IF we would in the bal­lance of vnderstanding weye and ponder what soeuer the councels & actions which we con­ceaue in other mens af­faires and busines, we should no dout builde the whole estate of our life vp­on a more assured foundation, & with al eschue an infinite number of cala­mities aswell publique as perticuler which now we do incurre. For the ex­amples of other mens perils and los­ses, being the moste faithfull teachers and expert guids of this present life, would make vs more warie and stand vs in stead of a rule whereby to direct al our enterprises, determinations, & the cōduct of al our affairs. This kind of wisedome haue the moste circum­spect [Page 2]in all ages, accounted to be, not onely of the greatest profite, but also most milde and tollerable, and which doth yeelde greatest contentation to the practitioners of the same.

Howbeit it happeneth for the most part, that in the gouernm̄et & directiō of our affaires we be so altered, either with hope, or feare, or some other hu­mane frailty or infirmity, that we can not cōprehend or forsee the mischief which euē at hand hangeth ouer our heads, vntil it hath vtterly snared and caught vs through some sudden & vnloked for fall & ruine, and so we doe fully suffer the punishment due to our dulnes & negligence: Whereby not­withstanding we do many times wise­ly enter into the consideration of o­ther mens affairs, yet in case our selues be to eschue the like perilles, it falleth ordinarily out, that either in pondring the waightines of the matter, either a­mazed with doubt of the vncertain e­uent therof, either waiting that others first set to their handes, either hoping time enough to be able to prouide therfore, we do so prolōg our busines [Page 3]that the cōmodity & occasiō escaping vs, al this goodly wisdome, and wary forecast that we had conceiued in the consideration of the exāples of other mens mischāces, vanisheth into smoke & so sodēly wereth away, that wecānot thereof reape any fruit or commodity.

Hitherto was there neuer prouince, Towne, or valeant & vertuous citizen, but did account their safety, libertye & cōmon quiet to depend vpō the moderat & peaceable gouernmēt of their mightiest borderers: as also that no­thing went so nere thē, or was of such importance, as their neighbors to establish their estate in iustice, or moderat affection, & in peaceable cōteining thē selues within their owne bounds & li­mits, as it were within certaine strong bulwarks & barriers. And assuredly as ambitiō is euer to be feared & suspec­ted in all maner of persōs, so is it most dangerous in those, who being alredy of great power & strength, cannot ne­uerthelesse bridle their couetous asse­ctions, how large soeuer the extent of their boundes & limites be: For sith it is vnpossible that any innouations, [Page 4]or alterations in kingdomes and common wealths, can hapen without per­uerting, molesting or general confounding of al things, it must necessarily folow that not only the bordering pro­uinces, but also those countries which lie farther off, being tossed & turmoi­led with the waues & billowes of such their neighbours ambition, shal final­ly bee entangled and swallowed vp in the gulfe of so horrible calamitie.

For as the waues of the Ocean Sea, being tossed with some mighty storm & so swelling out of their banks & or­dinary limittes, may at the first with smal labor be restrained through some strong wall speedily erected & by the diligence of al the neighbours & bor­derers, each helping other in so great peril, opposed against thē: but hauing once pierced & made breach in a bank or two, & therby dispearsing thēselues & slowing ouer the whole champion country without restreint, cānot after ward either by power or policie be re­duced, or stopped from breeding and working inestimable & ineuitable ca­lamity [Page 5]among both men & cattell in­habiting the saide Countrye, but also oftentimes against whole towns, countries and Kingdoms lying further off: Euen so likewise ambitious Princes endeuouring to enlarge their owne boundes and limits, although with o­ther mens losses, may easily in the beginning of their enterprises bee repressed, and by a common consent and correspondence of their neigh­boures, generallye opposinge them­selues against their attempts, be so restreined within their own bounds and limittes, that hardlye they shall put any to losse or other notable in­conuenience: but hauing once passed their armies into other mens prouin­ces, and beeing allured by the sweete­nesse of taking some strong holde or place of importance, and so concei­uing some hope of further extending the boundes of their empire: and e­specially knowing their name to bee growne terrible amongst their neigh­boures, there is then no meanes, pow­er, or force how great so euer, either a­ny [Page 6]other let, that can stop the forcible course of their madde affection and franticke ambition, coueting to rule and command ouer others. This mat­ter whosoeuer among the wisest haue heretofore considered (as all those haue done, which thought it necessa­rye to vse discreet moderation in the conduct of their affaires) haue euer holden this for a principle, namely that it is the duety of euerye good countriman, especially of Kings, prin­ces and gouernours, not onely dili­gently and in time to see that the af­fayres of their Countryes, people and prouinces be in good estate, and qui­etly and peaceably ordered, but also to preuent such Princes and neigh­boures as are prouoked by ambiti­on and allured with desire of rule, from transporting any power, vnder whatsoeuer colour and pretence, into other mens dominions, also from all ambitious enlargeing of their own bounds & limits.

Vpon this grounde did the Romans, seeking euen in the beginning to sup­presse [Page 7]the power of the Carthagenians and to set Spayne free from the Afri­cane bondage, thinke it necessary to aide the Mamertynes whom they had besieged.

For this cause when Antiochus the noble, vnder title of the protectorship of his nephew, sought to seaze vppon Aegypt, the said Romans commaunded him to desist, & content himself with the possession of his predecessors an­cient dominions: and that generally they neuer suffred any prince or com­mon wealth whatsoeuer to rise into too great power.

Hereupon also the Venetians both now and aforetime obtayned the name of wisdome & singuler forecast. For as they were neuer easily induced to new warres, so haue they alwais ne­uerthelesse in such manner tempered their determinations and counsailes, that if any neighbour, either prince or common wealth, through immoderat desire of gouernment, areared warre agaynst his borderers, their armies were still in readinesse as a helpe [Page 8]and safegard to the weaker party, to the end that thus restraining the for­ces of the Italian Princes & common­wealths in equall balance, they might kepe them from all hope of subduing them by force of armes, which perpe­tuall resolution of theirs is among all other excellent matters noted to bee the most certaine reason, whereby we see their common wealth not onely to haue flourished and prospered a­boue a thousād years, but also in al vertue & wisdome to be growne into ad­miration among other nations. This was that Maxime which Laurence de Medicis, the wisest man in his time in Italie, did so earnestly and with so sin­gular endeuour all his life time both followe and maintaine, vnto whome that great quietnesse and tranquility which so long as he liued all Italie did enioy, was in the opinion of most hy­storiographers attributed: For he so brideled the affections of the Italian Princes and souerainties, partly by councell and aduice, and partly by the power and authority of the Floren­tine [Page 9]common wealth, wherof himselfe was chiefe gouernour, that if any, am­bitiously passing his boundes and li­mits did enterprise ought against his neighbour, he was immediatly redu­ced into his duety by the mutuall po­wer of other Princes and people vni­ted together.

To be briefe, there is no wise man but seeth, knoweth, and is fully resol­ued, yea, and grieuously accuseth that people, tearming them traytours to their Country, who eyther daunted with feare and cowardlinesse, or pro­uoked with desire of rest and quiet­nesse, either drowned in retchlesnesse, or deteined in ciuill dissentions, haue so suffered their ambitious neighbors empire to encrease, that afterward be­ing vnable to bear the brunt or with­stand the power and might thereof, they haue beene forced with their owne eyes to see themselues suppres­sed, and their Country reduced into extreame misery and calamity. Yea, who is there among vs, that is not of opinion that the ancient Gaules might [Page 10]haue liued in liberty & bin exēpt frō the Romans bōdage, if by cōmon coū ­sel & cōsent they had altogether with stoode the power of Iulius Caesar? But some standing as idle lookers vpō the subuersiō of their neighbors, & other with their owne weapons encreasing the power of the Romaynes, thinges grew in short space to that extremitie that the so mighty & large empire of the Gaules was in the ende restrained into a Roman prouince, & vtterlyouer­whelmed in most vile bondage.

Howe haue the Italians themseleues sped? If at the beginning they had with a common power and army sup­pressed the rising of the Romans, and not suffered the Antiates, Crustumniens, Centans and Latins each one seuerally, also soon after the Volsques, Aeques, Sa­bins, & then the Samnites, Vmbres, Bru­tians, Hetrurians, and other people by little and little one after another to haue stouped vnder their yoake: had they not first preserued their owne li­berty, and then freed al other nations in Europe from that infamous bōdage wherunto they afterward fel? and yet [Page 11]did there not in manner any of them reap any benefit of al these examples: For notwithstanding they well weyed other mens cases, yet was there none that coulde accomodate the fruite of such consideration to him selfe or his own time. So that after Italie, immediatly Cicil, thē Affrica, & within a while al Asia, & finally in a manner the vni­uersal worlde being come vnder the power of the Romans, felt the burden of their folly. Through the like giddi­nes & negligence, wherin the harts of Christiā kings & princes haue hereto­fore bene drowned, the Sarasens haue found oportunity & means most villanously to entrap & entangle the chie­fest churches of Asia, Affrica & Aegypt, vnder the lamentable yoke & bōdage of Mahomet, through the which they bee vtterly alienated from the true knoweledge of the Heauenlye Do­ctrine: whose succession and tiranny, the cruell Empire of the Ottomanns, which tooke their beeginning of so contēptible an ofspring & is now (euē with a trice) enhanced to such might, as it haue penetrated not onely into [Page 12]the dominions of Asia & Affrica, but also haue subuerted, ouerthrown and turned topsy turuy euen the inwarde Prouinces of Europe, haue seazed vpō. Yea it is euident to all men that most Christian kings and nations being ei­ther busied in their owne ciuil warres & domestical dissentions, either daun­ted with dastardlinesse, or swelling in ambition, little weening their neigh­bours losses to be in ought preiudicial vnto their estates, and each one seue­rally supposing himselfe to haue of his own, power sufficiēt to turn the storm from him and his dominions, haue gi­uen the Turkes more leisure & opor­tunitie to execute their cruell deter­minations then them selues durste haue desired, or so much as once haue hoped for. So that had not the pollicy power of Germany withstoode their flame, and thought it expedient, by an Emperial decree, with the coniuncti­on of their whole forces, coine & pub­lique reuenues to preuent these pro­ceedinges of the Ottomanus, long since had the whole Empire of Chirstian­dome [Page 13]bene subuerted and wholy re­duced into ashes: yea the very power & strength of Germany was it which alone heretofore withstoode the Ro­mane armies: For when all the rest of Europe together with the inhabitants of Affrica and Asia, vnto the very Per­sians had vniuersally thorough their aforesaid slouth accepted the yoke of the Romane Empire, the Germaines on­ly, assembling their whole forces togi­ther, sundry times conquered and o­uerthrewe their whole power, & some times winning, sometimes loosing did still so supply their armies, that the ci­uil warres ensuing in the Romane Em­pire, they with great force and in sun­dry places, made diuers and notable roades & inuasions into the said Em­pire, & finally gathered such courage that they taught those, who before were inured in conquestes and victo­ries, now not only to receiue the yoke of the Germane Empire, but also did vtterly subuert and in manner roote them out, which their so valiaunt vic­tories & noble valure can not by the [Page 14]posterity be sufficiently extolled and commended.

Howbeit the more valiant and vic­torious that our predecessours haue bene: the more maruelous, & among al honorable persons lamentable may it be, that thus degenerating from the auncient valeantise & victorious ver­tue of our forefathers, we do peceably beholde and quietly suffer the cruell and proud yoke of the Spanish tyran­ny (already extended almost ouer the whole worlde) thus leysurely to en­croche vpon vs, to the end for euer to subuert both vs and our posterity to­gether.

I wil not by comparisons of nations and Princes one with an other, make any name more odious then other (for al kind of seruitude is heauy and intollerable, and vtterly vnworthy a­ny that beareth the face of a man) but I doubt whether the yoke of the Spa­nish nation, (drawing their petigree from the Moores and Sarasens, and of late through force and rigour of the inquisition forced vnwillingly to pro­fesse [Page 15]Christian Religion) be any whit more tolerable then the Turkish bon­dage: Of my selfe I will affirme no­thing, onely I referre the iudgement thereof to the inhabitants of Granado, the Indians, Neopolitains and others: notwithstanding vndoutedly the Ro­mane yoke, although it were through the greedy coueteousnes of both Em­perours and souldiours (who are saide to haue destroyed more confederate Cities with their garisons, then ene­mies townes with their armies) intol­lerable to all men: yet beeing compa­red with the pride, cruelty, and oue­tousnes of the Spaniards, may by rea­son of sundry most excellent vertues, wherewith it was endewed, be both termed, and accounted in liew of bon­dage, liberty, and in stead of a forced obedience, a iust and lawful commandement: but howsoeuer that case stā ­deth al the world doth plainely per­ceaue, that vnlesse in time it be looked vnto, and by some general consent and vnion of the counsail and force of al other Kings & princes, the Spanish [Page 16]purposes be preuented and subuer­ted, it wil shortly so come to passe that their strength being growne to perfe­ction thorough the common negli­gence and want of consideration in all, those men shall ouer late begin to resist him, which now at pleasure and ease beholding the fire consuming the lowe countries, doe not thinke that the flame thereof doeth anye whit touch them, either consider that through their owe slouth and simple forecast, the coales of Spanishe am­bition will in shorte space so kindle and take holde, that they will reduce both their owne territories, and the dominions of al other states and Prin­ces into ashes.

Neither are they to suppose that this Fire of Spanish ambition is to bee termined with the Prouinces of Barbant, Holand, and Zealand, sith that already not onely the flakes and sparckles, but also the very firy flames thereof are flowen into Italy, France, England, Scotland, and Germanie: Yea and haue taken holde of almost al the [Page 17]habitable lande. And which is more, euen the Spaniards themselues do not forbeare to rereporte that by a cer­taine celestiall constitution, the mo­narchie of the whole worlde is due vnto them, hauing as an earnest pe­ny thereof, through their owne pow­er and might, conquered a new world to our auncesters heretofore vnkno­wen, which they haue beautified with lawes and customes, polished with maners and discipline, and indued, and instructed in the Romish Catho­lique religion: thinking it to be their bounden duetie: also that they ought, hauing established their Monarchie, to endeuour them selues to force all other people, and nations vnto their Religion and discipline, and thorough the onely terrour of their armies, and power of their Empire, to determine all controuersies in al pla­ces & causes concerning Christian re­ligion.

These thinges doe they not one­ly dayly in familiar speech giue out: but also in deedes, whiche are the [Page 18]assured tokens, and in al their actions, counsails and enterpises, aswel past as present, confirme: for their onely stu­dy, and the marke wherat they conti­nually leuel, is, how they may, when they haue subdued the low countries, in the middest of the same establish an ordinary resorte for the warres, from whence they may at al times at their pleasure and ease passe their armies in to England, France, or Germany, and so first with al rigour to entreate these whom they haue found most contra­ry to their enterprises, and afterward to prescribe vnto all other Christian Kings, Princes, and nations, whatsoe­uer shal come in their heads, and thus excluding each from al help of other, and compassing them with their ar­mies, to reduce vnder their yoke all those which willingly wil not yeelde vnto them al ready and perfect obe­dience.

This is the marke whereat they al­waies haue shot. To this ende haue al their counsailes, practises and de­uises tended, as appeareth in that ha­uing [Page 19]with their armies oppressed Ita­ly, they sence not only extended their power into Germanie vnder colour of restoring religion, but also haue en­deuoured to subdue the whole estate and monarchie of Christiandome vn­to their subiection.

And that I may the more plainely open this matter vnto you, moste mighty Kinges, Princes, and Magi­strates. It is expedient orderly to set downe a briefe and manifest discourse of all the counsayles, dealinges and practises of the Spaniards, euen from the original of their enterprises vnto this time, to the end their purposes, driftes and deuises beeing detected and layde open to the whole worlde, we may in time apply and minister al conuenient and meete medicines to that mischiefe, which is so knowen to the whole christian common wealth. Wherein I will not vndoubtedly re­hearse any thing, but that which haue bene done in the face of the whole worlde, and as it were, in so publique a theatre, that no man can be igno­rant [Page 20]thereof, which thing whilest I do discourse and set before your eyes, I beseech you (noble Princes) vouch­safe to be attentiue, and turning your affections from all opinions preiudi­tially conceaued, diligently to apply your mindes to consider, and vnder­stand the assured and liuely truth of the whole affaires.

The Spaniarde therefore, through the valiauncy of King Ferdinando, de­liuered out of the bondage of the Moores, and by continuall exercise in Warres, growne so perfect and skil­full in armes, that he had conceiued a certaine opinion of himselfe, that he had either surmounted all other nati­ons in warlike knowledge and fame, or at the least boorded the moste ex­cellent, did immediatly cast his view vpon Italy, and in his heart deuised to attempt to subdue the same to his o­bedience, being thereunto especially moued, and allured by reason of the great plenty, and aboundance of all thinges in the saide Countrie, which they had found and tried at such time [Page 21]as the Arragons (by nation Spaniards, and then ruling in Naples) had cra­ued their helpe against the French ar­mies: they had before encroched vpō the French the Ile of Sicil, being a very cōmodious place for passage of their munition, armyes, & souldiours, and very conuenient for the prouision of whatsoeuer were requisite & necessa­ry either to the making of warre, or relieuing the wantes of their men.

Giuing ouer therefore the defence of the posterity of Alfonce, who had craued their helpe, they entred com­munication of accord with the French and so agreed to part betweene them al that prouince. But perceiuing the French to be slacke in their busines & slow in prosecuting this warre: taking occasiō of some cōtrouersie arising a­bout their bounds, they renued the warres against them with all extremi­tie, and yet so, that shortly after, pro­pounding on bothe sides certaine conditions of peace, the same was through the helpe of Archduke Philip the king of Castiles neuew concluded: [Page 22]By which policie, being in very good time put in vse for the staying of the French succour, which being leauied, was ready to march, it fel out that the remaynder of the French Armies, whom Gonsalue surprised neere the ri­uer of Garillan, was quite ouerthrown and as it were vtterly rooted out: So as the French, beeing by this meanes cleane expelled out of the Realme of Naples, it was an easie matter for the Spaniardes there at their pleasure to build Forts and Castles, and the same to fortefie with strong Garrisons, and so to establish a cōmodious seat, from whence they might afterwarde easely commaund ouer the rest of all Italy.

About the same time also the Bishop of Rome, hauing by his aucthoritie made partition of the Indies between the Porting [...]les and the Castillians, and by meanes thereof, as it had beene by some heauenly decree, they had with vnspeakable cruelty ransacked and wasted an incredible extent of Land, and so subdued to their gouernment all America, togeather with that great [Page 23]cōpasse of the west Indies: also that at the same tyme they had ioyned to their Dominion that parte of Gaule which is called Belgica, by meanes of aliance contracted by the mariage of the sayde Archduke Philips: thinking them selues furnished with a suffici­ent and fit treasure for the conduct of the warres, as well by reason of the Golde and spice, which yearely they brought verye plentifully out of the Indies, as also through the great pro­fit that dayly did arise of the ordina­rie nauigations and tranfique of the Flemish Marchants in Spaine, (a matter of great encrease vnto their reuenues and ordinarie customes) they cast in their mindes no longer to forbeare the inuasion and subduing of the rest of Italy: according to which deter­mination, vnder pretence to ayde the Sforces against the French, they firste entred into Lombardia, a very ritch and fruitfull countrie: There hauing first expelled the French, and then subdu­ed and oppressed the Sforces, they strengthened it to their owne vse [Page 24]with fortresses and strong Garrisons. They altred also the estate of Florence, Siene, Pise, and all Thuscane, in giuing them such a Duke as they knew to depend of them selues, and in all things to sauour their attempts: and hauing confirmed the aucthority of the Do­ryes in the city of Genes (which beeing a verye commodious Hauen, was at that time molested with ciuil dissen­tions) they assured & boūd it to their owne deuotions.

Finally vnder the fauour of the prouinces of the Lowe Countries, finding oportunity (after that Charles was by the voyce of the electors cho­sen emperor) & making way through the sayde prouinces, they did diuersly molest the realme of France: Also vn­der pretence of establishing the po­pish religion, they gaue a notable gird euen into the bowels of Germany, yea and that with so good successe, that hauing ouercomen, and in battail ta­ken the protestant princes, they bent their whole minds assuredly to bring the same into subiection and so to ap­propriate [Page 25]it to their own inheritance, & to that intent placed their spanish garisons in sundry Fortes, euen in the centre thereof.

Howbeit seeing that the naturall moderation and equitye of Charles coulde not be alured to satisfie their so ambitious interprises: Also considering that they were not long able to defend & keepe the places where their garrisons were lodged, as well for that they were to far from Spaine, as also because they were inuyro­ned with such warlicke people and nations: And with all seeing them selues by Duke Maurice his armies expelled and so dryuen oute of all high Germany: besides that, not sin­ding such successe as they hoped for in the wars which sundry times they had renewed against the French: bee­ing wonderfullye chased and much bewayling the taking of so notable and ritche a praye oute of theire handes, they did of necessitye stay the course of their purposes, and so proceeded no further in the pursuite [Page 26]of their enterprize: Thus refrayned they them selues vntill such tyme as the Emperour, being returned into Spaine, the ambitious, haughty and meere Spanish mind of King Philip, was found meete to satisfie their de­sire, and that thereby they tooke fit occasion to reenter, althogh an other way, into that path which before they were forced to forsake: For they con­sidered that they could not safely at their pleasures conduct any army in­to France or Germany: Also that if they brought any, yet shoulde they want both munition and all other meanes wherewith to prosecute the warres, euen the first day, vnlesse be­fore they had possession of the Ha­uens of Holland and Zealand, & with­all had established good and suffici­ent Spanish garrisons, throughout the Prouinces of the low Countries: that they had raysed new tributes and im­postes for their payes: To be briefe, that they had chosen a conuenient seate from whence they might at ease continue and prosecute the war: But [Page 27]perceiuing that they coulde not well compasse any of all these pointes so long as the priuiledges of the Coun­trie (which doth exclude all straun­gers from the administration of their estate, and admitteth no other then home born parsons therein) continu­ed in force: Also that they might not leauy any subsidy or new tribute: nei­ther put Garrison in any place, with­out the counsell of the estates, they concluded among them selues, before they prosecuted the inlarging of their limites, that necessarily they must re­strayne and brydle this the ouer large liberty of the estates of the Country, and depriue them of their priuiled­ges, freedomes and ancient customes: To be breefe, that they must debarre them from all such meanes, help, and succour, as time out of minde had stoode them in steade, for the mainte­naunce of the dignity and assuraunce of those Prouinces: to the ende that thus wresting and getting into their owne hands the commoditie to erect Castles & fortresses at their pleasures, [Page 28]and to leauy new tributes & taxes as they liste: also to chose within these florishing prouinces such a seate as in their opiniōs might seem most cōmodious for the wars, & so the whole being throghly brought vnder their subiection and by spanish legions assured vnto thē: they might in time to come vse the same for the assaulting of any whōsoeuer they listed. To this ende haue they euer since directed their whole studies, counsailes and actions, namely, either by hooke or crooke to find means to distribute in the prouinces of the low coūtries a garisō of ten thousād souldiers of the old bands: to the end that ioining therto the choice of the footmen of A [...]tors & Hencult, & strengthning thē with the ordinary bands, whome the king according to the maner of the ancient Lords of the sayd countries, doth vsually intertain, hauing also the frendship or aliance of some Germain prince, euen by oth bounde vnto them, or if possibly it might bee, getting the possession of some neighbour city of Germany, they [Page 29]may so oftē as occasiō shal serue, reen­force the said power with a good nū ­ber of Germayn horsemen, & so vpon euery occurrence haue a cōpleat armyredy. For this intēt was Duke Eric of Brunswik at the first chosen, whom the king with an annual pentiō reteined: the same time also took they coūsel to take Coulogue & Munster: but as the e­stats of the low coūtrys did obstinatly refuse al spanish garisōs: & therwith in stātly required the reuoking of those out of the coūtry which yet remained of the french wars, vtterly refusing (in case this were not performed) the aid of money which was required at their hands, it fell out that by reason of the ouerthrow taken at Felbes in Affrica, wherin the spanish legiōs were almost quit consumed, the king, who very vnpatiētly bare this demād at the hands of the states, & was alredy resolued to punish it as a treazō, being ouercome with the necessity of his own affaires, seemed to find it somwhat reasonable & so suffered the reuoking of the said bandes out of the countries, to the end with them to keepe and defende [Page 30]the passages of Italy & Spaine, togither with his houlds in Affrica, against the ordinary incursions of the [...]urkes and Moores: being neuerthelesse fully re­solued (as himselfe could not but cō ­fesse, which also the Spaniaras in their writings haue testified) vpon the first commodity to returne the saide gar­risons, who with armes & open force should blot out the iniury supposed to be wrought againste the Spanith name, and with a more stricte bonde should bridle and restraine the ouer great liberty and authority of al these prouinces.

For the compassing thereof, there fel out nothing more fitte and apparant then the Kinges constant and perpe­tual desire, care and zeale, earnestly & strictly to establish the Romish religi­on in the lowe Countries, which cau­sed him in all his letters written out of Spaine, ordinarily to accuse the Du­chesse of Parma, and the chiefe Lords and Magistrates of the country, that they were not earnest enough in these causes: saying that he well perceaued [Page 31]that vnlesse they vsed more violent remedies then afore tyme, the Ro­mish religion woulde soone be extin­guished throughout Flounders, which for his part, he woulde neuer permit, but rather to hazarde whatsoeuer lands and kingdoms he yet possessed: Wherefore that he willed and ordey­ned that the rigour of the edicts and placards of religiō, shuld be executed without dissimulation, and that they should not vpon any, whatsoeuer oc­casion be moderated, qualified or in anye wise mitigated: but rather that their strictnes shoulde be augmented and increased: & to that end that they shuld create new Bishops whom they should make inquisitours for matters of Faith: that Granuel Archbishop of Mali [...]es, a little before become a car­dinal, who by reason of his intollera­ble ambition and inordinate desire of gouernment, had incurred the malice of al estates, should be made head and president of that colledge: that to the end the sayd bishops might more di­ligently attend to the said inquisitiō, [Page 32]some of the spoiles of diuers Abots & other Prelates of the countrey, whom they accused to be to negligēt in per­secuting & punishing of the heretiks, shuld be distributed among them: & with al that the hearing of all causes, if neuer so smallye they pertained to matter of religion, should be reserued to them: whervpon euen at one time, & by one means, al sorts of people of the said cuntries were greuously offended. The princes & great Lords could not patiently suffer the administratiō of the affaires to be taken from them & cōmitted to one Granuel, a new mā & a stranger. The nobility coulde not like that authority ouer their liues & goods shuld (to the preiudice of their country customes) be cōmitted to vnknown, beggerly & base persons, who coueting their goods & tresurs, might easely find means to accuse & betraye them. The magistrates & rulers of ci­ties and towns did murmure that the iudgments & priuiledges of the cun­try, cōtrary to the kings oth so solēnly sworn, shold be taken frō them & put [Page 33]into the hands of rascals, & such as besids were by oth bound to a forraine prince, the pope of Rome, and had al­ready giuen out sufficient testimony & proofe of their cruelty & couetous­nes: To be briefe, the whole cominal­ty generally complained that in stead of sheepheards they were committed to the custody of rauening wolues cō tinually gaping after their goods, so that sundry merchants determined to seek new habitations in forrain coun­tries, which diuers of thē did indeed: al these things being rehearsed to the king in sundri suplications, peticions, messages & ambassages (the states in­stātly requiring that by such innouatiōs, so faithfula people to their princes might not be forced any whit to de­minish their accustomed obediēce) so far was he frō giuing audiēce, or hark­ning to their peticions, that contrari­wise, obstinatly refusing all their de­mands, he would that euē the decrees of the counsel of Trident (whereby in maner al the lawes & customes of the cuntry were infringed) should be published throughout the said prouinces.

And in deede by that meanes hee foūd the cōmodity of the time so lōg looked for: For in case his preceptes tooke place, the aucthority of the in­quisitours once established, and the lawes and customes of the countrey infringed, it would be no hard matter to put to death all such as had either aucthority or countenaunce among the people, and so also the Spanishe garrisons together with a new forme of regiment might easely be brought in: but contrarywise, if herein they re­fused to obeye his decrees (as there was no other likelihood, considering how al sortes of people were by these demaundes oppressed) then necessari­ly must insue both tumultes and dis­order, for the pacifiyng whereof, the Spanish garrizons must needes be re­turned, and so how so euer the world went, the obstinate reiecting of the Kinges commaundement, should (as a matter of Treason) minister cause sufficient to chastize the people with fire and swoorde: Neither was he de­ceiued in the euent of this counsaile.

For some of the chiefe Nobility ha­uing exhibited a certaine request into the Court, wherein was prooued that the kinges commaundement concerning Placards was not onely pernici­ous to the common wealth, but also daungerous to them selues, requiring therefore that the publication of the sayd Placards might cease, vntill the king were informed of their demāds by suche notable persons as to that end should expresly trauail to his ma­iestie: the people thereby conceiuing hope of greater liberty, tooke vppon them, (and peraduenture somewhat more then was requisite) openlye to professe the reformed religion, which the king and Spaniards did so greatly detest and abhor: This so honest and aparant occasion ministred vnto the king means, first to condemne such of the nobility of treazon as had exhi­bited the sayde request, and so to exe­cute the ambassadours which by the gouernesse cōmandement went vnto him, & then vnder the conduct of the Duke of Alua, to send the old spanish [Page 36]bandes into the low countries, to the end, vnder pretence of religion, to put to death al such of the chiefe lords & nobles of the country, as coulde not brook their demeanures: to establishe paines of death against al good men▪ to entangle the people with charges, impostes, & grieuous bondage: to e­rect fortresse & castles in their towns and finally to depriue the estates and magistrats of al aucthority: the nobi­lity of al dignity & preeminence: the people of their substāce & welth: the towns of their lawes, customes, priui­ledges & freedoms: and finally all the prouinces generally of their auncient honor, dignity & power, & so to open a way to the counsell so long before taken, for the establishing of the seate of their premeditated wars in the low countries. Al which things the world knoweth so wel: as also how the Duke of Alua hath endeuored to bring thē to effect, that I shal not here neede to make any further demōstratiō or repeticiō. Vndoutedly any man that wold open the eyes of his vnderstanding & [Page 37]narrowly consider of these counsailes & demenures, might plainly perceiue that al these drifts tended not to the subduing of the lowe countries, who refused no kind of obedience, but ra­ther to the laying of a firme founda­tiō of the spanish monarchy that they leuel at. And indeed the Duke of Al­ua immediatly vpon his ariual in the low cuntries, determined to set vpon the City of Coulogne, vnder pretence that she had admitted into the nūber of Burgeses the king of Spayns pretended rebels, & at the same time sought also to bring into his subiectiō the ci­ty of Mūster in Westphaly: both which interprises had at one time takē place had not the prince of Orenge, who thē had leuied a strong power in Germany interrupted his whol deuises & vtter­ly subuerted the course of his counsel & practises: which notwithstāding, he did not neuertheles forbeare to pre­scribe & cōmand lawes to the inhabit­tants of Coulogne, or with great threts to moue the magistrats to his obedi­ence: At the same time also he firste [Page 38]delt with the bishop of Treuers, (who promised al helpe and fauour in the aduancement of the Kings affairs) to the great preiudice of the Palatin ele­ctor of hapy memory, & after grew to debate with him for the chiefe town of his countrie, which he affirmed to be vnder the King his maisters pro­tection. He also limited to the Duke of Cleue, suche counsailours as should no otherwise gouerne his Countrey then as if it had wholy ben vnder the absolute commaunde of the king of Spayne: he sought to binde the Earle of Embden vnto him as his vassall vn­der colour of protection and safgard: He commaunded the inhabitantes of Liege, to furnish him of weapons, fur­niture & victuals. To be brief, he ex­ccuted vpon al borderers all absolute authority, commandement & power. And as for the princes that were far­ther off: first he quarrelled with the most high and noble Queene of Eng­land, vnder colour & pretence of en­tercourse, and emprisoned such Eng­lish merchants, as vsually trafiqued in [Page 39]the said prouinces: he commaunded her to banish whō he lift, whiles him­selfe not onely harboured and friend­ly entreated in the low countries sun­dry lewd persons, which had beene attainted of treason against their so­ueraigne, but also enriched them with giftes and yearly pentions. By sundry deuises and driftes did they solicite the Queene of Scots (being then pri­soner) to worke some new trecherous deuise: they loded with honor and re­wardes the murderers of the regent of Scotland, vsing both thē, their coun­sailes and endeuours in sundry their affaires. And what not? they found means by the Popes bul to pronoūce the Queene of England an heretique and vnlawful inheritour: They raysed troubles against her in the hart of her Realme: They put her in daunger of her life: They did by publication ha­bandon her Realme to the first that woulde or could surprise or seaze vp­pon it, and expressely charged Don Iohn of Auctrich perticularly, imme­diately vpon the quieting of the lowe [Page 40]countries to leauy mortall warre a­gainst her, to marrye the Queene of Scottes, and with her to appro­priate to him selfe the Realmes of Englande, Scotlande, and Irelande: These thinges when they coulde not compasse to their mindes, by reason of the warres reuiued amonge the Estates of the lowe Countries, they sought to bring to passe thorough Irelande, whether they transported, in outwarde shewe, in the Popes name, but in trueth by the com­maundemente, motion and will of the King of Spaine, a number of Ita­lians and Spaniardes, that they pas­sing through that ile, (which they ho­ped to finde wholy at their deuoti­on) into the realme of England, might the more commodiously subdue and bring it vnder their power and au­thoritie. And had not the King, at the Duke of Aluaes perswasion (who wondred at the difficulties and lettes that happened in this enterprise,) thought it best to referre this mat­ter [Page 41]to a more conuenient time, the waight of all this warre had longe since bene transported into Englande in hope that that beeing first gotten, the Spaniard thereby being at quiet on that side of the Sea, might haue a more readye way to subdue all the whole lowe countries.

And as for Fraunce, whiche by reason of the Kinges noneage was troubled with domesticall dissenti­on, they omitted no manner of in­uentions, or pollicies, but emploi­ed their whole industry, care and study to wrappe and entangle it more and more in ciuill warres, to the end, that when the same so florishing, and mighty a Realme were with her own weapons almoste subuerted and de­stroyed, they might as their leasure, with more opportunitye, and as con­ueniēt time serued, with the lesse a do subdue it: neither neede I here much to stande vppon those meanes whi­che they haue vsed to heape more coales vpon these ciuil flames: what helpes they haue ministered to the [Page 42]nourishing of these discordes, with what affection they haue trauailed in it, what actions among parties, clo­kinges, leagues and conspiracies they haue inuented wherwith to maintein and vpholde this miserable kindling: For the most Christian king doth eui­dently & wel know that diuers times they haue procured his subiects to re­bel, and sought means again to bring them to take armes: yea and least a­ny man should thinke they did it for zeale to their Catholique religion, they haue with promises of greate summes of ready monie sought to se­duce the heartes of the Princes, de­fenders of the reformed religion: nei­ther is he ignorant how often he hath ben informed that sundry times they haue endeuoured to corrupt, seduce, and winne from their sworne allegi­aunce the particuler gouernours of townes, fortresses, and hauens on the sea costes: how they haue with great diligence laboured euen the King of Nauai, promising him great summes of money in case he would break the [Page 43]peace last concluded: yea howe they haue proceeded euen to his highnes, perswading him to take armes, to the subuersion of the King his brother, and the desolation of his whole king­dome: whome when they perceyued nothing prone to serue their mischie­uous tournes, they haue sought to make away with poyson and sworde, hauing to that ende, hired expresse murderers, who since haue by law ben executed. I wil not here speake what number of pentioners the King of Spaine hath bounde to his deuotion, not onely in the priuie councel of the King of France, but also of all other Christian Kinges, Princes and poten­tates, through whom he doth at his pleasure trouble the estates of some, procure the rising of others subiects, ouerthrow and supplant whatsoeuer counsails are holden against him, and to be briefe, make them determine and like of all that he thinketh com­modious to himself: This is manifest­ly and well knowen to all Kinges and Princes, to whose detriment these [Page 44]thinges are put in practise: none dare the while speak any worde of al these matters or once open his lips against them: so greatly are all mens mindes ouertaken with feare and astonied at the onely name of the Spanish nation.

What shall I say of our Germany? which being in greater daunger then any other Prouince, yea almost alrea­dy swallowed vp in this monsterous gulfe of Spanish ambition, doth (as in outward shew it were sufficiently war­ranted) make no account of her own danger, weening that the fire which hath cōsumed her neighbors houses, & is entred euen into her own bowels doth no whit touch her at all: so that this Empire, which aforetime was wōt so valiantly to defend, both her owne liberty and the liberty of al christian­dome, doth now seem to be more co­wardly & rechlesse in preuenting the establishing of that yoke that threat­neth the whole world, then any other nation. It is euident that the King of Spaine hath in Germany not onely his pēsioners & priuy whisprers which reueale [Page 45]to him al their Princes coūcels, & enterprises, but also a publike cou­sailour in the chamber of the empire, by whō he vnderstandeth the whole affaires of al the countrie, & determi­neth al maters as if he wer a prince of the Empire in the degree of the rest. He hath also his place by his Embas­sadors in al the assemblies of the Em­pire: he carefully cōsidereth of al that is done in al their diets, he endeuou­reth to learne all their secrets, & hath no lesse intelligence & notice, the seuē electors themselues: and what may be more vnworthy, or more contumeli­ous to the Germain natiō, either more dangerous & fit for the surprising of their liberty, then not to cal any Em­periall diet: any conuocation in the Empire: any counsayle: any assem­bly of estates: yea almoste execute a­ny administration of priuate iustice: without the presence, counsayle, and (as I may almoste say) without the will and commaundenent of the Kinge of Spaine? But vnder what pretence? forsooth by reason of the [Page 46]precinct of Burgundy, which beeing numbred among the Emperiall pre­cinctes, the king of Spain must be ac­compted among the Princes of the Empire. And what is this, most Noble Princes, other then a manifest moc­kery and contempt of you, your auc­thority, and auncient glory? Yea and wittingly, before your faces, and with your owne consent, a snarling of you in the haulter of Spanishe bondage? The emperor Charles hauing by force oppressed Germany, and beeing inuy­roned with his spanish and Italian le­gions, called an Emperiall diet at Aus­burge, as I weene in the yeare 1548: Wherein he declared that in diuers parts of the low countries there were sundry Townes and prouinces which in olde time were wont to take their lawes and be subiect to the Emperial chamber, wherevnto they did ordina­rilye appeale: To be briefe, that they had alwayes beene holden and repu­ted among the precincts of Germany, wherevpon sundry and many questi­ons and controuersies did oftentimes [Page 47]arise, he would therefore, saide he, at once both end their quarrels, and doe a great pleasure to all Germanie: and therefore purposed to decree, that as well those Prouinces which he had in the nether Germany, as also the rest that lay in the Belgique Gaule, beeing reduced into an Emperiall precinct, should from thenceforth be reputed, holden, and tearmed, The precinct of Burgundy: and that in respect therof, he and his successors should disburse towarde the charges of the Empire, twise so much as euery two Electours were to contribute to the warres a­gainst the Turke: and so they should hereafter remaine exempt and free, not onely from all kindes of contri­butions and collections of mony, but also from al iurisdiction of the cham­ber, and the lawes and decrees of the Empire. Here may we beholde the price of the spoiles of our iurisdicti­on, aucthority and power, also the rewarde of our bondage: This is that small summe of money wherewith the moste sacred dignitie and free­dome [Page 48]of our Empire is supplanted, & authority giuen to aforeine prince, (with whom we haue no bond of af­finity, correspondence of language, neighborhod, or agreement of lawes and customes) to enter into our diets: to haue a place in our assemblies: to giue his voice in our Emperial cham­ber: to be briefe, to peruse and con­sider of al our counsailes, and actions, either publike or priuate.

If to serue a maister, notwithstan­ding he be neither rigorous he hau­ty, be of it selfe a misery, who seeth not our Germany in moste miserable estate, where the King of Spaine may, if he wil, commaunde at pleasure? But what need I say, he might if he would, sith al the world doth plainly see that in effect he doth commande both far and neer? For what is it that the Spa­niard hath not gained by the erectiō of this precinct of Burgundy? except that he doth not onely rule there at his pleasure, but also vseth al absolute authority ouer the precinct of West­phaly, which time out of minde was [Page 49]accounted one of the chiefest, and mightiest in all Germany: yea he so commaundeth there, that there is none which dare in any wise controll or gainsay him. As for example. Haue not the inhabit antes of Liedge hi­therto obeyed his Empire: either the Duchyes of Cleue and Iuliers: and fi­nally the whole territories of Cou­logne, and Westphaly, beene at his deuotion? And yet not content with this kinde of commaundement, he seeketh after a newe sorte of obliga­tion to subdue and conquere them, and so to extend his Empire general­ly ouer all Germany: Therefore to say nothing of those men, who be­ing in possession almoste of all the straightes of Germanie, euen from the foote of the Alpes to the Ocean Sea, are moste readye to obey his commaundementes, and dare not refuse any of his requestes: neither to speake of those who being by bloud, alliance, league, and neere affinity vni­ted and knit vnto him, do commaund ouer Istria, Carinthia, Croatia, & the [Page 50]most part of Pannonia, yea and beare soueraigne authority euen in Bauaria, possessing all the heades and springs of the Riuers of Licus, Aenus, and Danow, and are pearched ouer the heades of Augusta, Ratispone, and other mighty Emperial cities: to hold my peace, also of those, who holding as it were the rudder of the Empire, (in hope hereafter to attaine to the succession of the kingdome of Spain) will not once oppose them selues a­gainst his rising and might: who see­eth not whervnto this vnquenchable thirst & ambition of the young Duke of Banaria, Bishop of Frifinguen doeth tende? who beeing egged on by the King of Spaines industrie, armed with his authority, and kindeled with his commaundementes, is so inflamed and burneth in so wonderfull ambi­tion, that he can not be satisfied with anye Bishoplike dignities or prince­ly authorities whatsouer? he hath al­most in a moment atteined vnto so greate and mightie power, that in strength he may compare with sun­dry [Page 51]Kinges of Europe, and is iustly to be doubted of, and feared among all the Princes of Germany: And in truth there be sundry noble Realmes in Europe, which neither in greatenesse and extent: in multitude of people: in strength of souldiers: or in aboun­dance of all thinges necessary, are to be compared with the principalities that pertaine to his iurisdiction and are vnder his obedience: all which notwithstanding, he can not yet be quiet, but frying and flaming in the ambitious fury of the Spanish nati­on, he coueteth and aspireth daily to greater matters: For he hath already by the King of Spains helpe and suite obteined, besides the Bishoppricks of Frisinguen, and Hildesheim, the princi­paltye ouer the countrie of Liedge, which in scituation, extent and pow­er of people is nothing inferiour to any other Prouince: herevnto en­deuoreth he also to ioyne the Elec­torship of Coulogne: for notwithstan­ding hitherto the Countrey of Liedge hath openly enough, and vnfayned­ly [Page 52]aided and succoured the Spaniards with armour, artillery, victuals, and al other necessarye prouision for the warres, yet so long as the Bishop was any whit restrained in the awe of the Bishop of Coulogne, he thought it not good plainly to shew his mind, but although in effect he had sub­mitted his whole estate to the Spa­nish obedience, yet did he still in words beare himself a newter: howbe it now to the end the Spaniard might without controlement commaunde at pleasure hee seeketh partely by force, partely by threatninges, and partely by the Popes aucthoritie to inuest him (or rather in his name and person him selfe) with the electorall dignitie, and Archebishoppricke of Coulogne, by whose meanes he may not onely prosecute his wars in the lowe countries, and nether Germa­ny, euen with the weapons and po­wer of Germanie it selfe: but also prepare the waye to subdue to his dominions all the vpper Germany [Page 53]also, and take into his handes the disposition of the toules and tributes due to the Electors, and other Prin­ces, whiche haue alwayes (most no­ble Princes) beene accounted, and that iustly, the sinewes and preser­uation of the dignity and aucthority of your Empire: but beeing once loste, and through this newe electi­on of the Archebishop of Coulogne, reduced into the power of a forraine Prince will be vnto you in steade of fetters and stockes, to kepe you from leauying warre in your necessities, and to force you to bowe downe your neckes to the Spanish yoke, so often or whensoeuer he shall thinke good.

For hereafter shall not King Phi­lipp neede to trouble him selfe with making a bridge ouer the Rhyne as did Iulius Caesar, sith the chiefe city of the Empire, the Electoral sea of Cou­logne, & the Archbishops whole dio­cesse shal with the twinkling of his eie be as redy to obey him as ther Prince, [Page 54]and so stand him in stead of a bridge, gate, and passage: what else shall the Spaniarde neede whereby absolutely to commaunde ouer all Germany? to prescribe lawes, and ordinances at his pleasure? and to leauy warres against whom so euer he shall thinke good? vnlesse peraduenture he wanteth yet some hauen in the mouth of the Ger­maine sea wherby he may vpon euery, necessity transporte his souldiers out of Spaine: But for that he hath pro­uided, yea so well that he can not stand in neede of any more: for vn­der colour of raising warre in Fries­land, and transporting victuals into the lowe Countries, he earnestly cra­ueth possession of the riuer of Ems: for the atteining whereof, he hath gi­uen commission to Billy the Portin­gale so to deale with Ertsart Earle of East Friseland his vassal, that he would as it were in loane and for a tyme graunt him the vse of the Towne of Embden: Offering in recompence and rewarde for so greate a benefite, the propriety of the Towne of Groening, [Page 55](which beeing enuyroned with the spanish forces, and secluded from all commodity of victuals, he may reco­uer when he list) also the gouernment of Burgundy with the reuenues, de­maynes, and other the commodities thervnto belonging, retayning neuer­thelesse his ordinary garrisons in the same. If he may obtayn this, then shal he get into his power all the principal riuers of Germany, namely Danowe, Rhine, Like, Aene, Meuse, Moselle, and Ems: And as by his kindered, alyes & vassals he hath all the lande passages open vnto him, so now shall there be no thing by sea able either to breake his power, or slacke the course of his enterprises. Finally also calling to mind the difficulties and lets which the inuincible force of neither Saxony ministred in the affaires of the Empe­rour Charlemaine: Also remembring how the one onely towne of Mayden­burge beeing abandoned of all her neighbours and alyes, did neuerthe­ [...]esse keepe footing against the victo­rious army of the inuincible Empe­rour [Page 56] Charles the fifth his father: stop­ped the course of his victories, yea & wholly brake his power, he hath found meanes to minister a medicine and prouide a salue for this soare, to the end there might be no stop to let the aduauncement of his Empire in Germany. For he hath by his ende­uours so dealt with the Pope and the Emperour, that besides all the pre­fermentes before mentioned, they haue by faithful promise bound them selues to conferre to the Bauarian, the Byshoprick of Maidenborow, that is to say, the whole power of Saxony.

And for his part, he accompteth it no difference, whether by him selfe, or by his deputy, vassall, kinsman or confederate wholly affected to the furtherance of his enterprises, he get the possession of any thing: Besides that hee is particulerly and assuredly perswaded, that by this bishop he may haue aucthoritie to commaunde what he please: All which notwith­standing, he is not yet content, but to remooue all manner of stumbling [Page 57]blocks out of his way he endeuoreth by all diligent meanes and practizes to create him Primate of all Germa­ny, and so to deale, that by his will and onely aucthoritie all ecclesiasti­cal Prebends and promotions throgh out Germany may be conferred and gyuen to whom he list.

And do you not yet feele (most no­ble Germaine princes) that the king of Spaine (I will not say onely solici­teth earnestly) but already possesseth and keepeth in his hands the state of the whole Empire? That it is he who hauing forcibly supplanted the lowe countries, shal be Lord of al the ports and hauens of the Occean sea, & the mouthes of all riuers in Germany? That it is he that at his pleasure shal exclude you from all benefite and vse of trafique: That seeketh the do­minion ouer the riuer Ems? That sea­zeth vpon and disposeth all your tri­butes, toules and reuenues? That pre­scribeth Lawes and ordinaunces to the inhabitauntes of Cleeue lande, Iuliers, Liedge, and Westphalye? [Page 58]that would bring the state of Coulogne to his obedience? that it is he whose Kinsmen confederates and reteyners doe commaunde ouer great nations and large prouinces in Germany? that it is he who personally being in Spain, hath neuerthelesse his seat and voyce in all your assemblyes and imperiall dyets? that it is he that spieth, consi­dereth of and noteth all your coun­sails, actions and most secret affaires? that it is he that doth not onely com­maund, forbid, establish, and confirme what so euer he listeth, but also giueth & appointeth vnto you the bishops of Trisinghem Heldesheim & that establisheth princes & electours of the Empire at Coulogne, Liege, & Maydenburg? and to be briefe, that it is he who seeking dominion ouer the mighty ecclesia­sticall state of our nation, nominateth a Primate in Germany at his deuotiō? and to supply all these roomes, pre­senteth vnto you one only persō, one onely man, and him such a one as is very neare vnto him in bloud, affini­tie and confederacie, and bound vnto [Page 59]him by the law of protection: also for a number of benefites receiued at his hand, wholly subiect to his ordinaun­ces: Yea such a one as he is assured, will not speake, doe, or attempt any thing without his will and comman­dement. And finally that man who he knoweth will through infinite con­trouersies that he hath with many of the Germain princes, kindle such a fire of diuision and discorde throughout the whole Empyre as can neuer be quenched, but by the vtter subuersi­on of all Germany. For who knoweth not that great and old quarrel that is betweene him and the noble Dukes of the house of Brunswik for the title of a thousand and one villages that he requireth of them, Which vndouted­lye he will not forget, ne suffer so to sleepe: Or who is ignorant of the en­uious emulation that is between this family of Bauier and the County Pala­tins for the preeminence of the elec­torate of the Empire? Or how they do complaine that it was taken from their name, stocke and family? Which [Page 60]quarrell if this bishop (when hee is through your silence and at the king of Spaines pursuite growne to such aucthority) doth renewe, as vndoub­tedly he will: how many wofull tra­gedies wil it breed in Germany? what a gap will it open to the spanish tiran­ny and our bondage? and finally what ouerthrowe, sorowes and desolation wil it bring vpon our miserable, folish & vnaduised country? & yet most (no­ble princes & excellent estates of the empire) you do not onely beare with these thinges & say nothing, but also taking your sound rest, and careles of all, you are become idle gazers (as it were for plesure, vpon the ouerthrow & calamities of your next neigbours) yea, notwithstanding this so daunge­rous a fier hath burned their houses almost to the groūd, & be kindled at your gats, & is euen come so neere, as to scortch your very beds, yet do you not thinke the matter to touch your selues either that it is time for you to withstād the practises of so ambitious and haughty a Prince.

And what is to be sayde to all other kinges, princes, and estates of Chri­stendom? Euen that the like sloth and slugishnes detaineth them euery one: For while the onely low countries do oppose them selues againste the king of Spaines tiranny, and doe giue al o­ther kings, princes and christian com­mon wealthes time, leasure, and opor­tunity to turne away this bondage, & by their example do shew how easie a matter it is not only to shake, but also euen vtterly to vndermine & subuert these foundations of tiranny, there is none of thē al that wil once seeme to mislike of a matter of so great impor­tance? But as if purposedly each one endeuored to augment & increase the spanierds power to their own destruction, sitting with their armes a crosse or leaning on their elbowes they doe permit & suffer the low countries (al­ready wasted and consumed with the force & long continuance of this war) in such wise to quaile & deminish, that being at their wits ende, they knowe not what counsayle to take, either [Page 62]what other course they may best fol­lowe.

The King of Fraunce beeing daunted with his brother the Duke of Anieowes rashe and vnaduised at­temptes, gazeth vpon the fier which kindleth farre and neere among his neighbours: thinking him selfe per­aduenture of force sufficient to keep and defend both him and his estate. The Duke of Anieow not knowing what to doe, can neither determine nor perceiue what is good for him selfe. Others likewise, wondering at the Realme of Portingale which the the Spaniard hath newly conquered, do sit still, as not resolued what coun­sell to take. The Spaniard in the meane time, ouer aweth all the low country with his whole power, and finding none to withstand him, layeth firme & assured foundations of his so long coueted Monarchy: So that through the onely terror of his name, strength and power, his fame is blown al ouer, euen into the vttermost partes of the East and West, and so in effect he ap­porpriateth [Page 63]to himself only, the name of Vniuersall, which aforetime the By­shopps of Rome haue entituled him withal. Which prediction doeth in trueth (most noble Kings, princes and Christian Magistrates) threaten vnto you a miserable bondage, and throgh your negligence promiseth vnto him a Catholike power, that is to say, an v­niuersall dominion and tyrannie ouer all nations and prouinces, vnlesse in time your selues doe seeke some re­medie.

King Phillip of Macedon, was iustly suspected of the Greciās, because that subduing certaine people of Thracia, their neighbours, they feared that he pryed into the liberties of the rest of all their countries: and therefore the Athenians doubting lest the fire of ambition that consumed his bowels would brast out, and not onely kindle in Grecia, but euen consume all Asia, thought it requisit with the common power and strength of Greece to sup­presse and breake his might: neither was their suspition in vaine as the e­uent [Page 64]shewed: for notwithstāding king Philip being preuēted by death could not compasse and bring to effect the imaginations of his minde, yet did he leaue to his sonne Alexander suche a choice number of souldiours & war­riers, that the young man being am­bitious, did through their force and valiancy subdue not onely all Greece, but also Asia, Siria, Babilon, Persia and Aegypt: and hauing scoured all ouer euen to the ends of India, and Scithia, did in a small time erect and establish the third and chief monarchie of the worlde after the Persians. All which notwithstanding, we do not yet feare the ambitious power of the King of Spaine, neither thinke it necessary to suppres his vnreasonable forces, who not in one place onely, but in many and diuers, hath his whole armies of olde bandes, and practised souldiers, whom he still doth mainteine in ordi­nary garrisons: & hath ready at all as­saies aboue 30000. men of war: who hath extēded the limits of his Empire into Affrica, Asia, Europe, and Ameri­ca, [Page 65]euen to the East, and West Indies: who by Sea hath ouerthrown the po­er of the Ottomans: who hath ioyned to his kingdom al Portingale with in­numerable other Ilandes, and moste florishing kingdomes: who ruleth Ita­ly, which was wont to command ouer all the world, as it please him: who is Lord of sundry portes and hauens in Affrica: who euery where possesseth the Ocean Sea: who hath in his po­wer the chiefest Ilandes and hauens of the mediterranean sea: & to be briefe who through the only terrour of his name, decreeth, commandeth and ef­fectually fulfilleth what he list among all Princes and Christian nations.

Howbeit if any man weene that cō. tenting him self with so large an Em­pire, he will not hereafter attēpt any thing but what equity & law shal per­mit: vndoutedly the same is willingly deceiued, & flattring himself, hath no care of his own honor, liberty, or life. For first the desire of gouernmēt is vn satiable, & like to a flaming fire, which the more stuf & mater that it findeth, [Page 66]the further it doth stretch and extend it selfe, wasting all as it goeth. Againe who seeth not that by this manifest vsurping of Portingale, euē in the face of the whol world, the king of Spaine meaneth not to submit himselfe to a­ny lawes, rytes, or capitulations what­soeuer. For if he had thought himself to haue had any right in the sayde succession, why did he by force pre­uent the lawes? or by fire and sworde the holy decree of the ludges? wher­fore hath he abused King Antony, the Queene, mother to the most christian King, the Duke of Bragrance, & euen the Prince of Parmats sonne: and to be briefe, all those that pretended any title to the sayd kingdome?

Shall we then yet thinke that either conscience, iustice, or equitie can take place in him, who so euidently hath declared that in matter of gouerment he will not take or measure his right, other then with the power and force of his armies? that hee, who with his money hath armed the Turke against the Venetians, & so turned that storm [Page 67]from himselfe vnto his confederates in Ciprus, can thinke himselfe bound vnto any couenants, treaties, or agree­ments whatsoeuer? That that mans fierie ambition, who hath not kept a­ny couenants with the inhabitaunts of Grenado, the Indians, or Flemings any longer then he founde them pro­fitable to himselfe, cā be stayed by any bonde of league or confederacie of aliance? Either what conscience, right or lawe can binde him, who by the principles or precepts of his religion, together with the Byshopp of Romes authoritie, thinketh himselfe released from all bondes of fayth or promise? shall we hope that he, who coulde not by any bonds of mariage be restray­ned frō Incest: for any loue or duetie of matrimony absteine frō adultery: for any naturall loue forbeare parri­cide: or for any sworne fayth refrayne from periurie: being besides so ambi­tious as all men know: so desirous to enlarge the bounds of his Empire, & so far transported with pursuit of re­uenge, may by any proposition of e­quitie, [Page 68]right, lawe, or Iustice be cooled and brought to reasonable order in whatsoeuer matter? As if it were not as lawful for the Bis. of Rome to dis­pēse, by his Bul, as wel with the lawes, bounds and limits of kingdomes and Prouinces, as with the bands of matrimony, and faith so solemnly sworne. But to what purpose is it for vs to think vnder pretence of law & iustice to moderate that mans ambitiō, who hath bene long resolued, that he hath lawfull and iust title, to inuade other mens kingdomes, and if he may to bring the same into his subiection?

For among all princes, potentates, and Christian common wealthes, who is there against whō he thinketh not him selfe long since to haue had suf­ficient and iust cause to moue warres? He will accuse the King of Fraunce, that he did not onely not hinder his brothers attempts in Flanders, but also ayded him with men, money, and Weapons, and so beganne the warres: That in the behoofe of the Queen his mother, he hath in warlike [Page 69]maner assaulted the Ilandes appertei­ning to his obedience, fought with his nauie: and not onely receiued & harboured Don Anthony his enemy & supposed rebel in his kingdome, but also aided and assisted him both with men and money: also that he succou­red the low countries asmuch as pos­sibly he could.

To the Queene of England he will alleage, that first by the Popes Bulles she is denounced an heretique, and therevpon excommunicated: then, that in diuerse dealinges both by Sea and by land she hath shewed herselfe to be his enemie: that in her domi­nions she hath harboured and ayded his enemies, with men, munition, money and shippes: that she hath fa­uoured Don Anthony in all his enter­prises: and that vppon euery oppor­tunity she hath intercepted his nauie and treasure comming from the In­dyes.

Amongest the Germaine Princes, some he wil accuse for succouring the Prince of Orenge, and others for their [Page 70]parsonal presence in the Flemish wars Against some he wil raise controuer­sies in respect of their territories by means of the Bishop of Frisenguen, & against others for the preeminence of the electorate: & generally he wil ac­cuse al to be either heretikes, or to be confederate with those that haue sha­ken of the Bishop of Romes obediēce whome altogether the Pope will (as heretofore he hath done) command to be by force reduced to their due­ties. And I pray you, is not al this suf­ficient to serue for a very good colour to make him, who accounteth of all the Popes precepts, as of heauenly re­uelations: And of his excommunica­tions, as of celestiall thunderboltes, to assaile them? Who of him selfe is a sworne enemy to religion, abhorring it as the plague of the worlde: who in all his counsailes, purposes, practises, and leagues that euer he made, hath no other meaning but to roote it out and quight to suppresse it? and who being the most ambitious prince aliue doth yet protest that he had rather [Page 71]lose all his dominions and dignities, then leaue any sparke of this religion vnquēched? And to be brief, who ma­keth no more accounte of the Ger­maines, then if they were Turkes, Sa­razens or Moores. Yea, will not the Pone thinke himselfe to haue as full power after his thunderbolts of ex­communication, to exhibite Germa­ny as a pray to king Philip, as had his predecessours to giue it to his Father the Emperour Charles? Pope Paule the thirde and his predecessour Cle­ment the feuenth did threaten Charles the fifth with excommunications, because hee thought it requisite to pacifie the trouble (arising in Ger­many for matter of religion) rather by the aucthoritie of a general coun­cell, then by proceedinge by force of armes: yea in the ende with their thonderboltes of excommunication they droue that good prince (for still he relented to them) to such an exi­gent, that as an extreame remedie, he was forced to make wars with al ex­tremitie. And shall we now think that [Page 72]the Pope do want means to perswade the king of Spaine (who of himselfe is sufficiently inclyned that way) that he hath iust cause by meere strength to reduce them to the faith of the Romishe Church? If any man thinke that the feare hereof toucheth no more but the protestant princes, also that they which still haue perseuered in Popery need not doubt or mistrust any thing: Let him call to mind that the Henries, Ottoes, Frederickes and other most mightye, and in all com­mendable vertues, most excellēt Em­perors your predecessors (most noble princes) did in their daies professe the same faith & religion with the popes, and yet coulde not escape their thon­derbolts and most wrongfull excom­munications: But that some of them see their Empyres translated and gy­uen to forraine princes: Others came bare footed and bare headed to aske them forgyuenesse, and submitting them selues to be troden vnder the Popes feete could not neuerthelesse mollifie their mindes without suffe­ring [Page 73]great iniuries & tollerating no­table abuses: Let him suppose that the Pope wanteth no occasions to arme the Spaniard to the destruction of the Germaines, seeing that they which be of his owne religion, do not onely not oppose them selues against the protestantes, but also daily enter a legue, amity, and firme alyaunce with them: Let him coniecture that the spanierds not beeing able to sub­due Germany to their own dominiō, neither to reduce it to the Popes obedience, vnlesse to that end, they con­tract amity with the rest, eyther in respect of ancient allance, or by right of protection, or for feare of their ar­mies: it is necessary for the Germains to stande to one of these conditions, namely, either to ioyn with the spani­ardes in the conquest of their fellow cuntry me, or els vniting their whole forces together, to take armes against thē for the deliuery of an Germany out of their bondage: This vnles they doe spedely take in hād, & so vsing the occasiō of the affairs of the low coūtries [Page 74]doe cutte off the encrease of the Spa­nish power, they shal hereafter in vain each after other, endeuour to turne away the force of their tyrannie.

Certainly most noble princes, the King of Spains power is great: and yet is it such, that as by your sufferance, (I had almost said slouth) the foun­dations therof haue sprong and gro­wen forward, so may it again by your vnion as easily be shaken, and finally with small labour by your power and concorde be brought to vtter subuersion. For all the Prouinces of his o­bedience do lie separate a great way each from other, whereby their vic­tuals may easily be cut off, their for­ces debarred, and their strength vtterly ouerthrowen, in case you will but of your selues helpe your selues, and not suffer Italy: by a list running tho­rough the middest of Germany to be ioyned with Flaunders. A matter so much the easier for you to compasse, for that you see euidently how al na­tions do abhorre their great tyranny, and attend no other but opportuni­tie [Page 75]to free themselues out of their bō ­dage. Neithe are you ignoraunt with how weake a power, and with what a handfull of men, or smal beginnings, the Prince of Orenge hath wasted & brought to naught their great enter­prises, & consumed their mighty ar­mies: what a while the low countries (destitute of al aide and bereaued of succour) haue borne the brunt of so mighty a Prince: also in what daun­ger within these fewe yeares Don Iohn of Austrich, & of late daies the Prince of Parma were of being driuen out of all the said low countries with their whole power: yea & that at that time, had not sundry prouinces by reason of ciuil dissention departed from the general vnion: & the Duke of Aniow through peruerse counsail let slip his good fortune which he possessed, they had not only abādoned Flanders, but also peraduēture limited their domi­nions with the Pirinean mountaines. So that as you are not to cōtēne their might & suffer it thus to growe on, so haue you no cause most noble Princes [Page 76]to fear the greatnes therof, or to dant you frō valiant defence of your selues or reuenge of the common liberty.

The king of Spains power can not greatly hurt you, if in time you see to your businesse: If you neglect not the warres of the low coūtries: if through your authority you vndermine al Bil­lies purposes concerning the riuer of Ems: if you represse the fiery ambitiō of the Duke of Bauier togeather with his exceeding affection to the king of Spain: if with the most christiā king, if with the right excellēt Queen of England, & al other christian princes and potentats you do earnestly cōsider of some necessary meanes to suppresse this their ouer great power and au­thority. But if contrariwise you suf­fer the inhabitauntes of the low cun­tries, your next neighbours (through the spanish power almost wasted) yet to be cōsumed with the strēgh of Germany: if you hould your peaces when you see the inhabitants of Cleueland, Iuliers, & Coulogn euē quake for fear at the precepts of the king of Spain: if you force not the inhabitāts of liedge [Page 77]to ayd the cōmō enemy with money, munition & wepons, as hitherto they haue opēly don: If you bridle not the vile ambition of the Duke of Bauier, but suffer him to ioyne the Archbi­shoprick of Coulogn & electorial dig­nity to his authority: If you restraine him not from ioyning his forces with the spanish to the destruction of Flan­ders, and exclude not the spaniard frō al the hauens of the Ocean sea: doubt not but Flāders being brought vnder the yoke. Germany deuided into fac­tions: France consumed in ciuil wars, or with drawn into sundry opiniōs & diuers affections: the terror of the spanish name, & waight of his empire wil become a mighty tēpest & ineuitable inundation, which hauing piersed the causies, ditches & bāks, wil shortly be sufficient through the fury of his am­bitiō to incroch al christēdō togither. Against which procedings if any man wil thē oppose himself, either by force or otherwise, he shal (though to late) finde that which in the beginning of our discourse wee haue set downe, [Page 78]namely, that fit opportunitie to doe well being once escaped vs (which wil neuer be recouered either by intreaty or compulsion) wil cry vengeaunce a­gainst vs, and bring vppon vs that plague which our rechlesnes and ne­gligence doth deserue.

This prognostication I beseeche God to turne from all Christendom, especially from Germanie, my sweete countrie: most earnestly desiring him in the name of our Sauiour IESVS CHRIST, that he will vouchsafe in his holy spirit to assist all your coun­sails (most noble princes of thempire, & you al other christian Kings, Prin­ces and magistrates) and therewith so gouerne, conduct and frame all your enterprises and determinations, that you may conclude vpon, and put in execution whatsoeuer shal seem most iust, profitable, requisite, and necessa­ry for the benefite of all Christen­dome, the glory of his holy name, and the wealth and saluation of his people.