioannits espying two foists of the
Turks gaue charge vpon them, and tooke them, and so the fifth day of
September came to
Gozo. But the
Viceroy espying no signes out of
Malta, for conuenient and safe landing there, returned to
Pozalo in
Sicilia againe. After whom
Auria followed, and shewed that he had seene most certaine signes, out of
Malta for safe landing there, to whose vvords the
Viceroy giuing credit, came the day following in the morning betimes with his whole Nauy to
Gozo.
That day a fugitiue a
Christian, stale out of the
Turks campe, and came to
Borgo, sayeng hee came of purpose to bring him glad tidings, that the
Turks, the day following would proue an assalt at
Saint Michaels fortres, and if they sped well, they would abide, and if not, to giue vp the siege and depart. And to the end that the
Turkes should haue the better courage to serue, hee promised to him, that first worthely would sasten his ensigne vpon the walls, he should haue the reward of fiue talents of gold, and to promote him also to the higher roomes in the warres.
The great Master thinking (as alwayes hee did)
[Page 99] that almighty God euer prouided such men to giue him intelligences, he gaue most humble & harty thanks to God, and then caused euery thing to bee set in a readinesse, to ouerthrow the purpose of the cruell enemy.
The
Turks all that day, with their great artillery, bett at the houses in
Borgo, & at the ships riding in the port, wherewith a great ship there, was sunke. But
Dom Garza, in the morning betimes departed with the
Christian Nauy from
Gozo, and passing the straits ariued in
Malta, and there landed his Army sercretly by point of day. And while his shippes stayed for him, he marched forward with the army about a foure furlongs, shewing to the Captaynes and their lieuetenaunts, what they should doe, and admonished them all, vnto such time as they came to the great Maister of
Malta, euery edict and commandement that generally should bee made among them, to passe in the name of the king of
Hispain, and than at their comming to the great Maister to obey him as they would doe vnto the king, if hee were in place. And in the meane time, commaunded the army to bee vnder the regiment of
Ascanio Cornia, and hee to be aduised as the most part of the counsaile there should order. And so with exhortation of a few words, leauing the army marching towards the citie of
Malta, the
Viceroy about noonetide of the day came to his ships againe, and with the same sayled towards the East part of the Iland, and stayed in the sight of the Citie of
Malta, beeing but three miles on the South from the sea.
Whom when the citie espied it is not to be demanded if they were ioyfull, for in an assured signe and token of
[Page] gladnesse, they vnbended the whole artillery of the citie.
The
Viceroy agayne hearing the same, caused the gunners of the whole nauy, to answere the citie, with blowing of, twise of all the artillery in the
Christian fleet. That done the
Viceroy returned into
Sicilia, to receiue into the Nauy, the bands of the duke of
Vrbine, and of certaine
Spaniards, that were stayeng at
Messana & Sarragoza, and with them to returne towards
Malta, to follow and persecute the Nauy of the
Turks, which in manner was vnarmed. The
Turkes this while, that purposed to assault the fortres of
Saint Michael agayne, & so to proue if they could win the same, a few dayes before the comming of the
Christian nauy, had begun to packe, and gather together their necessaries, but vnderstanding of the arriuall of the
Christian fleet, and landing of the
Christians army, immediately some sounded the alarme, some crying to remoue, and so meruaylous fearefull, euery one seeking for the coūsell that was thought best▪ some began to fly away, some to take weapon in hand, but the most part of the
Turks marching to the trenches retired theyr artillery, and did set fire in the forty fications that could bee burnt, and so with as much expedytion as they could they drew their artillery and the rest of their baggage into their ships.
Which when the garrison of
Borgo perceyued they manfully issued out, and gaue charge vpon certayne bands of
Turkes that were at a place called
B
[...]rmola, garding a great and mighty peece of artillery.
The
Turks hauing no lust to fight, fled away a pace leauing the great peece in the possession of the
Christians,
[Page 100] which the
Christians with force drew into
Borgo, and if at that time, the new supply of the
Christians had beene there in a readynesse, and to haue giuen charge on the backe of the enemyes, while they were thus in hasting to theyr shippes, either they had opened to themselues a manifest path way of victory ouer the
Turks, or else to haue spoyled them of the most part of their great artillerie.
But I thinke if the new supply had bene there present perhaps they would rather haue followed the ancient, opinion of famous men of warre saying,
Hosti abeunti viam sternendam esse, pontem
(que) vel argenteum faciendum, giue way to a flying enemie▪ yea and if you make for him a bridge of siluer. Albeit the garrisons of
Borgo and
Saint Michael, (by reason of their fresh victuall & other necessaries appertayning to further besieging if neede were, which through the vnequallitie of the wayes & lacke of horses, was verie difficultlie and with much labour on foote brought to them from the citie) thought not requisit to trouble the flying enemie, with further skirmishes. Wherby the
Turks shipped their carriage artillery, and the most part of their army, without great let or impediment. So the xi of
September the
Turkish nauy departed from
Porto Musetto, when a fugitiue a
Genoua born came to the
prince Valet saying, that 10000
Turks were landed againe, & marching towards the citie of
Malta, to fight with the armie of the
Christians, which were comming towards
Borgo. Which when the great Maister heard immediatly hee sent certaine bands, to seaze the sortresse of
Saint Hermes, and there to fixe the ensigne of the sacred order.
[Page]Who accordingly forthwith departing, tooke the possession of the Fortres vvherein they found foure and twentie peeces of Artillerie, great & small: vvhich the
Turkes (hauing no further leasure) could not take away vvith them.
The Nauie of the Turks this vvhile departing from
Porto Musetto, passed vnto the
Port of
Sainct Paule, and there dyd set on land seuen thousand
Turkes, vnder the leading of
Mustapha, their Generall by land. Who had intelligence giuen him that the vvhole Armie of the
Christians vvhich newly vvere come, exceeded not the number of three thousand soldiours. And therefore being the more bold to fight, by reason of the litle number vvhich he supposed that vve vvere of, he marched on proudly towards the Citie of
Malta, and in his vvay thetherward,
Mustapha discouered the Armie of the
Christians. Who espyeng the
Turks, and ready to fight, marched forward couragiously against them, and encountering vpon a hill, the
Christians valiantly gaue charge vpon the
Turkes; at vvhich first encounter few vvere slaine of either side. But in the ende by reason that our number vvas both greater and our force therwith the more, the
Turks gaue back and fled, the
Christians followed, killing and ouerthrowing them, vnto such tyme the rest vvere driuen to their shippes, but vvhilst each one clustered to get to their nauy through to much hast, there perished in the sea about foure hundred
Turkes, and a thousand and eight hundreth slaine on the land. So as if our
Christians had bene expert of the places, and knowne the land, there needed not one of the
Turkes to haue escaped away on liue.
[Page 101]The
Turks beeing thus beaten into theyr ships, stayed still with their Nauy in the port of
Saint Paule, all the next day following, & a great part of the next night then before day in shoting of a warning peece being a signe of their departure, they set sayle and departed towards
Grecia, leauing the Iland of
Malta, shamefully wasted and enpouerished.
Thus the
Turks beeing driuen out of
Malta, to their notable calamitie and ouerthrow, the
Prince Valet made victorious with immortall glory, caused generall processions and prayers to bee made to almightie God for his infinit benefits to them shewed in this carefull time, ascrybing the chiefest cause of this victory to his inexpressable goodnes, then
Valet distributed to the worthy seruitures, that honorably had behaued themselues al this while, condigne rewards, in praysing openly euery one according to his demerits with continuall thankes to them all for their great paines, and trauayles passed. Vnto the wounded and sicke he had such tender regard for the restitution of their health, as though it had ben to himselfe. Hee lamented much the destruction & wasting of the country of
Malta, and earnestly deuised for the repayring thereof againe. Amongst all these things he did not forget to learne, which way, or whether, the enemy this while passed, & what he pretended, which many, in the middes of theyr victory, letteth passe, for which cause euery one hath giuen this worthy
Valet the name of a most prudent, valiaunt, and courteous prince, and as one prepared of God, to remaine on the earth, to the defence of his sacred religion, that during his life, euery thing vnder his charge, cannot but remaine
[Page] fortunate and prosperous. About this time
Soliman sent a mightie Armie to inuade
Hungarie, vvhich, the Spring time after, he himselfe in person followed: thorough vvhose comming, vvhole
Germany (as it had good cause▪) vvas meruailously afraied, and gathered themselues together.
The
Germans of auncient tyme haue, vvith other nacions, rather for glory than their owne safegarde, made warres▪ But vvith the
Turks rather for their owne safetie they haue alwaies foughten, than for any glory that they haue sought thereby. Howbeit
Maximilian the Emperour gathering together a great Army against
Soliman, proceded and layed seege to a place
[...]led
Vespe
[...], and dyd by assalt vvinne the same from the
Turks. But
Soliman vpon an other part vvan
[...]om the Emperour
Segest and
Iula, being two places of no litle importance.
Whan as the fifth of
September, Anno 1566.
Soliman the Emperour in the course and rase of his victories ended his lyfe in the famous▪ Citie of▪
Quinque Ecclesie: vvhich of fiue Churches in the same is so called. To vvhome his sonne
Silimus succeeded in his Empire and dominsons▪ vvho if he were like in condicions, either to his father
Soliman, or to his grand father
Selymus▪ and
Germany to continue in his Intestine and inward contencions and diuisions, as it still doth, it is to be much▪ f
[...]a
[...]ed▪ but that it vvould happen to
Germany
[...]vvhich alredy
[...]ath▪ chaunced to the infortunate countries of
Thracia, Dacia, Maesia, and the most part of their vvofull and miserable neighbour the Kingdom of
Hungary.
[Page 102]For it is an assured and very true sayeng that
Nulla tam magna tam
(que) firma potentia est, quam discordia non comminuat et perdat. There is no Kingdome or Power, be it neuer so great and mightie, vvhich discord and ciuill discencion in it selfe, doth not distroy and bring to confusion.
The end of the third Booke.