THE people inhabiting the North, beyond the Riuers of Reyne and Danubio, being borne in a cold Region, yet wholesome & apt to generati­on, do many times encrease, and become so po­pulous, that part of them are cōstrained to aban­don their natiue countries, and seeke new places where to remaine. The order of the Nor­thren people. The order which those peo­ple hold in dispersing the inhabitants, is, to di­uide themselues into three parts, yet so, as in eue­rie one, may be some of the nobilitie, and some of the people, some of the rich and some of the poore equallie diuided: which done, the one part (whose lot falleth so out) leaueth that coun­try and seeketh fortune elsewhere to abide. The Nor­thren people oppressed the Romane Em­pire. The other two parts of the people there remaining, doo possesse and enioy the landes of them that are departed. These people were those which destroyed the Romane Em­pire; whereunto the Emperours themselues gaue some occasion by forsaking Rome, the antient Emperiall seate, and setling themselues at Constantinople: For thereby the West part of the Empire became weake, lesse regarded, & more easie to be harmed both of their owne ministers, and others their enemies. Surely the destruction of so great an Empire builded vpon the blood of so many vertuous men, could not be lost without the sloath of Princes, infidelitie of ministers, great forces, and much obsti­nacie in them, who assaulted the same: for not onely, one sort of people, but many multitudes in that action conspired. The first enemies, which came to the destructi­on of the Roman Empire after the Cimbri (vanquished by Marius the Romane) were the Visigotti, which name in our language, may bee called Gotti of the West. These people, after some conflicts in the Empire, and through the sufferance of the Em­perours, long time continued their dwellings vpon the Riuer of Danubio. And al­though at sundrie occasions, and sundrie times, they assaulted the prouinces belon­ging to the Empire, yet were they by the power of the Emperours from time to time impeached: and at last by Theodotio gloriously vanquished. So that thereby being brought vnder his obedience, they could not againe make any King ouer them, but contented with the Emperours paie, vnder his gouernment and ensigne, they liued and serued. But Theodotio being dead, and leauing Arcadio and Honorio his sonnes, heires of the Empire, (but not of his vertue and fortune) the time, with the Prince clearly altered and chaunged. Theodotio authorized vnto three parts of the Empire, The Empire diuided into three gouern­ments. three gouernours. In the East, Ruffino, in the West Stillicone, and in Affrica Gildo­nio. Euerie one of these, determined after the death of their Prince, not to gouerne [Page 2] as ministers, but to possesse the countries as Princes. Of these three, Gildonio and Ruf­fino, were at their beginnings oppressed: but Stillicone better dissembling his intent, sought to winne himselfe credit with the new Emperours, & neuerthelesse disturbe the quietnesse of their state. Then to the end he might the rather atteine the possessi­on thereof, and procure the Visigotti to become enemies to the Empire, he counsel­led the Emperour no more to paie them. Besides that, Stillicone imagining these ene­mies were not of force sufficient to disturbe the Empire, found meanes that the Bur­gundi, Fraunchi, Vandali, and Alani (all people of the North, and appointed to seeke themselues a new habitation) assailed the Romane countries. The Visigotti then be­ing discharged from their paie, determined (as of an iniury) to be reuenged: & crea­ting Alarico their King, Rome sacked by the Visi­gotti. assaulted the Empire, destroyed Italy, and sacked Rome. After which victory, Alarico died, and to him succeeded Ataulfo: who tooke to wife Pla­cidia sister to the Emperours, and through that alliance, agreed with them to succour France and Spaine: which countries wereby the Vandali, Burgundi, Alani, and Fraun­chi, (thereto moued by the occasions aforesayd) assailed. Whereof ensued, that the Vandali (who had alreadie conquered that part of Spaine which is called Betica) were sore molested by the Visigotti: and not hauing other helpe, were forced to accept the offer of Bonifacio, Bonifacio go­uernor of Affrica. at that time gouerning Affrica for the Emperour: who required them to take in hand the conquest thereof, being by his meane in Rebellion: and he fearing least his fault should be to the Emperour detected. For these reasons afore­said, the Vandali most willingly tooke the enterprise in hand, & vnder Genserico their King, possessed Affrica. By this time Theodotio sonne to Archadio was become Empe­rour, who litle regarding the affaires of the Empire in the West, gaue great hope to these forrein people to enioy those things they had conquered. So that, the Vanda­li possessed Affrica, the Alani and Visigotti gouerned Spaine: the Fraunchi and Bur­gundi did not onely conquere Gallia, but also vnto the parts thereof, by them conque­red, How Gallia became na­med Francia. gaue their owne names, calling the one Francia, the other Burgogna. The happie successe of those, encouraged new people to the destructiō of the Empire. For at that time the people called Vnni assailed and possessed Pannonia, a prouince adioyning to the Riuer Danubio, How Hunga­ria became so named. which at this day hauing taken the name of these Vnni, is called Vngheria. Vpon consideration of these disorders, the Emperour seeing himselfe on euerie side assailed, to the end he might haue the fewer foes, beganne to take truce, sometimes with the Vandali, and sometimes with the Franchi: which did greatly en­crease the reputatiō and power of the barbarous people, disgracing and diminishing the credit of the Empire. Votigerio king of the Angli. Neither was in those dayes, the Iland of Bretagna (at this day called England) assured from such inuasion: for the Bertoni fearing these people which had possessed France, and not finding how the Emperour could defend them, called to aide them the Angli, a people of Germany so named. These Angli vnder Vo­tigerio their King, tooke the enterprise in hand, ouerthrew the enemy, and in the end draue them out of the Iland, How the name of Eng­land was gi­uen to that Iland. themselues there remaining & inhabiting. By the name of which Angli, that country was, and yet is called Anglia. The inhabitants where­of, being thus spoiled and driuen from their country, became desperate, perswading themselues, that although they could not defend their own country, yet was it pos­sible for them to conquere an other. Whereupon, they with their families passed the seas, The antient English people now inhabi­tants of Bre­tagna. and planted them on the other side neare the shoare, and called that country by their owne name, Bretagna. The people called Vnni, who, (as is aforesaid) had con­quered Pannonia, assembling themselues with other people, called Zepedi, Eruli, Tu­ringhi, and Ostrogotti, (which word signifieth in that language, Gotti of the East) pre­pared themselues to seeke new countries: but not being of force sufficient to enter France (being defended by other barbarous forces) they came vnto Italy, conducted [Page 3] by Attila their king, who not long before, to gouerne alone in his kingdome, had slaine Bleda his brother. Thus Attila became mightie, Andarico king of Zebedi, Attila his comming in­to Italy. and Velamer king of the Ostrogotti, were made as it were, his subiects. Attila being arri­ued in Italy, besieged Aquilegia, where without resistance, hee continued two yeares, and during the siege, spoyled the country thereabouts, and dispersed the in­habitants of the same: which (as hereafter shalbe declared) was the beginning of the citie of Vinegia. After the taking & ruine of Aquilegia, and many other cities, he mar­ched towards Rome: from the spoyle whereof, at the request of the Bishop, he refrai­ned. The reuerence & respect which Attila did bear towards this Bishop, was such, as perswaded him to leaue Italy, and retire himselfe to Austria, where he died. Af­ter his death, Velamer king of the Ostrogotti, and other the leaders of forraine nati­ons, tooke Armes against Tenrico and Eurie his sonnes, the one of them they slew, and constrained the other, with the Vnni to returne ouer Danubio, into their owne countrey. The Ostrogotti and the Tepedi, were setled in Pannonia, the Eruli and Tu­ringi vpon the shoare on the other side of Danubio. King Attila thus departed from Italy, Valentiniano the Emperour in the West, imagining to repaire the countrey, and hoping with more commoditie to defend the same from the barbarous people, abandoned Rome, and setled himselfe in Rauenna. These aduersities happened to the Empyre in the West, occasioned the Emperours, who then dwelt at Con­stantinople, many times to graunt the possession thereof to others, as a thing full of perils and expence. And the Romanes otherwhiles, The cause of the election of an Empe­rour in the VVest. seeing themselues aban­doned, without leaue created an other Emperour or some deputie, to performe that office, (as did Massimo the Romane) after the death of Valentiniano, who constrained Eudossa lately wife to the Emperour, to take him to her husband. This woman beeing borne of Emperiall blood, desirous to reuenge so great an iniurie, and disdaining to bee married with a priuate Citizen, secretly perswa­ded Genserico King of the Vandali and Lord of Affrica, to come into Italy, she­wing him the facilitie and profit of that enterprise. Hee enticed with hope of so great a spoyle came speedily thither, and finding Rome abandoned, sacked the Towne, and there remained foureteene dayes. Hee also tooke and spoyled di­uerse other Townes in Italy: and fraughting himselfe and his Army with spoyle, returned into Affrica. The Romanes came home to Rome, and finding Massi­mo dead, elected Auito a Romane, for Emperour. After the death of diuerse other Emperours, the Empire of Constantinople, came to the hands of Zenone: and that of Rome, to Oreste and his sonne Augustolo, who through subtiltie had vsurped that Empyre. While these men thus possessed and determined to holde the Empyre by force, the Eruli and Turingi, who (as is aforesayd) af­ter the death of Attila remained vppon the shoare on the other side of Danubio) conspired togither vnder the conduct of their Captaine Odoacre, came into Italy, The cōming of the Longo­bardi into Ita­ly. and possessed such places, as were by them left voyd. Then the Longobardi (peo­ple also toward the North) entered Italy: ledde thither by Godolio their King, who were, (as heereafter shall be declared) the greatest plague of that countrey. Odoa­cre arriued in Italy, conquered the same, and neare vnto Pauia slew Oreste, forcing Augustolo to flie away. After which victorie (to the ende that Rome varying in gouernment, the gouernour might receiue a new title) Odoacre leauing the name of the Empire, caused himselfe to be called King of Rome, and was the first Cap­taine of all the forraine people that inuaded Italy to inhabit there. Because all the others, either for feare not to enioy that they had gotten, or else doubting to be driuen out by the Emperour in the East, either else for some other hidden oc­casion, onely spoyled the country: and that done, sought to plant their habitation [Page 4] elsewhere. Thus we see, that in those dayes the ancient Romane Empire was redu­ced to the gouernment of these Princes. Zenone remaining in Constantinople, com­maunded all the Empire in the East. How the anci­ent Empyre became di­uided. The Ostrogotti gouerned Mesia and Pannonia. The Visigotti, Sueui, and Alani, possessed Guascognia and Spaine. The Vandoli ruled Affrica. The Franchi and Burgundi liued in France. The Eruli and Turingi re­mained in Italy. The kingdome of Ostrogotti came to the handes of Theodorico, Nephewe of Velamer, beeing in league with Zenone Emperour in the East, wrote vnto him, that it seemed a thing vniust to his people the Ostrogotti, that they beeing in vertue superiours to all others, should be inferiours in Empyre: And therfore he could not by any meanes hold them within the consines of Panno­nia. It seemed therefore necessarie to suffer them to take armes, and seeke new Countries: But first hee thought good to let him vnderstand thereof, to the intent hee might graunt them some country, where with his good fauour and their greater commoditie, they might inhabite. The Emperour Zenone, partly for feare, and partly for the desire hee had to haue Odoacre driuen out of Italy, graunted that Theodorico might come against Odoacre, and take the possession thereof. Then Theo­dorico departed from Pannonia, leauing there the Zepedi his friends: and being arri­ued in Italy, slew Odoacre, and his sonne; by whose example, hee tooke vnto him the title of King of Italy, making Rauenna his royall seate, moued by the same reasōs, that induced Valentiniano there to dwell. Theodorico was a man both for warre and peace moste excellent: Theodorico king of Ostro­gotti a most vertuous Prince. for in the one, hee was alwaies victorious, and in the other generally profited the cities and people to him subiect. Hee diuided the Ostrogotti with their Captaines into sundry townes, to the end that in the warre hee might commaund them, and in the peace correct them: hee enlarged the Citie of Rauenna and restored Rome in all thinges (the discipline of warre except) giuing to the Ro­manes euerie other honour: & with his only authoritie kept in awe all the barba­rous Kings vsurpers of the Empyre. Hee built townes and sortresses betweene the Alpes, and the point of the sea Adriatico, the rather to empeach the passage of other barbarous people that should assaile Italy. And had not his great vertue bene in the end of his life blotted with some cruelties; committed vppon suspition of his kingdome (as the death of Simmaco and Boetio, men of most godly life) he had bene in all respects worthy of honour and memorie. For the vertue and bountie of him, did not only repaire Rome and Italy of the afliction committed by the barbarous na­tions: but also reduced them into an order and gouernment moste fortunate. And surely, if any times were euer in Italy, and the other Prouinces there-abouts by rea­son of barbarous oppression miserable, they were those which happened from the time of Arcadio and Onorio, till his dayes. For who so shall consider the great mischiefs which happen to cōmon weales by the variatiō of gouernment, or change of the Prince, without any dissention and diuision, shall finde the same alone of force inough to ruine any state or kingdome, how mightie soeuer. It may therefore be imagined how great miseries the Romane Prouinces endured: for they did not only alter their gouernment, but also their lawes, their customes, their maner of life, their religion, their tounge, their apparrell, and their names. All which things (nay a­ny one of them considered vnseene) would moue the hardest heart to cōpassion. At that time many cities were ouerthrowen, many begun, & many enlarged. Among those that were ruined, were Aquilegia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and others. Of those which were buylt new, were Vinegia, Siena, Ferrara, Aquila, and other townes and castels, which for breuitie I omit. Those which of small Cities be­came great, were Fiorenza, Genoua, Pisa, Milan, Napoli, and Bologna, to the which may be ioyned the ruine and repaire of Rome, with diuerse others Citties in like [Page 5] sort defaced and after amended. Among these ruines, and these new people, there grewe vp new languages, since that time vsed in France, Spaine, and Italy, which mixed with the ancient tongues of those Countries, and the Romane speech, haue framed languages neuer before time knowen. The names also of those Prouinces, riuers, lakes, seas, and men, were vtterly changed. For France, Italy and Spayne, be full of new names, from the olde farre differing: as appeareth (omitting many others). The riuers of Po, Garda and the Archipelago, which are names diuers from those of auncient time vsed. Men likewise commonly in those dayes called Caesari, Pompei, and such like: are new baptized, Peter, Mathew, and so forth. But among so many variations, the chaunge of Religion was not the least, for those of the ancient faith, contending with the miracles of the new, wrought among men occasion of great discord: but had the christian Religion bene vnited, the disorders had not bene so great. For the Greeke church, the Romane church, and the church of Rauenna, contended one against the other. Besides them, many other differents arose among the christian people, & into many opinions diuided the world. An example whereof was Affrica, which suffered more affliction by rea­son of the opinion of Arius (which the Vandoli beleeued) then by any other cause either of their couetousnes or naturall crueltie. During the multitudes of these mi­series, euerie man beare (as it were) in his face, the markes of his discontented mind. For besides the manifold mischiefes by them endured, the greater number wanted the knowledge of God, by whome all creatures hope to be comforted. For the most of those people being ignorant of the true God, wanting helpe and hope, most mi­serably dyed. Thus it appeareth, that Theodorico deserued no small commendation, being the first that appeased so many troubles. For within these 28. yeares which he reigned in Italy, he reduced it to so great order and honour, as the markes of miserie were scantly perceiued. But he being dead, The death of Theodorico. and leauing Atalarico for king (who was the sonne of Amalasciunta his daughter) Italy in short space returned to the for­mer disorders. For Attalarico shortly after his graundfather died, left the gouern­ment to his mother, and she making Theodato her minister in the gouernment, was by him betraied. Theodato by this meane made King, became odious to the O­strogotti, and Iustiniano the Emperour hoped the rather to driue him from Italy. To performe that enterprise, he deputed Bellisario to be his Lieftenaunt, who had al­readie conquered Affrica, and chasing from thence the Vandoli, reduced the same to obedience of the Empyre. Bellisario also conquered Sicilia, The acts of Bellisario. & from thence passed into Italy, where he surprized Napoli, and Rome. The Gotti receiuing these ouer­throwes, killed their king Theodato as the cheife occasion of their misaduenture. In his place was chosen Vitigete, who after a few conflicts, was by Bellisario besieged, and in Rauenna takē. Then was Bellisario before he had performed the whole victo­rie by Iustiniano reuoked, & to his charge, were appointed Giouanni and Vitale, men both for vertue and conuersation farre inferiour: wherfore the Gotti tooke heart, and created a king called Ildouado, who was at that time Gouernour of Verona. The acts of Totila. After him (being within a few daies slaine) Totila aspired to the kingdome, and distressed the Emperours armie, recouered Toscana and Napoli, and brought vnder his obedi­ence, well neare all those states which Bellisario had gotten. Wherfore Iustiniano thought good to send him again into Italy, who being come thither with smal forces, rather lost the reputation he had gotten before, then encreased the same. For Totila, as it were before the face of Bellisario (who was then with his armie at Hostia) be­sieged Rome and tooke it. Then considering with him selfe that he could neither hold it, nor leaue it without daunger, he razed the greatest part of the Citie, driuing the people from thence, and leading away the Senatours as prisoners, which Bellisario [Page 6] little regarding, marched with his armie vnto Calauria, to meete there with souldi­ers sent in his aide from Greece. Thus Bellisario seeing Rome abandoned, determi­ned with him selfe an honourable enterprise: and entering into the ruines of Rome, (with what speed he possibly could) repaired the walles of the citie, & called home the inhabitants. But fortune (as it seemeth) enemie to so laudable an atempt, appo­sed her selfe. For Iustiniano the Emperour at the same time happened to be assaulted by the Parthi, and for that cause called home Bellisario: hee to obey his master, lest Italy at the discretion of Tottila, who anew possessed Rome, but not with so great crueltie as he had before time there vsed. For being entreated by S. Benedetto, (of whome in those daies there was holden a great opinion of holines) he endeuoured him selfe rather to amend, then marre that citie. In this meane while, Iustiniano had concluded a peace with the Parthi, & intending to send a new supply into Italy, was empeached to performe that intent by a new people of the North called Sclaui, who hauing passed Danubio, assailed Illiria and Thracia: so as by that meanes Tot­tila got into his hands all Italy. But so soone as Iustiniano had suppressed the Sclaui, he sent thither his armie conducted by Narsete an Eunuch, who distressed the forces of Tottila, The acts of Narsete. & slew him, with the remaine of the Gotti. After that ouerthrow, retired to Pauia, where they created Teia for their King. Narsete on the other side, after this victorie, surprized Rome, and at the last fought with Teia, not farre from the cittie of Nocera, slew him, and vanquished his armie. By meane of which victorie, the name of Gotti, in Italy was clearely extirped, hauing there remained from the reigne of Theodorico, vnto Teia their Kings, threescore and ten yeares. But so soone as Italy was deliuered from the Gotti, Iustiniano died, leauing Iustino his sonne to succeed him, who through counsell of Sophia his mother, The acts of Longino. reuoked Narsete from Italy, & in his place, sent Longino his sonne thither. This Longino following the order of his prede­cessors, inhabited Rauenna, & setled in Italy a new fourme of gouernment, appoin­ting no Gouernours of Prouinces as did the Gotti, but created in euerie cittie and towne of importance a Chieftaine, whome he called Duke. In which diuision, he al­lotted no more honour to Rome, then to other townes, because he tooke from thence the Consuls and Senate, (which names till that day had bene euer there mainteined) reducing all vnder one Duke, who was yearely sent thither from Rauenna, and his gouernment called the Romane Dukedome: but the generall Gouernour, who continually remained at Rauenna by the Emperours commaundement, and go­uerned all Italy vnder him, was called Esarco. This diuision, made the ruine of Ita­ly to be more easie, and gaue opportunitie to the Longobardi to vsurpe the same. The gouernment of that country gotten by the vertue and blood of Narsete, thus taken from him, The acts of Alboino. & he being also by Sophia iniured, reuiled & threatned to be called home and spinne with women, moued him so greatly to chollor and offence, that he per­swaded Alboino King of the Lombardi (who at that time reigned in Pannonia) to come into Italy, & conquere it. The Longobardi beeing (as is aforesaid) entered in­to those countries neare Danubio, who had lately bene abandoned by the Heruli and Turingi, when by their King Odoacre they were led into Italy: for a time they there remained. But the kingdome being come to Alboino a man couragious & cruel, they passed the riuer Danubio, and fought with Comundo King of the Zepedi, and ouer­threw him in Pannonia, which hee then possessed. Alboino in this victorie a­mongst others, happened to take prisoner the daughter of Comundo, called Rosmundo, married her, and thereby became Lord of Pannonia. Then mooued by the cru­eltie of his nature, hee made a cup of her fathers hed, whereof in memorie of the victorie) he vsed to drinke. But then called into Italy by Narsete (with whome in the warres of the Gotti hee had acquaintance and friendship) left Pannonia to the [Page 7] Vuni, who after the death of Attila (as is aforesaid) were returned into their coun­trey. Then he came againe into Italy, where finding the same into many partes diui­ded, sodenly wan Pania, Millan, Verona, Vicenza, all Toscana, and the more part of Flamminia, now called Romagna. So that perswading himselfe through so many and so speedie successes, to haue already (as it were) gotten the victorie of all Italy, hee celebrated a solemne feast in Verona, whereat, being by drinking much, be­come very merry, and seeing the skull of Comundo full of wine, hee caused the same to be presented to the Queene Rosmunda, who sat ouer against him at the table (say­ing vnto her, with so loude a voice that euerie one might heare him) that she should now at this feast drinke with her father: which speech pearced the Lady to the heart, and she forthwith determined to reuenge the same. Then knowing that Almachilde (a valiant young gentleman of Lombardi) loued a maiden of hers, of whome hee obtained to lie with her, and the Queene beeing priuy to that consent, did her selfe tarry in the place of their meeting, which beeing without light, Al­machilde came thither, and supposing to haue lien with the mayden, enioyed the Queene her mistresse, which done, the Queene discouered her selfe and said vn­to him, that it was in his power to kill Alboino, and possesse her with her king­dome foreuer: but if hee refused so to do, shee would procure that Alboino should kill him, as one that had abused his wife. To this motion and murther of Alboi­no, Almachilde consented. After the murther performed, finding that he could not according to his expectation enioy the kingdome, and fearing to be slaine of the Lombardes for the loue they bare to Alboino, the Queene and hee taking their princely treasure and iewels, fled to Longino at Rauenna, who honorably there recei­ued them. During these troubles, Iustiniano the Emperour died, and in his place was elected Tiberio, who beeing occupied in the warres against the Parthi, could not go to the reliefe of Italy. Whereby Longino hoped that time would well serue him, with the countenance of Rosmunda and helpe of her treasure, to become King of Lombardy and all Italy. And conferring his intent with the Queene, perswaded her to kill Almachilde, and take him for her husband: shee accepted and agreed vnto that which hee perswaded, preparing a cup of wine poisoned, and with her owne hand shee offered the same to Almachilde, comming from a bath hote and thriftie: hee hauing drunke halfe the wine, and finding his bodie thereby greatly moo­ued, mistrusting the poison, enforced Rosmunda to drinke the rest, whereof both the one and the other within fewe houres died, and Longino bereft of his expectation to become King. The acts of Clefi. The Longobardi in the meane while assem­bling themselues in Pauia, (which was the chiefe Cittie of their kingdome) elected there Clefi their King, who reedified Imola, which had bene ruinated by Nar­sete, hee wan Rimino, and almost euerie place from thence to Rome: but in the midst of these his victories, hee died. This Clefi was so cruell, not onely to strangers, but also to his owne subiects the Longobardi, as they were so terrified with his kingly authoritie, that after his daies, they determined no more to make a­nie King, but elected amongst them selues thirtie persons, The Lombar­di refused to be gouerned by Kings. whome they called Dukes, giuing them iurisdiction ouer the rest: which was the cause that the Longobardi did not proceed in the conquest of all Italy, and that their king­dome did not extend further then Beneuento, and that Rome, Rauenna, Cremo­na, Mantoua, Padoua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Furli, and Cesena, some of them defended them selues a time, and some other were neuer taken. Be­cause the Lombardi wanting a King, their warres proceeded the more slowlie, and after the election of a new King (by reason of their libertie) were lesse obedient and more apt to mutinie among them selues, which thing, first hindered the [Page 8] victorie, and in the end draue them out of Italy. The Longobardi being come to this estate, the Romanes and Longino made with them an agreement. The effect thereof was, that euerie one of them should lay downe their armes, and enioy so much as they possessed. At what time the Bishops of Rome, aspired to authoritie. In that time the Bishops of Rome began to aspire vnto more authori­tie then they had in times past: for by meane of the holy life of S. Peter, and some other Bishops with their godly examples, and the miracles by them done, they be­came much reuerenced amongst men, and greatly encreased the christian Religion. In so much as Princes were occasioned (the more easily thereby to appease the great disorder and confusion of the world) to obey them. The Emperour then be­ing become a Christian and remooued from Rome to Constantinople, it came to passe (as is aforesaid) that the Romane Empyre decaied, and the Church of Rome the rather thereby encreased: notwithstanding till the comming of the Longobardi, Italy being subiect either to Emperours or Kings, the Empyre still prospered: and the Bi­shops of Rome had no greater authoritie then their learning and good life did de­serue. For in all other thinges, either by the Kings or by the Emperours, they were commaunded, The remooue of the Empe­riall seat from Rome, the cause of the Popes great­nes. and as their ministers imploied, and sometimes put to death. But he that made the Bishops to become of greatest authoritie in Italy, was Theodorico King of the Gotti; when he remoued his royall seate to Rauenna. For thereby Rome remai­ning without a Prince, the Romanes were enforced to yeeld their obedience to the Pope. Yet did not his authoritie thereby greatly encrease, because he could not pro­cure to him selfe more preheminence, then that the Church of Rome should haue precedence before the Church of Rauenna. But the Longobardi being come, and Italy diuided into diuerse parts, occasioned the Pope to take the more vppon him: for he, then beeing as it were chiefe of Rome, the Emperour of Conctantinople and the Longobardi, did respect him so much, as the Romanes by his meanes, not as subiects, but as companions with the Longobardi and with Longino, ioyned. Thus the Popes sometimes by the fauour of the Longobardi, and sometime with the countenance of the Grecians, The East Em­pyre suppres­sed in the reigne of Era­cleo. encreased their dignitie. But after the destruction of the Em­pyre in the East, (which happened in the time of the Emperour Eracleo) because the people called Sclaui, assaulted & conquered againe Iliria, calling the same by their owne name Sclauonia, the other partes of the Empyre were assailed, first by the Per­sians, and after by the Sarasins, who came from Arabia, conducted by Maho­met: and last of all by the Turkes. These people amongst them, possessed Soria, Affrica, and Egipt. So that the Empyre weakened, the Pope dispaired to haue succour there, in time of his necessitie. On the other side, the power of the Lon­gobardi encreasing, it behooued him to seeke some new friendship, and for the same resorted to the Kinges of France. The troubles of Italy, caused by the ambiti­on of Popes. So as after that time, all the warres made vp­pon Italy by forraine people, were by the Bishops of Rome occasioned: and all the barbarous nations, who repaired in so great multitudes to Italy, were for the moste part by them called thither, which manner of proceeding continueth in our dayes, and hath heretofore kept, and yet dooth keepe Italy weake and impo­tent. Therefore in discourse of such thinges as haue happened since those, to these our daies, By what meanes the presēt Princes of Italy aspi­red. more shall not be said of the distruction of the Empyre, which is altogi­ther cast downe and ruined. But wee will heerafter discourse by what meanes the Popes and those other Potentates which till the comming of Carlo the eight, gouer­ned Italy, haue atteined to their greatnes, whereby we shal conceiue, how the Popes first by their censures, after with them, and their armes mixed with indulgences, became terrible & venerable: and how by euill vsing the one & the other, they haue altogither lost the vse of their armes, & in the other, they stand at discretion. But re­turning to the order of our matter, I say, that Gregorio the third, beeing atteined [Page 9] to the Papacy, & Aistulpho to the kingdome of Lombardy, contrarie to the agreement afore made, surprized Rauenna, and made warre against the Pope Gregorio: who (for the occasions aforesaid) not trusting any more to the Emperour of Con­stantinople beeing then weake, neither reposing trust in the Longobardi, who had diuerse times distressed him, fled for ayde to Pipino the second, who from beeing Lord of Austracia and Brabancia was become King of France: not so much for his owne vertue, as his fathers Carlo Martello, and his graundfathers Pipino, be­cause Carlo Martello beeing Gouernour of that Kingdome, wonne that memora­ble victorie against the Sarasins neare vnto Torsci, vpon the riuer of Era: wherein were slaine two hundred thousand Sarasins. For which cause Pipino his sonne, for the reputation of his father and his owne vertue, became after, king in that king­dome: vnto whome Pope Gregorio (as is beforesaid) sent for ayde against the Longo­bardi. Pipino answered, that hee was very willing to performe his request, Gregorio tertio. Pope Theo­doro primo. but first desired to see him, and in his presence to honour him. For which purpose Gre­gorio trauailed into France, and without any let, passed the townes of the Longobardi his enemies: so great reuerence was then borne to that Religion. Gregorio arriued in France, was there greatly honoured by the King, and sent back accompa­nied with the Kings forces, who in Pauia besieged the Longobardi, wherby Aistul­pho was enforced to make peace with the Frenchmen: which hee did at the request of the Pope, who desired not the death of his enemie, but that hee should conuert and liue. In which peace Aistulpho promised to render vnto the Church all those townes thereto belonging, and by him vsurped. But the French souldiers returned home, Aistulpho obserued not the conditions of the peace, which beeing knowen to the Pope, hee prayed ayde a new of Pipino, who sent againe into Italy, where hee ouerthrew the Lombardy, tooke Rauenna, and contrarie to the will of the Grecian Emperour, gaue the same vnto the Pope, with all other townes vnder his Esarcato, adding also to them, the countrie of Vrbino and La Marca: during the time that these townes were in bestowing, Aistulpho died; and Desiderio a Lombard and Duke of Tuscan tooke armes to vsurpe the kingdome, and praied ayde of the Pope, to whome hee promised his friendship: which request was graunted, and the other Princes gaue place. Desiderio at the beginning kept his promise, and according to the conditions made with Pipino, rendred the townes allotted vnto the Pope, neither did the Esarco of Constantinople, after that time come any more in Rauenna, but all things were gouerned according to the pleasure and direction of the Pope. Then died the King Pipino, to whome succeeded his sonne called Carlo, who for the great and memorable exploites by him done, was called Magno. To the Papacy was at that time aspired Theodoro Primo. He falling into con­tention with Disiderio, was by Disiderio besieged in Rome, and constrained to craue ayde of Carlo, who speedily passed the mountaines, besieged Desiderio in Pauia, and tooke him with all his Children. And hauing sent them prisoners into France, went in person to visit the Pope at Rome, where hee pronounced this sentence, That the Pope beeing Vicar of God, could not be iudged of men. For the which, Great honour dore to the pope by Carlo magno, with indignitie to the Emperors the Pope with the people of Rome, created him Emperour. In this manner, Rome beganne to haue an Emperour againe in the West. And where the Popes were woont to take their instaulation from the Emperours, after this time the Emperours in their election, would needes take their authoritie from the Pope: wherby the re­putation of the Empire decreased, and the Church gained the same. By these meanes, the Popes grew great, and kept downe the authoritie of temporall Princes. The Longobardi hauing then bene in Italy 232. yeares, there was of them none other marke of straungers then the name: and Carlo being desirous to reforme that [Page 10] Countrey (in the time of Pope Leo the third) was pleased they should inhabit those places, where they were borne, and called that prouince of their name, Lombar­dia. But forasmuch as they had the name of Rome in great reuerence, hee com­maunded that all the next Countrey to it adioyning (then in the obedience of the Esarcato of Rauenna) should bee called Romagna. Moreouer, he created Pi­pino his sonne King of Italy, the iurisdiction whereof extended to Beneuento: the rest remained to the Emperour in Greece, with whom Carlo had concluded a league. About this time Pascale the first was become Pope: and the priestes of the parishes in Rome, Pope Pasca­le 1. by reason of their nearenesse to the Popes person, and their presence at his election, to honour their authoritie, with a more venorable title beganne to bee called Cardinals, taking vnto them great reputation, chiefly after they had exclu­ded the Romanes from the election of the Pope, Originall of Cardinals, by Pope Pas­cale 1. who (almost euer before that time) was some Citizen of Rome. Pascale beeing dead, Eugenio secundo, of the order of Santa Sabina, was elected Pope. And Italy beeing then in the handes of French men, did partly alter the order of gouernment, and the more for that the Popes had in the temporalities thereof gained greater authoritie and made Earles and Marqueses, as before time, Longino Esarco of Rauenna had created Dukes. Af­ter a fewe other Bishops, Osporco a Romane, aspired to the Papacy; who for the homelinesse of his name, The first occa­sion why the Popes did take new names at ther election. caused himselfe to be called Sergio: which was the be­ginning why the names of Popes was chaunged at their elections. By this time Carlo the Emperour was dead, to whome succeded Lodouico his sonne. After his death, there grew so great contention amongst his sonnes, that in the time of his graund-children, the Empire was taken from the house of France, and brought into Germany, At what time the Empire was taken frō the house of France. where the first Emperour of that nation was called Ainolfo: and by meanes of these disorders, the family of Carlo, did loose not onely the Em­pire, but also the kingdome of Italy, because the Lombardi recouered their strength and offended the Pope and Romanes so much, as the Pope not knowing how to bee helped, for necessitie gaue the Kingdome of Italy to Berengario Duke of Erieoli. The kingdom of Italy, giuen to Beringario. These accidents encouraged the Vnni, who then remained in Pannonia to assault Italy. But beeing come to triall of battle with Berengario, they were van­quished, and forced to returne into Pannonia, now called Vngaria: which coun­trey hath euer since reteyned their name. At that time Romano Chieftaine of the Emperiall Armie, deposed his maister Constantino, and made himselfe Emperour in Greece. By reason whereof, Puglia and Calauria rebelled from the obedience of the Empire, and suffered the Sarasins to come thither: who beeing there, and pos­sessing the Countries, attempted to besiege Rome. But the Romaines, (be­cause Beringario was occupied in the warres against the Vnni) made Albarigo Duke of Tuscan their Captaine, by whose vertue, Rome was saued from the Sarasins. They beeing departed from the siege, builded a Castle vppon the mountaine called Gargano, and from thence they commaunded Puglia and Ca­lauria, and disturbed the rest of Italy. Thus in those dayes Italy was maruel­lously afflicted: towardes the Alpes, assaulted by the Vnni, and towards Na­ples, by the Sarasins. In these miseries Italy many yeares remained, vnder three Kings of the Beringarii, one succeeding an other. In which time, the Pope and the Church were continually molested; and by meanes of diuision of the prin­ces in the West, and the weakenesse of the Emperour in the Easte, knewe not where to bee succoured. The Cittie of Genoua, with all the Riuers thereto be­longing, werein those dayes by the Sarasins destroyed: whereof came the great­nesse of the Cittie of Pisa, for thither manie people fled for refuge. This happened in the yeare of the Christian religion, nine hundreth thirtie and one. [Page 11] But Ottone sonne of Enrico and Matilda Duke of Saxony (a man exceeding wise & of great reputation) being become Emperour, Agabito then Pope, How Italy was gouerned. Anno. 931. praied him to come into Italy, and saue him from the tyrannie of the Berengarii. The states of Italy were in those daies thus disposed. Lombardy was vnder Berengario the third, and his sonne Alberto. Toscana and Romagna, were gouerned by the deputies of the Emperour in the West. Puglia & Calauria, partly to the Emperour in Greece, and partly to the Sara­sins obeyed. In Rome were elected yearly of the nobilitie two Consuls, who accor­ding to the auncient custome ruled that Citie. Vnder them was appointed a Iudge to minister iustice to the people. There was also a councell of twelue men, which gaue gouernours to the townes subiect vnto Rome. The Pope had in Rome more or lesse authoritie, according to the fauour hee found with the Emperours, or others, that were there most mightie. Then came the Emperour Ottone into Italy, and tooke the kingdome thereof from the Berengarii: who therein had raigned, fiftie fiue yeares, and therewith had restored the Pope to his dignitie. This Emperour had one sonne, and one nephew, both also named Ottoni, the one and the other of them succeeded in the Empire. In the raigne of Ottone the third, Pope Gregorio quinto, was by the Ro­manes driuen out, and Ottone came into Italy, to put him again into the possession of Rome. The Pope then to be reuenged of the Romans, The election of the Empe­rour giuen to the Germans. Ann. 1002. tooke frō them the authoritie of creatiō of the Emperour, & gaue the same to the Germaines, appointing three Bi­shops of Maguntia, Treueri, & Colonia: & three secular Princes; the Marques of Bran­denburge, the Earle Palatine of the Rhein, & the Duke of Sassonia to be electors, which constitution was made in the yeare 1002. After the death of Ottone the third, Enrico Duke of Bauiera, was by these electors, made Emperour, and after twelue yeares, by Pope Stephano the eight crowned. This Enrico and Simionda his wife, were persons of most godly life, as appeareth by diuerse churches by them builded and endowed. Amongst which number was the temple of S. Miniato, neare to the Citie of Florence: Enrico died in the yeare 1023. After whom raigned Currado of Sueuia, and after him Enrico the secōd, who came into Italy, & the church thē being in schisme, foūd there, three Popes: all whom he deposed, & caused Clemente secundo to be elected, Three Popes deposed by Enrico 2. & of him was he crowned Emperour. In those dayes Italy was gouerned, partly by the people, partly by the Princes, & partly by the ministers of the Emperour: of whō, the chiefe was called Chancelor. Amōg the Princes Gotfredi, & the Countesse Matilda his wife, borne of Beatrice sister to Enrico the second, were most potent: for she and her hus­band possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio, and Mantoua, with all that countrey at this day called Patrimonio. The ambition of the people of Rome, did at that time make much warre with the Popes: for they, hauing helped the Pope to driue out the Emperors, and reformed the Cittie as to them seemed good, sodeinly became enemies to him. And the Popes receiued more iniuries at their hands, The Romans auncient ene­mies to the Pope. thē at any other Christian Prin­ces. And euen in those dayes when the censure of the Popes made all the West of the world to tremble, yet euen then, the people of Rome rebelled. And both the Popes, and the people studied for nothing so much, as how one of them, might ouerthrow the authoritie and estimation of the other. Nicholao secundo being aspired to the Papa­cy, tooke from the Romanes the creation of the Pope, The creation of the Pope taken frō the Romanes. as his predecessour Gregorio quinto, had before taken from them, the election of the Emperour, hee made also a constitution that the election of the Popes should from thencefoorth appertaine to the Cardinals. Neither was he so contented, but compounding with some Princes that then gouerned Calauria and Puglia (for such reasons as shall be hereafter decla­red) constrained all the officers appointed by the Romanes, to yeeld their obedience to the Popes, and remooued some of them from their offices. After the death of Nicholao, there happened a schisme in the church, because the Clergie of Lombardy [Page 12] would not obey Alexander the second, elected at Rome, but created Gadalo of Parma Antipope. Enrico, hating the greatnesse of these Bishops, sent vnto the Pope Alessan­dro, requiring him to resigne the Papacy, & command the Cardinals to go into Ger­many, there to elect a new Pope. This Enrico was the first Prince that felt the force of spirituall displeasure. The originall of the Guelfi, and Gibellini. An. 1080. For the Pope called a new counsaile in Rome, whereat he depri­ued him from the empire and kingdome. After that time, some people of Italy follo­wed the Pope, and some the Emperour, which was the beginning of the factions who called themselues Guelfi and Gibellini. Thus Italy deliuered from forreine inuasi­on, by ciuill discord began to be tormented. Enrico being excommunicate, was by his owne people constrained to come to Rome on barefoote, and kneele to the Pope for pardon. Which happened in the yeare 1080. Notwithstanding shortly after, there happened a new discord betwixt the Pope & Enrico. Wherupon the Pope again did excommunicate the Emperour, who sent forthwith his son (also called Enrico) with an army to Rome. He with the helpe of the Romanes (who hated the Pope) besieged him in his castle, till Roberto Guiscardo came from Puglia to the rescue. Enrico tarried not his comming, but returned alone into Germany. The Romanes persisted in their obstinacie: Rome sacked. so that Rome was againe by Roberto sacked and brought vnto the former ruine, notwithstanding it had bene lately by diuerse Popes repaired. And because of this Roberto the kings of Naples be descended, it seemeth not superfluous particulerly to set downe his actions and discent. After the disunion happened among the heires of Carlo Magno, (as haue bene before declared) the same occasioned a new people of the North, called Normandi to assaile France, and conquered that country, which is called of them, Normandia: of those people, some part came into Italy, in the time that the Berengarii, Saraseni and Vnni troubled the same. They also tooke some townes in Romagna, which warres, they vertuously performed. Of those Normaine princes, one called Tancredi, begot diuerse sonnes: amongst whom was Guglielmo surnamed Tera­bar, The discent of the kings of Napoli. and Roberto called Guiscardo. The principalitie being come to Guglielmo, and the tumults of Italy somewhat ceased, the Saraseni did notwithstanding still hold Sicilia, and continually made rodes vpō the land of Italy. For which cause, Guglielmo agreed with the prince of Capoua and Salerno, and with Melorco the Greeke, (who gouerned Puglia and Calauria for the Emperour of Greece) to assault Sicilia, and after victorie, it was condescended amongst them, to diuide the places victored, by foure parts. This enterprise had fortunate successe, and the Saraseni driuen out, they possessed Sicilia. After which victorie Melorco secretly caused men to come from Grecia, and for the Emperour tooke possession of the whole Iland, not diuiding the spoyle, but tooke all to his owne share, wherewith Guglielmo became discontented, yet hiding his of­fence till a time more conuenient, departed from Sicilia with the princes of Salerno, and Capoua: who being departed vpon the way homewards, Guglielmo returned not to Romagna, but with his souldiers marched towards Puglia, where he wonne Melfi. And shortly after (notwithstanding the forces of the Grecian Emperour) he possessed well neare all Puglia and Calauria. In which prouinces, he gouerned in the time of Nicholao secundo. Roberto Guiscardo his brother, hauing many differents with his ne­phewes, for the inheritance of land, vsed the authoritie of the Pope, to compound them. And the Pope did willingly fauour him, being desirous to haue the friendship of Roberto, to the end that against the Emperours of Germany, and the people of Rome, he might be defended, as in effect, it fell after out, and hath bene alreadie declared, how at the request of Gregorio septimo, he draue Enrico from the siege of Rome, & sub­dued the people therein. To Roberto succeeded Ruggeri and Guglielmo, his sonnes. To their possessions he annexed Napoli, and all those lands which lie betweene Napoli and Rome. He gaue also Sicilia vnto Ruggero. But Guglielmo going afterwards to Con­stantinople [Page 13] to marry the Emperours daughter, was by Ruggero depriued of his Country. Ruggero after this victorie became insolent, and called himselfe king of Italy: yet after contented with the title of King of Puglia and Sicilia, was the first that gaue name and lawe to that kingdome, which to this day with­in the auncient boundes thereof, is mainteined. Notwithstanding it hath ma­ny times exchaunged both blood and Nation. Because the race of Norman­die beeing worne out, the Kingdome came to the handes of the Germaines, from them, to the French men, from the French to the Aragonesi, and at this day it is possessed by the Flemmings. Now was Vrbano the second, Pope Vrba­no. 2. become Pope, who being hated in Rome, and fearing through the disuniting of Italy, he could not in securitie there remaine: determined a glorious enterprise. First hee went into France, accompanied with all his Clergie, and in the citie of Anuersa, he as­sembled many people: to whom he made a solemne Oration, wherin he persuaded an enterprise against the Saraseni, which tooke so great effect, as the people were desirous to performe the same; which enterprise (with all others to that purpose) were called Crociata. For all those men that went in that iourney, La Crociata. weare vppon their Armours and garments, a redde Crosse. The princes and chiefe leaders of that enterprise, were Gotfredi Eustachio, and Alduino di Bulgo, Earle of Bologna, with one Pietro an Hermit: who for his godlie life and wisedome was greatly respec­ted. To this iourney, manie Kinges contributed treasure, and manie priuate men without paie, therein personally serued. So great effectes did the religion worke in those dayes, to perswade the mindes of men, moued with the example of such as were their heads. This enterprise had in the beginning glorious successe: for all Asia minor, Soria, and part of Egipt, were therein conquered by the Chri­stians. At which time beganne the order of Knighthood of Ierusalem, The originall of knights of Ierusalem. which to this day continueth, and is the chiefe obstacle to the Turkes. About that time also grew the order of the Knights, Templarii: which for their euil life was short­ly after suppressed. In diuerse times following, diuerse accidents happened: wher­in many nations and many particuler men were aduaunced. For the furnishing of this enterprise, the Kinges of Fraunce and England, the Pisani, Venetians, and Genouesi, passed the sea, and gained great reputation, fighting in fortune variable, till the time of Saladino the Sarasine: whose vertue (the rather through discord of the Christians) did in the ende recouer all, that before had bene got­ten. So were the Christians after foure scorce and tenne yeares driuen out of those Countries, which with great honour and happinesse they had wonne and de­fended. After the death of Vrbano, Pascale secundo was created Pope: Pope Pascale 2. and En­rico the fourth became Emperour, who went to Rome, pretending friendship to the Pope, but beeing arriued there, by force hee tooke the Pope prisoner, and put him with all his Clergie in prison: from whence they could not bee discharged, till the Pope had graunted, that the Emperour might dispose of the Churches in Germany as himselfe thought good. Then died the Countesse Matilda, and made the Church heire of all her Countrey. After the death of Pascale and Enrico the fourth succeeded diuerse Popes, and diuerse Emperours, till at length, to the Papacie was elected Alissandro tertio, and to the Empire, Pope Alessan­dro. 3. Federigo Sueuo called Barbarossa. The popes in that time had manie quarrelles with the people of Rome, and the Emperours: which were encreased in the raigne of Barbarossa. Federigo was a man of warre most excellent, but there­with so haughtie of minde and courage, as hee disdained to giue place to the pope, notwithstanding, hee came to Rome to bee Crowned Emperour, and peaceably returned into Germanie: though hee remayned there not very [Page 14] long contented. For shortly after, he came againe into Italy to reforme some Towns in Lombardy, which would not obey him. At that time it happened, the Cardinal of S. Clement, by Nation a Romane, deuided himselfe from the Pope Alissandro, & found meanes (by fauour of some Cardinalls) to be also chosen Pope. At that instant, Fe­derigo the Emperour was with his Armie before the Citie of Crema: to whom Alis­sandro complained of the Antipope; the Emperour answered, that both he and the Antipope should come vnto him, and then he would decide their controuersie, and iudge which of them were true Pope. This answere displeased Alissandro, who conceauing thereby, that the Emperour was inclined to fauour the Antipope, did excommunicate him, and fled to Phillip King of Fraunce. Federigo in the meane while, proceeding in the Warres of Lombardy, tooke Millan, and razed it: which was the cause, that Verona, Padoua, and Vicenza (by common consent) determined to resist him. Then died the Antipope, in whose place Federigo created Guido of Cremona. The Romanes by meanes of the Popes absence, and the busines of the Em­perour in Lombardy, had recouered a little authoritie in Rome, & began to command some Townes vnder them▪ and because the Tusculani would not yeeld to their au­thoritie, they went popularly to assaile them; who being aided by Federigo, the Ro­manes were ouerthrowne with so great slaughter, as after that Ouerthrow Rome was neuer well peopled, nor rich. In this meane space, Pope Alissandro was returned to Rome, perswading himselfe that through the enmitie of the Romanes and Federigo, he might there safely remaine: and the rather, by reason of the Enemies which the Em­perour had in Lombardy. Neuertheles, Federigo (setting aside all respectes) besieged Rome: where Alissandro tarried not his comming, but fled to Gulielmo King of Pu­glia, who after the death of Ruggiero remained Heire of that Kingdome. Federigo dri­uen thence by the Plague, left the Siege, and returned into Germany. The Townes of Lombardy which were rebelled, to the end they might the rather recouer Pauia & Tortona, (which stood for the Emperor) built a new Cittie, to be the refuge of that Warre, calling the same Alissandria, in honour of the Pope Alissandro, and in despite of the Emperour Federigo. Then died Guidone Antipope: in whose place Giouanni of Fermo was created. He, through the fauour of the Emperours Faction in Mon­tefiascone, there dwelled: Pope Alissandro in the meane time was gone into Tuscolo, called thether by that People; hoping that with his authoritie he might defend them from the Romanes. Thither came Embassadors from Enrico King of England, to de­clare vnto the Pope, that their King was not culpable in the murther of Thomas Bi­shop of Canterbury, as he had bene publiquely slandered. For triall whereof, the Pope sent two Cardinals into England, to examine the truth of that matter: who found the King not guiltie. Neuertheles, in respect of the infamie, and that he had not honoured that holy Man according to his desert; they enioyned the King for pe­nance to assemble his Nobilitie, and in their presence to sweare and protest his inno­cencie: The King of England put to penance by Pope Alissan­dro. and was moreouer commanded, that with all speed, he should at his proper charge send two hundred Souldiers to Ierusalem, and there paye them for one yeare; and himselfe within three yeares to goe thither in person, and lead with him an Ar­mie the greatest that hee could possibly make: besides that, hee should disanull all things done within his Kingdome, to the preiudice of the Libertie Ecclesiasticall, and consent, that all and euerie Subiect of his might appeale to Rome. All which things Enrico graunted: and notwithstanding hee were a mightie King, submitted himselfe to that Iudgement, which (at this day) euerie priuate man would be asha­med to yeeld vnto. But notwithstanding the Popes great power ouer Princes farre off, yet could he not make himselfe obeyed of the Romanes: by whom hee was not suffered to dwell at Rome, though he promised not to intermeddle in anie thing, [Page 15] saue only the Ecclesiasticall gouernment. Hereby may be noted, that things vvhich seeme to bee, and be not, are dreaded more farre of, then feared neare at hand. By this time, Federigo vvas returned to Italy, and being prepared to make nevv vvarres vvith the Pope, all his prelates and Barons gaue him to vnderstand, that they inten­ded to leaue him, vnlesse he reconciled himselfe to the church: vvhereby this Em­perour vvas constrained to go vnto Venice, and there to adore the pope; vvhereof ensued a full pacification. In this peace the pope depriued the Emperor of all his au­thoritie in Rome, and named Gulielmo king of Sicilia and Puglia for his confederate. Federigo not content to liue in peace, but louing the warres, determined to enterprise Asia, & so gain glory against Mahomet, which against the Pope he could not. But be­ing arriued at the riuer Cidno, enticed with the excellencie of that water, The death of Federigo the Emperor. hee washed himself therin, & sodenly died. Wherby may be imagined that water did more good to the Mahumetans, then the popes excōmunicatiō to the Christians: because the ex­cōmunicatiō did only allay the Emperors ambitiō, but this water did vtterly quench it. Federigo being dead, it remained onely for the pope to reforme the disobedience of the Romans: & after many disputations touching the creation of the Consuls, it was agreed, that (according to the ancient custom) they shuld be elected by the Romans: yet before they tooke their office vppon them, they should sweare fidelitie to the church; which agreement, caused Giouanni the Antipope to flie to Monte Albano, where shortly after hee died. Then died also Gulielmo king of Napoli, who hauing one onely sonne called Tancredi, the pope determined to take that kingdome from him, but the nobilitie thereof would not consent to the pope, resoluing to yeelde their obedience to Tancredi. At that time Celestino tertio was pope, Pope Celesti­no 3. who desirous to take the kingdome from Tancredi, sought meanes that Enrico sonne of Federigo should be made Emperour, and promised him the kingdome of Naples, vpon con­dition that he should restore vnto the church all those townes thereunto belonging. And to make that action the more easie, hee tooke out of a monastery, Gostanza an olde woman, daughter of Gulielmo, and married her vnto Federigo. Thus passed the kingdome of Naples to the Germaines from the Normands, who were the aun­cient founders thereof. So soone as Enrico the Emperour had setled all thinges in Germany, hee came into Italy, accompanied with Gostanza his wife, and his sonne, but foure yeares old, called Federigo. Where, with some difficultie (because Tancredi was dead, leauing onely a litle sonne called Rogeri) he possessed the kingdom. With­in a small time after in Sicilia died Enrico, to whome Federigo succeeded in the king­dome, and to the Empire was elected Ottone Duke of Sassonia, through fauour of pope Innocentio quarto. But so soone as he was crowned Emperour, Pope Inno­centio 4. contrary to all expectation, hee became enemie to the pope, surprised Romagna, and prepared to assault the kingdome. For which dooing, the pope did excommunicate him, all o­ther men left him, and the electors created Federigo king of Napoli. Then came Fe­derigo to Rome for the crowne, but the pope fearing his greatnesse, denied him, and sought to remooue him out of Italy, as hee had done before to Ottone. Therewith Federigo offended, went into Germany, and made much vvarre against Ottone, and at length ouerthrevv him. In the meane vvhile died Innocentio, vvho (besides other his notable vvorkes) builded the Hospitall of Santo spirito in Rome. Pope Honorio 3. erector of the order of S. Francisco Anno 1218. After him succeeded Honorio tertio, in vvhose time, beganne the orders of Santo Dominico and Francisco, the yeare 1218. This pope crovvned Federigo, vnto vvhome Giouanni descended of Bauldouino king of Ierusalem, vvho (vvith the remaine of the Christians in A­sia still possessed that title) gaue his kingdome to his daughter in marriage. Here­of it commeth, that vvho so euer is King of Napoli, is also intituled king of Ieru­salem. Italy in those dayes vvas thus gouerned. The Romaynes made no [Page 16] more Consuls in Rome, but in steed of them, they created (with the same authoritie) sometimes one, & sometime more Senators. The league which the cities of Lombardy had made against Federigo Barbarossa, still continued. The Cities confedered against the Emperour, were Milano, Brescia, Mantoua, with the greater part of Romagna: and with them Verona, Vicenza, Padoua, and Treuigi. On the Emperours part, were Cremo­na, Bargamo, Parma, Reggio, Modena, & Trento. The other Cities and Castles of Lom­bardy, Romagna, and La Marca Treuigiana, according to their necessitie, fauoured som­times the one, and sometimes the other part. In the time of Ottone the third, came into Italy a man called Ezelino, Ezelino. of whom remained one sonne, who likewise begot an o­ther Ezelino, he being rich & mightie, folowed Federigo the secōd, who was (as hath bene before said) enemy to the Pope. This Emperour brought into Italy, by the fa­uour of Ezelino, tooke Verona and Mantoua, razed Vicenza, surprized Padoua, & van­quished the army of the townes confederate: & in the end, marched towards Tosca­na. Ezelino in the meane time, surprized La Marca Triuigiana, but he could not take Ferrara, being defended by Azone of Este, & other soldiers sent by the Pope frō Lom­bardy. Azone de Este first Duke of Farrara. The siege then leuied, the Pope gaue that citie in Feudo to Azone of Este, of whome be descended all those princes, that till this day haue there gouerned. Fede­rigo staied at Pisa, & being desirous to become Lord of Toscana, the rather to possesse the same, & discouer those that fauoured him, from the other that were his enemies, practised diuision among the people of the country, which was afterwards the ru­ine of all Italy. Because then the factions of Guelfi & Ghibellini encreased, calling them Guelfi that followed the Pope, and Ghibellini that followed the Emperour. In Pistoia, these names of faction, were first begun. Federigo leauing Pisa, by many meanes as­saulted & spoiled the townes belonging to the church: Insomuch, that the Pope not hauing other remedie, proclaimed his Crociata against him, as did his predecessours against the Saraseni. The Emperor forced to en­tertaine Sara­sins. Federigo then fearing to be abandoned by his souldiers (as Federi­go Barbarossa and other Emperours had bene) enterteined great numbers of Sarasins, and to make them more willing to serue (knowing that they feared not the Popes curses) he gaue them the citie of Nocera in the kingdome: perswading himselfe, that they hauing that refuge, Pope Inno­cent 4. might serue him with the more securitie. Innocentio quarto became Pope, and mistrusting Federigo, went to Genoua, and from thence into France: and called a Councell at the citie of Lions. Whereunto Federigo determined to goe, but was withholden by the rebellion of Parma: from which enterprise repulsed, he went into Toscana, and thence, into Sicilia, where he died, leauing in Sucuia his el­dest sonne Corrado, and in Puglia his other sonne, (being base borne) called Manfredi, whome hee had made Duke of Beneuento. Corrado beeing come for possession of the kingdome, arriued at Napoli, and there died, leauing one litle sonne called Curradino: who at that time remained in Germany. Then Manfredi first as gouernour to Curra­dino, and after reporting that Curradino was dead) against the Popes will, & the Nea­politans also (whom he forced to consent) made himselfe king. During these troubles in the kingdome, happened many quarrels betweene the factions of Guelfi and Ghi­bilini, the one being fauoured by the Popes Legate, and the other by Ezelino, who possessed welneare all Lombardy, on the other side of the riuer Po. And because in this warre, The death of Ezelino. the citie of Padoua rebelled, Ezelino put to death twelue thousand Cittizens thereof, and he himselfe before the end of the warre, being then thirtie yeares of age, was slaine. After his death, all the townes by him possessed became free. Manfredi king of Napoli, according to the custome of his auncestors, continued enemie to the church, Pope Vrba­no 4. holding the Pope (called Vrbano quarto) in continuall distresse: in so much as the Pope proclaymed the Crociata against him; which done, hee went vnto Perugia, where hee remained, aspecting his souldiers. Who (comming [Page 17] thither slowly and in small numbers) thought that to vanquish Manfredi, those for­ces were not sufficient. He therefore praied aide in France, of Carlo Duke of Angio, brother to king Lodouico, creating him king of Sicilia, and Napoli, desiring him to come into Italy, & take possession of those kingdomes. But before Carlo could come to Rome, that Pope died, and Clemente quarto elected. In whose time, Pope Cle­ment 4. Carlo with thir­tie gallies came to Ostia, appointing the rest of his army to march thither by land. Du­ring his aboad in Rome, the Romanes to honour him, made him a Senator of Rome, and the Pope inuested him in the kingdome, with condition he should paie yearely fiftie thousand florines to the church. The Pope also decreed, that neither Carlo, nor none of his successours in that kingdome, should euer be elected Emperours. Carlo then went on in his iourny against Manfredi, whom he vanquished and slew, neare to Beneuento, whereby hee possessed Sicilia, and the kingdome. Notwithstanding Curradino, to whome by testament of his father that kingdome apperteined, assem­bling great forces in Germany, came into Italy against Carlo, and fought with him at Tagliacozzo, where he was ouerthrowne; and being disguised, fled: yet afterwards was taken, and slaine. Italy then continued quiet, Pope Adri­ano 5. till the raigne of Adriano quin­to, at which time, Carlo dwelling in Rome, and gouerning there by the office of Se­natour, the Pope could not endure his authoritie, and therefore vvent to inhabit at Viterbo: from thence he sent vnto Ridolpho the Emperour, desiring him to come into Italy against Carlo. Thus the Popes sometimes for loue of religion, The ambition of Popes, a ruyne to Italy. and sometimes for their owne ambition, ceased not to call into Italy newe men, and stirre vp newe warres. For so soone as any prince was by them made mightie, repenting the same, they practised his ouerthrow. Neither would they suffer that anie should possesse that Countrey, which themselues (through their weakenesse) could not. Yet did the Princes alwaies feare them, because either by fighting or flying, they preuailed: if they were not by some practise oppressed, as was Bonifacio octa­uo, and some others who were taken by colour of friendship, which the Em­perours to them pretended. Ridolpho came not into Italy, beeing withhol­den with his warres against the King of Bohemia. In the meane time died Adria­no, and in his place was created Nicholao tertio, descended of the house of Orsini, Pope Adria­no 3. a man verie bolde and ambitious. Hee by all meanes possible sought to diminish the authoritie of Carlo: and deuised that Ridolpho the Emperour should complaine, that Carlo mainteined a gouernour in Toscana in fauour of the Guelfi. Carlo gaue credite vnto the Emperour, and reuoked thence his gouernour. And the Pope forthwith sent thither one of his nephewes a Cardinall, to be gouernour for the Empire. So that the Emperour for this honor done vnto him by the Pope, restored Romagna vn­to the Church, which by his auncestors had bene taken away. The Pope then crea­ted Bertoldo Orsino, Duke of Romagna. And imagining himselfe mightie inough to shewe his face to Carlo, tooke from him the office of Senatour: and made a decree, that no man descended of royall race, should after possesse that dignitie. He had al­so deuised to take Sicilia from Carlo, and practised with Piero king of Aragon: which practise in the time of his successour tooke effect. He intended moreouer, to make two new kings of his owne house, the one in Lombardy, the other in Tuscan: whose powers might defend the church, both from the Germaines that would attempt to come into Italy, and from the French men, who were alreadie in Napoli. But with this determination, he died. And was the first Pope, that openly manifested his own ambition; practising (vnder colour to make the church great) to honour and enrich his owne kindred. For as before this time, no mention was made of the aduance­ment of Popes kinsfolkes or posteritie, so afterwards, euery historie doth shew, that the Popes haue studied for nothing more, then how to aduance their owne blood. [Page 18] And as heretofore they haue laboured to make them princes, so (if it were in their power) they would now procure the Papacy to be heritable. Yet true it is, that hi­therto all principalities by them erected, haue had no long being, for so soone as that Pope (who ordeined their aduancement) did faile, the honour of the person aduan­ced, Pope Martino 3. decaied with him. Then Martino tertio became Pope, who being a French man, fauoured Carlo, and in his aide, sent souldiers vnto Romagna which then rebelled. And his campe being before Furly, Guido Bonati (a man learned in Astrologie) perswa­ded the people, that so soone as hee gaue them a token, they should presently assault their enemies, which they did, & in that victory, al the French mē were takē & slain. About this time, the practise of Nicolao tertio with Piero King of Aragon, was put in execution. By meanes whereof, the people of Sicilia murthered all the French men that could be found in that Iland: which done, King Piero tooke possession, alled­ging, that hauing married Gostanza daughter of Manfredi, that country to him ap­perteined. Carlo preparing for a new war to recouer his losse, died: leauing one sonne called Carlo the second. Who being taken prisoner in the war of Sicilia, and desirous of libertie, promised to returne to prison, if within three yeares he could not obteine of the Pope, that the house of Aragon should be inuested to the kingdome of Sicilia. Ridolpho the Emperour, intending to haue come into Italy, and recouered the reputa­tion of the Empire, came not, but sent thither an Embassador with authoritie to giue freedome to all those cities, which would buy the same at his hands: as many did, & with their libertie, chaunged also their maner of liuing. Then succeeded to the Em­pire Adulpho of Sassonia, Pope Celesti­no and Boni­facio 8. & to the Papacy Pietro Murone, named Pope Celestino: who being an Hermit and full of deuotion, within seuen moneths resigned the Papacy, and Bonifacio Octauo was elected. The heauens knowing a time would come, when Italy should be deliuered, both from the French men and Almaines, & that the coun­try might be recouered wholy in possession of Italians, to the end the Pope failing of straungers, might not be able to hold his reputation, caused two mightie families to arise in Rome. The one called Orsini, the other Colonni: whose power and nearenesse, might keep downe the Popes from aspiring. The Pope Bonifacio aware therof, prac­tised to extirpate the Colonni, & did for that purpose not onely excommunicate them, but also against them published the Crociata. Which proceeding, although it some­what offended them, yet did it much more offend the church: because those swords which in defence of the faith had vertuously preuailed, being employed for priuate ambition against the Christians, became blunt: and so the Popes desire to enforce the minds of others, wrought a contrary effect, and by litle & litle disarmed themselues. This Pope did also depose two Cardinals of that house of Colonna, and the chiefe of them called Sciarra, disguised himselfe, and fled. Afterwards being taken by Pirates, was made a slaue in a galley, til arriued at Marsilia, was there by fortune knowne, re­deemed, and sent into France to King Philippo, who had bene excommunicate, & de­priued of his kingdom by Bonifacio. Philippo considering with himselfe, that to make warres with the Pope, either he was not strong inough, or should therin aduenture great dangers: determined to worke by practise, & pretending to procure peace with the Pope, sent secretly Sciarra into Italy, who being come to Anagnia, where the Pope then was, with the aide of friends in the night tooke him. And albeit the people of that towne did shortly after deliuer him, yet of verie melancholly and sorrovv, the Pope distraught of his vvits, Pope Boni­facio inuentor of the Guibi­leo. died. This Bonifacio vvas he that ordeined the Iubilie, in the yeare 1300. and commanded that euery hundreth yeare, the same should be so solemnized. After that time happened many troubles betvveene the factions of Guelfi & Ghibellini. And by reason that Italy vvas abandoned by the Emperors, many towns became free, and many others by tyrants possessed. Pope Benedetto restored the Hat [Page 19] to the Cardinals Colonesi, and absolued Philippo the French King. Pope Cle­ments 5. To him succeeded Clemente quinto, vvho being a French man, remoued his court into France in the year 1306. In the meane space Carlo the second King of Napoli, died. To that kingdom suc­ceeded Robarto his sonne: and to the Empire, Arrigo of Lucemburgh: who notwith­standing the absence of the Pope from Rome, vvent thither to be crowned. By meane of that iourney, grevv many troubles in Lombardy, because all those that had bene ba­nished, either Guelfi or Ghibellini vvere admitted to returne to their townes, and there being, made so great quarrels among themselues, as the Emperour vvith all his pow­er could not appease. The Emperour then departed from Lombardy to Genoua, and so to Pisa, vvhere he practised to take Toscana from the king Robarto. But hauing no suc­cesse, vvent on to Rome, where he remained not long, being driuen out by the Orsini, and the friends of king Robarto. Then returned he to Pisa, vvhere he deuised (for his better proceeding in the vvars of Toscana, and the rather also to remooue king Robar­to from his gouernment) that Frederigo king of Sicilia should assault those countries. But at such time, as hee hoped at one instant) to performe both those enterprises, he died: and Lodouico of Bauiera, was chosen Emperour. In this meane space, was crea­ted Giouanni 22. In whose dayes the Emperour ceased not to persecute the Guelfi, Pope Iohn 22. and the church which vvas chiefly defended by king Robarto, and the Florentines. Wher­of grew great vvarre in Lombardy, by the Visconti, against the Guelfi, and in Toscana, by Castruccio of Lucca, against the Florentines. And because the family of Visconti, vvas that vvhich beganne the Dukedome of Milan (one of the fiue principallities that go­uerned Italy) I thinke good more at large hereafter to intreate of them. After that the league of the cities of Lombardy vvas concluded, (as hath bene beforesaid) and they resolued to defend themselues from Federigo Barbarossa: Milan also being repaired of the ruines, conspired vvith those cities of the league, to be reuenged of former iniu­ries. Which league brideled Barbarossa, and for a time gaue countenance to the facti­on of the church then in Lombardy. During these vvarres, the house of Torre grevv to great reputation, so long as the Emperours had in that country small authoritie. But vvhen Federigo the second, vvas come into Italy, and the Ghibellini (through the helpe of Ezelino) became strong, the humour of Ghibilini sprung vp in euery citie, and the house of Visconti, taking part with that factiō, chased out of Milan the family of Tor­re: yet were they not long out, but by meane of a peace concluded betwixt the Em­perour and the Pope, hee with his Court beeing in France, and Arrigo of Lucimburg going to Rome for the Crowne, was receiued into Milan, by Maffeo Visconti, and Gui­do della Torre, who at that time were chiefe of those houses: yet Maffeo intending by helpe of the Emperour to driue Guido out of the Citie, and supposing that enterprise the more likely, because Guido was in faction contrary to the Empire: hee tooke oc­casion vpon the complaints of the people against the euil demeanor of the Germains, slily perswading and encouraging euery man to take Armes, and deliuer themselues from the seruitude of that barbarous nation. And when all things were made ready, A practise of Ma. Visconts against the house of Tor­re. he caused a secret minister of his to mooue a tumult. Whereat, all the people tooke Armes against the name of Germany, and Maffeo with his sonnes and followers, sud­deinly armed, went to Arrigo, letting him vnderstand, that this tumult proceeded frō those of the house of Torre: who not contented to liue priuate in Milan, tooke occa­sion to spoyle him, gratifie the Guelfi of Italy, and make themselues princes of that ci­tie. Notwithstanding, hee perswaded the Emperour to be of good cheare, for they and their followers would in euery respect saue and defend him. Arrigo beleeued all that which Maffeo had spoken, & ioyning his forces with the Visconti, assailed those Della Torre. Who beeing dispersed in diuerse places of the Cittie to appease the tu­mult, so many of them as could be found were slaine, and the rest spoyled & sent into [Page 20] Italy. Maffeo Visconti, thus made (as it were) prince of Milan, had diuerse sonnes, the chiefe of them were called Galiazzo, and Azo: and after them, Luchino & Giouanni. Giouanni became Archbishop of that Citie, and of Luchino who died before him) re­mained Barnabo, The meane how the Vis­conti aspired to be Dukes of Milan. and Galiazzo called Conte de Vertu. He, after the death of the Archbi­shop, killed Barnabo his vncle, and so became onely prince of Milan, and was the first that had the title of Duke. Of him descended Philippo & Giouan Mariangilo who be­ing slaine by the people of Milan, the state remained onely to Philippo, and he hauing no heires male, the Dukedome was translated from the house of Visconti to the Sfor­zi, as shall be hereafter declared. But to returne to our matter, Lodouico the Empe­rour to giue reputation to his faction, and take the Crowne, came into Italy, and be­ing arriued at Milan, to the end he might leauy mony of the Milanesi, offred to make them free, and for proofe thereof imprisoned the Visconti. Afterwards, by mediation of Castruccio of Lucca, deliuered them, and went to Rome. Then the more easily to di­sturbe Italy, he made Piero de la Coruara, Antipope: by whose authoritie and the force of Visconti, he hoped to keepe downe the contrary faction, both in Toscana and Lom­bardy. But Castruccio then died, which was the cause of his ruine: for Pisa and Lucca presently rebelled. And the Pisani sent the Antipope prisoner to the Pope, thē remai­ning in France. Whereupon the Emperour dispairing of his enterprise in Italy, retur­ned to Germany. The king of Boemia called into Italy. So soone as he was gone, Giouanni king of Bohemia, came into Italy, called thither by the Ghibilini of Brescia, and possessed that Citie, with one other cal­led Bergamo. And forasmuch as the comming of this king was with consent of the Pope (although hee fained the contrarie) the Legate of Bologna fauoured him: ima­gining, for that cause the Emperour would no more returne into Italy, by whose de­parture thence, the country was greatly altered. The Florentines and the king Robar­to, seeing that the Legate fauoured the enterprise of the Ghibilini, became enemies to all those that the Legate and the king of Bohemia fauoured: against whom (without respect of Guelfi or Ghibilini) many princes ioyned. Among them were the Visconti, the family of La Scala Filippino Gonzaga of Mantoua, the house of Carrara, and Este: wherupon the Pope did excommunicate them all. The king for feare of this league, went home to assemble more forces, & returned with thē into Italy, & had (though hardly) the victorie, and then (though with displeasure of the Legate) returned to Bohemia, leauing onely Reggio, and Modena, manned: recommending Parma to Mar­silio and Piero de Rossi, who were in that citie of most power. He being gone, Bologna reuolted to the league, and diuided among them, foure Citties apperteining to the church: allotting Parma to the house of Scala, Reggio to Gonzaga, Modena to Este, and Lucca to the Florentines. During the conquest of these Cities, grew great warres, but they were chiefly by the Venetians, compounded. It may perhaps be thought strange, that among so many accidents of Italy, I haue omitted to speake of the Venetians com­mon weale, being for the order and power thereof, to be preferred before euerie o­ther principallitie. To satisfie that admiration, the cause thereof being knowne, I wil looke backward to time long since passed: and declare what beginning that Cittie had. The originall of Vinegia. King Attila at such time as he besieged Aquilegia, the inhabitants of that towne (hauing long defended themselues, & dispairing) fled with their goods to the rocks within the point of Mare Adriatico. The Padouani seeing the fire at hand, and fearing that Aquilegia being wonne, Attila would assault them; carried all their moueables of most value into the same sea, to a place there called Riuoalto: whither they also sent their wiues, children, and aged men, leauing the youth to defend the citie. Aquilegia being taken, Attila defaced Padoua, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona. The Padouani and the chiefe of the others, seated themselues in the marishes about Riuoalto. Likewise all the people of that prouince (which vvas aunciently called Venetia) vvere driuen [Page 21] out by the same misfortune, did also flie thither. Thus constrained by necessitie, they abandoned faire and fertile countries, to inhabit these steril and paludious places void of all cōmoditie. And yet, because great numbers of people were at one instant come thither, they made that place not onely habitable, but also pleasant: ordeining among themselues lawes and orders, which amidst so great ruines of Italy, they obserued; and within short space encreased in force and reputation. For besides the inhabitants aforesaid, many of the cities of Lombardy (chiefly those that feared the cruelty of their king Clefi) fled thither, which was no small encrease to that citie. So that in the time of Pipino king of France, when at the request of the Pope, he came to driue the Lom­bardi out of Italy, it was agreed in Capitulations, betwixt him and the Emperour of Grecia, that the Duke of Beneuento and the Venetians, should be subiects neither to the one nor the other, but among themselues enioy libertie. Moreouer, considering that as necessitie had driuen them to dwell within the water, so it behoued them without helpe of the firme land, to seeke meanes wherby they might procure their own liue­lihood. For which purpose they made ships & gallies, & with them sailed through­out the world, and filled their citie with sundry sorts of marchandise, whereof other men hauing necessitie, required free accesse vnto them. At that time and many yeares after, the Venetians thought not vppon other dominions, then those where the traf­fique of their marchandise might safely arriue. Then they wan diuers hauens in Gre­cia, Soria, and in the passages that the French men made in Asia: because they often­times imploying the Venetian shippes, appointed vnto them, (as a reward) the Ile of Candia. While in this estate and order they liued, their name by sea was terrible, and vpon the firme land of Italy venerable. So that in all controuersies that happened, they were (for the most part) arbitrators: as in cōtrouersies which rose in the league, by reason of those cities which they had diuided amongst them. For that controuer­sie being recommended to the Venetians, they ordered that Bargamo & Brescia should appertaine to the Visconti. But in processe of time hauing conquered Padoua, Vicen­za, Triuigi, Verona, Bargamo, Brescia, with diuerse cities in the kingdom, and Romagna, (entised with desire of gouernment) they atteined so great an opinion of power and reputatiō, that not only of the princes of Italy, but also of the kings beyōd the moun­taines they became feared. Wherupon those princes conspiring togither, tooke from them in one day, all the states and countries vvhich they in many yeares, and vvith infinite expences had gained. And though in these late times they haue recouered part, yet not recouering their forces and reputation, do (like all other princes of Ita­ly) remaine at the deuotion and discretion of others. Now was Benedetto 12. come to the Papacy, who seeing himselfe driuen out of Italy, The decree of Pope Bene­detto 12. a­gainst the Emperour. and fearing that the Emperour Lodouico should become Lord thereof, determined to make all those his friends, who had vsurped the townes which the Emperour possessed. To the end, that thereby they should haue cause to feare the Empire, and ioyne with him in the defence of I­taly. For the more assurance of this attempt, he made a decree, that all tyrants of Lom­bardy should by iust title possesse the townes by them vsurped. But the Pope present­ly vpon this grant, died, and Clemente sexto, elected in his place. The Emperour then seeing with what liberalitie the Pope had giuen the towns belōging to the Empire, The Empe­rours decree to the Popes preiudice. determined to be no lesse liberall of the Popes goods, then the Pope had bene of his: and therefore gaue freely all lands belonging to the church, which any tyrant had vsurped; and they to hold them, by authoritie imperiall. By meane whereof, Galiotto Malatesti and his brethren became Lords of Rimino, Pesaro, & Fano. Anthonio di Mon­tefeltro of la Marca and Vrbin: Gentile da Varano of Camerino. Guido di Polenta of Ra­uenna. Sinibaldo Ordalaffi of Furli, and Cesena: Giouanni Manfredi of Faenza, Lodouico Alidosi, of Imola. Besides these, many others possessed towns belōging to the church: [Page 22] so as fevv remained out of the hands of one Prince or other, vvhich vvas the cause that the Church (till the comming of Alissandro 6.) vvas holden dovvne & vveake; but he vvith the ruine of these Lords or their posteritie, restored the same. At such time as the Emperor made this grant, he remained at Trento, & seemed as thogh he vvould passe from thence into Italy; wherby grevv many warres in Lombardy: & by that occasiō, the Visconti became Lords of Parma. Then died king Robarto of Napoli; of vvhom remained only tvvo grand children, vvomen, begotten by Carlo his Son, vvho long before vvas dead; bequeathing his kingdom to the elder of them, called Giouanna, Giouanna Q of Naples. vvhom he vvilled to marrie vvith Andrea sonne to the K. of Vngaria his ne­phevv. This Andrea continued not long her husband, but vvas by her murdred, & she married anevv to a brother in lavv of his, called Lodouico prince of Tarranto. But K. Lodouico brother to Andrea, to reuenge his death, came vvith Forces into Italy, & draue the Q. Giouanna vvith her husband out of the kingdom. About this time hap­ned in Rome a thing very memorable, vvhich vvas, that one called Nicholo di Lorenzo Chancellor in the Campidoll, Nicholo di Lorenzo. draue the Senators out of Rome, & made himself (vnder title of Tribuno) chiefe of the Romane Common vveale: reducing the same into the ancient forme of gouernment, vvith so great reputation of iustice & vertue, as not only the tovvnes nere hand, but also al Italy sent Embassadors vnto him. Whereby, the ancient prouinces, seeing Rome restored, looked vp; and some of them moued vvith feare, and some vvith hope, honoured him. But Nicholo (notvvithstanding so great authoritie, in the beginning of this action, abandoned himselfe; and dis­pairing (as it seemeth) to performe so great an enterprise, not being inforced by any man, secretly fled, and vvent to King Carlo of Bohemia: vvho by order of the pope (in despite of Lodouico of Bauieria, elected Emperour) apprehended Nicholo, & sent him to the Pope prisoner. A vvhile after, (as it vvere to imitate this Nicholo) another man called Francesco Barocegli, Francesco Barocegli. surprized the Tribunate, and draue thence the Sena­tors. Vpon vvhich accident, the Pope (the rather to represse that disorder) tooke Nicholo out of prison, restored him to the Tribuneship, & sent him to Rome. Nicholo there arriued, exercised the office, and put Francesco to death. But the Colonnesi bee­ing enemies to Nicholo, shortly after killed him also, & restored the Senators to their places. Q. Giouanna deposed. In the meanetime, the King of Vngaria hauing deposed the Queene Giouan­na, returned to his Kingdome. The Pope liking better the neighborhood of the Queene than of that King, found meanes that he vvas pleased to restore the King­dome: vpon condition, that the Queenes husband should content himselfe vvith the title of Tarranto, and not be called King. The yeare 1350. being come, the Pope thought good that the Giubileo erected by Pope Bonifacio octauo at the end of eue­rie hundred yeare, might be reduced to fiftie yeare, and made a Decree, that after­vvards so it should be. The Romanes receauing the same as a benefit, vvere content the pope should send to Rome foure Cardinalls to reforme the state of that Cittie, & make Senators there, those, whom himselfe thought good. The Pope also proclay­med Lodouico of Tarranto King of Napoli: for which fauor, the Queen Giouanna gaue vnto the Church the Citie of Auignion, which was her patrimony. By this time Lu­chino Visconti was dead, wherby Giouanni Archbishop of Millan remained only Lord of that state, who made many warres vpon Toscana, & other countries his neighbors and therby became exceeding mightie. After his death succeeded Barnabo & Galiazzo his nephewes: but within short space Galiazzo died, leauing one sonne called Giouan Galiazzo, who diuided that State with Barnabo. At this time Carlo K. of Bohemia was Emperor, Pope Inno­centio sexto. and Innocentio 6. Pope; who sent into Italy Cardinall Egidio, by Nation a Spaniard, who with his vertue recouered great reputation to the Church, not onely in Romagna & Rome, but also throughout al Italy. He restored Bologna, vsurped by the [Page 23] Archbishop of Millan: he constrained the Romanes to receaue one Stranger to bee a Senator, who yearely should be sent by the Pope: he made honourable compositi­on with the Visconti: he vanquished and tooke prisoner Iohn Aguto an English-man, who with foure thousand of his owne Nation serued in Toscana to the ayde of the Ghibelini. Vrbano quinto being come to the Papacie, Pope Vrba­no. 5. and vnderstanding of so manie Victories, determined to visite Italy and Rome: whether also came Carlo the Empe­rour; who (after a few months) went to the Kingdome, and the Pope to Auigni­on. Vrbano being dead, Gregorio duodecimo was created: and because then died the Cardinall Egidio, Italy was returned to trouble, occasioned by the Townes confe­derate against the Visconti. Wherevpon the Pope sent first a Legate into Italy with sixe thousand Brittaines, after in person followed himselfe, and setled the Court in Rome, in the yeare 1376. which had continued from thence in Fraunce 71. yeares. The Papall court retur­n [...]d to Rome. An. 1376. Af­ter the death of this Pope, was created Vrbano sexto. Shortly after at Fondi, ten Car­dinals (who said Vrbano was not well chosen) elected Clemente octauo. Then the Genouesi (who diuers yeares had liued vnder gouernment of the Visconti) rebelled. Betwixt them and the Venetians (for the Iland called Tenedo) grew Warres of great importance, and deuided all Italy. Great artille­ry first vsed in Italy 1376. In these Warres was great Shot and Artillarie first seene, as Instruments then newly deuised by the Almaines. And albeit the Ge­nouesi had for a time in this Warre the aduantage, and diuers moneths besieged Ve­nice, yet in the end the Venetians had the better, and by mediation of the Pope made peace, in the yeare 1381. Then chaunced a schisme in the Church, and Queene Gio­uanna fauored the Antipope: for which cause, Vrbano practised an enterprise against her, and sent Carlo Durezzo (descended of the Kings of Napoli) into the Kingdome; who there arriued, possessed himselfe, and forced the Queene to flye vnto [...]aunce. The French King therewith offended, sent Lodouico de Angio into Italy, to recouer the Kingdome for the Queene, remooue the Pope Vrbano, and put the Antipope in­to possession: but Lodouico in the midst of this enterprice died, and his Souldiers re­turned into Fraunce. The Pope in the meane while, went vnto Napoli, where hee imprisoned nine Cardinals, for hauing followed the faction of France, and the An­tipope. That done, he quarelled vvith the king, for not hauing made a nephew of his Prince of Capoua: yet faining not to force much thereof, desired to haue Nocera for his dvvelling, vvhere aftervvards he assembled great forces, and practised to de­priue the king. (The king then marching tovvards him,) the Pope tarried not, but fled to Genoua, vvhere he executed those Cardinals vvhom he had before impriso­ned. From thence he vvent to Rome, and there to giue himselfe reputation, created 28. Cardinals. At this time vvent Carlo king of Napoli to Vngaria, and vvas created king, and shortly after slaine: hauing left in Napoli his vvife vvith tvvo children, Ladislao and Giouanna. At this time also, Giouanni Galiazzo Visconti, had murdered Bar­nabo his vncle, & taken into his hands the state of Milan. And not content vvith the Dukedome of all Lombardy, he sought to be also Lord of Toscana. But vvhen he ho­ped to haue taken the possession, and be crovvned king of Italy, died. Next vnto Vrbano sexto, succeeded Bonifacio nono. Then died also in Auignion the Antipope Cle­mente septimo. And in his place vvas elected Benedetto 13. Pope Bene­detto 13. In these dayes liued in Italy many souldiers of forreine nations, English men, Almains, and Britaines: brought thi­ther partly by those Princes vvho many times had serued in Italy, and partly sent by the Popes, vvhen they remained at Auignion. Against these people, the princes of Italy long time made vvarre, and at length Lodouico da Conio arose, vvho making a company of Italians, calling the same S. Giorgio, their vertue & discipline tooke from the straungers all reputation, and brought the same to the Italians: of vvhom euer after the princes of Italy, in all their vvars vvere serued. The Pope by reason of the [Page 24] controuersie betwixt him and the Romanes, went vnto Scesi, where he remained till the Iubileo in the yeare 1400. At which time, the Romanes for their profit were con­tent he should returne to Rome, and also place there one Senator at his election: and therewith also to fortifie the Castle of S. Angelo. With these conditions the Pope re­turned, and the rather to enrich the Church, he ordained that euerie Benefice falling void, The first frutes of Be­nefices taken by the Pope. should pay the first frutes into the treasure house. After the death of Gicuan Gali­azzo Duke of Milan, albeit he left two sonnes called Giouanniariangelo and Philippo, yet his Countrey became diuided into manie parts. And in the troubles which there­by happened, Giouanniariangelo was slaine, and Philippo for a time remained prisoner in the Castle of Pauia: yet by good fortune, and fauour of the Captaine, was set at libertie. Among others that vsurped the possessions of this Duke, was Gulielmo Della Scalla: who (being a banished man) remained in the hands of Francesco de Car­rara Lord of Padoua; through whom he recouered the State of Verona, which hee enioyed not long, because Francesco procured him to be poisoned, and surprized the Cittie. Thereuppon the Vicentini (hauing liued quietly vnder the ensigne of the Visconti, and fearing the greatnes of Francesco) yeelded their obedience to the Vene­tians: who presently tooke armes against the Lord of Padoua, and first depriued him of Verona, and afterwards wan the Cittie of Padoua. In the meane space died Bo­nifacio, Pope Inno­centio 7. and Innocentio septimo was elected Pope: to whom the people of Rome pre­sented an humble request; desiring it might please his Holines to deliuer into theyr hands the Fortresses, and restore them to their libertie: which sute the Pope denied. The people then praied aid of Ladislao King of Napoli; yet afterwards falling to a­greement, the Pope returned to Rome, being fled from thence for feare of the peo­ple, and remained at Viterbo, where he had created a nephew of his to bee Earle of La Marca; which done, hee shortly after died, and Gregorio duodecimo was created Pope: with condition, that hee should resigne the Papacie, whensoeuer the Anti­pope did the like. By perswasion of the Cardinals, intending to make proofe, whether the Church could bee reunited or not; Benedetto Antipope came to Porto Venere, and Gregorio to Luca: where they practised manie matters, but nothing tooke effect; so that the Cardinals (both of the one and the other Pope) did forsake them. Pope Benedetto went into Spaine, and Gregorio to Rimini. The Cardinals on the o­ther part, with the fauour of Baldasarre Cossa Cardinall and Legate of Bologna, or­dained a Councell at Pisa, K. Ladislao de­posed by pope Alissandro 5. where they created Alissandro quinto, who did excommu­nicate Ladislao, giuing that Kingdome to Luigi de Angio: and then with the aide of the Florentines, Genouesi, and Venetians, togither with Baldaser Cossa Legate, assaulted Ladislao, and tooke from him Rome. But in the heate of this warre died Alissandro, and Baldaser Cossa was elected, calling himselfe Giouanni vicessimo tertio. He, departing from Bologna (beeing there made Pope) went from thence to Rome, and there met Luigi de [...] Angio, come thither with a Nauie from Prouenza. Then presently they assaulted Ladislao, and ouerthrew him: yet through the default of their Leaders, the victorie was not followed; by meanes whereof, within short space after, the King recouered an Armie, and againe surprized Rome. The Pope then fled to Bologna, and Luigi to the prouince. The Pope imagining how he might diminish the great­nes of Ladislao, found meanes that Sigismondo King of Vngaria should be chosen Em­perour, perswading him to come into Italy; which he did, and met with the Pope at Mantoua. There they agreed to call a Councell generall, and therein to reunite the Church: the rather to become able to withstand the force of their enemies. At that time were three Popes, Gregorio, Benedetto, and Giouanni, who made the Church exceeding weake, Three popes at one time. and without reputation. The place elected for this Councell, was Costanza a Citie of Germanie. But contrarie to the expectation of Giouanni, the [Page 25] death of Ladislao, remoued the occasion of Councell: notwithstanding, being alrea­die bound by promise, hee could not refuse to goe thither. Being arriued at Costan­za (ouerlate knowing this errour) he practised to flie thence, but was there staied, put in prison, and constrained to resigne the Papacie. Gregorio also the other Anti­pope, by his messenger resigned. Benedetto the third Antipope, refusing to resigne, was condemned for an heriticke, and being abandoned by his Cardinals, was in the end enforced to resigne. The Councell then created Oddo Colonna, who was called Pope Martino quarto. And so the Church, after fortie yeares of diuision was vnited, The Curch after fortie yeares diuisi­on, was vnited hauing bene all that time in the hands of diuerse Popes. In those dayes, (as hath bene beforesaid) Philippo Visconti, remained in the Castle of Pauia. But Fantino Cane, who (during the troubles of Lombardy) possessed himselfe of Vercelli, Allisan­dria, Nouara Tortona, and had also gathered great riches, then died. And not hauing anie heire, bequeathed his possessions to Beatrice his wife; desiring his friendes to procure she might be married to Philippo. By which marriage, Philippo became po­tent, and recouered Milan, with all the state of Lombardy. Afterwards, to declare himselfe thankfull for so great a benefit, he accused Beatrice of adulterie, and put her to death. Thus atteined to be a Prince most mightie, he beganne to thinke vpon the warres of Toscana, before entended by his father Giouan Galiazzo. Ladislao King of Napoli, at his death, left vnto his sister Giouanna, not onely the kingdome, but also a a great Armie, gouerned by the principall Leaders of all Italy. Among the chiefe of whom, was Sforza di Contignuola, in those dayes a man of warre, of singular re­putation. The Queene (the rather to eschue a slaunder by one Pandolfello a man brought vp by her selfe) tooke to husband Iacobo Della Marchia, who was descen­ded from the French Kings, vpon condition that hee would content himselfe to be called Prince of Tarranto; and suffer her to enioy the kingdome, with the gouern­ment thereof. Notwithstanding, so soone as he arriued at Naples, the souldiers cal­led him King, whereof great warres followed betwixt the wife and the husband: VVarre be­twixt Queene Giouanna, and her hus­band. and sometimes the one, & sometimes the other, had the vpper hand. But in the end, the Queene remained gouernour of the state, and afterwards became enemie to the Pope. Thereupon Sforza intending to driue her to a disaduantage, and inforce her to be glad of him, contrarie to all expectation gaue vp his enterteinment; by which meanes she remained vtterly disarmed, and not hauing other, fled for aide to Alfon­so King of Arragon and Sicilia, adopting him her sonne, and enterteined Braccio di Montone: who was in Armes no lesse esteemed, then was Sforza, & therwithall ene­my to the Pope, for hauing surprized Perugia, with some other townes belonging to the church. Afterwards a peace was taken betweene her and the Pope. Then the King Alfonso doubting least she wold entreat him as she had intreated her husband) sought secretly to possesse the Fortresses. But she being subtil, fortified her self in the Castle of Napoli. Suspitions thus growing in the minds of the one and the other, they came to fight, and the Queene with the helpe of Sforza (who was returned to her seruice) vanquished Alfonso: draue him out of Naples, Lodouico de Angio a­dopted king of Naples. depriued him of his adop­tion, and adopted Lodouico de Angio; whereof grew a great warre betwixt Braccio who had folowed Alfonso, & Sforza that fauoured the Queen. In the proceeding of these wars, Sforza occasioned to passe the riuer of Pescara, was there drowned: wher­by the Queene became again disarmed, & should haue bene driuen out of the king­dom, if Philippo Visconti Duke of Milā had not enforced Alfonso (proceeding on in his iourney against the Queen) to be staied. For hauing besieged Aquila, the Pope (sup­posing the greatnes of Braccio not to be good for the church) enterteined Frācesco the sonne of Sforza, against Braccio, & at Aquila slew him, & ouerthrew his army. On the part of Braccio, Oddo his son was saued, frō whō the Pope tooke Perugia, & left to him [Page 26] Montone: yet shortlie after, fighting for the Florentines in Romagna, was there slaine. So then, of all these that serued with Braccio, Nicholo Piccinino, remained of most re­putation. Now because we are come with our history neare to that time which I de­termined (and that the rest which remaineth vnspoken, importeth for the most part nothing else but the wars which the Florentines & Venetians had with Philippo Duke of Milan, which shall also be discoursed hereafter, when particulerly we entreate of Florence) I will not speak more therof, but briefly reduce to memorie in what termes Italy with the Princes and the souldiers of those daies remained. Among the princi­pall states, Queene Giouanni 2. held the kingdom of Napoli; La Marca, Patrimonio and Romagna. How Italy was gouerned and diuided. Part of the townes to these belonging, obeyed the church, & part of them were vsurped by tirants, or their ministers: as Farrara, Modena, & Reggio by the house of Este. Faenza by Manfredi; Imola by the Alidosi; Furli by the Ordelaffi: Rimino and Pesaro by the Malatesti; and Camerino by the house of Varano. The Prouinces of Lom­bardy, were partly gouerned by Philippo Duke of Milan, and partly by the Venetians. For all those that had therin any particuler states, were extirped (except the house of Gonzaga) which gouerned stil at Mantoua. In Toscana, the greatest princes that gouer­ned, were the Florentines: onely Lucca and Siena, liued with their lawes. Lucca vnder Guinici, Siena as absolutely free. The Genouesi, sometimes in libertie, and sometime in seruitude to the house of France, or Visconti, were without reputation, and among the meaner Potentates accounted. For all the principall Lords and Potentates, were at that time of their owne subiectes vtterly disarmed. The Duke Philippo liuing at home, and not suffering himselfe to be seene, his warres were altogither directed by ministers. The Venetians, so soone as they began to make warres by land, lost all that glorie which before vpon the sea they had gotten. And (following the custome of other Italians) by the direction of strangers gouerned their warres. The Pope be­ing a man of religion, and the Queene Giouanna a woman, did laie by their Armes: doing that for necessitie which others had done by election. The Florentines also, to like necessitie yeelded: for their sundry ciuil diuisions among themselues, had clear­ly extirped the Nobilitie, and left the Common weale to be gouerned by those that had bene brought vp in marchandise, and were therby enforced to abide the fortune of others. The discipline of warre then remained, only in the poore Princes, & Gen­tlemen that wanted liuing; and they not moued by any desire of glorie, but rather to become rich and assured, armed themselues. They then being wel practised in the warres (not hauing any other trade to liue) sought by the wars to make themselues strong and honourable. Among this number for their value, most renowned, were Carmignuola, Frācesco Sforza, Nicholo Piccinino, brought vp by Braccio, Agnolo della Per­gola, Lorenzo, and Michelletto Attenduly: Tartaglia, Giacopaccio Cecolino da Parugia, Ni­cholo di Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonio dal Ponte ad Hera, and others. Besides them were those great Lordes of whom I haue alreadie spoken. And with them, may be numbred the Orsini, and Calonnesi, Barrons of Rome, with some other Gentlemen of the kingdome, and of Lombardy: who making a misterie or art of the warre, had a­mong themselues a secret league and intelligence, whereby they protracted the ser­uice for their profit. And so, the Princes for whom they serued, were on both sides loosers. In conclusion, the warres became so cowardlie, that anie ordinarie Cap­taine, hauing in him but a shadow of the auncient vertue, might (to the admira­tion of all Italy) haue vanquished those souldiers: who through small wise­dome, and want of iudgement) were much honoured. Of these idle Prin­ces, and of these most base and cowardlie souldiers, this my Historie shall at large entreate. But first (as in the beginning I promised) it seemeth necessarie for me to returne backe, and tell the originall of Florence, letting euerie man [Page 27] to vnderstand fully, what was the state of that Cittie in those dayes▪ and by what meanes amongst so many troubles happened in Italy (during the space of a thousand yeares) the same hath still continued.

AMONG other great and maruellous orders of the auncient com­mon weales, & principallities (at this time decaied) was that wher­by new Townes and Citties were from time to time builded. For there is nothing more worthie an excellent Prince, or well gouer­ued common weale, nor more profitable to any Country, then the building vp of new Townes, where men may with commoditie, for defence and tilladge, assemble themselues: which thing those people might easily do, hauing in custome to send dwellers into such Countries as were either vnpeopled, or conquered; which people, were in those dayes called Col­lonies. For besides, that this order occasioned new Townes to be built, the same also did make the Country conquered, to be more assured to the Conquerers thereof. It also replenished the voyd places, and mainteined the people in such orders as they were planted: which wrought this effect, that men most commodiously inhabi­ting, did most multiply. They were also in the offence of others the more readie, and in defence of themselues more assured. That custome (being through negligence of common weales and Princes of this time, discontinued) doth occasion the weake­nesse and ruine of their Countries, because that only maketh euery gouernment assu­red, and euery Country (as is beforesaid) plentifully inhabited. The assurance grow­eth, because Collonies planted in any prouince newly conquered, is (as it were) a castle and gard, to hold the same in obedience. Besides that, no country wel inhabited, can maintaine the inhabitants thereof, nor continue them as they be planted, without that rule and order: for all places are not plentifull or wholesome, which is the cause that the people in the one do abound, and want in the other. So as if no meane be, to take away where is abundance, & supply where want is, that Country in short space must of force be ruined; because the one part thereof, through the small number of inhabitants becommeth desolate, and the other being ouercharged, oppressed with pouertie. And for that nature could not reforme this disorder, it is necessarie, that in­dustry should do it. For vnwholesome Countries planted full of people, comming thither all togither, do make the same healthful, by reason that the tilling of the earth doth alter the soyle; and the fiers, do greatly purge the aire; which things nature by her selfe could not. The experience thereof is seene by the Cittie of Venice, seated in a place paludious, and vnwholesome. Notwithstanding, the assemblie of many inhabitants come thither at one instant, did make the same healthy inough. Pisa like­wise, through the contagion of the aire, was neuer replenished, but when Genoua, [Page 28] and the riuers thereto belonging, were by the Sarasins destroyed, it enforced the people (driuen from their natiue countrey) to flye thither, and make that place well inhabited, and strong. This custome of sending Collonies being discontinu­ed, is the occasion that countreyes conquered, are holden with more difficultie; those that be emptie are not supplied, and countreyes ouer full are not disburthe­ned, whereby, manie parts of the world, and chiefly Italy, in respect of the anci­ent times, are become desarts. The reason thereof is, that there hath not bene, nor is not in Princes, anie desire of true glorie, nor in Common-weales anie ordi­nance that meriteth commendation. In the old time we see, that through vertue of these Collonies, Citties were often made new, and some others (alreadie begun) encreased: of which number was the Cittie of Florence, begunne by the people of Fiesole, and inlarged by Collonies. A thing most true it is (as Dante and Iohn Villano haue written) that the Cittie of Fiesole being set on the top of a mountaine, to occa­sion their markets to bee the more frequented, and giue commoditie to those that with their merchandize would resort thither, did giue order that they should not clime vp the hill, but stay in the plaine, betwixt the foote of the mountaine, & the riuer Arno. These markets (as I iudge) were occasion of the first building in that place. The merchants also being desirous to haue storehouses commodious for the receiuing of wares, made buildings there, which in time became houses of habi­tation. Afterwards, when the Romanes (hauing vanquished the Carthaginesi) had made Italy from forreine warres secure, in great numbers there they multiplied; for me [...] doo neuer seeke the defence of themselues, if by necessitie they are not incou­raged: and, as feare of warre doth constraine them willingly to inhabit barren pla­ces and strong, so that feare remooued, (allured with commoditie) more willing­ly they couet to dwell in Countryes pleasant and profitable. The securitie which grew in Italy by reputation of the Roman common-weale, might occasion the num­ber of the inhabitants to bee so great, as made this place to become (as it were) in forme of a Towne, and was at the beginning called Arnina. After that time, ciuill warres happened in Rome, first betweene Mario and Silla, then betwixt Cesare and Pompeio, and at last betweene the murtherers of Caesar, and those which sought to reuenge his death. It seemeth therefore, that first by Silla, and next by those three Citizens of Rome (that after the reuenge made for Caesar) diuided the Empire, Col­lonies were sent to Fiesole, who either all, or part, did plant their dwellings in the plaine neare vnto the Towne alreadie begun: insomuch, as the same was much en­larged, and so well replenished with buildings, men, and other things necessarie for ciuill life, as it became to be numbred among the Citties of Italy. Yet whence this name Firenze should be deriued, VVhereof the name of Florence is deri­ued. diuers men do diuersly hold opinion. Some suppose it so called of Florino, one of the chiefe of the Colloni. Others would not consent that it was called Florentia at the beginning, but Fluentia, because it was neare the riuer of Arno, which floweth. And they alledge the authoritie of Plinny, where he saith, that the people Fluentini be neare vnto Arno: which may be false, be­cause Plinny maketh demōstration where the Florentines were seated, not how they were called. And that word Fluentini must needes be corrupted, because Frontino and Cornelio Tacito (who wrote almost in the time of Plinny) do call the Towne Flo­rentia, and the people Florentini; for that long since in the time of Tiberio, they were gouerned according to the custome of other Cities in Italy. Cornelio reporteth also, that the Florentines had sent Embassadors to the Emperor, praying, that the waters of Chiane might not discend vppon their Countrie; neither is it reasonable, that the Citie should haue in one time two names. I beleeue therefore it was alwaies called Florentia. For what cause soeuer it was so named, or for what cause soeuer it had the [Page 29] beginning, most sure it is, that vnder the Empire of Rome, it had the foundation, & in the reigne of the first Emperours, Writers did make mention thereof. Moreouer, at such time as the barbarous people did persecute the Empire, Florence was by Tottila King of the Ostragotti defaced, and after 250. yeares by Carlo Magno reedified: from which time, till the yeares after Christ 1215. it continued vnder that fortune which others did, who then commanded in Italy. In which time, first gouerned there the posteritie of Carlo, then Barengarii, and last of all the Emperours of Germanie, as hath bene in our vniuersall discourse before declared. The Florentines could not in those times increase or do anie thing worthie memorie, for the authoritie of them, vnto whom it was subiect: notwithstanding, in the yeare 1010. and the day of S. Romolo, (a solemne Feast with the Fiesolane) they surprized Fiesole, and demolished the same; which they did, either with consent of the Emperours, or else at such times as one Emperor being dead, the other was not elected, whereby euerie man (for the pre­sent) remained at libertie. But since the Popes tooke vnto themselues more authori­tie in Italy, and the Germane Emperours grew weake, euerie Towne in that Prouince with lesse reuerence to their Prince, was gouerned. Insomuch, as in the yere 1080. in the time of Arrigo the third, Italy was openly diuided into faction betwixt him and the Church: notwithstanding the Florentines maintained themselues vnited, all the yere 1215. yelding to the victorious, without aspiring farther thā to saue themselues. But as to the bodies of men, the longer they bee healthie, the more dangerous and mortall are the sicknesses, when they happen: so Florence the more slowlie it follow­ed the factions, the more speedily and greeuously it was by them afterwards afflic­ted. The first occasion of diuision in that Citie, is most publiquely knowen, because it hath bene written by Dante and diuers others: neuertheles I thinke good briefely to speake thereof. There was in Fiorence (among others) of the mightie Families, The first deui­sion of Flo­rence. Buondelmonti, and Vberti; next vnto them were the Amidei and Donati. In the house of Donati was a Gentlewoman, a widow and rich, who hauing one onely daughter, a maiden of much beautie, whom within her selfe, shee determined to marrie vnto Buondelmonti a yong Gentleman, and the chiefe of his house. This her intent, ey­ther through negligence or delay of time (none beeing made priuie thereof) was deferred so long, that Buondelmonti was contracted to the daughter of Amidei: wher­with she greatly discontented, & supposing it were possible with the beautie of her daughter to stay the marriage, before the same should be solemnized: one day, see­ing Buondelmonti comming towards her house, came downe, her daughter follow­ing; and meeting him at the gate, said, I am very glad that you are now become ma­ried, yet was it my meaning you should haue had this my daughter, and with those words (she opened the gate) and shewed her vnto him. The Gentleman beholding the beautie of the maiden (which indeed was rare) and therewith considering that her parentage and portion was not inferiour to hers, whom he had alreadie taken, became exceedingly desirous to haue her. Then, not respecting his faith alreadie giuen, nor the iniurie he did in breaking the same, nor yet the inconuenience that might ensue thereof, said: Sith it hath pleased you to reserue your daughter for me, I should bee vnthankfull (beeing yet all in time) to refuse her. After the spea­king of these words (without farther delay) hee married her. This marriage beeing knowen, highly offended all the Familie of Amidei, and Vbarti: who were by his first marriage, allied. Then assembling themselues, and consulting to­gether, in the ende concluded, that such an iniurie might not bee borne without shame; nor the reuenge thereunto due, could bee other than the death of Buondelmonti. And albeit some did fore-cast the inconueniences that might followe such an Action: yet Moscha Lamberti sayde, that who so euer casteth [Page 30] all doubts, should neuer resolue anie thing; alleadging the auncient Prouerbe, A thing once done, is past remedie. Then gaue they the charge of this murther to bee performed by Moscha, Stiatta, Vberti, Lambertuccio, Amidei, Odorigo Fifanti. These men in the morning of Easter day, at the houre of Resurrection, assembled them­selues in the houses of the Amidei; by which streete, Buondelmonti passed the bridge vpon a white horse: and supposing (as it seemeth) that it had bene a thing as easie to forget an iniurie, as renounce a marriage, was at the foote of the bridge vnder an I­mage of Mars (which there is standing) assaulted, and slaine. This murther di­uided the whole Citie, the one halfe tooke part with Buondelmonti, the other with Vberti. These Families, by reason they were strong in houses, towers, and men, fought manie yeares, before the one could chase the other out of the Cittie: till at length (without anie firme peace made) a truce was taken, which according vnto occasion, was sometimes kept, and sometimes broken. Florence continued in these troubles, till the time of Federigo the second: who being also King of Napoli, was perswaded hee might encrease his dominion against the Church. And to make his authoritie more assured in Toscana, he fauoured the Vberti and their followers, who thereby draue out the Buondelmonti: By what means the fa­ctiōs of Guel­fi and Ghibi­lini arose in Florence. and so our Cittie (like vnto all other Townes of Italy) became diuided into Guelfi and Ghibilini. And it seemeth not superfluous to make mention of the Families that depended of the one and the other. Those that followed the faction of Guelfi, were Buondelmonti, Narli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Baldi, Pulci, Gherardini, Faraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sachetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramonti, Compiobbesi, Caualcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualerotti, Importu­ni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arregucci, Agli, Sitii, Adimari, Visdomi­ni, Donati, Pazzi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tebaldi, Cherchi. For the Ghibilini, were V­berti, Mannelli, Vbriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infanganti, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Capardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Capriani, Toschi, Ameri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Baruchi, Cattani, Agollanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsachi, Elisei, Abbati, Tedaldini, Giuochi, Caligai. Besides these noble houses, manie popular families ioyned in that action: so that welneare all the Cittie became corrupted with this diuision. But the Guelfi being driuen out, retyred themselues into Townes of the Vale of Arno, where their chiefe places of strength were, and (the best they could) against the furie of their enemies defended themselues. Federigo then dying, such as remained in Flo­rence and were men neuterall, hauing also credite with the people, thought better to reunite the Cittie, than holding it in diuision, vtterly to ouerthrow it. They there­fore found meanes, that the Guelfi (setting all iniurie aside) should returne, and the Ghibilini (without suspition) receaue them. They thus vnited, it seemed to them, that the time would well serue to frame an order for the libertie of the Cittie, be­fore the new Emperour should grow strong. For which purpose, they diuided the Cittie into sixe parts, and chose twelue Cittizens for euerie part to gouerne the same, An vnion and policie, setled in Florence. whom they called Antiani, and were changed euerie yeare. Also to remoue all offences, that might arise by Iudges, they elected two Straungers to that office, calling the one Captaine of the people, and the other Podesta: who were authorised to iudge all causes that happened in the Cittie, either ciuill or cri­minall. Also, because no order is assured without defenders thereof, they appointed in the Citie twentie Ensignes, and threescore and sixteene in the Countrey; vnder which all the youth was mustred, and commanded they should bee readie armed, euerie man vnder the ensigne whereto he belonged, whensoeuer he were either by the Captain or the Antiani called. And as the ensignes which those soldiers were ap­pointed vnto were diuers, so were the weapons diuersly diuided: for the crosbowes had their priuate ensigne, & the holberdiers theirs. Also at euerie feast of Penticost, [Page 31] with great pompe they erected new ensignes, and appointed new Captaines, & trai­ned the souldiers to such perfection, as euerie man knew in what order hee should march, retire, and charge the enemy. Then they caused a great chariot couered with redde, and drawne by two Oxen, to carry their chiefe ensigne, of colour white and redde. Whensoeuer they intended to assemble all their forces, they commanded this Chariot to be brought into the market place, and with great ceremony giue charge thereof to the chiefe Captaines of the people. They had also for the magnificence of their enterprise, a greatbell called Martinella, which was rung continually one whole moneth before their Army was brought into the field: to the end that the enemie might prepare for his defence. So great was the vertue of men in those dayes, and so honourably they proceeded in their actions: where at this present to assaile the ene­my sodeinly and without warning, is thought to be a wise and honourable thing, in those dayes the same was holden cowardly, and dishonourably. This Bell was also carried with the Army, and by the sound thereof the watches and other orders of the Campe were commanded. Vpon these martiall ordinances and ciuill rules, the Florentines laide the foundation of their libertie. Neither can it bee imagined how great authoritie and force that Cittie in short space atteined vnto. So that it became not onely chiefe of Toscana, but also was accounted amongst the best Cities of Italy, and should haue so continued, had not the often and new diuisions disturbed the same: vnder this gouernment the Florentines liued tenne yeares, within which time they enforced the Pistoiesi, Aretini, and Senesi, to make league with them. Returning from Sienna with their Army, they surprized Volterra, and demolished some castles, leading the inhabitants of them to Florence. All which enterprises were performed by counsell of the Guelfi, who could do much more then the Ghibilini, because they for their insolencie during the raigne of Federigo were hated of the people. The fac­tion of the church also much more loued, then the faction of the Emperour: because the Florentines hoped thereby to preserue their libertie, but beeing vnder the Empe­rour they feared to loose it. The Ghibilini then seeing themselues bereft of authoritie, could not liue contented, but still aspecting occasion to recouer the gouernment, and seeing Manfredi sonne of Federigo, possessed of the kingdome of Napoli, who had also discomforted the forces of the church, thought the time come to serue their purpose. Secretly then they practised with him to take their authoritie vppon him, but their practise was not so cunningly handled, but that the same was discouered to the Antiani, who presently sent for the Vbarti. They not onely refused to appeare, but also tooke Armes, and fortified themselues in their houses: wherwith the peo­ple offended, likewise tooke Armes, and ayding the Guelfi, enforced them and all the rest of the Ghibilini to abandon Florence, and go vnto Siena. King Manfre­di, a chiefe of the Ghibilini. From whom they prayed aide of Manfredi king of Napoli, and by the industry of Farrinata Vberti, the Guelfi vp­on the riuer Arbia, receiued so great an ouerthrow and slaughter, as those that were saued, returned not to Florence; but supposing their Cittie lost, fled into Lucca. The chiefe Captaine of those souldiers sent by Manfredi, was Earle Giordano, a man of war in that time greatly esteemed. Hee, after the victorie, went with the Ghibilini to Flo­rence, reducing the citie wholly to the obedience of Manfredi, deposing the magi­strates, and altering euerie other order, whereby might appeare any forme of liber­tie. Which iniurie with small wisdom committed, was generally of the people taken in great disdaine, and of friends to the Ghibilini, they became mortal enemies, wher­of, with time, grew their vtter ruine. The Earle Giordano, hauing occasion to return to Napoli for the seruice of that kingdome, left in Florence as deputie for the king, the Earle Guido Nouella, Lord of Casentino, who at Empoli assembled a Councell of Ghibi­lini, it was necessarie to raze Florence, as apt (by reason the people were Guelfi) to [Page 32] recouer force for the aide of the church. To this so cruell a sentence in preiudice of that noble citie, there was no citizen nor friend ( Farinata Vbarti excepted) that appo­sed himself. He openly & without respect spake in fauour therof, & laid, that he had not laboured nor aduentured himselfe in so many perils, but to the end he might in­habit his natiue country; & would not loose that he had so long sought, nor shunne that which fortune had laid vpō him. Yea, being no lesse enemy to them that should so determine, then he had bene to the Guelfi, he wold not refuse to fauour his coun­try, Farinata V­berti. hoping that his vertue which had chased out the Guelfi from Florence, should al­so defend the same. Farinata was a man of great courage, excellent in the wars, chief of the Ghibilini, and greatly esteemed of Manfredi: his opinion therefore preuailed, and new means were thought vpō how to preserue the state. The Guelfi (before fled to Lucca for feare of the Earles threatning) were sent away from thence, and went to Bologna: frō whence they were called by the Guelfi of Parma, to go with them to an enterprise against the Ghibilini, wherin by their vertue the enimies were vanquished, and they recouered their owne possessions. The Duke of Angio, called into Italy by the Pope. So that encreasing in riches & honour, knowing also that Pope Clemente had sent for Carlo of Angio, to take the kingdome from Manfredi, by Ambassaders they offered him their seruice: and the Pope did not onely receiue them for his friendes, but also gaue them his Ensigne; which e­uer sithence the Guelfi haue carried in their warres; and is that, which at this day is vsed in Florence. King Manfre. dislaine. Then was Manfredi by Carlo dispossessed of his kingdome and slain. In which enterprise, the Guelfi of Florence happening to be present, their faction gained reputation, and the Ghibilini became the weaker. Whereupon, those that go­uerned with the Earle Guido at Florence, thought it meere by some benefit to winne the loue of the people, which with many iniuries had before that time bene lost. For those remedies which before this time of necessitie would haue preuailed, vsing them now without order, and out of time, did not onely hurt, but also hasten their ruine. They then thought good to make the people friends and partakers of such honours and authoritie, as had bene taken from them: and elected thirtie sixe Ci­tizens Commoners, who with two Gentlemen (called from Bologna) should re­forme the state of the Citie. They thus assembled, presently diuided the Citie into Arts or Misteries: New ordinan­ces in Florēce. ouer euery one of which Misteries, they appointed one Magistrate to do iustice to all those within his gouernment. They ordeined also an Ensigne to euerie Misterie: to the end, that all men might repaire therunto armed, whensoeuer occasion did serue. These Misteries, were in the beginning twelue, seuen great, and fiuelesse. Afterwards, the lesse Misteries encreased to fourteene, so then the number was, (as at this present it is) twenty one. The thirtie six men appointed for reforma­tion, practised many things for the benefit of the people. The Earle Guido for the paying of the souldiers imposed a Subsidie vppon the Citizens: whom hee found so vnwilling therewith. as hee durst not enforce them to paie those summes that were imposed. And supposing to haue lost the state, he ioyned himselfe with the chiefe of the Ghibilini; which done, determined to take that frō the people by force, which they for want of iudgement had graunted. For that purpose assembling the souldiers Armed, and accompanied with the thirtie sixe Reformers, hee made an Alarum, and foorthwith the Reformers retired themselues to their houses, and the Ensignes of the Misteries came foorth, followed by many Armed men, who vnderstanding that the Earle Cuido with his followers, were at Saint Giouan­ni, they made head at Saint Trinita, and there elected Giouanni Sodarini, theyr Captaine. The Earle on the other side, hearing where the people were, mar­ched towardes them, who fled not, but assoone as the Earle drew neare, char­ged him neare vnto the place called Loggio delli Tornaquinci. There they [Page 33] forced the Earle to retire with the slaughter, and losse of many his souldiers. The Earle fearing that his enemy (seeing his souldiers maimed and weary) would assault him, and in the night kill him: determined forthwith to flie, and so saue himselfe. So as contrarie to the counsell of the gouernours and others of his faction, he pre­sently fled with his men to the Citie of Prato. So soone as hee came thither, finding himselfe out of feare, being in a place of securitie, remembred how great an errour he had committed: and desirous to amend the same, the next morning earely, mar­ched with his men towards Florence: offering to enter the Citie by force, which by cowardise hee had abandoned, but that attempt tooke no successe, for the people which with difficultie might haue driuen him away, with facilitie could hold him out. So that with great sorow and shame, he went vnto Casentino, and the Ghibilini to their vilages. Thus the people remained with victorie, and for the comfort of those which loued the common wealth, determined to reunite the citie, and call home all citizens as well Ghibilini as Guelfi: by meanes whereof, the Guelfi after sixe yeares ab­sence from the citie were returned. And the Ghibilini (notwithstanding the memorie of their late iniurie) were pardoned and put in their country: yet much hated both of the people and the Guelfi; for these could not forget their exile, and those remem­bred too much the tyrannie which was vsed during their authoritie: which things, caused that neither the one nor the other were contented. While in this forme the Florentines liued, it was reported, that Corradino nephew to Manfredi, should come with forces from Germany to the conquest of Napoli. Whereupon the Ghibilini tooke heart and hope, thereby to recouer their authoritie. And the Guelfi began to thinke how they might assure themselues of their enemies: for which purpose, they prai­ed king Carlo to defend them in the time of Corradino his passage. The souldiers of Carlo being in march, made the Guelfi insolent, and amazed the Ghibilini so much, that two dayes before they arriued (without any violence offered) they fled. The Ghibi­lini thus departed, the Florentines reordeined the state of their citie, & elected twelue chiefe men to be magistrates, and gouerne their citie for two moneths, New ordinan­ces in Florēce by the Guelfi. whom they called not Antiani, but Buoni Homini. Next vnto them, they appointed a Councell of fourescore Citizens, which they called La Credenza. After them, were an hundreth and fourescore Commoners, who with the Credenza and the twelue Buoni Homini, were called the Councell generall. They ordeined moreouer one other Councell of a hundreth and twentie Citizens, of the Comonaltie and Nobilitie mixed, which should giue perfection, & confirmation to al things determined in the other Coun­cels. This gouernment thus setled, the faction of the Guelfi, togither with the Ma­gistrates fortified the citie, to the end they might the better defend themselues from the Ghibilini, whose goods they diuided into three parts: the one, they imployed to publike vses: the second was giuen to the Captaines; the third diuided amongst the Guelfi, in recompence of their losses. The pope also to maintain the Guelfi in Toscana, ordeined the King Carlo to bee Lieftenant Emperiall of that countrey. The Floren­tines thus holding themselues in reputation, by vertue of these new orders, gouer­ned all things well, with their lawes at home, and with their armes abroad. Then died the Pope, and after long disputation, in the end of two yeares, Gregorio decimo was elected: who hauing bene long time in Soria (and was at the time of his electi­on) did not make so great account of the factions, as his predecessors had done. But returning home towards France, being arriued at Florence, to performe the office of a good Pastor, sought to vnite that citie: wherein he preuailed so farre with the Flo­rentines, as they were content that Commissioners for the Ghibilini might be receiued into Florence, to solicit the return of their faction, which was concluded. Notwith­standing, the Ghibilini were so terrified, as they durst not come home. The Pope laid [Page 34] the fault thereof to the citie, F [...]orence ex­comunicate. and being offended, did excommunicate the same. In which displeasure, the Florentines continued all the life of that Pope: but after his death the citie was absolued by Pope Innocentio quinto; to whom succeeded Nicho­lao tertio, The Pope euer suspiti­ous. descended of the house of Orsini. And because the Popes had alwaies in su­spition those that aspired to greatnes in Italy, (although by the fauour of the church they were thereunto atteined) sought alwaies to put them backe. Therof grew ma­ny tumults and often variations, for the feare of him that was become strong, occa­sioned the aduancement of an other that was weake, who beeing likewise growne vp, was forthwith feared, and being feared, cast downe. This was the cause, that oc­sioned the kingdome to be taken from Manfredi, and giuen to Carlo. This was also that which caused the Pope to mistrust Carlo, and seek his distruction. Nicholao tertio then, for the reasons beforesaid, sound meanes through the helpe of the Emperour, that the gouernment of Toscana was taken from Carlo: and in his place hee sent thi­ther Latino his Legate. At that time Florence remained in verie hard estate; because the Nobilitie of the Guelfi were become insolent, and feared not the Magistrates: so as euerie of them committed murthers, and other violences without any iustice or punishment of those that committed the same; because they were alwaies by one or other great person fauoured. To bridle this great insolencie, it was by the chiefe of the people thought good to reuoke such as were banished: which gaue oppor­tunitie to the Legate, New ordi­nances in Flo­rence. to reunite the citie; and the Ghibilini returned home. In the place of twelue gouernours, there were foureteene made, for euerie part seuen, to gouerne the cittie during one yeare: and they to be elected by the Pope. Florence continued in this order of gouernment two yeares. Then Pope Martino aspired to the Papacie, who being a French man, restored vnto king Carlo, all that authoritie which the Pope Nicholao had taken from him: wherby the factions in Toscana were suddeinly reuiued. For the Florentines tooke Armes against the Emperours Gouer­nour, to depriue the Ghibilini of the gouernment: therewith also to hold the great men in awe, they ordeined a new forme of gouernment. The yeare 1282. beeing come, the companies of the Misteries hauing receiued their Magistrates & Ensigns, became greatly esteemed. Florence re­formed. They among themselues, elected in the place of the four­teene, three Citizens to remaine two moneths gouernours of the common-weale, and called them Priori: who might be either Commoners or Gentlemen, so that they were Merchants of some Misterie. Afterwards the chiefe Magistracie was reduced to sixe men, so as in euery part of the citie there might be one: which order conti­nued till the yeare 1342. At which time the cittie was diuided into quarters, and the number of Priori encreased to nine, and diuerse times in that meane while (by reason of some accident) they were in number twelue. This Office was the meane (as shall hereafter appeare) that the Nobilitie was ruined; for then by many occasions they were excluded, and afterwards without respect oppressed; whereunto the Nobi­litie at the beginning consented: for they vnwilling to bee vnited with the people, and desiring to haue all the state into their hands, and the people hauing like desire, became both loosers. Then they appointed a pallace for their office, where by aunci­ent custome, the Magistrates and Counsellours assembled, who were in honourable fort by Serieants and other Ministers there attended, albeit at the erection of this of­fice, Priori. the officers were called Priori: yet afterwards (for more magnificence) was ioy­ned therunto the name of Signory. The Florentines for a space, among themselues re­mained quiet, during which time they made warre vppon the Aretini, because they had banished the Guelfi: and in Campaldino most fortunately wonne the victory. The cittie then encreasing in men and riches, thought good to encrease also the wals ther­of, and therefore inlarged the circuit of the same to that compasse, which now wee [Page 35] see: for before that time the Diametre thereof, was onely that space which is from the old bridge, to S. Lorenzo. The wars abroad, and peace at home, Discord be­tween the no­bility and the people. had (as it were) worne out of Florence the factions of Guelfi and Ghibilini. Then remained only those humors (which naturally were wont to be in euerie cittie) betwixt the Nobilitie and the people. For the people desirous to liue according to law, and the great men studying to command them, becommeth a thing impossible they should accord to­gither. This humour, so long as the Ghibilini held the citie in awe, was not discoue­red; but so soone as they were vanquished, it shewed the force thereof: for euerie day some popular man was iniured, and Magistrates knew not by what meanes to punish the same, because euerie Gentleman with the force of his friends defended himselfe. The Magistrates of the misterie, studying to remedie so great a mischiefe, prouided that euerie Senate in the beginning of their authoritie should create one Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, a man elected in the number of Commoners, vnto whom was appointed one thousand men, vnder twentie Ensignes readie at all occasions to maintaine iustice, whensoeuer they were by their Gonfalone or their Captaine com­manded. The first chosen was Vbaldo Ruffoli, he drew forth the Gonfalone, and razed the houses of the Galetti: because one of that Family had in France slaine a popular man. It was an easie thing for the misteries to make this order, by reason of the great hatred among the Nobilitie, who considered not of any prouision against them, till such time as they felt the bitter execution thereof; which, at the first gaue them great terror: neuerthelesse afterwards, they returned to their wonted insolencie. For alwaies some one of the Nobilitie being an Officer, had therby meanes to hin­der the Gonfaloniere, in execution of his office. Moreouer, for that euerie accuser must produce his witnesse to proue the offence offered, and no man for feare of the Nobilitie durst giue witnesse, the citie in short space returned to the former discord: and the people iniured in the same sort as they were wont to bee; because iudge­ment was slow, and execution thereof wanted. The populer sort then not know­ing what course to take, Giano della Bella, a Gentleman of auncient race (yet there­with one that loued the libertie of his Country) encouraged the chiefe of the mi­steries to reforme the disorders of the citie. New ordinan­ces in fauour of the people. By this Councell it was ordeined that the Gonfaloniere should remaine with the Priori, and haue foure thousand men at his commandement. They likewise made all the Nobilitie vncapable of the Senate, and euery man that was accessarie in anie offence, to be as subiect to punishment as the principall. They decreed moreouer, that publique fame should suffice to receiue condemnation by the lawes, which they called Ordinamenti della Giustitia. By this mean the people gained great reputation, and Giano della Bella much hated: because thereby he became euill thought of by the Nobilitie, and reputed one that oppres­sed their authoritie. The rich Commoners did also enuie him, for that they imagi­ned his credit ouermuch, which at the first occasion was so proued. For it shortly after happened, that in a fraie, one of the people chanced to be slaine; at which con­flict diuerse Gentlemen were present; and among the rest, Corso Donati: vnto whom (as the most quarrelsome of the companie) the fault was laid, and by the Captaine of the people apprehended. Howsoeuer it were, either that Corso had not offended, or that the Captaine feared to commit him, he was presently set at libertie. Which deliuerie so greatly offended the people, that they tooke Armes and ranne to the house of Giano della Bella, Giano della Bella. desiring him to be a meane that those lawes might be ob­serued, whereof he had bene the inuentor. Giano willing that Corso should be pu­nished, did not (as many thought he would do) cause the people to laie down their Armes, but perswaded them to go vnto the Senate, and praie them to looke vnto the matter. The people, in the meane while much moued, and supposing the Captaine [Page 36] to haue offered iniurie, and also that Giano had forsaken them; went not to the Senat, but vnto the Captaines pallace, which they tooke and sacked. That fact greatly dis­pleased all the Citizens, and those that desired the fall of Giano accused him, laying all the fault to his charge. Amongst the Lords of the Senate, one of his enemies hap­pened to be: who accused him to the Captaine, for hauing stirred the people to sedi­tion. During the time that this cause was in debating, the people armed, went againe to the house of Giano, and offered him defence against the Senators his enemies. But Giano would neither make proofe of this populer fauour, nor yet commit his life to the Magistrates, because he feared the lewdnesse of these, and the inconstancie of those, so as to take occasion from his foes to offend him, and from his friendes to harme their countrey, he determined to depart, and so giuing place to enuie, and to deliuer the Citizens from that feare they had of him, went into voluntarie exile: not­withstanding he had with his great perill, deliuered the citie from seruitude of the Nobilitie. After his departure, the Nobilitie hoped greatly to recouer their digni­ties, and iudging that all their euill was by his mean procured, they assembled them­selues togither, and sent two of them to the Senate (which they thought did fauour them much) to entreate that by the same, the seuere lawes made to their preiudice, might in something be quallified: which request being knowne, troubled much the people, Diuision be­twixt the No­bilitie and people. fearing that the Senators would grant the same: Insomuch as the desire of the Nobilitie, & the suspitiō of the people, drew them to the sword. The Nobilitie made head in three places, at S. Giouanni, in the new market place, and in the Piazza di Mozzi. Their Captaines were, Forese Adimari, Vanni di Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people on the other side, with their Ensigne, in great numbers assembled at the Se­nators pallace, who at that time dwelt neare vnto S. Bruocolo: and because the people had that Senate in suspition, they ioyned with them six Citizens for the gouernment. While the one and the other part prepared themselues to fight, some of the people, and some of the Nobilitie, Perswasions to the Nobi­litie to laie downe armes. togither with certaine religious men of good fame, came betweene them and perswaded a peace: Letting the Nobilitie vnderstand, that the cause why the honours from them was taken, and the lawes against them made, pro­ceeded of their owne pride and euil gouernment. And because they had before that time, taken Armes to recouer that which through their owne diuision and euil be­hauiour had bene taken from them, it would not do other then occasion the ruine of their country, and hinder themselues. It was moreouer said vnto them, that the people, in number, riches and mallice, was much their superiour: and that these no­ble men by whom they thought to oppresse others, would not fight, but went their waies, so soone as the fight began. It was therefore a folly for them, against so great a multitude to contend. Perswasions vsed to the people. They perswaded the people on the other side, that it was no wisedome to seeke their will by way of extremitie, and that it was no part of iudge­ment to driue men into desperation: for whosoeuer hopeth of no good, feareth no euill. They ought also to remember, that the Noble men were those, which in the warres had honored the citie: therfore it was no reason nor iust occasion, why they should be so greatly hated. And moreouer, although the Nobilitie could be content not to possesse the supreame offices, yet would they not endure to be driuen out of their Country. It were therefore well done to laie Armes aside and grow to agree­ment, not trusting to the multitude of the people: for it hath bene often seene, that the greater number haue by the lesse bene vanquished. Vpon these speeches grew diuers opinions among the people: many wold haue fought, as a thing that of force at one time or other must be; and therefore was better to do the same now, then af­terwards when their enemies were become stronger. And though it were beleeued that by mittigation of the lawes, the Nobilitie wold become contented, yet the pride [Page 37] of them was such, as without enforcement would neuer rest. Others of the peo­ple, wiser, better aduised, and of more quiet disposition, thought that the mitigation of the lawes was no great matter: but to fight one part against the other, was a thing of great importance. So in the end, this opinion preuailed, and it was prouided, that no accusation against any of the Nobilitie, should bee receiued without witnesses. The Armes of the one and the other side, thus laide aside, either of them continu­ed full of suspition: fortifying themselues in their houses, and preparing weapons anew. Then the people reordeined the gouernment, restraining the same into a smal number, mooued thereto, because that Signoria had bene fauoured of the Nobili­tie: of whom, the chiefe were, Mancini, Magalotti, Altouiti, Peruzzi, and Ger­rettani. The state thus setled, for more magnificence, and securitie of the Senate, New refor­mation in Flo­rence 1298. in the yeare 1298. they builded their Pallace, and made a Court before it, of that place where the houses of the Vberti sometimes were. At this verie time were also the common prisons begunne, and within few yeares after, finished. For in those daies, our cittie was in as great and happie estate, as at anie time it hath bene: being full of men and reputation. The number of Cittizens fit for the warres, were num­bred at thirtie thousand: and the people of the Countrey able for that purpose, amounted to threescore and tenne thousand. All Toscana, either as subiects or friends obeyed vs. And albeit betwixt the Nobilitie and people, some indignation and su­spitiō were, yet no euil effect thereof followed, but euery man neighborly & peace­ably liued. And had not this peace bene by new enimitie within the cittie disturbed, no forreine disorder could haue molested the state: because the cittie stood in such tearmes that it neither feared the Empire, nor those that were banished. And against all the states of Italy, it was of force sufficient to defend it selfe. That iniury therfore, New diuision of the Bianchi which external forces could not do, by inward discord was performed. There were in Florence two families, one called Circhi, the other Donati; in riches, Nobilitie, and men mightie. Betweene them (being both in Florence, and the Country neare neigh­bors) there grew displeasure, yet not so great, as to occasion the vse of armes: neither would there perhaps thereof haue growne any great matter, had not the same bene by some new occasions encreased. Among the chiefe houses of Pistoia, is that of Can­cellieri. It happened that Lore sonne of Guglielmo, and Geri sonne of Bertaccio (both of that familie) playing togither, fell into quarrell, and Geri of Lore was lightly hurt. This chance greeued Guglielmo much: and thinking with curtesie to amend the mat­ter, made the same much worse. For he commanded his sonne to go vnto the house, where the father of the hurt man dwelled, and there aske pardon. The yoong man obeyed his father. Notwithstanding, that humble act, did no whit decrease the bit­ter disposition of Bertaccio, who caused Lore to be taken and holden by his seruants, till his hand were cut off; saying vnto him, return home vnto thy father, and tel him that wounds be cured with steele, and not with words. The crueltie of this fact so greatly offended Guglielmo, that he armed his friends to reuenge it. Bertaccio on the other side armed, to defend himselfe. Whereby, not onely these families, but all the cittie of Pistoia was diuided. And because these Cancellieri, were descended frō one of that name, who had two wiues: the one named Biancha, the one party being descēded of that woman, called their faction Biancha: the other partie to take a name contrarie) was called Nera. Betwixt them, at diuerse times diuerse conflicts and slaughters of men followed. At length both parties growing wearie, and yet not knowing how to be reconciled, did desire, either to make an end of their discord, or else to draw others into quarrels with them, and so encrease their faction. For which purpose they come to Florence. And the Neri hauing familiar acquaintance with the Donati, were by Corso (chiefe of that house) fauoured: which the Bianchi vnderstanding, to make [Page 38] themselues strong and able to resist the Donati, resorted to Veri dei Circhi: a man in euerie condition no whit inferiour to Corso. This humour come from Pistoia, en­creased the olde hate betweene the Circhi and Donati: and was alreadie so apparant, that the Priori and other good Cittizens feared euerie houre, least some slaughter would therof ensue: and the whole citie be diuided. For preuenting whereof, they resorted vnto the Pope, desiring him, that with his authoritie he would take order for these quarrels, which they themselues could not. The Pope sent for Veri, and pressed him to make peace with the Donati, whereat Veri seemed to maruell, & said, he had no quarrell vnto them, & because euerie peace presupposeth war, sith no war was betweene them, he knew not why any peace should be required. Then Veri returned from Rome without other conclusion. These humours so encreased, that euery small accident (as often it happeneth) was like to bring great disturbance. In the moneth of May, (at which time the youth of Florence on feastiuall dayes doo disport themselues publiquely in the streetes) it happened certaine yoong men of the Donati, with their friends, to come on horsebacke to behold the women daun­cing, neare vnto S. Trinita, where staying awhile, thither chanced to come certaine Gentlemen of the house of Circhi: they also bringing with them some of their friends. They not knowing that the Donati were there (who stood before them) desirous to see the daunce, pressed forward with their horses, and shouldred them. Wherewith the Donati finding themselues offended, drew their swordes: and the Circhi as brauely prepared themselues to answere the assault. After many hurts gi­uen and taken, euerie man departed his way. This disorder happened in a very vn­happie houre, because the whole Citie vpon that occasion was diuided: as well the people, as the great men, and the parties tooke name of Bianchi and Neri. The chiefe of the faction Bianchi, were the Circhi, and with them ioyned Adimari Ab­bati, some of the Tosinghi, Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Nerli, Mannelli, all the Mozzi, Scali, Gherardini, Caualcanti, Malespini, Bostechi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Ari­guzzi. They were also followed by many populer families, and all the Ghibi­lini that were in Florence. So that through the great number that tooke part with them, they had welneare all the sway of the Cittie. The Donati on the other side, were chiefe of the partie Nera, and with them the rest of those families before na­med, that ioyned not with the Bianchi: and besides them, all the Pazzi, Spini, Buon­delmonti, Gianfiliazzi, and Brunelleschi. This humour did not only infect the Cit­tie, but also diuided the whole countrey. Whereupon the Captaines of misteries, with euerie other of the Guelfi that loued the Common weale, did feare, least the diuision should with time, ruine the cittie, and reuiue the Ghibilini. Wherefore they sent againe to Pope Bonifacio, to the end hee should deuise meane to saue that cittie, which had bene alwaies a shield of the church: and now likely either to be destroyed, or become subiect to the Ghibilini. The Pope sent then vnto Florence a Legate called Mattheo de Acqua Sparta, a Cardinall of Portugall, who finding dif­ficultie in the Bianchi (which part as hee thought was the greater) feared the lesse, and departing from Florence offended, did excommunicate the cittie: whereby it became in worse estate then before his comming. Then the mindes of all men being full of offence, it happened that manie of the Circhi and Donati, meeting at a buriall, fell to words, and from words, to swordes. Whereof for that time followed nothing but tumult and disorder, and so euerie man returned home. The Circhi then determined to assault the Donati, with great numbers of people went to seeke them. But by the vertue of Corso they were put backe, and manie of them also verie sore wounded. All the Cittie was vp in Armes, the Signori, and the Lawes were trodden downe with furie of greate men. [Page 39] The wisest and best Cittizens liued full of suspition. The Donati and their par­takers feared moste, because they could doo least. Thereuppon Corso, and the other heades of the Neri, togither with the Captaines of the misteries, re­solued to entreate the Pope, to sende vnto Florence some one of the blood roy­all, hoping by his meanes to oppresse the Bianchi. This assembly and resoluti­on was notified to the Priori, and of the aduerse part complained vpon, as a con­spiracie against the libertie of the Cittie. Both the factions being at that time in Armes, the Senators (of whome Dante happened to bee one) by his coun­saile and wisedome, tooke courage and Armed the people, with whome also ioyned manie of the Countrey. And so inforcing the heades of the factions to laie downe their Armes, banished Corso Donati, with the others of the part Ne­ra. Moreouer, the Senators seeming to be indifferent in this iudgement, confi­ned some of the Bianchi: who shortly after vnder colour of honest occasions re­turned home. Corso and his friends imagining themselues fauoured by the Pope, went vnto Rome, and with their presence perswaded the Pope vnto that, which before they had written. Carlo di val­loys, made Gouernor of Horence. It happened at the same time that Carlo de Vallois the French Kings brother was in the Popes Court, called into Italy by the King of Na­poli, to go into Sicilia. The Pope thought good (being desired thereunto by the ba­nished men of Florence) to sende him to remaine at Florence, till such time as the season of the yeare better serued to passe the seas. Then went Carlo to Florence, and although the Bianchi who then gouerned, had him in suspition, yet because hee was chiefe of the Guelfi and sent by the Pope, they durst not gainsay his comming, but to make him their friend, they gaue him authoritie to dispose of the Cittie according to his owne discretion. Carlo hauing receiued this po­wer, armed all his friends and followers: which gaue the people great suspition that hee intended to vsurpe the libertie. For preuenting of which mischiefe, or­der was giuen, that euerie Cittizen should arme himselfe, and stand with weapon at his owne doore, to be readie, if Carlo should at his entrie happen to enterprise any thing. The Circhi and other heads of the faction Biancha (hauing bene a while chiefe of the Common weale, and borne themselues in their offices proudly) were come into vniuersall hatred, which encouraged Corso and others, banished men of the faction Nera, to come to Florence; knowing that Carlo with the Captaines of companies would fauour them. When the Citie through the mistrust of Carlo was armed, Corso with the banished men and many others that followed him, came vn­to Florence: and without let, entered the Citie. And though Veri de Circhi, was per­swaded to haue encountred him, yet would he not, saying that the people of Florence (against whom he came) and not he should punish him. But the contrary came to passe, for he was by the people receiued, and not punished. And it behoued Veri for his owne safetie to flie. For Corso hauing entered the gate called Pinti, made head at S. Pietro Maggiore, neare to his owne house, whither many friends and many people desirous of noueltie, came. And first deliuered all the prisoners that had bene either for publique or priuate cause committed. Then they enforced the Senators to returne to their houses as priuate persons: and elected in their places populer men of the faction Nera. For fiue dayes also they sacked those that were the chiefe of the part of Biancha. The Circhi and other Princes of that faction were gone out of the Citie, and retired to their places of force. And not seeing Carlo to entermedle, the greater part of the people became their enemies. Wherupon though they would not before follow the Councell of the Pope, now they were inforced to pray his aide, letting him vnderstand, that Carlo was come to disunite, and not to vnite the Citie. Then the Pope sent againe his Legate, Mattheo d'Acqua Sparta, who perswaded a peace [Page 40] betweene the Circhi and the Donati, confirming the same with new alliances and marriages. Hee also laboured that the Bianchi might bee partakers of the Of­fices in gouernment: whereto the Neri (mistrusting the state should receiue thereby some hinderance) would not consent. The Legate thereuppon grew offended, and departed from thence as discontented, as hee had bene the time before, leauing the Cittie disobedient and cursed. Thus remained the one and the other part euill satisfied. The Neri seeing their aduersaries at hand, feared least with their ruine, they should recouer the authoritie by them lost. And the Bianchi seeing themselues depriued of authoritie and honour, therewith be­ing had in disdaine and suspition, were offered new iniuries. Nicholo de Circhi, accompanied with diuerse his friendes, and going towards his possessions, pas­sing the bridge Affrico, was there assaulted by Simone sonne of Corso Donati. This conflict was great, and of either side verie bloodie: for Nicholo was slaine, and Simone so hurt, as the next night hee died. This chaunce troubled all the Cittie anew, and albeit the part Nera was therein most culpable, yet by those that gouerned, they were defended. Also, before iudgement giuen, was dis­couered, that the Bianchi had entered a conspiracie with Pietro Feranti, a Bar­ron belonging to Carlo. In which treason, they practised to place themselues againe in the gouernment. This matter came to light, by Letters which the Circhi had written to the Barron: yet some men held opinion that those Letters were not true, but forged by the Donati, to shadowe the infamie, that by the death of Nicholo they had incurred. Thereuppon all the Circhi were confined, with all their followers of the parte Biancha: amongest whome was Dante the Poet. Their goods were solde, and their houses razed. These banished men, ioyned with many Ghibilini, disposed them selues into manie places, and hoping with new trauailes and troubles to finde new fortune, and Carlo hauing done that in Florence for which hee came, departed and returned to the Pope, to go on his enterprise of Sicilia: wherein hee shewed himselfe no wiser, nor bet­ter then hee was in Florence. So that with the losse of many of his, hee returned into Fraunce dishonoured. After the departure of Carlo, the Cittie continued quiet. New troubles by Corso Do­nati. Corso onely was enclined to trouble, because hee thought himselfe not in that authoritie that hee ought to bee, but sawe the gouernment in the hands of populer men, farre his inferiours. Hee then mooued with these passions, thought to performe a dishonest intent, by an honest occasion, slaundering ma­nie Cittizens, who had the custodie of the publique treasure: saying that they had imployed the same to their priuate commodities, and therefore it were well done to examine their dooings and punish them for the same. This his euill opinion was allowed by manie that were men of the like disposition: with whome also manie others, through ignorance ioyned: because they thought Corso had beene indeede mooued thereunto with the loue of his Country. On the other side the Cittizens slaundered, hauing loue borne them of the people, defended themselues. In so much, as this diuersitie of opinions, after ciuill disputation brought them to Armes. On the one part was Corso Donati and Lottieri, Bishoppe of Florence: with manie great men, and some Commoners. On the other part, was the Senate, with the greater number of the people: so that the moste part of the Cittizens did fight. The Senators seeing the daun­ger wherein they were to bee great, prayed aide of the Lucchesi, and suddeinly all the people of Lucca were in Florence: by whose authoritie, for that time, all thinges were composed. These tumultes appeased and asswaged, the people continued in their authoritie, and the libertie preserued, without any other punish­ment [Page 41] of him that mooued the slaunder. The Pope vnderstanding the troubles of Florence, to pacifie the same, sent thither his Legate called Nicholao de Prato, who beeing a man for degree, learning, and good behauiour, greatlie repu­ted, obteyned easily so much fauour, as to haue authoritie to dispose of the state as himselfe thought good; and for that hee was in faction a Ghibilin, hee intended to call home those that were banished: yet first thought good to win fa­uour of the people. To that end he renued the auncient companies, which greatly strengthened him, and weakened the Nobilitie. The Legate then (perswaded that the people were become all his) practised to call home those that had bene bani­shed. For the compassing whereof he proued many meanes, which did not onely take euill successe, but also made himselfe thereby so much suspected among those that gouerned, as he was therby enforced to depart, and returne home to the Pope, leauing Florence full of confusion, and excommunicate. In the citie at that time re­mained not only one humour, but many, to the disturbance thereof: being there in the displeasure betwixt the people and the Nobilitie, the Ghibilini and the Guelfi, the Bianchi and Neri. All the citie tooke Armes, because many Cittizens who desired the returne of the banished men, were euill content with the Legates departure. The chiefe of those that moued the quarrell, were the Medici and Guigni, Medici and Guini. who to­gither with the Legate were discouered to fauour the Rebels: In sundrie parts of the citie the people fought. To which disorder, there happened a fire, first in Orto Sante Michele, at the houses of the Abati: from whence it passed to the houses of the Caponsacci and burnt them; with the houses of Mazzi, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, and Caualcanti, and all the new market. From thence it passed to the gate of S. Maria, and burnt all that, returning about Ponte Vecchio, and consumed the hou­ses of Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Luccardesi, with many others, that the number a­mounted to 1700. or more. Some were of opinion that this fire happened by chance in the fury of the conflict. Others affirme, that one Neri Abbati Prior of S. Pietro Sca­ragio, a man dissolute and desirous of mischiefe, kindled the same. For seeing eue­rie man occupied in the conflict, knew he might do that displeasure, which no other could remedie. And to the end it might the rather haue successe, hee set fire in the houses of his owne companions. It was the yeare 1304. in the moneth of Iuly, when the citie of Florence was with fire and sword in this sort afflicted. Corso Donati was hee, that of all others in these tumults armed not himselfe, because hee hoped the rather to be Iudge and Vmpire betwixt the parties: when being weary of fight, they should be content to be perswaded. Notwithstanding, weapons were laide downe rather for very wearinesse and necessitie, then through any pacification or perswasion of peace. For this onely followed thereof, that the Rebels should not returne, and the faction that fauoured them remained with disaduantage. The Le­gate returning to Rome, and hearing the troubles that were begunne in Florence, perswaded the Pope, that for the vniting of that Cittie, it was necessarie for him to send thither for twelue principall Cittizens, whereby the roote of the mischiefe remoued, it should be the more easie to quench the same. This Councell was by the Pope allowed, and the Citizens sent for, appeared. Amongst whom was Corso Donati. When these Cittizens were absent, the Legate wrote vnto the Rebels, that the chiefe of the Cittizens were from home, and therefore the time serued well for them to returne vnto Florence. Which encouragement being receiued, they assembled their forces and came to the Cittie, entering where the walles were not fully finished: and passed forward, till they came to the Piazza di Saint Giouan­ni. It was a thing notable, to see how those cittizens, who had lately fought for the Rebelles, so long as disarmed they desired reuocation, beeing now armed, [Page 42] and forcing the citie, became their enemies, and tooke armes against them. So much the common good was by those Cittizens esteemed and preferred before priuate friendship. Wherefore they vniting themselues with all the people, enforced the re­bels to depart and returne from whence they came. This enterprise had no successe, both because the banished men had left part of their forces at Lastria: and for not ha­uing tarried the comming of Tolosetto Vbarti, who should haue come from Pistoia with three hundreth men. But they imagined, that expedition should haue preuai­led more then force (as often in like cases it so happeneth) that delaies do hinder oc­casion: and haste wanteth force. The Rebels being gone back, Florence returned to the wonted diuisions. Then to take authoritie from the house of Caualcanti, the peo­ple by force remoued them from possession of the Castle called Le Stinche, seated in the vale of Greue aunciently belonging thereto. And because the souldiers therein ta­ken, were the first that were put into that prison newly builded, that prison euer af­ter, was called Le Stinche, by the name of the Castle from whence the prisoners came. Also those that were chiefe of the Common-weale, New refor­mation in Flo­rence. renewed the companies of the people, and gaue them Ensignes as had bene before ordered: making Gonfalonieri of the misteries, calling them Colleggio di Signori. They ordeined also, that the Senate should reforme all disorders, in time of warre, by Armes, and in time of peace, by Counsell. They ioyned vnto the two old Rettori one Essecutore, who, togither with the Gonfalonieri, should reforme the insolencie of the great men. In the meane time died the Pope, and Corso with other Cittizens was returned from Rome. The Cittie should then haue continued quiet, had it not bene with the vnquietnesse of Corso a­new disturbed. He, to gaine himselfe reputation, euer vsed to hold opinion contra­rie to men of most authoritie: and wherunto he found the people enclined (to gaine their fauour) that way he directed his authoritie. Whereby he made himselfe head of all new opinions, and to him resorted all those who sought to obteine any thing by extraordinary meane. For that cause many great Citizens did hate him, which hatred encreased so much, Corso Dona­ti. as the faction of Neri came to open diuision, because Cor­so imployed priuate forces, and such as were enemies to the state. Notwithstanding, so great was the authoritie of his person and presence, that euerie man feared him: yet to winne from him the populer fauour (as by such kinde of meanes might easily be done) a brute was put foorth, that he went about to tyrannize the citie: which was easily beleeued, because his maner of liuing did in troth surpasse the charge of ciuil expence. That opiniō was encreased greatly, after he tooke to wife the daugh­ter of Vguccione della Faggiola, chiefe of the faction Ghibilini & Bianca, in Toscana most mightie. This alliance come to knowledge, the aduerse part tooke Armes; and the people for the same occasion refused to defend him: the chiefest of them ioyning with his enemies. The greatest of his aduersaries were Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi: they with their followers, and the greater part of the people, assembled themselues armed at the foote of the Pallace, of the Signori. By whose order an accusation was preferred to Piero Brancha (Captain of the people) against Corso Donati, for that he, with the aide of Vguccione, sought to make himselfe a tyrant. Corso con­demned. Then was he cited to appeare, and after for contumacie iudged a Rebell. Betwixt his accusation & the iudgement pronounced, was not longer time then two houres. This sentence giuen, the companies of the people vnder their En­signes, marched towards him. Corso on the other side was not dismaied, (though he were abandoned by many his friends) nor for the sentence pronounced, nor yet with the authoritie of the Senators, nor the multitude of his enemies: but fortified his house, hoping there to defend himselfe, till he were rescued by Vguccione, for whom he had sent. All his houses, & all the waies vnto them, were fortified & made close: [Page 43] and within, many of his faction to defend them. So that, the people (though in great numbers come thither) could not enter. The conflict was great, many slaine, and many hurt of either side. And the people seeing that by those wayes they could not preuaile, brake the houses of his neighbours, and by that deuise not mistrusted, did enter. Corso then seeing himselfe beset with enemies, and no longer trusting to the helpe of Vguccione, resolued to see what meane he could finde to saue himselfe, sith of victorie hee vtterly dispaired. Then with Gherardo Bondini, and many others his most valiant and faithfull friends, he charged his enemies with so great furie, as he brake them, and made way to passe through to the gate of the Citie, where they got out. Yet were they still pursued, Gherardo vpon the bridge Affrico, was by Bo­caccio Cauicciuoli slaine. Corso also was taken at Bouezano, by certaine horsemen belon­ging to the Senate. Notwithstanding beeing brought towardes Florence, hating the sight of his enemies, and the glorie of their victorie, he fell from his horse, The death of Corso Donati 1308. and was by one of them which ledde him, there murthered. The bodie was after taken vp by the Monkes of S. Salui, and (without any honor) by them buried. This was the end of Corso Donati, vnto whom, his country, & the faction of Neri, for many deeds both good and bad, must acknowledge it selfe beholding. But had his disposition & mind bene more quiet, the memorie of him had deserued great honour. For indeed he was a Citizen so rare, as had at any time before bene seene in our citie. Yet true it is, that his factious mind bereft him of that honour which by his country and confederates was due: and in the end, procured his owne death, with many other misaduentures. Vguccione comming to the rescue of his sonne in law, & arriued at Remoli, heard there that Corso was by the people taken. Wherupon, knowing that he could by no means then helpe him, for not hurting himselfe, returned backe. Corso thus ending his life (which happened in the yeare 1308. was the cause that all tumults ceased, and the citie continued quiet, till such time as intelligence was giuen, The Emperor Arrigo called into Italy. 1312. that Arrigo the Empe­rour (who fauoured by the Florentine Rebelles) was come into Italy, followed by them, and intending to put them againe in possession of their country. For preuen­ting of which mischiefe, the Magistrates of the citie thought good to call home all those that had not bene by speciall name banished: whereby the number of their e­nemies should be the lesse. The greater number that remained in exile were Ghibilini, and some fewe of the faction Bianca, among whom were Dante Alighieri, the sonnes of Veri de Cerchi, and Giano della Bella. They sent also for aide to Roberto King of Napo­li, which not obteined at his hand as their friend: they were enforced to giue him the citie for fiue yeares; to the end, he might defend them as his subiects. Then the Emperour passed into Italy, and by the way of Pisa, went to Rome, there to be crow­ned, in the yeare 1312. Afterwards, determining to reforme Florence, hee returned thither by Perugia and Arezzo: and lodged his Campe at the Monastery of S. Salui, distant one myle from the citie; where he remained fiftie dayes, without any good done, and therfore as desperate of successe, remoued to Pisa; where he agreed with Federigo King of Sicilia, to assault the kingdom of Napoli. Being with his Army there arriued, in great hope of victorie, and the King Roberto in great feare of his distruc­tion, at Buouconuento he died. It happened shortly after, that Vguccione di Faggiola, The death of Arrigo. be­came Prince of Pisa, and not long after of Lucca: brought thither by the faction of Ghibilini, with whose aide he greatly iniured his neighbours. Amongst whom, the Florentines to be deliuered, gaue vnto the brother of King Roberto, the gouernment of their Army. Vguccione on the other side, for the encreasing of his power, laboured continually, till by force and subtiltie he had gotten many Castles in the vale of Arno and Nieuole. Then marching towards Monte Catini, with intent to besiege the same, the Florentines thought it necessarie to rescue that place, least the losse thereof might [Page 44] disturbe the whole countrey. Then assembling a great Army, they passed into the vale Nieuole, where they fought with Vguccione, and in the end of their battaile, two thousand or more of their men were slaine, with Piero the Kings brother their Ge­nerall; whose bodie afterwards was neuer found: neither was this victorie with­out losse to Vguccione, whose sonne was also killed, with many Captaines and Lea­ders of his Armie. The Florentines after this ouerthrow, fortified the townes about them, New diuition, in Florence. and the King Roberto sent them a new Generall called Andrea Earle Nouello. By whose gouernment, (or rather by the naturall inclination of the Florentines, dis­contented with euerie state, and diuided by euerie accident) notwithstanding the warres they lately had with Vguccione, fell to faction. The one part whereof, called themselues the Kings friends, the other the Kings enemies. The chiefe of the Kings enemies, were Simon della Tosa, the house of Magalotti, with certaine other populer men, in whom rested the chiefe of the gouernment. These men found meanes to send into France and Germany, to leauie Captaines and souldiers to remoue the Earle Andrea Gouernour for the King. But their fortune was such, as could not bring to passe that they desired: yet did they not abandon the enterprise, but beeing disap­pointed both by France and Germany, they found out a Gouernour in Agobio, and be­fore his comming, Lando de Agebio, made Gouernor of Florence. remoued Andrea. Lando de Agobio being come, was made their mi­nister, or rather their hangman, hauing receiued absolute authoritie ouerall the ci­tizens. He, being a man couetous and cruell, accompanied with his souldiers (all armed) visited euerie streete, murthering euerie man, whom those that elected him, would require. Yea, (such was his insolencie) that he caused false mony to be quoi­ned with the stampe of Florence, and no man durst gainsay the doing therof: so great was the authoritie whereunto the discord of the citie had brought him. Great and lamentable was the estate of this towne, which neither the memorie of passed di­uision, neither the feare of Vguccione, nor the authoritie of the King could reforme. In most miserable plight it then remained, when the country abroad was spoyled by Vguccione, and the citie within by Lando of Agobio sacked. The Kings friends were all contrary to Lando and his followers. Likewise all Noble houses, the chiefe of the people, & al the Guelfi. Notwithstanding, because the aduerse party had the gouern­ment, they could not without perill to themselues be discouered. Yet resoluing to be deliuered from so dishonest a tyrannie, they wrote secretly vnto the King Rober­to, to make the Earle Guido Buttifolle his Lieftenant in Florence: which the King pre­sently did, and the aduerse part (notwithstanding that the Senators were contrarie to the King) durst not for the respect they bare to the Earle, finde fault. But the Earle had not therby much authoritie, because the Senators & the Gonfaloniere were by Lando and his partie fauoured. During the continuance of these troubles in Flo­rence, the daughter of King Alberto comming from Germany, passed that way in her iourny towards Carlo, the sonne of Roberto her husband. She was greatly honoured by the Kings friends, and they imparted vnto her the state of the citie, and the tyran­nie of Lando with his followers. In so much as by the fauour of her, before her de­parture the citie was pacified, Lando remoued from his authoritie, and with riches, blood, and spoile, sent home to Agobio. The gouernment also of the King ouer the citie, for three yeares was continued. And whereas there had bene before seuen Se­nators elected by Lando, six more were chosen for the King, so the Magistrates were for a time thirteene. After, they were reduced to the auncient number of seuen. A­bout this time Vguccione was depriued of his authoritie in Lucca & Pisa; and Castruc­cio Castracani, Castruccio castracani. from a priuate Cittizen, aspired to be Lord of Lucca: for hee being a yoong man of great courage, & in euerie enterprise fortunate, became in short space the principall Leader of all the Chibilini in Toscana. For which respect, the Florentines [Page 45] setting aside priuate discord, deuised with themselues by what meanes Castruccio might be kept downe: and how his forces alreadie growne might be resisted. And to the end that the Senators might with better counsell be aduised, & with more au­thoritie execute the same, they elected twelue Cittizens, whome they called Boni Homini: without whose consent and counsell, the Senators might not do any thing of importance. In this mean while, the gouernment of king Roberto was expired, & the citie became Prince ouer it selfe, with the auncient Magistrates and gouernors ther­of. Also the great feare they had of Castruccio, did hold the same vnited, hee hauing done many things against the Lords of Lunigiana, and assembled Prato. The Floren­tines hearing those newes, resolued: and determining to rescue that towne, shut vp their shops and went confusedly togither, to the number of twentie thousand foot­men, and fifteene hundreth horse. Also to diminish the strength of Castruccio, and en­crease their owne, the Senators by proclamation gaue notice, that whatsoeuer Rebell of the faction of Guelfi, would come to the rescue of Prato, should be after the enter­prise restored to his country. Vpon this proclamation more then foure thousand Re­bels came presently thither. This great Army in haste conducted to Prato, so much terrified Castruccio, that without triall of his fortune by fight, he retired to Lucca. Then grew great controuersie within the Campe of the Florentines, betwixt the Nobilitie and the people: for these would haue followed the enemie, hoping by fight to haue ouerthrowne him; and those would returne backe, saying, it sufficed that they had hazarded Florence to succour Prato. Which was well done, being con­strained by necessitie, but sith the cause was now remooued, no wisedome would (where litle was to be gotten and much to be lost) that fortune should be further tempted. This matter (the people not agreeing) was referred to the Senators, who found among themselues the same diuersitie of opinions that was betweene the people and the Nobilitie: which being knowne, much company assembled in the Market place, vsing great words of threatnings to the Nobilitie; In so much that they for feare, gaue place to the will of the people: but all too late, because in the meane while the enemy was with safetie retired to Lucca. This disorder brought the people into so great indignation of the Nobilitie, that the Senators would not per­forme the promise, by their consent giuen to the Rebels: which the Rebels vnder­standing, and hoping to preuent the Senate before the Campe arriued at Florence, of­fered to enter the gates. But their intent being discouered by those in the Citie, were repulsed. Then they sought to compasse that by perswasion, which by force they could not, and sent eight Ambassadours to put the Senators in remembrance of their promise, and the perill they had vnder the same aduentured, hoping of that reward which was by them offered. The Nobilitie thereby put in mind, & knowing them­selues by promise bound, laboured greatly in the fauour of the Rebels. Notwithstā ­ding, by reason the people were offended, for not following the enterprise of Ca­struccio, nothing was obteined: which afterward proued the great shame & disho­nour of the citie. For many of the Nobilitie therewith displeased, did assaie to win that by force, which by entreatie they could not. For which purpose, they conspired with the rebelles to enter the Cittie armed, and they would take armes also for their aide. This appointment before the day of execution, was discouered: whereby the banished men at their comming found the cittie armed, and order giuen to appre­hend them abroad, and keepe downe those that were within. Thus this enterprise was in euerie respect without successe. After the departure of the rebels, the citizens desired to punish those by whose meanes they did come thither. And albeit euerie man knew who were the offenders, yet no man durst name them, much lesse accuse them. Therefore to vnderstand the troth without respect, it was ordered, that se­cretly [Page 46] the names of the offenders should bee written, and priuilie deliuered to the Captaine. In this accusation were named Amerigo Donati, Teghiaio, Frescobaldi, & Lot­teringo Gerardini: who hauing Iudges more fauourable, then perhaps they deserued, were onely condemned in pecuniall punishment. The tumults which grew in Flo­rence by comming of the Rebels to the gate, made triall that one Chieftaine for all the companies of the people did not suffice: and therefore they required after, that to euerie company might be appointed three or foure Leaders; and to euerie Gonfa­loniere two or three others, whom they would haue called Pennonieri. To the end, that in time of necessitie all the companie not assembling, part of them, vnder one head might be imployed. Moreouer (as it happeneth in all common weales after any accident) some old lawes be disanulled, & some others are made new: so the Senate before appointed from time to time, the Senators with the Collegii which then were (to the end their force might be the greater) had authority giuen them and their suc­cessors, to continue in office during the space of fortie moneths. And because many Citizens feared their names not to be put into the bagge, they procured a new Im­borsation. Of this beginning, grew the election of Magistrates, as well within, as without the Citie: which election was in those dayes called Imborsation. Afterwards the same was called Squittini. And for that euerie three, or at the most fiue yeares, this order was taken, the occasion of tumults in the Citie, at the choice of Magistrats, was remooued, yet were they ignorant of such discommodities, as vnder this small commoditie was hidden. The yeare 1315. being come, and Castruccio hauing sur­prised Pistoia, was growne to that greatnesse, that the Florentines fearing the same, determined before such time as he was setled in his Principallitie, to assault him, and bring him vnder their obedience. For which purpose they leuied twentie thousand foote men, and three thousand horse. With these forces they besieged Altopassio, in hope by hauing of that Towne, to impeach the passage of those that would come to the succour of Pistoia. The Florentines preuailed in this enterprise, and hauing taken the place, marched towards Lucca, spoiling the country where they went. Notwith­standing, through the small wisedome of the Generall, or rather his infidelitie, little good ensued thereof. Ramondo di Cardona, Generall for the Florents. This Captaine was called Ramondo de Cardona. Hee, seeing the Florentines to haue bene liberall of their libertie, giuing the same somtimes to Kings, and sometimes to the Legates of Popes, and men of meane qualitie: thought it pos­sible to bring himselfe to be a Prince; if first he could lead them into some great ne­cessitie. He gaue them therefore to vnderstand, that for his better reputation, it was meete for him to haue the same authoritie within the Citie, that he had in the Army: otherwise he should not haue that obedience of his souldiers which belonged vnto a Generall. Whereto the Florentines not consenting, the Army proceeded slowly, or rather euerie day losing somewhat: and Castruccio continually gained. Because, by that time were come vnto him diuerse supplies sent by the Visconti, and other tirants of Lombardy. Castruccio by this meane growne strong, and Ramondo hauing neglected his seruice: The Floren­tines ouer­throwne by Castruccio. as for want of fidelitie he did not prosper at the first, so he could not after saue himselfe: for whilest he lingered with his Camp, Castruccio did assault him, and ouerthrew him, neare vnto Altopassio. In which conflict many Citizens were slaine, and with them Ramondo himselfe: who thereby found the punishment of fortune, which his infidelitie and euill seruice to the Florentines deserued. The displeasures which Castruccio did after the victorie, by spoyling, distroying, burning, impriso­ning, & killing, cannot be told. Because without any resistance he rode vp and down in the country, where himselfe listed, spoyling, and committing what cruelties hee thought good. The Florentines scantly able, after so great an ouerthrow, to defend the citie: yet were they not so greatly dismayd, but that they made much prouision, [Page 47] both of men and money: sending also to their friends, to haue their aide. All which sufficed not to bridle the furie of so mightie an enemie. Wherefore as constrained, they made choyse of Carlo Duke of Calauria, son to King Roberto, to be their Prince: offering him, not their friendship, but their obedience, and prayed him to defend their Citie. But Carlo being occupied in the warres of Sicilia (and therefore not at leisure to come in person, sent thither Gualtieri, by Nation a French man, The Duke of Athene, Go­uernour of Florence. and Duke of Athene. He as deputie for his maister, tooke possession of the Citie, and placed officers according to his owne discretion. Notwithstanding, his behauiour was so modest, and contrary to his owne nature; that euerie man loued him. Carlo hauing ended the warres of Sicilia, being followed with a thousand horse men came to Flo­rence, and made his entry in the yeare 1326. whose comming staied Castruccio from spoyling of the Florentines countrey. But that reliefe which was found abroad, was lost within, and those displeasures which the enemies could not, were by friendes performed. Bicause the Senators did nothing without the Dukes consent: who with­in the space of one yeare, leuied in the Citie foure thousand Florins, notwithstanding that by the capitulation with him taken, it was agreed, hee should haue but two thousand. So great impositions were daily by him or his exacted. To these displea­sures new suspitions, and new enemies were discouered. For the Ghibilini of Lom­bardy suspected so much the comming of Carlo into Toscana, that Galiazzo Visconti & other tyrants of Lombardy, by mony and promises, The Empe­rour Lodo­uico called into Italy. procured Lodouico di Bauiera Em­perour elected, against the Popes wil to come into Italy: who being arriued in Lom­bardy, marched towardes Toscana, where with the helpe of Castruccio hee became Lord of Pisa. And being relieued with mony, he went towards Rome: which cau­sed Carlo to leaue Florence, and returne to the kingdome, leauing Philippo de Saggi­netto his Lieftenant. Castruccio, after the Emperours departure possessed Pisa, and the Florentines tooke from him by practise, Pistoia, which Castruccio after besieged, with so great vertue and resolution, that although the Florentines many times assaied to rescue the Towne, sometimes assailing the Army, and sometimes disturbing the Country: yet could they neuer either by force or industry, remoue him from that enterprise. So greatly he thirsted to chastise the Pistoiesi, and offend the Florentines. By meanes whereof, the Pistoiesi were constrained to receiue him for their Prince: which thing, albeit were greatly to his glorie, proued in the end his disaduantage. For being returned to Lucca, there he died. And because that one good or euil hap, The death of castruccio & carlo Duke of calauria. commeth sildome vnaccompanied, with the like: also at the same time died Carlo Duke of Calauria Prince of Florence, as it were, to the end that the Florentines beyond all expectation might be deliuered from the gouernment of the one, and the feare of the other. They thus become free, reformed the cittie, disanulled all orders of the olde Councelles, and created twoo newe Councelles: the one hauing in it three hundreth Cittizens Commoners, and the other two hundreth and fiftie Gen­tlemen, and Commoners, mixed. The first of these, New refor­mation in Flo­rence. was called the Councell of the people, the other the common Councell. The Emperour beeing arriued at Rome, created an Antipope, and ordered many things in preiudice of the church, and many other things also hee attempted without effect. And therefore with this honour he remoued from Rome to Pisa; where, either of melancholy, or for want of mony to paie eight hundred Almaine horsemen, who were rebelled, and at Monte­chiaro had fortified themselues, died. They, The death of Lodouico. so soone as the Emperour departed from Pisa to go vnto Lombardy, surprised Lucca, and draue out of that cittie Francesco Ca­stracani, left there by the Emperour. Then being possessed of that cittie, and inten­ding to make profit thereof, offered to sell it to the Florentines, for threescore thou­sand Florins, & was refused by the Councell of Simon della Tosa. This refusal would [Page 48] haue bene to our cittie most profitable, if the Florentines had euer continued in that minde: but because shortly after they changed opinion, it was greatly to our losse. For if at that time for so small price, they might so peaceably haue had it, and would not, afterward desiring it, and offering much more then was required, they could not obteine it: which was the occasion, that Florence many times with great preiu­dice hath changed the gouernment. Lucca being thus by the Florentines refused, was by Gerardino Spinola of Genoua, for thirtie thousand Florins bought. And because men be more slow to laie hold of that which they may come by, then to desire that they cannot attaine vnto: so soone as this bargaine made with Gerardino was knowne, and how small a summe of mony he paid; the people of Florence became greatly desirous to haue it, repenting themselues, and blaming those that were the cause that the bar­gaine proceeded not. Then sought they to get that by force, which for money was refused. For obteining whereof, they sent their souldiers to spoile the country be­longing to Lucca. The troubles and war in Florence all ceased. In this meane time, the Emperour was gone out of Italy, and the Antipope by order of the Pisani, sent prisoner into France. The Florentines then, from the death of Castruccio (which happened in the yeare 1328. til the yeare 1340. con­tinued quiet within, & attended their matters of state abroad. They also made many wars in Lombardy, for the comming thither of king Iohn of Bohemia, & in Toscana, tou­ching the state of Lucca. They likewise ornefied their cittie with new buildings. For in that time, the Tower of S. Reparata, according to the direction of Giotto (an excel­lent Painter), was builded. And because, in the yeare 1333. by meanes of a maruel­lous flood, the Riuer of Arno into many places ouerflowed the cittie, more then 12. cubits; many bridges and buildings were thereby decaied, which with great care and expence were now restored. But the yeare 1340. being come, new occasions of alteration were growne vp. The cittizens of most power, had two meanes to en­crease and maintain their greatnesse. The one, by restraining the number of those that should be elected Magistrates, whereby the offices of authoritie came either vnto them, or their friends. The other, because themselues being chiefe at the election of the Rettori, they were by them in their offices the more fauoured. And this second cause they esteemed so much, that to these two ordinarie Rettori, they also ioyned a third: whom they in those dayes brought in extraordinarie, vnder the title of Cap­taine of the Guard, and placed therein Iacamo Gabrieli de Agobio, giuing him absolute authoritie ouer the citizens. He, day by day, before the face of them that gouerned, committed many iniuries, & among those that were iniured, was Piero de Bardi, and Bardo Frescobaldi. Conspiracy against Iaco­mo Gabrieli of Agobio. They, being gent. and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger wrongfully, and in the presence of some Magistrates had done them iniurie: which, both against him, and those that gouerned, they conspired to reuenge. Into that conspiracie, entered many Noble families, and some of the people; whom the tyrannie of him that gouerned, did offend. The order of execution agreed vpon, was, that euery man shuld assemble into his house as many armed men as he could, and in the morning of All Saints day, when euerie bodie was in the church, to take armes, and kill the Captaine. Which done, they determined to place new Senators, and with new orders to reforme the state. But because enterprises of perill, the more they be thought vpon, the more vnwillingly be performed. It alwaies happeneth, that cōspiracies not suddenly executed, are for the most part discouered. There was among the conspirators one called Andrea de Bardi, (in whom the consideration of punishment could do more, then the hope of reuenge) reuealed all to Iacamo Alberti his brother in law. Then Iacamo enformed the Priori, and the Priori enformed the Gouernours. And because the day of danger grew neare (which was the feast of All Saints) manie citizens consulted in the Pallace, and thinking it dangerous to de­ferre [Page 49] the time, iudged it best that the Senators should cause the bell to be rung, and thereby call the people to armes. Taldo Valori was Gonfaloniere, and Francesco Saluiati, Taldo Valori. one of the Senate. They being to the Bardi kinsmen, would not haue the Bell rung, saying it were not well done, vpon euerie light occasion to arme the people. For au­thority being giuē to a loose multitude, could worke no good effect. It was also easie to moue tumults, but to appease them, hard. It were therfore much better, first to ex­amin the troth of the cause, & punish the same by law, thē correct it disorderly with ruine of the citie; which words were not willingly heard. For the Senators with ma­ny iniurious and presumptuous speeches, were enforced to ring the Bell: vpon hea­ring wherof, all the people ran sodeinly into the market place, armed. On the other side, the Bardi & Frescobaldi, seeing themselues discouered, intending to winne their purpose with glory, or die without shame, tooke armes: hoping to defend that part of the citie where their own houses were: and on the other side of the riuer fortifi­ed the bridges, trusting to be succoured by the nobility of the country, & other their friends. Which purpose was disappointed by the people that inhabited where their houses were, who tooke armes in fauour of the Senat: so that finding themselues dis­apointed, they abādoned the bridges, & retired to the street where the Bardi dwelt, as a place of more strength then any other, & that very valiantly they defēded. Iacobo de Agobio knowing all this conspiracy to be against him, fearful of death, & amazed, at the pallace of the Senators in the midst of the armed men, placed himself. But there was more courage in the Rettori, who had lesse offended: and most of all in the Po­desta, called Maffeo de Maradi. For he presented himself to those that fought, Maffeo de Maradi. & as a mā senceles, & without al feare, passing the bridge Rubaconte, entred in amōg the swords of the Bardi, making signes to speak with thē. Wherupon they cōsidering the reue­uerence of the man, his vertue, & other his good, & great qualities, staied their wea­pons, & quietly heard him. He then with modest & graue words blamed their cōspi­racy, laying before them the perils wherto they were subiect, if they gaue not ouer this populer enterprise: giuing thē also hope, that they should be fauourably heard, and mercifully iudged. And promised moreouer, to be the mean wherby their reaso­nable offences should find compassion. Then he returned back to the Senators, and persuaded thē not to be victorious with the bloud of their own citizens, neither to iudge before the cause were heard. And his persuasion preuailed so much, as by cō ­sent of the Senate the Bardi & Frescobaldi with their friends, were suffered to abandō the citie & return to their castles. They being gone, and the people disarmed, the Se­nators proceeded onely against the families of Bardi and Frescobaldi, The Bardi and Fresco­baldi con­demned. who had taken armes. And to spoile them of some part of their power, they bought of the Bardi, the Castle of Mangona, and the Castle of Varina, and made a lawe, that no Cittizen might possesse a Castle within twentie miles of Florence. Within fewe monethes after, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many others of that familie proclaimed Rebelles. It sufficed not the Gouernours to haue oppressed the Bardi, and Fre­scobaldi, but they did (as men commonly doo) the more authoritie they haue, the worse they vse it, and the more insolent they become: so, where was before one Captaine of the Guard who oppressed the Cittizens within Florence, they also chose an other in the Countrey, to the ende, that men to them suspected, should neither within the Cittie nor without, haue anie dwelling. So earnestly were they bent against the Nobilitie, that they forced not to sell the Cittie to be re­uenged: aspecting onely occasion, which came well, and they better vsed the same. By meanes of many troubles which hapned in Lombardy & Toscana, the possession of the citie of Lucca was come into the hāds of Mastino della Scalla, Lord of Verona, who (notwithstanding hee was bounde to deliuer the same to the Florentines) did not, [Page 50] because he thought himselfe able to hold it, the rather, by being Lord of Parma, and therefore of his promise he made none account at all, which moued the Florentines to offence. For reuenge whereof, they ioyned against him with the Venetians, and made so hotte warres vpon him, as thereby he was inforced almost to abandon his country. Notwithstanding therof followed nothing, but some satisfaction of mind, to haue oppressed Mastino. For the Venetians (as all other doe that ioyne in league with such as be weaker then themselues) after they had surprised Triuigi and Vuen­sa, without respect of the Florentines made peace with Mastino. Shortly after, the Vi­sconti Princes of Milan, hauing taken Parma from Mastino, and hee fearing for that cause, that Lucca could not be kept, determined to sell it. Those that desired to buy that citie, were the Florentines and the Pisani. In beating the bargaine, the Pisani per­ceiued that the Florentines richer then they, would obteine it. Therefore they sought to winne it by force, and with the aide of Visconti besieged it. The Floren­tines notwithstanding proceeded, and bargained with Mastino, paying part of the money in hand, and for payment of the rest, deliuered hostages, Naldo Rucce­lai, Giouanni the sonne of Barnardino de Medici, and Rosso de Rici: and then by or­der of Mastino, the possession of the Citie was deliuered. The Pisani notwith­standing pursued their enterprise, and by all meanes possible laboured to get the Cittie by force: yet went the Florentines to rescue the Cittie, and remooue the siege. But after a long warre, the Florentines were forced with losse of their mo­ney and honour to depart: and the Pisani became Lords of the Citie. The losse of this Towne (as in like cases it euer happeneth) made the people of Florence greatly offended with those that gouerned, whome in euerie Market place they defamed, accusing them of couetousnesse and vnaduised counsell. At the beginning of this warre, the authoritie thereof, was giuen to twentie Citizens, who elected Ma­latesta of Rimini for their Generall. He gouerned the same with small courage, and lesse wisedome. The Duke of Athene. They also praied aide of Roberto King of Napoli, who sent vnto them Gualtieri Duke of Athene: and (as fortune would, prepairing all things for future mischiefe) arriued in Florence, at the same instant when the enterprise of Lucca was vtterly lost. Whereupon the twentie, seeing the people displeased, thought by chusing a new Captaine, to bring them into new hope. And to the end that the Duke of Athene might with more authoritie defende them, they created him first their Defender, and after gaue him the title of Captaine Generall, ouer their men at Armes. The great Cittizens, who for the occasions beforesaid, li­ued discontent, and many of them hauing also acquaintance with Gualtieri, at such time as they gouerned Florence in the name of Carlo Duke of Calauria, thought the time was come to alter the state, & oppresse the people, who had so long oppressed thē. For the bringing of that to passe, they thought good to reduce the gouernment vnder one Prince, who knowing their vertue, & the insolencie of the people, might reward the one and punish the other. They might also hope the more of the Prin­ces fauour, if he by their meanes, aspired to that dignitie. To compasse this intenti­on, they manie times met in secret, & perswaded the Duke to take the gouernment, offering to aide him to the vttermost of their powers. With these Gentlemen, ioyned some populer families, as the Perussi, Acciaiuoli, Antellesi, and Buonacorsi, who being greatly indebted, and not able to paie of their owne, desired with the seruitude of their country, and the goods of others to deliuer themselues from the daunger of their creditors. Those perswasions mooued the ambitious minde of the Duke, to great desire of gouernment, and the rather to make himselfe beloued, and accounted vpright, therewith also to winne the fauoure of the people, hee persecuted those that had gouerned the warres of Lucca, and put to death, [Page 51] Giouan de Medici, Naddo Ruccellati, and Guglielmo Altouiti: many also were banished, and manie in money condemned. These executions amazed much those of the meane sort, onelie the Gentlemen and basest people were therewith satisfied. These, because their nature is to reioyce at euill, and those for that thereby their iniuries receiued of the people, were reuenged. When so euer the Duke passed the streetes, his fauourers would publiquely speake to his honour, and wish that the fraude of the Citizens might be by him examined and punished. The office of the twentie thus became disesteemed, the reputation of the Duke growne great, and all men for feare, or affection, seemed to honour him. And in token thereof, set the Dukes Armes vpon their houses. In so much, as this Duke wanted nothing that belonged to absolute authoritie, sauing the title of Prince. Then he perswaded himselfe, that whatsoeuer he attempted might be safely done, and therefore sent vnto the Senators, letting them vnderstand, that for the better gouernment of the citie, it behoued him to haue the full absolute authoritie & gouernment: and seeing that all the rest of the Citizens were therto consenting, he desired that therwith they would be also pleased. The Senators albeit that long before they had foreseene the ruine of their Countrey, yet were they all with this request greatly troubled. And though they knew also the perill, yet not to omit the dutie to their Countrey, they boldly denied the Duke. This Duke to make himselfe be thought the more religi­ous, and well disposed, did choose for his dwelling, the Monasterie of Saint Croce: and being desirous to execute his euill intent, hee caused to be published by pro­clamation, that his pleasure was the people should resort vnto him, at the gate of the saide Monasterie. This proclamation amazed the Senate much more then the message, deliuered them by word. Wherefore they thought good to ioyne with those Cittizens, whome they knew to be louers of their Countrey. Nei­ther did they thinke (knowing the Dukes forces) that there was other remedie, to diuert the Duke from the enterprise, then to entreate him: and so make proofe what effect faire words might worke, to perswade him to vse himselfe in the go­uernment more mildly. Then went certaine of the Senators vnto the Duke, and one of them spake as followeth. My Lord, we are come hither, first moued by your Graces request, and next by your commandement to assemble the people. For it see­meth a thing certaine, that you intend to obteine that extraordinarily, whereun­to by ordinarie meanes wee haue not consented. Our meaning is, not by force to hinder your designes, but onely laie before you, how greeuous a burthen you put vpon vs, and how perillous an action you take in hand. To the end you may hereafter remember our Councels, and waigh the same with theirs, who not for your profit, but for the execution of their owne furie, haue counselled you. You labour to bring this citie in bondage, which hath euer liued in libertie. For that authoritie which we haue graunted to the Princes of Napoli, was compa­nie, and not subiection. Haue you considered of what importaunce and how ioyfull a thing the name of libertie is, in euerie Cittie like vnto this? The vertue whereof, no force can subdue, no time can consume, nor no merite can deserue. Consider (my Lord) how great forces it behoueth you to haue, to hold so great a Citie in seruitude. Those straungers, whome you haue enterteined, bee not of force sufficient: and these that be within the walles, are not to be tru­sted. For such as be now your friends, & haue counselled you to this enterprise, so soone as they haue with your authoritie beaten down their enemies, wil seek also by what means they may to oppresse you, & make themselues Princes. The base mul­titude also in whom you trust, vpon euery accident, (be it neuer so litle) do chaunge their opiniō. So that in short time, you may looke to find this citie your foe, which [Page 52] shall be the ruine thereof, and yours also. Neither can you find remedie for such a mischief, sith those Princes onely can gouern securely, who haue few enemies: be­cause those few, either by death or exile may easily be remoued. But against vniuer­sall hatred, no assurance can be found: because you know not where the mischiefe groweth. And who so feareth euery man, cannot assure himselfe of any man. Also, if you seeke to be assured of others, you enuiron your selfe with perils: because those that remain, do hate you the more, and are the more readie to reuenge. A thing most certain it is, that no time can weare out the desire of liberty. For we know, where the same hath bene in a citie reuiued by those, who neuer tasted thereof, saue onely by the memorie of this name libertie, which their ancestors by traditiō did leaue them. Therfore hauing recouered it, with all obstinacie and resolution they wil defend it, and if our ancestors had neuer left any signe of libertie, yet should we be put in mind therof, by these publike Pallaces, by these places made for Magistrates, & these bad­ges of freedom & libertie: which things be publikely knowne, and with great desire euery citizen studieth to know them. What can you do, or what can by any meanes be done, to counteruaile the sweetnesse of life in libertie, or make the people forget the commodities therof? Yea though you could ioyne all Toscana to the dominiō of this state, or might euery day return to the citie, triumphing ouer your enemies, yet all should not suffice. Because that glory should not be yours, but ours. And our ci­tizens should cōquer no subiects, but encrease companions in seruitude. Albeit your maners were godly, your behauiour curteous, and your iudgements iust: yet were they not of force inough to make you be loued. If you would beleeue, they did suf­fice; you therin should deceiue your self. For to men accustomed to a life in libertie, the lightest clog seemeth heauie, & the losest bands do pinch. A thing impossible it is for any state by violence gotten, to be by a good Prince mainteined: because of force he must become like vnto his gouernmēt, otherwise the one & the other wil perish. You must therfore thinke either to hold the citie with extreame violence, as castles, garrisons of men, & forrein friends (& yet many times they suffice not) or els be con­tent, with that authoritie, which we haue giuen you. We therefore perswade you, and pray you to remember, that such obedience is durable, as is also voluntary. And labor not (being blinded with some ambition) to set your self where you neither can stand nor clime higher without your great preiudice & ours, & so be forced to fall. These words moued not at all the hardened heart of the Duke, The Dukes answere to the Senate. saying, his intention was not to take away, but restore the liberty of the citie. For cities disunited were not free, but those that were vnited. And if Florence by reason of factions, ambition, and enmitie, had lost the libertie, hee would restore it. Saying moreouer, that not his owne ambition, but the sute of many Cittizens, brought him to take this bur­then: and therefore they should do well to be content with that, wherewith o­thers were contented. As touching those perils which hee might by this occasion incurre, hee feared them not at all. For it was the office of no good man, to leaue the good, for feare of euill, and the propertie of a coward, for feare of good successe, to abandon a glorious enterprise. Also hee hoped so to beare himselfe, as they should haue cause in short space, to confesse that they trusted him too little, and feared him too much. The Senate then seeing no more good to be done, agreed that the next morning with their authoritie to giue the gouernment vnto the Duke for one yeare, with the same conditions, it was giuen to Carlo Duke of Calauria. It was the eight day of September 1342. when the Duke accompanied by Giouan del­la Tosa, with all his followers, and many Cittizens, came into the Market place, and there in presence of the Senators, ascended vp to the Ringiera (for so they cal­led that place of the staires belōging to the Pallace) where the conditions between [Page 53] the Senate, & the Duke were read. And when the Reader pronounced those words, which gaue the Duke authoritie for one yeare: the people cried for his life. Then Francesco Rusticheli (one of the Senate) rose vp to speake, and appease the tumult: but his words, were, with shouting of the people interrupted. So as by consent of the multitude he was created Prince, not for one yeare only, but for euer: & being car­ried by the multitude about the market place, his name was proclaimed. It is the cu­stome, that whosoeuer is appointed to the Guard of the Pallace, shall in absence of the Senators be shut vp therein. To which office at that time was Rinieri di Giotto appointed: hee being corrupted by the Dukes friends, without anie violence offe­red, receiued the Duke into the Pallace. And the Senators therewith amazed, and dishonored, went home to their owne houses. Then was the Pallace by the Dukes seruants sacked. The Gonfaloni del Populo thrust out, and the Dukes Armes set vppon the Pallace, to the great and inestimable griefe and sorrow of all good men, and the great content of those, who either for ignorance, or wicked mind there­unto consented. The Duke hauing gotten the gouernment, intending to take all authoritie from those that were woont to defende the libertie of the Cittie, did forbid the Senators to assemble anie more in the Pallace, Ordinaunces made by the Duke of A­thene in Flo­rence. and appointed them a priuate house. Hee tooke also the Ensignes from the Gonfalonieri of compa­nies. Hee remooued the order of iustice against the Nobilitie, and deliuered the prisoners that had bene committed. Hee called home the Bardi, and Fre­scobaldi, who had bene banished, and gaue generall commandement that no man should weare weapon. Also for his better defence within the Citie, he wanne himselfe forraine friends, and for that purpose pleasured the Aretini, and all o­thers vnder the Florentine gouernment. Hee made peace with the Pisani, not­withstanding hee were created Prince purposely to make warre with them. Hee tooke the obligations from those merchants, that in the warre of Lucca had lent mo­ny to the state. He encreased the old Imposts, and erected new: taking all authoritie from the Senators. The Rettori by him appointed, were Raglione da Perugia, and Gugli­elmo da Scesi: with whom he ioyned, Cerrettieri Bisdomini; and those three men were his onely Councell. The taxes which he imposed vpon the Citizens were extreme, his iudgements vniust, & that grauitie & curtesie which he had before fained, was conuerted into pride, and crueltie. For many citizens both wealthy and noble were condemned, and diuerse also by new inuented tortures, tormented. Moreouer to shew his authoritie in like sort abroad, as it was in the citie, he authorized six Rettori for the country, who oppressed and spoiled the rurall people. He had the great men in suspition, although by them hee had bene pleasured: and that some of them by his meanes had bene restored to their Countrey. For hee imagined that such Noble mindes as commonly are in Gentlemen, could not be contented with his gouernment. Hee sought therefore to winne the good will of the people, ho­ping with their loue, and the aide of straungers, to defende his tyrannie. Then the moneth of May being come, at which time the people were accustomed to make sport and triumph, he caused the companies of the Common people, and ba­sest sort to haue Ensignes, and money, with honourable titles to bee giuen them. Wherupon the one part of them, went from place to place feasting and triumphing: and the other part with great pompe receiued the triumphers. When fame had dis­persed abroad the new principallitie of the Duke, many of the French Nation came vnto him. And hee to euerie one of them (as men most to be trusted) gaue counte­nance and enterteinment. So that Florence within short space was not onely subiect to the French men, but also to their factions and apparrell. Because both men and women, without respect of shame, did followe them. But aboue all [Page 54] things that displeased, was the violence which he and his, without respect, vsed to the women. The Citizens liued then with great indignation, seeing the maiestie of their state ruined, their ordinances broken, their lawes disanulled, honest life corrup­ted, and all ciuill modestie extinguished. For the Citizens, not accustomed to see a­ny regall pompe, could not without sorrow behold the Duke amidst his guardes of armed men, both on foote and horsebacke: for so with their owne shame, they were forced to honour him, whome they most hated. Whereunto might be ioyned, the feare and death of many Citizens, and the continuall exactions, wherewith he im­pouerished, and consumed the citie. All which indignations and feares, were well inough knowne to the Duke, yet would he not be thought to mistrust any thing, but shew himselfe as though he were beloued of all men. For it happened that Mat­teo di Moroso, either to gratifie him, or acquite himselfe of danger, reuealed a conspi­racie practised by the house of Medici, and some others. The Duke enformed ther­of, Matteo di Moroso. did not onely not examine the cause, but also caused Matteo most miserably to be put to death. By which doing, he tooke courage from all those that would tell him anie thing for his good, and encouraged others that went about his ruine. He cau­sed also with great crueltie, the tongue of Bettone Cini to be cut off, who after, ther­of died. And this punishment was done, because Bettone had found fault with the exactions laid vpon the Cittizens. These cruelties encreased offence in the people with their hatred to the Duke, because that citie which was accustomed freely to do and speake all things, could not endure to haue their hands tied, and their mouthes closed. These offences and this hatred grew to that ripenesse, as mooued not onely the Florentines, (who could neither maintaine their freedome nor suffer seruitude) but euen the most seruile people of the world, to recouer libertie. And therupō ma­ny citizens of all estates resolued, with the losse of their liues to recouer their libertie lost. Conspiracy against the Duke of Athene. Then practised they three sorts of conspiracies, the one among the Nobilitie, the second among the people, the third among the artificers. These conspiracies, besides the general respect, were for particuler reasons willingly taken in hand. The great men desired to recouer authoritie. The people were sorrowfull for hauing lost the gouernment. And the Artificers found their trades and earning of money to be decaied. At that time Agnolo Acciaiuoli, was Archbishop of Florence, who in his Sermons and otherwise, had extolled the actions of the Duke, and done him great fauour among the people. But afterwards seeing him Prince, and knowing his ty­rannous proceedings, knew how much he had deceiued his country: and therefore to make amendes of that faulte, determined, that the hande which had made the wound, should also cure it. Wherefore he became head of the first and greatest con­spiracie: wherein were the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali, Altouiti, Malagotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. The chiefe of the second conspiracie, were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cauicciulli, Cherchi, and Albici. The principall of the third conspiracie, was Antonio Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Ruccelai, & Aldo­brandini: whose intent was to haue slaine the Duke in the house of Albezi, whither (as they thought) he intended to go vpon Midsomer day, to behold the running of horses. But thither he went not, and therfore that enterprise became frustrate. Then they ment to assault him walking in the citie; but that seemed ha [...]d to do, because he was well accompanied, and alwaies armed, therewith also euerie day changed his walke, so as they knew not in what place certaine to wait for him. It was likewise the opinion of some, that the best were to kill him in the Councell: and yet that were hazardous; for though he were slaine, the conspirators should be at the discretion of his forces. During that the conspirators communed of these matters, Anthonio A­dimari, discouered the matter to some of his friends of Siena, whose aide hee hoped [Page 55] of, and tolde them the names of some conspirators, saying that the whole Citie was bent to recouer libertie. Then one of them imparted his knowledge to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with intent the practise should be laid open, but supposing that hee also had bene of the same conspiracie. Francesco either for feare of himselfe, or for the hatred he bare towards some other, reuealed all to the Duke: and presently Pa­golo del Mazecchia, and Simon da Mantezappoli were apprehended; Who detecting the qualitie and quantitie of the conspirators, did thereby much amaze the Duke, and was therefore counselled rather to send for them, then arrest them: For if they fled, then he might without his owne dishonour, by their banishment assure him­selfe. The Duke therefore caused Antonio Adimari to be called, who trusting to his companions, presently appeared. Adimari being staied, the Duke was aduised by Francescho Brunelleschi, and Vguccione Buondelmonti, to search the Citie, and kill so ma­ny as could be taken. But that the Duke thought not good, supposing his forces not sufficient to encounter so many enemies, and therefore proceeded an other way, which hauing taken effect, should both haue assured him of the enemies, and also gained him strength. The Duke was accustomed at occasions, to assemble the Citi­zens, and to take their counsell. Hauing therefore sent out to assemble the people, he made a bill of three hundreth Citizens names; and caused his Serieants vnder colour of councelling with them, to warne them to appeare: and being appeared, he intended either to kill them, or imprison them. The apprehension of Antonio A­dimari, and the sending for other Citizens (which could not be secretly done) did greatly dismay euery man: but most of all, those that knew themselues guiltie. In­somuch as men of greatest courage would not obey him. And because manie had read the bill, wherin one saw an others name, the one encouraged the other to take armes, and chose rather to die like men, then as Calues to be led to the butchery. By this means within an houre, all the three conspiracies became knowne one vnto the other: and determined the day following (which was the twentie sixt of Iuly, in the yeare 1343.) to raise a tumult in the olde Market place: there to arme themselues, and call the people to libertie. The next day, about high noone, according to ap­pointment, euerie man tooke armes, and all the people hearing the name of libertie, armed themselues, and euerie man in his quarter prepared him vnder the Ensigne of the peoples armes, which the conspirators had secretly caused to be made. And the chiefe, as well of the Noble houses, as of the populer families, came forth and sware both their owne defence, and the Dukes death, (excepting some of the Buondelmonti and Caualcanti, with those foure families of the people, which procured him to be made Prince. They, togither with the Butchers, & people of basest condition, came armed to the Market place in defence of the Duke. At this vproare, the Duke armed all his Court, and his seruants in sundrie places lodged, mounted on horsebacke to come to the Market place. But in many streetes they were beaten downe and slaine, and onely three hundred horses came vnto him. The Duke in the mean while stood doubtfull, whether he were better to come out and fight with his enemies, or de­fend himselfe within the Pallace. On the other side, the Medici, Cauicculi, Ruccellai, and other families most iniured, did feare that if the Duke would come out, manie that had taken armes against him, might happily become his friends. And therefore to remoue the occasion of his comming forth, and encreasing his forces, made head, and went vp to the market place. At whose arriual, those populer families, that stood there for the Duke, seeing the Cittizens couragiously to charge them, chaunged their mindes. After the Duke had thus altered his fortune, and euerie man reuol­ted to the Citizens, sauing Vguccione Buondelmonti, who went into the Pallace: and Giannozzo Caualcanti with part of his men, retired vnto the new Market, and there [Page 56] stood vp, desiring the people to arme themselues to defend the Duke. Also the rather to terrifie the people, he threatned them, that if obstinately they followed the enter­prise against the Prince, they should be all slaine. But finding no man to follow him, nor yet any that pursued him, and seeing himselfe to haue laboured in vain, tempting fortune no further, retired vnto his owne house. The conflict in the meane while (betwixt the people and the Dukes souldiers) was great, and though the Dukes for­ces defended the Pallace, yet were they in the end vanquished: some of them yeel­ded to their enemies, and some leauing their horses, folowed into the Pallace. While in the Market place the fight continued, Corso and Amerigo Donati, with part of the people brake the prisons, burnt the Records of the Podesta, & of the publique cham­ber: sacked the Rettori and their houses; and slew all the officers of the Duke, that they could laie hand vpon. The Duke on the other side, seeing the Market place lost, and all the citie against him, not hoping of any helpe, made proofe, whether by any curtuous act the people might be appeased. Therfore he called vnto him the priso­ners, & with gentle words deliuered thē, & made Antonio Adimari (though nothing to his owne contentment) a Knight. Hee caused also his owne armes to be rased out of the Pallace, & set the peoples armes in the same place. Which things being done too late and out of time, by enforcement, and without order, helped litle. Thus as a man discontented & besieged, he remained in the Pallace; and found by experience, that by coueting too much, he lost all: and therefore looked within fewe dayes, ei­ther to die by famine or sword. The Citizens intending some forme of gouernment, assembled themselues in Santa Reparata: and created there foureteene Citizens, halfe of them great, and the other halfe populer, who with the Bishop, should haue full authoritie to reforme the state of Florence. They chused also sixe to haue the autho­ritie of the Podesta, till hee were come. There were in Florence at that time, diuerse straungers come thither to aide the people: amongst whom, were some Sanesi sent from Siena, with sixe Embassadours, men in their country much honoured. They betwixt the people and the Duke practised reconsiliation, but the people refused to common of any agreement, vntill Guglielmo da Scesi, and his sonne, with Cirretieri Bis­domini were deliuered into their hands. The Duke would not thereunto consent, till being threatned by those that were shut in with him, suffered himselfe to be infor­ced. Certainly the furie is greater, and the harmes more, when libertie is in recoue­ring, then when the same is recouered. This Guglielmo and his sonne, being brought among thousands of enemies, (the yoong man not being eighteene yeares of age) could neither by his youth nor innocencie be saued from the furie of the multitude. And those that could not strike him aliue, would needs wound him being dead. Yea not being satisfied by cutting him in peeces with swords, with their nailes and teeth, they also tare his flesh. And to the end al their sences might haue part in the reuenge, hauing alreadie heard him lament, seene his wounds, and touched their torne flesh, would also that their taste should take part, so that all sences both without & within might be pleased. This terrible furie though it were greeuous to Guglielmo and his sonne, yet was it profitable to Cirretieri. Because the multitude, being weary with the crueltie executed vpon those two, did clearly forget him, remaining still within the Pallace not called for. Then, the night following, by certaine of his friends, hee was conueyed away and saued. The multitude being appeased with blood of these two: The Duke of Athene bani­shed by the Florentines. A conclusion was made, wherin was let downe, that the Duke and his, should safely depart with bagge and baggage, and renounce all his authoritie ouer Florence. And afterwards, so soone as he should come to Casentino vpon the confines, ratifie the same. After this composition, the sixt day of August he departed from Florence, accompanied with many Citizens. And arriued in Casentino, he ratified (though vn­willingly) [Page 57] the resignation of his authoritie: for had he not bene by the Earle Simone threatened to be brought backe to Florence, he would not haue performed his pro­mise. This Duke (as his proceedings do shew) was couetous and cruell, Discription of the Duke and his dispositi­on. no willing hearer of complaints, and in his answeres, haughtie; hee looked for seruice of all men, and esteemed the loue of no man: yet desired he to be beloued, more then fea­red. His person and presence did deserue to be hated, no lesse then his conditions; his bodie was small, his face blacke and hard fauoured, his beard long and thin; so as both in appearance and being, hee merited the loue of no man. Thus within the tearme of ten moneths, his euill behauiour lost him that gouernment, which foo­lish Councell of others had giuen him. These accidents being happened within the citie, gaue encouragement to all the townes which had bene subiect to the Floren­tines, to returne also to their libertie: whereby Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia Volterra, Colle, and S. Gimignano, rebelled. After the Duke was thus driuen away, the foure­teene Cittizens, togither with the Bishop, thought better to please their subiects with peace, then make them enemies by warre. And therfore seemed as much con­tent with the libertie of them, as with their owne. Then sent they Embassadors to Arezzo, to renounce all their gouernment and interest in that citie, & make a league with the Citizens there. To this end, that sith they could not haue their aide as sub­iects, yet they might haue it as friends: with other townes they likewise practised to continue them in friendship. This counsell wisely taken, had happie successe: be­cause Arezzo after a fewe yeares returned vnder the gouernment of Florence, & the other townes within a fewe moneths came to their auncient obedience. Whereof may be conceiued, that many times things fled or not desired, are with lesse perill and smaller charge obteined, then if the same had bene by extreame trauell & great force followed. All things thus setled abroad, they turned their studie to deale with matters within: and after some disputations betweene the great and populer Citi­zens, they agreed that the great men should haue a third part in the Senate, & in the ther offices the halfe. The citie (as hath bene beforesaid) was diuided into six parts, so that one of the Senators was appointed to euery sixt part, vnlesse vpon some acci­dent twelue or thirteene were created: but shortly after they were reduced againe to the number of sixe. It was therefore thought good to reforme the gouernment in this point, as well for the euill distribution of the parts, as because they intended to deliuer charge of the gates to the great Cittizens; it was necessarie to encrease the number of the Senators. Therfore the citie was againe diuided, into quarters: allot­ting to euerie quarter three Senators, leauing out the Gonfaloniere Della Iustitia, Florence againe refor­med. and the Gonfalonieri of companies. And in lieu of the twelue Buoni Homini they created eight Councellours, of either sort foure. This gouernment with this order setled, would haue continued quiet, if the great citizens had bene content to liue with that modestie, that to a ciuill life apperteined: but they followed a course cleane contra­rie. For when they were priuate, they would no companions; and being in authori­tie ruled as Lordes. So as euerie day some proofe of their insolencie and pride was seene, which thing greatly displeased the people, supposing that in place of one ty­rant sent away, there was growne vp a thousand. The insolencie of the one part, The people of Florence offended with the nobilitie. and the offence of the other, grew to that greatnesse, that the heads of the people did ex­postulate vnto the Bishop the dishonestie of the great men, who were not by anie meanes content to liue like companions and neighbours. And therefore perswaded him to finde meanes that the great Cittizens might be contented with the meane offices: and that the Magistracie of the Senate should be onely left to them. The Bi­shoppe was naturally good, but easily perswaded to alter opinion: which was the cause, that by perswasion of his companions, he first fauoured the Duke of Athene, [Page 58] and shortly after by the counsell of other Citizens conspired against him. So now he seemed in reformation of the state, first to fauour the great men, and after to allow better of the people, moued by those reasons, which the populer Citizens had tolde him. He therefore supposing to find as small constancie in others, as in himselfe, per­swaded betwixt them a composition. Then he assembled the foureteene, who yet continued in their authoritie, & perswaded them to yeeld the office of Senate to the people, alleadging that would be the quiet of the citie, and the deniall, the ruine thereof. These words did greatly chaunge the mindes of the great men, and Ridol­pho de Bardi, with bitter words reproued the Bishop, calling him a man not to be tru­sted: laying before him the friendship which he entered with the Duke vnaduised­ly, and how he banished him afterwardes, traiterously. And in conclusion he said, that those honours which they with their perill had gotten, with their perill should be defended. Thus being diuided from the Bishop, he & his companie tooke leaue, and went vnto others of their consort, imparting the matter to all the Noble houses in the Cittie. The people likewise brake their mindes to such as were men of their condition. While the great men prepared themselues to the defence of their Senators, the people thought good to be also readie, and suddeinly ranne vnto the Pallace ar­med: crying aloud, and requiring that the great Citizens should renounce the Ma­gistracie. The rumour and tumult was great, and the Senators found themselues a­bandoned: because all the people beeing armed, the great Cittizens durst not take armes, but euerie one remained in his owne house. By meane whereof, the new Se­nators appointed by the people, The autoritie of the nobili­tie, taken from them. first appeased the tumult, and then gaue knowledge thereof: saying that their companions were modest and good men, and that they were faine, for auoyding a worse inconuenience to take this course, & so sent home the other Senators safe to their houses. The great Citizens thus remooued from the Pallace, the office was also taken away from the foure great Counsellours. In whose place, they appointed twelue of the people, with the eight Senators that remained. They created one Gonfaloniere de Iustitia, & sixteene Gonfalonieri of the people. They also reformed the Councels, so as, all the gouernment remained at the discretion of the people. At such time as these things happened, there was great dearth in the ci­tie: by meanes whereof, both great Citizens and the basest sort of people became dis­contented. These, for hunger, and those for hauing lost their authoritie: which oc­casion made Andrea Strozzi to imagine, that it were possible for him to vsurpe the libertie of the citie. Andrea Strozzi. He perswaded with that imagination, solde his corne much bet­ter cheape then others: by meanes whereof, many people resorted vnto his house. And one morning hee mounted on horsebacke, being followed by some of them, tooke courage to call the people to armes: which done, within lesse then one houre foure thousand people were assembled; with whom he went to the Senate, desiring the Pallace might be opened for him. But the Senators with threatnings and force, sent him from thence, and after with proclamations so terrified him, that by litle and litle euerie man returned to his house. So as Andrea being left alone, could scantly flie and saue himselfe from the Magistrates. This attempt, although it were vnaduised, and had such successe, as commonly all others like thereunto haue, yet did the same giue hope vnto the Nobilitie, that they might easily oppresse the people, seeing the poorest sort misliked them. The nobilitie assaie to reco­uer their ho­nours. For not loosing this opportunitie, they determined to arme themselues with all sorts of aide, and recouer that reasonably, which vniustly and by force, had bene taken from them. The assured hope they had conceiued of successe in this enterprise, grew so great, that openly they prouided armes, fortified their houses, and sent to their friends in Lombardy. The people on the other side, to­gither with the Senate, made their prouision, and arming them, sent to the Sanesi and [Page 59] Perugini for aide. The assistaunce of the one, and the other beeing come, The People armed against the nobilitie. all the Cittie was in Armes, and the Nobilitie made head on this side Arno in three places. At the houses of Cauicciulli neare to S. Giouanni: at the houses of the Pazzi and Donati, in S. Piero Maggiore: and at the houses of the Caualcanti in the newe Market. The others beyonde Arno, fortified the bridges and streetes next to their houses. The Nerli at the bridge Caraia; The Frescobaldi and Mannelli, at S. Trinita. The Rossi and Bardi, at the olde bridge; and the bridge Rubaconte defen­ded themselues. The people on the other part, vnder the Gonfaloniere della Iustitia, & the Ensignes of companies assembled themselues. Being thus prepared, the people thought good no longer to delaie the fight. The first that gaue the charge were the Medici and the Rondinegli, who assaulted the Cauicciulli, in that way which leadeth from the Court before S. Giouanni to their houses. There the conflict was great, by reason that from the Towers stones were cast downe to the harme of many, & be­low others with Crosse-bowes were sore hurt. This fight continued three houres, and still the people encreased. Then the Cauicciulli seeing themselues by the multi­tude ouermatched, and wanting aide, yeelded to the people: who saued their hou­ses and their goods, and tooke from them onely their weapons, commanding them to diuide themselues, and remaine in the houses of such Commoners as were their kinsfolks and friends. This first troupe vanquished the Donati & the Pazzi, who be­ing of lesse force were easily subdued. Then remained only on this side Arno, the Ca­ualcanti, who by men and the seat of the place were strong. Neuerthelesse seeing all the Gonfalonieri against them, and knowing the others to haue bene by three Gonfa­loni vanquished without any great resistance yeelded. Thus were three parts of the Cittie in the hands of the people, one part more remained to the Nobilitie: which was hard to be wonne, by reason of the strength of them which defended it, and the seat of the place, it being so fortified with the riuer of Arno, that the bridges must first of force be surprised, which were defended in that sort as is beforesaid. The people then knowing that there they laboured in vaine, assaied to passe the bridge Ruba­conte: where finding the like difficultie, they left for guard of those two bridges, foure Gonfaloni; and with the rest assaulted the bridge Caraia. Where albeit the Nerli manfully defended themselues, yet could they not withstand the furie of the people. Both because the bridge wanting towers of defence, was weak, & the Capponi with other populer families also assailed them. In so much as being on euery side distres­sed, they retired and gaue place to the people; who forthwith likewise vanquished the Rosci: by reason that all the people on the farre side of Arno ioyned with the vic­torious. Then the Bardi were onely left, whom neither the ouerthrow of others, nor the vniting of the people against them, (nor the small hope they had of rescue) could any whit amaze: for they did choose rather to die fighting, see their houses burnt, and their goods spoyled, then voluntarily submit themselues to the mercie of their enemies. They therefore defended themselues with so great resolution, that the people many times in vaine assaulted them, both vpon the old bridge, and vpon Rubaconte: and were with death of many, and the hurting of more, repulsed. There was in times past a lane, whereby men passed from the way that leadeth towardes Rome, by the house of the Pitti, to go vnto S. Giorgio. By this way the people sent six Gonfalonieri, with commandement to assault the back side of the house of Bardi. That assault made the Bardi to loose their hope, and occasioned the people to assure them­selues of victorie: for so soone as those who defended the streetes knew their hou­ses were assaulted, they abandoned the fight, and ranne to saue them. This was the cause that the chaine of the old bridge was lost, and that the Bardi on euerie side fled: who were by the Quaratesi Panzanesi, and Mozzi encountred. The people in the [Page 60] meane while (chiefly those of basest qualitie) being greedie of spoyle, sacked their houses, razed their Towers and burned them, with so great furie, that euen he that is most foe to the Florentine name, would haue bene ashamed to behold so great a crueltie. The Nobili­tie oppressed. The Nobilitie thus oppressed, the people ordeined a gouernment. And because the Cittizens were diuided into three sorts, that is to say, great men, meane men, and base men. It was ordered that of the great men there should be two Sena­tors, of the meane men three, and of the basest men three. Also the Gonfalonieri should sometime be of the one, and sometime of the other sort. Moreouer the ordinances of Iustice, against the Nobilitie were confirmed. And to make the Nobilitie wea­ker, they tooke some of that number, and mixed them with the populer multitude. This ruine of the Nobilitie was great, and so much weakened their faction, as after that time they durst neuer take armes against the people: but continually remained poore and abiect of minde; which was the occasion that Florence became spoyled, not onely of armes, but also of all generositie. After this ruine, the citie continued quiet, till the yeare 1353. In which time, happened that memorable plague (where­of Giouan Boccacio with great eloquence) hath written. Of which died in Florence, 96. thousand persons. The Florentines made then the first warre with the Visconti, occasioned by the ambition of the Archbishop, then Prince of Milan. That warre being ended, beganne suddeinly new factions within the Citie. And albeit the No­bilitie was destroyed, yet fortune found meanes to raise vp new diuisions, and new troubles.

THE greeuous and naturall enimities betwixt the people, and Nobilitie, through desire of the one to commaund, and the other, not to obey: are causes of all euils, which happen in euerie citie. For of the diuersitie of these humours, all other things which di­sturbe Common weales doo take their nutriment. This was that which held Rome disunited. And this (if we may compare small matters to great) was that which continued Florence diuided. Not­withstanding, in those two cities, the diuisions, did bring forth two sundrie effects. For the enimitie of the people and Nobilitie in Rome, was at the beginning ended by disputation: but the diuision of the people and Nobilitie of Florence, was with sword and slaughter determined. That of Rome by lawe; but that of Florence by exile, and death of many Citizens was ended. That of Rome did alwaies encrease the vertue militarie, but that of Florence, vtterly extinguished the same. That of Rome, from an equalitie of the Citizens, to a great disequalitie, reduced the citie: but that of Florence, frō disequalitie, to a maruellous equalitie was changed. Which diuersitie of effects, must of force be occasioned, by the diuerse ends, which these two people had. For the people of Rome, desired not more, then to participate the soueraigne honours with the Nobilitie, but they of Florence would be alone, and gouerne all without companie of the Nobilitie. And for as much as the desire of the Romane people was more reasonable, the offences done to the Nobilitie became the more tollerable. By meane whereof, that Nobilitie, without resistance gaue place: and after some disputation, a lawe was made to the peoples satisfaction, they being content that the Nobilitie should continue their dignities. On the o­ther side, the desire of the Florentine people was iniurious and vniust; by reason whereof, the Nobilitie prepared themselues for defence, and without banishment and bloud of the Cittizens, their contentions were not ended. Also those lawes which were afterwards made, not for the common commoditie, but altogither in fauour of the people, were ordeined. Thereof proceeded likewise, that by victo­ries of the people, the citie of Rome became more vertuous. Also the people ha­uing sometime authoritie in the warres, and commaundement in gouernment with the Nobilitie, were indowed with like vertue, and caused that citie by en­crease of vertue in men, to encrease also in power. But in Florence, the people ha­uing victorie, the Nobilitie were depriued of Magistracie, and being desirous to recouer it, it behoued them by their behauiour and manner of life, to endeuour themselues, not onely to seeme, but also to be men populer. Heereof, came the al­teration of Ensignes, and the chaunge of titles, which the Nobilitie (to seeme common people) were constrained to make. So as that vertue in armes and ge­nerositie [Page 62] of minde, which had bene in the Nobilitie, was extinguished; and could not be reuiued in the people, where it was not: which is the cause that Florence euer after becam the more abiect. And as Rome knowing the vertue of it self grew to such pride, as without a Prince could not be mainteined: so Florence was reduced to such termes, as euery wise law maker might haue brought the same to any order or forme of gouernment: as by reading of the former booke may partly be perceiued. Now hauing already shewed the beginning of Florence, & the original of the liberty ther­in, with the occasions of diuision: and how the factions of the nobilitie and of the people, with the tyrannie of the Duke of Athene, did end: & lastly how the Nobili­tie were destroyed. It remaineth to discourse the enimitie betwixt the people and the multitude, The enimitie betweene the people and the multitude. with such accidents as of those diuisions proceeded. So soone as the authoritie of the Nobilitie was oppressed, and the warre with the Arch-Duke of Milan finished; it seemed that no occasion of displeasure or offence, remained in Florence. But the froward fortune of our Cittie, and the euill or­ders thereof, caused newe dissention to arise, betwixt the families of Albizi and Ricci: which diuided Florence, as by the Buondelmonti and the Vberti, and as by the Donati and Circhi it had before beene diuided. The Popes, who at that time remained in Fraunce, and the Emperours in Germany, to maintaine their reputation in Italy, sent thither at sundrie times, sundrie multitudes of soul­diers, English men, Germaines, and Brittaines. They, (the warres ended) bee­ing without paie and entertainment, sometime vnder the Ensigne of one Prince, and sometimes vnder an other, spoyled the Countrey. In the yeare 1353. one of those companies came into Toscana, vnder the conduct of Monsigneur Reale, whose comming amazed all the Citties of that Prouince. And the Florentines did not onelie in that respect publiquely leuie forces, but also diuerse priuate Cittizens. The faction or diuision of Albizi and Ricci. Amongest whome, the Albizi and Ricci, for their owne defence, Armed themselues. These two houses hating one the other, studied howe they might one oppresse the other: yet were they not come to Armes, but one­ly contended in the gouernment, and in Councell. The Cittie then vpon this occasion armed, there happened by chaunce a quarrell in the olde Market: whi­ther many people (as is at like occasions the custome) resorted. During the brunt of this brute, newes were brought to the Ricci, that the Albizi assailed them. And in like maner it was tolde to the Albizi, that the Ricci sought for them. Vp­on these rumours, all the citie arose, and the Magistrates could with difficultie hold backe the one and the other of these families, from dooing of that violence, which without any fault or intent of theirs, was occasioned. This chance (though of no importance) somwhat kindled the minds of those gentlemen, & euery of them were the rather desirous to allure partakers. And forasmuch as by the ruin of the no­bilitie, the Citizens were reduced to such an equalitie, that the magistrates had more reuerence then they were wont, either of them determined by ordinary meane, and without priuate violence to oppresse his aduersary. We haue alreadie tolde, how after the victory of Carlo the first, the Guelfi were created Magistrates, and to them great authoritie giuen ouer the Ghibilini. Notwithstanding through tract of time and new diuisions, that law became so much neglected, that many descended of Ghi­bilini, A new lawe against the Ghibilini oc­cationed by a priuie respect. aspired to the most principall offices. Vguccione de Ricci then chiefe of his fami­ly, found meane, that the law against the Ghibilini was reuiued: of which faction (as some thought) the Albizi were, who many yeares past did come from Arezzo to inhabit Florence. Vpon reuiuing of this law, Vguccione hoped to depriue the Albizi of authoritie, because thereby it was ordeined, that whosoeuer was descended of the Ghibilini, should not in any wise beare office in the state. This practise of Vguccione [Page 63] was discouered to Piero sonne of Philippo degli Albizi, who determined to fauour it, least doing the contrarie, he should declare himselfe a Ghibilino. This lawe although renewed by ambition of the Ricci, yet did it not diminish, but encrease the repu­tation of the Albizi, and was the originall of many mischiefs. Neither can any lawe be made more preiudiciall to a Common weale, then that which hath relation to time, long since passed. Piero hauing thus consented to the law, that, which his ene­mies had deuised for a let, was the high way to lead him to his greatnesse. For being made as chiefe of this new ordinance, he still encreased in reputation, and became more fauoured of the Guelfi, then any other. And for as much as there was no Ma­gistrate appointed for discouerie of the Ghibilini, the lawe alreadie made, serued to small purpose. It was therefore prouided that authoritie should be giuen to the Cap­taines, to detect those that were of faction Ghibilini, and finding them, to giue admo­nishment that they should not take vppon them any office in the state: Or if they should disobey the said admonishment, then to be condemned. Hereof it commeth, that since that time, all those that be disabled to beare office in Florence, Ammoniti. be called Am­moniti. The captains thē by this authority grew to be so insolent, as they did not only admonish those that deserued admonition, but also euery man, whomsoeuer it plea­sed them, being thereto moued by any cause whatsoeuer, either of couetousnesse or ambition. So that, from the yeare 1357. (at which time this ordinance was made) til the yeare 1366. more then two hundreth Citizens were admonished. By this mean, the Captaines, & faction of Guelfi were become mightie, because euery man fearing to be admonished, honoured them. The chief of them were, Piero delli Albizi, Lapo d [...] Castiglionichio, and Piero Strozzi. And albeit this insolent order of proceeding dis­pleased many, yet the Ricci were of all other most discontented. For they supposing themselues to be the occasion of this disorder, saw the common weale ruined, & the Albizi their enemies, contrary to expectation, become of most authoritie. Wherfore Vguccione de Ricci, being one of the Senate, desired to staie this mischiefe, whereof he & his friends were the beginners: and by a new law he prouided, that the six captains should be encreased to the number of nine, of whom, two should be of the smal mi­steries. And ordeined moreouer, that the detection of the Ghibilini, should be by 24. Citizens of the sect of Guelfi confirmed. This ordinance for the time, qualified the authoritie of the Captaines, so as the admonishment grew colde. And if anie happe­ned to be admonished, they were not manie. Notwithstanding, the factions of Albizi and Ricci, continued: and the leagues, practises, and resolutions, deuised in hatred one of the other, did proceed. In this vnquietnesse, the citie liued from the yeare 1366. till 1371. In which time the Guelfi recouered their forces. There was in the family of Buondelmonti, one Gentleman called Benchi, who for his merit, in the warre against the Pisani, was made one of the people, and thereby become ca­pable of the office of the Senate. And when he looked to be chosen to that honour, a lawe was made, that no Gentleman become one of the people, might exercise the office of the Senate. This greatly offended Benchi, wherefore consulting with Piero delli Albizi, determined with the admonition to oppresse the meaner sort of the peo­ple, and the rest alone to enioy the gouernment. Then through the fauour which Benchi had with the olde Nobilitie, and through the affection of manie of moste mightie people borne to Piero, the faction of Guelfi recouered some force: and with new reformation, they handled the matter so, that they might both of the Captaines and the twentie foure Cittizens, dispose as themselues thought good. Wherevppon they returned to admonish more boldlie then they were woont and the house of Albizi, as head of this secte, still encreased. On the o­ther side, the Ricci failed not by their owne force and friendes to hinder their [Page 64] enterprises all they were able, so that all men liued in suspition, and euerie one mi­strusted his owne ruine. For which cause, manie Cittizens mooued with the loue of their Countrey, assembled themselues in Saint Pietro Sceraggio, and reasoning of these disorders, went to the Senators: vnto whome one of most authoritie spake thus. The Oration of the citti­zens touching factions. Wee haue (my Lordes) doubted (although for a publique occasion) to assemble our selues by priuate consent, fearing to be noted for presumptuous, or condemned as ambitious. Yet considering that euerie day (without respect) manie Cittizens conferre both in the streetes and in their houses, not for anie common commoditie, but their owne ambition: we do hope, that as they haue come togithers for the ruine of the Common weale, so it shall not be offensiue, that we consult by what meane the same might be preserued: Neither is there cause why we should regard them, seeing they of vs, make none estimation at all. The loue (my Lordes) which we beare to our Countrey, did first bring vs togither, and the same also hath ledde vs hither to intreate of these inconueni­ences, which are now great, and daily encrease in this our Common weale. In the redresse whereof, we offer our selues to assist you. And (albeit the en­terprise do seeme hard) yet may it be performed, if it shall like your Lordships to laie by all priuate respects, and with publique forces imploy your authorities. The common corruption of other Citties of Italy, doth also corrupt ours. For sith this Prouince was drawne vnder the Empire, all Cities (wanting Gouernours able to rule them) haue gouerned themselues: not as free, but as townes into sects and faction, diuided. Out of this, be sprung vp al other discords that are to be found. First, among the Citizens, there is neither vnion, nor friendship, but onely among such, as haue against their countrey or priuate persons, conspired some lewde enter­prise. Also, bicause religiō & feare of God is in euery man almost extinguished, othes and faith giuen, are none obligations equall to profit, which all men couet. Yet do they stil vse both promising & othes, not to obserue them, but the rather to deceiue those, that trust them. And the more easily & safely they can deceiue, the more they account their praise & glory. For this reason, hurtfull men be commended as indu­strious, & good men blamed as foolish. Yea, I assure my selfe, that all corruption, or that can corrupt others, is to be found in the cities of Italy. The young men are idle, old men wanton, euery sects, and euery age full of lewde conditions: which good lawes, being euil vsed, do not amend. Hereof the couetousnes which we see in Citi­zens, and the desire, not of true glory, but of shamefull honors, do proceed: where­vpon depend hatred, enmitie, displeasures, & sects. Also of them do follow murders, banishments, persecution of the good, & aduancement of the euill. For good men trusting in their owne innocencie do not (as euil men) seeke extraordinary defence. Whereby vnsupported and dishonoured, they are suffered to sinke. This example occasioneth loue of the factions, and their forces: because the worst sort for coue­tousnesse and ambition, and the best for necessitie, do follow them. It is also wor­thie consideration (as that which is more perillous) to see how the leaders of these enterprises do colour their lewdnesse with some honest or godly tearme. For (albeit they are all enemies to libertie) yet vnder the word Ottimacy, or popularitie, they cloake their euill intent. Because the rewarde which they aspect of victorie, is not glorie, by hauing deliuered the Cittie, but the satisfaction they take to be victorious, and vsurpe the gouernment thereof. Wherewith allured, there is nothing so iniust, nothing so cruell, or couetous, that they leaue vnattempted. Hereof it proceedeth, that lawes, and statutes, not for the common, but the priuate profit, be made. Hereof it proceedeth, that warre, peace, and leagues, not for pub­like glory, but for the pleasure of a few, are contracted. And albeit some other Cities [Page 65] be touched with these disorders, yet none so fowly infected as ours. Because the lawes, the statutes, and ciuil ordinances, not according to a life in libertie, but accor­ding to desire of the faction victorious, haue bene, and yet are, ordeined; which is the cause that euer one faction driuen out, or one diuision extinquished, sodeinly a­riseth an other. For that citie which is mainteined more by faction, then law, so soone as anie faction hath gotten the ouer hand, & is without opposition: it must of force be, that the same becommeth in it selfe diuided. For by those priuate meanes which were made for preseruation therof, it cannot be defended: which to be true, the an­cient, and moderne diuisions of our citie do make triall. Euerie man thought that the Ghibilini extirped, the Guelfi should euer haue continued in honour. Notwithstan­ding within short time, the Bianchi and Neri arose. The Bianchi vanquished, our citie continued not long without partes, but was sometimes troubled with fauouring those that were banished, and somtimes with the enmitie betwixt the people, & no­bilitie. Yea, at length (giuing that to others, which by accord either we would not or could not possesse our selues) sometimes to the King Roberto, sometimes to his bro­ther, & last of all to the Duke of Athene, we yeelded our libertie. And in troth we ne­uer setled our selues in any estate, as men, that could not consent to liue free, nor be willing to obey: neither feared we liuing vnder a King (so greatly are our orders di­sposed to diuision) to preferre before his maiestie, a man of most base condition, born in Agobio. The Duke of Athene may not without shame of this citie be remembred: whose bitter and cruel mind might make vs wise, and instruct vs how to liue. But he being sent away, we suddeinly tooke armes in hand, and with more malice and fury, fought among our selues, til all our auncient nobilitie were oppressed and left at the peoples discretion. Then was it thought by many, that neuer for any occasiō it were possible to stir vp new troubles or factions in Florence, they being cast down, whose pride & vnsupportable ambition was the cause thereof. Yet is it now seene by expe­rience, how easily the opinion of men is deceiued. For the ambition and pride of the nobilitie was not quenched, but remoued into the people: who now (according to the custome of ambitious men) hope to aspire to the most soueraigne offices. And not wanting other meane to vsurpe the same, they moued new discords, & new di­uisions in the citie, raising vp the name of Guelfi & Ghibilini, which, (had they neuer bene knowne) should haue made our country the more happie. Besides that, (to the end in this world should be nothing in continuance or quietnes) Fortune hath pro­uided, that in euery state, there should be certaine fatall families, borne, and destined, to the destruction thereof. Of these, our Common weale hath bene more then anie other, replenished. For not one, but many of them haue disturbed the quiet therof. As, first of all the Buondelmonti and Vberti; then the Donati and Circhi. And euen now (a shamefull and ridiculous matter) the Ricci and Albizi do trouble and diuide our Citie. We haue not remembred you of those corrupt customes, and our continuall diuision, to dismay you, but call to your minds the occasions of them, and enforme you, that the example of those, should not make you to dispaire the reformation of these. Because the power of these auncient houses was so great, and the fauour that Princes did beare towards them so much, that the lawes and ciuill ordinances were not of force sufficient to hold them in quiet and due obedience. But now the Empire hauing no force, the Pope not feared, and that all Italy, & this Citie also, is reduced to so great equalitie, as may by it self be gouerned, the difficultie cannot be much. And this our common weale (notwithstanding the ancient examples to the cōtrary) may not only be brought to vniō, but also in good customs & ciuil orders be reformed, if your lordships be disposed to do it. Wherunto, we moued with the loue of our coū ­try, & no priuate passiō, do persuade you. And albeit the corruptiō thereof be great, [Page 66] yet allaie that disease which infecteth, that furie which consumeth, that poyson that killeth: and impute the auncient disorders not to the nature of men, but the time: which being changed, it may hope, that by meane of new orders, new fortune will follow, whose frowardnesse may be by wisedome gouerned, in putting a bridle vp­on the ambitious, disanulling such ordinances, as were nourishers of factions, and vsing those that to a ciuill life and libertie, are agreeable. Be ye also pleased to do this by vertue of lawe, rather now, then deferre the same, till such time, as by armes you shall be enforced thereunto. The Senators moued with these reasons, which them­selues had before considered, and thereunto adding the authoritie, and comfort of the men, gaue commission to fiftie sixe Citizens, to prouide for the safetie of the Common weale. True it is, that the counsell of many is more fit to conserue a good order, then to inuent it. These Citizens then studied rather to extirpate the present factions, then take away the occasion of future diuision. In so much, as neither the one or the other, was brought to passe: because not remouing the occasions of new diuision, and the one part of those sects which were present, being of greater force then the other, New refor­mation in Florence. became the more perillous to the state. Wherefore, out of euerie of­fice (excepting those that were in the handes of the Guelfi) for three yeares they de­priued three men of the families of Albizi, and three of the house of Ricci: amongst whom, were Piero delli Albizi, & Vguccione dei Ricci. They prohibited all Citizens to come into the Pallace, sauing at such times as the Magistrates sate there. They proui­ded, that who euer was striken, or letted to possesse his owne, might call his aduersa­rie to the Counsels, & protest him for one of the Nobilitie. These ordinances discou­raged the Ricci, and incouraged the Albizi. For although they were equally noted, yet the Ricci were the more iniured. And albeit the Pallace of the Senate was forbid­den to Piero, yet the counsell house of the Guelfi (where he had great authoritie) was open for him. Therefore if he and his followers were at the first earnest in admoni­shing, now after this iniurie, they became much more earnest: and to that euil dispo­sition, Pope Grego­rio. new occasions were ioyned. At this time Gregorio 11. was aspired to the Pa­pacie, who liuing at Auignion, did (as his predecessors) gouerne Italy by Legates. They being men inclined to pride and couetousnesse, had thereby greatly afflicted many Cities. One of these Legates being in Bologna, taking occasion of the dearth which happened that yeare in Florence, determined to make himselfe Lord of Tosca­na. And therefore he not onely withheld from the Florentines, present reliefe, (but al­so to remoue all hope of future prouision) at the beginning of the next spring, with a great Army, entered their Countrey: imagining the people (disarmed and fami­shed) might be easily conquered. And happily the enterprise had taken effect, if the souldiers that serued him, had bene faithfull and not corruptible. For the Florentines not hauing other remedie, gaue vnto them 130. thousand Florins, and for that mony the souldiers abandoned the enterprise. To begin a warre, is in the power of euerie man, but to end a warre, no man can, when himselfe so liketh. This warre by the am­bition of the Legate begun, was by the offence of the Florentines followed. For the better execution thereof, A new Com­mission for the gouern­ment of war. they made league with Barnabo, and with all the cities ene­mies to the church; and elected eight Citizens to gouern the said war: vnto whom authoritie was giuen, to proceed without appeale, and spend without account. This warre begun against the Pope (notwithstanding the death of Vgucciono) encouraged those that followed the faction of Ricci, and had against the Albizi alwaies fauoured Barnabo, and disfauoured the church: and the more, for that the eight were all foes to the faction of Guelfi: which was the reason that Piero delli Albizi, Lapo di Castiglio­nichio, Carlo Strozzi, and the rest, diuerse times ioyned, to the offence of the aduersa­rie. And while the eight made warre, and they admonished, the warre continued [Page 67] three yeares, and by death of the Pope was ended. This warre was with so vniuer­sall satisfaction, and so great vertue gouerned, that the office of the eight, was from yeare to yeare continued in those men, and they were called Santi, notwithstanding they litle regarded the Popes curses, spoiled churches, and forced the Clergie. Thus without respect, they preferred the seruice of their country before the Popes indig­nation. And thereby taught the church, that as being friend thereunto, they had de­fended it, so being enemie, they were able to annoy it, hauing procured all Romagna, La Marca, and Perugia, to rebell. But notwithstanding all these warres made by the Florentines against the Pope, yet could they not defende themselues from the Cap­taines of their owne factions and their followers. For, the enuie which the Guelfi bare vnto the eight, made them to become insolent, and though they spared the rest of the Nobilitie, yet rested they not to iniure the eight. Also the Captaines of facti­ons, were growne vp to so great arrogancie, as they were more fauoured then the Senators, and men with more reuerence resorted to their houses, then to the Pallace. In so much as euerie Embassadour that came to Florence, brought with him some commission or instruction to entreate with these Captaines. Then died Pope Grego­rio, whereby the citie being deliuered of forreine warre, presently begun great con­fusion at home. For on the one side, the insolencie of the Guelfi was insupportable, New tumults in Florence. and on the other side, no meane could be deuised to oppresse them. Onely this hope was left, that euerie man should take armes, and so make triall whether partie should preuaile. On the part of the Guelfi, were all the old Nobilitie, with the greater num­ber of the mightiest people: of whom (as hath bene declared) Lapo, Piero, and Carlo were the chiefe. On the other side, were all the people of least reputation, who had for Leaders, the eight Gouernours of warre, Georgio Scali, Tomazo Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude (as in like cases it e­uer happeneth) ioyned to the partie discontented. It seemed then to the Guelfi, that the forces of their aduersaries were great, and therefore themselues in much daun­ger, whensoeuer any vnfriendly Senate should happen to be chosen. Therefore thought good for the preuenting of that mischiefe, to assemble themselues in some place conuenient, where they might consult of the state of that Citie. For it seemed that the Citizens admonished, being in number growne great, the most part of the Citie were their foes. Whereto they could not deuise other remedie, but as they had taken from them the honours, so also to banish them the Citie, take the Pallace by force, and reduce all the state, to the order wherunto it was by the auncient Guelfi reduced: who liued not secure for any other reason, but onely because they had dri­uen out all their aduersaries. To this plot euerie man consented, but of the time of execution, they discented. The yeare 1378. being come, in the moneth of Aprill, Lapo thought good not to deferre the time saying, there was nothing that hindred time so much, as time: and then specially because in the next Senate, Saluestro de Me­dici was likely to be chosen Gonfaloniere, whom to their factiō they knew most con­trary. Piero delli Albizi thought otherwise, for his opinion was it should be deserred, because the execution of their intent required forces, which without publishing of the matter could not beleuied, & if the matter were discouered, they should ther­by incurre manifest daunger. His opinion therefore was, it should be delaied till the feast of S. Iohn (then at hand:) at which time, many people would resort to the towne, among whome they might conuey in vnknowne, as many friendes as they thought good. Moreouer, to finde meanes how to preuent the election of Salue­stro, it was thought fit to admonish him: and if that deuise seemed not good, then to put into the election an other also of the same quarter. So as, it might fall out, that insteed of him, some other of his companions should be chosen. This cause was set [Page 68] downe as a resolution, (notwithstanding that Lapo vnwillingly thereunto, consen­ted) iudging, delaie was dangerous, and that no time can be in euerie respect fit for execution. For whosoeuer tarrieth all opportunities, either he shall neuer performe anything, The Conspi­racy reuealed. or if he doth, the same (for the most part) falleth out to his disaduantage. The Colledge was warned, and Saluestro not repulsed, but chosen Gonfaloniere: for the eight hauing discouered the practise, found meanes to preuent that which was looked for. Thus Saluestro sonne of Alemanno di Medici, who being of a verie noble populer house, could not endure that the people should be by a few great men op­pressed. And hauing deuised how to end their insolencie, seeing the people fauou­red that enterprise, he did communicate his intent to Benedetto Alberti, Tomazo Strez­zi, and Georgio Scali: and they promised to bring him all the aide they possibly could. Thē was there a law secretly established, wherby the ordināces of iustice against the great men were renewed: & the authoritie of Captains was diminished. The same also, restored power to the admonished, to haue restitution of their dignities. And because (as it were at one instant) they intended both to propound and obteine, ha­uing first to passe the Colledge, & after to determine in the Councels, finding Salue­stro President (which place in those dayes, for the time being, made him be placed as Prince of the Citie) they caused the Colledge & Councell in one selfe morning to be assembled. And first to the Colledge onely, they propounded the lawe made, which as a new thing was by that small number reiected. Whereby Saluestro, seeing his wings clipped, wherewith he hoped to ascend to his desire, fained for his neces­sitie to depart the place; and contrarie to expectation, went to the Councell: and standing vp where he might be both seen and heard of euerie man, said. He thought himselfe made Gonfaloniere, The speech of Saluestro di Medici. not to determine of priuate causes, (which haue their ordinary Iudges) but to attend the state, correct the insolencie of the great men, and qualifie the rigor of those lawes, which were found by proofe to hinder the Com­mon weale. And albeit he had with diligence trauelled in these matters, and to his power preuented all inconueniences, yet the sinister disposition of men, so greatly opposed it selfe to his iust indeuour, that the way of well doing was stopped: and their intent was altered, not onely from determining well, but also from hearing thereof. Wherefore, seeing that he could not do aniething more for the state, or the common commoditie, he knew not to what end he should continue longer in that office, which either he deserued not, or (as it was thought of others) he would not hereafter deserue. For these respects he intended to retire home, to the end the peo­ple might put in his roome, some other of more vertue, or greater fortune. This speech ended, he departed from the Councell towards his house, such as were in the Councell his friends, with some others also desirous of Innouation, began to mur­mure. Then the Senators and Colledges drew neare, and finding their Gonfalone de­parting, by entreatie, and authoritie staied him, and into the Councell, (being full of tumult) perswaded him to returne, where many noble Citizens were with words most iniurious, threatned. Among whom, Carlo Strozzi, was by an Artificer taken by the bozome, and had bene slaine, if the standers by had not saued him. But that which stirred the greatest tumult, and put the citie in armes, was the motion of Be­nedetto Alberti, who from the window of the Pallace, cried aloude to the people to take armes. Wherupon sodeinly all the Court was full of armed men. By that mean, the Colledges were forced by threatnings and feare, to do that which being desi­red they would not. In the meane time, the Captaines of the factions had assembled many Citizens, and consulted how to defend them against the order of the Senators. But so soone as they heard the rumour appeased, and vnderstood what was by the Councell resolued, euerie man fled to his owne house. For there is no man that mo­ueth [Page 69] any alteration in a Citie, that knoweth how either to worke it at his owne wil, or suppresse it, at his pleasure. It was the intent of Saluestro to create a law, & appease the Citie: but the matter fell out contrarie. For the humours moued, had chaunged euerie man so much, that the shoppes were shut vp, Citizens were assailed at their houses, many conueyed their goods to Monasteries, and hid them in Churches, as though euerie one looked for some miserie at hand. The companies of misteries as­sembled, and euerie misterie elected a Sindaco. Then the Priori called their Colled­ges, and the Sindachi consulted with them, how the Citie might be made quiet, but their opinions being diuerse, nothing was determined. The next day following, the misteries drew forth their Ensignes, which the Senators knowing, & doubting that which happened; called the Councels to put order: but ere they were all assem­bled, a tumult was begun, and presently the Ensignes were come out, followed by armed men to the Pallace. Thereupon the Councell to giue hope of contentation to the misteries and the people, and take from them the occasion of suspition, gaue generall authoritie to the Senate, the Colledges, the Eight, the Captaines of parts, and the Sindachi, to reforme the Cittie, for common commoditie thereof. While these matters were in hand, certaine of the Ensignes of misteries, with others of lesse qua­litie (thereby moued by some that desired reuenge of the last iniuries receiued of the Guelfi) shrunke away from the rest, and went vnto the house of Lapo di Castiglioni­chio, sacking and burning the same. He hearing that the Senate had done an enter­prise contrarie to order taken by the Guelfi, and seeing the people in armes, hauing no other remedie, but either hide himselfe or flie; first hid him in Santa Croce, & af­ter in the habit of a Frier fled into Casentino: where he was heard complaine of him­selfe, for consenting to Piero delli Albizi; and of Piero, for that he would needs deferre to assure the state, till the feast of S. Giouanni. But Piero and Carlo Strozzi, at the be­ginning of the vprore hid themselues, thinking that the brunt past, their friends and kinsfolkes were of force sufficient to continue them secure in Florence. The house of Lapo being sacked (because mischiefes are hardly begunne, and easily encreased) many other houses (some for hate vniuersall, and others by priuate displeasure) were also spoiled and burned. And the ministers of these mischiefes, to make their compa­nie the more forcible, for the spoyling of other mens goods, brake the Gayles, & let forth the prisoners. They also sacked the Monasterie of Agnoli and S. Spirito, where many Citizens had bestowed their goods. Neither had the publique chamber of Florence escaped the hands of these disordered spoylers, if one of the Senators had not taken vpon him the defence thereof; who on horsebacke followed with some armed men, resisted the furie of the multitude. This populer madnesse, partly by mediation of the Senate, and partly for that the night drew on, was appeased. New refor­mation in Florence. The next day, the Balia restored fauour to the Citizens admonished, with condition that within the next three yeares, they should not be capable to exercise any office. They also disanulled the lawes made by the Guelfi, in preiudice of the Citizens. They pro­claimed Lapo di Castiglionichio, and his companions Rebels, and with them diuerse others hated of the multitude. After these resolutions, they published new Senators, among whom Luigi Guicciardini was Gonfaloniere: whereby hope was conceiued, that all tumults wold cease, because they were holden quiet men and louers of peace. Notwithstanding the shops were kept shut, the Citizens still armed, and great wat­ches throughout the citie charged. For which cause the Senators receiued not their office without the Pallace with the pompe accustomed, but within, not vsing a­ny ceremonie at all. These Senators thought nothing so necessarie to be done at their entry into office, as to procure a peace in the citie, and therfore caused al armes to be laide downe, the shops to be opened, and the people of the countrey (called [Page 70] thither in the fauour of Citizens) to be dispatched away. They ordeined Guards in many places of the citie; so as if the Citizens admonished, could haue liued content, the people had bene quiet. But they not willing to abide three yeares from honour, did finde meane, that for their satisfaction, the misteries againe assembled, and de­manded of the Senate, that for the good of the citie and quiet thereof, no Cittizen might any more be admonished as a Ghibilino, either by the Senators, the Colledge, Captaine, or Consull. Moreouer, they required new Imborsation to be made of the Guelfi, and the old to be burned. These demands were presently accepted, both by the Senate, and all other Councels: because thereupon it was supposed, all newe tu­mults would cease. But mans nature doth not onely content it selfe with his owne, but will also couet other mens, and be reuenged. Those that hoped in the disorder, declared to the misteries that they should neuer be assured, vnlesse many of their enemies were driuen out, and oppressed. Which request being presented, the Sena­tors called before them, the officers of misteries, & the Sindachi, to whom Luigi Guic­ciardini Gonfaloniere spake in manner following. The Oration of Luigi Guic­ciardini. If these Lordes, and I also, had not knowne the fortune of this cittie, the custome whereof is, that so soone as it hath made peace abroad, the warre within beginneth: we would haue more maruelled at the tumuls passed, and therewith haue bene more greeued. But because things accustomed, do bring with them lesse sorrow, we haue endured these troubles with great patience, and the rather, for that they were begun, without any our default, and shall (we hope) end, as all others before haue done, sith we haue alreadie, in so many, and so great demands, satisfied you. Neuerthelesse perceiuing that you ne­uer rest contented, but still with new iniuries seeke to disturbe your Citizens, and condemne them to newe banishments: of your dishonest dealings, our greeuous sorrow groweth. And truly, if we had thought, that within the tearme of our go­uernment, this citie should haue bene so troubled, we would either by voluntary or violent exile, haue shunned these honors. But hoping to deale with men, in whom remained curtesie and loue to their country, we willingly receiued these offices, be­leeuing our clemencie, should haue suppressed your ambition. But, we now see by experience, that the more mildly we beare our selues towards you, the more proud ye are, and the more dishonest requests ye demand at our hands. This plainnesse of speech we vse, not to offend you, but to remember you, for our meaning is, that o­thers shall speake that which pleaseth you, and we that which is best for you. Tell vs (we pray you) what is that, you can honestly more require at our hands? You re­quired that the authoritie should be taken from the captains of factions, & so it was. You desired the Imborsations should be burnt & new reformation made, to that we cōsented. You demanded the restitutiō of the admonished Citizens to their honors; and they were restored. We haue also at your entreatie pardoned those that burned houses, & robbed the churches. Yea for your satisfactiō, we haue sent into exile, ma­ny honourable and mightie Citizens. The great men also by your meanes are with new lawes brideled. What end will those your demands haue? Or how long will you abuse your libertie? See ye not that we with more patience did endure to be vi­ctored, then you to be victorious? Whither will these misdemeanours drawe this your citie? Do ye not remember that by like disunion, Castruccio a poore Citizen of Lucca, did oppresse it? And the Duke of Athene, a priuate Captaine of your owne, did conquere it? So long as it liued in vnion, the power of an Archbishop of Milan, and a Pope, could not preuaile against it: but after, a warre continued diuerse yeares, abandoned the enterprise with shame. Why would ye then, that your own discord, should in peace bring this citie in bondage, which so many mightie enemies haue (notwithstanding their warre) left free? What profit shall you looke for by your [Page 71] diuision, other then seruitude? Or what commoditie will rise of the goods you haue robbed, other then pouertie? For they are those, that by our industry haue fed the citie: wherof being spoiled, it can no longer be nourished. And they that shall vsurpe them, wil (as of things euil gottē) not know how to keep them. Wherof shal follow famine and pouertie. I, and these Lords commaund yee, and (if without in­dignitie we so may) earnestly praie you to staie your minds, and rest contented with those things which by vs are ordeined. And whensoeuer you desire anie new sute at our hands, seek the same ciuilly, and striue not with tumult & armes to obtaine it. For whatsoeuer you reasonably aske, will be graunted, and men euill disposed shal want occasion to oppresse our citie to your shame, and the ruine therof. These words (be­cause they were true) greatly moued the citizens, and much they thanked the Gonfa­loniere, for hauing performed the office of a good Lord & citizen, offering to obey, wherin so euer it should please him to command them. The Senators also, to giue the occasion, did authorize two citizens of euery principal office, togither with the Sin­dachi, to practise a reformation, to the common quiet, and report their doings to the Senate. While these matters were in hand, an other tumult arose, New tumult in Florence. which troubled the state more then the former. For the greater part, of the burning & spoyling in times past, were done by the basest sort of people, who notwithstanding that being alto­gither, they were audatious, yet they euer feared that the furie once past and ap­peased, they should receiue punishment for their defaults, or (as it often hap­pened) be abandoned by those that encouraged them to the performance of the dis­order. Whereunto was ioyned a hatred of the base people, towards the rich Citti­zens and heads of the mysteries, iudging themselues not so well paide for their la­bours, as they had deserued. Because at such time as the cittie was first by Carlo di­uided into mysteries, and euerie mysterie a head thereunto appointed, it was en­acted that the subiects of euerie mysterie should be in all ciuill matters iudged by the head thereof. These mysteries (as we said before) were at the beginning twelue, afterwards encreased to 21. and they became of so great power, as in fewe yeares they had all the gouernment of the Cittie. Also to the end there should be dif­ference betwixt those that were more, or lesse honourable, they were diuided, and seuen of them were called great mysteries, and foureteene named the lesse myste­ries. By these diuisions, and some other occasions before recited, grew the in­solencie of the Captaines of factions. Because those Cittizens which aunciently were Guelfi (vnder whose gouernment that office continued) did euer fauour the people of the great mysteries: and persecuted the lesse mysteries with their protec­tors. Whereuppon followed all the tumults that we haue rehearsed. And for that in ordering the bodies of the mysteries, many occupations exercised by diuerse of the base people, and common multitude had no place of their owne in the bodie of the mysteries: they were referred & put vnder some other mysteries like vnto theirs. Whereof followed, that they either were not satisfied for their labours, or by their maisters oppressed, and so forced to complaine to the Magistrates, of those mysteries who gouerned them: at whose handes (as they thought) they recei­ued not that iustice that to them belonged. Also that mysterie which had in it the greatest number, was the mysterie of wooll, which being of most force and au­thoritie, did nourish and entertaine the greatest part of the multitude, and base peo­ple. The multitude then as well of the mysterie of wooll as others (for the cause be­fore saide) was full of offence: therewith remembring the burning and spoiles by them committed, diuerse times assembled in the night, and reasoning of matters past, euerie man tolde other the daunger wherein they stoode. The one of them, a man of most audacitie and experience, to animate the rest, spake to this [Page 72] effect. A seditious persuation of one of the multitude. If we were now to consult whether it be best to take armes, robbe the Citti­zens, and spoile the churches, my selfe would thinke it a matter considerable, & hap­pily should preferre a quiet pouertie, before a perillous profit. But sith armes be al­readie taken, and many displeasures done, mee thinkes, it behoueth vs not to let goe the aduantage, but seeke meane how to assure our selues. I certainly thinke, that if no man would therein aduise vs, yet necessitie alone might counsell vs. You see all this citie full of displeasure and hatred against vs. The Citizens do often assemble, and the Senate is alwaies accompanied with officers. You see they laie snares to entrap vs, and prepare new forces to oppresse vs. Therefore it standeth vs vpon to procure two things, and in our Councels to haue two endes. The one, that for your late do­ings we may not be punished, the other, that we may liue with more libertie and sa­tisfaction, then heretofore we haue done. It behoueth therefore (as I thinke) that to obtaine pardon of all former faults, our best meane is to commit some new: dou­bling all our misdeeds, by burning, robbing, and spoiling, and therein to make many companions. For where many offend, none are punished, and small faults are chasti­sed, but great and greeuous offences be rewarded. Also where many are iniured, fewe do seeke reuenge. Because vniuersal displeasures, are with more patience, then particuler wrongs endured. Therefore the multiplying of mischiefes is the readiest way to forgiuenesse, and the best meane to obtaine those things, which for our li­bertie are desired. Surely it seemeth, we go now to a certaine victorie: for as much as those, that should impeach vs, be disunited and rich. Their disunion shall giue vs victorie, and their riches (being made ours) shall maintaine it. Let not the antiqui­tie of their bloud (wherof they so much boast) dismaie you: for all men hauing one beginning be equally auncient, and are by nature made all after one maner. Behold them naked, you shall finde them like to vs, and let vs be clad with their garments, and they with ours; we shall assuredly seeme noble, and they of base condition: be­cause only pouertie and riches are those things, which make the disequalitie. It gree­ueth me to thinke, that many of you do in conscience repent things done, and intend to refraine doing the like. Surely it is true, that you are not those men, I thought you to be: for indeed, conscience, nor infamie ought to feare you, sith hee that winneth victorie, in what maner so euer it be, doth neuer receiue shame thereof. As for con­science, none account is thereof to be made. For who so standeth in feare of famine and prison, as you do, should not be daunted with dread of death and hell. And if we consider the maner of mens proceedings, we shall find, that all those who haue gai­ned great riches or glorie, either by fraude or force are aspired. And those thinges, which they haue either by craft or violence obteined, (to cloake the infamie of their theft, and make it seeme honest) do call the same purchase. Yea, whosoeuer for want of wit, or rather plaine folly, doth not follow this course, either sinketh in seruitude, or perisheth in pouertie. For in troth faithfull subiects are slaues, and good men be still plagued with want. Such as escape bondage, be the most faithlesse, and audati­ous; and they that shunne lacke, be onely couetous persons, or craftie. For God and nature haue laide fortune before all men; of whom we see more enclined to robbe­rie then industry: and more to the bad, then to good actions disposed. Hereof it com­meth, that one man eateth an other, and he that can do least, must suffer most. You ought therfore to vse force when occasion is offered: which can be at no time more then now. The Citizens are diuided, the Senate fearefull, and the Magistrates dis­mayed. So that before they can be vnited, and resolued, it is most easie for vs to op­presse them. By which oppression, we shall either become wholly Princes of the ci­tie, or at the least, owners of so much, as we shall thereby, not onely haue pardon of passed errors, but also authoritie to threaten new. I cōfesse this resolution is bold [Page 73] and daungerous, but where necessitie pincheth, desperation is iudged wisedome. And in great enterprises, valiant men account not of perill: because those attempts which begin with daunger, do end with glorie. Also from one daunger men do not escape, but by hazarding an other. I likewise thinke that sith we see the prisons, tor­ments, and death prepared for vs, we ought rather feare to stand still, then seeke to assure our selues: for by the one, the mischiefe is certaine, by the other doubtfull. How often haue I heard you complaine vpon the couetousnesse of your superiors, and the iniustice of your Magistrates? Now is the time not onely to be deliuered from them, but also to become so much their superiors, as they shall haue more oc­casion to feare you, then you them. The opportunitie which this occasion offereth, doth passe, and being past, cannot be called againe. You see the prepare of your ad­uersaries, let vs preuent their intention. For which so euer of vs do first take armes, shall no doubt be victorious, with ruine of the enemie, and aduancement of him­selfe. Thus may many of vs gaine glorie, and euerie man enioy securitie. These per­swasions greatly kindled their minds, alreadie warmed with desire of mischief. In so much as they resolued to take armes, and the rather, hauing drawne vnto them more companions of their disposition: whome by oath they bound to helpe them when any should happen by the Magistrates to be oppressed. While these men prepared to surprise the state, their intent was discouered to the Senators, who had in hand one called Simone, of whom they vnderstood all the conspiracy, & that the next day they ment to make a tumult: which perill perceiued, the Colledges did assemble, & with the Sindachi practised to vnite the citie, but before euerie man was come, the night drew on. Then were the Senators aduised to send for the Consuls of mysteries, who being togither, agreed that all men of warre within Florence should be warned to appeare: and the Gonfaloniere, the morning following with their companies to be armed in the Market place. At such time as Simone was tormented, and the Citti­zens assembling, one called Nicholo da San Friano, kept the clocke of the Pallace, who being aware of that businesse in hand, beganne to spread rumours among his neighbours, so as suddeinly in the Market place of Santo Spirito, more then a thousand armed men were assembled. These newes came to the eares of the o­ther conspirators, and San Piero Maggiore, and San Lorenzo (places by them appoin­ted) were full of men armed. By that time day appeared, which was the twentie one of Iuly. At which houre, came not to the Market place in fauoure of the Se­nate, aboue eightie men of armes, and of the Gonfaloniere, not one: for they hea­ring the Cittie was all in Armes, feared to leaue their houses. The first of the multitude that came to the Market place, were those that assembled at San Piero Maggiore: for whose comming the men of Armes remooued not. Then the rest of the multitude came, and finding no resistance, with a terrible crie demaunded of the Senate to enlarge the prisoners, and not seeing them deliuered vpon that threatning, sought by force to haue them, and set fire on the house of Luigi Guic­ciardini. Whereupon the Senate, for auoyding a worse inconuenience, deliuered the prisoners. Hauing obteined this demaund, they remooued the Gonfalone della Giustitia from the Esecutore, and vnder him burned the houses of many Citizens, persecuting those, that either for publique or priuate occasion was hated. Also manie Cittizens to reuenge priuate iniuries, brought them to the houses of their enemies. For it sufficed that anie one man cried, let vs goe to such a place, or hol­ding the Gonfalone by the hande, looked that way. They likewise burned all the writings belonging to the mysterie of wooll. Thus hauing committed ma­nie euilles, to accompanie them with some lawdable deede: they made Sal­uestro de Medici, and diuerse other Knightes, to the number of three score [Page 84] and foure. Among whom, were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tomazo Strozz, and such others their trustie friends, yet were some of them enforced thereto. In which accident, more thē any other thing, it is to be noted, that some of them whose houses they burned, were in the same day (so neare was the benefit to the iniurie) made knightes: which experience was seene in Luigi Gonfaloniere della Giustitia. The Senators amidst these tumults, finding themselues abandoned by the men of armes, grew doubtful of the heads of the mysteries, and their Gonfalonieri: for none of them according to order giuen, came to the rescue. And of sixteene Gonfaloni, onely the Ensigne of the golden Lyon, and that of the Cowe and Calfe, with Giouanni Cam­bini, appeared. And they also tarried not long in the Market place, because they were not followed by the rest. On the other side, the Citizens seeing the furie of the vnbrideled multitude, and the Pallace abandoned, some remained in their houses, others followed the troupes of armed men, hoping the rather to saue their owne houses and defend their friends. By meane whereof the power of the people encreased, and the forces of the Senate diminished. This tumult conti­nued all that day, and the night being come, at the Pallace of Stephano behinde the Church of S. Barnabo, it staied. The number of these men passed sixe thousand. And before the day appeared, the next morning they caused by threatning the my­steries to send for their Ensignes. Then came foorth the Gonfalone della Giustitia, and accompanied with the Ensignes of the mysteries, went to the Pallace of the Podesta: who denying to yeelde the possession of that house, they fought with him, and at length wanne that place. The Senate desirous to make composition with them, sith by force they could not appease them, called three of their Col­ledges, and sent them to the Pallace of the Podesta, to vnderstand the intent of the people: who founde, that the heades of the multitude with the Sindachi of the mysteries, and some other Citizens, had determined what should be required of the Senate. So as, they accompanied with foure of the people specially appointed, returned with these demaundes. Demaunds of the People. First that the mysterie of wooll, might not from that time foorth haue anie straunger for their Iudge. That three new corporati­ons of mysteries should be erected: one to conteine the Carders and Diars; the second to conteine the Barbars, Hosiers, and some other mechanicall Artes; and the third, for the poore people. Also, that of these three newe mysteries, there should be two of the Senate: and of the foureteene lesse mysteries, three. That the Senate should prouide houses for the meetings and assemblies of these newe cor­porations. That no man within these bodies corporate, should within two yeares, be constrained to paie anie debt of lesse summe then two duckets. That the banckes should take no preiudice, but the principall onely to be restored. That all men banished or condemned, should be called home. That all the Cittizens admoni­shed, should be admitted to their honours. Many other things in the fauour of their priuate friends they demanded: and likewise the contrarie, that many their enemies might be confined and admonished. All which demaundes notwithstanding they were dishonest and vnfit for the state: yet for feare of worse, were by the Senators, Colledges, & people graunted. Also to the end they might receiue full perfection, it behoued to haue them allowed by the common Councell. And (because in one day two Councels could not be assembled) that cōsultation of force was deferred til the next day. In the meane time, it was thought good, that the mysteries & people shuld rest content & satisfied, they promising, that so soon as the law were in perfectiō, all tumults shuld cease. The next morning while the cōmō coūcel debated the matter, the multitude impatiēt & voluble, vnder their ensigns wēt to the market place, shou­ting & crying so terribly, that all the Councel & the Senat were dismaid. Wherupon [Page 75] Gueriante Marignuolo, one of the Senators (mooued rather with feare then any other priuate passion) vnder colour to keepe the gate, went downe and fled to his house: yet could he not so secretly passe, but was by the multitude knowne. Otherwise they did him no iniurie, then crie out saying, that the Senate would all abandon the Pallace, vnlesse their children were slaine, and their houses burnt. In the meane space, the lawe was made, and the Senators returned to their chambers. Also the Councell came downe and staied in the Galleries and Courts without going fur­ther, as men dispairing of the citie, either because they perceiued so great dishone­stie and frowardnesse in the multitude, or so great cowardice in others, who had po­wer to oppresse, or at the least, to allaie the rage of these tumults. The Senators were also amazed, and dispairing of their countrey, beheld one of their company fled, and no other Cittizen that would either assist them with force or counsell. Therefore they resolued of that they could, being incertaine what else they should do. Toma­zo Strozzi, and Benedetto Alberti, either mooued with priuate ambition, desiring to be onely Lords of the Pallace, or else because they so thought best, perswaded the others to giue place to this populer furie, and as priuate men returne home to their houses. This counsell giuen by those that were heads of the tumult (notwithstan­ding that the rest gaue place) made Alamanno Acciaiuoli, and Nicholo del Bene, (two of the Senate) to become offended. Yet after being come to themselues, they said; that if other men would depart, they could not let them: but for themselues, they would not go, till their time appointed, vnlesse that with their authoritie they did also loose their liues. These contrarieties of opinion, doubled the dispaire of the Senate, and the peoples offence. In so much as, the Gonfaloniere, desiring rather to end his office with shame, then perill, resigned the same to Tomazo Strozzi, wholed him from the Pallace, and conducted him to his house. The other Senators in like maner, one after an other, went home. Then Alamanno & Nicholo, to shew no more courage thē wis­dome, seeing themselues left alone, departed also: whereby the Pallace remained in the hand of the multitude and the eight gouernours for the warre, The Gouer­ment gained by the multi­tude. Michele Lando. who had not gi­uen vp their offices. At such time as the people entred the Pallace, one Michele di Lan­do, a Carder of wooll, bare the Ensigne of the Gonfaloniere Giustitia, hee being bare legged and raggedly apparrelled, followed with the multitude, went vp the staires, and being come to the presence of the Senators, staied, and turned himselfe to the multitude, saying; Doo you not see that this Pallace and this cittie is yours, and in your hands? what doo you now thinke good to doo? Whereto euerie man aun­swered, that hee should be Gonfaloniere, and Lorde to dispose, and gouerne the cittie as himselfe thought good, Michele accepted his authoritie, for hee was indeede a man verie wittie, and more bounde to Nature, then Fortune. Then hee determined to appease the cittie, and staie the tumults: also to hold the peo­ple occupied, and winne himselfe time to giue order, commaunded one Sir Nuto, to be searched out, who had bene by Lapo Castiglionichio, appointed a Serieant. To the execution of which seruice, the greater number of those that were present did goe. Then to begin that gouernment with iustice, which by fauoure of the multitude was giuen him, he commanded by proclamation, that no man should steale or take iniustly from another. And the rather to terrifie all men, Ordinaunces of Michele Lando. hee erected a Gibbet in the Market place, he displaced the Sindachi of mysteries, and made new; he depriued the Senate and Colledges, & burned the Borsi. In the mean time Sir Nuto was by the multitude brought into the market place and there hanged by one soote. Euery mā with his sword cut him in pieces, til at lēgth there remained not any thing but his foote. On the other side, the eight gouernours for the war (supposing them­selues by the departure of the Senators to be only Lords of the citie, appointed new [Page 76] Senators: which Michele knowing, sent one to tell them, they should presently de­part the Pallace, because hee would let all men vnderstand, that hee alone without their counsell could gouerne Florence. That done, he caused the Sindachi of mysteries to assemble, and created foure Senators of the base multitude, two of the great my­steries, and two of the lesse. Moreouer he made new Squittini; diuiding the state into three parts, commaunding that the one should belong to the new mysteries, the second to the lesser, and the third to the great mysteries. Hee gaue vnto Sal­uestro de Medici, the rentes of the houses vppon the olde bridge. To himselfe the Podesteria of Empoli: and on many other his friends of the multitude, he be­stowed benefits: many others at his hand receiued pleasure and were restored to their owne, not so much for their good as that he might the rather be by them, from the enuie of time defended. Then it seemed to the poore multitude, that in this reformation of the state, the better sorte of people were too much partakers thereof: and they not to haue therein so much authoritie as to defend themselues, if neede should require. The multi­tud offended with Michele Lando his lawes. Wherefore set on with their accustomed boldnesse, they tooke armes againe, and vniting themselues vnder their Ensignes came anew in­to the Market, demaunding of the Senators to come downe to the Ringhiera, and consult of new matters concerning their securitie and good. Michele seeing their arrogancie, (yet not to moue them to more offence, without asking what they would) blamed the maner of their demaunding, and perswaded them to laie downe armes, saying, that should be graunted vnto them, which with the graui­tie of the Senate through force, might not be graunted. The multitude with that offended, assembled neare the Pallace of S. Maria Nouella, where among them­selues they appointed eight heades with their ministers and orders, which gaue them reuerence and reputation. So as, the citie had two places of state, and was by two diuerse officers gouerned. These heads determined among them, that euer eight, named by the bodie of the Mysteries, should dwell in the Pallace with the Senate, and whatsoeuer the Senators should determine, must be by them confir­med. They tooke from Saluestro de Medici and Michele, all that, which in their for­mer Councels was giuen them. They appointed many new officers, & allowances for their degrees. These appointments taken, to make them the more assured, they sent two of them to the Senate, to require their consent, intending, that if that were not graunted, that then by force they would haue it. Those messengers, with great audacitie and more presumption, declared their Commission to the Senate: and told the Gonfalone what honour and authoritie they had giuen him, and with what in­gratitude and small respect at his hand, they were reacquited. At length falling from words to threatnings, Michele could no longer endure such arrogancy. But remembring more the place hee occupied, then the basenesse of his late estate, thought meete by extraordinary meane, to bridle an extraordinary insolency; and drawing forth the sword he ware, hurt one of these messengers and after caused him to be bound and imprisoned. This being knowne, greatly offended the multitude, and hoping to winne that by force, which vnarmed they could not, presently tooke armes with great furie, and marched towards the Senators, with intent to compell them. Michele on the other side, doubting that which followed, determined to preuent them, and imagining it more for his glorie to assault others, then tarry with­in and be assaulted, and so like to his predecessors be forced with shame of the Pal­lace to flie away: did assemble a great number of Cittizens, who (hauing well aduised themselues of their errours) mounted on horsebacke, and being followed by many armed men, went to Santa Maria Nouella, to fight with the enemy. The people hauing (as wee before declared) made the like determination, almoste [Page 77] at the same time marched to the Marketplace: but it happened that the one passed by one streete, and the other by an other, so as by the way they met not. Michele being returned backe, founde the Market place taken, and the Pallace assaulted: Michele Lan­do victorious. hee therefore suddeinly charged the enemies and ouerthrew them. Some were forced to flie, others cast downe their weapons, and others hid themselues. This victorie gotten, the tumult was appeased, onely through the vertue of the Gonfalo­niere, who for courage, wisdome, & integritie, excelled all the Citizens of that time, and is to be numbred among those few that haue profitted their country. For had he bene of euil disposition or ambitious, the common weale had vtterly lost the libertie therof, & should haue fallen into a greater tyrannie then that of the Duke of Athene: but the bountie of Lando was such, as suffred no thoght to enter his mind that might be preiudiciall to the vniuersall quiet. His wisedom directed all things, so as many of his fellowship gaue him place, & his aduersaries by force of armes were oppressed. Which maner of proceeding, caused the multitude to stand dismaied, and the better sort of Artificers to looke about them, & thinke how great their shame was, hauing oppressed the great mens pride, to endure the populer dregs. At such time as Michele obteined this victorie against the multitude, a new Senate was chosen, wherin were two men of so vile and vnworthie condition, as euery man desired to be acquit of that great infamie. When these officers were created (which was the first day of September) the Market place was full of armed men. So soone as the olde Sena­tors came out of the Pallace, there was a brute giuen out among the armed men, that they would not, that any of the base people should be of the number of Sena­tors. Whereupon the Senate for their satisfaction depriued two, the one called Tira, the other Baroccio, in whose roomes, they placed Georgio Scali, and Francesco di Mi­chele. They also deposed the mysteries of the base people, and all officers, excepting Michele-Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio, and a fewe others of the better sort. They diuided the honours into two parts, allotting the one, to the greater mysteries, the other to the lesse. Of the Senate, they willed there should be euer fiue of the lesse myste­ries, and foure of the great. And the Gonfaloniere to be chosen sometimes of the one, and sometimes of the other. The state thus ordeined for the present, appeased the citie. And albeit the gouernment was taken away from the base people, yet the Ar­tificers of meanest condition, remained more mightie then the populer Nobilitie, who were forced to giue place, to winne from the base people the fauoure of the mysteries, and content them: which was also fauoured, by such as desired that those should be oppressed, who vnder the name of Guelfi, had with great insolencie iniured many Cittizens. Among others that allowed this manner of gouernment, Georgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Saluestro di Medici, and Tomazo Strozzi were made as Princes of the citie. These matters thus proceeding and handled, the diuision alreadie begunne betwixt the populer Nobilitie, and the meane Artificers, through ambition of Ricci and Albizi, became confirmed. Whereof (because afterwardes followed greeuous effects, and of them we shall be often occasioned to speake) we will call the one populer, the other plebei­all. The state continued thus three yeares, full of banishments and murthers. New diuision in Florence. For they that gouerned, knowing there were both within and abroade, ma­nie euill contented, did liue in great suspition. The Cittizens within discon­tented, either they continually attempted some newe practise, or deuised with themselues how they might do it. And those that liued without, hauing no bridle, by meane of some Prince or some Common weale, here and there, sowed sedition. At this time Giannozzo di Salerno, Lieutenant to Durazzo, descended of the Kings of Napoli, hapned to be at Bologna, intending to assault the kingdom, & take the same frō [Page 76] Queene Giouanna. At the same time also were in Bologna many banished Florentines, who with the Pope and with Carlo, practised diuerse things: which was the cause, that they who gouerned in Florence did liue in great suspition, and gaue credit ea­sily to the slaunders of those Citizens that were suspected. During this doubtfull time, it was reuealed to the Magistrates, that Giannozzo of Salerno, should with the banished men present himselfe before Florence, and that many within would take armes and deliuer the citie to his hand. Diuers great Cittizens ac­cused. Vpon this report many were accused, the chiefe of whom, were Piero delli Albizi, and Carlo Strozzi: and next to them the Ci­priani Giaccomo Sacchetti, Donati Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giouanni Anselini: who were all taken, sauing Carlo Strozzi, that fled. And the Senate, to the end none should take armes in their fauour, appointed Tomazo Strozzi, and Benedetto Alberti, with many armed men to guard the citie. These Citizens were apprehended and exami­ned, but the accusation and their answere conferred togither, no fault was in them found: Insomuch that the Captaine not willing to condemne them, their enemies in the meane space moued the people to mutinie, and by force they were iudged to death. Neither was Piero degli Albizi any whit fauoured, either for the greatnesse of his house, or for that long time he had in the citie more reputation then any other, and had bene there more honoured and feared. During his prosperitie, some friend of his, either to perswade him to curtesie in his greatnesse, or else some enemie to threaten him with the inconstancie of fortune: at such time as hee made a solemne banquet to diuerse Citizens, sent him a siluer dish full of Comfits, and in those Com­fits was hidden a naile; which being founde and seene of diuerse his guestes, it was imagined, that thereby he should remember to staie the wheele: because fortune hauing set him on the height thereof (the wheele keeping course) must needes cast him downe. Which interpretation, was first by his decaie, and after by his death ve­rified. After this execution, the citie remained full of confusion, because both the victored, and the victorious stood in feare: but the worst of all was, that the gouer­nours themselues liued in continuall suspition. For euerie accident were it neuer so litle, made them to do new iniuries to the factions, condemning, admonishing, and sending the Citizens into exile. Whereunto they ioyned new lawes, and new or­ders, many times made, onely to fortifie their authoritie. All which was done to the iniurie of them who were to their faction suspected. And they created fortie sixe men, who with the Senate should discouer men suspected to the state. These officers admonished thirtie nine Citizens, making many populer persons great men, & many great men, populer. Also, the rather to withstand all external forces, they enterteined Iohn Aguto, an English Captain, who, in those daies, was accounted of great experi­ence in the war, & had long serued the Pope & others in Italy. The suspition abroad proceeded of intelligence giuen, how certain companies of men at armes belonging to Carlo Durazzo, were put in readinesse, to assault the kingdome. Among whom, (as was reported) were many banished Florentines. For the meeting with those pe­rils, besides the ordinarie forces, a summe of mony was prouided. Carlo arriued in Arezzo, receiued of the Florentines fortie thousand Duckets, promising not to mo­lest them. After that time, he atchiued his enterprise, and happily surprized the king­dome of Napoli, The Queene of Napoli ta­ken prisoner. tooke the Queen Giouanna, & sent her prisoner into Hungary. Which victorie encreased a new suspition of those that in Florence feared the state. Because they could not beleeue that their money should do more with the King, then the auncient friendship, which that house had with the Guelfi, who with manifold iniu­ry, had bene by him oppressed. These suspitions encreasing, encreased also the iniu­ries, which did not decrease, but multiply them. By meanes whereof, the greater number of them liued much discontented, which discontent grew the greater by [Page 79] the insolency of Georgio Scali, and Tomazo Strozzi; whose authoritie preuailed more then the Magistrates: and euerie man feared, least they beeing followed with the people, would oppresse them. In so much as, that, not onely the good men, but also the seditious sort, accounted that gouernment tyrannicall & violent. But to the end, that the insolencie of Georgio should at length take end) it fortuned that hee became accused of one Giouanii Cambio, his companion: hauing (as he said) practised diuerse waies against the state: yet vpon examination, was found guiltlesse by the Captaine. So as thē, the Iudge went about to punish the accuser with that punishment, which the partie accused should haue suffered, had he bene found faultie. And Georgio, nei­ther with sute nor authoritie, able to saue him, went with Tomazo Strozzi, and the multitude armed to deliuer him by force. At which time, they sacked the Captaines Pallace, and forced him (for safetie of his person) to hide himselfe, which action fil­led the citie with so much hatred towards him, that thereby his enemies hoped to ouerthrow him, and take the citie both from him, & the plebeyall people also: who through presumption, had vsurped the same three yeares. Thereof also the Captaine gaue great occasion; for he (the tumult ceased) went to the Senate, & said, that as he had willingly taken vpon him, that, whereto their Lordships had elected him, be­cause therein he hoped to serue iust men, readie to take armes, in the fauoure, not in the preiudice of iustice: so seeing he had seene and knew the gouernment of the ci­tie, and the maner of life therein; that office which he willingly tooke in hand for his profit and honour, as willingly there he would yeeld the same vp to shunne the perill, and losse that might thereof follow. The Captaine was by the Senators com­forted, and promised reparation of former losses and future securitie. Then certaine of them, togither with some Cittizens, who were holden louers of the Common weale, and men least suspected, concluded that a good opportunitie was offered to take the citie from Georgio, and the multitude. By reason, that through that his late insolencie, the Citizens were greatly alienated from him: and was therefore good to execute that intent, before the offended mindes of the multitude were reconci­led. For well they knew, that the fauoure of the multitude vpon euery trifling ac­cident is gotten and lost. Iudging moreouer, that for the bringing this enterprise to effect, it behoued them to winne the good will of Benedetto Alberti, without whose consent the action seemed dangerous. This Benedetto was a man exceeding rich, Benedetto Alberti. cur­teous, graue, a louer of the libertie of his country, and such a one, as much misliked the tyrannous proceedings of the time. By meane whereof, it was easie both to ap­pease him, and also perswade him to the destruction of Georgio. For, the occasions, which made him enemy to the populer Nobilitie and Guelfi, and friend to the mul­titude, was their insolencie, and their tyrannous maner of gouernment. And, seeing that the heads of the multitude, were become of like insolencie, he would likewise leaue them, as one that would not consent to the iniuries by them done to many Ci­tizens. So in conclusion, those reasons which induced him to take part with the peo­ple, did also perswade him to leaue them. Benedetto and the heads of the Arts thus drawne to fauoure the populer Nobilitie, tooke armes, apprehended Georgio, & To­mazo fled away. The next day after, Georgio was beheaded, to so great terror of his partie, as no man moued in his fauour, though euery man went to behold his ruine. Georgio Scali beheaded. He being brought to die, complained of those people, that lately had adored him, and lamented his own hard fortune, and the malignitie of the Citizens, who hauing wrongfully iniured him, were forced to fauoure, and honour the multitude, wher­in was neither trust nor grautuitie. And knowing Benedetto Alberti among the rest, of the armed men, said vnto him; And thou Benedetto doest consent to see me here so iniured, as if I were where thou art, I would not suffer thee: but I do prognosticate, [Page 80] that as this day is the end of my miserie, so is the same the beginning of thy destruc­tion. He complained moreouer of himselfe, for hauing too much trusted to the peo­ple, whom euerie voice, euerie action, and euerie supition moueth and corrupteth. With these lamentations he ended his life, amidst his enemies armed, and reioycing at his death. Shortly after, certaine other his nearest friends were slaine, and drawne in the streetes by the people. The death of this Citizen troubled all the citie; for at the execution thereof, many tooke armes in fauoure of the Senate and Captaine of the people. Many other, either for their owne ambition, or suspition, did the like. Also the citie being full of diuerse humors, euerie man had his diuerse intent: which hee desired to execute before armes were layd downe. The olde Nobilitie (called great men) could not endure to see themselues depriued of the publique honours: and therefore with all studie laboured to recouer them, liking well that authoritie should be restored to the Captaines of factions. To the populer Nobilitie, and the greater mysteries it was offensiue, that the state was participated with the lesse my­steries, and base people. On the other side, the lesse mysteries desired rather to en­crease then diminish their dignities. And the poore people, feared to forgo their Colledges. Which diuersitie of mindes, made continually in Florence tumults to a­rise, for the space of one yeare. Sometimes the great men, sometimes the chiefe my­steries, sometimes the lesse, togither with the multitude, and sometimes altogithers, at one instant in diuerse places were armed. Whereof ensued among themselues, and with the souldiers of the Pallace, diuerse conflicts. The Senate, sometimes by gi­uing place, and sometimes by fighting, sought all they could to remedie that mis­chiefe. Insomuch as, in the end, and after two consultations, and two Balie, for re­formation of the citie, and after many harmes, many trauels, and many great perils, a gouernment was setled: New refor­mation in Florence. whereby were reuoked, all those that before, and sith Sal­uestro de Medici was Gonfaloniere, had bene confined. All priuiledges and prouisions, were taken away from those to whome they had bene giuen by the Balia of 78. All honours were restored to the Guelfi. The two new mysteries were discorporated, and euerie of those remitted vnder the auncient mysteries. The Gonfaloniere di Guistitia, was taken away from the lesse mysteries, and they reduced to be partakers of halfe the third part of the honours, and of those the best were taken from them. So that, the faction of populer Nobilitie & Guelfi, recouered the gouernment, & the multitude lost their authoritie, which they had holden from the yeare 1378. til 81. at which time, this alteration happened: neither was this gouernment lesse iniurious towards the Citizens, nor more mild, then was that of the multitude. For so many of the populer Nobilitie were confined, as had bene noted to be defenders thereof, to­gither with a great number of the principall men of the multitude. And among them, Michele Lan­do confined. Michele Lando; whose former authoritie and good deserts, could not in this time of populer furie, saue him. His country therfore, for many good merits, was to him vnthankfull. Into which errour, because many Princes and Common weales do fall, is the cause, that men vppon like examples terrified, before they feele the smart of their gournours ingratitude, do first offend them. These exilements & these slaughters did displease, and euer had displeased Benedetto Alberti, and he both pub­liquely, and priuately, blamed them. For which cause, the Lords of the state feared him, as chiefe friend to the multitude, and thought him consenting to the death of Georgio Scali: not because his doings did offend him, but to be alone in the gouern­ment. Besides that, his words and workes did encrease the suspition, which made that side which gouerned, to keepe eye vpon him, and watch opportunitie to op­presse him. The citie liuing in these tearmes, the actions abroad were of no great importance. For if any thing were done, it proceeded of feare, by reason that Lodouico [Page 81] di Angio came then into Italy, Carlo di An­gio, come into Italy. to restore the kingdome of Napoli to the Quene Gio­uanna, and remooue Carlo Durazzo. The passage of this Prince, greatly amazed the Florentines; for Carlo (according to the custome of old friends) demaunded of them aide, & Lodouico (like vnto him that seeketh new friends) desired them to stand neu­trall. Whereupon the Florentines to seeme willing to content Lodouico, and aide Car­lo, discharged Giouanni Aguto, and procured Pope Vrbano to entertaine him: which subtiltie was easily by Lodouico discouered, and for the same held himselfe much in­iured by the Florentines. During the warre betwixt Lodouico and Carlo in Puglia, new forces came from France in the fauoure of Lodouico, who arriued in Toscana, were by the banished men of Arezzo brought into that citie: where they remoued the facti­on, which gouerned for Carlo: intending also to haue chaunged the state of Florence, as they had altered Arezzo. Then died Lodouico, wherby the affaires of Puglia & To­scana varied Fortune. For Carlo assured himselfe on the kingdome, which was well neare lost. And the Florentines mistrusting the defence of Florence, recouered Arezzo and bought it, of those souldiers which kept it, for Lodouico. Carlo then being assured of Puglia, went to take possession of Hungheria, which was by inheritance descended vnto him, leauing his wife in Puglia, with Ladislao and Giouanna his children, being but babes, as hereafter shall be declared. Carlo possessed Hungheria, but shortly after there died. For this conquest, much tryumph was made in Florence, The death of Carlo di An­gio. and the magni­ficence thereof was no lesse both for publique and priuate expence, then if the occa­sion therof had bene their owne. For many families kept open feasts: and the house of Alberti for pompe and magnificence exceeded the rest. The expences & charge of Armour that the Alberti vsed, were not onely fit for priuate persons of the best degree, but for the greatest Princes: which gained them no small enuie. Whereto adding the suspition which the state had of Benedetto, was the cause of his ruine; Benedetto Alberti sus­pected and enuied. be­cause those that gouerned, could not endure him: fearing euerie houre it might come to passe, that through fauoure of his faction, hee might recouer reputation, and driue them from the citie. These doubts remaining, it happened, that he being Gonfaloniere of companies, Philippo Malagotti his sonne in lawe, was chosen Gonfalo­niere di Giustitia: which doubled the mistrust of the Gouernours, imagining that Be­nedetto encreased ouer fast in force, and the state thereby in much perill. For preuen­tion of which inconueniences without tumult, they encouraged Bese Magalotti, his companion, to signifie to the Senate, that Philippo hauing passed his turne, could not, nor ought not, exercise that office. The cause was by the Senate examined, some of them for hate, some to take away occasion of slander, iudged Philippo not capable of that dignitie, and elected in his place Bardo Mancini, a man to the plebeyan fa­ction contrarie, and mortall enemie to Benedetto. In so much as, hee beeing placed in office, called a Balia for reformation of the state, and therein confined Benedetto Alberti, and admonished the rest of that family, onely Antonio Alberti, excepted. Be­nedetto being readie to depart, called vnto him all his friendes, and seeing them sad, The speech of Benedetto Alberti, at his banishment. said; you see (my good fathers and Lords) in what sort Fortune hath oppressed me, and threatned you: whereof I maruell not, neither ought you to maruell. Because it euer commeth to passe, that who so euer will be good among many euil, or doth seek to hold vp that which many labour to pull downe, must of force perish. The loue of my Countrey made me to ioyne with Saluestro di Medici, and after to depart from Georgio Scali. The same did likewise perswade me, to hate the maners of those that now gouerne: who as they haue not had any to punish them, so do they desire, that none should finde fault with them. For my part I am content with my banishment to acquite them of that feare which they had, not of me onely, but of euerie other man, that knoweth their tyrannous and wicked dealings. My punishment therefore [Page 82] doth threaten others; of my selfe I take no pitie: for those honors which my coun­try being free hath giuen me, now brought vnto seruitude, cannot take from mee. And the memorie of my passed life shall alwaies more comfort mee, then mine hard fortune which brought mine exile, shall discourage me. It greeueth me much, that my country should become a spoile for a fewe, and be subiect to their pride and co­uetousnesse. I am also right sorie to thinke, that those euils which now ende in me, will begin in you. And I feare, least those miseries wil persecute you with more hin­derance, then they haue persecuted me. I would therefore counsell you, to prepare your mindes against all misfortunes, and beare your selues so, as what aduersitie so euer happen (for many will happen) euery man may know you are faultlesse, & that without your guilt they be hapned. After this leaue taken, to giue as great a testimo­nie of his bountie abroad, The death of Benedetto Alberti. as hee had done in Florence: he trauelled to the Sepulchre of Christ, from whence returning, in the Ile of Roda hee died. His boanes were brought to Florence, and therewith great honour buried, by those, who in his life, with all slaunder and iniurie did molest him. During these troubles, the house of Al­berti was not onely oppressed, but many other Citizens also admonished and confi­ned. Among whom, were Piero Benini, Mattheo Alderotti, Giouanni, and Francesco del Bene, Giouanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them, a great number of the lesse my­steries. Among the admonished were the Couoni, the Benini, the Rinucci, the Formico­ni, the Corbozi, the Manegli, and the Alderotti. It was the custome to create the Balia for time certaine, but those Citizens hauing it in their hands, being placed by honest meane, notwithstanding their time were not expired, did yeelde vp their offices: which being knowne, many ranne armed to the Pallace, desiring that before the of­ficers departed, more Citizens might be confined, and admonished. Which request greatly offēded the Senat, who with faire promises enterteined them, til forces were made readie, & then wrought so, as feare enforced them to laie downe those armes, which furie caused them to take in hand. Yet somewhat to feed so fierce an humor, and notwithstanding take away more authoritie from the plebeyall Artizans: it was ordered, that where they had the third of the offices, they should now haue onely the fourth part. Also, to the ende that two of the most trustie Citizens might be al­waies of the Senate, they gaue authoritie to the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, and foure o­ther Citizens, to make a Borza of chosen men: out of which number at euerie Senate should be elected two. The state thus setled after six yeares (which was in the yeare 1381. G [...]ouan Ga­liazzo becom prince of Lom­bardy. 1393.) the citie liued quiet within, till the yeare 1393. In which time, Giouan Gali­azza Visconti, called Conte di Vertu, tooke prisoner his vncle Barnabo, & by that mean, became Prince of all Lombardy. This Giouan Galiazzo hoped by force to be made king of Italy, as by craft he was atteined to be Lord of Milan. And in the yeare 1390. hee began a braue warre against the Florentines: wherein Fortune became so variable, as many times the Duke was in no lesse daunger to lose all then the Florentines, who in­deed had lost all, if the Duke had longer liued. Yet the resistance by them made, was so couragious and maruellous, as might be by any Common weale; and the end no lesse perillous, then the warre had bene terrible. For when the Duke had taken Bolo­gna, Pisa, Perugia, and Siena, and prepared a Crowne to be set on his head in Florence, as king of Italy, The death of Galiazzo. he died. Which death suffered him not to taste the sweete of his pas­sed victories, nor the Florentines to feele the perils at hand. While this warre with the Duke continued, Masso de gli Albizi was made Confaloniere di Giustitia, whom the death of Piero had made enemie to the Alberti. And for that the humour of the fac­tions continued, Maso notwithstanding that Benedetto was dead in exile) did hope before that Senate ended, to be reuenged vpon the rest of that family: and tooke oc­casion, by one that was vpon certaine practises with the Rebelles examined, who [Page 83] named Alberto and Andrea delli Alberti. Whereupon, both they were apprehended, and the citie wholly chaunged. In so much as the Senate tooke armes, assembled the people, created a new Balia, and by vertue thereof, many Cittizens were confined, and new Imborsations of officers made. Among those that were confined, were al­most all the Alberti, many Citizens also admonished, and some put to death. Vpon occasion of so great iniuries, the mysteries and the base people tooke armes, thin­king their honour and liues were in hazard. One part of them came into the Market place, an other ranne to the house of Veri di Medici: Veri di Medi­ci. who after the death of Salue­stro remained as chiefe of that family. To deceiue those that came into the Market place, the Senate appointed Captaines, and gaue the Ensigne of the faction Guelfa, deliuering the same into the hands of Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and Donato Acciaiuioli, as men of the populer number, more then any other acceptable to the multitude. Those that went to the house of Veri, desired him to take the gouernment, and deli­uer them from such as were enemies to good men, and good orders. All such wri­ters as haue left memorie of the proceedings of that time, do affirme, that if Veri had not bene more honest, then ambitious, hee might without any let, haue aspired to the principallitie of that citie. Because the exceeding great iniuries done to the my­steries, some iustly and some vniustly, had so kindled their mindes to reuenge, as no­thing wanted for the performance of their desires, but a Captaine to lead them. Nei­ther wanted those, that would put Veri in remembrance what he might do. For An­tonio di Medici (who had before time bene long for priuate respects, his enemy) did perswade him to take in hand the gouernment of the state. To whom he answered, as thy threatnings (being mine enemie) made me not to feare thee; so thy Councell being my friend, shall not abuse me. Hauing vttered these words, he turned himselfe to the multitude, and perswading them to be of good courage, promised to be their defender, so that they would be content to be by him directed. The speech of Veri di Medici to the Senat of Flo­rence. Then in the midst of them he went to the Market place, and from thence vp to the Pallace, and being come to the presence of the Senate, said. That he was not sorie to haue so liued, that the people of Florence did loue him: but yet sorie hee was, that they had not such opinion of him, as his passed life did deserue. For sith he had not shewed any signe of seditiō or ambition, he could not conceiue why he was thought a mainteiner of sedition (or as ambitious) a man that studied to vsurpe his country. Therefore hee humbly besought their Lordships, that the ignorance of the multitude might not be imputed his fault: because so much as in him was, hee submitted himselfe vnto them. He moreouer put them in minde to vse their fortune modestly, and be content to take rather halfe a victorie with sauing the citie, then a whole conquest with the ruine thereof. The Senators greatly commended Veri, and required him to persuade, that armes might be laide downe, and then they would not faile to do that, which he and other Citizens should counsell them. After these speeches, Veri returned to the Market place, and ioyning his followers, to those that were conducted by Rinal­do and Donato, said vnto them all, that hee had found in the Senators a verie good dis­position towards them, to whom he had also said much, albeit by means of the short time, and absence of the officers, nothing was concluded. Wherfore he praied them to laie their weapons downe, and obey the Senate: thereby to declare that curtesie, rather then pride, entreatie, more then threatning, might moue them: and that they should not lacke meanes and securitie, so long as they were by him gouerned. Thus vpon his word euery man was content to return to his owne house. The multitude hauing vpon this perswasion disarmed themselues, the Senate first caused a guard to be set in the Market place: then they mustered two thousand Cittizens, men assured to the state, equally diuiding them vnder Gonfaloni, whom they commaunded to be [Page 84] readie whensoeuer that they were called. Also commandement was giuen, that no man whose name was not taken nor warned, should for anie cause be armed. This preparation made, they confined & slew many of those Artificers which had in the late tumult shewed themselues most seditious and violent. And to the end that the Gonfaloniere de Giustitia, might haue more reputation & dignitie: it was ordered and thought necessary, that whosoeuer did exercise that office, shuld be of 45. yeres. For confirmation of the state, many other prouisions were deuised. These ordinances made, the Senators were insupportable, and to the good Citizens (euen of their own faction) they became odious. For they could not iudge any state good or secure, which had need with so great violence to be defended. So that this maner of procee­ding, did not onely offend those of the familie of Alberti, which yet remained in the citie: and the Medici, who thought them to haue abused the people, but many others also were with so great violence displeased. But the first that opposed himselfe was Donato sonne to Giacopo Acciaiuoli. Donati Acci­aiuoli. He being in the citie great, and rather superiour, then equall, to Masso degli Alberti (who for the great seruice done, when he gouer­ned as Gonfaloniere was accounted as head of the Commonaltie) could not among so many discontentations liue contented: nor (as the most men do) preferre priuate profit, before common commoditie. And therefore, thought he would assaie to re­store those that had bene banished, or at the least, set the admonished into their offi­ces. For compassing whereof, he whispered h [...] intent in the eare of this and that Ci­tizen, shewing that otherwise he could not please the people, nor staie their offence. And concluding said, hee onely staied to be of the Senate, and then to put the matter in execution. Yet because in the actions of men, delaie bringeth wearinesse, and haste is accompanied with perill: to shunne wearinesse, hee resolued to aduenture with perill. Amongst the Senators, Michele Acciaiuoli his compa­nion, and Nicholo Riconori his friend, were elected: whereby Donato imagined a fit opportunitie to be offered, and desired them to propound a lawe to the Councels, wherein should be conteined the restoration of the Cittizens. They being by him perswaded, commoned with their fellows, who answered, that they would attempt no new matters, sith the obteining of them was doubtfull, and the perill certaine. Then Donato hauing in vaine made proofe of euerie mean, in great choller let them vnderstand, that seeing vpon good occasion offered, they did not reforme the citie, he would with force of armes do it. Which words being greatly offensiue, and the matter debated among the chiefe Gouernours, Donato was cited, and appearing, was by witnesse of him to whom he committed the message, Donati Acci­aiuoli with others confi­ned. conuinced: and in the end confined to Barletta. Also Antonio de Medici with all the rest descended of Ala­manno, togither with many base Artizans (yet such as had credit with the people) were banished: which things happened after two yeares, that Masso had taken in hand the gouernment. The citie thus standing, many were discontented within, and many without banished. Of which number remained at Bologna, Picchio, Cauic­ciulli, Tomazo de Ricci, Antonio de Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Chri­stofano di Carlone, with two others of vile condition: but all yoong men aduentu­rours, and disposed to hazard any fortune for their country. To these men, secret in­telligence was giuen by Piggiello, and Baroccio Cauicciulli (who as men admonished liued in Florence) that if they did come to the citie disguised, they wold receiue them into their houses. From whence they might go and kill Masso degli Albizi, and call the people to armes, Conspiracie in Florence against Masso Deili Albizi and others. who (being discontent) would easily moue, and the rather, be­cause they should be followed by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manegli, and many other families. They then encouraged with this hope, the fourth of August 1397. came to Florence, and entring secretly as they were appointed, sent to know where Masso [Page 85] was, intending with his death to raise the tumult. At that time, Masso was come from his house, & staied in an Appothecaries shop, neare San Pietro Maggiore. The messen­ger sent to await him, ran to tell the conspirators therof; who taking armes and com­ming to the place found him gone: yet not dismaid that this appointmēt sped not, re­turned towards the old Market, & there killed one of the cōtrary factiō. Then the la­rum began, & the people cried armes, libertie, & kill these tyrants: which done, they returned towards the new Market, & at the end of Calimara, they slew an other. And with like showte, following their way, & no man taking armes, at the Loggia Nighi­tiosa, they staied. Then they climed vp to a high place, and a great multitude drew neare, rather to behold them then helpe them, and with a loud voice they perswaded men to take armes, & acquite themselues of that seruitude which they so greatly ha­ted; alledging, that the lamentation of the euill contented persons in the cittie, more then their owne iniuries moued them to seeke meane to be deliuered. And that they knew, many did pray God to grant them occasion to be reuenged: which they wold performe, whensoeuer they might find a head to lead them. And now occasion be­ing come, & Captains ready to lead them, euery man looked one vpon an other, and stood as men amazed. So that, their resolution was in vaine, and the Citizens stil with bondage burthened. Also they much maruelled, that they (who for euery small iniu­rie were wont to take armes) would not now be moued, but suffer so many their Ci­tizens to be banished and admonished: yet was it in their power to restore the bani­shed to their countrey, and the admonished to their offices. Which words (though true) moued not the multitude at all, either for feare, or els because the death of those two had made the murtherers odious. So that the mouers of the tumult, seeing that neither words nor deeds had force to encourage any man, (too late aware how dan­gerous a thing it is to labour the libertie of a people, that will in any wise be subiect) dispairing of the enterprise, into the temple of Santa Reparata, retired themselues: and there not to saue their liues, but delaie their death, they shut themselues vp. The Se­nators at the beginning of the tumult were armed and shut the Pallace gate, till after the case was vnderstood, & the men knowne that moued the rumour, being before locked vp, tooke courage, & commanded the Captaine to call his souldiers to appre­hend the offenders. In so much that with small force the doores of the Temple were broken: part of them within were slain, in defence of the place, & the rest take. They being examined, confessed none to be culpable but Barocco and Piggiello Cauicciulli, with others that were slaine. After this accident, there happened one other of more importance. At this time (as hath bene beforesaid) the cittie had warre with the Duke of Milan, who finding that to oppresse it, his forces sufficed not, determined to worke with wiles, and by aid of the banished Florentines (of whom Lombardy was full) practised that enterprise, whereto also many within the towne were made pri­uie. Concluding that vpon a certain day, many of those banished men, apt for armes, Conspiracy by the Duke of Milan against Florence. should go to places neare Florence, & by the riuer Arno passe into the citie, and there with friends enter the houses of the chiefe gouernors, and sleying them, reform the gouernment as themselues thought good. Among the conspirators within, was one of the house of Ricci named Samminiato, but (as in conspiracies for the most part it happeneth) that a fewe are not of force inough, and many will not keepe coun­sell: Samminiato seeking companions, found an accuser. This man imparted the matter to Saluestro Cauicciulli, whome the iniuries done to his kinsfolke and him­selfe, ought haue made trustie. But he regarding more the feare at hand, then the future hope, suddeinly bewrayed the practise to the Senators, and they apprehen­ding Samminiato, constrained him to confesse all the conspirators: yet was there no man apprehended, sauing Tomazo Duuisi, who comming from Bologna, and not hea­ring [Page 88] what happened in Florence, was by the way intercepted. All the rest after the apprehension of Samminiato for feare, fled. Then Samminiato and Tomazo, being ac­cording to their merits punished: authoritie was giuen to diuerse Cittizens to finde out more offenders, and assure the state. They then discouered for Rebels, sixe of the family of Ricci, sixe of the Alberti, three of the Medici, three of the Scali, two of the Strozzi, Bindo Altouiti, Barnardo Adimari, with many of the meaner sort. They admo­nished all the family of Alberti, Ricci, and Medici, for tenne yeares (a fewe of them ex­cepted). Among the Alberti was one called Antonio, who being accounted a quiet and peaceable man, was in that respect not admonished. It chanced after the suspiti­on of the conspiracie not quenched, there was a Monke taken, who had bene seene diuerse times during the conspiracie, to goe from Bologna to Florence. This Monke confessed that he had brought diuerse letters to Antonio, who denied the matter, yet being auowed by the Monke, The famely of Alberti confined. An. 1402. he was condemned in mony, and confined 300. miles distant from the citie. Also to the end, that the Alberti might not daily put the state in daunger, all that family aboue fifteene yeares of age, were banished. This accident happened in the yeare 1402. The next yeare died Giouan Galiazzo, Duke of Milan: whose death (as is beforesaid) ended the warre which had continued twelue yeares. In this meane space, the gouernment became of more authoritie: and hauing fewe enemies both within and without, the Florentines attempted the enterprise of Pisa, and gloriously conquered that citie. They continued then quiet within, from the yeare 1400. till 33. sauing that in the yeare 1412. the Alberti, hauing broken their confines, a Balia was chosen, wherby new ordinances were made to assure the state, and impose greater paiments vpon them. The death of Ladislao king of Naples. In that time also, the Florentines made war to Ladislao King of Napoli, which was ended by the death of the King: in the yeare 1414. In execution whereof, the King finding himselfe the weaker, yeelded to the Florentines the citie of Cortona, where he was Lord. Yet shortly after he reuiued the warre, which proued more dangerous then the former. And had the same not bene, as the other, ended by the Duke of Milans death, he had also brought the libertie of our citie into that daunger, that by the Duke it had bene. Neither did this war of the Kings end, with lesser aduenture then the other. For when he had surprized Rome, Siena, La Marca, and Romagna, and that he wanted nothing, but Florence to passe with a mightie force into Lombardy, hee died. So as, death was euer more friendly to the Florentines, then any other friend: and of more power to defend them, then any o­ther vertue. After the death of this King, the citie continued quiet without & with­in eight yeares. In the end of which time, with the warres of Philippo Duke of Milan, the factions were reuiued: and continued til the ruine of that state, which from 1380. had bene gouerned, and with much glorie, enterprised many warres, and brought vnder the Empire thereof, Arezzo, Piso, Cortona, Liuorno, and Monte Pulciano. And would haue done greater things, had the citie continued vnited, and the old humors not bene reuiued. As in the next booke shall particulerly be declared.

ALL Cities (and chiefly they which be well gouerned vnder the name of Common-weales) doo often alter their state and gouern­ment: not by meanes of libertie and subiection (as many imagine) but by meane of seruitude and lycentiousnesse. For onely the name of libertie is honoured of the people, who are the ministers of ly­centiousnesse, and seruitude still sought for by the Nobilitie: so as either of them do studie not to subiect themselues, either to lawes or men. True it is, that when it happeneth (as sildome it doth) that by good fortune of some Citie, there riseth vp therein, a wise, good, and mightie Citizen, of whome such lawes be made, as these humours of the Nobilitie, and of the people, be kept quiet (or at the least so restrained as they cannot doo euill) then may that Cittie be called free, and that state firme and stable. For being builded vpon good lawes, and good orders, it needeth not afterwardes the vertue of anie man to vphold it. Of such lawes and orders, manie auncient Common-weales (whose estates continu­ed long) were endowed. Such orders and lawes, those states wanted, and doo want, which haue oft times chaunged their gouernment from states tyrannicall, to licentious, and from licentious, to tyrannicall. And in them by meane of their mightie enemies, there is not, nor cannot be anie stabilitie at all: because the one pleaseth not the good men, and the other offendeth the wise men. The one may do euill with facilitie, the other can do good with difficultie. In the one insolent men, in the other, fooles haue too much authoritie. And therefore, it behoueth, that both the one and the other, by the vertue and fortune of some excellent man be mainteined: who either by death may be taken away, or by aduersitie proue vnpro­fitable. I say therefore, that gouernment which had the beginning in Florence by the death of Georgio Scali, in the yeare 1381. proceeded first from the vertue of Masso delli Albizi, and after was by Nicholo di Vzano continued. The Cittie liued quiet from the yeare 1314. till the 22. At which time, the King Ladislao was dead, and the state of Lombardy into partes diuided. So that neither without nor within, there was any thing that could breede diffidence or mistrust. Next to Nicholo di Vza­no, the Citizens of most authoritie, were Bartolomeo Valori, Nerome di Nigi, Rinaldo de gli Albizi, Neridi Guio, and Lapo Nicolini. The factions which grew, by the discord of the Albizi & Ricci, and after with great troubles by Saluestro di Medici reuiued, were neuer quenched. And albeit the partie most fauoured of the multitude, raigned not aboue 3. yeares, and in the yere 1381. the same was oppressed: yet that humor hauing infected the greater number of the people, could not be vtterly quenched. True it is, that the often contentions, & persecutions of the chief captains frō the 1381. til the 1400. brought the factions wel near to nothing. The families most persecuted were [Page 88] the Albizi, Ricci, and Medici. Those houses were diuerse times spoyled, both of their men and substance, and if any of them remained in the citie, their honours and offi­ces were taken from them. Which oppression made that part base minded, and (as it were) vtterly trodden downe. Notwithstanding, there remained in many men, a certaine memorie of iniuries receiued, and a desire to reuenge them. Yet wanting power to performe their will, they kept that desire within their breasts, secretly hid­den. Those of the populer Nobilitie, who peaceably gouerned the citie, committed two errors, Error com­mitted by the populer nobi­litie. which were the causes of their ruine. The one through their insolency, which grew by continuall authoritie and being in office. The other, through enuie among themselues, & the long holding the state in their hands, they did not preuent those that might offend them: but daily renuing the vniuersall hatred by their sini­ster proceedings, not remoouing the matter that might hurt and was to be feared, were the causes that the house of Medici recouered authoritie. The first of them that begun to stand vp, was Giouanni, the sonne of Bicci. He, become exceeding rich, and being of nature curteous, & affable, was with the allowance of those that gouer­ned, ascended to the highest office. Whereat the multitude so greatly reioyced (sup­posing to haue gotten a protector) that the wiser sort conceiued some iust cause of suspition: Aduice of Nicolo Vzano against the Medici. because thereby they found all the old humors begun to arise. And Nicho­lo di Vsano failed not to aduertise the other Citizens, how daungerous a thing it was to aduance one, who had among the multitude, so much reputation: saying, it was easie to oppresse any inconuenience at the first, but letting it growe, the remedie was hardly found. For hee knew well, that in Giouanni, there were many more ex­cellent partes, then in Saluestro. Nicholo could not be heard of his companions: because they enuied his reputation, and sought for assistance to oppresse him. Men thus liuing in Florence, beset with contrary humours, (which secretly began to boyle within their breasts) Philippo Visconti second sonne of Giouan Galiazzo, be­ing by the death of his brother, become Lord of all Lombardy, and deuising vpon some enterprise, desired greatly to be againe owner of Genoua, which at that pre­sent vnder Tomazo Frogolo liued in libertie. Yet feared he could neither compasse that nor any other thing, vnlesse first hee published a new accord with the Flo­rentines: the reputation whereof, (as hee thought) might bring him to satis­faction. For which purpose, hee sent Embassadours to Florence: who beeing there, and perswading the league, it was by many Cittizens thought vnfit to ioyne with him, and yet they wished that the peace which had many yeares continued, should still endure. For they knewe what fauoure and reputati­on the league would doo him, and how small profit the citie should receiue thereof. To others it was thought good, that the league should be made, there­by to procure the Duke to enter conditions and bondes, which if he passed, euery man might discouer his euill intent, and should (if he brake the peace) the more iust­ly make warre vpon him. Leage betwixt the Florentins and the Duke of Milan. Thus (the matter being throughly debated) the peace was concluded. Wherein Philippo promised, that hee would not entermedle with anie thing on this side the Riuers of Magra and Panaro. After this conclusion Philippo sur­prized Brescia, and shortly after Genoua, contrary to the opinion of those that had per­swaded the peace. For they beleeued that Brescia had bene defended by the Vene­tians, and Genoua could haue defended it selfe. And because in the league which Philippo had made with the Doge of Genoua, he had reserued Serezana, and other Townes on this sides Magra, with condition that if he solde them, hee then to sell them to the Genouesi, the league was broken. Besides this, hee made peace with the Legate of Bologna. Which things, altered the mindes of our Citizens, and made them (doubting newe mischiefes) to looke for newe remedies. These [Page 89] suspitions come to the eare of Filippo, either to gratifie, or feele the disposition of the Florentines, or else to abuse them, sent Ambassadours vnto Florence, and by them sig­nified, how he maruelled much at the suspition conceiued, and therewith offered to renounce euerie thing by him done, whereof anie mistrust might grow: which Ambassadours wrought none other effect, then diuision of the citie. For the one part, (and those that were most reputed in the gouernment) thought good to arme, and preuent the enemie. Notwithstanding if Filippo stood quiet, there should be no war at all, and in the meane time, that prouision was an occasion of peace. Many others, either enuying those that gouerned, or fearing the warre, iudged that it was no wisedome, lightly to become suspitious: neither were things by Philippo done, worthie to be suspected. But they knew wel, that to elect the Ten, and to hire soul­diers, promised warre: which being taken in hand against so great a Prince, should be the ruine of the citie, without hope of any profit. For of his victories (hauing Ro­magna in the midst) we could not receiue good, nor become Princes of that country. And of Romagna it self (by reason of the neernesse of the church) they could not think to become owners. Notwithstanding, the authoritie of those that would make pre­paration for war, preuailed before the other, that desired peace. And therefore they created the Ten, hired souldiers, & imposed Subsidies. Which proceedings (because they burthened more the lesse, then greater Cittizens) filled the cittie with sorrow, and euery man blamed the ambition & authoritie of the great men, accusing them; that to fulfill their appetites, and oppresse the people, they would make a warre not necessary. Yet was not the Duke come to manifest breach, but euery thing was full of suspition. For Philippo, at the request of the Legate of Bologna (who feared Antonio Bentiuogli banished, and remaining at the Castle Bolognese) had sent men to that citie: which beeing neare the dominion of Florence, held the state in mistrust. But that which most amazed euerie man, and gaue much cause to discouer the warre, was the enterprise of the Duke at Furli. Georgio Ordilaffi, was Lord of Furli, who dying, left Tibaldo his sonne, vnder protection of Philippo. And albeit the mother suppo­sing the Duke to be a Tutor vnfit, and therefore sent her childe to Lodouico Alidossi her father, Lord of Imola) yet was she forced by the people to obserue her husbands testament, and commit him to the Dukes hands. Then Philippo to make himselfe the lesse suspected, and the rather also to couer his intent, deuised that the Marquesse of Farrara should send Guido Torello with some forces, to be his deputie, and take the gouernment of Furli. Thus came that towne into the possession of Philippo, which being knowne in Florence, togither with the newes of the souldiers come to Bologna, made the resolutiō for the war the more speedie, notwithstanding it had before great contradiction, & Giouan de Medici publikely spake against it, saying, Consultation in Florence. that although he were certaine of the Dukes euil disposition, yet were it better that hee should march first, thē they go towards him: for so the war shuld be iustifiable, in the iudgement of other princes: neither could we so boldly aske aid, as we might after that his ambitiō was discouered. Also, mē wold with an other mind defend their own, thē assault the goods of others. To the cōtrary, was said, it were not good to tarry for the enemy at home, but rather go seeke him. And fortune was more friend to him that assaulteth, thē to him that defendeth. Moreouer with lesse losse (though with more charge) the war is made far frō home, then neare at hand. In the end, this opiniō preuailed. And resolutiō was set down, that the Ten should deuise some means how the city of Furli might be recouered frō the Duke. Philippo seeing that the Florentines went about to surprize those things which he had taken in hand to defend, set respects apart, & sent Agnolodella Pargola with great forces to Imola, to the end, that prince, hauing occasion to defend his own, should not think vpō his grandchild. Agnolo arriued neare Imola, [Page 90] (the forces of the Florentines being also at Magdigliana) the weather frostie, and the towne diches frozen, in the night, by stealth, surprized the towne, and sent Lodouico prisoner to Milan. The Florentines seeing Imola lost, and the warre discouered, com­maunded their men to go vnto Furli, and on euerie side besieged that citie. Also to the end that all the Dukes forces should not come to rescue it, they hired the Earle Alberigo, who from his towne Zagonara issued out, spoyling the country euen to the gates of Imola. Agnola della Pergola, finding he could not with securitie succour Fur­li, by reason of the strength where our Campe laie, thought good to besiege Zago­nara, thinking that the Florentines would not lose that place, and if they did relieue it, then of force they must abandon Furli, and fight with disaduantage. The Dukes forces then enforced Alberigo to demaund composition, which was graunted; he promising to yeeld the towne at any time, if within fifteene daies, it were not rescu­ed by the Florentines. This disorder knowne in the Florentines Campe and in the Ci­tie, and euerie man desirous to preuent the enemie of that victorie, occasioned them to haue a greater. The Floren­tines ouer­throwne. For their Campe being departed from Furli to succour Zagonara, and entercountring the enemie was ouerthrowne: not so much through vertue of the aduersarie, as the vnhappinesse of the weather. For, our men hauing diuerse houres marched in the deepe myre and raine, found the enemies fresh, and for that reason by them were vanquished. Notwithstanding, in so great an ouerthrow pub­lished through all Italy, there died no more then Lodouico degli Obizi, with two o­thers, who fallen from their horse were myred to death. All the citie of Florence at this ouerthrow, became sad: and chiefly the great Citizens who had counselled the warre. For they sawe the enemie braue, their selues disarmed, without friends, and the people against them: who murmured, and with iniurious words, complained of the great Impositions and Subsidies, they had paide to the maintenance of the warre taken in hand, without any cause or occasion. Saying moreouer, now they ha­uing created the Ten, to terrifie the enemie, haue succoured Furli, and taken it from the Duke. Thus do they bewraie their Councels to what end they are: not to defend the libertie, but encrease their own power, which God iustly hath diminished. Nei­ther haue they only burthened the citie with this enterprise, but with many others: for like to this, was that against King Ladislao. To whome will they now resort for aide? To Pope Martine? who hath bene in their sight trodden vpon by Braccio? To the Queene Giouanna? she was by them abandoned, and forced to put her selfe vp­on the King of Aragon. Besides these contumelies, they repeated all such iniurious reproues, as a people offended, could imagine. It was therefore thought good to the Senators, to assemble a good number of Citizens, and with curteous speech appease the humours mooued in the multitude. Then Rinaldo degli Albizi, eldest sonne of Masso, The speech of Rinaldo de Albizi to ap­peaze the people. (who with his owne vertue, & the memorie of his father, aspired to the chief honour of the citie) declared at large: that it was no wisedome to iudge enterpri­ses by their successe. Because many things well deuised, haue had no good end, & o­thers euil deuised, haue good. Also, if euil counsels hauing good successe, should be commended, the same wold encourage men to commit errors, which would proue to great disaduantage of the Common weale: for it euer falleth out, that euill coun­sels be vnfortunate. In like maner they erred, to blame a wise counsell, that hath no desired end: for thereby they discouradge the Citizens to counsell the citie, & saie frankly, what they knew or vnderstood. Then he shewed the necessitie of that war, and how if it had not bene begun in Romagna, it should haue bene in Toscana. But sith it pleased God that their forces be ouerthrowne, the losse should be the lesse, if the enterprise were not abandoned. For if they would still shewe their faces to For­tune, and endeuour themselues to recouer that was lost, neither should they finde [Page 91] any losse, nor the Duke any victorie. They ought also not to repine at the charge or Impositions that should be laid vpon them, because those paiments which they had made, were reasonable, and the rest that should after be imposed would not bee so great. For lesse preparation is required for them that defend, then those that will of­fend. In the end, he perswaded them to imitate their auncestors, who by being in e­uerie aduersitie couragious, did defend themselues against all Princes whatsoeuer. The Citizens encouraged with the authoritie of this man, Bracc [...]o. Piccinino. enterteined the Earle Oddo sonne of Braccio, with whom they ioyned Nicholo Piccinino, brought vp vnder Brac­cio; a man most esteemed of all those that serued vnder his Ensigne, and vnder them they appointed other leaders. Also of their owne forces lately broken, some Cap­taines of horse men remained. Moreouer they elected twentie Citizens to impose new Subsidies, who being encouraged with seeing the greatest Citizens oppressed by the late ouerthrow, imposed vpon them without respect. This imposition much greeued the great Cittizens, yet not to declare themselues vnwilling, at the first, shewed no priuate offence: but generally blamed the matter, giuing their aduise, that the Impositions might cease; which being knowne to many, tooke no effect in the Councels: and thereupon to occasion these repiners feele the smart of their counsell, and make the matter more odious, they ordered, that the Imposers should proceed with all seueritie, and haue authoritie to kill any man that should withstand the publique officers. Whereof followed many foule accidents, by murthering and hurting of the Citizens. In so much, as the factions came to bloud: and euerie wise man feared future mischiefes. Because, the great men (who were vsed to respect) could not endure to be laide hand vppon: and others were not content that euerie man should equally be burthened. Many of the chiefe Citizens therefore assembled themselues, and concluded, that it behoued them to take the gouernment into their hands: because their small diligence had giuen head, and suffered the publique pro­ceedings to be reproued: allowing ouermuch boldnesse in those that were wont to be heads of the multitude. Hauing to this effect consulted, they determined manie times to meete all togither; and in the church of S. Steffano assembled more then 70. Citizens, with the lycence and allowance of Lorenzo Ridolfi, and Francesco Gianfi gli­azzi, who at that time were of the Senate. To this conuention, Giouanni de Medici came not, either because he was as a suspect, vncalled, or that hee would not (being of contrary opinion) appeare. But Rinaldo delli Albizi, as mouth of that companie, Rinaldo di Albizi. discoursed the estate of the citie, & how by their negligence it was come to the hand of the multitude, from whome in the yeare 1381. by their auncestors it was taken: putting them in minde of the iniquitie that raigned in that state, from the yeare 77. till 81. And how sith that time, till this present, some had their fathers slaine, some their grandfathers, & now were returned to the selfesame perils, & the citie fallen to the like disorders; because the multitude had alreadie at their pleasure imposed Sub­sidies: & wold ere lōg, (if the same were not by a greater force or better order with­stood) appoint the Magistrates. Which being brought to passe, the multitude would vsurpe their places, and ruine that state, which had bene with much glorie of the cittie fortie and two yeares continued: and Florence should be gouerned either ca­sually, vnder the will of the multitude (so as one part should liue lycentiously, the other daungerously) or vnder the commandement of some one that shall make him selfe Prince of all. Wherefore he assured them, that euerie man that loued his coun­try, and his owne honour, was constrained to beware: and put them in minde of the vertue of Bardo Mancini, who with the ruine of the Alberti: saued the citie from those perils wherein it then was: and that occasion of boldnesse in the multitude, procee­ded of the large Squittini, which were by their negligence made: which was the [Page 92] cause also that the Pallace was filled with new men and people of base condition. He therefore concluded that the only remedie was, to yeeld the gouernment to the great Citizens, and remoue the lesse Artificers from their authoritie: reducing them from 14. to 7. companies. Which should be a meane that the multitude could haue in the Councels lesse authoritie: as well in respect, that the number of them were diminished, as that the great men should haue most power, who for the old enmity did disfauour the multitude, affirming likewise that to know how to imploy men, according to the time was great wisedom. For as their ancestors vsed the multitude to oppresse the insolency of the great men (who thereby became humble and the multitude insolent) so it were now fit to bridle the insolencie thereof, with the aide of the great men. And for compassing of these matters they might resort either to subtiltie or force. For some of them beeing of the Tenne, by that colour might bring men secretly into the citie. This counsell giuen by Rinaldo, was by euery man allowed. And Nicholo of Vzano among other, said; that all things alledged by Rinaldo were true, and the remedies good and certaine, if the same might be done without manifest diuision of the citie: which would come to passe if Giouan de Medici, were not perswaded from them. For hee being on our side, the multitude without head and force, could not offend. But if he wold not consent, without armes it could not be. And with armes it were daungerous, for either they should not preuaile, or not enioy the victory. Also, modestly he reduced to their memories, his former admoni­tions, & how they refused to preuent these difficulties, when they might. But now the time serued not to do it, without hazarding a greater mischiefe, and therefore, as the vttermost refuge, it behoued to gaine his fauour. Commissiō therfore was gran­ted for Rinaldo, to goe vnto Giouanni, and perswade him to be of their minde. This Gentleman performed his Commission, and with the best reasons he was able, per­swaded him to enter with them into this action, and that he would not for the loue of the multitude become insolent, to the ruine of the state, & citie. Wherto Giouanni answered, The answere of Giouanni di Medicito Rinaldo. that he thought it the office of a wise and good Citizen, not to alter the ac­customed orders of the citie, because there was nothing that so much offended men, as alteration, sith thereby many be offended, & where many liue discontented, some euill accident is daily to be looked for. Also hee thought, that this their resolution might worke two effects verie dangerous. The one by giuing the honours to those, who neuer before hauing them, would not much esteeme them, and should haue the lesse occasion to complaine, if they neuer had them. The other by taking the honours from those that were vsed to haue them, should make them vnquiet till they were restored. And so shall the iniurie done to the one part, be greater, then the benefit, which the other part could thereby receiue. Thus shall the authour of this change, win few friends, & many enemies: and these will be more ready to of­fend him, thē the others to defend him. For mē are more naturally inclined to reuēge an iniury, thē be thankful for a good turne: because this bringeth losse, but that pro­miseth profit and pleasure. Then turning his face towards Rinaldo, saide. And you sir, if you remember matters passed & with what subtilties men walk within this citie, your self would be more lowe in these resolutions. For the giuer of that counsell, so soone as with your forces he hath taken away the authoritie of the people, would againe take the same from you, by the aide of those, who by this meane of iniurie, will become your foes. And it will befall to you as it did to Benedetto Alberti, who (through the perswasions of him that loued him not) cōsented to the ruine of Georgio Scali and Tomazo Strozzi: and shortly after, by the selfesame men that perswaded him, was sent into exile. Hee therefore wished him more naturally to thinke vpon matters, & be willing to follow his father, who hauing loue of the multitude, cared [Page 93] not to offend a fewe men euill disposed. It was then ordained that whosoeuer had to paie halfe a Florine for Subsidie, should paie it, or not: as himselfe pleased. And besides all men indebted, should for the day of the councell goe free, with out mo­lestation of his creditors. In the end he concluded, that for his owne part, he would leaue the cittie in that order and estate, it presently remained. These matters thus handled, were vnderstood abroad, and the same gaue great reputation to Giouanni and hatred to the other cittizens. Neuerthelesse hee discontinued all affaires, the ra­ther to discourage those, that vnder his fauour intended new practises. Also, in all his comunication, hee let euerie man to vnderstand that hee would not nourish, but extinguish factions. And for himselfe, he desired nothing but the vnion of the citie: yet were manie that followed him, therewith discontented. For diuers of them did perswade him to be in those matters more quick: of which number was Alamanno de medici, who being fierce of nature, ceased not to sollicite him to persecute their ene­mies, & fauour friends, blaming his coldnesse, & slow maner of proceding. Which was (as he alledged) occasion that their foes without respect, practised against him. Which one daie would take effect, with the ruine of his house and friends. To the same effect, was hee encouraged, by Cosimo his sonne. Yet notwithstanding all these reasons to him reuealed or prognosticated, hee stood firme in his intent, and by that meanes the faction became discouered, and the cittie in manifest diuision. At that time were in the Pallace two Chauncellors, one called Ser Martino, and the other Ser Pagolo. This fauoured the parte of Vzano, that of Medici. Rinaldo seeing that Giouanni refused to concurre with them, thought fit to depriue Ser Martino of his office, ho­ping afterwards to finde the Pallace more fuourable. That practise foreseene by the aduersaries, Martino was defended; and Pagalo with sorrow and iniury of his friends remooued: which had presently wrought bad effects, if the present warre had not bene, & the citie by the ouerthrow receiued at Zagonara, terrified. During the time that these matters were managed in Florence, Agnola della Pergola had with the Dukes forces taken all the townes which the Florentines possessed in Romagna (Castaro and Modigliana excepted) some of them beeing lost by the weakenesse of the place, and others by the default of those, that had them in guarde. In the surprizing of these townes, two notable things appeared. The first, how much the vertue of men euen to their enemies, is acceptable. The other, how greatly cowardice and fainte heart, is contemned. Biagio of Milan, was Captaine of the fortresse called Montepetroso. Biagio of Mi­lan. He being enuironed with fire and enemies, not finding any meanes how to defend his charge, or escape with life, cast ouer the wall (where no fire yet burned) certaine cloathes and strawe, and vpon the same his owne two children, and said to his ene­mies; Take you here those goods which fortune hath giuen me, and you haue po­wer to bereaue me of, but my riches of minde wherein glorie and my honour lieth, neither will I giue them, nor you can take them from me. The enemies ran to saue the poore children, and offered him roapes and ladders to conuey himselfe downe safe. But he refused all succours, chusing rather to die in fire, then receiue a life from the enemies of his country. An example truly like to those, of the auncient time so highly commended. And is the more notable, that such resolutions are but rare. The children were by the enemies restored to all thinges that were theirs, and could be found: and with great care conueyed to their friends, to whom their countrey also was no lesse kinde. For (during their liues) they were publikely releeued and main­teined. The contrary happened in Galeata, where Zanobi di Pino was Podesta. Zanobi Pino. For he without any defence, yeelded his charge to the enemie: and besides perswaded A­gnolo to abandon the Alpes of Romagna, and come into the hilles of Toscana, where he might make warre with lesse perill, and more profit. But Agnolo could not endure [Page 94] the cowardice and base mind of that man, and therfore gaue him prisoner to his ser­uants, who in contempt, and disdaine allowed him no more foode, but painted cards, saying, by that means they would make him of a Guelfo to become a Ghibellino. But within a fewe daies, Pino pined to death. In this meane time the Earle Oddo togi­ther with Nicholo Piccinino was entred into the vale of Lamona, to reduce the Lord of Faenza to the friendship of the Florentines, or at the least to empeach Agnola della Per­gola in the spoile of Romagna. Yet by reason that vale is strong, and the country people warlike, it chaunced that Oddo was slaine, and Nicholo Piccinino ledde prisoner to Fa­enza. But fortune would, that the Florentines obteined that by this losse, which if they had woon the victorie should percase neuer haue bene compassed. For Nicholo being prisoner, wrought so with the Lord of Faenza & his mother, that they by his perswasion became friendes to the Florentines. By this league Nicholo Piccinino was deliuered, but folowed not that councel he gaue to others. For whiles he cōmoned with the cities that enterteined him, either for that the conditions he had made see­med ouer meane, or that he hoped of better elsewhere, suddeinly without leaue ta­king, departed from Arezzo where hee lodged, and went into Lombardy, and there tooke paie of the Duke. Piccinino reuolted from the league. The Florentines by this accident became fearefull: and being dismayd with their charges lost, thought they could not alone maintaine the warre, and therfore sent Embassadours to the Venetians, desiring them while the enterprise was easie, to ioyne against one, who being suffered to grow, might become as dan­gerous to them as to the Florentines. To the same enterprise also Francesco Carmignuo­la did perswade them, who was in those dayes accounted a man of warre most ex­cellent, and had bene sometimes a souldier vnder the Duke, yet at that time, rebelled against him. The Venetians stood doubtfull, not knowing how much they might trust Carmignuola, fearing that the enmitie betwixt the Duke & him was but fained. They thus standing doubtfull, it happened that the Duke procured one of the ser­uants of Carmignuola to poyson his maister: which poyson not being strong inough, killed him not, but brought him to extremitie. This being knowne to the Venetians, cleared all suspition: and the Florentines following their request, the league was made betwixt them, either partie binding himselfe to make warre at their common charge: and that whatsoeuer were gotten in Lombardy should be the Venetians, and whatsoeuer were possessed in Romagna, should be the Florentines, and Carmignuola to continue General of the league. Carmignuola generall for the league. Then was the war by mean of this league brought into Lombardy, and by Carmignuola gouerned with so great vertue, that in fewe mo­neths he had taken many townes from the Duke: togither with the Citie of Brescia, the winning whereof (in those dayes, and in those warres) was accounted maruel­lous. This warre was continued fiue yeares and the Citizens become wearie of the Impositions alreadie past, agreed to renew them, and prouided the same might be imposed according to the value of euerie mans wealth. In this Imposition, it fell out, that many mightie Cittizens were sore charged. And therefore, before the lawe passed, it became of them misliked. Onely Giouanni di Medici openly did commend it, by which commendation, the lawe passed. And because in the excuti­on thereof, euery mans goods were charged (which the Florentines called Accastare) the Imposition was called Catasto. This law partly bridled the tirannie of the migh­tier Citizens, being thereby restrained from oppression of their inferiours, and their threatnings and counsels could not hold them silent, as before they might. That Im­position therfore was by the multitude willingly, but by the mighty citizens, verie vnwillingly, receiued. Notwithstanding (as it euer happeneth) that men be neuer satisfied; but hauing the thing they wish for, desire an other: so this people not con­tent with this equalitie of Imposition by lawe, required that no respect should be [Page 95] had to time past, but desired to examine how much the great men (according to the Catasto) had paide too little, because they would haue them to be charged as them­selues had before bene; who paying more then they ought, were forced to sell their possessions. This demaund, did more terrifie the great men, then the Catasto, Catasto. therfore they ceased not to find fault, affirming it was most iniust, that the imposition should extend to their moueables, which many times were one day possessed, and the next day lost. And moreouer many men had money so secretly kept, that the Catasto could not find it. Adding thereto, that for seruice of the state, they omitted their priuate busines, and therfore ought be the lesse charged. For trauelling in their persons, it was no reason that the citie should imploy both their goods and their industry, and of other men take onely their goods. The others (to whom the Catasto contented) did answere that if the goods moueable did varie, the Impositions might also varie, and so that inconuenience was remedied. And for goods concealed or hidden, therof it was not needfull to make accompt, for of such monies as are not occupied to pro­fit, no reason would they should pay. And if they would imploy them, then should they thereby discouer them. Moreouer, if they liked no longer to vse their industrie for the Common weale, they might at their pleasures leaue those paines, & that tra­uell. For the state should find other good Citizens willing to helpe and serue, both with their counsell and substaunce. Also the gouernment carried therewith so many commodities & honors, as the same might suffice them that gouerned, without de­teining their impositions. But the griefe lay not where they alledged. For it greeued them that they could not make warre without their owne losse, being to contribute to the charge as others did. As if this way had bene before found, the warre with King Ladislao should not haue bene then, nor this warre with the Duke now. Both which warres were made to enrich the Citizens, and not for necessitie. These hu­mors stirred, were appeased by Giouan de Medici, declaring that it was not well done, to call againe matters passed, but rather to foresee future euents. And if the Impositi­ons before time were iniust, then ought they to thanke God for that warre, whereby they were made iust, and that this order might serue to reunite, not to deuide the citie: as it would, if passed Impositions were called in question, to make the pre­sent seasement: because whosoeuer is content with a reasonable victorie, doth best, seeing they that be enforced to pay for many pardons, do therby become desperate. With these or like wordes, hee appeased the humours, and the comparing of the old Impositions, with the new. The warre with the Duke yet continued, but short­ly after a peace was made at Ferrara, by mediation of the Popes Legate. The condi­tions wherof, were by the Duke at the beginning broken. So that they of the league tooke armes againe, and ioyning battle with the Duke at Maclouio, they ouerthrew him. After which ouerthrow, the Duke mooued new communication of peace, whereto the Venetians and Florentines consented. These because they suspected the Venetians, and thought they spent much to make others mightie. The other, for that, since the ouerthrow, they perceiued Carmignuola to proceede slowly, and therfore feared to repose any trust in him. The peace therfore was concluded the yeare 1428 whereby the Florentines reouered the townes lost in Romagna, Peace betwixt the League & the Duke. and Brescia remained in the hands of the Venetians. Besides these, the Duke gaue them Bergamo with the country thereto belonging. In this warre the Florentines spent three milli­ons and fiue thousand duckats. But the Venetians gained land and force: and they po­uertie and diuision. The peace thus made abroad, the warre at home began. And the great Citizens not enduring the Catasto, nor knowing by what meane to be free from it, deuised to make the lawe to haue more enimies, thereby to haue compa­nions to represse it. Then they declared to the officers of the Imposition, that the [Page 96] lawe commaunded them also to seaze the Townes subiect, to see, if among them remained any Florentines goods. Thereupon all subiects were commaunded within a certaine time to bring in bils of their goods. Then the inhabitants of Volterra sent vnto the Senate to complayne of that matter, insomuch that the officers put xviii. of them in prison. This made the Volterrani much offended, yet for the respect they had to their prisoners, they rebelled not. At this time Giouanni de Medici fell sicke, and knowing his disease mortall, called vnto him his sonnes Cosimo and Lorenzo, and sayd vnto them: The speech of cosimo de Medici at his death. I thinke now to haue liued so long, as at my birth God and na­ture had appoynted. I dye content, because I leaue you rich, healthie, and in estate (if you follow my footesteps) to liue in Florence honorablie, and fauoured of all men: For, there is nothing that maketh me dye so contented, as to remember, that I haue neuer offended any man, but rather (so farre as I could) pleasured all men. So do I perswade you (if you will liue securely) to take of the State no more then by the lawes, and by men is giuen you, which shall neuer bring with it, either en­uie or perill. For that which is woon by violence, not that which is giuen freely, doth make men hated. And you shall find many coueting an other mans, to lose their owne, and before that losse, liue in continuall disquiet of mind. With these rules among so manie enemyes, and contrarieties of opinions, I haue not onely maynteyned, but also encreased my reputation in this cittie. Euen so, if you follow my course, you shall in like sort maynteyne and augment your credit. But when you do otherwise, looke that your end shall be no more fortunate then theirs, who haue ruyned themselues, and vndone their houses. Shortly after these words pronoun­ced, he tooke leaue of life, and was much lamented by the greatest number of Citi­zens, for so his excellent vertues deserued. This Giouanni was charitable, and accu­stomed to giue almes not onely to them that asked, but also many times vnasked. He bestowed reliefe on the poore, where need required. He loued euery man, pray­sing the good, and pittying the euill. He neuer desired offices, yet had he them all, he went not at any time to the Pallace vncalled, he loued peace, and shunned warre, he relieued men in aduersitie, and furthered them in prosperitie. He medled not with publique extortion, but encreased the common profit. He was in office curte­ous, of no great eloquence, but singuler wise. His complexion seemed melancholy, yet was he in cōuersation pleasant and merrie. He died rich in treasure, but more rich of loue, and good report: which inheritance aswell in goods of fortune as of mind, was by Cosimo not only preserued, but also enlarged. The Volterani being wearie of imprisonment, promised to condiscend to that which was demaunded. They then being deliuered, and returned to Volterra, found the time come for the election of new Priori. Among whom was chosen one iust man, a base fellow, yet of credit a­mong the multitude, and was in the number of those that had ben prisoners in Flo­rence. Volterra re­belled. He being moued with the iniurie offred both in publique and priuate by the Florentines, was encouraged by one Giouanni a noble man (who also sate in office with him) to stirre the people with the authority of the Priori and his owne credit, to take the towne from the Florentines, and make himselfe Prince thereof. By whose perswasion this Giusto (for so he was called) tooke armes, ransacked the towne, Giusto vsur­ped Volterra. imprisoned the Captayne of the Florentines, and made him selfe by consent of the people, Lord thereof. This new matter happened in Volterra, greatly dis­pleased the Florentines. Yet hauing lately made peace with the Duke, they imagi­ned a time was come to recouer it. And not omitting oportunitie, they sodeinly sent thither Rinaldo de gli Albizi, and Palla Strozzi, as their Comissaries. Giusto in the meane space, supposing the Florentines would assault him, prayed ayd of the Sa­nesi and Lucchesi. The Sanesi denyed him, saying they were in league with the Flo­rentines. [Page 97] And Pagolo Guinigi Lord of Lucca, Pagolo Gui­nigi Lord of Lucca. to recouer the fauoure of the Flo­rentine people (which in the Dukes warres he feared to haue lost) did not onely refuse to ayde Giusto, but also sent his messenger prisoner to Florence. These com­missaries in the meane space, to come vnlooked for of the Volterani, assembled all their men of Armes, and in the neather Valderno, and the Prouince of Pi­sa, leauyed many footemen, from whence they marched to Volterra. Ney­ther did Giusto for being abandoned of his neighbours, nor the assault of the Florentines, abandon himselfe: but trusting to the strength of the Scite, and the greatnes of the Towne, prepared for defence. There was at that time in Volterra, one called Arcolano, brother to Giouanni, who had perswaded Giu­sto to take the gouernment, a man among the Nobilitie of good reputation. He, assembling his friends, declared how God by this accident had supplied the necessitie of their Cittie. For now if they were pleased to take armes, remoue Giusto from the Senate, and restore the Cittie to the Florentines, they should there­by become chiefe of their Cittie, and continue their auncient priuiledges. These men consenting to the enterprise, went to the Pallace where this Lord Giu­sto remayned: some of them also being left belowe, Arcolano with three others went vp, and finding him with some other Cittizens, drew him aside, as though he had to speake with him in some earnest matter, so enterteyning him from cham­ber to chamber, till he came to the place where the rest of the companie remayned. Yet were they not so suddein, but that Giusto drew his sword, and before himselfe was slayne, hurt two of them. Notwithstanding, Giusto slaine. in the end vnable to resist so ma­nie, was murthered, and cast out of the Pallace. Then all the rest of the conspiracie with Arcolano tooke Armes, and gaue the Towne to the Commissaries for the Florentines, who were with Souldiers neere at hand. They, without other capi­tulation, entered the Towne, whereby the Volterani made their condition worse then before. For among other things, Volterra re­couered by the Floren­tines. they dismembred the greater part of the Countrey, and was reduced to Vicariato. Thus Volterra, as it were at one instant lost, and recouered, no occasion of new warre remayned, had not the ambition of men bene cause thereof. There serued long time the Florentines in their warres a­gainst the Duke of Milan, one called Nicholo Fortibraccio, sonne to one of the sisters of Braccio di Perugia. He after the peace made, was by the Florentines discharged, and at such time as this chance happened at Volterra was lodged at Fucecchio, whereby the Commissaries in that enterprise employed him and his Souldiers. It was supposed that at such time as Rinaldo trauelled with him in that warre, he perswaded Nicholo vnder some fayned quarrell to assault the Lucchesi, saying, that if he would goe against Lucca, he should be made Generall of the iourney. Volterra thus surprized, and Nicholo returned home to Fucecchio, either by perswasion of Rinaldo, or of his owne will, in Nouember, the yeare 1429. with 300. horse, and 300. footemen, sur­prized Ruoti and Compito, Castles belonging to the Lucchesi, and after came into the Countrey, and there made great spoyle. The newes of this enterprise published at Florence, many people assembled in diuers places of the Cittie, and the greater number wished that Lucca might be assaulted. The great Cittizens that fauoured the enterprise were those of the faction of Medici, and with them ioyned Rinaldo, thereto perswaded, either because he thought the enterprise profitable to the common-weale, or else for his owne ambition, hoping to haue the honor of the victorie. Those that disfauoured the attempt, were Nicholo de Vzano, and his follo­wers. And it seemeth a thing incredible, that so great contrarietie should be in one Cittie, touching the making of a warre. For those Cittizens, and that people, who after tenne yeeres of peace blamed the warre against the Duke Philippo, for de­fence [Page 98] of their libertie: now after so great expences, and so much affliction of the Cittie, withall earnestly desired to make a new warre against Lucca, and to vsurpe the libertie of others. On the other side, those that desired the first warre, found fault with this motion, so greatly did the opinions of men alter with time; for the multitude seemeth more readie to take from others, then keepe their owne. Also, men are more moued with hope of winning, then feare of losing: For this feare is not beleeued, till it be neere at hand, but that hope, is hoped for, although farre off. The people of Florence was full of hope, both by the victories they had obteyned, and by letters sent vnto Fortebraccio from the Rettori neere to Lucca. For the Deputies of Pescia and of Vico did write, that if they might haue leaue to receiue those Castles, they would be deliue­red to them, and by that meanes all the Countrey of Lucca should be gayned. Besides these good newes, the Lord of Lucca sent his Embassador to Florence, to complayne of the spoyles committed by Nicholo, desiring the Senate, not to moue warre against their neighbours, and a Citie that had euer been friend to the Florentines. This Embassador was called Iacopo Viuiani. He not long be­fore had been kept prisoner with Pagolo for a conspiracie against him: where­of although he were guiltie, yet was his life saued. And Pagolo supposing that Iacopo had likewise forgotten the iniurie, put him in trust. But Iacopo remem­bring more the perill he had passed, then the benefite he receiued, being arriued in Florence, secretly encouraged the Cittizens to proceed in the enterprise: which encouragement, ioyned to other hope, was the cause that the Senate assembled a Councell, wherein were foure hundred ninetie eight Cittizens, before whome, by the principall men of the Cittie, the matter was debated. Among the chiefe that perswaded the iourney (as is before sayd) was Rinaldo, A warre a­gainst Lucca perswaded by Ri. de All [...]zi. who alleadged the profite that might ensue of victorie. Hee also declared the occasion of the en­terprise, and how the Lucchesi were abandoned by the Venetians and the Duke. And that the Pope (being busied in the affayres of the Kingdome) could not succour them. Thereto he remembred how easie it was to winne the Cittie, be­ing in subiection to one Cittizen, whereby it had lost that naturall strength and auntient care to defend the libertie. So that, either by meane of the people, who studied to driue out the Tyrant, or the Tyrants feare of them, the successe was not to be doubted. Hee likewise layd before them the iniuries which that Lord had done to our Common-wealth, and his euill disposition towards the same; And how dangerous a thing it were if the Pope or the Duke should make warre, concluding, that no enterprise attempted by the people of Florence, was euer more easie or more iust. The perswa­tion of Ni. de Vzano to the contrary. Against this perswasion, Nicholo de Vzano sayde, that Florence did neuer take in hand any thing more vniust, nor more perilous, nor whereof more daunger might followe. First, they should goe about to offend a Cittie affectionate to the Guelfi, and such a one as had euer bene friend to the people of Florence, and had with perill to it selfe many times receiued the Guelfi, when they durst not abide in their owne Countrey. And by the memoriall of our proceedings, it cannot be found, that Lucca being free, did euer offend Florence: but the offence at any time done, was committed by those that vsurped, as hereto­fore by Castruccio, and now by this man, which defaults cannot be imputed to the Cittie, but the Tyrants. And therefore if the warre might be made vppon the Tyrant, and not the Cittie, the displeasure should be the lesse. But be­cause that could not be, he might not consent that a Cittie, beforetime a friend, should be spoyled of her substance. Yet sith at this day, men liue as though of right [Page 99] or wrong none account is to be made, hee would leaue to speake thereof, and thinke onely vpon the profit of the Cittie. His opinion therefore was, that those things might be called profitable, which would not lightlie procure losse. Wherefore he knewe not how any man could call that enterprise profi­table, where the losse was certaine, and the gayne doubtfull. The certeine los­ses were the charges it carried with it, which seemed so great, as would terrifie any peaceable Cittie, much more ours, hauing bene by long warres wearied. The profit of the enterprise, was the possession of Lucca, which hee confes­sed to be great; Yet were they to consider the lets thereof: and they seemed to him so great, as hee thought the successe impossible. Neither could hee beleeue that the Venetians and Philippo were therewith pleased: Because the Venetians consent, was onely to seeme thankefull, hauing lately with the Florentines woon a great Dominion. The other would be glad, that in a new warre wee shoulde spende more treasure: so as worne, and wearyed on euerie side, wee might after be the more easily annoyed. Also, there would not want meanes for him, euen in the best hope of victorie, to succour the Lucchesi, eyther co­uertly with money, or with cassing of bands, and sending souldiers as aduen­turers to ayde them. Hee therefore perswaded that the enterprise might stay, and suffer them liue with the Tyrant, whereby they shoulde haue the more enemyes. For there was no way so apt to subdue the Cittie, as to suffer it con­tinue vnder a Tyrant, and be by him assaulted or weakened. This matter wise­ly handled, the Cittie would be brought in termes, that the Tyrant not able to hold it, nor knowing how to gouerne it selfe, should of force fall in our bo­zome. Neuerthelesse, seeing his words were not heard, hee would prognosti­cate that they would make a warre, wherein much should be spent, many ha­zards made, and in stead of surprizing Lucca, deliuer it from the Tyrant, and procure that Cittie which before was subiect and weake, to become a towne free, and full of displeasure: yea with time, an obstacle to the honour of the Florentine common-weale. This enterprise thus perswaded, and disswaded, they begun (as the custome is) to practise with men secretly for the winning of their good wills, so as onely 98. persons did speake against it. Then the resolution set downe, and the Tenne elected for gouernment of the warre, The warre of Lucca resol­ued. they enterteyned souldiers both on horsebacke and foote. Astore Gianni, and Rinaldo de gli Albizi were appointed Generalls, and they agreed, that Nicholo Fortibraccio should haue the gouernment of the Townes, if the enterprise tooke successe. The Generalls with the Armyes beeing arriued within the territorie of Lucca, diuided their forces. Astore went into the playne, towards Ca Mag­giore and Pietrasanta: And Rinaldo, towardes the Mountaynes, thinking, that the Countrey being spoyled, the Cittie would be easily taken. The attempt of these men prooued vnfortunate, not because they surprized no Townes, but for the dishonor committed by one of them in the seruice: For true it is, that Astore Gianni gaue great occasions of his owne dishonour. Neere vnto Pietra­santa, there is a Vale called Serauezeza, rich, and full of inhabitants, who hea­ring the Generall was come, presented them selues: desiring him to receiue them for faithfull seruants to the people of Florence. Astore seemed to accept the offer, and after caused his Souldiers to possesse all the passages, and strong places of the Vale: then commaunding all the inhabitants to assemble in the principall Church, and there willed his men to take them prisoners, sack them, Cruelty of the Florentine Generall. and spoyle all the Countrey most cruelly: not sparing the sacred places, but without respecte, abusing aswell Virgins, as married women. The manner of [Page 100] these proceedings being knowne in Florence, offended not onely the Magi­strates, but the whole Cittie also. Some fewe of the Sarauezesi, who escaped the hands of the Generall, ran to Florence, telling in euery streete, and to euery man their miseries, and were by many Citizens encouraged, either because they desi­red to haue the Generall punished, thinking him indeed an euill man, or else for that they knewe him not to fauour their faction. The com­plaint of the Sarauezesi. So that the Sarauezesi were brought before the tenne, where one of them stepped foorth, and spake to this effect. Sure we are (my good Lords) that our words should find beliefe, and compassion, if your Lordships did know in what sort your Generall hath vsed our Countrey, and how we haue bene by him handled. Our Vale (as we hope your memorials do make mention) did alwayes loue the faction Guelfa, and hath bene many times a faithfull receptacle for your Citizens, when flying persecu­tion of the Ghibilini, they came thither. Our auncestors, and we also, haue euer adored the name of this noble common weale, being the head and chiefe of that secte. So long as the Lucchesi were Guelfi, we willingly obeyed their gouernment, but since they submitted themselues to a Tyrant, (who hath abandoned his old friends, and followed the Ghibilini) rather by compulsion, then voluntarily, we haue obeyed him. And God knoweth, how often we haue prayed for occasion, whereby to shewe our zeale to the auncient faction. But alas how blind are men in their desires? that which we wished for our helpe, is now become our harme. For so soone as we heard your Generall marched towards vs, we went, not as enemyes to encounter him, but (as our auncestors were wont) to yeeld into his hand our Countrey and fortunes: hoping that in him, although there were not the mind of a Florentine, yet should we find him a man. We beseech your Lordships to pardon vs, for our extremitie is so much, as more may not be indu­red, which is the cause we make bold to speake thus plainely. This your Gene­rall hath not of a man more then his presence, nor of a Florentine any thing saue the name: but may be called a mortall plague, a cruell beast, and as horrible a monster, as by any wrighter can be described. For he hauing assembled vs in our Temple, vnder pretence to talke with vs, hath made vs his prisoners: spoyling the whole countrey, burning the houses, robbing the inhabitants, sacking their goods, beating and murthering the men, forcing the Virgins, yea, pulling them from the hands of their Mothers, made them the pleasures of his souldiers. If for any iniury done to the people of Florence or him, we had deserued so great a punishment, or if we had armed our selues against him, and bene taken, then should we haue had lesse cause to complayne, yea, we would rather haue ac­cused our selues, confessing, that eyther for iniurie or pride, we had so merited to be handled. But being disarmed, and freely offering ourselues, then to rob vs, and with so great despight and ignomie to spoyle vs, we thinke it strange, and are inforced before your Lordships to lay downe our griefe. And albeit we might fill all Lombardy with offence, and with reproch of this Citie, publish our iniuries through all Italy, yet would we not, lest thereby to blemish so honest, so honorable, and so compassionate a common weale, with the dishonestie and crueltie of one wicked Citizen, whose auarice before our ruine, was partly knowne vnto vs. And wee intended to strayne our selues to satisfie his greedie mind, which hath neither measure nor bottom. But sith our gifts come too late, we thinke good to resort to your Lordships, beseeching the same to relieue the misfortune of your subiects, to the end, that other men may not be afraid to yeeld them selues to your deuotion. If our infinite miseries cannot moue you, yet let the feare of Gods ire perswade you, who hath seene the Churches sacked and [Page 101] burnt, and our people betrayed in them. These words pronounced, they pre­sently fell downe prostrate vpon the ground, weeping, and desiring their Lord­ships, that their goods and countrey might be restored, and that (though the womens honors could not be recouered) yet the Wiues might be deliuered to their Husbands, and the Children to their Fathers. This heauie case being be­fore reported, and now by the liuely voyce of those afflicted men confirmed, did much moue the Magistrates: and without delay, they reuoked Astore, Astore con­demned and Rislandred. who after was condemned, and admonished. Then was there Inquisition made for the goods of the Serauezesi, and so much as could be found, was restored. For the rest, they were in time diuers wayes satisfied. Rinaldo de gli Albizi, was likewise defamed, for hauing made the warre, not for the profit of the people of Florence, but his owne. Hee was also charged that so soone as hee became Generall, the desire of surprizing Lucca was forgotten, because hee sought no further then to spoyle the countrey, fill his pastures with cattle, and furnish his houses with the goods of others. Moreouer, that his owne share of the bootie contented him not, but hee also bought the priuate spoyles of his soul­diers. So that of a Generall, hee was become a Merchaunt. These slaunders come to his owne hearing, moued his honest and honorable mind more, then they ought to haue done. In so much, as hee became therewith so amazed, that ta­king offence against the Magistrates and Citizens, without delay or leaue taken, hee returned to Florence, and presenting himselfe to the Tenne, sayd: The speech of Ri. in his pur­gation. He knew well, how great difficultie and perill there was in seruing a loose people, and a Cittie diuided. For the one is credulous of euery rumor, the other, punisheth no euill doings, rewardeth not the good, and blameth the indifferent; so that no man commendeth him that is victorious: For as much, as his fellowes for en­uie, and his foes for hatred, will persecute him. Notwithstanding, himselfe had neuer for feare of vndeserued blame, omitted to performe an action that promi­sed a certaine good to his countrey. But true it was, that the dishonestie of the present slaunders had oppressed his patience, and made him chaunge nature. Wherefore hee besought the Magistrates, to be from thence-foorth more rea­die to defend their Citizens, to the end, they might be likewise more readie to labour for their countrey. And although that in Florence no triumph was graunted, yet might they, at the leaste defende them from ignominious re­proche, and remember that they them selues were also Citizens of the same towne, and that to them selues euerie houre the like might happen: whereby they shoulde vnderstand howe great griefe false slaunders might breede in the mindes of men of integritie. The Tenne as time would serue, laboured to ap­pease him, and committed the care thereof to Neri di Gino, and to Alaman­no Saluiati: who leauing to spoyle the countrey of Lucca, with their Campe, ap­proched the Towne. And because the season was colde, they stayed at Cam­panuole. Where it seemed to the Generall that time was lost: and desirous to besiege the Towne, by reason of the euill weather, the Souldiers woulde not thereto consent. Notwithstanding, that the Tenne did sollicite them to the siege, and would accept none excuse at all. At that time, Filippo Bru­nelsco. there was in Flo­rence an Architector, called Filippo Brunellesco, of whose handie-worke our Cittie is full: In so much, that after death, hee deserued to haue his Image of Marble, erected in the chiefe Church of Florence, with Letters, to testifie hys greate vertue. This man declared, howe Lucca considering the scite of the Cittie, and the passage of the Riuer Serchio, mighte bee drowned. [Page 102] And perswaded them (so farre as the tenne gaue commission) that this experiment should be tried, yet thereof followed nothing, but disorder to our camp, and suretie of the Lucchesi: for the Lucchesi aduaunced their land, and then in the night brake the sluice of that ditch whereby the water was conducted: so that the ground to­wards Lucca being mounted, the water could not enter, and the ditch whereby the water should passe being broken, caused the riuer to reuert towards the plaine, by meane whereof the Campe was forced to remoue, and could not approch the towne. This enterprise, by meanes aforesaid preuented, the tenne newly elected, sent Giouanni Guicciardini for their Generall. He, with all speede possible, besie­ged the Cittie. The Lord thereof, finding himselfe enuironed with enemies, and encouraged by Anthonio del Rosso (who there remained as Embassador for the Sanesi) sent vnto the Duke of Milan Saluestro Trenta, and Lodouico Bonuisi. They in the behalfe of their Lord, The Lucchesi pray aide of the Duke of Milan. desired the Dukes aide, but finding him cold, secretly desired him to graunt them souldiers, and in recompence thereof, they promised to deliuer into his hands their Lord, with the possession of their Cittie: Assuring him, that if hee did not accept this offer, their Lord would giue the Towne to the Florentines, who with great promises, required to haue it at his hand. Francesco Sforsa sent to relieue Lucca. The feare which the Duke conceaued thereof, caused him to lay aside all respects: and gaue order, that the Earle Francesco Sforza, his chiefe Captaine, should openly aske him leaue to make a iourney to the Kingdome of Napoli. Which being obteined, he with his forces, went vnto Lucca, although that he knewe the practise was mistrusted, and that the Florentines had sent to the Earle Boccacino Alamanni their friend, to preuent it. The Earle Francesco being arriued at Lucca, the Florentines retired their Campe to Librafatta, and the Earle presently besieged Pescia, where Pagolo da Diacetto was Gouernor: who being rather coun­selled by feare, then any other passion, fled vnto Pistoia. And if that towne had not bene by Giouanni Malauolti defended, it had bene presently lost. The Earle then after one assault retired thence, and surprized Borgo a Buggiano, and burned Sti­liano, a Castell neere thereunto. The Florentines seeing these ruines, resorted vnto those helpes which oftentimes had before saued them: well knowing, that against mercinarie souldiers, when force preuaileth not, corruption may: and therefore proffered vnto the Earle certaine money, to the end he should not onely depart, but also deliuer the towne into their hands. The Earle supposing that more money could not be had of the Lucchesi, was contented to take of those that could giue it. Wherefore he concluded with the Florentines, not to deliuer them Lucca, (because with his honestie he could not so do) but so soone as he should receiue fiftie thousand duckets, he would abandon the enterprice. This bargaine being made, to the end the people of Lucca might excuse him to the Duke, he prac­tised with them to driue out their Lord. At that time (as is before said) Antonio Ros­so Embassador of Siena was at Lucca. Pagolo Lord of Lucca de­posed. He with the authoritie of the Earle, practised with the Citizens the destruction of Pagolo. The chiefe of this conspiracie were Piero Cennanni, and Giouanni da Chiuizano. The Earle was lodged without the towne by the Riuer Scirchio, and with him Lanzilao the sonne of Pagolo. The con­spirators being in number fortie, all armed, went vnto Pagolo, who seeing them, de­maunded the cause of their comming. To whome Piero Cennanni answered, that they had bene gouerned by him till their enemies besieged them with sword and famine, and therefore they were now determined from that time forward, to go­uerne themselues. Therewith they required the keyes of the Citie, and the treasure. Pagolo answered, that the treasure was consumed, but the keyes and himselfe also were at their deuotion. Then he desired thē, that as his gouernmēt was begun and [Page 103] continued without bloud, so without bloud, by their fauours, it might be ended. Pagolo and his sonne, were by the Earle Francesco brought to the Duke, and died in prison. The departure of the Earle, deliuered Lucca from the tyrant, & the Florentines frō feare of his souldiers. So as then, the one prepared to defend, & the other retur­ned to offend, electing the Earle of Vrbino to be their Generall: who againe straight­ly besieging the citie, enforced the Lucchesi to resort anew vnto the Duke, who (vn­der the same colour that hee had sent the Earle) did now imploy in their aide Nicholo Piccinino. He, being readie to enter into Lucca, was encountred vppon the Riuer of Serchio, and in the passage thereof, our men receiued the ouerthrow, The Floren­tines defeated and the Gene­rall with a fewe of our souldiers saued themselues at Pisa. This misfortune greeued the whole citie, yet because the enterprise was taken in hand by generall consent, the people not knowing whom to blame, slaundered onely them that were officers of the warre, sith they could not accuse those that were the deuisers therof. Then they reuiued the former fault laid vpon Rinaldo, but aboue al others, they charged Giouan­ni Guicciardini, accusing him for not hauing ended the warre after the departure of the Earle Francesco: saying that he had bene corrupted with mony, whereof he had sent part to his own house, and the rest he had carried with him & consumed. These rumours, and these accusations, proceeded so farre, that the Captaine of the people moued with publike voices, and also by the contrary partie prouoked, sent for him. Giouanni full of offence, appeared: wherupon his kinsfolkes for their owne honour, laboured the matter so earnestly, that the Captain did not proceed. The Lucchesi after the victorie, did not onelie recouer their owne townes, but also surprized all others belonging to Pisa, except Bientia, Calcinaua, Liuorno, & Librafatta. And had not a con­spiracie bene discouered in Pisa, the citie it selfe should haue bene lost. The Floren­tines repairing their forces, made Michelletto their Generall, who had bene trained vp by Sforza. On the contrarie side, the Duke followed the victorie (and the rather to molest the Florentines) procured that the Genouesi, Sanesi, and the Lord of Piombino, ioyned in league for the defence of Lucca, and that Nicholo Piccinino should be enter­teined for their General, which was the cause that the practise was laid open. Ther­upon the Venetians and Florentines renewed their league, and the warre began to be openly made both in Lombardy and Toscana. In either of which Countries, with di­uerse fortune, diuerse conflicts followed. So that either side wearie, Peace be­tweene the Florentines, and Lucchesi. a peace was cō ­cluded, in the yeare 1343. whereby the Florentines, Lucchesi, and Sanesi, who had sur­prized the Castles one of the others in the warre, left them all, and euerie man repos­sessed his owne. During the time that this warre continued, the euill disposition of factious men within the citie, beganne to worke, and Cosimo de Medici, after the death of Giouanni his father, gouerned all things concerning the Common wealth, with more care of the publike profit, and more liberalitie towards his friends, then was by his father vsed. In so much, as those that reioyced at the death of Giouanni, see­ing the vertue of Cosimo, became sorie. This Cosimo was a man of excellent wisdom, of presence graue and gratious, greatly liberall, curteous, and such a one as neuer at­tempted any thing either against any faction or the state, but sought by all meanes to pleasure euerie man, and with his liberalitie to gaine the good wil of many Citizens. So that his good deserts defaced those that gouerned, & brought himself to beleeue; that he might by that meanes liue at Florence, in sufficient strength and securitie. And if the ambition of his aduersaries should moue any extraordinarie occasion to the contrarie, hee hoped both by armes and fauoure of friendes to oppresse them. The greatest instruments to worke his greatnesse, were Auerardo de Medici, & Puccio Pucci. Of them Auerardo with courage, and Puccio with wisedome, procured him great re­putation. For the counsell and wisedome of Puccio, was so well knowne to euerie [Page 104] man, that the faction of Cosimo was called not by his owne name, but by the name of Puccio. The citie notwithstanding thus diuided, the enterprise of Lucca procee­ded, whereby the humours of the factions, were rather encreased then extingui­shed. And although the faction of Cosimo chiefly counfelled the warre, yet many of the contrarie part were appointed officers therein; as mē most reputed in the state: which Auerardo and others not being able to remedie, sought by all industrie and practise to slaunder them: and if any losse happened (as many did) they imputed the same not to fortune or force of the enemie, but want of wisedome in the officers. This was the cause that the offences of Astor Gianni were esteemed so great. This made Rinaldo delli Albizi offended, and without lycence to depart from his charge. This was the occasion that the deliuerie of Giouanni Guicciardini was required at the hand of the Captaine of the people. And heereof proceeded all blames that had bene imputed to the Magistrates and ministers of the warre. For the true slaunders were encreased, and the vntrue were inuented: and both the true, and not true, were of the people that loued them, not beleeued. These matters and manner of procee­ding extraordinarie, was well knowne to Nicholo di Vzano, and others of his faction, who had many times thought vpon remedie, but found no meanes how to deale therein: Because it seemed to them, that the suffering thereof was dangerous, and forcibly to helpe it, was not easie. Nicholo di Vzano, was the first vnto whom this ex­traordinary way displeased. Thus the warres continuing without the citie, and these disorders within: Perswasion of Barbadori to Nicholo Vza­no against Cosimo di Medici. Answere of Nicholo Vza­no to Barba­dori. Nicholo Barbadori, desirous to bring Nicholo di Vzano to con­sent to the oppression of Cosimo, went vnto his house, where he found him sadly set in his Closet, and there with the best reasons he could, perswaded him to ioyne with Rinaldo to driue Cosimo out of the Citie. Vnto whome Nicholo di Vzano answered, as followeth. I thinke it were better for thy house and our Commonweale, that all the rest, whose opiniō thou herein followest, had their beards (as men saie) rather of sil­uer, then gold, as thou hast. For then, their counsels proceeding from heads graie, groūded in experiēce, would be more aduised, & more profitable. It seemeth to me, that those which desire to banish Cosimo frō Florence, had neede first of all to measure their forces, with his. This our side, you haue called by the name of Nobilitie: and the contrarie part, you haue termed the plebeial partie. If the truth answered to these names, in euerie accident, the victorie would proue doubtfull, and we haue more cause to feare then to hope, moued with the example of the auncient Nobilitie of this citie, which hath ben by this plebeiall sort heretofore oppressed. But the greatest cause of our feare is, that our side is dismembred, & our aduersaries continue whole and entyre. First you must consider, that Neri di Gino and Nerone de Nigi (two of our principall Citizens) be not, as you know, more friends to vs, then to them. There be also many families, among themselues diuided. For diuerse through enuie of their brethrē or their kinsmen, do disfauor vs, & fauor thē. I wil resite vnto you the names of some few, the rest you may the more easily remember with your self. Of the house of Guicciardini, and amōg the sonnes of Luigi, Piero is enemy to Giouanni, & fauoureth our aduersaries. Tomazo & Nicholo Soderini, for the hate they haue to Francesco their vncle, are openly protested our enimies. So that, if we consider well what they are, & what we our selues be, I know not for what reasō we shuld cal our or their partie more noble. And if it be, that we cal their part plebeial, bicause they are by the multi­tude most followed, their state therin is the better, & ours the worse. For whēsoeuer we shal come to arms, we cānot resist thē. Also if we stād on our dignities, they haue bin giuē to vs by the state, & by vertue therof, we haue cōtinued thē these 50. veres. Yet whēsoeuer we shal come to proofe, our weaknes wil appear, & we shal lose our authority. If you haply say, that the iust occasiō which moueth vs to this enterprise, [Page 105] shall encrease our credit, and diminish theirs? Thereto I answere, that it behooueth this iust quarrel of ours to be knowne, & beleeued of others, as wel as of our selues: which falleth out cleane contrarie, for the occasion alledged, is altogither builded vpon the suspition we haue, that he goeth about to make himselfe Prince of this cit­tie. This is the mistrust we haue, which others haue not, but they rather accuse vs of that, we accuse him. The matters which make Cosimo suspected, are that he imploy­eth his mony to serue euerie occasion, not onely to priuate vses, but also to the pub­like affaires: and that as well to the Florentines, as the Captaines and Leaders. The cause why he doth fauoure this, and that Cittizen, hauing need of authoritie, is for that his credit with the multitude, hath aduaunced this and that friend, to great ho­nours. Therefore it behoueth you to alledge the reasons why hee should be expul­sed. Because he is charitable, friendly, liberall, and loued of all men? And now tel me I pray you, what lawe inhibiteth, blameth, or condemneth men for their charitie, their liberalitie, and their loue? And albeit these be meanes for him to aspire, yet are they not so taken, neither are wee of credite inough to make them so to bee thought. For our proceedings haue wrought our discredit, and our cittie (naturally disposed to diuision, and liuing alwaies in corruption) cannot giue eare to such ac­cusations. But admit you could expulse him, which (hauing a Senate for the purpose may easily come to passe): yet how can ye deuise, that he hauing in the citie so many friends studying for his reurne, should not be reuoked? This I think impossible, be­cause his friends being many, and he (hauing loue vniuersal) you cannot assure him. The more of his chiefe friends you labour to banish, the more enemies you winne to your selues. So that within short space he shall be returned, and you haue gained thus much, that a good man he was banished, and returned an euil man: because his nature shall be corrupted by those, that will labour his reuocation. To whom being made beholding, he may not oppose himselfe, and if you would put him to death, by order of Magistrates, you could neuer procure it: because his riches, and our cor­ruptible nature, would assuredly saue him. Yet admit he were dead, or banished ne­uer to returne? I see not what is gotten to our Common weale: for though it be thereby deliuered of Cosimo, it becommeth subiect to Rinaldo, and I am one of those, who wish, that no Citizen should surpasse an other in power and authoritie. But if any of these two should preuaile, I know not for what cause I ought to loue Rinaldo more then Cosimo. Neither will I say more, then I pray God to defend, that any Citi­zen should aspire to be Prince of this citie. And though our sinnes haue merited such a plague, yet God forbid we should obey him. Do not therefore perswade an enter­prise, which in euerie respect is dangerous, nor thinke that you (accompanied with a fewe) can withstand the will of many. For all these Citizens partly through igno­rance, and partly of their lewdnesse, be prepared to make sale of the Common weale: and fortune is so friendly vnto them, as they haue alreadie founde a chapman. Be therefore pleased to follow my counsell: liue modestly, and so shall you find cause, as well to suspect some of our side for enemies to the libertie, as those of the contra­rie: and when any troubles happen being neutrall, you shall be to both acceptable. So shall you helpe your selfe, and not hinder your country. These words did some­what appease the minde of Barbadoro: and the citie continued quiet, during the war of Lucca. But the peace made, and Nicholo da Vzano dead, the cittie remained both without warre and order. By meane whereof, euill humours grew, and Rinaldo thin­king himselfe to be onely Prince, ceased not to entreate, and perswade all those Citi­zens (whom he thought likely to be Genfalonieri) to arme themselues for the defence of their country, against that man, who through the lewdnesse of a few, & the igno­rance of many, should of necessitie bring the same to seruitude. This course holden [Page 106] by Rinaldo, and the contrarie laboured by the aduerse part, filled the citie with suspi­tion: and at the election of euerie Magistrate, the one against the other partie, pub­likely murmured, & at the election of the Senators, all the citie was in open vproare. Euerie matter brought before the Magistrates (how litle soeuer it were) occasioned a mutinie. All secret matters were laide open; good and euill, were fauoured & dis­fauoured: good men, and euill men, equally molested; and no Magistrate could ex­ecute his office. Florence remaining in this confusion, and Rinaldo labouring to op­presse the greatnesse of Cosimo: knowing that Barnardo Guadagni, was likely to be ele­cted Gonfaloniere, paide his debts, to the end, that such mony as he owed to the state, should not be a meane, to keepe him from that dignitie. The Senators being chosen, (and fortune fauouring our discords:) it came to passe, that Barnardo was chosen Gon­faloniere, to sit in that office, during the two moneths of September and October. Him presently Rinaldo visited, and told him how greatly the Nobilitie reioyced for his being aspired to that honour, which for his vertue he deserued: and therfore re­quired him, so to behaue himselfe in the office, that their reioycing should not be in vaine. Then he laid before him, the perils which proceeded of faction, & that there was no other remedie to vnite the citie, but the oppression of Cosimo: because hee, with the loue which his exceeding riches had gained him, held others downe, and aspired to make himselfe Prince. It were therfore conuenient, for remedie of so great a mischiefe, that the people should be assembled in the Market place: And by vertue of the Gonfaloniere the citie restored to libertie. He moreouer declared, how Saluestro de Medici, could without iustice bridle the greatnesse of the Guelfi, vnto whome by the bloud of their auncestors lost in that quarrell, the gouernment to them appertei­ned. And if he iniustly could do that against so many, then might Barnardo with iu­stice do the same, against one alone. Then he perswaded him not to feare any man, because his friends would be readie armed to assist him. Of the multitude which so greatly honoured Cosimo, none account was to be made, for Cosimo should haue by their fauours none other good, then had Georgio Scali. Neither should he feare his ri­ches, for they being come to the hands of the Senators, should be theirs. And in con­clusion said, that this action should make the state vnited, and him famous. To these perswasions, Barnardo briefly answered; how he thought necessary to do according to that counsel. And bicause the time was to be imploied rather in actiō, then words, he would presently prepare forces, to be readie, so soone as his companions could be perswaded to the enterprise. Barnardo being placed in office, and hauing woon his companions, & counselled with Rinaldo, sent for Cosimo: who, albeit he were other­wise aduised, did appeare, trusting rather to his owne innocencie, then the mercie of the Senators. So soone as Cosimo was entered the Pallace, Rinaldo with many others armed, came to the Market place, and there met with the rest of that faction. Then the Senators caused the people to be called, and made a Balia of two hundreth men, to reforme the state of the citie: which Balia, with such speed as possibly they could, consulted vpon the reformation, and also of the life and death of Cosimo. Many per­swaded he should be banished, Cosimo di Medici cited & committed. others would haue him put to death, and many also said nothing, either for the compassion they tooke of the man, or for the fear of them selues. This diuersitie of opinions, did procure that nothing was cōcluded. In a To­wer of the Pallace called Albergettino, Cosimo was kept prisoner vnder the guard of Federigo Malauolti. From which place, Cosimo hearing them talke, and perceiuing the noyse of armed men in the Market place, togither with the often ringing of the Bell to the Balia, he stood in great suspition of his life: and feared also, least his particuler enemies would extraordinaly murther him. For these respects, during the space of foure dayes, he would eate nothing, but one litle peece of bread: which Federigo [Page 107] perceiuing, saide vnto him. Cosimo, I see thou fearest to be poysoned, and therefore would first famish thy selfe. But thou doest me great dishonor, to thinke that I wold put my hand to so wicked a deede. I surely beleeue, that thou art not to die for this matter, hauing so good friends both within & without the Pallace. But if it be ment, that thy life shall be taken from thee, be sure, they should finde other ministers then me, to performe that deed. For I will not imbrew my hands in the bloud of any man, and chiefly in thine, who neuer offended me. Be therefore of good cheare, eate thy meate, and preserue thy life to the comfort of thy friends and country, and because thou shalt mistrust the lesse, I my selfe will eate part of those meates which be set be­fore thee. These words comforted Cosimo exceedingly, and with teares in his eyes, he embraced and kissed Federigo; thanking him most heartily for his friendly and pi­tious dealing: offering to be thankfull whensoeuer occasion should be presented. Thus Cosimo somewhat comforted, and his cause disputed among the Citizens: It happened, that Federigo brought with him to supper a friend of the Gonfalonieries, cal­led Farganaccio, a man verie wittie, and pleasantly disposed. The supper being almost ended, Cosimo hoping to helpe himselfe by this mans presence (for he was with him well acquainted) made signes to Federigo to go aside: who knowing the occasion, fained to go for something that wanted. And leauing them alone, Cosimo after a fewe friendly words spoken to Farganaccio, gaue him a token, and sent him to the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuoua, for a thousand and one hundreth crownes: wherof one hun­dreth to be kept to his owne vse, the other to beliuered to the Gonfaloniere. Farganac­cio performed his Commission, the mony was paide: and by vertue thereof, Cosimo di Medici bani­shed. Barnar­do became more fauourable. So as, then it was ordered, that Cosimo should be onely confined to Padoa, contrary to the expectation of Rinaldo, that desired his life. Aue­rardo & many others of the house of Medici were also banished; and with them Puc­cio, and Giouanni Pucci. Also to terrifie others that were offended with the exile of Co­simo, they gaue Commission of Balia, to the Eight of the Guard, and the Captaine of the people. After which order taken, Cosimo vpon the third of October, in the yeare 1433. came before the Senators, who pronounced his banishment, and perswaded him to obey the same: Or if he would refuse, more seueritie would be vsed, both vn­to his person and goods. Cosimo with chearfull countenance receiued his confine­ment, protesting that whither so euer the Senate should please to send him, hee was most willing to obey. Humbly desiring, that as they had preserued his life, so it might please them to defend him: for he was giuen to vnderstand of many, that watched in the Market place to haue his bloud. He said moreouer, that himselfe and his sub­stance should be euer at the commandement of the citie, the people, and their Lord­ships. The Gonfaloniere did comfort him, and kept him in the Pallace till night was come. There he supped, & after brought him to his house: which done, caused him to be accompanied with many armed men, & by them was cōducted to the cōfines. Wheresoeuer Cosimo passed, he was honourably receiued, and by the Venetians pub­likely visited, not as banished, but as a man in great authoritie. Florence thus depri­ued of so worthie a Citizen, so vniuersally loued, euerie man was dismaid, and as wel they that had the victorie, as those that were victored, did feare. Rinaldo mistrusting future misaduenture, to serue his owne turne and his friends, assembled many Citi­zens, and said to them, that he now saw their ruine at hand, because they were with faire words, teares, & the enemies mony vanquished: forgetting that shortly them­selues should be forced to entreate and weepe, when their sutes shall not be heard, and of their teares no man would take compassion. Also touching the monies recei­ued, the same must be repaid, with torments, death, & exile, instead of vsurie. More­ouer, that it had bin better for themselues to be dead, then suffer Cosimo to passe with [Page 108] life; and leaue his friends in Florence. Because great personages should either not be touched, or being, must be made sure from taking reuenge. No other remedie there­fore remained, but to fortifie themselues within the citie: to the end, that the ene­mies taking knowledge thereof (as easily they will) we may resist them with armes, sith by order and lawe we could not auoyd them. The remedie of all this was (that which long before had bene remembred); to recouer the great men, restoring & gi­uing to them all the honors of the citie, making our selues strong with that faction: because the aduersaries were strengthned by the multitude. By this means their par­tie should be knowne of how great force, vertue, courage, and credite it were. Al­ledging also, that if this last and truest refuge were not put in proofe, he sawe not by what other meane, the state might be among so many enemies preserued. And there­fore he beheld at hand, a destruction of them and their Citie. To answer this speech, Mariotto Baldouineti one of the company opposed himselfe, and said; that the pride and insupportable nature of the Nobilitie was such, that it were no wisedome to sub­mit themselues to a tyrannie certain, to eschue the doubtfull perils of the multitude. Rinaldo seeing his counsell not heard, lamented the misfortune of himselfe and his friends, imputing euerie thing rather to the heauens that so would haue it, then to the ignorance and blindnesse of men. The matter thus depending, without any ne­cessarie prouision made, a letter was found, written by Agnolo Acciaiuoli to Cosimo, wherein he aduertised the disposition of the citie towards him, and wished him to moue some warre, making Nero di Gino his friend. For hee thought the Cittie had much need of mony, and no way knowne that would supplie that want. By occasi­on wherof, the desire of his return, would be greatly reuiued in the Citizens minds. And if Neri should fall from Rinaldo, then that side would become so weak, as could not defend it selfe. This letter come to the handes of the Magistrates, was the cause that Agnolo was taken, and sent to exile. By this example, some part of that humour which fauoured Cosimo, was cooled. The yeare of Cosimo his banishment expired, & the end of August at hand, in the yere 1430. Nicholo di Cocco was chosen Gonfaloniere for the two moneths next following, and with him eight Senators, all friends to Co­simo. So as, that Senate terrified Rinaldo, & all his followers. Also because the custome was, that the Senators elected, should three dayes before they enter their office, re­maine as priuate men at home: within that time, Rinaldo conferred with the chiefe of his faction, and shewed them their certaine, and approching perill: the remedie whereof was, to take armes, and by force procure that Donato Velluti (who was yet Gonfaloniere) should assemble the people in the Market place, call a new Balia, de­priue the new Senators of their office, creating a new Senate for their purpose, & ex­chaunging the old Squittini, put in new, with the names of their friends. This de­uise was by many thought secure and necessarie. Of others, it was holden ouer vio­lent, and dangerous. Among those that disallowed thereof, was Palla Strozzi, who being a man indeed quietly disposed, gentle, curteous, & inclined rather to learning, then apt to encounter a faction, or oppose himselfe to ciuill disorder: said, that enter­prises hauing in them either craft or courage, do seeme at the beginning easie, but afterwards they prooue hard in their proceeding, and in the end daungerous. Hee also beleeued, that the feare of new warres abroad, begun by the Duke in Romagna, neare to our confines, should be a meane, that the Senators would be more mindfull of them, then of these discords at home. But if it were seene, that they would change the gouernment, the same could not be with such speed, but armes might be taken, and all things done necessarie for defence of the publike state. And this being perfor­med vpon necessitie, and not sooner, should be the lesse maruelled at of the people, and with lesse reproach to themselues. For these reasons it was concluded, that the [Page 109] new Senators should be suffered to enter, and heede be taken to their proceedings; to the end that if any thing were attempted contrarie to the faction, that then eue­rie man should take Armes and resort to S. Pulinare, (a place neare to the Pallace) from whence they might go to performe whatsoeuer should be thought necessary. This conclusion made, euerie man returned home. The new Senators entered their offices, and the Gonfaloniere (to giue himselfe reputation, and terrifie the contrarie partie) condemned to prison Donato Velluti, his predecessor, for hauing imploied the publike treasure. After these things were done, he sounded the minds of his compa­nions, touching the returne of Cosimo: & finding them well disposed, consulted with all those whom he thought to be chiefe heads of the faction of Medici. By them he was greatly incouraged: And thereupon commanded that Rinaldo (as principall man of the contrary faction) should be sent for. After this commandement giuen, Rinaldo thought good no longer to protract time, but came from his house followed with many armed men, & with him ioyned presently Ridolpho Peruzzi, Rinaldo and his friends ar­med against the Medici. & Nicholo Barbado­ri. Amongst them were also diuerse other Citizens, and many souldiers, who at that time hapned to be in Florence without pay. All which company, according to the or­der takē, resorted to S. Pulinare, & there staied. Palla Strozzi had also assembled much company, but came not out: the like did also Giouanni Guicciardini. For which so do­ing, Rinaldo sent to sollicite them, & reproue them of their delaie. Giouanni answered, that hee made warre inough to the enemie, if by his tarrying at home, he could holde Piero his brother from going out, to rescue the Pallace. Palla after manie messages sent vnto him, came on horse backe to S. Pulinare, with two onely foote men, and himselfe, vnarmed. And Rinaldo seeing him, went towards him, and reproued him greatly of negligence, saying that hee shewed himselfe thereby a man either of small troth, or little courage. Both which reproachfull faultes, a man of that sort, whereof he was holden, ought to eschue. And if happily he belee­ued, for not performing his promise, that the enemie (hauing victorie) would par­don either his life or his exile, therein he was deceiued. As for himselfe, if any mis­fortune happened, yet this content of minde should remaine, that before the perill, hee was not dismaid, and the perill being come, hee was not afraid. But he (and such others as he was) should double their owne discontentments, knowing they had three times betraied their Countrey. First when they saued Cosimo, next when they refused his counsell, and last for not comming in Armes, according to appoint­ment. To these speeches, Palla answered not any thing that was heard of those that were there, but murmuring, turned his horse, and went home. The Senators hearing that Rinaldo and his followers were in Armes, and seeing themselues a­bandoned, shut the Pallace gates, and as amazed, knew not what to doo. But Rinaldo delaying his going thither, attending for forces which came not, lost the occasion of victorie, and gaue courage to the Senators to make prouision, and to other Cittizens to goe vnto them, and aduise them how matters might bee appeased. Then some friendes to the Senators least suspected, went vnto Rinal­do, and saide, that the Senate knew no cause of these motions, and that they had no intent to offend him, or if it were for Cosimo, there was no meaning of his reuocation. If therefore these were the occasions of their suspition, they might assure themselues, come to their Pallace, be welcome, and haue their demaunds graunted. These words could not alter the resolution of Rinaldo, but said that hee would make the Senators priuate men, and by that meanes bee assured: which done, reforme the Cittie to the benefite of all men. But it euer com­meth to passe, that amongst those whose authoritie is equall, and their o­pinions diuerse, for the moste parte, nothing is well resolued. Ridolpho [Page 110] Peruzzi moued with the words of those Citizens, said, that for his owne part, hee sought not further, then that Cosimo might no more return, which being granted, he thought the victorie sufficient. Neither desired he in hope of more, to fill the Citie with bloud, and therefore he would obey the Senate. Then went he to the Pallace, where he was ioyfully receiued. Thus the staie of Rinaldo at S. Pullinare, the fainte heart of Palla, and the departure of Ridolpho, had vtterly ouerthrowne the enter­prise: and the mindes of those Cittizens that followed Rinaldo, beganne to faile of their wonted courage, whereunto the authoritie of the Pope was ioyned. For at this time, Pope Eugenio being expulsed Rome, happened to be in Florence, where he heard of these tumults, and thought it his office to be a meane to pacifie the Cittie. Pope Eugenio laboureth a Pacificat [...]on in Florence. And therefore sent Giouanni Vittelleschi, Patriarke and friend to Rinaldo, to desire, that hee would come vnto him, for hee intended to imploy all his cre­dite and authoritie to the Senate, to make him contented and assured, without bloud or daunger to the Cittie. Rinaldo perswaded by the message of his friend, went to Santa Maria Nouella, where the Pope laie, and was followed with all those whome hee had armed. To him the Pope declared, what credite the Senate had giuen him, which was, to determine all controuersies, and order all mat­ters as should by him bee thought good. Rinaldo hauing made proofe of the coldnesse of Palla, and the inconstancie of Ridolpho Peruzzi, and wanting a bet­ter shift, yeelded himselfe into the Popes hands, hoping his authoritie should haue continued. Thereuppon the Pope caused knowledge to be giuen to Ni­cholo Barbadori, and the rest, who attended without, that they should laie downe their Armes: because Rinaldo remained with him, for the concluding a peace with the Senatours. Which wordes resolued euerie man, and they disarmed them­selues. The Senators seeing their aduersaries disarmed, practised a peace by me­diation of the Pope, and in the meane time sent secretly to Pistoia, for certaine bandes of foote men, whome (accompanied with all their men at Armes) they suffered in the night to enter the Cittie: and possessing the strongest places, and calling the people to the Market place, created there a new Balia, which at the first assembly, Cosimo reuo­ked, and Ri­naldo with o­thers, confi­ned. determined the reuocation of Cosimo, with all others that were ba­nished. And of the contrary faction, they confined Rinaldo delli Albizi, Ridol­fo Peruzzi, Nicholo Barbadori, Palla Strozzi, and many other Cittizens, that the number of them was such, as that fewe Townes of Italy (and many other pla­ces also) but were full of them. By this accident the Citie of Florence became de­priued, not onely of honest men, but also of riches and industry. The Pope seeing the ruine of those men, who at his request had laide downe Armes, became greatly discōtented, lamenting with Rinaldo for the iniury to him done vnder his credit, per­swading him to patience, The words of Rinaldo at his banishment. and hope of better fortune. To whome Rinaldo answered; the small credit which they gaue me, who ought to haue beleeued me, and the o­uermuch credite which I haue giuen to you, hath vtterly vndone me, and my Countrey. But I complaine more of my selfe then anie others, for beleeuing, that you being banished your Countrey, could maintaine mee, in mine. Of For­tunes dalliances I haue had experience inough, and sith I little trusted to prosperi­tie, mine aduersitie shall the lesse offend mee, for I knowe well, that (Fortune beeing so pleased) can againe fauoure mee. But if shee neuer so do, I shall euer care little, to liue in that Cittie, where the lawes are of lesse authoritie, then men. Because that Countrey is to be defired, where the wealth and friends of men may be with securitie enioyed, and not that, where mens goods may bee taken from them, and their friendes (for feare to loose theyr owne) in greatest necessitie forsake them. It was also euer lesse greeuous to good [Page 111] and wise men, to heare the miseries of their Countrey, then with their owne eyes to see them. And it is also thought a thing more glorious, to be reputed an honourable Rebel, then a slauish Citizen. After this speech made, being much troubled in mind, he tooke leaue of the Pope, finding great fault with his Councels, and the coldnesse of his friends, and so went towards his exile. Cosimo on the other side, hauing re­ceiued knowledge of his restitution, returned to Florence, and was there receiued, with no lesse pompe, then is vsed to other Citizens, who after victorie, came home in tryumph. So great was the Concourse of people; so great the demonstration of their beneuolence towards him, at this his returne from banishment, as the Citti­zens willingly saluted him by name of the peoples Benefactor, and Father of the Country.

ALL Countries in their alterations, doo most commonly chaunge from order to disorder, and from disorder to order againe. For na­ture hauing made all worldly thinges variable, so soone as they haue atteined their vttermost perfection and height, doo of force descend: and being come downe so low, as lower they cannot, of necessitie must ascend. So that from good they descended to euill, and from euill ascend to good. Warre begetteth quiet, quiet occa­sioneth idlenesse, Idlenesse breedeth disorder, Disorder maketh ruine: Likewise of ruine groweth order, of order vertue, and of vertue, glorie with good fortune. It hath bene therefore by wise men obserued, that learning followeth Armes, and in all Cities and Countries, Captaines were before Philosophers. For good and well gouerned Armes, hauing wonne victorie, of that victorie followeth quiet. And surely the courage of warlike mindes cannot with a more honest idlenesse, then the studie of Letters, be corrupted; nor idlenesse by anie greater or more peril­lous craft enter Cities well gouerned: which Cato (at such time as Diogenes and Carneades Philosophers, were sent Embassadours from Athens to the Senate) did well obserue. For hee seeing with what admiration the youth beganne to follow them, and knowing the inconueniences which might of that honest idlenesse en­sue, prouided that no Philosopher, might after be receiued into Rome. Euery coun­try therefore by these meanes doth come to decaie. Wherewith men being beaten and weary of troubles, returne (as is beforesaid) to order, if by extraordinarie force [Page 112] they be not vtterly ruined. These occasions, by vertue of the auncient Toscani and Romanes did make Italy, sometimes happie, and sometimes miserable. And albe­it since that time, nothing hath bene builded vppon the Romane ruines compara­ble to the olde, (as might with great glorie haue bene vnder the gouernment of a vertuous Prince). Yet in some newe Citties so much vertue is growne vp (a­mong the Romane spoyles) that although no one hath atteined such power as to commaund the rest, yet became they so well ordered and lincked togither, as they deliuered and defended themselues from the barbarous people. Of this num­ber was the Florentines gouernment, (although of lesse Empire) yet in authoritie and power not inferiour to anie, but rather by inhabiting the middest of Italy, be­ing rich and readie to offend, either happily they answered the warres made against them, or else gaue the victorie to those in whose fauoure they imployed their forces. By the vertue of these principallities, although no times of quiet, and long peace were, yet were they not by terrour of warre much perillous. For we cannot account that peace, where one state oftentimes with Armes assayleth the other. Neither can that be called warre, where men be not slaine, Citties not sacked, nor principallities destroyed. For the warres of that time became so cold, as they were begunne without feare, continued without perill, and ended without losse. Inso­much, as that vertue which in other Countries was wont by long peace to be ex­tinguished, was in Italy by their owne cowardice quenched, as will plainly ap­peare, by that we will hereafter declare from the 1434. till the 94. Whereby we may see, how at length a way was againe opened for the entrie of straungers, and Italy became to them subiect. And albeit the actions of our Princes both abroad and at home, are not (as those of auncient time were) to be read and maruelled at for their vertue and greatnesse: yet for some other quallities, to be with no lesse ad­miration considered, seeing so many Noble people, were by so fewe and euill trai­ned souldiers kept in awe. And if in declaration of things happened in this badde world, we shall not set downe the courage of anie souldier, the vertue of anie Cap­taine, or the loue of anie Cittizen towards his Countrey: yet shall you finde, what cunning and Art, the Princes, the Souldiers, and chiefe Gouernours in Common weales (to maintaine the reputation they did not deserue) haue vsed: which per­case will prooue not lesse worthie, and profitable to be knowne, then those of most auncient time. For as those do stirre vp Noble mindes to follow them: So these, to eschue their lewdnesse and lacke of vertue, wil prouoke vs. In those dayes Italy was brought to such condition, by them that there commaunded: that whensoeuer through reconciliation of the Princes a peace was made; shortly after, (by such as had weapons in hand) it was againe disturbed. So that neither by the warres en­ded, was gotten glorie, nor by the peace, quiet. The peace being concluded be­tweene the Duke of Milan, and those of the League, in the yeare 1433. the soul­diers desiring still to exercise the warre, made an enterprise against the Church. There were at that time in Italy, two sorts of souldiers, the one trained vnder Brac­cio, Two sorts of souldiers in Italy. 1433. the other vnder Sforza. Of these, the chiefe Captain was the Earle Francesco sonne of Sforza. Of the other, Nicholo Piccinino, and Nicholo Fortibraccio were the Leaders. To these two Sects, all the other Italian souldiers ioyned themselues. Yet were the followers of Sforza of most reputation, as well for the vertue of the Earle, as the promise to him made by the Duke, The Duke of Milās daugh­ter offered to Fran. Sforza. of Bianca his naturall daughter: which al­liance, gained him exceeding estimation. Both these Sects of souldiers, after the peace of Lombardy (for diuerse occasions) assaulted the Pope Eugenio. Nicholo Fortibraccio was thereto moued by the old displeasure borne to the Church, by Braccio. And the Earle, by his own ambitiō. Insomuch as Nicholo assaulted Rome: & the Earle possessed [Page 113] himselfe, of La Marca. The Romanes to eschue the warres, banished Eugenio from Rome, who (with perill and difficultie escaped) came vnto Florence. Where conside­ring of the danger wherin he was, and seeing himselfe by those Princes abandoned, and that they refused to take armes in hand for him, by whose meane at their owne desire, they had bene lately disarmed, compounded with the Earle, and granted him the principallitie of La Marca: The Pope as­saulted by Fran. Sforza. notwithstanding that hee had not onely before taken that countrey from him, but also vsed contempt in the letters which hee wrote to his Agents for the diuision of the land, writing thus; Girifalco nostro Firmiano, Inuito Petro & Paulo. Neither was he contented with the graunt of these townes, but hee would be also Gonfaloniere of the Church. All which was graunted: So much did Pope Eugenio, feare more a daungerous warre, then a dishonourable peace. Thus the Earle become friend to the Pope, did persecute Nicholo Fortibraccio, and between them in the territorie of the Church, in diuers moneths, many accidents happened, more to the preiudice of the Pope, and his subiects, then of them that made the war. In so much as by the Duke of Milan, his mediation, it was concluded, that the one, and the other of them, should remaine Princes in the Townes belonging to the Church. This warre quenched at Rome, was kindled in Romagna by Babtista Can­neto, who in Bologna had slaine certaine of the house of Grifoni, & driuen from thence the Popes Gouernour, with some other enemies. Then to hold that state by force, hee desired aide of Philippo. And the Pope to be reuenged of this iniurie, requi­red helpe of the Venetians and Florentines. VVarre be­tweene the Pope and the Duke of Mi­lan. The one and the other of them were ayded. So that within short space, two great Armies were come into Romagna. The Generall for Philippo, was Nicholo Piccinino. The Venetian Forces, and the Flo­rentines, were ledde by Gatamelata, and Nicholo de Tolentino. Neare vnto Imola, they ioyned battaile, wherein the Venetians and Florentines were ouerthrowne: and Nicholo de Tolentino sent prisoner vnto the Duke, where either by poyson, or his owne sorrow for the losse receiued, within fewe dayes hee died. The Duke after this victorie, either because hee was weake; or beleeued that the league af­ter this ouerthr [...]w would stande quiet, followed no further his fortune; but gaue the Pope and his confederates time to vnite themselues anew: Fran. S [...]o [...]za, Generall of the League. who elec­ted for their Captaine the Earle Francesco; with determination to remoue Nicho­lo Fortibraccio from the Townes belonging to the Church; and by that meanes, and the warres which in fauoure of the Pope they had begunne. The Romanes seeing the Pope strong in the field, sought his friendship, and receiued a Gouer­nour from him. Nicholo Fortibraccio among other townes, possessed Tibali, Mon­tifiasconi the Cittie of Castello and Ascesi. Into this towne Nicholo (not being able to keepe the field) fled. There the Earle besieged him, and the siege con­tinuing long (for Nicholo manfully defended himselfe) the Duke thought neces­sarie either to impeach the League of that victorie, or else after the same, to take order for the defence of his owne. He therefore, to remoue the Earle from the siege, commaunded Nicholo Piccinino to goe into Toscana, by the way of Romagna. Whereupon the League iudging it more necessarie to defend Toscana, then surprize Ascesi, gaue order to the Earle, not to suffer the passage of Nicholo, who was al­readie with his Armie arriued at Furli. The Earle on the other side ma [...]ched with his souldiers, and came to Secena, recommending vnto Lione his brother, the warre of La Marca, and his other lands, during the time that Piccinino should passe. And while Piccinino laboured to passe, and the Earle impeached him, Nicholo Forti­braccio assaulted Lione, with great honour tooke him, and spoyled his souldiers. Also following this victorie, he surprized many townes in La Marca. This procee­ding greatly greeued the Earle, and supposing all his Countries to be lost, hee left [Page 116] part of his armie to make warre vpon Piccinino: with the rest he marched towardes Fortibraccio, whom he assaulted and vanquished. In that ouerthrow, Fortibraccio re­mained a prisoner, and was so sore hurt, that thereof he died. This victorie restored vnto the Pope all those townes, which by Fortibraccio had bene taken from him, and brought the Duke of Milan to demaund peace, Peace be­tweene the League and the Duke. which by the mediation of Nicholo de Este Marquesse of Farrara, was concluded. Whereby the townes surprized by the Duke in Romagna, were restored to the church: and the souldiers belonging to the Duke, returned to Lombardy. Also Baptista de Canneto (as it happeneth to all others, who by force or vertue of other men possesse any state) so soone as the Dukes souldi­ers were departed from Romagna, (his own power and vertue not being able to de­fend him in Bologna) fled away. Whither Antonio Benteuogli, chiefe of the contrarie faction, presently returned. All these things chanced during the exile of Cosimo: after whose returne, these who had sought his reuocation, with diuerse other Cittizens before iniured, thought without respect, to assure themselues of the gouernment. And the Senate which succeeded, in the moneths of Nouember and December, not contented with that which their predecessours had done in fauour of their faction, prolonged & changed the time and places of those that were banished, and confined many others anew. Also diuerse Citizens were in that time hindered, not only by the humour of faction, but also in respect of their riches, their parentage, and priuate friendship. And if this proscription of bloud had bene continued, it would haue bin like vnto that of Octauiano, or Silla, being partly also imbrued in bloud. For Antonio sonne of Barnardo Guadagni was beheaded, and foure other Citizens (among whome was Zanoby Belfrategli, and Cosimo Barbadori. These two Cittizens for hauing passed their confines, and remaining at Venegia, were by the Venetians (who esteemed more the loue of Cosimo then their own honor) sent home prisoners, & were most cruelly put to death. Which thing gaue great reputation to the faction of Cosimo, and much terror to the enemy, that so mightie a Common weale refused not to sell their liber­tie to the Florentines. Which was thought to be done, not so much to gratifie Cosimo, as to exasperate the factions in Florence, & make, by meanes of bloud, the diuision of our citie the more daungerous: Because the Venetians found that there was nothing that so much hindred their greatnes, as the vniting thereof. Thus the citie being ac­quite both of the enemies & persons suspected to the state, the gouernours studying to pleasure other people, New ordinan­ces in Florēce. & make their own part the stronger, restored the house of Alberti with all other Rebels. All the great Citizens (a few except) were brought in­to the order of the people, & the possessions of the rebels at smal prices, among them sold. Moreouer with new lawes, and orders, they strengthened themselues, making new Squittini, taking out the names of their enemies, & putting in the names of their friends. Also being warned by the ruine of their enemies, and iudging that it sufficed not for the holding of the state, to haue the Squittini full of their friends: they also thought good, that the Magistrates of life and death, should be chosen of the chiefe of their faction. It was therfore required, that the makers of the new Squittini, togi­ther with the old Senate, should haue authoritie to create the new. They gaue vnto the Eight authoritie ouer life and death, and prouided that those that were banished, should not (though their time were expired) return, vnlesse of the Senat and the Col­ledges being in number 37.) were thereunto consenting, or at the least, thirtie foure of them. To write vnto those that were confined, or receiue any letters from them, was forbidden. Also euery word, euery signe, & euery action that offended the Go­uernours, was greeuously punished. And if in Florence remained any suspitiō, it was the Impositions lately imposed: & so hauing driuē out their aduersaries, or brought thē to great pouerty, assured themselues of the state. Also not to want forrein aid, but [Page 117] preuent such as thereby determined to offend them, they did confederate, and make league with the Pope, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan. The state of Florence resting in these tearmes, Giouanna Queene of Naples dyed, making by her testament Rinieri de Angio, heyre of her Kingdome. At that time Alfonso King of A­ragon happened to be in Sicilia, and hauing the friendship of many Barrons there, VVarre be­tween Rinieri de Angio, and King Alfonso of Aragon. prepared himselfe to possesse that Kingdome. The Napolitanes, and many of the Lords fauoured Rinieri. The Pope on the other side, would neither that Rinieri, nor Alfonso might possesse it: but desired that himselfe should gouerne it, by a Deputy of his owne. Yet Alfonso being arriued in the Kingdome, was by the Duke of Sessa receiued, and there enterteined some other Princes, hoping to surprize Capoua (which the Prince of Tarranto in the name of Alfonso possessed) and by that meane to constraine the Napolitanes to yeeld to his will. For that purpose he sent his Nauie to assault Gaietta, which was holden for the Neapolitanes. The Napolitanes then prayed ayde of Philippo, who perswaded the Genouesi to take that enterprise in hand. They not onely to satisfie the Duke their Prince, but also to saue the merchandize they had in Naples and Gaietta, armed a mightie Nauie. Alfonso on the contrary side, vnderstanding thereof, encreased his forces, and went in person to encounter the Genouesi, with whom he fought neere vnto the Island of Pontio, King Alfonso taken by the Genouesi. and there his Nauie was vanquished, himselfe with diuerse other Princes taken and sent by the Genouesi to Philippo. This victorie dismayd all the Princes of Italy, because thereby they thought he might become owner of all. But he (so diuerse are the opinions of men) tooke a course, cleane contrary to expectation. This Alfonso, being a man verie wise, so soone as he could come to the speech of Philippo, tolde how greatly he de­ceiued himselfe to fauour Rinieri, and disfauour him: because if Rinieri were King of Naples, he would labour with all his force to bring the Dukedome of Milan to the hands of the French King, by reason his ayde was at hand, his furniture of all things necessarie, and the way open for his reliefe. Neither could he looke for bet­ter then his owne ruine, if he made that state to become French. But the contrarie would follow, if himselfe might be Prince. For he not fearing any other enemy then the French, should be enforced to loue, honour and obey him, who had the onely power to open the way to his enemies. So that although the Kingdome should rest with Alfonso, yet the authoritie and power thereof would remaine in the hands of Philippo. Wherefore it would much more import him then himselfe, to consider the perill of the one, and the profit of the other, vnlesse he desired more to satisfie his fantesie, then assure the state. Because in doing the one, he should be Prince, and free, by the other (in the middest of two mightie enemies) either sure to lose the state vtterly, liue alwayes in suspition, or, as a subiect, obey them. King Alfonso deliuered. These words wrought so deepe in the Dukes mind, that (changing his intent) he deliue­red Alfonso, honorably returned him to Genoua, and from thence to the Kingdome. There he imbarked againe, and being arriued at Gaietta, his deliuery was knowne, and that Countrey sodeinly surprized by certaine Lords his followers. The Genouesi seeing, that without respect to them, the Duke had deliuered the King, and that he, whome they with their charge and perill had honoured, did not make them aswell partakers of the honor in the Kings inlargement, as of the iniurie to him done, and his ouerthrow, grew greatly offended. In the Cittie of Genoua (when it liueth in libertie) there is created one head, whome they call Doge, not to be a Prince abso­lute, nor to determine alone, but as chiefe to propound those matters, whereof the Magistrates and Councels should consult. Within that Towne be many noble Fa­milies, which are so mightie, that with difficultie, they yeeld to the authoritie of Magistrates. And of them the houses of Fregosa and Adorna be of greatest force. Fregosi and Adorni. [Page 116] From these, the diuisions of that Cittie, and the causes of ciuill disorders did pro­ceed. For they many times contending for gouernment, not onely ciuilly, but also by armes, it falleth out, that euer the one faction is afflicted, and the other gouer­neth. It also happeneth many times, that those who are deposed from authoritie, do pray ayde of forreine armes, and yeeld that gouernment to others, which they themselues could not enioy. Hereof it proceedeth, that those who gouerned in Lombardy, do for the most part commaund in Genoua, as it happened at such time as Alfonso was taken. Among the chiefe of the Genouesi that caused the Cittie to be giuen into the hands of Philippo, Francesco Spinola. was Francesco Spinola, who not long after he had brought his countrey in bondage (as in like cases it euer happeneth) became sus­pected to the Duke. Wherewith he being discontent, voluntarily exiled himselfe to Gaietta, and there chanced to be, at such time as the fight by sea was performed against Alfonso. In which exploit he serued so valiantly, that he perswaded him­selfe to haue deserued so well of the Duke, as in respect of his seruice, he might (at the least) liue in Genoua with securitie. Yet perceiuing the Duke to continue in his suspition, and fearing least he beleeued, that a man who had not loued the liberty of his countrey, could not loue him, determined to try a new fortune, and at one instant both to deliuer his countrey, and win himselfe fame with securitie; Being perswaded, that by no meanes he might recouer the good will of the Cittizens bet­ter, then to performe such an acte with his owne hand: So as, the same hand which had offended, and hurt his countrey, should also minister the medicine, and heale it. Then knowing the vniuersall hatred borne to the Duke by the deliuerie of the King, thought the time to serue well for the execution of his intent. Wherefore he imparted his mind to some, whome he knew of his owne opinion: Them he per­swaded and prepared to followe him. The feast of S. Iohn Baptist being come, Arismino (the new Gouernor sent by the Duke) entred into Genoua, accompanied with Opicino the old Gouernor, and many other Cittizens. Francesco Spinola thought then good no longer to deferre the matter, but came out of his house with diuerse others, all armed, and priuie to his determination. So soone as hee came to the market place, where himselfe dwelled, he proclaymed the name of libertie. And it was a thing very maruellous to see, with how great speed the people and Cittizens to that name assembled: So as no man that loued the Duke either for his owne profit, or other occasion, had leisure to take armes, or thinke how to saue himselfe. Arismino with some other Genouesi, fled into the Castle which he kept for the Duke. Opicino presuming that (if he fled to the Pallace) hauing there two thousand Souldiers at his commaundement, he should either saue himselfe, or giue courage to his friends to defend him, went thitherwards, but before he came to the mar­ket place, was slaine, cut in pieces, and drawne through euery streete of the Cittie. The Genouesi hauing thus reduced the Cittie vnder their owne Magistrates and li­bertie, within few dayes also surprized the Castle, with the other places of strength possessed by the Duke, The libertie of Genoua recouered. and so clearely cast off the yoke of Philippo. These matters thus handled, as at the beginning, the Princes of Italy was dismayd, fearing that the Duke should become ouermightie, so this gaue them hope (seeing what end they had) to be able to bridle him. And notwithstanding the league lately made, the Florentines and the Venetians made peace with the Genouesi: whereupon, Rinaldo delli Albizi, and other leaders of the Florentines banished, seeing things out of order, and the world changed, did hope to perswade the Duke to make open warre against the Florentines. The Oration of Ri. de Al­bizi to the Duke of Mi­lan. For which purpose they went to Milan, and Rinaldo being come to the Dukes presence, spake as followeth. If we sometimes your enemies, do now confidently desire ayde of you for the recouerie of our countrey, neither you, [Page 117] nor any other (that consider worldly matters, how they proceed, and how variable fortune is) ought to meruaile, albeit neither of our passed or present actions, nor of that we haue long since done either to you, or to our countrey, or that which now is in doing, we can render a good and reasonable excuse. There is no good man re­prooueth another for defending his Countrey, in what sort soeuer the same is de­fended. Neither was it euer our meaning, to iniure you, but to defend our owne frō being iniured; which was sufficiētly proued in the greatest victories of our league. For so soone as we knew you inclined to a true peace, we were thereof more desi­rous, then you your selfe, so that we need not feare to obteine any fauour at your hands. Neither can our Countrey find fault, although we now perswade you to take armes against it, whome with so great resolution we haue withstood. For that countrey deserueth to be loued of all men, which indifferētly loueth them; and not that countrey, which disdaining the greatest number, aduanceth a few. There is no man also that ought to condemne men, although for some causes they take armes a­against their countrey. For albeit the Cities be bodies mixed, yet haue they of bodies simple, some resemblance. And as in these, many infirmities grow, which without fire & force cannot be cured: so in the other, many mischiefes arise, which a godly and good Citizen should offend to leaue vncured: notwithstanding that in the cure he doth (as it behoueth him) apply both fire & force. What sicknes in the bodie of a common-weale can be greater, then seruitude? And what medicine is more need­full then this in the cure of that disease? Those warres be only iust, which be neces­sarie, and those armes most mercifull, where other hope cannot be had, then by thē. I know not what necessitie is greater then ours, or what compassion can be more, then to deliuer a Countrey frō seruitude? Most certainly we know our cause is to be pittied and iust, which ought to be both by vs and you cōsidered. For your part, faile not to affoord this iustice, sith the Florentines haue not bene ashamed, after a peace with so great solemnitie concluded, to make league with the Genouesi your re­bels: so that though our cause moue you not to cōpassion, yet this dishonor offered vnto your selfe, ought to perswade you, and the rather that you see the enterprise easie. Let not exampls passed discourage you, hauing seen the power of that people, and their obstinate defence of themselues. Which two things, might yet reasonably be feared, were they of the same vertue, which in those daies they haue bene. But now you shall finde all contrarie. For what force can you looke for in any Cittie, which hath spoiled the greatest part of the riches, and industrie thereof. What reso­lution can be hoped of in a people, by so diuers and new quarrels disunited? Which disunion, is cause, that those riches there remaining in such sort as they were wont, be imploied, because mē do willingly spend their patrimony, whē they see the same for their owne glory, their owne honor, and their owne Countrey imployed; euer hoping to recouer that in peace, which the warre hath consumed: and not whē they see themselues both in war & peace oppressed; hauing in the one to suspect the in­iurie of enemies, and in the other, the insolencie of them that command. Also, the people are more harmed by couetousnes of our own Citizens, then the spoile of our enemies, for of this some end may be hoped of, but of that none at all. In the warres passed, you made warre to the whole Citie, but now you are only to contend with a few. Then you came to take the state from many, and those good Citizens, but now you are to assault a fewe, and those but bace companions. Then you came to take the libertie from the Cittie, but now you come to restore it. It is not therefore like, that in so great a contrarietie of occasions, the effect that will fol­low shall be like. Yea, you are rather to hope of victorie certaine, which how greatlie it fortifieth your State, your selfe may easilie iudge, hauing thereby [Page 118] greatly bound Toscana to be your friend. And though at some other time, this victo­rie would be accounted ambitious & violent, yet vpō this occasion, is esteemed iust and reasonable. Omit not therefore the present opportunitie, and thinke that al­though your other enterprises against the Cittie, did with their difficultie breed your expences and infamie, yet this with great facilitie shall bring you foorth ex­ceeding profit, with most honourable report. There needed not many words to perswade the Duke to moue warre against the Florentines, because he was there­unto disposed by hate hereditarie, and blind ambition, which humors did leade and commaund him: and the rather, being spurred forward by new iniuries, and offence for the league made with the Genouesi. Notwithstanding, his former charges, with the fresh memory of perils, and losses passed, togither with the vaine hope of the banished men, Genoua re­uolted from the Duke. did discourage him. This Duke, so soone as he vnderstood the re­bellion of Genoua, had sent Nicholo Piccinino with all his men of armes, and those footemen he could hire in his iourney, to recouer the Cittie, before the Cittizens had setled their minds and planted a new gouernment, greatly trusting vnto the Castle of Genoua which was holden for him. And albeit that Nicholo had forced the Genouesi to flee vnto the mountaines, and taken from them the Vale of Pozeueri, where they fortified themselues, and also constrained them to retire within the walles of their Cittie: yet found he so great difficultie in going forward, by reason of the Cittizens resolute defending themselues, that he was enforced to remoue from thence. Whereupon the Duke at the perswasion of the banished Florentines, commaunded that the Riuer on the East side should be assaulted, approching the confines of Pisa, and there make the greatest warre to Genoua, that possibly they could, supposing, that resolution would from time to time enforme, what course were best to be followed. Then Nicholo assaulted and surprized Serezana, and after many displeasures done, to make the Florentines more suspitious, he came to Lucca, and caused a report to be made, that he intended a iourney to Naples in ayde of the King of Aragon. Pope Eugenio vpon these new accidents, went from Florence to Bologna, where he practised new composition betweene the Duke and the League, perswading the Duke, that if he would not consent to the peace, he should be enfor­ced to deliuer the Earle Francesco his confederate, at that present remayning in his pay. But notwithstanding the Pope his great indeuour, all his designes prooued vayne, because the Duke, without possession of Genoua, would not consent, and the League would refuse, vnlesse Genoua continued free. Euery man then dispairing of peace, prepared for the warre. Nicholo Piccinino being come to Lucca, the Florentines mistrusted no new matter, but caused Neri of Gino to goe with their Souldiers to the countrey of Pisa, obteining of the Pope, that the Earle Francesco should ioyne with him, and so with both their armies togither, make head at S. Gonda. Piccinino arriued at Lucca, desired passage to march towards the Kingdome, and being denied, threat­ned to passe by force. These two armies, were in force and vertue of the Captaines equall, for which respect, neither of them prooued their fortune, being also hinde­red with the cold weather, for then the moneth of December was begun. In which respects many daies, without one offending the other, they staied. The first of them which marched, was Nicholo Piccinino, who was informed, that if he would in the night assault Vico Pisano, he might easily surprize it. Nicholo tooke the matter in hand, but not preuailing, spoiled and burned the countrey thereabouts, togither with the Towne of S. Giouanni alla Vena. This enterprise, albeit for the most part thereof to no purpose, yet did the same encourage Nicholo to goe forwards, seeing the Earle and Neri moued not. Therefore he assaulted and possessed Santa Maria in Castello, and Filetto. Yet for all this, the Florentine forces remoued not: not because [Page 119] the Earle stood in feare, but because the warre (for the reuerence borne to the Pope, who intreated for peace) was not by the Magistrates in Florence determined. And that, which the Florentines by their owne wisedome were counsailed to do, was thought of the enemy to be done for feare. Which conceite gaue them cou­rage, to take new enterprises in hand, so that they determined to besiege Borgo, and before it presented all their forces. This new assault, caused the Florentines to set a­side all respects, and not only to rescue Borgo, but also to assault the countrey of Lucca. Then the Earle marching towards Nicholo, and fighting with him neere vn­to Borgo, vanquished his forces, and leuied the siege. The Venetians in the meane while, thinking that the Duke had broken the peace, sent Giouan Francesco da Gon­zaga their Generall, into Ghiriadada, who spoiling greatly the Dukes countrey, constrained him to reuoke Nicholo Piccinino from the enterprize of Toscana. Which reuocation, togither with the victorie had against Nicholo, gaue the Florentines courage to assault Lucca, with hope to possesse it; Wherein they had neither feare, nor respect at all, seeing the Duke, whome they onely feared, to be assailed by the Venetians: And that the Lucchesi, hauing receiued enemies at home, were content to be assaulted, in respect whereof they could not at all complaine. In the moneth of Aprill, the yeare 1437. the Earle marched with his army, but before the Florentines would assault others, desired to recouer their owne, and therefore recouered a­gaine Santa Maria in Castello, with all other places surprized by Piccinino. That done, directed a course to the countrey of Lucca, assailing Ca-Maggiore. The inhabi­tants whereof, though faithfull to their Lord, yet because feare of the enemy neere at hand, had greater force in them, then the dutie toward their friend farre off, they yeelded themselues. And with like reputation was Massa, and Serezana surprized. Which things being done about the end of the moneth of May, the army returned towards Lucca, spoiling the Corne, burning the Villages, Lucca distres­sed. cutting the Vines and trees, driuing away the Cattle, and not fearing to performe euery outrage that souldiers were wont to do vnto their enemies. The Lucchesi on the other side, see­ing themselues by the Duke abandoned, and dispairing to defend their countrey, intrenched and fortified the Cittie by all meanes they possible could. And hauing men sufficient, hoped they might for a time defend the same, as in former assaults of the Florentines they had done. They only feared the mutable minds of the com­mon people, least they being besieged, would grow wearie, esteeming more their owne priuate perill, then the libertie of others, and so enforce some dishonorable and dangerous composition. Wherefore to perswade them to take courage, and be resolute in defence of the Cittie, one of the most auntient and wisest Cittizens as­sembled the people in the market place, and said vnto them as followeth. You ought alwaies to remember, that things done by necessitie, The Oration of the Luc­chese to the o­ther Cittizens. deserue neither commenda­tion nor blame. If therefore you haue found fault with these warres which the Florentines do make vpon you, and that we haue gained in receiuing souldiers from the Duke, and suffered them to assault vs, you greatl [...] iniure your selues. Also, the auncient enimitie of the Florentines towards you is well knowne: whereof, neither your iniuries, nor their owne feare, but our weakenesse, and their ambition, hath bene the cause; for that, the one giueth them hope to oppresse you, and the other incouragement to performe the oppression. Do not beleeue that any merit of yours can remoue that desire in them, neither any iniurie by you done, can more increase the desire they haue to offend you. Wherefore, as they do studie to take your libertie from you, so must you labour to defend the same. And, for those things which both they and we do to that end, euery man may be sorie, but no man can meruaile. Let vs then be sorie that we are assaulted, that our townes are besieged, [Page 120] our houses burned, and our countrey spoiled. Notwithstanding, which of vs is so vnwise, as to meruaile thereat? For if we were able, we ourselues would do the like, or worse to them. If they haue moued this warre by the comming of Nicholo, had he not come, they would haue done the like vpon some other occasion. If this mischiefe had bene deferred, the same perhaps would haue prooued greater, so that, this his comming, ought not so much to be blamed, as our euill fortune, and their ambitious nature. For sith we could not refuse to receiue the Dukes souldiers, they being come, could not refraine to make the warre. You know well, that with­out the aide of some mightie Prince, we could not be defended: neither was there any of power sufficient, nor more likely to defend vs both with fidelitie and force, then the Duke. Hee hath restored our libertie, and therefore reason would, hee should defend it. He hath bene also enemy to all those that were our auntient ene­mies. If then by not offending the Florentines, we had incurred the Dukes displea­sure, we should thereby haue lost our friend, and made the enemy more mightie, and more apt to offend vs. So as it is much better to haue this warre with the Dukes loue, then peace with his displeasure. And we may hope well he will deliuer vs from those dangers, whereunto he hath drawne vs, so that we do not forsake him. You know with how great furie the Florentines haue diuerse times assailed vs, and with how great glorie we haue often defended our selues against them, euen when we had none other hope, but of God and time, the one and the other of them pre­serued vs. And therefore why should we now dispaire to defend our selues? At that time all Italy had abandoned vs, but now, the Duke is on our side, and we may also hope that the Venetians will not be hastie to offend vs, as men that desire not to increase the Florentines greatnes. Heretofore the Florentines haue bene more free, they had also more hope to be aided, of themselues, they were more mightie, and we in euery respect weaker then we now are. For at that time we defended a Ty­rant, but now we defend our selues. Then the honour of our defence was an other mans, now it is our owne. At that time when they assaulted vs, they were vnited, but now they assaile vs disunited, all Italy being full of their Rebels. But if all these hopes were not, yet extreame necessitie ought to make vs resolute in our owne de­fence. Euery enemy ought to be by vs iustly feared, for euery of them do seeke their owne glorie and our destruction. But of all others, we ought most to abhorre the Florentines, because our obedience, our tribute, and the subiection of this Cittie do not suffice to content them, but they would also haue our bodies and wealth, to the end they might feed their crueltie with our bloud, and fill their couetous de­sire with our riches. Euery man therefore of what sort soeuer, ought to detest them. Be not therefore dismayed to behold the fields spoiled, the Villages burned, and the Townes sacked. Yet if this Cittie be saued, of necessitie they will be recouered; But if this Cittie be lost, without any our profit they should be saued: Because we continuing our libertie, the enemy shall with difficultie possesse them, but losing our libertie, in vaine we shall possesse them. Take your weapons therefore in hand, and when you fight, beleeue that the renowne of your victorie shall be not onely the safetie of our common countrey, but also of your priuate houses and children. The last wordes of his speech were with so great comfort of the people receiued, that with one voyce they promised to dye, rather then yeeld or consent to any com­position in preiudice of their libertie: and therefore prepared all things necessarie for defence of the Cittie. In the meane space, the Florentine army lost no time, but after much hurt done to the Countrey, by treatie tooke Monte Carlo, and after re­moued to Vzano, to the end that the Lucchesi enuironed on euery side, should looke for no rescue, and so by famine force that Cittie to yeeld. The Castle was verie [Page 121] strong, and fully manned, whereby the winning thereof, was not so easie as the others. The Lucchesi seeing their Cittie on euery side besieged, did (as reason would) resort to the Duke: To whome, by all manner of perswasions, The Lucchesi pray [...]ide of the Duke. both sweete and sowre, they recommended themselues. And in their speech, sometimes they made mention of their owne merits, and sometimes they laied before him the in­iurie done by the Florentines, and what incouragement other his friends would take, if they were defended; or not, what feare might be conceiued thereby. But if they should lose their libertie and liues, he should thereby lose his friends and honour, togither with the loue of all those, that would at euery daunger aduen­ture for him. These words were accompanied with teares, to the end, that if his owne obligation moued him not, yet the compassion of their miserie might per­swade him. So that the Duke adding to his auntient hate towards the Florentines the new desert of the Lucchesi, and aboue all, desiring that the Florentines should not grow great by this victorie, resolued, to send mightie forces into Toscana, or else with much furie assault the Venetians, so as, the Florentines should be forced to leaue their enterprise and succour them. This resolution made, was speedely aduertised to Florence, that the Duke intended to send men into Toscana, which moued the Florentines to hope the lesse of victorie. And to the end the Duke might be holden occupied in Lombardy, they did sollicite the Venetians to set vpon him with all their forces. But they were greatly daunted with the departure of the Marquesse of Mantoua, who had abandoned them, and was ioyned with the Duke. And therefore being (as it were) disarmed, did answere, they were not only vnable to make themselues stronger, but also vnfit to continue the warre, vnlesse the Earle Francesco were sent vnto them, with condition that he should in person passe the Riuer Po. For they would not in any wise allow of the old Capitulations, where­by he stood bound not to passe the Riuer Po. And moreouer they alleaged, that without a Captaine they could not make warre, and of other then the Earle, they had no hope. Neither could they imploy him, vnlesse he were bound to make warre in all places. It seemed to the Florentines necessarie, that the warre should be made in Lombardy with great force: yet on the other side, if the Earle were remoued from the siege of Lucca, that enterprise were to no purpose. And well they knewe this request made of the Venetians, was not so much of any neede they had of the Earle, as to hinder them of that victorie. Contrary to that allegation was alleaged, that the Earle was prepared to goe into Lombardy, whensoeuer they of the League should commaund him, yet would he not alter his bond, least thereby he might hinder himselfe in the marriage, promised by the Duke. Thus were the Florentines possessed with two contrarie passions, the desire to winne Lucca, and the feare of the Dukes warre. But (as for the most part it happeneth) feare preuailed, and they content that the Earle hauing wonne Vzano, should goe into Lombardy. One other difficultie also there was, which not being in the power of the Florentines to dispose, perplexed them more then the former. Which was, that the Earle would not passe the Po, and the Venetians otherwise would not enterteine him. So no meane being to accord them, but that the one must yeeld to the other, the Florentines perswa­ded the Earle to write a letter, and thereby promise the Senate of Florence to passe the Riuer, which he might do without dishonor, because that priuate promise should not be any breach of his publike obligation: and notwithstanding he might after make warre without passing the Riuer, yet thereof this commoditie would fol­lowe, that the warre being kindled, the Venetians should be forced to followe it, and so the humor which they feared, would be turned another way. But the Venetians on the other side affirmed, that his priuate Letter did suffice [Page 122] to binde him, and they were therewith satisfied. And if the Earle might still vse respects to his Father in law, they would allow thereof: for it was neither pro­fitable to himselfe, or them, without great necessitie to discouer him. By this meanes, the passage of the Earle into Lombardy was determined. Who hauing sur­prized Vzano, and made some Bulwarks about Lucca, to keepe the Cittizens from issuing out, and recommending the warre to his Deputies, passed the Alps, and went vnto Reggio. Then the Venetians grew suspitious of his proceedings. And first of all to prooue his disposition, required him to passe the Riuer Po, and ioyne with their other forces. Which the Earle vtterly denied, and many iniurious words pas­sed betwixt him and Andrea Mauroceno, Diffidence betweene the Venetians and the Earle Francesco. sent thither by the Venetians; the one of these accusing the other of much pride, and little fidelitie. The Earle affirming he was not bound to the seruice, and the other protesting that no paiment should be made. So in the end, the Earle returned into Toscana, and Mauroceno to Venice. The Earle, was by the Florentines lodged in the countrey of Pisa, hoping to perswade him to renew the warre against the Lucchesi. But thereunto they found him not disposed. The Duke then vnderstanding, that for respect and reuerence borne to him, the Earle would not passe the Riuer, he hoped also that by this meanes he might saue the Lucchesi; And therefore prayed him to make peace betwixt the Lucchesi and the Florentines, and (if he would) to include him also: Giuing him hope, that hee should, whensoeuer he pleased, be married vnto his daughter. This alliaunce greatly moued the Earle, because thereby hee hoped, (the Duke not hauing any sonnes) to become owner of Milan. For which cause, he euer re­fused to proceed in the warres as the Florentines did require him, alleaging hee would not marche vnlesse the Venetians did performe their payment and pro­mises. Neither was their paie sufficient: for he, being desirous to liue secure in his owne Countrey, it behoued him to haue other friends then the Florentines. Wherefore, if by the Venetians hee were abandoned, then should it behoue him to take heed vnto his owne doings, and (so seemed) a little to threaten an a­greement with the Duke. These cauillations, and these subtilties, highlie of­fended the Florentines. For thereby they thought the enterprise of Lucca to be lost, and doubted also of their owne estate, if the Duke and the Earle should ioyne togither. The Veneti­ans and Flo­rentines of diuers opini­ons touching the pay of the Earle their Generall. Then to perswade the Venetians to performe the paie promi­sed vnto the Earle, Cosimo de Medici went vnto Venice, hoping with his credit to perswade them. Being there arriued, he disputed of this matter at large with the Senate, and laide before them the state of Italy, and the daunger thereof. Declaring also, of how great forces and reputation in Armes the Duke was, con­cluding, that if the Duke did ioyne with the Earle, the Venetians should bee forced to retire to the Sea, and the Florentines be in perill of their libertie. Where­unto the Venetians aunswered, that they knewe their owne strength, and the Italian forces, and beleeued they were able ynough to defend themselues. Af­firming also, they were not woont to paie Souldiers that serued other men. Wherefore it behoued the Florentines, themselues should paie the Earle, sith by him they were serued: and that for the safe enioying their estate, it was more necessarie to keepe downe the Earles insolencie, then to paie him, be­cause men had no boundes wherein to staie their ambition. Also, if hee were nowe paide without any seruice done, hee would shortly after make some o­ther dishonest and more perillous request. They therefore thought necessarie to bridle his pride, and not suffer the same to increase till it were incorrigible. If then they, either for feare, or for any other intent would continue him a friend, it stood then vppon to paie him themselues. Thus Cosimo returned without [Page 123] other conclusion. The Florentines notwithstanding laboured, that the Earle should not fall from the League, and indeed very vnwilling he was to depart. Yet the de­sire he had to conclude his marriage, did hold him doubtfull, so that the least oc­casion (as after it came to passe) might lose him. The Earle had appointed his Townes in La Marca to be guarded by a Captaine called Furlano, one of his principall Leaders. Hee hauing beene long sollicited by the Duke, discharged himselfe of the Earles entertainement, and went vnto him: which was the cause, that the Earle, (setting aside all respectes) for feare of himselfe, The Earle Francesco a­bandoneth the Venetians and Floren­tines. made peace with the Duke. And among other conditions it was agreed, that in the matters of Romagna, and Toscana, the Earle shoulde not intermeddle further. After this peace made, the Earle instantlie perswaded the Florentines to agree with the Lucchesi, and in a sort constrayned them. They therefore seeing none other remedie, yeelded to composition in the moneth of Aprill, 1438. In which agreement, the Lucchesi remayned in their libertie, and Monte Carlo, with some other Castles, continued in possession of the Florentines. Afterwards they lamented throughout all Italy, that the Lucchesi could not be brought vn­der their gouernment. And seldome it happeneth that any man hath bene so greatly greeued with losing his owne, as the Florentines were, for not ha­uing gotten that which belonged to others. Although then the Florentines were occupied in so great an enterprise, yet were they not forgetfull of their neighbours, nor fayled to furnish their owne Cittie. At that time (as is be­fore sayd) Nicholo Fortibraccio (who had married the daughter of the Earle of Poppi) was dead. The Earle at the death of Nicholo, The Earle of Poppi. had in his possession Bor­go A san Sepulcro, with the fortresse of that Towne, which in the name of his sonne in lawe, during his life hee gouerned. After his death, as the dowrie of his daughter hee held the same, and refused to yeeld that Castle vnto the Pope, who claymed it, as lande belonging to the Church. In so much, as the Pope sente the Patriarke thither with Souldiers to recouer it. The Earle finding himselfe vnable to resist that force, offered the Towne to the Florentines, and they refused it. Yet so soone as the Pope returned to Florence, they trauelled be­twixt him, and the Earle, to make an agreement. Wherein, finding some diffi­cultie, the Patriarke assaulted Casentino, and surprized Prato Vecchio, and Ra­mena, offering the same likewise to the Florentines. But they would not accept it, vnlesse the Pope did firste consent, that they might restore it to the Earle: Wherewith the Pope after much disputation, was contented. Yet so, that the Florentines should promise to perswade, that the Earle of Poppi, should restore vnto him Borgo. The Popes minde by this meanes satisfied, the Florentines thought good the Cathedrall Church of their Cittie called Santa Reparata, (being long before begun, and now come to such perfection, as diuine Ceremonies might therein be celebrate) to desire his holinesse, that personally he would consecrate the same. Whereunto the Pope willingly consented, and for more magnificence of the Cittie, the Temple, and the Pope, a Tarrace was made, from Santa Maria Nouella, where the Pope lay, vnto the Church which he should consecrate, the same being inbredth foure yards, and in height three, and of both sides it was coue­red with exceeding rich cloth. Vpon this Tarrace, only the Pope with his Court, and the Cittizens especially appointed to attend him did go. All the rest of the Citti­zens and people stood in the streets, in their houses, and in the Temple, to behold the same. When all ceremonies belonging to so great a consecration, were fini­shed, the Pope, in token of more loue, honored Guiliano de Auanzati with Knight­hood, being at that present Gonfaloniere de Iustitia, and in al times accounted a noble & [Page 124] notable Cittizen, whereunto the Senate, to seeme no lesse desirous then the Pope of his aduancement, gaue vnto him the Captaineship of Pisa for one yeare. About this time, some difference grew betwixt the Churches of Rome and Greece, tou­ching the diuine Seruice. And forasmuch as in the last Councell holden at Basile, much had bene sayd in that matter by the Prelates of the West Church, it was de­termined by the Emperours, that great diligence should be vsed to vnite them, and was concluded in the Councell of Basile, that proofe should be made whether the Gretian Church might be brought to concurre with that of Rome. Albeit this re­solution was contrarie to the maiestie of the Gretian Emperour, and the pride of his Prelates to yeeld vnto the Bishop of Rome, yet the Emperour being oppres­sed by the Turkes, and fearing that the Gretians could not be defended by them­selues, the rather also to liue in securitie, and be ayded of others, determined to giue place. Then the Emperour accompanied with the Patriarke, the Prelates and Barons of Greece, according to the order taken by the Councell of Basile, came vnto Venice. Which Cittie being infected with the plague, it was deter­mined, that the matter should be tried in the Cittie of Florence. After many dayes of disputation, The Gretian Church sub­mitteth to the Church of Rome. betwixt the Prelates of the Romane and Gretian Churches, the Gretians submitted themselues to the Bishop of Rome. Then was the peace concluded betwixt the Lucchesi and the Florentines. And was also hoped, that the warres betwixt the Duke and the Earle (chiefely in Lombardy and Toscana) might easily be pacified, because that warre which was begunne in the King­dome of Naples, betwixt Rinato de Angio, and Alfonso of Arragon, should of force take end by the ruine of those two. And although the Pope was euill con­tented for the losse of many his Townes, and that therewithall, the great am­bition of the Duke and the Venetians was apparant, yet euery man supposed, that the Pope for necessitie, and the others for wearinesse, would lay downe their armes. But the matter came otherwise to passe, for neither the Duke, nor the Venetians, would be quiet. By reason whereof, it fell out that they tooke Armes anew, New troubles in Lombardy and Toscana. and made warre in the most places of Lombardy and Toscana. The great minde of the Duke, could not endure that the Venetians should possesse Ber­gamo and Brescia: And the rather, seeing them prepared for the warres, and euery day molesting and disquieting his Countrey. He therefore thought, that if they might be abandoned by the Florentines, and the Earle, he should not onely bridle them, but also recouer his owne. To compasse that conceipt, he intended to take Romagna from the Church, iudging that afterwards the Pope could not offend him. And the Florentines, seeing the fire at hand, either they would not stirre for feare, or if they did, they could not conueniently assault him. The Duke also knewe the displeasure betwixt the Florentines and the Venetians, for the mat­ters of Lucca, and for that cause, supposed the Florentines were the lesse willing to take Armes for them. As for the Earle Francesco, he thought that the newe friendship, and hope of the marriage, should suffice to hold him assured. Also, to flie all offence, and giue the lesse occasion to all others to take Armes, and chiefely, for that he was bound by the Capitulations with the Earle, not to assault Romagna, he caused Nicholo Piccinino (as thereto moued by his owne ambition) to take that enterprise in hand. At such time as the recōciliation was cōcluded betwixt the Duke and the Earle, Nicholo remained in Romagna, and seemed much discontent with that new friendship made between the sayd Duke and the Earle his perpetuall enemy. He therefore with his souldiers retired to Camurata (a place betwixt Furli and Rauenna) where he fortified himselfe to remaine, till such time as some other resolution were taken. The fame of his anger being blowne about euery where, [Page 125] Nicholo gaue the Pope to vnderstand of his well deseruing of the Duke, and with what ingratitude he was requited. He also alleaged, that the Duke through the helpe of principall Captaines, had wonne all the souldiers of Italy to be at his commaundement. Notwithstanding, if his holinesse were so pleased, he could procure, that of these two Captaines, the one should prooue enemy to the Duke, and the other improfitable. For accomplishment whereof, if money were pre­pared, and the warres continued, he would so assault the Earle, who had surprized the townes belonging to the Church, as he should haue ynough to defend his owne, and not be able to follow the ambition of Philippo. The Pope gaue credit to these words, seeming to him reasonable, and sent vnto Nicholo fiue thousand Duckets, with many faire promises, offering to giue lands to him, and his sonnes. And although the Pope were diuerse wayes aduertised of this deceipt, yet he be­leeued well, and was not content to heare any thing to the contrarie. The Cittie of Rauenna was then gouerned for the Pope by Octacio de Polenta. Nicholo thin­king good, not to deferre his enterprise (because his sonne had alreadie with the ignomie of the Pope sacked Spoletto) determined to assault Rauenna: (either be­cause he iudged the enterprise easie, or that he had some secret intelligence with Octacio) within few dayes he tooke the Towne by composition, and shortly after Bologna, Imola, and Furli, were by him surprized. The Popes countrey spoyled by Ni. Piccinino. Also (as a thing more meruailous) of twentie Castles which were in those countries holden for the Pope, there was not one that refused to yeeld vnto Nicholo. Neither did it suffice him with this in­iurie to offend the Pope, but he would also to these deeds mock and deride him in words: Writing vnto the Pope, that vpon iust cause his Townes were surpri­zed, because he had broken the friendship betwixt the Duke and him: and written letters to many places of Italy, signifying, that he (the Earle) had abandoned the Duke, and ioyned with the Venetians. Nicholo thus possessing Romagna, left the same in charge to his sonne Francesco, and himselfe with the greater part of his army went into Lombardy. Where ioyning with the remaine of the Dukes forces, he assayled the Countrey of Brescia, which in short space he tooke, and besieged the Cittie. The Duke, who desired that the Venetians should be left for him as a pray, excused himselfe to the Pope, to the Florentines, and to the Earle: declaring, that those things which had bene done in Romagna by Nicholo, if they were contrarie to the Capitulations, they were likewise contrarie to his will. Moreouer, by secret messen­gers he gaue them to vnderstand, that for his disobedience (as occasion and time should suffer) he would finde meanes to haue him punished. The Florentines and the Earle gaue no credit thereunto, but beleeued (as in deede the truth was) that these warres were made to hold them occupied, till such time as he might oppresse the Venetians: who, being full of pride, and beleeuing they could by themselues resist the Dukes forces, did not vouchsafe to demaund aid of any man, Gatamelata Generall for the Venetiās. but with Gata­melata their Captaine, made warre alone. The Earle Francesco with the fauour of the Florentines, intended to haue gone to the aide of King Rinato, if the accidents of Romagna and Lombardy had not withholden him. And the Florentines would also willingly haue fauoured that enterprise, for the auncient friendship betweene them, and the house of Fraunce. But the one and the other of those, being occupied in the warres neere at hand, refrained to attempt any enterprise further off. The Florentines then seeing Romagna surprized by the Dukes forces, and the Venetians as­saulted (as those that by the ruine of others did feare their owne) desired the Earle to come into Toscana, there to consider what was to be done to encounter the forces of the Duke, which were greater then euer they had bene. Affirming, that if his inso­lencie were not by some meanes bridled, euery man that gouerned any part of Italy, [Page 126] should within short space be oppressed. The Earle knew well that the Florentines had reason to feare. Notwithstanding, the desire he had to proceed in the marriage with the Dukes daughter, did make him suspected. And the Duke knowing his de­sire, gaue him great hope thereof, if he would refuse to take armes against him. And because the Dukes daughter was alreadie marriageable, the matter was brought to this ripenesse, that all things for the purpose were prepared. Not­withstanding, with diuerse cauillations, the marriage day was delayed, yet by words to hold the Earle in hope, some deeds were performed: and to that end thir­tie thousand Florins (according to the Articles agreed vpon for the marriage) were sent vnto him, notwithstanding the warre of Lombardy increased, and the Vene­tians euery day lost some Towne or other. Also, all the vessels for the warres, which they sent into the Riuers, were by the Dukes Souldiers taken. The Countries of Verona, and Brescia, were all spoiled: and both those Citties so straightly besieged, as in the common opinion, it was hard for them to be many dayes defended. The Marquesse of Mantoua, who had bene many yeares Ge­nerall for that State, beyond all expectation had abandoned them, and was ioy­ned with the Duke, so as that which in the beginning of the warres their pride suffered not, afterwards feare inforced them to do. For knowing none other re­medie but the friendship of the Florentines, and the Earle, they began to speake them faire, though shamefully, and with suspition, bicause they feared least the Florentines would make them the same answere, which they at the enterprise of Lucca, and in the Earles cause had receiued at their hands. Neuerthelesse, they found the Florentines more easily intreated, then either they hoped, or their deserts did merit. For greater was the Florentines hate to a friend become a foe, then the displeasure they bare to an old and auncient enemy. Perswasions of the Vene­tians and Flo­rentines to the Earle not to abandon them. They hauing long be­fore knowne the necessitie whereunto the Venetians would fall, declared to the Earle, that their ruine woulde be also his: and that hee deceiued himselfe, if hee beleeued the Duke Philippo woulde esteeme him so much in his good, as his euill fortune. For the occasion why the Duke offered his daughter vn­to him, was the feare wherein he stood: and sith things promised by neces­sitie, are neuer performed without necessitie, it behoued him still to hold the Duke distressed, which without the greatnesse of the Venetians, could not be done. Therefore, hee ought to thinke, that if the Venetians were forced to a­bandon their Countrey vppon the firme land, he should not onely want those commodities which he receiued by them, but also all others, which of other men for feare of them he might attaine vnto. And if hee considered well the o­ther states of Italy, he should finde some of them poore, and some others his ene­mies. Neither were the Florentines alone (as hee had often sayd) of force suffi­cient to mainteine him. So as, on euery side it appeared, that for him it was ne­cessarie, to mainteine the Venetians mightie vppon the land. These perswasions ioyned with the hate which the Earle had conceiued of the Duke, for being moc­ked in the marriage, caused him consent to the composition, yet would hee not at that time be bound to passe the Riuer of Po. These compositions were made in the moneth of February, the yeare 1438. Wherein, the Venetians did couenaunt to defraie two thirds, and the Florentines one third of the charge. And both of them togither at their common charge, entred obligation to de­fend the lands which the Earle had woon in La Marca. Neither was this League contented with these forces, but vnto them they ioyned the Lord of Faenza, the sonnes of Pandolfo Malatesta of Rimini, and Pietro Giampagolo Orsino. And al­though with great promises they had perswaded the Marquesse of Mantoua, [Page 127] yet could they not remoue him from the friendship and paie of the Duke. Also the Lord of Faenza, after that the League was setled, finding a better bargaine, reuolted to the Duke, which depriued the League of hope, to be able to performe the enter­prises entended in Romagna. In these dayes, Lombardy remained thus troubled, Bre­scia was besieged with the Dukes forces, so straightly as euerie day was feared that for famine it should be forced to yeeld. And Verona became so inuironed with ene­mies, that it doubted the like end, and if any of these two Cities were lost, euery man iudged all the other preparation for the wars would be to no effect, and the charges till that time made, vtterly lost. Neither was there found any other certaine remedy, then to procure, that the Earle Francesco might passe into Lombardy: Wherein were three difficulties, the one in perswading the Earle to passe the Riuer of Po, and make warre in all places. The second, that the Florentines seemed to be at the discretion of the Duke, if the Earle should goe from them. The third was, what way the Earle with his forces should take, to conuey himselfe into the country of Padoa, where the rest of the Venetians forces remained. Of these three difficulties, the second which ap­perteined to the Florentines, was most to be doubted. Notwithstanding they know­ing the necessitie, and being weary of the Venetians, who with all importunitie de­sired the Earle, (saying that without him, they should be abandoned) they preferred the necessitie of others before the suspition of themselues. There remained also one other doubt, which way they should go, and how the same might be made assured by the Venetians. Moreouer, because the handling of this contract with the Earle, and the perswading him to passe the Riuer Po, was appointed to Neri, the sonne of Gino Capponi, the Senate thought good to send him expresly to Venice, to make that fauoure the more acceptable there, and to take order for the way, and safe passage of the Earle. Then was Neri dispatched from Cesena, and in a Boate conueyed to Venice: where, by the Senate hee was receiued with more honour, then euer any Prince be­fore that time had bene. For vpon his comming, and that which by him should be determined, they thought the welfare of their dominion depended. Neri then being brought to presence of the Senate, spake as followeth. Most Noble Prince, The Oration of Neri Cap­poni, to the Senate of Ve­nice. my Lords who haue sent mee, were hitherto euer of opinion, that the greatnesse of the Duke, would be the ruine both of this state and of their own Common-weale. So that, the well doing of these states, must be your greatnesse, and ours also. If this had bene by your Lordships beleeued, we should be now in better condition, and your state as­sured from those perils, which presently do threaten it. But because that in time con­uenient, you haue neither giuen vs ayd, nor countenance, we could not readily pro­cure remedie for your harmes, nor you, speedily demaund it: as men which both in aduersitie and prosperitie knew not how to behaue your selues; forgetting that we are of such disposition, as whom we once loue, we will loue euer; and whom we hate, we will hate euer. The good will which we haue euer borne to this most No­ble Senate, your selues do know, and haue oftentimes seene, by the aide we haue gi­uen you both in mony and men. The displeasure which we haue borne to Philippo, is such, as we will alwaies beare towards his house, and so the world knoweth. Nei­ther is it possible that auncient hatred, can be either by new desertes or new displea­sures cancelled. We were and are assured, that in this war, we might with great ho­nour haue stood indifferent to the Duke, and with no great daunger to our selues. For though he had bene by your ruine become Lord of Lombardy, yet had there re­mained so much force in Italy, as we need not to haue dispaired of our well doing, because he encreasing in state and power, the enmitie, & enuie towards him would haue also encreased. Of which two things, warre and displeasure be engendred. We knew also how great charges by eschuing this war, we should haue auoyded, how [Page 128] eminent perils we should haue escaped: and how this warre, by our meanes might be remoued from Lombardy into Toscana. Notwithstanding all these suspitions haue bene, by our auncient affection borne to your state, cancelled: and we haue deter­mined to aide you, with the same readie good will, wherewith we will defend our own, if the same should be assaulted. Wherfore my Lords, iudging it before all other things most necessarie, to succour Verona and Brescia, and thinking also that without the Earle the same could not be, they haue sent me hither, first to perswade him to come into Lombardy, and make war in all places: he being heretofore (as you know) bound not to passe the Riuer of Po. Therefore I vsed with him those reasons, wher­with we our selues be moued. And he, (as he seemeth) by Armes inuincible, wil not be ouercome with curtesie. And that liberallitie which he sawe vs vse towards you, he hath bene pleased to surpasse the same. For knowing well in how great perils, af­ter his departure, Toscana remained, and seeing that we haue more regarded your pe­rill, then our owne well doing; is also content to preferre the same, before his owne. I am therfore now come here, to offer you the Earle with seuen thousand horse, and two thousand foote men; readie to assault the enemie in what place soeuer he may finde him. I beseech you then, (and my Lords also do intreate you) that as the num­ber of his souldiers is greater then his obligation, wherby he bound himself to serue, so it may please you, that your liberallitie towards him may be likewise enlarged. To the end, that neither he shall repent his comming to your seruice, nor we be sorie to haue perswaded him thereunto. This speech pronounced by Neri, was with no lesse attention heard of the Senate, then if from the mouth of some Oracle, the same had proceeded. For by his words all the audience was so mooued, that they would not suffer the Prince (as is the custome) to make any answere: But euerie man stood vp, and many of them weeping for ioy, held vp their hands, thanking the Florentines for so friendly an offer, and him, for hauing with so great diligence and speede perfor­med the same. Promising moreouer, neuer to forget that fauoure, nor that any time, either in themselues or in their posterie, should cancell the memorie of this merite. And that their Common-weale, should be as much at the Florentines commande­ment, as their owne. These curtesies and congratulations ended, they consulted what way the Earle might martch, to the end, that the bridges and passages should be prepared. Foure waies were then thought vpon whereby he might passe. The one from Rauenna, by the sea side: which being narrow and full of marishes, was not liked. An other was by the direct way, which being impeached by a Fortresse called Vccellino, kept for the Duke, the same ought to be surprized before the Armie should march further; which was heard to do in so short a time, vnlesse the occasion of the enterprise were omitted, the same requiring great diligence and speede. The third was by the wood of Lago, where because the Riuer of Po was ouerflowed, to passe that way, seemed not onely hard, but also impossible. The fourth was by the Cham­pion of Bologna, from thence to Ponte Pulidrano, to Cento, through Finale, and Bonde­no, and so to Farrara: From whence by water and land, they might be conueyed in­to Padouana, there to ioyne with the Venetian forces. In this way, albeit there was manie difficulties, and might by the enemie, in some places be impeached: yet was it thought the best of all others. Whereof the Earle aduertised, with great speed be­gan his iourney, and on the twentith of Iune, arriued in Padouana. The comming of this Captaine into Lombardy, made Venice, and all the countrie thereto belonging, in great hope. For as they seemed before to dispaire, now they began to hope, not one­ly to hold their owne, but also to win from others. The Earle first of all went to the rescue of Verona, and the rather to meete with Nicholo, and his Armie he marched to Soaue, a Castle builded betwixt Vicentino & Veronesi, and inuironed by a diche: which [Page 129] reached from Soaue to the marish of Adice. The Earle seeing his passage by the plaine stopped, thought to passe by the mountaines, and by that way to come neare to Ve­rona; Supposing Nicholo did not thinke, that he would take that way being vnplea­sant & mountanous: or if he did, he could not in time come thither to impeach him. Wherefore being prouided of victuals for eight daies, hee and his men passed the mountaine and arriued vnder Soaue, in the plaine. Where, albeit some bulwarks had bene made by Nicholo, yet were they not such as staied his passage. Nicholo then see­ing the enemie aboue his expectation come thither, fearing to fight vpon disaduan­tage, retired himselfe on the other side of Adice: and the Earle without anie obstacle, entred into Verona. Thus the Earle hauing performed the first enterprise, which was to remoue the siege, the second yet remained, to rescue Brescia. This Citie is so seated vpon the riuer of Garda, the scite wherof is such, that though it be besieged by land, yet may it be victualled by water: which was the cause, why the Duke put so great forces vpon that Lage, and in the beginning of his victories, had surprized all those townes which by the Lage could relieue Brescia. The Venetians had also Gallies vp­pon the Lage, but they were not of power inough to fight with the Dukes forces. The Earle therefore thought fit with some more souldiers to strengthen the Nauie, and win those townes which with held the vittails from Brescia. He therfore brought his Campe before Bandolino, a Castle vpon the Lage, hoping if that were wonne, the rest would presently yeeld. In that enterprise fortune disfauoured the Earle, for the greatest number of his men fell sicke: so as, leauing the enterprise, hee went vnto Zeno, a castle belonging to Verona, where the country is plentiful, & the aire whole­some. Nicholo seeing the Earle retired: not to omit occasion to possesse himselfe of the Lage, left his Campe at Vegatio, and with some choise men went vnto the Lage. There, with great furie, he assaulted the Venetian Armie, & tooke welneare all their Gallies. After this victory, almost al the Castles vpon the Lage, yeelded vnto Nicholo. The Venetians dismaid at this his losse, and fearing therby, that they of Brescia would yeeld also, sollicited the Earle, both by Letters and Messengers, to make speed to suc­cour it. But the Earle seeing that by the Lage there was no hope to relieue it, & by land it was impossible, by reason of ditches, bulwarkes, and trenches, made by Ni­cholo, so as, whosoeuer should enter, must go to present destruction; determined to proue the way of the mountains: wherby, as he had before saued Verona, so he hoped perhaps to rescue Brescia. The Earle for the atchiuing thereof, departed from Zeno, and by the Vale of Acrine, marched to the Lage of S. Andrea, and came to Torboli, and Penda, vpon the Lage of Garda. From thence he went to Tenna, and there pitched his Campe: because, to passe from thence to Brescia, it behooued him to surprise that Castle. Nicholo vnderstanding the intent of the Earle, brought his Armie to Pischie­ra: and after with the Marquesse of Mantoua, and some of his owne choise souldiers, marched towards the Earle, and fighting togither, Nicholo was ouerthrowne. The Campe of Nicholo Piccinino de­feated. Some part of his men were taken prisoners, an other part, retired to the Armie, & the third part, fled to the Nauie. Nicholo then, retired himselfe into Tenna, and the night being come, imagined he could not escape from thence, if he tarried til the next day. Wher­fore to eschue that perill certaine, he aduentured a daunger doubtfull. Nicholo had amongst many his seruants one Almaine, a man of great strength, and to him aboue others, euer most faithfull. Nicholo perswaded this man, that if hee would put him into a sacke, he might vpon his shoulders (as though he were some other thing) car­ry him to some place, from whence he might escape. At this time the Campe yet re­mained about Tenna. Neuerthelesse, by meanes of the victorie the day before, no great order or watch was taken, so that this Almaine, the more easily might conuey his maister. Wherefore taking him vpon his shoulders, (as though he were some [Page 130] other burthen, himselfe being apparelled like a Porter) he passed through the Camp without any let, and so saued his maister. This victorie, if it had bene well vsed, as it was happily wonne, had much better releeued Brescia: and the Venetians thereby should haue proued more happie. But the same being euill vsed, the ioy thereof was the lesse; and Brescia remained in the same distresse that it was before. For Nicholo hauing recouered souldiers, Nicholo Pic­cinino, desi­rous to reco­uer his honor. determined with them some new victorie, to blot out the dishonour of the late losse, and take from the Venetians the meane whereby they should rescue Brescia. He hauing intelligence from some prisoners taken in that war, that the Cittadell of Verona was weakely manned and guarded; so as, easily it might be surprized: thought that Fortune thereby had offered an occasion to recouer his honour; and that the new ioy of his enemie, for the late victorie, should now for a later losse, be conuerted into sorrow. The Citie of Verona is in Lombardy, seated at the foote of those mountaines which diuide Italy from Germany: and is so builded, as it partaketh both of the mountaines and the plaine. The Riuer of Adice springeth out of the Vale of Trento, and in the course thereof to Italy, it descendeth not straight into the plaine, but turneth on the left hand, and passeth by the midst of that Cittie. Yet the one part of the Citie towards the plaine, is greater then the other part towardes the mountaines. Vpon these be built two Fortresses, the one called S. Piero, and the other S. Felice; which seeme more strong by nature of the seate, then the thicknesse of the wall. For being set high, they commaund the whole Citie. In the plain on this side the Adice, are ioyning to the wall of the towne, two other Fortresses, the one distant from the other a thousand paces, one of them is named the newe Cittadella, and the other the old Cittadella. From the one of these within, there passeth a wall to the other, and is in respect of the compasse, as it were a string to a bowe. All this space betwixt the one wall and the other is inhabited, and called Borgo di San Zeno. These Fortresses, and this Borgo, Nicholo Piccinino intended to surprize, thinking the same easie, as well for the negligence of the guard therin, as the small care had thereof, by meanes of the late victory. For he knew well, that in the warre there is no enterprise so easily performed, as is that, which the enemie feareth not. Hee therefore making choyse of his men, being acquainted with the Marquesse of Mantoua, in the night marched to Verona, and not being there looked for, scaled the walles, and wanne the new Cittadell. From thence he sent his men into the towne, who brake the gate of S. Antonio ▪ and thereby all his horsemen entred. Those that for the Venetians kept the old Cittadell, hearing first a noyse when the guard of the first Cittadell was slaine, and after when the gates were broken open: knew well that enemies were come, made Alarum, rung Belles, and stirred vp the people. Whereof the Citizens taking know­ledge, came out in a confused sort: those that were of most courage, tooke Armes and went vnto the Pallace of the Rettore. In the meane while, Nicholo had sacked Borgo of S. Zeno. Then going forward, the Citizens knowing that the Dukes souldi­ers were within the towne, and seeing no way to resist them, perswaded the Veneti­ans Rettore to flee to the Fortresse, thereby to saue their persons, and the towne: say­ing it was better to preserue their liues, and the riches of the citie, till a time more for­tunate; then for the encountring of the present furie, to die themselues, and vtterly impouerish the citie. Verona sur­prized by Ni­cholo Picci­nino. Then the Rettore, and all other Venetians whatsoeuer, fled into the Fortresse of S. Felice. Which done, many of the chiefe Citizens came to Nicholo and to the Marquesse of Mantoua, beseeching, that it would please them, to take that citie with honour, as it was rich, rather then with their shame, to suffer it to be made poore and spoyled. And the rather, because they had neither deserued well of their chiefe Lords, nor in defence of the town merited any mallice of Nicholo or the Mar­quesse. Then were they, both by Nicholo & the Marquesse comforted, and (as much [Page 131] as in furie of the warre might possibly be) defended from the spoyle. Nicholo thin­king assuredly, that the Earle would come to recouer the Towne, laboured by eue­rie meane to get into his hands all the strong places; and those which hee could not get, with trenches and ditches were diuided from the Towne: to the end, that the enemie should passe in with more difficultie. The Earle Francesco was with his men at Tenna, and hearing those newes, at the first thought the same vntrue, but after be­ing better aduertised of the troth, thought good by speedie proceeding, to amend his former negligence. And albeit his chiefe Captaines of the Campe, did counsell him to leaue the enterprise of Verona and Brescia, and go to Vicenza, for not being be­sieged of the enemie during his aboad there; yet would hee not be perswaded by them, but in any wise trie his fortune to recouer that cittie: and in the midst of these doubtfull imaginations, promised the Proueditore of Venice, and Barnardo de Medici, the Florentine Generall, certeinly to recouer the citie, if any of the Fortresses did re­maine vntaken till he came thither. Then giuing order for his iourney, he with his souldiers in great haste marched towards Verona. Whom, Nicholo seeing, thought good, as he had bene counselled by his Captaines, to go to Vicenza. Yet finding that the enemies marched towards the Towne, directing their course to S. Felice, he de­termined to defend that Fort: but all too late, because the trenches about the Castle were not finished, and the souldiers (for couetousnesse of the spoyle) were diuided among themselues, so that he could not come thither soone inough. For the Earles souldiers had before approached the Fortresse, Verona reco­uered by the Earle Fran­cesco. and from thence with good successe and dishonour of Nicholo, recouered the citie. Who togither with the Marquesse of Mantoua fled first to the Cittadell, and from thence, to Mantoua. Where assembling the remaine of their saued souldiers, they ioyned with the others, that besieged Brescia. Thus was Verona in foure daies by the Dukes Army, both wonne and lost. The Earle after this victorie (being at that time winter, and the cold great) had with much difficultie victualled Brescia, and went to remain in Verona: giuing order, that certaine Gallies should tarry that winter at Torbali, to the end, that at the spring of the next yeare, he might be strong both by sea and land for the rescue of Brescia. The Duke seeing the warre for that time staied, and his hope to surprise Verona & Brescia remooued, wherof the Councell, and the money of the Florentines was the occasi­on, and that they could not be altered from the loue of the Venetians, for any iniurie they had receiued of them, nor for any promise he could make them; determined (to the end they should shortly reape fruite of those seedes they had sowne) to assault Toscana: being therto encouraged by the banished men of Florence, and by Nicholo. Nicholo was thereto moued with the desire he had to winne the possessions of Brac­cio, and driue the Earle out of La Marca. The Duke perswaded by Nicholo and the banished Florentines▪ to assault To­scana. And the Florentines desired to returne to their Country. So either of these, with reasons according to their owne desire, per­swaded the Duke. Nicholo tolde him, that himselfe might be sent into Toscana, and Brescia might neuerthelesse be still besieged; for the Duke was Lorde of the Lage, and had the strong places belonging to the Towne well furnished: the Captaines there remaining, and men inough to encounter the Earle whensoeuer he should at­tempt any other enterprise; which without the rescue of Brescia hee could not, and to rescue it, was impossible. So that he might make war in Toscana, and yet not leaue the enterprise in Lombardy. Hee told him moreouer, that the Florentines were enfor­ced so soone as he came into Toscana, to reuoke the Earle, or else lose it: so that if any of these two things came to passe, the victorie would follow. The banished men al­ledged, that if Nicholo with his Army did drawe neare to Florence, it was impossible but that the people (being wearie of charges, and the insolency of the great men) would take Armes against the Gouernours. They shewed also how easie it was to [Page 132] approach Florence, promising to make the way open through Casentino, by meanes of the friendship which Rinaldo had with that Earle. Thus the Duke, first disposed of himselfe, and after confirmed by perswasions of these men, resolued vpon this enter­prise. The Venetians on the other part, notwithstanding the bitternesse of the winter, failed not to call vpon the Earle with all his forces to succor Brescia. Which the Earle answered could not be in that time done, but of force it must tarrie the spring of the yeare: and in the mean time prepare an Army by water, so as both by water and land it might at time conuenient be releeued. Hereupon the Venetians became sorie and slow in all their prouisions, which was the cause that in their Army many people died. Of all these things the Florentines being aduertised, began to mistrust: seeing the warre at hand, and no great good done in Lombardy. The suspition also which they had of the Popes souldiers, did greatly perplex them: not because the Pope was their enemie, but for that they sawe those souldiers more obedient to the Patriarke, their mortall foe, more then to the Pope himselfe. Giouanni Vittelleschi Cornetano, was first Notarie Apostolicall, The Patriarke of Alessandria Generall for the Pope. after Bishop of Ricanati, then Patriark of Alessandria, and at length after all these dignities, become Cardinall, & was called the Cardinall of Flo­rence. This Cardinall being a man both couragious and craftie, & such a one, as was by the Pope so greatly beloued, as thereby he became Generall of all the forces be­longing to the Church: and was Captaine in all enterprises that the Pope tooke in hand, either in Toscana, Romagna, the Kingdome, or the Citie of Rome. Whereby he wonne such reputation among the people, and so great authoritie vnder the Pope, that the Pope himselfe stood in doubt how to commaund him, and the people did onely obey him, and no other. At such time as the newes came, that Nicholo would passe into Toscana, this Cardinall with his company happened to be at Rome: where­by the Florentines feare was doubled, because that Cardinall after the banishment of Rinaldo, had euer bene enemie to Florence: for that the pacification among the facti­ons of Florence made by his meanes, were not obserued, but all things done to the preiudice of Rinaldo, The Pa. friend to Rinaldo de Albizi. who had bene the occasion that Armes were laid down, which gaue his enemies good means to banish him. Then the Gouernors of the state, ima­gined the time come to restore Rinaldo of his losses, if with Nicholo (being come into Toscana) they ioyned their forces: but therof they doubted the more by the vntime­ly departure of Nicholo from Lombardy, who left there an enterprise halfe wonne, to begin an other more doubtfull: which he would not do, without some new intelli­gence, and secret subtiltie. Of this their mistrust they had enformed the Pope, who knew his owne errour in giuing to an other ouermuch authoritie. But when the Florentines stood thus doubtfull what to do, Fortune found then a meane, whereby to assure the Patriarke. That state, in those times mainteined diligent espials, to dis­couer what Letters were brought too and fro, and thereby conceiued, if any thing were practised to the preiudice thereof. It happened that at Monte Pulliciano, some Letters were taken, which the Patriarke without consent of the Pope, wrote vnto Nicholo Piccinino. Those Letters by the Generall of the warre, were presently sent vn­to the Pope; And although they were written in Carects vnused, so as no certaine sence could be made of them: yet this obscuritie, togither with the practise of the enemie, The pope see­keth to depose the Patriarke. bred so great suspition in the Pope, as he determined to assure himselfe. The charge of this action he committed to Antonio Rido of Padoua, being then Captaine of the Castle in Rome. Rido hauing receiued this Commission, was readie to obey the Popes commandement, aspecting an opportunitie to performe the same. The Patriarke being determined to goe into Toscana, and minding the next day to depart from Rome, desired the Captaine Rido to attend for him in the morning vpon the Ca­stle Bridge, at such time as hee should passe that way. Antonio Rido thought then a [Page 133] good occasion was presented: and gaue order to his men what to do, tarrying for the comming of the Patriarke, vppon the Bridge, which way of necessitie he must passe, hard by the Castle. So soone as hee was arriued vppon that part, which vsed to be drawne vp, Rido gaue his men a signe to drawe the Bridge and shut the Patri­arke into the Castle, which was performed. So as of a Generall to the Armie, the Patriarke was become a prisoner in the Castle. The people that followed him, at the first murmured, but vnderstanding the Popes pleasure, The Patriarke made prisoner pacified them­selues. The Captaine did comfort him with curteous wordes, and perswaded him to hope well. To whome the Patriarke aunswered, that great personages were not wont first to be apprehended, and after set at libertie. For those that deserue imprisonment, did not merite to bee enlarged, and so shortly after died in prison. After his death, the Pope appointed Generall of his Armie, Lodo­uico Patriarke of Aquilea. Who albeit before that time would not intermed­dle with the warre, betwixt the League and the Duke; yet was then content to take the same in hande: promising to be readie to defende Toscana with foure thousande Horse, and two thousande footemen. The Florentines deliuered of this feare, stood yet in doubt of Nicholo, and mistrusted the confusion of matters in Lombardy, by reason of the diuersitie of opinions betwixt the Venetians and the Earle. Wherefore, to bee more fullie aduertised, of their mindes, they sent Neri the sonne of Gino Capponi, and Guiliano de Auanzati, to Venice. Whom they gaue in Commission, to determine in what sorte the Warre shoulde bee made the next yeare following. Commaunding Neri, that so soone as hee vnderstoode the mindes and opinions of the Venetians, hee shoulde goe vnto the Earle, to knowe his; and perswade him to those thinges, which for the welfare of the League shoulde bee thought meete and necessarie. These Em­bassadours beeing in their iourney not so farre as Farrara, had intelligence, that Nicholo Piccinino with sixe thousande horse was passed the Po. Which newes mo­ued them to make the more speede. Being arriued at Venice, they found the Se­nate fully determined, that Brescia without any delaie should be rescued, because, that Cittie, could neither tarry vnreleeued till the next Spring, nor till the Nauie by water were prepared; but should be inforced for want of aide, to yeelde vnto the enemie: which would make the Duke victorious, and occasion the losse of all their state, vpon the firme land. Neri therefore went from thence to Verona, to heare what the Earle could alledge to the contrary. Who by many reasons declared, that for the present, it were no furtherance, but rather an impeachment of the enterprise to march towards Brescia. For, considering the season of the yeare, and the seate of the Cittie, no good could be done, but great disorder, and to the souldiers great trouble would follow thereof. So that, when the Spring should be come, and the season fit for the action, the Army must be enforced to returne to Verona, for prouisi­on of those things, which the winter had consumed. By reason whereof, all the time fit for warre, should be spent in going and returning. There was sent to Verona with the Earle for the consultation of these matters, Orsato Giustiniani, and Giouan Pisani. With these Commissioners after much disputation, it was concluded, Resolution of the League, against the Duke. that the Ve­netians should giue vnto the Earle for the next yeare to come, fourescore thousand Duckettes, and to euerie one of his souldiers, fortie. And that they should sol­licite the Earle to march with his whole Armie, and assault the Duke. To the ende, that hee, for feare of his owne countrey should be forced to reuoke Nicholo into Lombardy. After which conclusion, the Embassadours returned to Venice. Ni­cholo Piccinino in this meane space proceeded in his iourney, & was arriued at Roma­gna: where he perswaded so far with the sonnes of Pandolpho Malatesta, that they [Page 134] abandoned the Venetians, and ioyned with the Duke. These newes were displeasant to the Venetians, and much more displeasant to the Florentines, because they hoped by that way to haue resisted Nicholo. But seeing the Malatesti rebelled, they were thereat amazed, and the more, for the feare they had that Giampagolo Orsi­no, their Captaine, (who at that time was in the countrey of Malatesti) should be defeated, and they so disarmed. These occurrents also dismayed the Earle, fea­ring to lose La Marca, The speech of the Earle Frā ­cesco to the Senate of Ve­nice. if Nicholo passed into Toscana. And intending to goe vn­to the rescue of his owne, came first to Venice, where he declared vnto the Prince, that his comming into Toscana, was improfitable for the League. Because the warre was euer to be made, where the Armie and Generall of the enemie is, and not where their Townes are, or their priuate Garrisons. For if the Armie bee ouerthrowne the warre is ended: but though the Townes be wonne, and the Armie be left whole, the warres for the most part becommeth more liuely. Then hee enformed him, that La Marca and Toscana were lost, if good resistaunce were not made against Nicholo. Of which losse, Lombardy had no remedie. Or if it had, hee meaned not to abandon his owne subiects and friendes. For, be­ing come a Lorde into Lombardy, hee would not depart thence, as a priuate Cap­taine. The Veneti­ans answer to the Earle. Heereunto the Prince aunswered, it was a thing most manifest, that if he did goe from Lombardy, and with his Armie repasse the Po, that all their state vp­pon the firme land, should be lost, and that they would not spend any more vpon the defence therof. For it were follie, to defend a thing, which by no meane could be holden. And lesse dishonour it were to lose the countries onely, then to lose the country and their money also. But if it should so fall out, that these things were lost, it should thereby appeare how greatly it stood the Venetians vppon, to defende Toscana and Romagna. They were therefore altogither contrarie to his opinion, for they beleeued that whosoeuer were victorious in Lombardy, could also haue victorie in all other places. And it was easie to haue the victorie, because the Duke and his country was become weake by the departure of Nicholo: so as hee might be oppressed, before that either hee could reuoke Nicholo, or be prouided of other re­medie. Moreouer, who so wisely considereth all things, should see, that the Duke had sent Nicholo into Toscana, to no other end, then to remooue the Earle from those enterprises, & make that war in other places, which hee now had at home. So that in pursuing him (if before hee found no extreame necessitie) hee should execute that which he had in hand, and be owner of his intent. But if the men of warre were still imployed both in Lombardy and in Toscana, howsoeuer it came to passe, hee should ouerlate finde his ouersight, and in time see that without remedie hee had loste Lombardy, and gained nothing in Toscana. Thus euerie one hauing said and replied according to his opinion, Resolution of the Venetians with the Earle Francesco. it was concluded, that a staie for a fewe dayes should be made, to see what effect the agreement betwixt the Malatesti and Nicholo would bring foorth: and whether the Florentines could imploy Giampagolo: and whe­ther the Pope did faithfully deale with the League, as hee had promised. This conclusion made, shortly after they were aduertised, that the Malatesti had con­descended to the agreement, rather for feare, then any euill intent: and that Pietro Giampagolo with his souldiers, were marched towardes Toscana, and the Pope was more willing to aide the League, then before time hee had bene. These aduertisements satisfied the Earles minde. So as he became contented that him­selfe might remaine in Lombardy: and Nery Capponi shoulde returne to Florence, with a thousande of his Horse, and fiue hundreth others And if it did so fall out in Toscana, that the presence of the Earle were there needfull and neces­sarie, that then hee shoulde wryte vnto him, and the Earle (without anie [Page 135] respect) be dispatched thither. Neri with his forces arriued at Florence, in the moneth of Aprill. And the same day, Giampagolo came thither. In the meane time Nicholo Pic­cinino hauing setled all things in Romagna, determined to come into Toscana, and de­siring to passe by the Alpes of S. Benedetto, and the Vale of Montone, found those places by the vertue of Nicholo de Pisa, so well defended, that hee thought all his power too little. Moreouer, because the Florentines were not well furnished ei­ther of Captaines or souldiers, for this suddeine assault, they had sent diuerse Ci­tizens to the passages of those Alpes, with footemen leuied in haste, for that purpose. Amongst whome was Bartholomeo Orlandini: and to him was appointed the keeping of the Castle of Marradi, with the passage of those Alpes. Nicholo Piccinino supposing hee could not goe by S. Benedetto for the vertue of him that defended that way, yet thought hee it easie to passe by the other which Bartho­lomeo kept: perswaded thereto by the cowardice of that Captaine. Marradi is a Castle built at the foote of those Alpes, which diuide Toscana from Romagna. But on that side which is towardes Romagna, in the beginning of the Vale of Lamona, although it bee without walles, yet the Riuer, the Mountaine, and the inhabi­taunts of the countrey doo make it strong. For the men be warlike and faithfull. The Riuer hath also worne into the lande, and made so deepe caues and places, as it is impossible to approach it by that Vale, so long as one little Bridge bee defen­ded. And on that side towardes the Mountaines, the shoare is so steepe as maketh it most assured. Notwithstanding, the cowardice of Bartholomeo was such, as made those people become base minded, and the seate to seeme of no force at all. For so soone as the noyse of the enemie was heard, hee abandoned his charge, and with his souldiers fledde away, neuer staying till hee came to Borgo S. Lorenzo. Ni­cholo entered into the places abandoned, much maruelling that they were not better defended. And being glad of that hee had gotten, came downe into Mu­gello, where hee surprized some Castles; and at Puliciano hee lodged his Campe. From thence hee spoyled all the Countrey, to the Mountaines of Fiesole. Hee was also so bolde, as hee doubted not to passe the Riuer of Arno, forraging and spoyling euerie place within three myles of the Cittie of Florence. The Florentines on the other side were not dismayed, but before all other thinges setled the go­uernment. Whereof they could not much doubt, as well for the good will the people bare vnto Cosimo; as because the chiefe Offices, were reduced into the handes of a fewe mightie Cittizens, who with their seueritie handled the mat­ter so, that they assured themselues of euerie man, that shewed themselues discon­tented, or desirous of Innouasion. They knewe also by the contract made in Lombardy, with what Forces Neri returned, and they looked also for other soul­diers, to come from the Pope, which till the comming of Neri, made them hope well. But Neri finding the Cittie in these disorders, and feares, deter­mined to goe into the field, somewhat to bridle the furie of Nicholo, that hee should not so much at his pleasure spoyle the countrey. Then making a band of certaine footemen, the people with all the horses they had went out, and re­couered Remole, which the enemies had taken. There they encamped themselues, empeaching Nicholo to proceed in his spoyle, and gaue hope to the Cittizens to van­quish the enemie. Nicholo seeing that the enemies hauing lost their souldiers, moo­ued not: and vnderstanding also, with what securitie they liued in that citie, deter­mined not to lose time, but enterprise some other thinges. To the ende that the Florentines might haue occasion to sende out their Forces and fight with him. And if the victorie prooued his, then hee hoped that all other matters should prosperously follow. In the Campe of Nicholo, Francesco Earle of Poppi happened [Page 136] to be. He in that time (that the enemies were in Mugello) rebelled from the Floren­tines, The Earle of Poppi rebel­led from the Florentines. with whom he had bene before in League. And albeit the Florentines be­fore mistrusted that hee would so doo, yet thought they to haue bounde him with benefites, and to that ende encreased his entertainment, and made him Gouernour ouer all their Townes neare vnto him. All which notwithstanding (so great strength had the loue which hee bare to the contrarie faction) that no benefite nor no feare, could force him to forget, the affection hee bare to Rinal­do, and the others that gouerned in times past. In so much, as when hee vnder­stood that Nicholo drewe neare, suddeinly hee ioyned with him, and perswaded him with all earnestie to goe from the Cittie, and passe into Casentino: shewing him the strength of that countrey, and with what securitie, he might from thence distresse the enemie. Nicholo was well content to be aduised by his counsell, and come into Casentino, surprized Romana and Bibiena, and after lodged his Campe at the Castle S. Nicholo. This Castle is seated at the foote of those mountaines which diuide Casentino from the Vale of Arno, and by reason the seate there­of is high, and the place well manned, the taking thereof prooued hard: not­withstanding that Nicholo did with his Artillarie continually make the batterie. This siege had continued more then twentie dayes. In which time, the Flo­rentines assembled their Forces at Figghini, to the number of foure thousande horse; vnder the conduct of Pietro Giampagolo, the Generall, Neri Caponi, and Barnardo de Medici Commissaries. To them foure Messengers were sent from the Castle of Saint Nicholo to desire their aide. Those Commissaries hauing considered the seate of that place, founde they could not rescue it anie other way, then by the Alpes, which come from the Vale of Arno, and the tops of them might be possessed by the enemie, before they could come thither, as well for that they were nearer, as that they could not goe vnknowne. So as, they should attempt a thing to no purpose, and hazard the ruine of their soul­diers. Thereuppon the Captaines commending their fidelitie, commaunded them, that if they were not able anie longer to defende themselues, that then they should yeelde. Thus Nicholo preuailed in that enterprise, and possessed this Castle in the ende of thirtie two dayes, after hee and his Campe had besieged it. And for so great a losse of time, obteyned this small victorie, which was the greatest occasion whereby a greater enterprise was not performed. For if hee had still continued with his Campe before Florence, he had forced those that gouerned, to leuie money amongst the Cittizens, prepare Forces, and make eue­rie other prouision, with more difficultie, the enemie being so neare at hand, manie of the Cittizens would also haue bene desirous of peace, to assure them­selues from Nicholo, Nicholo euill counselled by the Earle of Poppi. seeing the warre likely to continue. But the desire which the Earle of Poppi had to bee reuenged of some Captaines of Castles, who had beene long his enemies, did leade him to giue that counsaile: And Nicholo for his satisfaction, followed the same; which was the destruction both of the one and the other. Whereof may be conceiued, that for the moste part, the par­ticuler passions of men, doo hinder the publique commoditie. Nicholo follow­ing the victorie, surprized Rassina and Chiusi. In these places, the Earle of Pop­pi, perswaded him to tarrie, declaring that hee might disperse his Forces into Chiusi, Caprese, & Pieue: by that meanes to become Lord of the mountaines, and at his pleasure descende from thence, into Casentino, into the Vale of Arno, to the Vale of Chiana, and the Vale of Teueri, and bee also readie, so aun­swere to anye motion whatsoeuer, that the Enemie coulde make. But Ni­cholo considering the barreinnesse of those places, aunswered, that his Horses, [Page 137] did not eate stones, and so went to the Borgo of S. Sepulchro, where he was friendly receiued. From thence hee practised to winne the fauoure of the inhabitants, of the Cittie called Castello: who being friendes to the Florentines, refused him. Al­so desiring to haue the Perugini at his deuotion, hee went with fortie horse vn­to Perugia: and was receiued (being there a Cittizen borne) verie louingly, yet within fewe dayes after hee became suspected. For albeit both with the Gouer­nour and the Cittizens, hee practised manie things, yet nothing was brought to passe. But receiuing of them eight thousand Duckets he returned to the Camp. Then hee deuised how to take Cortona from the Florentines, Practise to surprise Cor­tona. which beeing disco­uered before the time of execution, that deuise came not to effect. Among the chiefe Cittizens of that Towne, was Bartholomeo di Senso, who one euening go­ing by commaundement of the Captaine to take the Guard of one of the gates, was by a Countrey man his friende, aduised not to goe thither, vnlesse hee were content there to be slaine. Bartholomeo desirous to vnderstand the bottome of that matter, founde there were some practise made with Nicholo: which Bartholomeo by authoritie of the Captaine reuealed, and made sure the chiefe of the conspi­racie. Then doubling the Guarde of the Gate, tarried there till Nicholo did come. Who at his arriuall, vnderstanding the matter was discouered, retur­ned to his Camp. During that thinges were in Toscana thus handled, and that the Dukes souldiers had gained little: Lombardy grewe vnquiet, with losse and disaduanntage of the Duke. Because the Earle Francesco, so soone as the sea­son of the yeare suffered, came foorth with his Armie to the field, and for that the Venetians had supplied their Forces vppon the Lake, the Earle thought good first to make himselfe Lorde of the Water, and then driue the Duke from the Lake: (which done) all other thinges would be easily brought to passe. Then with the Nauie of the Venetians, he assaulted the Dukes Gallies, and had the vic­torie. Hee also tooke those Castles which were holden of the Duke. In so much, as the Dukes other souldiers who besieged Brescia by lande, vnderstan­ding this ouerthrowe, retyred. In this sorte was Brescia after three yeares siege deliuered. This victorie had, the Earle marched towardes his enemies, The siere of Brescia remo­ued. who were come to Soncino, a Castle vppon the Riuer of Ogglio, where hee dislod­ged them, and forced them remooue to Cremona. There the Duke made head, and on that side defended his Countries. But the Earle day by day drawing nearer, and the Duke fearing to lose either all or part of his Countrey, founde how vnaduisedly hee had done to sende Nicholo into Toscana. And to amende that errour hee wrote vnto Nicholo in what tearmes hee stood: praying him, with what speed he possiblie might, to leaue Toscana, and returne into Lombardy. The Florentines in this meane space, by order of their Generalles, had ioyned their souldiers with the Popes Forces, and made head at Anghiari, a Castle at the foote of the mountains, which diuided the Vale of Teuere, from the Vale of Chiana, foure myles from S. Sepulchro, where the fieldes be large to receiue Horse men, and fit for all actions of warre. And because they had intelligence of the Earles victorie, and the reuocation of Nicholo, they thought that without the sword, or more labour, the warre was ended. Therefore wrote vnto their Generals not to fight, for that Nicholo could not manie dayes remaine in Toscana. This Commission became knowne to Nicholo, who seeing that of necessitie hee must depart: to leaue nothing vnattempted, hee determined to fight, supposing to finde the enemie altogither vnprouided, and not looking for anye Battayle at all. Whereunto hee was also animated and encouraged by Rinaldo, the Earle of Poppi, and diuerse other banished men of Florence, who knewe theyr [Page 138] owne destruction to be certaine, if Nicholo did remoue thence: but by fighting they hoped either to winne the victorie, or lose it with honor. This resolution made, the Army marched from the place where it was, till it came betweene the Cities of Ca­stello and Borgo, and being come to Borgo, before that the enemies knew thereof, le­uied from the Towne two thousand men, who trusting to the vertue of the Cap­taine and his promises, being desirous of spoyle, followed him. Then Nicholo with his Army, marched in Battle-wise towards Anghiari, & was within two miles of the enemie or lesse, when by Micheletto Attendulo was seene a great dust, who knowing the enemies to be there, warned euerie man to prepare himselfe. The noyse in the Florentine Campe was great; because that Army encamped for the most part with­out Discipline, and supposed the enemie to be far off, so all the Florentines were more readie to flie then fight. For euery man was far from his own lodging, and disarmed, either to refresh himselfe in that hotte season, or to take some other delight. Yet so great was the diligence of the Gouernours and the Captaine, that before the ene­mies approached, The battle of Anghiari. they were on horsebacke, and prepared to resist the charge. And as Micheletto was the first to discouer the enemies, so was he also the first that char­ged them, and with his souldiers made speede to winne the Bridge which crosseth the way not farre from Anghiari. And because before the comming of the ene­mie, Pietro Giampagolo had caused the ditches to be cast downe, which are on either side the waie: Micheletto standing against the Bridge, Simoncino the Popes Co­ronell, togither with the Legate, staied on the right hand, and on the left hand stood the Commissaries for Florence, and the foote men placed along the Riuer. Then had the enemie no other way open whereby hee might charge, but by the Bridge. Neither had the Florentines to fight but onely vppon the Bridge, sauing that they commaunded their footemen, that if the footemen of the ene­mie did goe towardes the men of Armes; that then they with their Crosse­bowes should charge them: to the ende that the Florentine horsemen in passing the Bridge, should not bee hurt on the side. So that they that gaue the first charge were by Micheletto brauely resisted: but afterwardes Astore and Fran­cesco Piccinino with their choyse bandes, so furiously charged Micheletto, as they tooke from him the Bridge, and draue him to the foote of the hill, which lea­deth vp to Anghiari. After that they were put backe by him, and forced to retyre beyonde the Bridge, and hee also charged them vppon the side. This fight continued two houres, for sometime Nicholo, and sometimes the Floren­tines, were Lordes of the Bridge. And although vppon the Bridge they were of equall force, yet both on that, and this side of the Bridge, Nicholo fought with great disaduantage. Because when the souldiers of Nicholo had passed the Bridge, they founde the enemies strong vppon that straight, and could not with like ad­uantage be charged: and those that were wearie, might easily be, by fresh men supplied. But when the Florentines happened to passe, Nicholo could not so com­modiously releeue his wearied men, beeing straightned and holden in, with ditches and trenches: So as, though manie times Nicholo had wonne the Bridge, yet by the supplie of fresh enemies, hee was euer driuen backe. But when the Bridge was by the Florentines assuredly wonne, and that their forces were entered into the waie, Nicholo wanted time, through the furie of the enemie, and the incommoditie of the place, to supplie his souldiers. For they of the Vangarde were forced to mixt themselues, with the Rearewarde: and so the one disordering the other, all the whole Armye was forced to flie, and eue­rie man without anie respect ranne towardes the Towne. Nicholo Pic­cintino defea­ted. Then the Floren­tine souldiers beganne to spoyle: which spoyle of prisoners, armour, and horses, [Page 139] was great. For with Nicholo there was not saued aboue one thousand horses. They of the Borgo, who in hope of spoyle had followed Nicholo, were of spoilers, be­come a spoyle, bicause they were all taken and put to ransome. Their ensignes and carriages were lost, and the victorie was much more profitable for Toscana, then preiudiciall for the Duke. For if the Florentines had lost the battell, Toscana had bene his, but he losing the battell, lost no other thing but the armour and horses of his Army, which with plentie of money might be recouered. Neither could any warre be made in the countrey of another lesse dangerous, then was the warre of those dayes. For in so great an ouerthrow, and so long a fight (which continued from twentie to foure and twentie of the clock) more were not slaine then one man, and he also not hurt by the vertue of any other, but being falne from his horse, was trodden vpon with horses, and so died: with so great securitie men fought in that age. The reason thereof is, that for the most part the souldiers fought on horse­back, and couered with armour, they were defended from death till they yeelded. And therefore finding thēselues able to fight, they so did, and being not longer able, they yeelded. This conflict (for matters which happened both in and after the fight) was a signe of the great vnhappines of those warres, bicause the enemies be­ing vanquished, and Nicholo returned into Borgo, the Gouernours of the Florentines would haue followed, and besieged him there to haue the victorie sullie. But some souldiers, and some Captaines also, refused to obey them, saying they would first carrie away the spoile, and cure the hurt men. Also (a thing more notable) the next day at high noone, VVant of dis­cipline in the Florentines Campe. without leaue or respect either of the Gouernours or of the Ge­nerall, the souldiers went vnto Arezzo, and there bestowed their spoile (which done) they returned to Anghiari. A thing so much against all order Militarie and Discipline of warre, that the remaine of any Army well ordered, might and would easily and deseruingly haue recouered that victorie, which the Florentines vndeser­uedly had gotten. Besides this, the Gouernours commaunding that all souldiers taken, should be stayed, to the end, that the enemy might not grow and sodeinly re­couer strength, yet were they presently deliuered. All which things are greatly to be meruailed at. First, how in such an Army, there should be vertue sufficient to win victorie: And then, how there could be in any enemy so little value, as would be of so disordered a people oppressed. But while the Florentines went, and returned from Arezzo, Nicholo gained time to go with his souldiers from Borgo, and marched towards Romagna, with whome also fled the Florentine Rebels, who seeing all hope failed for their returne to Florence, they deuided themselues, and euery man tooke his owne way, some remaining in Italy, and some without, as they could find meane to bestow themselues. Of which number was Rinaldo, who made his habitation at Ancona: from whence (the rather to gaine himselfe a celestiall countrey) hauing lost his dwelling vpon earth, he went vnto the Sepulchre of Christ, and being re­turned home, at the marriage of one of his daughters sitting at the table, The death of Rinaldo de A [...]b [...]zi. sodeinly died: wherein fortune did fauour him, that in the day of his last sorrow she called him away. A man in euery fortune honourable, and would haue bene much more honourable, had he bene borne in a Cittie vndeuided. Bicause many times those his vertues which in a factious Cittie did hinder him, in a Cittie vnited would haue aduanced him. The Commissaries then seeing the souldiers returned from Arezzo, and Nicholo departed, presented themselues before Borgo. The Borghesi offered to yeeld to the Florentines, but they refused to receiue them. And in compounding this agreement, the Popes Legat grew suspitious of the Commissaries, fearing they intended to take that Towne from the Church: in so much, as they grew to words of offence, and some disorder would haue followed betwixt the Florentine and the [Page 140] Popes souldiers, if the matter had bene more spoken of. But bicause euery thing passed according to the Legats desire, all anger was pacified. While this assault of Borgo continued, aduertisements were giuen, that Nicholo Piccinino was gone to­wards Rome, and (as others said) towards La Marca. Whereupon the Legat, and the rest thought good to marche towards Perugia, to succour La Marca or Rome, if Ni­cholo directed his course to any of them. Barnardo de Medici followed, and Neri with the Florentines marched to surprize Casentino. This resolution made, Neri incamped before Russina, and surprized it with the like furie, that he had taken Bihiena, Prato, Vecchio, Poppi be­sieged. and Romena. From thence, he went to Poppi, and there lodged the Army, de­uiding it into two parts, the one vpon the plaine of Certomondo, the other vpon the hill that reacheth to Fronzoli. The Earle seeing himselfe both of God and men a­bandoned, shut himselfe vp in Poppi, not hoping of any aide, but the rather to pro­cure a composition least to his disaduantage. Neri there besieging him, was desired to accept composition. The conditions whereof were such, as thereby he might hope to saue himselfe, his children and goods portable, yeelding the Towne and his state to the Florentines. When these capitulations were in making, the Earle came downe to the bridge of Arno, which passeth by the towne, and there with great sorrow spake thus. The speech of the Earle of Poppi to the Floren­tines com­missaries. If I had well measured my fortune with your power, I should now haue come as a friend to reioyce at your victorie, and not as an enemy, intreate you, that my miserie might be pittied. This present chance, as it is to you honorable, and pleasant, so is the same to me lamentable and grieuous. I was owner of weapon, horses, subiects and riches, who can therefore meruaile though with griefe of mind I leaue them? If you will, and can command all Toscana, of necessitie we must all obey you: and if I had not committed this errour, neither should my fortune haue bene knowne, nor your liberalitie appeared. For if at this time you fa­uour me, you shall thereby giue to the world a testimonie of your mercie. Let therefore the vertue of your compassion, exceed the greatnes of mine offence: and be pleased that at the least this onely house may descend to those, of whome your auncestors haue receiued benefits. The Earle answered by N. Capponi. To whome Neri answered, that as he had hoped ouermuch in those that could do little, so had he thereby in such sort offended the state of Florence, as his fault ioyned with the conditions of the present time, must of necessitie take from him all his wealth, and be inforced to abandon that countrey, as enemy to the Florentines, which as their friend he would not possesse. For he had made so euill a triall of himselfe, as he might not in any wise be suffered to remaine there, where at euery change of fortune he might be readie to offend the Florentine common wealth, for it was not him, but his countrey whome they feared. But if he were pleased to repaire into Germany, he might there remaine a Prince, sith those Citties did desire him, and the Florentines for the loue of those his auncestors whom he alledged, would be also therewith contented. Hereto the Earle in great collor re­plied, saying, that he would see the Florentines a great way further from him. So lea­uing all friendly communication, the poore Earle despairing of other remedie, yeel­ded his Towne to the Florentines. That done, taking his goods, his wife, and chil­dren, departed, weeping and lamenting for the losse of that Countrey, which his auncestors by the space of 900. yeares had possessed. These victories being known in Florence, were by the Gouernours of that State and the people with meruailous ioy receiued, and bicause that Barnardo de Medici knewe that Nicholo was to no pur­pose marched towards La Marca or Rome, he and his souldiers returned to Neri, and frō thence they went togither to Florence, where they were welcomed with all the greatest honors that by order of that Cittie might be giuen to victorious Cittizens. And were in triumphant wise saluted by the Senators, the Captaines, and the whole Cittie.

IT hath bene, and by good reason ought to be the intent of all those that make warre, to inrich themselues, and impouerish their ene­mie. Neither is victorie for other occasion sought, nor the posses­sions of the enemy to other end desired, then thereby to make thy selfe mightie, and thy aduersarie weake. It followeth therefore, that so oft as thy victorie doth impouerish thee, or thy gaines do weaken thee, either thou passe or come short of the marke, where­unto the warre is directed. That Prince, and that State, is by the victories of warre inriched, which extirpeth the enemies, and becommeth Lord of the spoiles, and ransomes. And that Prince or Common-weale is impouerished, who cannot (though he be victorious) extirpate the enemy, or hath not to his owne vse, the spoiles and ransomes, but leaueth them to his souldiers. Such a Prince in his losses is vnhappie, and in his victories most infortunate, bicause in losing he suffereth all iniuries which the enemy can do him, and in winning, must abide the offences of friends: which as they are lesse reasonable, so are they also lesse tollerable, seeing that by impositions, and new exactions, he is againe to burden his owne subiects. That Prince then, in whome is any generositie of minde, cannot reioyce at such a victorie whereat all his subiects be constrained to lament. The auncient and well ordered Common weales were wont by conquests to fill their Treasuries with gold and siluer, to giue rewards to the people, to forgiue tributes, and to make triumphs and publique feastings. But the States of whome we write, first emptied their treasure houses, and after impouerished the people, without assuring them­selues of their enemies. All which grew by their disorderly proceeding in the warres. For when they tooke any prisoners, not holding them nor slaying them, the reuenge was no longer deferred, then the leaders of the enemy were furnished anew with horse and weapon. Besides that, the spoyles and raunsoms being giuen to the souldiers, the Princes victorious could not imploy the same in the next warre, but were forced to draw their prouision from the bowels of their owne people. Neither did that victorie bring foorth other benefite, then make the Prince gree­die, and with lesse respect to burthen them. For the souldiers had brought the warre to such a passe (as both the victorious and the victored, if they would com­maund their owne men) had like need of money, bicause the one was to arme them a new, the other to reward them. And as they vnmounted could not fight, so these without new rewards, would not. Whereby it followed, that the one inioyed not much of the victorie, the other felt little of the losse, seeing the victored was speedily repaired, and the victorious could not in time pursue the victorie. This disorder, and this peruerse proceeding in warre, caused that Nicholo Piccinino was [Page 142] againe set on horseback, before his ouerthrow was knowne through all Italy, and made after greater warre then before he had done. This was the cause, that after the discomfit at Tenna, he could surprize Verona. This was the cause, that after the slaughter of his souldiers at Verona, he could recouer a greater Army, and come into Toscana. This was the cause, that being ouerthrowne at Anghiari, before he arriued in Romagna, he was more mightie in the field, then before he had bene: and might thereby put the Duke of Milan in hope to defend Lombardy, which by his absence was supposed to be welneare lost. For when Nicholo had filled Lombardy with troubles, the Duke was brought to such passe, as he began to doubt of his owne estate. And fearing his ruine might follow before the comming of Nicholo, (for whome he had sent) to bridle the Earles furie, and with industrie to temper for­tune, (which with force he could not) he resorted to those remedies which in like cases had before time helped him. The Duke de­sireth peace. He therefore sent Nicholo da Este Prince of Far­rara vnto Pischiera (where the Earle was) to practice a peace, and perswade that warre not to be for his aduantage. Bicause, if the Duke were brought to that weake­nesse, that he could not mainteine his owne reputation, he should be the rather e­steemed. And for more assurance that indeed he desired peace, he offered him con­clusion of the marriage, and would send his daughter to Farrara, she promising (the peace made) to yeeld her selfe into his hands. The Earle answered, that if the Duke did faithfullie desire peace, with ease he might finde it; as a thing both by the Florentines and Venetians wished for. Yet did he mistrust the same much, knowing that before time, he had neuer made peace, but for necessitie, which being passed, he would alwaies returne to his old minde, and make warre. Neither could he be­leeue, that the Duke intended the marriage, hauing bene before at his hand so many times mocked: Notwithstanding, if the peace were concluded, he would after deale in the marriage as by friends he should be aduised. The Venetians who with­out reason were suspitious of their owne souldiers, The Venetiās mistrust the Earle Fran­cesco their Generall. of those entertainements reaso­nablie conceiued mistrust. Which the Earle being carefull to remoue, followed the warre with greater furie. Notwithstanding, his mind was stil so tempered with am­bition, and the Venetians were so infected with suspition, as the rest of that sommer was passed without any enterprise of importance. In so much as Nicholo Piccinino being returned into Lombardy, and the winter begun, all the souldiers repaired to their lodgings: the Earle to Verona, the Duke to Cremona, the Florentines to Toscana, and the Popes forces to Romagna. After the victorie at Anghiari, they assaulted Furli, and Bologna, with intent to take them from Francesco Piccinino, who in the name of his father kept them. But that enterprise tooke none effect, yet their com­ming thither did so much terrifie the people of Rauenna, that with the consent of Ostacio di Polenta, they abandoned the Pope, and yeelded their obedience to the Ve­netians, who in recompence of the towne (and to the end that Ostacio should neuer recouer that from them by force, Ingratitude of the Vene­tians. which for want of wit he had giuen them) sent him and his sonne to die in Candia. In which enterprises, notwithstanding the victo­rie of Anghiari, the Pope wanting money, sould the Castell of Borgo Saint Sepulcro for twentie fiue thousand Florins. In this estate all things being, in respect of the winter, euery man supposed himselfe in safetie, and therefore of peace thought not at all: chiefely the Duke, held himselfe by Nicholo, and the winter season assured. For that consideration, the parle of peace with the Earle was broken, and Nicholo with all diligence was set on horseback, with euery other furniture for a future warre necessarie. Hereof the Earle being aduertised, went vnto Venice, to consult with the Senators what was to be done the yeare following. Nicholo on the other side was readie, and seeing the enemy vnprepared, tarried not for the Spring, but in [Page 143] the depth of winter passed Adda, and entred Bresciano, possessing himselfe of all that Countrey (Adula and Acri excepted) and there spoyling and taking prisoners two thousand of the Dukes horses, who vnwares were there assaulted. But that which more displeased the Earle and Venetians, was, the reuolt of Ciarpellone, one of his chiefe Captaines. The Earle receiuing these newes, went sodeinly from Venice, and being arriued at Brescia, found that Nicholo had done those displeasures, and was re­turned to his lodging, so as he thought not good to kindle the warre againe, being in that sort quenched. And sith the enemy and time did giue opportunitie, thought good to prepare himselfe, hoping the rather with the new yeare to be reuenged of old iniuries. He therefore procured that the Venetians should call back their forces, which serued the Florentines in Toscana: and commaunded, that the place of Gatta­melata being dead, should by Micheletto be supplied. The Spring being come, Micheletto Generall for the League. Nicho­lo Piccinino was the first that marched to the field, and besieged Cignano, a Castle distant from Brescia twelue miles. To the rescue whereof came the Earle, and be­twixt these two Captaines, according to their custome the warre was made. The Earle standing in doubt of Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, which Castle being easily wonne, the succour of Bergamo could not be hard. That Cittie being by Nicholo greatly distressed, and hauing prouided so, as it could not receiue harme, but by the way of Martinengo, they manned it so fully, as behoued the Earle to goe vnto the siege thereof with all forces. Whereupon Nicholo with his whole Army placed himselfe where he might impeach the Earle of his victuall, and was with trenches and bulwarks so fortified, as the Earle without his apparant danger could not assault him, and brought the matter to that passe, that the besieger was in more perill then the people of Martinengo who were besieged; in so much as the Earle for want of victuall, could neither continue the siege, nor for the peril he was in, depart thence. Thus the Dukes victorie was thought assured, and the Venetians and Earles ouer­throw seemed apparant. But fortune, (who neuer faileth of meane, to fauour her friends, and disfauour her foes) made Nicholo Piccinino with hope of this victorie to become so ambitious and insolent, as without respect to the Duke (and himselfe al­so) by a messenger signified vnto him, A proude re­quest of Ni­cholo. that he had long time serued vnder his en­signe, and yet had not gained so much land as he could therein burie himselfe: and was therefore desirous to know wherewith his seruice should be rewarded, sith now it was in his power to make him Lord of Lombardy, and oppresse all his ene­mies. And to the end that of certaine victorie he might aspect a certaine recom­pence, desired to haue of his gift the Cittie of Piacenza, where being wearie of long trauell, he might sometimes repose himselfe: and in conclusion somewhat threat­ned to abandon the enterprise, if the Duke refused to satisfie his demaund. This presumptuous and insolent sute, so highly offended the Duke, as he made choise rather to lose the victorie, then consent thereunto. And that which so many dangers and threatnings of enemies could not compasse, the insolent behauiour of friends brought to passe, and the Duke resolued to make a peace with the Earle. Peace be­tweene the League and Duke, and his daughter married to the Harle Francesco. To whome he sent Antonio Guidobuono of Tortona, and by him offered his daughter with the conditions of peace: which offer, was by the Earle, and all his Collegats greedily accepted, and the particularities betwixt them secretly concluded. The Duke then sent vnto Nicholo, willing him to take a truce with the Earle for one yeare, alleaging he had bene so sore burthened with charges, as he could not refuse a certaine peace for a doubtfull victorie. Nicholo meruailed much at this resolution, as one that knew not what might moue the Duke to shunne a victorie so certaine: and could not beleeue that for want of good will to reward friends, he would saue his ene­mies. Wherefore in the best manner he could, opposed himselfe to this determina­tion. [Page 144] In so much as the Duke was constrained to threaten him, that if he were not conformable, he would giue him either as a prisoner to the enemy, or as a spoile to his owne souldiers. Then Nicholo obeied, but with no other minde, then he that by force abandoneth his friends and countrey: complaining his hap to be hard, sith sometimes fortune, and sometimes the Duke, had taken from him the victorie ouer his enemies. This peace made, the marriage betwixt the Ladie Bianca and the Earle, was solemnized, and to her was allotted for dowrie the Cittie of Cremona. Which done, the peace was ratified in Nouember, the yeare 1441. where, for the Venetians, Francesco Barbarigo, and Pagolo Trono, and for the Florentines, Agnolo Acciai­uolo, were Commissioners. In this contract, the Venetians gained Peschiera, Asola, and Lonato, a Castle belonging to the Marquesse of Mantoua. The warre thus stayed in Lombardy, it remained to take order for the troubles in the kingdome, which not being pacified, would be an occasion to renew the warres in Lombardy. The King Rinato during the warres in Lombardy, had bene spoiled by Alfonso of Arragon of all his Kingdome, saue only the Cittie of Naples, so that Alfonso thinking to haue victo­rie in his owne hand, determined during the siege of Naples, to take from the Earle Beneuento; and other his Countreys thereabouts: for he thought the same without perill might be done by the Earles absence, and his imployment in the warres of Lombardy. The warre betweene King Rinato and Alfonso reuiued. This enterprise was by Alfonso easily performed, and with small trauell he surprized all those Townes. But the newes of the peace in Lombardy being come, Alfonso feared that the Earle, the rather for that his townes were taken from him, would ioyne with Rinato, and Rinato hoped for the same occasion that he would so do. Rinato then sent vnto the Earle, desiring him to come to the aide of his friend, and the reuenge of his enemy. On the other side, Alfonso intreated Philippo, that for the good will betwixt them, he would cause the Earle to be so much set a worke, as to attend greater matters, he might be inforded to let this alone. Philippo graunted this request, not thinking what disturbed that peace, which he, not long since, had made to his disaduantage. Then he gaue the Pope Eugenio to vnderstand, that the time was now come, to recouer those Townes which the Earle had taken from the Church. And for performance of that enterprise, he offered him Nicholo Piccinino paid, so long as the warres continued. For (the peace now made) he remained with his souldiers in Romagna. Eugenio greedily entertained this counsell, aswell for the displeasure he bare to the Earle, as the desire he had to recouer his owne. And though before time, he had bene with the same hope by Nicholo deceiued, yet now the Duke vndertaking the action, he mistrusted no more deceipt, but presently ioy­ned his forces with Nicholo, and assaulted La Marca. The Earle being so sodeinly set vpon, ordered his souldiers, and marched towards the enemy. In this meane while, the King Alfonso wonne Naples, The Cittie of Naples wonne by Alfonso. whereby all that Kingdome (excepting Castle Nu­ouo) was at his deuotion. Then Rinato leauing that Castle well guarded, went from thence to Florence, where he was most honourably receiued, and there remaining a few dayes, finding he could not make warre any longer, went vnto Marsilia. Alfon­so in the meane while had taken the Castle Nuouo, and the Earle remained in La Marca, in strength inferiour to the Pope and Nicholo, and therefore prayed the Venetians and Florentines to aide him with men and money. Letting them to vnder­stand, it was necessarie to bridle the Pope and the King, during the time he was able: for otherwise they were to looke for little good, seeing the Pope and King would ioyne themselues with Philippo, and diuide all Italy betwixt them. The Flo­rentines and Venetians for a time stood doubtfull what to do, aswell bicause they knew not whether it were their best to be enemies to the Pope and King, as for that they were occupied with the matters of Bologna. Anibale Bentiuogli had driuen out [Page 145] of that Cittie Francesco Piccinino. And the rather to defend the same from the Duke, (who fauoured Francesco) he sent for aide to the Florentines and Venetians, and they did not denie him: so as being occupied in these matters, they could not resolue to assist the Earle. But Annibale hauing ouerthrowne Francesco Piccinino, and those matters setled, the Florentines determined to aide the Earle: yet first to be assured of the Duke, they renewed the league with him, which the Duke refused not, hauing consented that the warre should be made vpon the Earle, so long as the King Rinato was in Armes. But seeing him vanquished, and vtterly depriued of his Kingdome, he was not pleased that the Earle should then be bereft of his Coun­trey. And therefore he not onely consented to aide the Earle, but also wrote vnto Alfonso, desiring him to be pleased to returne to the Kingdome, and make no longer warre. Whereunto, albeit Alfonso was vnwilling, yet being beholding to the Duke, determined to content him, and retired himselfe with his Army to the other side of Tronto. While matters were thus handled in Romagna, the Florentines within themselues became disquiet. Among the Cittizens of most reputation and authoritie in Florence, was Neri, the sonne of Gino Capponi, whose greatnesse, Neri Cap­poni. Cosimo de Medici. Cosimo de Medici aboue all others feared. For besides his great credit in the Cittie, he was also greatly honored of the souldiers, hauing bene many times Generall of the Flo­rentine Armies, and with his victorie, vertue, and well deseruing, had gained their loue. Besides that, the memorie of victories wonne by him and Gino his father, the one hauing surprized Pisa, and the other ouerthrowne Nicholo Piccinino at Anghiari, made him beloued of many, and feared of those who desired no companie in the go­uernment. Among many other of the chiefe Captaines in the Florentine Army, Baldaccio Generall of the Floren­tine footmen. was Baldaccio of Anghiari, a man of warre most excellēt. For in those daies, there was not any in Italy, that for vertue, person, & courage, could excell him, and had among the footemen (for of those he was euer a leader) so much reputation, as all that sort of souldiers in euery enterprise, and whensoeuer he pleased, would willingly follow him. This Baldaccio loued Neri exceeding much, as a man whose vertue (wherof he was a witnesse) so deserued, which bred in the other Cittizens great suspition. And they iudging to suffer him, was perillous, & to restraine him was most danger of all: determined to dispatch him vtterly, which intent fortune greatly fauoured. Bartho­lomeo Orlandini was Gonfaloniere de Giuslitia. He being (as is before said) Captaine of Marradi, at such time as Ni. Piccinino passed into Toscana, cowardly fled & abādoned that passage, which by nature almost defended it selfe. This cowardice at that time greatly offended Baldaccio, who with words of reproofe & letters, made the same e­uerywhere knowne. Whereat Bartholomeo ashamed & offended, did greatly study to be reuenged, hoping by the death of the accusor, to cancell the fame of his infamie. This desire of Bartholomeo being known to other cittizens, with small labour he per­swaded them to the oppression of Baldaccio, whereby in one act he might reuenge his priuat iniurie, and deliuer the state frō that man, whom they must of force enter­teine with peril, or discharge with disaduantage. Therefore Bartholomeo being fully determined to kil him, conueied into his chamber many yong men armed. Then the Gonfalone seeing Baldaccio come into the market place (whither he resorted daily to confer with the Magistrates of his charge) sent for him, and he obeied. Being come, the Gonfaloniere met him, enterteining him with speech touching his businesse from chamber to chamber, till he came neare to that place where the armed men were hidden, and when he thought good, called them foorth. Baldaccio being disarmed, Baldaccio murd [...]red by B [...]rtholomeo Orlandini. was presently slaine, and throwne out of the windowe. From thence, hee was carried to the market place, had his head cut off, and made a spectacle for the people all that day. Of him there remained one sonne by his wife called Annalena, [Page 146] who within fewe yeares after died. This Annalena hauing buried hir sonne and hus­band, determined no more to marrie, but making hir house a Monasterie, shut hir selfe vp therein▪ with many other noble women, where they verie holily liued and died. Her house in memorie of her, was after made a Monasterie, by the name of S. Annalena (as at this present it is) and euer shall be. This action somewhat decrea­sed the power of Neri, and tooke from him reputation and friends. Neither did that onely content the Cittizens in authoritie. For the tenne yeares of their office being passed, and their authoritie in the Balia ended, diuerse men both by word and deedes tooke courage to complaine against the continuance of those officers: and therfore the Gouernors thought for the holding of their authoritie, it was necessarie to haue their offices prolonged, giuing new commission to friends, & oppressing their foes. For which consideration, Florence re­formed. in the yeare 1444. by their councels a new Balia was crea­ted, which reestablished officers, giuing authoritie to a few, to create the Senate, re­uiuing the Chancelorship of reformation: remouing Ser. Philippo Peruzzi, and in his place appointing one other to gouerne, according to the pleasure of the great men: putting in prison Giouan the sonne of Simone Vespucci. The gouernment thus setled, & the offices of state taken anew, they turned their minds to matters abroad. Nicholo Piccinino being (as hath bene beforesaid) abandoned by the King Alfonso, and the Earle, with the helpe he had of the Florētines, became strong, assailed Nicholo neare vnto Fermo, and there gaue him so great an ouerthrow, that Nicholo lost wel-neare all his souldiers, Ni. Piccinino discomfited. and with a fewe fled into Montecchio. Nicholo tarried there all the winter to increase his army, and therein was helped by the Pope, & king Alfonso. In so much as the spring time being come, and the other Captaines returned to the field, Nicholo was the strōger, and the Earle brought to extreame necessitie, and had bene vtterly defeated, if the intent of Nicholo had not bene by the Duke altered. Phi­lippo sent for Nicholo, pretēding to haue occasion by mouth to impart vnto him mat­ters of great importance. Which Nicholo being desirous to heare, abandoned a cer­taine victorie, for an incertaine pleasure, and leauing Francesco his sonne to gouerne the army, went vnto Milan. The Earle vnderstāding of his departure frō the Camp, would not lose the opportunitie to fight in the absence of Nicholo: and assaulting the army of Nicholo neare vnto the Castle of Monte Loro, ouerthrew it, and tooke Fran­cesco prisoner. Nicholo at his arriuall in Milan, seeing himself abused by Philippo, & vn­derstāding his camp to be brokē, & his son prisoner, with sorow died, the yere 1445. being of the age of 64. yeares, Death of Ni. Piccinino. hauing bene a Captaine more vertuous then happie. Of him there remained two sonnes, Francesco, and Giacopo, who as they were of lesse vertue then the father, so had they worse fortune. By which meane, the souldiers bred by Braccio, were almost worne out, and the discipline of Sforza (alwaies holpen by fortune) became more glorious. The Pope seeing the army of Nicholo suppres­sed, and him dead, nor much hoping in the aide of Arragon, sought to make peace with the Earle, which by mediation of the Florentines was concluded. The peace made in La Marca, all Italy had liued in quiet, if the Bolognesi had not disturbed the same. Trouble in Bologna. There was in Bologna two mightie Families, Channeschi, and Bentiuogli, of the one Annibale, and of the other Battista was chiefe. These (to be the ra­ther assured one of the others friendship) contracted a marriage. But betweene men which aspire to one greatnesse, though alliance may easily be made, yet friend­ship cannot. Bolognia was in league with the Florentines and Venetians, which league had bene concluded by meane of Annibale Bentiuogli, after they had driuen out Francesco Piccinino. Battista knowing that the Duke desired greatly to haue the fauour of that Cittie, practised with him to kill Annibale, and bring that Cittie vnder his ensigne. The order of this murther agreed vpon, the 24▪ of Iune 1445. Battista [Page 147] with his men assaulted Annibale & slew him: which done, he proclaimed the Dukes name throughout the towne. At that time, the Commissaries for the Venetians and the Florentines, were in Bologna; and at the first rumor retired vnto their houses, but afterwards perceiuing that the murtherers were not fauoured by the people (who were in great numbers armed, and assembled, lamenting the death of Annibale) they tooke courage, went towards them, & assailed the Canneschi, whom in lesse then one houre they ouerthrew; slaying some, and forcing the rest to flie the Cittie. Battista not fleeing in time nor slaine, remained at his house and hid himself in a vessell made for the keeping of corne. His enemies hauing all the day sought him, and assured he was not gone out of the towne, threatned his seruants so much, as one of them at length discouered where he was. From thence he was taken out▪ and slaine, then drawne through the streets, and at last burned: so as the victorie of the Duke, was of force sufficient to perswade Annibale to the enterprise, but not of power ynough to saue him from death. Thus by the death of Battista, and the fleeing of the Canneschi, these tumuls were appeased. The Bolognesi remained in great confusion, bicause there was not left of the house of Bentiuogli any man fit for gouernmēt. And for that there remained one sonne onely of Annibale but six yeares old (who was called Gio­uanni) the Bolognesi feared least among the friends of the Bentiuogli some diuision would grow, which might perhaps occasion the returne of the Canneschi, with the ruine of their countrey and faction. While the Bolognesi continued in this doubtfull imagination, Francesco late Earle of Poppi being in Bologna, informed the chiefe Citti­zens, that if they had desire to be gouerned by one descended of the bloud of Anni­bale, he could informe them of such a one. Declaring that about 20. yeares past, Her­cole the Cosen of Annibale happened to be at Poppi, and had there carnall knowledge of a yong woman in that Castle, who was after deliuered of a sonne called Santi, Santi Benti­uogli. whom Hercole diuerse times affirmed to be his. And it seemed to be a thing likely, for that the child so much resembled Hercole, as liker it could not be. His words were be­lieued by those Cittizens, and they deserred no time to send vnto Florence, to find out the yong man, and perswade with Cosimo di Medici, and Neri Capponi, that they might haue him. The supposed father of this Santi was dead, and the yong man liued vn­der the tuition of an Vncle of his called Antonio Cascese. This Antonio was rich, with­out children, and friend to Neri. The matter being vnderstood, Neri thought fit, neither to reiect the motion, nor imbrace it, but commaunded that Santi in the pre­sence of Cosimo, and those that were sent frō Bologna, should speake with him. Then order being taken for their meeting, Santi was by the Bolognesi not only honored, but also (as it were) adored. Then Cosimo calling Santi aside, said vnto him, there is none that in this matter can better counsell thee, then thy selfe, for thou art to take that choise whereto thine own mind is inclined. If thou be the sonne of Hercole Ben­tiuogli, thou wilt dispose thy selfe to such actions as be worthie of thy father and his house, but if thou art the sonne of Agnolo Cascese, thou shalt remaine in Florence, and imploy thy life basely in the art of clothmaking. These words much incouraged the yong man, for where he had before refused to take the matter vpō him, he said now that he would be directed in all by Cosimo and Neri. Then they resolued with the messengers of Bologna to apparrell him, horse him, and man him, and so in honorable wise conuey him to the Cittie, there to take the gouernment: where he after gouer­ned with so great wisedome, that notwithstāding the greater part of his predecessors had ben by their enemies slaine, yet he peaceably and honorably liued & died. After the death of Nicholo Piccinino, & the peace made in La Marca, Philippo desired to en­tertaine a Captaine to gouerne his Army, and secretly practised with Ciarpellone, one of the Earles chiefe Leaders, and grew with him to composition. Ciarpellone prayed [Page 148] leaue of the Earle to goe to Milan, to take possession of certaine Castles, which in the late warre were by Philippo giuen him. The Earle mistrusting that which was, (and to the end the Duke should not be serued to his disaduantage) first stayed him, and shortly after put him to death, alleaging he had bene by him abused. Therewith Philippo was exceedingly angrie, and the Florentines and Venetians much pleased, as they that feared least the Earles forces and the Dukes power ioyned in friendship. This anger was occasion to resuscitate new warre in La Marca. In Rimini, Gismondo Malatesti was Lord, who being son in law to the Earle, hoped to haue possession of Pesaro: notwithstanding the Earle hauing surprized it, gaue it to Alessandro his bro­ther. Wherewith Gismondo grew greatly offended, and the more bicause Federigo di Montefeltro his enemy, by the Earles fauour, had vsurped Vrbino. This was the cause that Gismondo ioyned with the Duke, and sollicited the Pope & King to make warre vpon the Earle. Who to the end Gismondo should feele the first fruits of that warre which he desired, thought to preuent him, and sodeinly assailed him. Whereupon Rome & La Marca were on the soden brought into tumult, bicause Philippo, the king, and the Pope, sent great aide to Gismondo: and the Venetians and Florentines furnished the Earle, though with no men, yet with plentie of money. Neither was Philippo content to make warre in Romagna, but he also determined to take from the Earle Cremona and Pontremoli: yet was Pontremoli by the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians defended. New warres in Lombardy. So that by these meanes the warre in Lombardy was renewed, and therein somewhat done in Cremonese. Francesco Piccinino Generall for the Duke, was by Micheletto, and the Venetian forces at Casale defeated. By which victorie, the Venetians hoped to take the Dukes state from him, and sent their Commissarie to Cre­mona, assailing Ghiraadada, and possessed all sauing Cremona. Afterwards they passed Adda, spoiling the countrey hard to the gates of Milan. Thereupon the Duke desi­red aide of Alfonso, declaring what perill would ensue to the kingdome, if Lombardy were in the Venetians hand. Alfonso promised to send him souldiers, who without consent of the Earle could with difficultie passe. Then Philippo intreated the Earle not to abandon his father in law being aged and blind. The Earle sound himself of­fended with the Duke for hauing moued the warre against him. On the other side he misliked the greatnesse of the Venetians, The Earle his friendship de­sired both by the Duke and Venetians. his money grew low, and the same was scarcely supplied by the Lords of the League. For the Florentines feared no more the Duke, which was the cause they esteemed the Earle, and the Venetians desired his ruine, iudging that the state of Lombardy could not be taken from them but by the Earle. Notwithstanding, while Philippo sought to draw him into his pay, offering him the commaundement of all his souldiers, so that he would forsake the Venetians and restore La Marca to the Pope. They also sent Embassadors vnto him, promising him the possession of Milan, if they could win it, and the perpetuitie in the gouern­ment of their men of warre, if he would still follow the warre in La Marca, and im­peach the comming of aide from Alfonso into Lombardy. Thus were the promises of the Venetians great, and their deserts of him greater, hauing begun that warre, to saue Cremona for the Earle. On the other part, the iniuries done by the Duke were fresh, his promises not faithfull nor great. Yet did the Earle much doubt what resolution to make. For of the one side, the obligation of the league, their well deseruing of him, and their promises of pleasures to come, did moue him. On the other, the intreatie of his Father in lawe, and chiefely the poison which hee feared to be hidden vnder the great promises of the Venetians, did stay him; suspecting least their promise of that state, if hee should hap to win it, might not be performed: hauing none other hold, but their bare promise, whereunto no wise Prince, vnlesse it were for great necessitie, had euer trusted. These difficulties of the [Page 149] Earles resolution, were remoued by the ambition of the Venetians, who hoping to surprize Cremona by meanes of some intelligence they had within the Cittie, vnder another pretence caused their souldiers to marche neere vnto it. But that enterprise was discouered by those that guarded the towne for the Earle, whereby the treason tooke no effect, and they thereby wan not Cremona, but vtterly lost the loue of the Earle, who presently thereupon laying all respects apart, ioyned himselfe with the Duke. Now was Pope Eugenio dead, and in his place succeeded Nicholao quinto. The Earle had his whole Army at Cotigniola, readie to passe into Lombardy. Thither came newes, aduertising the death of Philippo, which was the last of August, Death of Duke Philip­po of Milan. in the yeare 1447. These newes grieued the Earle exceedingly, bicause he thought his army not fully paid, would be vnreadie, & feared least the Venetians being in armes, would become his enemies. For hauing abandoned them & ioyned with the Duke, he feared Alfonso his continuall enemy, not trusting either the Pope, or the Floren­tines. These, bicause they were in league with the Venetians, and the other, for that he did possesse some townes belonging to the Church. Notwithstanding, he determi­ned to shew his face to fortune, and according to the chances therof to proceed. For many times by doing somewhat, secrets are discouered, which by standing stil could not be knowne. Great hope he conceiued in thinking, that if the Milanesi would be defended frō the ambition of the Venetians, that of force they must imploy him and his souldiers. Therof taking courage, he marched into the countrey of Bologna, and from thence to Modena and Regio, staying with his forces at Lenza, from whence he sent vnto Milan to offer his seruice. Some of the Milanesi hauing buried their Duke, desired to liue in libertie, and some others were contented to receiue a Prince. Of those which desired a Prince, some would haue the Earle, and some the King Alfon­so, whereby those that loued libertie, being more vnited, became the stronger part, and framed after their faction a state and gouernment, which was neuerthelesse dis­obeyed by many Citties of the Dukedome, imagining that they might also (as Milan did) enioy their libertie. And others also, which aspired not thereunto, did likewise refuse to yeeld vnto the Milanesi. The Citties of Lodi & Piacenza gaue themselues to the Venetians. Pauia & Parma would be free. The Earle vnderstanding these confu­sions, went vnto Cremona, whither his Embassadors and the Embassadors of Milan came with this cōclusiō, that he should remain Captain general of the Milanesi, The Earle made Gene­rall for the Milanesi. with those conditions last set down by the Duke Philippo, adding thereunto that the Earle should haue Brescia, till he surprised Verona. And being possessed therof, to yeeld vp Brescia. Before the death of this Duke, Pope Nicholo at his assumptiō sought to make peace amongst all the Italian Princes. For the compassing whereof, by Embassadors he practised, that the Florentines should send vnto him at the time of his creation, de­siring him to appoint a Parliament at Farrara, to procure therein either a long truce, or a perfect peace. Vpon which occasion in that Cittie assembled the Popes Legat, the Embassadors for the Venetians, Embassadors for the Duke, & Embassadors for the Florentines. But those which were looked for from King Alfonso, appeared not. This King was then at Tiboli, accompanied with many men of warre, both on foote and horseback. From thence he gaue countenance to the Duke, and it was thought that so soone as they had drawne the Earle to their side, they would openly assault the Venetians and Florentines. In the meane time, the Earles souldiers should remaine in Lombardy, & the peace to be enterteined at Farrara, whither the King sent not, saying he would ratifie all things the Duke would assent vnto. This peace was many dayes consulted vpō, and after much disputation cōcluded, that either it should be perpe­tuall peace, or a truce for 5. yeares, at the election of the Duke, whose Embassadors being returned to Milan to vnderstād his pleasure, at their cōming thither found him [Page 150] dead. The Milanesi notwithstanding his death, would needs haue the conclusion of peace allowed. But the Venetians did not consent, hoping greatly to vsurpe that state. And the rather, bicause Lodi and Piacenza sodeinly after the Dukes death were yeelded vnto them: The Veneti­ans aspire to vsurpe the Duchie of Milan. whereby they hoped, either by force or composition within short space to become Lords of all the territorie of Milan, and in the end so distresse the Cittie, as it should also be forced to yeeld before any man could rescue it. And the rather they thus perswaded themselues, for that they sawe the Florentines busied in warre with King Alfonso. That King being at Tiboli, and intending to follow the enterprise of Toscana, as he had determined with Philippo, thinking therewith that the warre alreadie begun in Lombardy, would giue him time and commoditie desi­red, to haue one foote into the state of Florence, before such time as he would openly make the warre, King Alfonso assaulteth the Florentines. and for that purpose practised to win the Castle Cennina in the vp­per vale of Arno, and wan it. The Florentines striken with this vnlooked for accidēt, and seeing the King readie to march to their offence, hired souldiers, created the ten Magistrates, and according to their custome, prepared all things for the warre. By this time the King with his Army was come to the countrey of Siena, labouring by all meanes to bring that Cittie to fauour him. Notwithstanding, the Cittizens there stood firme in their friendship to the Florentines, and refused to receiue the King, ei­ther into Siena, or any other of their townes: yet did they prouide him victuall, whereof the importunitie of the King, and the force of the enemy might excuse them. The King then thought not good to enter by the way of the vale of Arno, as he first determined, aswell for that he had spoiled Cennina, as bicause the Florentines were partly furnished with souldiers, and therefore marched towards Volterra, sur­prized many Castles in the countrey thereto belonging. From thence, he marched into the countrey of Pisa, where, by the fauour of Arrigo and Fatio, Earles of Chirar­desca, he tooke some Castles, and assaulted Campilia, which being defended by the Florentines and the cold winter, he could not surprize. Then the King leauing cer­taine of his owne souldiers to guard the townes by him taken, and to defend the countrey, retired with the rest of his Army to his lodgings in the countrey of Siena. The Florentines fauoured by that season of the yeare, carefully laboured to prouide souldiers. Their chiefe leaders were Federigo Lord of Vrbino, and Gismondo Malatesta of Rimino. And albeit there was betwixt them two some disagreement, yet by the wisedome of Neri, and Barnardetto di Medici, (Commissaries for the Florentines) they agreed so well, that notwithstanding the hard winter continuing, they mar­ched, and recouered those townes which were lost in the countrey of Pisa, and the Ripomerancie in the territorie of Volterra. They also bridled the Kings souldiers, who before had spoyled the sea coast, so as with difficultie they might defend the townes committed to their guard. But the Spring time being come, the Commissa­ries drew forth all their souldiers, to the number of 5000. horse, and 2000. footmen. And the King came with his, to the number of welneare fifteene thousand, besides 3000. at Campiglia. And when he intended to returne to the siege of that towne, he went to Piombino, hoping easily to win it, bicause the towne was not well furnished, he thought the hauing thereof profitable for him, and disaduantagious for the Flo­rentines; bicause, from thence he might protract the warres, and consume them, ha­uing meane to victuall himselfe by sea, and disturbe the whole countrey of Pisa. This assault greatly displeased the Florentines, and cōsulting vpō the matter, thought that if they might with their Army remaine in the bounds of Campiglia, that the King should therby be inforced to depart either broken or dishonoured. For which purpose they armed foure small Gallies at Liuorno, and with them put into the towne of Piombino three hundred footemen, placing them at the Galdani, a place where [Page 151] with difficultie they might be assaulted. For if they were lodged in the plaine vpon the Confines, the same was thought dangerous. The Florentines receiued their vic­tuals from the Townes thereabouts, which being but fewe and not much inhabi­ted, did scarcely furnish them. So as the Armie suffered penurie, and most chiefly of wine: Because none being there made, nor brought thither from other places, it was impossible for euerie man to haue so much as should suffice him. But the King, not­withstanding he were by the Florentines straightly holden in, yet had he abundance almost of euerie prouision, by reason hee receiued it from the sea. The Florentines therefore thought good; likewise to make proofe, if they might be by sea releeued: and for that purpose loaded their Gallies with victuall, and sent them thither. But in their passage they were encountred with seuen of the Kings Gallies, which tooke two of them, and suncke the others. This losse bereft the Florentine souldiers, of hope to be reuictualled. Thereupon two hundreth or more Pyoners for want of drinke fled vnto the Kings Campe: the rest of the souldiers mutined, complayning that in those hote places they could not remaine without wine, because water was there most vnwholesome. So that the Commissaries determined to abandon that place, and imploy their forces to recouer certaine Castles which remained in the Kings hand. Who on the other side, although he wanted not victual, being in force the stronger, yet was his Camp afflicted with sicknesse, bred there, by the infection of the aire, nere vnto the sea: by mean wherof, almost euerie man was infected, and many of them also died. These occasions ministred communication of peace, wher­in the King demaunded fiftie thousand Florins, and Piombino to be left at his discre­tion. The matter being debated at Florence, by many desirous of peace, the demands were thought reasonable. For they were perswaded a war so chargeable as that was, could not without great expence be mainteined. Notwithstanding Neri Capponi went vnto Florence, and there with such reasons as he made, altered their minds. Dis­swading them vtterly to accept those conditions: and the Florentines receiued the Lord of Piombino as recommended; promising both intime of warre and peace to defend him, if he would, (as hitherto he had) fight couragiously in defence of his owne Citie. The King vnderstanding this resolution, and seeing his owne Campe afflicted with sicknesse, brake vp, and retired with the rest into the country of Siena; leauing behinde him two thousand dead bodies. From thence he marched towards the kingdome, and being exceedingly offended with the Florentines, threatned the next Spring to make vppon them a new warre. While matters were thus handled in Toscana, the Earle Francesco became Generall of the Milanesi, and before anie thing done, obteined the friendship of Francesco Piccinino, who had likewise serued them, which he did, to the end that his enterprises might be the more fauoured, and by Piccinino the lesse impeached. Then marched he with his Armie to the field, wher­by the Citizens of Pauia, fearing they could not defend themselues, and being on the other side, vnwilling to obey the Milanesi, offered him the Towne, with con­dition that he should not deliuer it to them. The Earle greatly desired the possessi­on of that Citie, thinking that the hauing thereof would be a good beginning to co­lour his intent, being neither deteined with feare, nor abashed to breake his faith. For great men do call losse, a thing dishonourable, but to compasse their desire by craft, is accounted no shame at all. Notwithstanding he doubted, least his taking of the Towne in this sort, would so offend the Milanesi, as for that cause, they woulde yeeld themselues to the Venetians: and if it were not taken by him, then he feared the Duke of Sauoia, to whom many of the Citizens were willing to giue it. So as by eue­rie of those meanes, hee thought himselfe bereft of the dominion of Lombardy: yet supposing it lesse perill, to take the Citie for himselfe then leaue it to an other, deter­mined [Page 152] to accept it, being perswaded it was notwithstanding possible to content the Milanesi: whom he enformed of those perils wherunto they should fall, if he accep­ted not the Citie of Pauia. For that Citie (if it were by him refused) would yeelde to the Venetians or the Duke of Sauoia, in either of which cases, their countrey should be lost, and therefore thought rather be contented to haue him their neighbour and friend, The Milanesi iealious of the Earle. then any other that were more mightie, and their enemie. The Milanesi were much troubled with this matter, imagining that the Earle had thereby discouered his ambition, and the end whereunto he tended. Yet thought they not good, to take knowledge thereof, because leauing the Earle, they sawe not whither to addresse themselues, vnlesse it were to the Venetians, whose pride and hard dealing they mi­strusted. Wherefore they resolued, not to shake off the Earle, but for the present, by him to be be deliuered of those inconueniences, hoping after to be also deliuered of himselfe. For they were not onely assaulted by the Venetians, but also by the Genouesi and the Duke of Sauoia, who made warre in the name of Carlo of Orliens, sonne to the sister of Philippo. But the Earle easily withstood their mallice. Then were the Vene­tians his only enemies, who with a mightie Armie determined to surprize that state, and had alreadie possessed Lodi, and Piacenza, wherunto the Earle brought his camp: and after a long siege sacked that Citie. Which done, (because the winter was alrea­die come) he retired his men to their lodgings, and went himselfe to Cremona; where with his wife he rested all that winter. But the spring being come, the Armies of the Venetians and Milanesi, returned to the field. The Milanesi desired to surprize Lodi, and after make peace with the Venetians. Because the charges of warre did burthen them, and the fidelitie of their General was suspected. For these reasons they wished a peace, as well to repose themselues, as to be assured of the Earle. Then they resol­ued, their Army should besiege Carrauaggio, hoping that Lodi would yeeld, so soone as the Castle could be taken from the enemie. The Earle obeyed the Milanesi, al­though his intent was to haue passed Adda, and assault the country of Brescia. The siege being laid to the Castle of Carrauaggio, hee trenched and fortified his Campe, least happily the Venetians would assaile him. The Venetians on the other side, con­ducted by Micheletto their Generall, marched within two bowes shot off the Earles Campe, where diuerse dayes both the Armies remained, the one many times offen­ding the other. Notwithstanding, the Earle stil besieged the castle, & did so straight­ly distresse it, as it was readie to yeeld: which greatly displeased the Venetians; fearing that the losse thereof would be the ruine of all the enterprise. Great disputation arose among their Captaines, by what meanes it might be succoured. But no other way could be deuised, then to assault the enemies in their trenches, which was excee­ding daungerous. Notwithstanding so greatly they esteemed the losse of that Castle, as the Senate of Venice (beeing naturally fearefull to meddle with any matter either doubtful or dangerous) did chuse rather to hazard all, then with the losse of that, to lose the enterprise. They resolued therfore by all meanes to assault the Earle, & one morning earely charged him on that side where they thought he was weakest. At the first charge (as it happeneth in those assaults which be not looked for) all the Ar­mie was dismaid. Notwithstanding, the Earle sodeinly repaired the disorders, & had handled the matter so, that notwithstanding many assaults, the enemies were forced in the end, The Veneti­ans defeated by the Earle Francefco. not onely to retire, but also were so pursued: that of their Camp (which was twelue thousand horse) not one thousand was saued. All their goods were spoy­led, and their carriages taken. So as neuer before that time the Venetians receiued a­ny ouerthrow greater, or more terrible. Among the spoyles and prisoners taken in this conflict, was the Venetian Proueditor, who before that skirmish, and after during the wars, had vsed diuerse opprobrious words of the Earle, calling him Bastard and [Page 153] Coward. But being become prisoner, remembring what hee had deserued, and brought to the Earles presence: according to the nature of proud & cowardly men (which is to be in prosperitie insolent, and in aduersitie abiect & vile) kneeled down before him, weeping, & desiring pardon of his offences. The Earle tooke him vp by the arme, comforted him, and willed him to be of good cheare. And afterwards said, that he maruelled much how a man of his wisdom & grauitie, could commit so great an error, as to speake euill of them that had not so deserued. And touching the mat­ter of slaunder, he knew not in what sort Sforza his father, had vsed his mother Mad­donna Lucia, because he was not there present. So as of that which was done by them he could receiue neither blame nor commendation. But for his owne doings, he knew well, that nothing was by any man to be reprooued: and thereof both he and his Senate could fully and truly witnesse with him. Whereof hee wished him after­wards to be more modest in speech, and in his proceedings more discreet. After this victorie, the Earle with his tryumphant Campe, marched to the territorie of Brescia, and possessing all that country, setled his Campe within two myles of the Citie. The Venetians on the other side, hauing receiued this ouerthrow, feared, (as it came to passe) that Brescia would be first assaulted, speedily as they might, made prouision, and with all diligence, leuied forces, ioyning them to those that remained of the old Campe. Therewith also by vertue of the League, desired aid of the Florentines. Who being free from the warre of King Alfonso, sent vnto them one thousand footemen, and two thousand horse. The Venetians by hauing these souldiers, gained time to en­treate of peace. It hath bene long time a thing fatall to the Venetian state, The Veneti­ans fortunate. to lose by warre, and recouer the losse by composition. And those things which by the warres are taken from them, by the peace many times be restored double. The Venetians knew well, that the Milanesi mistrusted the Earle, and that he desired not to be their Captaine, but aspired to the principallitie of Milan. Also that it was in their choise to make peace with either of them: the one desiring it for ambitiō, the other for feare. Then they chose to make peace with the Earle, Peace be­tweene the Earle and Ve­netian [...], with­out consent of the Milanesi. and deferred their aide for that en­terprise: being perswaded, that if the Milanesi found themselues deceiued by the Earle, they might grow so offended, as they would giue themselues rather to anie other, then to him. Being then brought to this passe that they could not defende themselues, nor would trust vnto the Earle, they should be enforced, (not hauing other refuge) to trust vnto the Venetians. This resolution made, they sounded the di­sposition of the Earle, and found him greatly disposed to the peace: as desirous that the victorie of Carrauaggio might be his, and not the Milanieses. Then was there a composition concluded, wherein the Venetians bound themselues to paie vnto the Earle, so long as he deferred the taking of Milan, thirteene thousand Florines for euerie moneth: and during the rest of the warre, to aide him with foure thousand horse, and two thousand footemen. And the Earle for his part did binde himselfe to restore to the Venetians, all Townes, prisoners, and euerie other thing by him taken, and rest contented with those Townes onely, which the Duke Philippo at his death possessed. This agreement being knowne in Milan, did bring much more sorrow to that Citie, then the victorie of Carrauaggio had giuen gladnesse. The chiefe Ma­gistrates lamented, the people were sorrowfull, the women and children wept, and all with one voyce, called the Earle disloyall and traytour. For although they be­leeued not, either by intreatie or promises, to diuert him from his vnthankful intent, yet sent they Embassadors to see with what face, and with what words, hee would maintaine his wickednesse. Who being come to the presence of the Earle, The Oration of the Mila­nesi to the Earle. one of them spake to this effect. Those that desire to obtaine any thing of others, were wont by entreatie, gifts, or threatnings, to perswade them. So that, either by com­passion, [Page 154] by profit, or feare, they might compasse the thing which they desired. But of cruell men, & couetous, being in their owne opinion mightie (those three means not preuailing) nothing is obteined: so as whosoeuer doth trust by entreatie to make them pittifull, or by gifts to winne them, or by threatnings to feare them, deceiueth himselfe. We therefore now knowing (though all too late) thy crueltie, thy ambiti­on, and thy pride, are come vnto thee, not requiring any thing, nor hoping (though we had such desire) to obteine it, but to put thee in remembrance what benefites thou hast receiued of the Milanesi, and laie before thee, with what ingratitude thou doest requite them. To the end, that among so many iniuries by vs endured, wee may take this only pleasure, to reproue thee. Thou oughtst to remember wel, what thy state and condition was, after the death of Duke Philippo. Thou wert enemie to the Pope and the King. Thou wert abandoned by the Florentines and Venetians, who either iustly offended with thee, or hauing no more neede of thee, wert become as their enemy. Thou wert weary of the war which thou hadst made with the church; Thou hadst fewe men, fewe friends, litle money, and bereft of all hope to be able to hold thine owne countrey, and thy auncient reputation: which should easily haue bene taken from thee, had not our simplicitie helped. For we onely receiued thee, perswaded with the reuerence we bare to the happie memorie of our Duke, vnto whom thou (being allied) didst make vs belieue, that his loue would haue continu­ed in his heires. And sith to his benefits, we ioyned ours, that fauour and friendship ought to haue bene, not onely firme, but also inseparable. In respect whereof, to the auncient composition, we ioyned Verona & Brescia. What could we more giue thee or promise thee? And what couldst thou either of vs or any others, in those dayes either haue or desire more? Thou hast receiued of vs a pleasure vnlooked for, and we for recompence, haue receiued of thee, a displeasure not deserued. Neither hast thou deferred thus long to shew thy pride. For thou wert no sooner General of our Armie, but contrary to iustice thou didst receiue Pauia: which ought to haue war­ned vs, to what end thy friendship tended. Which iniurie we bare, supposing that victorie with the greatnesse thereof, would haue satisfied thy ambition. But (alasse) those who desire all, cannot with inough be contented. Thou didst promise that we should enioy all things after that time by thee wonne. For thou knewest well, that which thou gauest at many times, thou mightest resume at once: as it came to passe after the victorie of Carrauaggio; which being begun with bloud & mony, was af­ter followed with our destruction. O how vnhappie are those Cities which be con­strained to defend their liberties: against the ambition of all those that wold oppresse them: but much more vnhappy be they that are inforced to imploy in their defence, mercinarie and disloyall souldiers, such as thou art. God graunt that this our exam­ple may be a warning to others hereafter: sith that of Thebe and Philip of Macidon, hath not warned vs. Who hauing wonne victorie of their enemies, became of their owne Captaine, first their enemie, and after their Prince. We may not therefore be blamed of other fault, then to haue trusted too much in thee, whom we ought not to haue trusted at all. For thy former life, & thy insatiable mind, not contented with any honour or estate, might haue forewarned vs. Neither ought we to haue reposed any trust in thee, who had betraied the Lord of Lucca, fleesed the Florentines and Ve­netians, litle esteemed the Duke, nor regarded the King, and aboue all, with many iniuries offended God and his Church. Neither ought we euer to haue beleeued, that so many Princes had lesse power of Francesco Sforza, then the Milanesi; or that he would keep his faith to vs, which to so many others he had broken. But this our small wisdom which we do blame in our selues, doth not excuse thy breach of faith, nor purge thee of those infamies, which our iust complaints shall disperse through­out [Page 155] the world. Neither can it be, but that the pricke of thine owne conscience will persecute thee. For those Armes which were prepared by vs, to assault others, must now by thy meanes offend our selues: so as thou wilt iudge thy selfe worthie of that punishment which murtherers haue deserued. If ambition hath blinded thee, all the world being witnesse of thy wickednesse, will force thee to open thine eyes. God also will cause thee to behold thy periuries, thy faith broken, & thy treasons. Which things so greatly displease him, that although hitherto, for some hidden good, hee hath not punished, yet will he neuer fauour men so impiously disposed. Do not ther­fore promise thy selfe a victorie certaine, sith the iust ire of God will impeach it, and we are determined with losse of libertie to lose our liues. Which if we be not able to defend, then haue we rather to submit our selues to anie other Prince then to thy selfe. For if our sinnes be such, as against our willes we must fall into thy hands, be assured, a dominion begunne with craft and infamie, shall either in thee or thy chil­dren, ende with dishonour and shame. The Earle notwithstanding he felt himselfe by the Milanesi many waies touched, yet shewed he no extraordinarie chaunge, ei­ther by word or Iesture: but answered hee was content to beare their chollor, The Earles answere. and the great iniurie of their vnwise words. Whereunto he would answere particuler­ly, if they were before a Iudge indifferent to determine the cōtrouersie. For it should appeare that he had not offended the Milanesi, but prouided that they should not in­iurie him. And well he knew, after the victorie of Carrauaggio what they had done: when in stead of rewarding him with Verona or Brescia, they sought to make peace with the Venetians. To the end, that vpon him onely the displeasure should be laide: and they to enioy the profit of the victorie, with the honor of the peace, and all the commoditie reaped by the warre. So as they had no cause to complaine, though he had made that composition which they practised to bring to passe. Which resoluti­on being deferred, they were as much to blame their owne ingratitude, as find fault with him: and whether this were true or not, that God (whom they had called to reuenge their iniuries) would by the end of the war shew whom he most fauoured, or which partie did fight with most iustice. The Embassadours being departed, the Earle prepared to assaile the Milanesi, and they made readie for defence. Then with the vertue of Francesco and Giacopo Piccinino (who for the auncient hatred the Brac­cheschi bare to the Sforzeschi, had bene to the Milanesi faithfull) they hoped to de­fend their libertie: at the least, till such time as they might disunite the Venetians and the Earle, who they thought would not be long his friends nor faithfull. On the o­ther side, the Earle knowing thereof, supposed it was wisedome, to binde the Veneti­ans by reward, which would holde sure, though the bond of friendship were too weake. And therfore in giuing order for the war, he was content that they should assault Crema, and hee with other forces would set vppon the rest of that countrey. This composition laide before the Venetians, was the occasion that they continued so long in the Earles friendship, till he had surprized all the dominion of the Milanesi, and distressed the Towne so neare, as the dwellers therein could not make prouisi­on of things necessarie. In so much, as dispairing of all other aide, they sent Embas­sadors to Venice, desiring the Senate to haue compassion of their estate, Expostulation of the Floren­tines, to the Senate of Ve­nice. and be plea­sed, (according to the custome of Common-weales) to fauour libertie, and disfauor a Tyrant. Who preuailing and become Lord of Milan, could not be by the Venetians easily brideled. For they beleeued not, that he was content with the auncient con­ditions of the state, but aspired further. The Venetians not hauing yet the possession of Crema (which before they chaunged countenance, they determined to haue) an­swered publikely, that in respect of the contract made with the Earle, they might not helpe the Milanesi, yet priuately they enterteined the Embassadors with hope, [Page 154] [...] [Page 155] [...] [Page 156] that a composition was likely to be made, and then, they should assure their Senate to trust vnto them. The Earle with his men was alreadie so near Milan, as they assaul­ted the suburbes, and the Venetians hauing taken Crema, thought good no longer to deferre the aiding of the Milanesi with whom they compounded. Among the first Articles, they promised by all meanes to defend their libertie. This new contract made, The Veneti­ans desirous to abandon the Earle. they commaunded that all their souldiers seruing vnder the Earle, should de­part from him, and retire themselues to the Venetians Campe. They also signified vn­to the Earle, the peace concluded with the Milanesi, to whom they had giuen twen­tie daies space to accept it. The Earle maruelled not at this resolution taken by the Venetians, because that long before he had foreseene it, and looked the same should euerie day come to passe. Yet could he not but be sorie, and feele the same offence, which the Milanesi did, when he abandoned them. For answering of the Embassa­dors sent from Venice to declare the League, he tooke the leisure of two daies. Du­ring which time, he determined to enterteine the Venetians, and not abandon the en­terprise. And therefore publikely said, he would allow the peace, and sent Embassa­dors to Venice, with a large Commission to ratifie the same: yet secretly he comman­ded them, not to conclude, but with delaies and cauillations, to deferre the conclu­sion. And to make the Venetians the rather beleeue, that which hee spake, hee made truce with the Milanesi for one moneth: retyring his Campe farre from the Citie, and diuiding his forces into other places neare hand, which he had lately wonne. This practise was occasion of his victorie, for the Venetians trusting to the peace, were more slow in preparation to the warre, and the Milanesi seeing the truce made, the enemie farre off, and the Venetians their friends, beleeued assuredly that the Earle would abandon the enterprise. Which determination, by two means hindred them. The first was, because they neglected to prepare for their own defence. The other, for that they laid the countrey open to the enemie. For the time then being fit to till the earth, they sowed great store of corne: by meane whereof, the Earle might the more easily famish them. To the Earle on the other side, all those thinges helped, which hindered the enemie: and besides the delaie gaue him commoditie to take breath, and prouide for aide. In all this warre of Lombardy, the Florentines were not discouered to be of any side, nor to haue fauoured the Earle, either when he defen­ded the Milanesi, nor after. For the Earle hauing had no need, did not verie ear­nestlie seeke it. Onely after the ouerthrow of Carrauaggio, by vertue of their Ob­ligation in the League, they sent aide to the Venetians. But the Earle Francesco being alone, and wanting other refuge, was enforced instantly to praie aide of the Floren­tines, Cosimo de Medici, friend to the Earle Francesco. both of the state publikely, & of his friends priuately: chiefly of Cosimo de Me­dici, with whom he had euer bene in great familiaritie, and was by him in all his ac­tions faithfully counselled, and liberally supplied. Neither did Cosimo in this so great a necessitie forsake him: for as a priuate man he bountifully releeued him, and to fol­low the enterprise encouraged him. Hee also entreated the Cittie publikely to assist him where need required. At that time liued in Florence, Neri the sonne of Gino Cap­poni, a Citizen of great power, who thought it not good for the Citie, that the Earle should possesse Milan, supposing it more profitable for Italy, that hee should ratifie the peace, Neri Cappo­ni against the Earle. then prosecute the warre. First he doubted least the Milanesi for the dis­pleasure they bare to the Earle, would yeeld wholly to the Venetians, which would be the ruine of euerie man. Then he iudged if the Earle should happen to surprize Milan, that so great forces and countries ioyned togither, were to be feared. And if he were insupportable, being an Earle, aspired to the title of Duke, no man should endure his pride. Wherefore, he thought better both for the Common-weale of Florence, and all Italy, that the Earle should continue with his reputation in Armes, [Page 157] and Lombardy to be diuided into two common-weales, which would neuer ioyne in the offence of an other, and one of them alone, could not offend: and for bringing this to passe, he saw no better meane, then not to aide the Earle, and maintain the old league with the Venetians. These reasons were not of the friends of Cosimo accepted: because they thought that Neri did make them, not because he thought them good for the common-weale, but for that he would not, that the Earle being friend to Co­simo, should aspire to be Duke. Fearing least by that means, Cosimo should become o­uer mighty: & Cosimo contrariwise proued, that aiding of the Earle, was both for Ita­ly & that common-weale most profitable. And that it was no wise conceit, to thinke that the Milanesi could cōtinue free, because the qualitie of their citie, their maner of life, & the factions inueterated there, were contrary to the forme of all ciuil gouern­ment: so as, it behoued that the Earle should become Duke, or els the Venetians wold possesse it. And in that choyse, there was no man so witlesse, that knew not whether it were better to haue at hand a mightie neighbour, or a more mightie enemie. Nei­ther could he thinke it to be doubted, that the Milanesi (for hauing warre with the Earle) would yeeld their obedience to the Venetians. For the Earle hauing a factiō in Milan, & not they, whēsoeuer they could not defend themselues as free, they wold rather yeeld to the Earle, then to the Venetians. These diuersities of opinions held the citie doubtful what to determine. Neuerthelesse in the end was cōcluded: that Em­bassadors should be sent to the Earle to entertein a peace, & if they found him strong or likely to haue the victory, then to conclude: or not, to vse cauillations & delaies. These Embassadours were at Reggio, before they vnderstood that the Earle was be­come Lord of Milā. For the Earle so soone as the time of truce was ended, enuironed the citie with souldiers, hoping within short space, in despight of the Venetiās, to sur­prize it: because they were not able to succour it, sauing on that side towards Adda: which passage, might easily be impeached, and it was not feared, (the winter being come) that the Venetians would encamp there. Also the Earle hoped, before the win­ter should passe, to haue the victory, and the rather by the death of Francesco Piccini­no, who had only left Giacopo his brother to gouerne the Milanesi. The Venetians had sent an Embassador to Milan, to encourage those Citizens to stand to their own de­fence, promising them great and speedie supplie. During that winter, some light skirmishes happened betwixt the Venetians and the Earle. But so soone as the sea­son suffered, the Venetians vnder the conduct of Pandolfo Malatesta, brought their Army to Adda: where they consulted, whether it was best to assault the Earle, The Veneti­ans aide the M [...]lanesi a­gainst the Earle. and thereby trie their fortune. Pandolfo their Capteine, thought not good to make that triall, in respect of the Earles vertue, and the sufficiencie of his armie: but hoped it was possible without fighting more safely to oppresse him: because the Earle at that present, was with the lacke of corne greatly distressed. His aduise therefore was, that the campe should not dislodge, wherby the Milanesi might stil hope of ayd, and not by dispair yeeld them to the Earle. This opiniō was by the Venetians allowed, as wel in respect of securitie, as that they thought the Milanesi, being in so great necessitie, should be enforced to yeeld to their dominion, persuaded that they wold neuer giue thēselues to the Earle, by whō they had bin many waies iniured. In this meane space the Milanesi were broght almost into extreme misery, & in that citie (naturally aboū ­ding with poore people) many died of famin, wherat the inhabitants murmured and cōplained. The magistrats therby grew afraid, & carefully prouided that the people shuld not gather togither. For although the multitude doth not hastily dispose it self to mischief, yet whē it happē to be fully bēt, euery litle accidēt doth moue it. It hap­ned that 2. men of mean cōditiō, were near to the new gate, talking of the calamities of the city, & their misery, deuising what means might be wroght for redres therof. [Page 158] Others drew vnto them, till they were a good number. Therby a brute was blowne through Milan, that the inhabitants neare to the new gate were alreadie in Armes. Then all the multitude (which aspected onely occasion) tooke Armes and created Gasparo da Vicomercato their Captain, & went to the place where the magistrates were assembled: whom they so terrified, that so many as could, did flee, the rest were slain. Among whom Leonardo Veniero, the Venetian Embassador was murthered: who had before that time reioyced at their miserie, and was thought to haue bene the occasi­on of the mischiefe and famine. Thus the multitude (as Lords of the Citie) among themselues consulted, what was to be done, to deliuer them from so manifold sor­rowes, wherinto they were entred. And euery man thought good to yeeld the citie (sith the libertie could not be preserued) to some Prince that were able to defend it. Some said to the king Alfonso, some to the Duke of Sauóia, & some to the French king. Of the Earle no mā made mentiō, so great was yet the offence of the people towards him. Gasparo Vi­comercato his counsell. Notwithstanding seeing they could not resolue vpon any, Gasparo Vicomercato was the first that named the Earle: declaring at large, that if they would be dischar­ged of the warre, there was no other way but to chuse him; because the people of Milan had necessitie of certain & present peace, & could not tarry long in hope of fu­ture relief. Moreouer he excused the actions of the Earle, accusing the Venetians, and all the other Princes of Italy, because they would not, some for ambition, & some for couetise, that Milan should continue free. And therfore being forced to depart with libertie, it was best to yeeld to such a one, as could & would defend it. So as by that seruitude, they might at the least gain peace without further losse, or war more dan­gerous. This speech was with great attentiō hearkned vnto, & euery man with one voice cōsented that the Earle should be chosen, and Gasparo was made Embassador to call him: who by commandement of the people, went vnto the Earle to present him this pleasant & happie newes. The Earle willingly accepted the same & entered into Milan as Prince, The Earle Francesco be­come Duke of Milan. 1450. the 26. of February, in the yere 1450. And was there with exceeding gladnes receiued, euē by those who not lōg before had hated & defamed him. The newes of this victory being brought to Florence, order was taken with the Embassa­dors sent frō thence (and were already vpon the way towards the Earle) that in stead of entreaty of peace with him as Earle, they shuld cōgratulate the victory as Duke. These Embassadors were by the Duke honorably receiued, & bountifully entertei­ned. For he knew wel that against the power of the Venetians, he could not find in all Italy, more faithful nor more mighty friends, then the Florentins. Who hauing remo­ued feare of the Visconti, thought they should be forced to fight with Aragon & Ve­nice. Because the house of Aragon then Kings of Naples, was their enemie in respect of the friendship by them borne to the house of France: and the Venetians knew that the auncient feare of the Visconti, was fresh, and that carefully they had persecuted them; wherefore doubting the like persecution, sought their ruine. These matters were the occasion that the new Duke was easily induced to friend the Florentines, and that the Venetians and the King Alfonso, League be­twixt King Al­fonso and the Venetians. agreed to ioyne against their common enemie: binding themselues at one selfe time, to take armes; & that the King should assault the Florentines, and the Venetians set vpon the Duke. Who being new in the state, was not (as they thought) neither able with his owne forces to withstand them, nor with the aide of others could be defended. Yet because the league betwixt the Florentines and Venetians continued, and that the King after the warres of Piombino had made peace with them, they thought not good to breake that peace, Embassadors from Venice to Florence. till such time as they had some colour to make warre. Wherefore both the one & the other, sent Embassadors to Florēce, to signifie in the behalf of their Lords, that the league was made not to offend any man, but to defend their Countries. [Page 159] And moreouer the Venetians complained, that the Florentines had giuen passage to Alisandro, brother to the Duke of Lunigiana, whereby he with his forces passed into Lombardy: and that they were also the Authors and Councellours, to make the agree­ment betwixt the Duke and the Marquesse of Mantoua. All which things (they said) were preiudiciall to their state, and the friendship betwixt them. Wheresore friendly wished thē to remember, that who so offendeth an other wrongfully, doth giue occasion to him that is offended, iustly to seek reuenge: and he that breaketh the peace, must euer looke to find war. The Embassa­dor answered. The answer of this Embassage was by the Senate committed to Cosimo: who in a long and wise Oration, laid before them all the beni­fits which his citie had bestowed vpon the Venetian common-weale. Declaring how great dominion they had wonne by means of the mony, the men, & counsel, of the Florentines. And assured them, that sith the Florentines did occasion the friendship, no cause of warre should euer proceed from them. For they hauing bene euer louers of peace, commended greatly the agreement betwixt them, so as for peace, and not for war the same were made. But he maruelled much of the Venetian complaints, & that of so small & vain matters, so great a common-weale wold make account. But if they had bene worthie consideration, yet was it knowne to the world, that the Florentine country was free, and open to all men, and the Duke was such a one as to win friend­ship with Mantoua, had no need, either of counsel or fauour. Wherfore he doubted, that these complaints, had vnder them hidden, some secret poison not yet perceiued. Which so being, euery man should easily vnderstand, that as the Florentines friend­ship did profit them, so their displeasure could hinder them. Thus for that time the matter was lightly passed ouer, & the Embassadors seemed to depart wel inough cō ­tented. Notwithstanding, the league being made, the maner of the Venetians and the Kings proceedings, did occasiō the Florentines & the Duke, rather to looke for some new war, then hope of firme peace. League be­tweene the Florentines and Duke. Therefore the Florentines ioyned in league with the Duke, & in the mean while, the euil disposition of the Venetians was discouered: because they made league with the Sanesi, & banished all the Florentines, with euery other person subiect to the state of Florēce. Shortly after, the king Alfonso did the like, without any respect to the peace made the yeare before, & without iust cause or co­loured occasion. The Venetians laboured to gain the possession of Bologna & for that purpose aided the banished men of that Citie, who with many others, found means in the night to enter the towne. They were no sooner within the walles, but them­selues made an Alarum. Whereat Santi Bentiuogli suddeinly start vp, and know­ing that the Citie was surprized by Rebels: (although hee were by many friendes counselled, by fleeing to saue his life) yet would he in any wise shew his face to For­tune, take armes, and encourage others to do the like. He therefore with some others, made head & assaulted part of the Rebels, and brake them, sleying many, and forcing the rest to flee the Citie. Whereuppon euery man iudged, that hee had made good proofe to be of the right race of Bentiuogli. These actions, Preparation for warre in Florence. brought vnto Florence a firme beliefe of the future warre. Therefore the Florentines resorting to their aunci­ent orders, created the ten Magistrates for the war, entertained new Captaines, sent Embassadors to Rome, to Naples, to Venice, and to Siena, procure aid of their friends, discouer suspects, gaine the good will of those that were neutrall, and sounde the determination of enemies. Of the Pope they could get nothing but general words, curtesie, and perswasion to peace. Of the King they vnderstood only his vaine excu­ses for discharging the Florentines, and offered to giue safe conduct to euerie man that desired it. And albeit he went about by all meanes, to conceale the intention of the new warre, yet the Embassadours knewe well his euill meaning, and de­tected manie dealinges of his, to the disaduauntage of their Common-weale. [Page 160] With the Duke they renewed the League, fortifying the same with sundrie Ob­ligations: and by his meanes gained the good will of the Genouesi: cancelling all former quarrels. Notwithstanding that the Venetians had laboured manie wayes, to impeach that composition, and intreated the Emperour of Constantinople to ba­nish from his countries all the Florentine Nation. So greatly they grew into hate by this war, and so great force had their desire of gouernment, as without respect, they sought to oppresse those who were the cause of their greatnesse. Neuerthe­lesse by that Emperour they were not hearkened vnto. The Embassadours for the Florentines, were by the Venetian Senate forbidden to enter into their Countrey: alleaging that they being in league with the King, might not (without his priui­tie) giue them audience. The Sanesi enterteined the Embassadours with curte­ous words, fearing to be surprized before the league could defende them: and therefore thought good not to stirre those Armes, which they were not able to re­sist. The Venetians and the King (as was then coniectured) would haue sent Em­bassadors to Florence, to iustifie the warre. But the Embassadour for the Venetians, would not enter into the Florentines dominion, and the Kings Embassador durst not alone execute that message. Whereby the Embassage was not performed. And the Venetians by meanes thereof, knew that they were litle esteemed of the Florentines, they (a few months past) esteemed not much. During the feare of these motiōs, whō the Emperour Federigo the third, The Empe­rour Federigo in Florence. came into Italy to be crowned, the thirtie day of Ianuary, in the yeare 1451. And entring into Florence with a thousand fiue hundred horses, was by that Cittie, most honourably receiued and enterteined, till the sixt of February. At which time hee tooke his iourney from thence towards his Co­ronation at Rome, where he was solemnely Crowned and married to the Empresse, being come thither by sea. These ceremonies performed, the Emperour returned towards Germany, and came againe to Florence in the moneth of May: where he was vsed with the same honours he had there before receiued. Also in his returne, ha­uing bene pleasured by the Marquesse of Farrara, for recompence the Emperour granted vnto him the Cities of Modina & Reggio. During all these doings, the Floren­tines omitted not their preparation for the war, giuing themselues reputation, and the enemie terror. They and the Duke ioyned league with the French King, for de­fence of all their countries in generall. Which league with great magnificence and reioycing, they published throughout all Italy. By this time was come the yere 1452. when in May, the Venetians thought good no longer to deferre the warre against the Duke. The Duke of Milan assaul­ted. Wherefore with sixteene thousand horse, and sixe thousand footemen, they assaulted him towards Lodi: and at the same time the Marquesse of Monferato, either prouoked by his owne ambition, or by the Venetians request, assaulted him on the other side, towards Alessandria. The Duke on the contrary part, had assembled eigh­teene thousand horse, and three thousand footemen. And hauing furnished Alessan­dria and Lodi, he likewise fortified all those places which the enemie might offend. Then with his souldiers he assaulted the country of Brescia, where he greatly dama­ged the Venetians, spoiling that countrey, and sacking those townes which were not strong. But the Marquesse of Monferato being broken by the Dukes forces at Alessan­dria, the Duke might with the more strength encounter the Venetians, & assault their country. Thus the war of Lombardy proceeding, & therin sundry accidents (not wor­thie memorie) hapning: it came to passe, that the like war begun in Toscana betwixt the King Alfonso, & the Florentines: which was performed with no more vertue, nor more peril, Foiano assaul­ted by Ferran­do. thē that of Lōbardy. Ferrādo the bastard son of Alfonso, came into Italy, wth 12000. souldiers, conducted by Federigo Lord of Vrbino. Their first enterprise was to assault Foiano in the vale of Chiana: for hauing frendship of the Sanesi, they might that [Page 161] way enter into the territorie of Florence. That Castle was weakly walled, and of smal receipt, therefore with no great number defended, yet those few in the Castle were accounted at that time valiant and loyall souldiers. The number sent by the Senate to guard that Castle, were 200. This Castle in that sort prepared, was by Ferrando besie­ged: and the vertue of those within so great, and so litle the value of them without, that till the end of 36. dayes it was not wonne. The protract of which time, gaue the Cittie commoditie to prouide to defend other places of more moment, to assemble their forces, & put them in readinesse. The enemy hauing takē this Castle, passed in­to Chianti, where they set vpon two small towns belonging to priuate men, & could not win them; but marched from thence, and besieged Castellina, a fortresse seated vpon the confines of Chianti, within ten myles of Siena; which place both by Art and Nature is exceeding weake: notwithstanding (so base was the courage of this Campe) as it could not conquere that Castle of no force at all. For after they had be­sieged it 44. dayes, they departed thence with shame. So smal terror was in those ar­mies, and so litle peril in those wars, as those townes which at this day are abandoned as impossible to be kept, at that time, as places impregnable, were defended. During that Ferrando remained with his Camp in Chianti, he made many roades into the Flo­rentines country, spoiling that Prouince within sixe miles of the Cittie, to the great losse and terror of the Florentine subiects. Who hauing by that time prepared forces to the number of eight thousand, vnder the conduct of Astore di Faenza, and Gismon­do Malatesti, held the enemie aloofe towards the Castle of Colle, fearing alwaies they should be forced to fight, and thought, that if they lost not that day, they could not lose the warre. Because the small Castles being lost, might be recouered by peace, and the great townes were assured, by reason the enemie was not able to assaile them. The King had also vpon the sea neare to Pisa, twentie saile of Gallies and Foysts. And while La Castellina was assaulted, that Nauie battered the fortresse of Vade, which through the small diligence of the Captaine was taken. By meane whereof, the ene­mie afterwards molested the country thereabouts. Which molestation was easilie remoued of certaine souldiers, aduenturers, sent by the Florentines: who constrained the enemie not to retire far from the sea side. The Pope during these warres, inter­medled not, but where he hoped to make peace betweene the parties. For he refrai­ned the warres abroad, fearing greater troubles at home. Steffano Por­cari. In those dayes liued Steffa­no Porcari, a Citizen of Rome, both for birth and learning (but much more for courage and magnanimitie of minde) to be honoured. This Steffano (according to the cu­stome of men, desirous of glorie) thought to do, or at the least to attempt some thing worthie memorie. Then imagining he could not take in hand any thing more wor­thie, then to deliuer his country from the subiection of the priests, & reduce it to the ancient libertie, resolued to enterprise that action, hoping therby (if it were brought to passe) to be called a new founder and father of Rome. Some do sup­pose this Can­to to be writ­ten, not vnto S. Porcari, but to Nicholo di Renzo, a gen­tleman Ro­mane, by Pe­trarche, who therin serueth to diuine, that in Rome shuld arise a Knight famous tho­rowout all I­taly. Those things which gaue him hope of happie successe, were the wicked conuersation of the Prelates, with the discontentment of the Barrons and people. But aboue all other, he was most encou­raged with certaine verses written by the Poet Francesco Petrarcha, in his song, which beginneth thus.

&c.

This Steffano was perswaded, that Poettes many times were inspired with the di­uine spirite of prophesie: Whereof hee conceiued, that fortune would assu­redly [Page 162] happen vnto him, which Petrarcha had in his verses prophecied, and that him­selfe was the man, that should be the executor of so glorious an enterprise: imagi­ning that for eloquence, for learning, for fauour, and friends, there was no Romane to him comparable. This conceipt possessing him, he resolued to execute the same; yet could he not so secretly practise, but by words, by conuersation, and his manner of life, somewhat was discouered, and by that mean became suspected to the Pope: who (to remooue him from the commoditie of doing harme) confined him to Bo­logna, and commaunded the Gouernor of that Citie euerie day to see him. Notwith­standing, Steffano for this first disgrace, dismaied not; but with the more endeuour followed his enterprise: and by all secret & subtill meanes practised with his friends, going to Rome, and returning with such speed, as he might at times necessarie pre­sent himselfe to the Gouernour. And so soone as hee had drawne a sufficient num­ber of men to be of his minde, determined without further delaie to attempt the enterprise: giuing order to his friends in Rome, that at a time prefixed, they should prepare a solemne supper, where all the conspirators should meete, and euerie man bring with him his assured friends, and hee himselfe before the supper were ended, would be there also. All things were done according to appointment, and Steffano arriued at the feast. After supper, apparrelled himselfe in cloath of gold, and other or­naments, which gaue him Maiestie and reputation. In that sort, he came forth to the conspirators, embracing them, & perswading them with long speech to be resolute, and readie to performe so glorious an attempt. Then he deuised the order therof, ap­pointing part of them, the next morning to surprize the Popes Pallace, & the rest to call the people to armes. The same night (as some say) through infidelitie of the con­spirators, the matter was reuealed to the Pope. Others affirme, that it came to know­ledge by those that sawe Steffano come into Rome. But howsoeuer it were, the same night after supper, the Pope caused Steffano, with the most part of his companions to be apprehended, Steffano put to death. and according to their merits put to death. Such was the end of this his enterprise. It may be, that some wil commend his intention, yet wil his iudg­ment of all men be reproued. Because this and such like enterprises, although they carry with them a shadow of glorie, yet in executiō they bring (almost euer) assured misaduenture. The war had now continued in Toscana almost one whole yeare, and the armies were returned to the field, in the yeare 1454. At which time, Alisandro Sforza was come to the Florentines, with supply of two thousand horse. Wherby the Florentine army was wel encreased, and the Kings Camp diminished. The Florentines thought good to recouer some things by them lost, & so with small labor gained the possession of certaine Townes. Afterwardes they incamped before Foiano, which through negligence of the Commissaries, was sacked: and the inhabitans being di­spersed, wold not willingly return thither, til such time as by priuiledges & rewards they were allured. The fortresse of Vada, was also recouered: For the enemies seeing they could not defend it, did presently abandon & burn it. During the time that these things were done by the Florentine army, the Kings souldiers fearing to come neare their enemies, retired themselues towards Siena, many times spoiling the Florentines country, committing robberies, tumults, and exceeding great displeasures. Neuer­thelesse that King omitted not to deuise some other way to assault the enemies, to cut off their forces, or by new troubles & assaults to keep them occupied. Gherardo Gam­bacorti was Lord in the vale of Bagno. He and his auncestors either by friendship or by obligation, had alwaies in times past, either as hired, or as recommended, serued the Florentines. With him the King Alfonso practised to haue that countrey, and offred in recompence therof, an other in the kingdome. This practise was discouered at Flo­rence, yet to sound the dispositiō of Gherardo, they sent an Embassador to remēber him [Page 163] of the obligation of his ancestors, and his owne also, and therewith to persuade him to continue his fidelitie towards that Commonweale. Gherardo seemed to meruaile much at this message, & with great othes protested, that neuer any disloiall thought had entred his minde; and that he would come vnto Florence, and make his owne person a pledge of his fidelitie: neuerthelesse, being at that present sick, he could not goe thither, but with the Embassador would needs send his sonne to remaine in Florence as an hostage. These words, & this demōstration brought the Florentines to beleeue, that Gherardo had said troth, and his accuser being accounted a lier, was not regarded, nor the accusation any more thought vpon. Notwithstanding, Gherardo being still sollicited by the King, at length consented to the practise. And hauing concluded the same, the King sent to the Vale of Bagno a Knight of Ierusalem called Puccio, and with him diuerse bands of souldiers, to take possession of the Castles and Townes belonging to Gherardo. The Vale of Bagno reuol­ted from the Florentines. But those people of Bagno being affectionate to the Florentines, verie vnwillinglie promised their obedience to the Kings Commis­saries. Puccio hauing taken possession of all that state, wanted onely to possesse him­selfe of the fortresse of Corzano. When Gherardo deliuered this possession, there was present among many others, one called Antonio Gualandi of Pisa, a yong man verie valiant, and such a one, as was with the treason of Gherardo greatly discontented. He considering the scite of the fortresses, and finding by the countenance of those soul­diers who guarded it, that they were likewise displeased. While Gherardo stood at the gate to let in the Kings souldiers, Antonio came betwixt him and the Castle, and with both his hands forcibly thrust him out, commaunding the Guard to shut the gates against so wicked a Traytor, and keepe the same to the vse of the Florentines. This rumor being heard in the Vale of Bagno, and other places neare vnto it, all the people tooke armes against the King, and followed the Florentines ensigne. This matter aduertised to Florence, the Florentines caused the sonne of Gherardo (remaining with them in hostage) to be put in prison: and sent souldiers to Bagno to defend the countrey for them, changing that gouernment from a principalitie into a Vicariato. But Gherardo, hauing thus betraied both his Lords and his owne sonne, with great difficultie fled, leauing his wife, his daughter, and his substance, at the discretion of the enemy. This accident stood the Florentines greatly in stead: For if the King had possessed that Countrey, he might with small charge, and easily haue gotten the Vale of Teueri, and spoiled Casentino, whereby he should haue so much troubled the state, that the Florentines could not haue bene able to encounter the forces of Arragon which remained at Siena. The Florentines besides their owne preparation in Italy, the rather to oppresse their enemies, Rinato de Angio called into Italy by the Floren­tines. had sent Agnolo Acciaiuoili Embassador to the French King, to perswade him to licence Rinato de Angio, to come in the aide of the Duke and them. By which meanes he should defend his friends, and afterwards being in Italy, attend the surprizing of the Kingdome: whereunto they offered him aide both of men and money. During the warres in Lombardy and in Toscana (as is before said) the Embassador concluded with King Rinato of Angio, that before the end of Iune, he should come into Italy with two thousand and foure hundred horse: and that at his arriuall in Alessandria, the League should giue him thirtie thousand Florins readie paiment: and euery moneth after, during the warres, tenne thousand. The King then by vertue of this league, comming into Italy, was by the Duke of Sauoia, and the Marquesse of Monferato impeached: for they being friends to the Venetians, would not permit him to passe. Whereupon the King was perswa­ded by the Embassador of Florence, to returne to Prouenza with certaine of his army, and from thence to passe into Italy by sea. And on the other side, to perswade with the French King to procure so much fauour of that Duke, that the rest of his soul­diers [Page 164] might come through Sauoia. According to this counsell the matter was hand­led, and the King Rinato went by Sea into Italy, conueying the rest of his Army through Sauoia by the French Kings mediation. The King Rinato was by the Duke Francesco most honorably receiued, and hauing ioyned the Italian forces with the Kings, they assaulted the Venetians with so great furie, that within short space they recouered all those Townes in Cremonesi which they had before lost: and not so content, they surprized almost all the countrey of Brescia. The Venetian army fearing to tarry in the field, retired to the walles of Brescia. But the winter being come, the Duke thought good to withdraw his souldiers to their lodgings, appointing for the Kings aboad, the Cittie of Piacenza, where he remained all that winter, in the yeare 1453. without any other action performed. So soone as the time of yeare serued, and that the Duke was going to the field, in hope to dispossesse the Venetians, of the rest of their Countries vpon the firme land, the King Rinato signified vnto him, that of necessitie he was to returne into Fraunce. This intention of the Kings, seemed to the Duke not onely strange, but also vnlooked for, and therefore greatly offended him: and albeit he went in person presently to disswade him, yet neither his intreatie nor promises could take effect; but onely promised to leaue behinde him part of his forces, and to send his sonne Giouanni to supplie his place in seruice of the League. This resolution grieued not the Florentines, for they hauing recouered their Castles, feared not the King any longer. And on the other side, they desired that the Duke should not recouer more, then the townes in Lombrdy to him be­longing. The King Rinato being gone, sent according to promise his sonne into Italy, who stayed not in Lombardy, but went presently vnto Florence, where he was very honorably receiued. The matter thus handled by the King, did occasion the Duke to be content with peace, and the Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, being likewise wearied, desired the same. The Pope also by all meanes laboured to bring it to passe, bicause the same yeare Mahumetto the great Turk had taken Constantinople, and made himselfe Lord of all Greece: which victorie terrified greatly all Christians, but chiefely the Venetians and the Pope, who thought Italy was thereby in great danger. The Pope therefore desired the Potentates of Italy to send Embassadors vn­to him, with authoritie to establish an vniuersall peace; which commission was per­formed: and notwithstanding that altogither they ioyned, and seemed all to allow of the motion, they found neuerthelesse therein great difficultie. The King requi­red that the Florentines should pay his charges in the warre past, and the Florentines would be paid themselues. The Venetians demaunded Cremona of the Duke, and the Duke asked of them Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that these difficulties seemed impossible to be remoued: notwithstanding, that which at Rome seemed hard to be concluded, at Milan and Venice prooued easie. For when at Rome the peace vniuer­sall was practised, Peace be­tweene the Venetians and the Duke. the Duke and the Venetians betwixt themselues made an agree­ment on the ninth of Aprill, in the yeare 1451. By vertue whereof, euery of them should repossesse those townes which were theirs before the warre. And it was graunted to the Duke, that he might recouer his townes taken from him by the Lords of Monferato and Sauoia. And to the other Princes of Italy, one moneth was allowed to ratifie the same. The Pope, the Florētines, the Sanesi, and the lesser Poten­tates, within the time appointed, made their ratification. Moreouer, betwixt the Florentines, the Duke, and the Venetians, a peace was concluded for fifteene yeares. Onely the King Alfonso among all the Italian Princes seemed therewith disconten­ted, bicause he thought it was contrary to his reputation to be named in the contract of peace, not as a principall, but as an adherent. For which consideration, he pawsed long, before he would lay downe his resolution. But being sollicited by sundrie [Page 165] solemne Embassages of other Princes, he was at length content (and chiefely by the Pope) to be perswaded, and with his sonne entred this league for thirtie yeares: confirming the same with alliances and crosse marriages betwixt the Duke and the King, their sonnes marrying one the others daughters. Notwithstanding, to the end that some seeds of the warre might remaine in Italy, he consented not to make the peace, before such time as those of the League would giue him leaue without their iniurie, to make warres vpon the Genouesi, Gismondo, Malatesti, and Astor Prince of Faenza. This conclusion made, Ferrando his sonne then being at Siena, returned to the Kingdome, hauing sithence his arriuall in Toscana not gained any dominion, but lost great numbers of souldiers. This vniuersall peace being concluded, it was onely feared, least King Alfonso for the displeasure he bare to the Genouesi, would disturbe the common quiet: but the matter came otherwise to passe, for the King did not openly moue any disturbance, but (as it hath alwaies happened by the am­bition of mercinarie souldiers) the peace was by them interrupted. The Venetians had (as their manner is) the warres being ended, discharged their Generall Giacopo Piccinino, who taking vnto him certaine other Captaines (likewise discharged) went into Romagna, and from thence to the countrey of Siena: where Giacopo stay­ing, begun the warre, and surprized certaine Townes belonging to the Sanesi. Troubles mo­ued by Giaco­po Piccinino, and supported by King Al­fonso. At the beginning of these troubles in the yeare 1455. died Pope Nicholo, and to him succeeded Calisto tertio. This Pope, to represse the new warre, assembled all the for­ces he was able, making Giouanni Ventimiglia his Generall; who with certaine Flo­rentines, and other souldiers sent from the Duke for that purpose, went against Gia­copo, and fought with him neare vnto Bolcena: where notwithstanding that Venti­miglia was taken prisoner, yet Giacopo had the worst, and was forced to retire to Casta­lione della Piscaia, and had he not bene by Alfonso relieued with money, he should then vtterly haue bene ouerthrowne; which reliefe, discouered that Giacopo had taken that enterprise in hand, with the priuitie and direction of that King. Alfonso finding himselfe discouered, to be reconciled to the other Princes consenting to the peace, (whose fauour by meanes of this weake warre he had almost lost) procured that Giacopo should restore to the Sanesi all the townes he had taken from them, and they to giue him twentie thousand Florins. And this agreement made, the King receiued Giacopo with his souldiers into the Kingdome. In those dayes, notwith­standing that the Pope intended to bridle Giacopo Piccinino, yet was he mindfull also of the defence of Christendome, likely to be oppressed by the Turks. For which purpose, he sent into all Christian Countries Embassadors and Preachers, to per­swade with Princes and people, to arme themselues for the aide of Religion, Pope Calisto perswadeth a generall war against the Turks. and to giue money and personall seruice to this enterprise, against the common enemy. He caused also solemne processions to be made, declaring both publiquely and pri­uately, that he himselfe would be among the first of the Christians that should assist that action, with counsell, money, and men. But the heate of this Crociata was coo­led, with aduertisements that the Turke and his army being at Bellgrado (a Castle of Hungary vpon the riuer of Danubio) was by the Hungarians hurt in his person, and his Camp broken, so that the Popes and Christians feare, conceiued by the losse of Con­stantinople, was thereby ceased, and the preparation they made for the warre procee­ded coldly. In Hungary likewise by the death of Giouanni Vaiuoda, Captaine of that victorie, the warre was discontinued. But returning to the matters of Italy, I say, that in the yeare 1456. the tumults moued by Giacopo Piccinino were ended: so that euery man hauing laid aside armes, it seemed as though God had taken them in hand. For there happened in Toscana most tempestuous windes, A meruailous rempest in Toscana. such as neuer be­fore had bene heard of, nor shall be, which wrought most meruailous and me­morable [Page 166] effects. Vpon the 24. of August, one houre before day, there arose from the Sea towards Ancona a great and darke clowd, crossing Italy, and entering the Sea towards Pisa, stretching two miles in compasse. This storme was furiously carried, (and whither by naturall or supernaturall force) diuided into many parts, as it were fighting amongst themselues. And of those broken clowds, some were hoised vp towards heauen, some violently cast downe, and some with wonderfull speed were turned round; but alwaies before them came a winde, with lightnings and flashing of fire, so terrible, as cannot be expressed. Of these broken and confu­sed clowds, and of those furious winds, and great flames, there grew so strange a noise, as moued the people to greater feare, then any Earthquake or thunder euer had done: in so much as euery man thought the world was ended, and that the earth, the water, and the heauen, should haue returned to the old Chaos. This fearefull storme, wheresoeuer it passed, wrought meruailous and wonderfull effects. But the most notable of all, happened about the Castle of S. Cassiano. This Castle is builded vpon the hill which parteth the Vales of Pisa and Grieue, eight miles distant from Florence. Betwixt that said Castle, and the towne of S. Andrea, builded vpon the same hill, this furious tempest passed, not comming to S. Andrea, but at S. Cassi­ano threw downe certaine turrets and chimneys: and neare thereunto subuerted whole houses euen to the ground, and carried away whole roofes of the Churches of S. Martino a Bagnolo, and S. Maria della pace; bearing them from thence vnbroken, the space of more then one mile. One man also a Carrier, was taken vp, and in the valley next vnto the way, both he and his Moyles found dead. Moreouer, all the greatest okes and strongest trees which would not bend at the furie of the tempest, were not onely broken, but also with violence borne farre from the place where they grew. Whereat, the next day, when the tempest was ceased, and men retur­ned to those places, they were greatly astonied, for they found the Countrey deso­late and spoiled, the houses and the temples ouerthrowne, the people lamenting and beholding their houses cast downe, and vnder them their goods, their cattle, and their parents slaine: Which thing, both in the beholders and hearers thereof, moued a maruellous compassion. By this meane, it pleased God rather to threaten, then pu­nish Toscana. For if so great a tempest had fallen vpon any Citie full of houses and in­habitants, as it fell vpon these oakes, trees, and small houses, one farre from the other, without all doubt, the destruction would haue bene greater, then the mind of man could haue conceiued. But it pleased God, by that small example to reuiue in mens mindes, the memory of his power. But now to returne to our matter. The King Al­fonso (as is before said) discontented with the peace, and seeing that the warre which he caused Giacopo Piccinino to make vpon the Sanesi without any reasonable occa­sion, had wrought no effect, he thought to moue an other with the allowance of the league. The Geno­uesi assaulted by King Al­fonso. And in the yeare 1456. he assaulted the Genouesi both by sea and land, as desirous to giue that state to the Adorni, and depriue the Frigosi who then gouer­ned. Besides that, he caused Giacopo Piccinino to passe Tronto, and assault Gismondo Ma­latesti, who hauing well manned his townes, regarded not much the assault of Gia­copo, so as the enterprise of the King on this side tooke no effect at all. But that warre of Genoua occasioned more warre to him and his Kingdome, then himselfe looked for. At that time Pietro Fregoso was Duke of Genoua; he fearing himselfe to be of force vnable to withstand the Kings assault, determined to giue that to an other which himselfe could not hold: and yeeld it into the hands of such a one that would (at the least in that respect) defend him; so might he also hope in time to come, to be reacquited. Then sent he Embassadors to Carlo the seauenth, King of France, and offered him the dominion of Genoua. Carlo accepted this offer, and to take possession [Page 167] of that Cittie, sent thither Giouanni de Angio sonne to King Rinato, who not long be­fore was departed from Florence, and returned into Fraunce. For Carlo was perswa­ded, that Giouanni hauing bene before imployed in Italy, knew how to gouerne that Cittie better then any other: hoping also, that being there, he might deuise vpon the enterprise of Naples, of which Kingdome, Alfonso had dispossessed his fa­ther Rinato. Then went Giouanni to Genoua, and being there, was receiued as Prince. Genoua in the possession of the French King. All the fortresses belonging to the Cittie, with the whole gouernment, were deli­uered to his hand. This accident displeased Alfonso, thinking he had drawne in an enemy ouer mightie: yet not dismayed therewith, couragiously followed his en­terprise, and sayled on with his Nauie, till he came vnder Villa Marina, at Ponto Fino, The death of King Alfonso. where taken with a sodeine disease, he died. By death of this King, Giouanni and the Genouesi were deliuered of the warre, and Ferrando (who succeeded his father Al­fonso in the Kingdome) grew suspitious, least an enemy of so great reputation in Italy, might happily win the fauour of many his Barons, whose fidelitie he doubted, and whose mindes he knew desirous of Innouation: for which respects, they might percase be perswaded to ioyne with the French. He also instructed the Pope, whose ambitious mind (as he thought) aspired to take from him this new Kingdome. His onely trust was in the Duke of Milan, he being indeed no lesse carefull of the King­dome, then was Ferrando: for he mistrusted, that if the French did preuaile, they would also labour to surprize his state, which they had some colour to claime, as to them apperteining. That Duke therfore, presently vpon the death of Alfonso, deter­mined to giue that Kingdome vnto Pietro Lodouico Borgia his nephew. Also (to make that enterprise seeme more honest and acceptable to the rest of the Italian Princes) he published, that his intent was, to reduce that Kingdom vnder the Church of Rome: perswading the Duke in that respect, not to fauour Ferrando, offering him those townes which of auncient time he possessed in the Kingdome. But in the middest of these imaginations and new troubles, Pope Calisto died, The death of Pope Calisto and in his place was cre­ated Pio secundo, borne in Siena, and of the family of Piccolhuomini. This Pope min­ding onely to benefite the Christians, and honor the Church, setting aside all pri­uate passion, at the Duke of Milans request, crowned the King Ferrando: thinking he should better appease the warres by mainteining of him in possession, then by fa­uouring the French, to giue them the Kingdome; or if he should (as Calisto did) challenge it for himselfe. For this benefite, Ferrando gaue vnto Antonio the Popes nephew, the principallitie of Malfi: and married him vnto his owne base daughter. He restored also Beneuento and Terracina to the Church. Then all men supposing that the armes of Italy were laid downe, the Pope tooke order to mooue the Chri­stians to make warre vpon the Turks, as it was before deuised by Pope Calisto. At which time, there rose great dissention betwixt the Fregosi and Giouanni de Angio Lord of Genoua: which dissention, reuiued a warre of more importance, then was the other alreadie passed. At that time, The Geno­uesi reuolted frō the french. Pietrino Fregoso happened to be at a Castle of his in Riuiera. He not holding himselfe according to his merits rewarded, by Gio­uanni de Angio, (who by help of him and others of his house was made Prince) be­came open enemy to Giouanni. This discord pleased Ferrando, as that, which might onely be the meanes of his good speed. Then sent he men and money to Pietrino, hoping by his aide to driue Giouanni from that state. Which he knowing, sent into Fraunce to encounter Pietrino. There finding much fauour, he receiued a great supply, and went against Pietrino, who was become strong also: so as Giouanni reti­red into the Cittie, where also in the night Pietrino entred, and possessed some pla­ces thereof: but the next morning was by the souldiers of Giouanni assaulted and slaine, and all his men likewise either slaine or taken. This victorie encouraged [Page 168] Giouanni to set vpon the Kingdome: and in October 1459. with a mightie nauie he departed from Genoua. The king­dome of Naples assaulted by Giouanni de A [...]gio. And landing at Baia, marched from thence to Sessa, where he was by the Duke of that countrey receiued. Then came vnto Giouanni the Prince of Tarranto, the Cittizens of Aquila, with many other townes and Princes, in so much as that Kingdome was almost ruined. Ferrando seeing that, desired aide of the Pope and the Duke. Also to haue the fewer foes, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, wherewith Giacopo Piccinino (being naturall enemy to Gismondo) became so much displeased, as he discharged himselfe from the seruice of Ferrando, and ioyned with Giouanni. Ferrando also sent money to enterteine Federigo Lord of Vrbino, and within short space he assembled (according vnto that time) a great army. Then marched he to the riuer of Sarni, where he found the enemy, and fought with him: in which conflict, King Ferran­do defeated. the forces of King Ferrando were ouerthrowne, and many of his principall Captaines taken. But notwithstanding this ouerthrow, the Cittie of Naples, with a fewe other townes, and some Princes, continued faithfull to Ferrando, though all the rest of the Realme, and Nobilitie, yeelded their obedience to Giouanni. Giacopo Piccinino perswaded Giouanni to follow the victorie, and presently to marche to Naples, thereby to possesse himselfe of the chiefe Cittie of the Kingdome; which Giouanni refused to do, saying he would first spoile all the countrey, and then it would be more easie to surprize the Cittie, which was the cause, he failed to per­forme that enterprise: for he knew not, that the parts do more willingly follow the head, then the head doth follow them. After this ouerthrow, the King Ferrando be­ing fled into Naples, thither resorted vnto him diuerse of his subiects, who were driuen from their countreys: then by all curteous meanes he leuied men and mo­ney to make a new Camp, sending againe for aide to the Pope and Duke. From the one and the other of whome he was aided more speedily and abundantly then be­fore time he had bene, bicause they greatly feared, he should otherwise lose his Kingdome. King Ferrando in this sort growne strong, marched out of Naples, and hauing gotten some reputation, recouered also part of his lost townes. During these warres in the Kingdome, a chance happened, that vtterly depriued Giouanni de Angio of reputation and meane to haue victorie in that enterprise. The Genouesi being wearie of the French insolent and couetous gouernment, tooke armes against the Kings Gouernour there, and forced him to flee to the little Castle of Genoua. The Fregosi and the Adorni were content to ioyne in that action, and by the Duke of Milan they became furnished of money and men, both for the winning, and kee­ping the Cittie. So that the King Rinato with his nauie came to the succour of his sonne, and hoping to recouer Genoua, by meane of the small Castle, in landing his souldiers, was ouerthrowne; and forced with shame to returne vnto Prouenza. These newes being carried to the Kingdome of Naples, greatly dismaied Giouanni de Angio: notwithstanding, he still followed his enterprise, and continued the warre, being serued by those Barons who were rebelled, and could not looke for fauour of Ferrando. In the end, after many accidents, those two royall armies ioyned battell, Giouanni de Angio vanquished in battell. wherein, neare vnto the Cittie of Troia, Giouanni was vanquished, the yeare 1463. This ouerthrow did not so much hinder the successe of the King Giouanni, as did the reuolt of Giacopo Piccinino, who left him, and ioyned with King Ferrando: whereby being spoiled of his forces, he retired into Histria, and from thence to Fraunce. This warre continued foure yeares, and was in the end lost by his owne negligence, for it was many times in good way of victorie by the vertue of his soul­diers. Therein the Florentines intermedled not apparantly, yet were they desired by Embassadors of the King Giouanni of Arragon (newly come to that Kingdome by the death of Alfonso) to assist the enterprise of Ferrando his nephew, as they had [Page 169] bound themselues by the league lately made with Alfonso his father. To whome by the Florentines it was answered, that they were not by any obligation bound to aide the sonne in that warre, which was begun by the father: for as the same had bene without their counsell or knowledge taken in hand, so without their assistance it should be performed and ended. The Embassadors being thus to the request of their King answered, protested the execution of their band, and the Kings preiudice, so in great displeasure with that Cittie, departed. The Florentines during these warres, continued in peace abroad, but within they rested not, as in the next Booke shall be particulerly declared.

TO those that haue read the former Booke, it may seeme in writing of Florence, and the proceedings of the Florentines, we haue ouer­much spoken of such accidents as hapned in Lombardy and the Kingdome. Neuerthelesse, as heretofore I haue, so am I hereafter to continue with the like discourses. For albeit I did not promise to write of matters concerning Italy, yet haue I thought good to speake of those, that were in that countrey most notable. For if I should not make mention of them, our historie would be with more difficultie vnderstood, and to the Readers lesse pleasing. Chiefely, bicause the actions of other people and Princes of Italy, did occasion the warres, wherein the Florentines were forced to intermeddle, as of the warre of Giouanni de Angio, and King Ferrando great enimitie grew, which was after betwixt Ferrando and the Florentines, and particu­lerly with the house of Medici continued. For the King complained, that the Flo­rentines did not onely leaue him in that warre vnaided, but also that his enemies were by them fauoured: which anger, was the occasion of exceeding many incon­uenients, as shall be hereafter declared. And for as much as I haue written at large those matters which happened without the Cittie, till the yeare 1463. it behoueth me for the declaration of such troubles as happened in those daies within, to looke back many yeares passed. Yet first by way of discourse (as is my custome) I say, that whosoeuer doth thinke, that any Common-weale can continue vnited, he greatlie deceiueth himselfe. But true it is, that some diuisions be preiudi­ciall to Common-weales, and some others be profitable. Those be preiudiciall, which are with factions and followers accompanied. And those are profi­table, which without factions and followers bee mainteined. Seeing then, it is a thing impossible, for that man who frameth a Common-weale, to pro­uide that no enimitie shall therein arise, he ought (at the least) foresee, that no [Page 170] factions be permitted. It is then to be considered, that the Citizens in euerie state do win reputation, either by publike or priuate meanes. Publike reputation is gotten by victorie in the field, by surprizing of townes, by wise and discreet performing of Embassages, or by counsailing the State grauely and fortunately. By priuate meanes men attain to reputatiō, by pleasuring particuler citizēs, by sauing them frō punish­ments, by relieuing them with money, by aduancing thē vnworthily to honors and offices, and by enterteining the common people with sports & publike gifts. From these causes, faction, following, and partaking do proceed. And as reputation thus gotten is hurtful, so the other not being intermedled with faction, is the occasion of great good, bicause it is grounded vpon no priuate, but common commoditie. And albeit among such Citizens, so great displeasures wil grow, as the wisdome of man is not able to preuēt, yet wāting partakers to follow thē for proper profit, they cannot by any way hinder the common-weale, but shal rather help it: for in aspiring to that they would come vnto, it behoueth them to indeuor the aduancement of the state, and particularly one to respect the other, so much, as the lawes & ciuil orders be not infringed. The enimities of Florēce were alwaies followed with factions, and ther­fore hurtfull to the state, neither was any victorious faction longer vnited, then the contrary part continued in force: for so soone as the enemies were extinguished, the faction remaining no more in awe of the enemy, nor hauing order to bridle it selfe, became diuided. The faction of Cosimo de Medici in the yeare 1434. remained with victorie. Neuerthelesse, bicause the partie oppressed was stil great, and full of migh­tie men, it continued vnited and tollerable, so long, as among those of the factiō, no error was cōmitted, and the people for no euill desert did hate thē: and whensoeuer that gouernment had need of the people to reestablish their authoritie, they found them readie to giue vnto the chiefe of the faction the Balia, and whatsoeuer else they desired. Thus frō the 1434. till the 55. being 21. yeares, they were cōfirmed in office 6. times, Cosimo de Medici. Neri Cap­poni. ordinarily elected by the Councels. There were in Florence (as we haue di­uerse times said) two most mightie Citizens, Cosimo de Medici, and Neri Capponi, of whome, Neri had gained his reputation by publike meanes: by season whereof, he had many friends, but few followers. Cosimo on the other side being aspired both by publike and priuate waies, had not onely many friends, but also many followers. These two men continuing vnited, during their liues, easily obteined of the people whatsoeuer they desired, bicause they had loue mixed with authoritie. But the yere 1455. being come, Neri dead, & the aduerse part extinguished, Cosimo found no small difficultie to be cōfirmed, and his own friends being most mightie in the state, were cause therof: bicause they feared no more the cōtrary faction put downe, & desired to decrease the power of Cosimo; which was the beginning of those diuisions which followed after in the yeare 1466. So as they vnto whome the offices apperteined, in their councels, where the publike gouernment of that state was debated, did alleage it was not conueniēt that the authoritie of Balia should be resumed, but that the or­der of election ought proceed, as it was wont, by lots, and not according to the for­mer Squittini. Cosimo, to quallifie this humor, had to determine vpon one of these two remedies, either by force with the aide of his friends and followers to possesse himselfe of the State, and therewith to compell the contrarie faction, or else to suffer the matter proceed, and in time let his friends know, that not his honor, but their re­putation was by the enemy taken away. Of these two remedies, he made choise of the last: for hee knew well, that the Squittini being fullest of his friends, him­selfe could not incurre any perill, and might also at his pleasure resume the State. The Cittie then determined to create the Magistrates by lot: the greatest number thought the libertie recouered, and that the offices should not after be allotted, [Page 171] according to the will of the most mightie men, but as seemed best to themselues. Whereupon, the followers of the great Cittizens began to be disesteemed, and by the people were in sundrie places beaten downe and oppressed. So as they who were wont to haue their houses full of suters and presents, were now become emptie, and without any resort at all. They also sawe themselues made equall with those who were before time farre vnder them, and their equals were become their superiors. They were not regarded nor honored, but rather many times mocked and derided. Also in the streets, the people without respect, spake their pleasures both of them, and of the Common-weale. Whereof was conceiued, that they, and not Co­simo, had lost the gouernment. All which things Cosimo dissimuled, and whensoeuer any thing plausible to the people was propounded, he was euer the first that al­lowed thereof. But that which most terrified the great men, and made Cosimo to looke about him, was the reuiuing of the Catasto the yeare 1427. Whereby was or­deined, the Imposition should proceed by the order of lawe, and not the pleasure of men. This lawe made, and Magistrates for execution thereof chosen, occasioned the great Citizens to assemble, goe vnto Cosimo, and desire him be pleased to concurre with them in their, and his owne deliuery from the people: whereby he should re­couer reputation to the State, make himselfe mightie, and them honored. Thereun­to Cosimo answered, he was content, so that the lawe were made orderly with con­sent of the people, and without force; otherwise no speech to be thereof. Then went they about in the Councels to make a new Balia, whereby they might create new Officers, but that intention preuailed not: then the great Cittizens returned to Cosimo, desiring him most humblie to consent to the Parliament, which Cosimo vt­terly refused to do: meaning thereby to bring to passe, that they should finde the error they committed. And bicause Donato Cochi, being Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, would in any wise without his consent call the Parliament, Cosimo procured him by the rest of the Senators, (who sate with him in office) to be so mocked and dis­deined, as thereby he became mad, and was as a man sencelesse, sent home to his house. Notwithstanding, bicause he thought it not fit to suffer matters to runne further out of order, then that they might be at his pleasure reformed: Lucca Pitti. Lucca Pitti become Gonfaloniere di Giustitia (a stout and selfe-willed man) Cosimo thought good to leaue the gouernment to his discretion, to the end, that if any thing were mis­done, the fault might be to Lucca and not to himselfe imputed. Lucca then in the be­ginning of his Magistracie, propounded many things to the people, touching re­stauration of the Balia, but not obteining his desire, with iniurious words full of pride, he threatned those of the councels: Which threatnings, shortly after he per­formed indeed. For in August vpon the eue of S. Lorenzo, the yeare 1458. he assem­bled secretly within the Pallace many armed men, called the people thither, and for­ced thē to consent to that, which voluntarily they had before denied. By this means being againe in possession of the State, the Balia was created, and the chiefe Magi­strates according to the pleasure of a fewe, were appointed. Then to begin that go­uernment with terror, which was gotten by force, Girolamo Machiauelli. they confined Girolamo Machia­uelli, with some others, and depriued many from their offices, which Girolamo ha­uing afterwards passed the bounds of prescription, was proclaimed a Rebell. Then went he from place to place in Italy, to perswade the Princes against his countrey, till at length in Lunigiana, through the treason of one of that Senate, he was taken, brought to Florence, and there in prison died. This forme of gouernmēt continuing eight yeares, was violent and insupportable. For Cosimo being old, weake, vnheal­thie, and vnable to be present as he was wont, at the affaires of the Common-weale, a fewe Cittizens at their pleasures did rob and spoyle the Cittie. Lucca Pitti for his [Page 172] good seruice was made Knight, and he to declare himselfe no lesse thankfull to the State, then the State had bene to him, caused that the Officers called Priori delli Arti, hauing passed their authoritie, should be called Priori della Liberta. He ordeined also, that whereas the Gonfaloniere was woont to sit on the right hand of the Rettori, that after he should be placed in the middest of them. Moreouer, to the end that God might seeme partaker of this action, they made publique processions and prayers, thanking him for the restauration of their honors. Lucca was by the Senate, and by Cosimo richly presented. To him also euerie other Cittizen resorted, and gaue some­what, so that it was supposed that the summe of his presents amounted vnto twentie thousand duckets. In conclusion, he aspired to such greatnesse of reputation, as Lucca, Ordinances by Lucca [...]tti. and not Cosimo, seemed to gouerne the Cittie. Thereupon he conceiued so great confidence, that he began to build two houses, the one in Florence, the other in Rucciano, a mile distant from the Cittie, both stately and kingly buildings. But that in Florence was much larger then by any priuate Cittizen had euer bene buil­ded. For performance thereof, he spared not to vse all extraordinarie meanes. For not onely priuate Cittizens and particuler men did present him, and help him with things necessarie for his building, but the whole comminaltie and people did put their hands to his works. Moreouer, all banished men, and euerie other person ha­uing committed murther, theft, or other offence, whereof he feared publique pu­nishment (if he were abled to his seruice any way) might without all danger resort thither. The other Cittizens, although they builded not like vnto him, yet were they no lesse violent, and inclined to oppression: so as, albeit Florence had no warre abroad to hinder it, yet was it by the Cittizens within oppressed. In those dayes (as is before sayd) happened the warre in the Kingdome: and some warres were also made against the house of Malatesti, by the Pope, being desirous to take from them Rimino and Cesena: so that in this enterprise, and his studie to moue the warre against the Turke, Pope Pio consumed his Papacie. But Florence continued still in diuisi­ons and troubles. For then began the faction of Cosimo to be diuided within it selfe, the yeare 1455. which happened by the occasions before said. Yet were they (for that time) by his wisedome appeased. But the yeare 64. being come, Cosimo fell againe sick, The death of Cosimo di Medici. and dyed. At his death, both friends and foes lamented: for they, who in respect of the State loued him not, seeing what extortion was vsed by the Cittizens in his life, doubted (least Cosimo being dead whome all men reuerenced) they should be vtterly ruined, and of his sonne Piero they hoped not much. For al­beit he were of disposition a good man, yet being sickly, and new in the gouernmēt, they thought he should be forced to respect others, who without any bridle, would become strong and incorrigible. Euerie man therefore feared to find great want of Cosimo. This Cosimo was the most esteemed, and most famous Cittizen (be­ing no man of warre) that euer had bene in the memorie of man, either in Florence, or any other Cittie, bicause he did not onely excell all others (of his time) in autho­ritie and riches, but also in liberalitie and wisedome. For amongst other qualities which aduanced him to be chiefe of his Countrey, he was more then other men, li­berall and magnificent. Which liberalitie appeared much more after his death then before. For his sonne Piero found by his fathers Records, that there was not any Cittizen of estimation, to whome Cosimo had not lent great summes of money: and many times also vnrequired he did lend to those Gentlemen, whome he knewe to haue need. His magnificence likewise appeared by diuerse his buildings. For within Florence, he builded the Abbaies and Temples of S. Marco, S. Lorenzo, and the Monasterie of S. Verdiana. And in the Mountaines of Fiesole, S. Gero­lano, with the Abbey thereunto belonging. Also in Mugello, he did not onely [Page 173] repaire the Church for the Friers, but tooke it downe, and builded it a new. Be­sides those magnificent buildings in S. Croce, in S. Agnoli, and S. Miniato, he made Altars, and sumptuous Chappels. All which Temples and Chappels, besides the buildings of them, were by him paued, and throughlie furnished with all things necessarie. With these publique buildings, we may number his priuate houses, whereof one within the Cittie meete for so great a personage, and foure other with­out at Carriaggi, at Fiesole, at Cafaggiuolo, and at Trebio, all Pallaces fitter for Princes then priuate persons. And bicause his magnificent houses in Italy did not in his opi­nion make him famous ynough, he builded in Ierusalem an Hospitall to reciue poore and diseased Pilgrims. In which worke, he consumed great summes of money. And albeit these buildings, and euery other his actions were princely, and that in Flo­rence he liued like a Prince, yet so gouerned by wisedome, as he neuer exceeded the bounds of ciuill modestie. For in his conuersation, in riding, in marrying his chil­dren and kinsfolks, he was like vnto all other discreet and modest Citizens: bicause he well knew, that extraordinarie things which are of all men with admiration behol­ded, do win more enuie, then those which without ostentatiō be honestlie couered. Whensoeuer therefore he married his sonnes, he neuer sought to match them with the daughters of Princes, but wedded his sonne Giouanni, to Cornelia Alessandri, and Piero, to Lucretia Tornabuoni. Also of his graund children begotten of Piero, he mar­ried Bianca to Guglielmo de Pazi, and Nannina to Barnardo Russellai. These his procee­dings caused, that in so great change of fortune, and in so variable a Cittie, among so inconstant Cittizens, he continued a Magistrate 31. yeares. For being a wise man, he discouered all inconuenients a farre, and therefore might in time preuent them, or if they did grow, be so prepared, as they could not offend him. Whereby he did not onely suppresse all domesticall and ciuill ambition, but also bridled the insolencie of many Princes with so great happinesse and wisedome, that whosoeuer ioyned in league with him and his countrey, became either equall or superior to his enemies. And whosoeuer opposed themselues against them, either they lost time, money, or state. Whereof the Venetians can beare witnesse, who being ioyned with him a­gainst the Duke Philippo, were alwayes victorious: and being disioyned, were first by Philippo, and after by Francesco victored and oppressed. Also when they ioyned with Alfonso against the state of Florence, Cosimo with his credit, made both Naples and Venice so scarce of money, as they were constrayned to take what peace himselfe was pleased with. Whatsoeuer difficultie or contradiction was moued against Co­simo, either within or without the Cittie, the end thereof was to his glorie, and the disaduantage of his enemies. Therefore all ciuill discords increased his authoritie in Florence, and forraine warres augmented his power abroad. He annexed to the dominion of his Countrey Borgo at S. Sepolcro, Monteuoglio, Casentino, and the Vale of Bagno. Thus his vertue and fortune, oppressed all enemies, and aduanced his friends. He was borne in the yeare 1389. on the feast day of S. Cosimo and Damiano. The first part of his life was full of troubles, as appeareth by his exile, his impri­sonment, and his dangers of death. Also at the Councell of Constanza (whither he went with the Pope Giouanni) after the Popes oppression, he was forced to dis­guise himselfe, and flee. But hauing passed the fortie yeare of his age, hee liued most happily: in so much, as not onely they which ioyned with him in publique actions, but all other men also that maneged his treasure in euerie place of Eu­rope, did perticipate of his felicitie. Also many excessiue rich houses in Flo­rence had their beginning from him, as Tornabuoni, Benchi, Portinari, and Sas­setti. Besides all these, euerie man depending vppon his counsell, and for­tune, became wealthie. And albeit that his building of Temples, and giuing [Page 174] of almes, was knowne throughout the world, yet would he to his friends many times lament, that he had not spent and bestowed so much to the honor of God, but that he found himselfe still in his booke a debtor. He was of meane stature, in com­plexion browne, The descrip­tion of Cosi­mo his per­son, and his wit. and of presence venerable: vnlearned, yet eloquent, and full of naturall wisedome; friendlie to his friends, and pittifull to the poore. In conuersa­tion he was frugall, in counsell aduised, in execution speedie, in speech and answe­ring, wittie, and graue. Rinaldo de gli Albizi in the beginning of his exile sent him a message, saying that the hen did sit: whereunto Cosimo answered, that she could ne­uer hatch, being farre from her nest. To other Rebels who sent him word they slept not: he answered, that he beleeued the same, bicause there, sleepe was taken from them. Vnto the Pope Pio, perswading Princes to take Armes against the Turke, Cosimo said, An old man taketh in hand a yong enterprise. To the Embassa­dors of Venice, who came with the messengers of Alfonso, to complaine of the Flo­rentines, he shewed his head bare, and asked of what colour it was? they answered white. Then he replying, said, that ere it belong, your Senators will also haue white heads like vnto mine. His wife, a few houres before his death, seeing him shut his eyes, asked him for what cause he so did? He answered, to bring them in vse. Some Citizens saying vnto him after his returne from exile, that he hindered the Cittie, and offended God, in banishing so many honest men? To them hee answered, It was better to haue a Cittie hindered, then lost; and that the State was not de­fended with beades in mens hands. Which words, gaue his enemyes matter to speake euill of him, as a man that loued himselfe more then his Countrey, and that esteemed more this world, then the world to come. Many other sayings, as things not necessarie, I, omit. Cosimo was also a louer and preferrer of learned men, for he brought vnto Florence Argiropolo, a Grecian borne, and in that time of singuler lear­ning, to the end that the youth of Florence might be by him instructed in the Greeke toong, and other his good learnings. He enterteyned in his house Marsi­lio Ficino, a second father of the Philosophie of Plato, and him he entirely loued. Also, to the end he might with commoditie exercise the studie of learning, and more aptly vse his help therein, he gaue him certaine land neare vnto his house of Careggi. This his wisedome, these his riches, this manner of life, and this fortune, were the causes, that in Florence he was both feared and loued, and of the Prin­ces not onely of Italy, but also of all Europe esteemed: so as he left vnto his po­steritie such a foundation, as they might with vertue equall him, and in for­tune farre excell him. Whatsoeuer authoritie Cosimo had either in Florence, or elsewhere in Christendome, he deserued the same: notwithstanding, in the end of his life, he had great sorrowes. For of two onely sonnes, Pietro, and Giouanni, the one (of whome he had most hope) dyed: the other was continually sick, and therefore vnable either for publique or priuate function. In so much as his sonne being dead, he caused him to be carried about the house, and he following the Coarse, sighed, and saide, this house is ouer great for so small a familie. It also offended the greatnesse of his minde, that he had not (in his owne opinion) in­larged the Florentine dominion with some honorable conquest. And it grieued him the more, knowing that Francesco Sforza had deceiued him, who being but Earle, promised, that so soone as hee was possessed of Milan, hee would winne the Cittie of Lucca for the Florentines. Which was not performed, bi­cause the Earle with his fortune changed his minde, and being become Duke, determined to enioy that state with peace, which he had gotten by warre. There­fore he would neither keepe touch with Cosimo nor any other, neither would he af­ter he was Duke, make anie more warres then those that for his owne defence hee [Page 175] was enforced vnto. Which grieued Cosimo greatly, finding that he had endured great paines, and spent much, to aduance a man vnthankfull and perfidious. Moreouer by the weaknesse of his bodie, he found himselfe vnfit to follow either priuate or pub­lique affaires, whereby the one, and the other, miscarried. Because the Citie was de­stroyed by the Citizens, and his owne substance by his confidents and children consumed. All these things in the later end of his age, did greatly disquiet his minde: Notwithstanding he died with glorie. And all the principall Citizens, and all the Christian Princes did condole his death with Pietro his sonne, and accompanied his coarse to the Temple of S. Lorenzo, where with great pompe it was buried: and by publique consent was written vpon his Tombe, Pater Patriae. If in this discourse of Cosimo, I haue imitated those, which haue written the liues of Princes, and not those which write vniuersall histories: let no man marueile thereat. For hee being a rare man in our Citie, deserued I should affoard him extraordinary commendation. In those dayes, that Florence and Italy stood in the conditions aforesaide, Lewes King of France, was with greeuous warres assaulted. For the Lords of his owne Countrey, assisted by the Dukes of Bretagne and Burgogne, made the war so great vpon the King, that he had no meane to aide the Duke Giouanni de Angio, in his enterprise of Genoua and the kingdome. But iudging that he had neede of ayd whatsoeuer, he gaue the Citie of Sauona (then in his hand and kept by French men) to Francesco Duke of Mi­lan: letting him vnderstand, that (if he so pleased) he might also with his fauour, as­sault Genoua. Which offer was accepted by Francesco, and either through the reputa­tion of the Kings friendship, or the fauour of the Adorni, he became Lord of Genoua. The Duke of Milan, Lord of Genoua. Then to declare himselfe thankfull for the benefit receiued of the King, he sent into France to the Kings aide, a thousand fiue hundreth horse, conducted by Galiazzo his eldest sonne. Thus Ferrando of Aragon, and Francesco Sforza, were become, the one Duke of Lombardy and Prince of Genoua: the other, King of all the kingdome of Na­ples. And hauing married their children, the one, to the other, they deuised by what meanes they might, during their liues, maintaine their countries with securitie: and after their deaths, so leaue the same to their heires. For which purpose, they thought it necessarie, that the King should assure himselfe of those Barons, which in the war of Giouanni de Angio, had disobeyed him: and that the Duke should endeuour him­selfe to extinguish those that had bene brought vp in the warres by the Bracci, natu­rall enemies to his house, and growne vp in great reputation vnder Giacopo Piccinino, who was the chiefest Captaine in all Italy; and such a one as euerie Prince ought to beware of: chiefly the Duke who could not account his dominion assured, nor leaue the same to his sonnes, if Giacopo did still liue. The King therfore by all meanes sought to make peace with his Barons, handling the matter cunningly to assure him selfe of them, which fell out very happily. Because the Barons did thinke, that in con­tinuing the warre against their King, the same would be in the end their vndoubted ruine: and yeelding to the peace, they should stand at the kings discretion. But be­cause men do most willingly eschue that euill which is most certaine, it commeth to passe, that Princes may easily deceiue others of lesse power: and so these Lords gaue credit to the King. For they seeing the manifest danger of the warre, yeelded them­selues into his hands, and were vppon sundrie occasions by him oppressed: which greatly dismaied Giacopo Piccinino, at that time remaining with his forces at Salmona. And to remoue occasion whereby the King might oppresse him, he practised by his friends, to be reconciled to the Duke Francesco, who hauing made him great and honourable offers, Giacopo resolued to put himselfe into his hands: and being ac­companied with one hundreth horse went to Milan to present himselfe vnto the Duke. Giacapo had long serued his father, and with his brother; first for the Duke [Page 176] Philippo, and after for the people of Milan. Whereby he gained great acquaintance in that Citie, Giacopo Pic­cinino, supec­ted to the Duke. and the good will of the multitude, which was encreased by the present condition of the Citie. For the good fortune, and great power of the house of Sfor­za, had kindled great enuie: And Giacopo for his aduersitie and long absence, was greatly by the people pitied, who desired much to see him. All which things appea­red at his comming. For welneare all the Nobilitie went to meet him, and the streets were full of those which desired to see him. Besides that, great honour was spoken of him and his souldiers. All which things, did hasten his destruction, because they encreased suspition, and the Dukes desire to oppresse him. For the more couert per­formance thereof, the Duke deuised, that the marriage with his daughter Drusiana, who had bene long before contracted vnto him, should now be solemnized. Then he practised with Ferrando, to entertaine him, for Generall of his Army, and promi­sed him a hundreth thousand Florins in prest. After this conclusion, Giacopo, accom­panied with the Dukes Embassador, and Drusiana his wife, went vnto Naples, where he was ioyfully and honourably receiued: and for diuerse dayes enterteined with all sorts of triumph and feasting. But at length desiring to go vnto his Campe (which he left at Salmona) he was by the King conuited to dinner in the Castle. The dinner being ended, Giacopo Pic­cinino, mur­thered. both he and his sonne were imprisoned, and shortly after put to death. Whereby may be perceiued, that our Italian Princes haue feared that vertue in o­thers, which was not to be found in themselues: and did smother the same so long, as no vertue at all being left, our country became shortly after, afflicted and ruined. In these dayes the Pope Pio hauing setled all things in Romagna, thought the time serued well, in respect of the vniuersall peace, to moue the Christians to make warre against the Turke: according to the plot set downe by his predecessors. To the per­formance of this exployt, all Princes did contribute mony or men. And in particuler Mathia King of Hungary, and Carlo Duke of Borgogna, promising to go in person, were by the Pope made Captaines generall of that iourney. The Pope had so great hope of proceeding in this enterprise, that he went from Rome to Ancona, where all the Armie were appointed to assemble: and the Venetians did promise to send vessels to passe the souldiers into Schiauonia. After the Popes arriual in that Citie, the concourse of people there was so great, that within fewe dayes all the victuall of that citie, and that could be brought thither from other places thereabouts, did not suffice. In so much as euerie man began to taste of famine. Moreouer, there wanted mony to fur­nish the souldiers of things needfull, and arme those that were disarmed. Mathia and Carlo appeared not, and the Venetians sent thither one onely Captaine with a fewe Gallies, rather to shewe their pompe, and seeme to haue kept promise, then to passe the Armie. So as the Pope being old and sicke, in the middest of these businesses and disorders, died. After whose death, euerie man returned home. This Pope being dead, the yeare 1465. Paulo secundo, borne in the Cittie of Venice, aspired to the Papacie. About that time, many other states of Italy chaunged their go­uernment. The death of the Duke Frā ­cesco. For the same yeare following, died Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, hauing vsurped that Dukedome sixteene yeares. And Galiazzo his sonne, was proclaimed Duke. The death of this Prince, was the occasion that the diuisions of Florence, Piero di Me­dici. became of more force, and wrought their effects with the more speed. Af­ter the death of Cosimo di Medici, Piero his sonne being left in possession of the goods and lands of his father, called vnto him, Diotisalui Neroni, a man of great authoritie, amōg the other citizens of most reputation: and one in whom Cosimo reposed so great trust, as at his death he willed Piero both in his substance & state, to be by his counsel gouerned. Piero accordingly declared vnto Diotisalui the trust which Cosimo had in him: And because he would shewe himselfe as obedient to his father after death, as [Page 177] he was in his life: he desired Diotisalui to assist him with his counsell, both for the order of his patrimonie, and the gouernment of the Citie; and to begin with his own priuate businesse, he commaunded all his Officers to resort vnto him with their ac­counts, and leaue the same with Diotisalui, to the end that he might finde out the or­der and disorder of their doings, and so counsell him what was best afterwards to be done. Diotisalui promised to vse diligence, and performe the trust in him reposed. The Officers being come and examined, were found to haue committed many dis­orders. And thereupon (as a man that more respected his owne ambition, then the loue he bare to Piero, or the benefits he had receiued of Cosimo) imagined it was ea­sie to deceiue Piero of the reputation, and liuings left him by his father. Dissimulation of Diotisalui Neroni. Diotisalui came vnto Piero offering him counsaile, which seemed verie honest and reasonable, yet vnder the same laie hidden the destruction of Piero. Hee told him what disorder he found in his affaires, and how it behoued him to prouide great summes of mony for the holding of his credit, and reputation in the state; and therfore said, he could not more honestly repaire his disorders and losses, then by calling in those debtes which many straungers and Citizens did owe vnto his father. For Cosimo to gaine himselfe followers in Florence, and friends abroad, was exceeding liberall of his sub­stance; and had for that occasion lent out summes of great importance. This coun­saile to Piero seemed good, and honest, supposing he should by execution thereof, without perill, repaire himselfe with his owne. Notwithstanding so soone as hee called for these debts, the Citizens grew no lesse offended, then if hee should haue desired their owne goods, and without respect they spake euill of him, slaundering him to be a man vnthankfull and couetous. Diotisalui seeing this common and po­puler disgrace, which Piero had gotten by his counsaile, A practise a­gainst Piero di Medici. ioyned himselfe with Lucca Pitti, Agnolo Acciaiuoli, and Nicholo Soderini, determining to take from Piero, reputati­on and gouernment. These men were moued thereunto for diuerse respects. Lucca desired to succeed in the place of Cosimo, for hee was aspired to such greatnesse, as he disdained to await vpon Piero. Diotisalui, knowing that Lucca was not fit to be chiefe of the gouernment, thought if Piero had lost his reputation, it would in short time fall vpon himselfe. Nicholo Soderini, desired that the Cittie might liue more at libertie, and that the Magistrates might gouerne at their discretion. Also betwixt Agnolo and the house of Medici, remained particuler displeasures. The occasion whereof was this. Rafaello his sonne, had long before, Offence be­tween the Ac­ciaiuoli and the Medici. taken to wife Alessandra de Bardi, and receiued with her a great dowrie. She, either through her owne default, or the mallice of others, was by her father in lawe and her husband, euill handled. Whereupon Brenzo de Illarione her kinsman, being moued with compassion, went in the night accompanied with many armed men, and tooke her out of the house of Agnolo. Agnolo and the rest of the Acciaiuoli, complained of this iniurie done them, by the Bardi. The matter was committed to the hearing of Cosimo, who iudged that the Acciaiuoli should restore the marriage money receiued with Alessandra, and shee after to return to her husband, or not, as her selfe was disposed. Agnolo thought him­selfe in this iudgement not friendly handled by Cosimo, of whom, because hee could not be reuenged, he thought to execute the reuenge vpon his sonne. These conspi­rators notwithstanding the diuersitie of their humors, pretended all one occasion, saying they would haue the Citie gouerned by the magistrates, and not by the coun­saile of a fewe. The displeasure towards Piero, and the euill speech of him was en­creased by many marchants, who at that time became bankerout, and laide the fault thereof vpon Piero, for that he calling home his money hastily, had hindered their credit, and forced them with the preiudice of the Citie to be vndone. Besides that, they did surmise, that he practised to marry his sonne with Clarise Orsini. Whereof [Page 178] the Citizens conceiued that he did disdaine to make alliance with any Citizen: ther­fore prepared to vsurpe the state, and make himselfe Prince. For whosoeuer disdai­neth his owne Citizens to be of his kindred, desireth to haue them his subiects. In these respects they had no reason to be his friends. The leaders of this sedition, per­suaded themselues to haue the victorie in their own hands, because the greater num­ber of the Citizens (deceiued with the name of libertie, whereby they vsed to make their enterprises, seeme more honest) followed them. These humours then boyling in the breasts of the Cittizens, it was thought good to them, whome ciuill disorder displeased, to assaie, if by some new found mirth or feast, the mindes of men might be setled. For most commonly the idle people be instruments for those that desire alte­ration. Then to remoue this idlenesse, and giue some occasion to alienate the minds of men from consideration of the state, the yeare of Cosimo his death being passed, they tooke occasion to make the Citie some mirth, ordeining two tryumphs more solemne then was the custome. The one made representation how the three Magi came from the East, following the starre that ledde them to the place where Christ was borne: which was performed with so great solemnitie, as enterteined the Citie diuerse moneths. The other was a torniament, wherein the principall yoong Gen­tlemen of the Citie exercised Armes against all the chiefe men of Armes in Italy. And of the Florentine youth, Lorenzo the eldest sonne of Piero gained most honor: for not by fauour, but in deed by his owne valour, he wanne the best prize. These triumphs being ended, the Citizens returned to thinke of the state, and euerie man with more care then before, studied to maintaine his owne opinion, whereof great diuersitie of conceits, and troubles ensued. The one was, that the authoritie of Balia tooke no effect. League be­tweene the Duke Galii­azzo and the Florentines. The other, by the death of Francesco Duke of Milan. Whereuppon the newe Duke Galiazzo sent Embassadors to Florence, to confirme the capitulations made by Francesco his father: wherein among other things it was concluded, that yearely the Duke should receiue from them certaine summes of money. Vpon this Article, the Gouernours of the state, tooke occasion to hold opinion contrarie to the House of Medici, publiquely in these Councels, inueying against that payment, alleaging that pencion to be promised, not to Galiazzo, but vnto Francesco. For Francesco being dead, there was no cause to cōtinue it. Because in Galiazzo there was not that vertue, which was in Francesco: and so consequently, that good was not, nor could not be looked for at his hand, which was found at his fathers. And although of Francesco they re­ceiued not much, yet were they to looke for lesse of Galiazzo: and if any Cititzen would entertaine him, to mainteine his owne priuate power, that were a thing con­trarie to ciuill life, and the libertie of the Citie. Piero on the contrary, alleaged, that it were not well done, through couetousnesse, to lose a friendship so necessarie: and that there was nothing so meete, for the Common-weale, and all Italy, as to conti­nue in league with the Duke. To the ende that the Venetians seeing them vnited, might not hope either by fained friendship or by open warre, to oppresse the Duke­dome. For if they should perceiue, the Florentines to haue forsaken the Duke, they would presently take Armes, and the rather, knowing he was yoong, newly come to the gouernment, and without friends. Wherof they might hope either by fraud or force to win his countrey, which would be also the vtter ruine of the Florentine Common-weale. These reasons were not allowed, and secret hatred began openly to shewe it selfe. For the same night, either partie, in diuerse companies assembled. The friends of the Medici, met at Crocetta, and their aduersaries in La Pieta, who stu­dying to oppresse Piero, had gotten their enterprise subscribed with the hands of ma­ny Citizens. Consultation to oppresse the Medici. Also, being among many other times, one night assembled, they held a particuler Councell for the maner of their proceeding; when euerie man consented [Page 179] to diminish the power of the Medici: yet in the order how to bring the matter to passe, they concurred not. Some, that were of most modest nature, thought that the authoritie of the Balia being ended, it were best to finde meanes, that the same might not be reuiued: for if the Councels and Magistrates did gouerne the Cittie, the au­thoritie of Piero would be in short space extinguished; and with losse of his repu­tation in the state, he should also lose his credit in merchandize. For being no more in place, where he might imploy the publique treasure, he should of necessitie grow weake; which being brought to passe, there would not be after any cause to feare him: and all this practise might bee performed without banishment of anie man, and the libertie without bloud recouered, which euery good Cittizen ought to de­sire. But if they proceeded by force, many perils might be incurred: for whosoeuer is readie to fall alone, if he be forced by others, will labour to staie himself vp. More­ouer, when nothing is done extraordinarily against him, he shall not haue any oc­casion to Arme himselfe, or seeke friends; or if he should, the same would turne to his great reproach, and breede suspition in euerie man: so as his ouerthrow shall be the more easie, and others take occasion the rather to oppresse him. Many others of that assembly liked not this delaie: affirming the time fauoured him, & not them. For if they were contented with ordinary proceedings, Piero was in no danger at all, and they in great perill: Because the Magistrates (notwithstanding they were his enemies,) would suffer him in the Citie, and his friends, with their ruine (as it hap­pened in the yeare 58.) would make him Prince; and as the former counsell pro­ceeded from good men, so this was the opinion of wise men. It was therefore neces­sary, that while men be displeased, to make him sure. The meane to bring the same to effect, was to be armed both within and without, and also to enterteine the Mar­quesse of Farrara, to be the better defended. Which done, when a Senate happened to be for the purpose, then to make all assured. In this resolution they staied till the next Senate, and proceeded according to the quallitie thereof. Among the conspira­tors, was Nicholo Fedini, whom they imployed as Chauncellor, he perswaded with a hope more certaine, reuealed to Piero, all the practise agreed vpon by his enemies, and deliuered him a note of all their names; which Piero perused, and seeing the number and quallitie of the Citizens who had conspired against him, tooke coun­sell of his friends, and made a note likewise of them. Then he committed this rolle of friends to be made by one whom he most trusted, who considering therof, found so great varietie, and instabilitie, in the mindes of the Citizens, that many who had bene written for his enemies, were also inrolled among the rest, who were accoun­ted his friends. During the space that these matters, with these alteratiōs were hand­led, the time was come to chuse two supreame Officers, and Nicholo Soderini was elected Gonfaloniere de Giustitia. It was a maruellous thing to see, with what con­course not onely of honourable Citizens, but of all sorts of people, he was accom­panied to the Pallace, and passing vppon the waie, they set on his head a garland of Oliffe, to shewe that of him depended the welfare and libertie of the Countrey. By this and many like experiences, it is proued, that men should not take vppon them any Office or principallitie with extraordinarie opinion. For not being able to per­forme such expectation (men desiring more then can be) doth in time breed his own dishonour and infamie. Thomaso and Nicholo Soderini were brethren: Nicholo was the bolder and more couragious, but Thomaso, the wiser, and friend to Piero. Who knowing his brothers humour, that he desired onely the libertie of the Cittie, and that the state might be setled without harme of any, perswaded Nicholo to make new Squittini, whereby the Borsi might be filled with such Cittizens as loued to liue in libertie. By doing whereof, the state should be at his will setled without tumult or [Page 180] iniury to anie. Nicholo gaue credit to the counsell of his brother, and in these vaine imaginations consumed the time of his office, till by the chiefe of the conspirators his friends, he was suffered to sincke: as they that would not for enuie, that the go­uernment should be with the authoritie of Nicholo renued, and hoping euer they might in time, vnder some other Gonfaloniere worke the same effect. The end of the magistracie of Nicholo come, and many things by him begun, but nothing ended, he yeelded vp his authoritie with more dishonour, then with honour, he had entered the same. This matter made the faction of Piero glad, and confirmed his friendes in the hope they had of his good successe. And those that before stood neutrall, ioyned with Piero, and matters being thus in a readinesse, for diuerse months without other tumult, they temporized. Notwithstāding the part of Piero stil encreased in strength, wherof the enemies tooke knowledge and ioyned themselues togither, to performe that by force, which by meane of the Magistrates they might easily haue done be­fore; and so concluded to kill Piero lying sicke at Careggi: for which purpose, they sent to the Marquesse of Farrara, to come vnto the Citie with his forces, and Piero be­ing slaine, they determined to march armed into the Market place, and cause the Se­nate to settle the gouernment according to their will. For albeit all the Citizens were not their friends, yet they that were their enemies would for feare giue place. Dioti­salui (the rather to cloake his intent) oftentimes visited Piero, and reasoned with him of the vniting of the Citie. All these practises had bene reuealed to Piero, and Dome­nico Martegli also gaue him intelligence, that Francesco Neroni, brother to Diotisalui, had perswaded him, to be of his conspiracie: alleaging the victorie was certain, and assured. Thereupon Piero determined to be the first that should take armes, and fai­ned an occasion vppon the practises of his enemies, with the Marquesse of Farrara. He pretended therefore to haue receiued a Letter from Giouanni Bentiuogli, Prince in Bologna, whereby he was aduertised, that the Marquesse of Farrara was with his forces marched to the Riuer of Albo, and (as was commonly thought) intended to come to Florence. Vpon these aduertisements Piero tooke armes, and with a great multitude of men armed, came to Florence, where all others that followed him ar­med themselues. The contrary partie did the like: but Piero his followers were the better prepared, because the others had not so great warning therof. Diotisalui dwel­ling neare vnto Piero, thought not himselfe assured at home, but sometimes he went to the Pallace, to perswade the Senate to cause Piero to laie downe his armes, & some­times he resorted to Lucca, to intreate him to stand firme to his faction. But of all o­thers, Nicholo Soderini shewed himself of most courage; for he presently tooke arms, and being followed of all the common people of his quarter, went vnto the house of Lucca, Perswasions of Nicholo Soderini a­gainst the Medici. desiring him to mount on horsebacke, and come to the Market place in fa­uour of the Senate, which fauoured them, and therefore might hope of victorie cer­taine. But if he remained in his house, hee should be either by the armed men op­pressed, or by those that were disarmed shamefully deceiued. Or if he should after repent that he did not take armes, that repentance were too late. But if he wold with the warre oppresse Piero, he might easily do it: and after if he liked to make peace, it was better for him to giue, then to receiue the conditions therof. These words mo­ued not Lucca, hauing alreadie setled his mind, and promised to Piero new alliances, and new conditions. For he had alreadie married vnto Giouanni Tornabuoni, one of his neeces, and therefore perswaded Nicholo to laie downe armes, and returne to his house. For it ought to suffice him, that the Cittie should be gouerned by the Magi­strates, and it would come to passe, that euerie man would laie downe armes: and the Senators being the stronger partie, should be Iudge of the controuersie. Nicholo then seeing he could not otherwise perswade him, returned home. But first said vnto [Page 181] Lucca, I cannot alone worke the well doing of our Citie, but I alone can prognosti­cate the euil whereinto it is falling. This resolution you haue made, will breed losse of libertie to our country, your depriuation of gouernment and wealth, and my ba­nishment. The Senate in this tumult shut vp the Pallace, and the Magistrates kept themselues therin, not seeming to sauour any part. The Citizens (and chiefly those who had followed Lucca) seeing Piero armed, and his aduersaries disarmed, began to deuise, not how to offend Piero, but how to become his frends. Wherupon the chief citizens & leaders of the factions, went to the Pallace, & in the presence of the Senate, debated many things touching the state of the Cittie, and pacification thereof. And for that, Piero by reason of his infirmitie could not come thither, they determined by consent to go all vnto him, ( Nicholo Soderini except) who hauing first recommended his children & familie to Tomaso, went to his owne house in the country, aspecting there the euent of these matters, accounting himselfe vnhappie, and for his coun­trey infortunate. The other Cittizens being come to the presence of Piero, The speech of the Citizens to Piero di Medici. one of them appointed to speake, complained of the tumults in the Cittie, declaring that they, who first tooke armes were most too blame: they not knowing what Pie­ro, (who indeed did first take armes) would doo. They were come therefore to vnderstand what was his intent, which (being for good of the Cittie) they would follow the same. Whereunto Piero answered, that hee who taketh armes first, The answer [...] of Piero. is not euer the cause of disorder, but he that giueth first occasion: and if they would consider what their behauiours had bene towards him, they should maruaile lesse at that he had done for his own safetie. For therby they should see, that their assem­blies in the night, their subscriptions, & their practises to take from him his gouern­ment & life, were the occasions why he tooke armes: which not vsed but in the de­fence of his owne house, and not the offence of them, sufficiently proued his intent was to defend himselfe, and not to harme others. Neither would he any thing, or de­sired more then his own securitie & quiet, nor had giuē cause, that they shuld think he sought for other. For the authoritie of Balia discontinued, he neuer laboured by extraordinarie meane to reuiue it; and was well content that the Magistrates should gouern the citie if they so pleased: assuring them, that Cosimo and his children could liue in Florence honorably both with and without the Balia; and that the yeare 58. the same had bene, not by his house, but by them renued; and if now they wold not haue it more, he should also be so contented. But this sufficed not for them: for he found that his aduersaries beleeued, they could not dwell in Florence, if he also there dwelled. A thing which he neuer thought that the friends of his father & him wold feare to liue in Florence with him, hauing euer born himselfe among them, as a quiet and peaceable man. Then (turning his speech to Diotisalui & his brethren there pre­sent) he reproued them with words of much grauitie & offence: putting thē in mind what benifits they had receiued of Cosimo, how much he had trusted thē, & how vn­thankfully they had vsed him. Which words wrought such effect in some that were present, that if Piero had not staied them, they sodenly wold haue striken Diotisalui. In conclusion, Piero said he wold maintein euery thing, that they & the Senat had deter­mined. And that he desired nothing, but to liue quiet & assured. After this speech was ended, many matters were cōmoned of, yet nothing don: but in general was cōclu­ded, that it was necessary to reunite the citie & reform the state. At that time Barnardo Lotti was Gonfaloniere d'Giustitia, a man not trusted by Piero, wherefore thought not good to attempt any thing during his Magistracy: but the end of his authority draw­ing neare, election was made by the Senators of a Gonfaloniere to sit in September and October 1466. And they elected Roberto Lioni: who was no sooner in office, (all other thinges beeing prepared) but hee assembled the people in [Page 182] the Market place, and made a new Balia, all of the faction of Piero; which shortly created the Magistrates, The enemies of the Medici vanquished. according to the will of the new gouernment, which ter­rified the heads of the enemies, and Agnolo Acciaiuoli fled to Naples, Diotisalui Nero­ni, and Nicholo Soderini to Venice, and Lucca Pitti remained in Florence: trusting to the promises of Piero, and the newe alliance with his house. All the fugitiues were proclaimed Rebels, and all the familie of Neroni dispersed. Also Giouanni Nero­ni then Bishop of Florence, to auoide a worse mischiefe, voluntarily confined him­selfe to Rome. Many other likewise banished themselues to diuers places, neither did this suffice: but a publike procession was ordeined to giue God thanks for the pre­seruation, and vniting the state. In the solemnization wherof, some citizens were ap­prehended & tormented. Afterwards part of them put to death, & the rest confined. In this variation of fortune, The fall of Lucca Pitti. there was nothing so notable, as the example of Lucca Pitti: who sodeinly saw the difference of victorie, and losse of honor, and dishonor. For his house, whereunto was wont be great repaire, became vnfrequented; himself that had bin accustomed to passe the streets folowed with many friends & kinsfolks, could neither be accompanied, nor scarcely saluted: because some of them had lost their offices, some their goods, & al the rest threatned. His stately houses in building, were by the workmen abandoned. Those that were wont to present him, did now offer him iniury & despite. Some who had giuē him presents of great value, did now demand them again as things lent. Others that were wont with praises to extoll him to the skies, did as a person vngratefull and violent, blame him. So that ouerlate he repented his not giuing credit to Nicholo Soderini, and that he did not with sword in hand rather die honourably, then among his victorious enemies, liue dishonored. These that were banished, sought by sundrie meanes to recouer the Citie, they had lost. Yet Agnolo Acciaiuoli being at Naples, before hee attempted any thing, thought good to feele the disposition of Piero, and what hope remained of reconciliation: writing vnto him, The letter of Agnolo Ac­ciaiuoli, to Piero di Me­dici. as followeth. I smile to see, what sports fortune doth make her self, and how at her pleasure she frameth of foes friends, and of friends foes. You can re­member that at the banishment of your father (esteeming more his iniury then mine own danger) I lost my country, & was like to haue also lost my life. Neither (in al his time) did I euer omit, to honor and fauour your house, nor after his death haue had any intent to offend you. True it is, that your own vnhealthie disposition, & the ten­der yeares of your children, brought me into such feare, as I thought it behoued me to take order, that after your death, our countrey should not be ruined. For which cōsideratiō I haue done diuers things, not against you, but for the good of my coun­try. Wherein, if I haue committed error, the same ought be, for my good intent, and passed seruice, pardoned. Neither can I beleeue other, but that (in respect of ancient loue to your house) I shal at this occasiō find mercy, & my manifold merits, shal not be, by one onely fault cancelled. Piero hauing perused this letter, aunswered thus. Your laughing there you are, The answere of Piero. is the occasion that I weep not here where I am: for if you had laughed at Florence, I should haue wept at Naples. I denie not your well deseruing of my father, sith your self wil confesse to haue tasted his liberalitie: and by how much that deedes be esteemed aboue words, by so much your obligation is more thē ours. You then recompenced for your good, may not maruell, though for your euil, you receiue deserued punishmēt. Let not the loue of your country excuse you: sith there is no man beleeueth, that this citie hath bin lesse loued & profitted by the Medici, thē the Acciaiuoli. I do therfore wish you with dishonor to remain there, sith here in honor you knew not how to lead your life. Agnolo thus dispairing of par­don, went to Rome, & there conferred with the Archbishop, & other banished men, of the mean wherby they might take reputation frō the house of Medici: which Piero [Page 183] with difficultie (notwithstanding the aide of his friendes) could preuent. Diotisalui and Nicholo Soderini; likewise practised to make the Senate of Venice enemie to their countrey: thinking thereby, that if with anie new warre the Florentines were assai­led, the gouernment being new and hated, they should not be able to defend them­selues. In those daies Giouan Francesco the sonne of Palla Strozzi liued in Farrara, and had bene togither with his father, banished in the alteration of the state, the yeare 34. This Giouanni had great credit, and was holden amongst other merchants a man of great riches. The newe Rebelles declared vnto him, the great facilitie they found to recouer their countrey, if the Venetians would take the enterprise in hand: which he thought they would be easily perswaded vnto, if part of their charges might be borne. Giouan Francesco, who desired to reuenge himselfe of the iniu­ries receiued, easily gaue credite to their counsaile: and promised with all his wealth, to furnish the enterprise. Then went they all togither vnto the Duke, Complaint of the banished Florentines to the Senate of Venice. complaining of the exile whereinto they saide themselues were fallen, not for anie other fault, but because they desired that their countrey might be gouerned with the lawes thereof: and that the Magistrates and not a fewe others should be honoured. For Piero de Medici with others his followers, accustomed to liue tyrannically, had by deceit taken armes, and by deceit caused them to disarme them­selues, and afterwards by deceit expulsed them out of their Citie. Neither were they so content, but they would also therein pretend deuotion to God, and by that colour oppresse others. For at the assemblie of the Citizens, and at publike and sacred cere­monies (to the intent God should be partaker of their treasons) they apprehended, imprisoned, and slewe manie Cittizens: which was an example of great impietie and wickednesse. For reuenge wherof, they knew not whither to resort with more hope, then to that Senate which hauing euer liued free, could not but take compassi­on of those, who had lost their liberties. Then they perswaded all men that loued li­bertie to detest tirants: & those that were godly, to abhorre impious people. Putting them in mind, that the house of Medici had taken from them, the dominiō of Lombar­dy, at such time as Cosimo (without consent of the other citizens, & the Senate) fauou­red & aided Francesco. So that though they had no compassion of the Florentines, yet the reuēge of the iniuries done to the Venetiās, ought to moue thē. The Floren­tines assaulted by the Vene­tians & Mar­quesse of Far­rara. These last words moued all the Senat to determine that Bartolomeo Coglione their General, shuld assault the dominiō of Florence. He with all speed possible assembled the army, & with him ioyned Hercole Este, sent by Borso Marquesse of Farrara. They at the first entrie (the Florentines not being prepared) burnt the Towne of Dauadola, and spoyled some other places in the countrey thereabout. But the Florentines (hauing driuen out all the enemies to Piero) made league with Galiazzo Duke of Milan, and with the King Ferrando. Then they enterteined Federigo Earle of Vrbino, for their Gene­rall; and founde themselues so friended, as they feared little the force of their ene­mies. For Ferrando sent thither Alfonso his eldest sonne, and Duke Galiazzo came in person: either of them leading a conuenient number, and they altogither made head at Castracaro, a Castle belonging to the Florentines: builded at the foot of those Alpes, wherby men passe from Toscana to Romagna. In the meane time the ene­mies were retired towards Imola, and so between the one and the other army (accor­ding to the custome of those daies,) some light skirmishes happened, but no townes by either of them besieged, nor any disposition in either of them to fight with their enemie, but euerie man remaining within his Tent, continued the wars with great cowardice. This maner of proceedings, greatly offended the Gouernors in Florence, finding themselues charged by a warre, wherein they spent much, and could hope for litle. And the Magistrates complained of those Cittizens who were made [Page 184] Commissaries in that enterprise. They answered, that Duke Galiazzo was occasion thereof, for hee hauing most authoritie and least experience, knewe not what was profitable, nor would not beleeue others of more skill: and that it was im­possible, so long as hee remained in the armie, that anie thing should be done with honour and commoditie. Wherefore the Florentines saide vnto the Duke, albeit for their profit it was best he should be personally in their aide, because the reputation of his presence was the fittest meane to terrifie the enemie; notwith­standing for that they esteemed more his safetie, then their state, or proper commo­ditie, they thought not fit he should remaine long from Milan, being newly come to his gouernment, and hauing there diuerse strong enemies to be suspected: so that, if any of them should practise against him, they might easily in his absence, do it. For which respects they perswaded him to returne home, and leaue part of his forces for their defence. This counsell contented Galiazzo, and without further consideration, returned to Milan. The Florentine Captaines disburthened of this let, to declare the same was the true occasion of their slow proceeding, drew so neare to the ene­mie, that they ioyned battle: which continued one half day, neither partie yeelding to other. Notwithstanding there was not anie man therein slaine, but some horses hurt, and a fewe prisoners on either part taken. The winter now being come, and the season of the yeare no longer seruing for the fielde, they retired to their lodgings. Bartolomeo went to Rauenna, the Florentines into Toscana: the Kings souldiers and the Dukes, resorted home to their maisters Countries. But so soone as this assault beganne to be forgotten, and no disorder made in Florence, as the Florentine Rebels promised, and the other souldiers wanting paie, were con­tent to entreate of peace, Peace be­tweene the Florentines and Veneti­ans. which with small difficultie was concluded. The Rebels then dispairing of all hope, to diuerse places dispersed themselues. Diotisalui went to Farrara, where he was by the Marquesse Borso, receiued, and relieued. Nicholo Soderini fledde to Rauenna, where liuing long vppon a poore pencion giuen him by the Venetians, in the ende there died. This Nicholo was accounted a man iust and couragious, yet vncertaine and slowe of his resolution: which was the cause that the Gonfaloniere lost that opportunitie, which being out of office, hee would haue taken, but could not. The peace concluded, the Citizens who remained in Florence with victorie, thinking themselues not assured, vnlesse they did as well oppresse those they suspected, as their apparant enemies, perswaded Bardo Alto­uiti, then Gonfaloniere d'Giustitia, to remoue more Cittizens from their offices, and to banish many others. Which thing greatly encreased the power of that facti­on, and terrified the contrarie part: which power they vsed without respect, and proceeded so much at their pleasure, as it seemed, that God and fortune had con­sented to giue that Cittie into their hands. Of which doings, Piero knew little, and that litle, he could not (being afflicted with sicknesse) remedie. For his diseases were so great) as he could not vse any member saue only his tongue: wherwith he exhor­ted them, and praied them to liue ciuilly, and enioy their natiue country, rather en­tire thē broken. And for the comfort of the Citie, he determined with magnificence to celebrate the marriage of Lorenzo his sonne, who was alreadie contracted to Cla­rice, discended of the house of Orsini: which marriage was performed with great pompe, as to so magnificent a feast apperteined. For performance of these triumphs, diuers daies were consumed in feasting, dancing, & publike shews. Wherunto was also ioined (for more apparāce of greatnes of the Medici) 2. marshal exercises; the one represented a battle fought in the field; the other, of a towne besieged: which things were deuised in good order, & performed with so much vertue as might be. While these matters were doing in Florēce, the rest of Italy liued quiet, but yet in great suspitiō [Page 185] of the Turke, who proceeded still in his enterprise against the Christians, and had wonne Negroponti, to the great infamie and dishonour of the Christian name. Then died Borso Marquesse of Farrara, to whom succeeded his brother Hercule. Euen then died also Gismondo da Rimino, a perpetuall enemie to the Church: who left to inherit that state, Roberto his naturall sonne; afterwards accounted the most excellent Cap­taine of Italy. Then likewise died the Pope Pagolo: Pope Sisto. in whose place was created Sisto quarto, called before his creation Francesco da Sauona, a man of base and vile condi­tion: yet for his vertue made Generall of the order of S. Francesco, and after­wardes Cardinall. This Pope was the first that beganne to shewe of what great force the Papacie was, and that manie things before time accounted faults, might be by Papall authoritie, couered. This Pope had amongst many others in his house, two men, the one called Piero, and the other Gerolamo: who (as eue­rie man thought) were his vnlawfull sonnes: notwithstanding men called them by other names more honest. Piero being made a Frier, was preferred to the dignitie of Cardinall, and called Cardinall of S. Sisto. To Gerolamo he gaue the Cittie of Furli, and tooke it by force from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose auncestors had bene long time Princes there. This ambitious manner of proceeding, made him the more esteemed by the Princes of Italy, and euery of them sought which way to be accoun­ted his friend. The Duke of Milan gaue his daughter Catterina in marriage to Gerola­mo, and with her the Citie of Imola, which by force he had taken frō Taddeo Alidossi. Betwixt this Duke, and the King Ferrando, was also made new alliance. For Eliza­bella daughter to Alfonso, eldest sonne of the King, was married to Giouan Galiazzo, eldest sonne to the Duke. Thus Italy continued quiet, and the greatest care of the Princes was, one to honor the other: and with new alliances, friendships, & leagues, one to assure himselfe of the other. But notwithstanding so great a peace, Florence was by the Citizens thereof greatly afflicted. And Piero being troubled with ambiti­on of the Citizens, and his own diseases, could not procure remedie: yet to discharge his conscience, and laie before them their misdemeanor, he called to his presence the chiefe Florentines, and said vnto them as followeth. The Oration of P. di Medici to the Floren­tines. I neuer thought that anie time could come, when the maner & behauior of friends would proue such, as to make me loue & desire my enemies: or that I might wish victory to be conuerted to losse. Because I thought my selfe accompanied with men, whose appetites were confined to measure; & that it sufficed them to liue in their country assured & honoured, and (that which is more) vpon their enemies reuenged. But now I know my self far de­ceiued, as he that knew little the ambition of men, and least of all yours. For it con­tenteth you not to be Princes of so great a Cittie, and among you a few to haue the honors, offices, and commodities, wherewith many Citizens were wont to be ho­nored. It contented you not to haue the goods of your enemies among you diuided. It contenteth you not, to burthen others with publike charges, & you free from all paiments, to take the publike profit: but you wil also with euery kind of iniury mo­lest them. You cease not to rob your neighbors; you feare not to sell iustice; you flie ciuill iudgement; you oppresse peaceable men, and aduance those that be insolent. Neither do I beleeue that there is in all Italy, so many examples of violence & coue­tousnes, as be in this cittie. But sith it hath giuen you life, why do you take life from it? If it hath made you victorious, why should we destroy it? If it hath honored vs, why haue we disdained it? I promise you by that faith, which ought to be giuē and receiued amōg good mē, that if you behaue your selues so, as I shal repent me of my victory, I wil so do, as you shal also repēt that you haue abused it. Those citizens ac­cording to the time answered resonably. Notwitstāding they continued still in their insolēt doings. Inso much as Piero sent secretly to Agnolo Acciaiuoli (who came vnto [Page 186] him at Cafaggiuolo) and there they reasoned at length touching the estate of the Cit­tie. And surely had he not bene by death preuented, he would haue called home all the banished men, to bridle the insolencie and oppression of those that liued in the Citie. But death suffered him not to performe so honest an intent: for diseases of bo­die and trouble of minde, Death of Pie­ro di Medici. so greeuously handled him, that hee died the fiftie and three yeare of his age. His vertue and bountie, could not be to his Countrey so well knowne, as they deserued: partly because his father liued (welneare as long) and partly, for that those fewe yeares hee ouerliued him, were in ciuill contentions and sicknesse consumed. This Piero was buried in the Church of S. Lorenzo, neare vnto his father: and his funerall performed with honour and pompe, worthie so great a Cittizen. Of him there remained two sonnes, Loren­zo and Giuliano, of whome there was good hope, that they would prooue men fit for the state: yet their youth was such as made all men doubt thereof. A­mongst other chiefe Cittizens in the gouernment of Florence, there was one farre excelling the rest, Tomaso So­derini. called Tomaso Soderini: whose wisedome and authoritie, not one­ly to Florence, but also to all the Princes in Italy was knowne. Hee, after the death of Piero, was of all the Cittie reuerenced: and manie Cittizens did dai­lie visite him, as chiefe man of the state. Also diuerse Princes did write vnto him. Neuerthelesse being wise, and knowing what fortune followed him and his house, hee would neuer answere the Princes Letters: and perswaded the Ci­tizens they should not resort to his house, but to the houses of the Medici. Also to shewe in deedes, that which by words was by him perswaded, hee assembled all the chiefe Gentlemen of euerie family, at the Monastery of S. Antonio; whi­ther hee procured that Lorenzo and Giuliano di Medici should come: and there after a long and graue Oration by him made, they disputed the estate both of that Cittie, of all Italy, and of the humours of the Princes. Therein concluding, that to continue Florence vnited in peace, assured from diuision within, and from warre without, it behooued them to honor those two yoong men, and mainteine the reputation of their house: Because men do not repine to do such things as they haue bene accustomed vnto, but new houses, as they are easily honored, so are they quickly abandoned. For it hath bene euer more easie to maintaine that reputation, where length of time hath extingnished enuy, then to raise a new estimation, which by many occasiōs may be oppressed. After him spake Lorenzo, who notwithstanding his youth, vttered words with so great grauitie & modestie, as gaue euery man hope he would become such a one, as indeed afterwards he proued. And before they de­parted that place, the Citizens praied the brethren, to receiue them as children, they offring to honor them as fathers. Giuliano and Lorenzo di Medici. This conclusion set downe, Giuliano and Lorenzo were honoured as Princes of the Citie, and those that were of counsell with Toma­so, did not intermeddle. Thus the Florentines liued both within & without so peace­ably, as nothing disturbed the Common quiet, till a trouble not looked for arose, which did prognosticate future mischiefe. Among other families (which Lucca Pitti ruined) was that of Nardi. For Saluestro and his brethren being heads of that house, were first sent into exile, and after by the warre which Bartolomeo Coglione moued, made Rebels. Of these Barnardo brother of Saluestro, was a yoong man of great spirit and courage. Conspiracy of the Nardi. Hee being poore could not endure banishment: and finding that the peace made had not prouided for his returne, determined to make proofe of somewhat, whereby might grow occasion of warre. For many times of a small beginning, great effects doe followe. Because men bee more willing to pro­secute, then beginne anie enterprise. This Barnardo had much acquaintance in Prato, and muche more in the Countrey about Pistoia: chiefely with the [Page 187] the house of Palandra: who albeit they were but countrey people, yet was their number great, and the men (according to the manner of that countrey) practised in armes, and much vsed to bloud. He knew likewise they liued discontented, and by reason that some of their enemies were Magistrates in Florence, they had bene euill handled. He knew moreouer the humor of the Pratesi, who accounted themselues proudly and hardly gouerned, and had particuler knowledge of the euill disposi­tion of some towards the State. All which things brought him in hope to kindle fire in Toscana, by making Prato to rebell, whereto so many would put hands, as they that would quench it, should not be able. Then he imparted this matter to Dio­tisalui Neroni, and asked of him, what aide might be by his meanes procured among the Princes, if he should happen to surprize Prato. Diotisalui thought the enterprise dangerous, and as impossible to take effect: notwithstanding, considering he might thereby with the perill of others make new proofe of fortune, perswaded him to proceed, and promised to bring him assured aide from Bologna, and Farrara, so that he were able to defend Prato at the least fifteene dayes. Barnardo then incouraged with this promise, and conceiuing great hope of happie proceeding, went to Prato, and there communicating the matter to diuerse, found them verie willing. The like disposition he perceiued in the familie of Palandra, and hauing agreed togithers of the time and manner of the enterprise, Barnardo imparted all to Diotisalui. At that time, was Cesare Petrucci, Podesta of Prato, for the Florentines. The custome was, that the Podesta should haue the keies of the towne brought vnto him: And when­soeuer any of the towne (chiefely in times of no suspition) desired to goe out or come in by night, that fauour was graunted. Barnardo knowing this custome, being accompanied with those of the house of Palandra, and 100. others armed men, in the morning when the gate towards Pistoia should open, presented himselfe: and those whome he had made priuie within, did likewise arme. One of them went to the Podesta, saying, a friend of his desired to come into the towne. The Podesta not doubting any such accident, sent with him a seruant of his to carrie the keies: from whome, (being a little on the way) the keies were taken, the gates opened, and Barnardo with his followers came in. Then they diuided themselues in two parts. The one led by Saluestro of Prato, tooke possession of the Cittadell. The other fol­lowing Barnardo, surprized the Pallace, and committed the Podesta with all his familie, to the custodie of one of his companie. Which done, they walked the streets, proclaiming the name of libertie. By that time it was day, and many people by meane of the noise, came to the market place, where vnderstanding that the Cittadell and Pallace were taken, the Gouernor also with his familie imprisoned, they meruailed much. The eight Cittizens (chiefe Officers of the towne) assem­bled in their Pallace, to consult what was to be done. But Barnardo and his men, ha­uing awhile walked the towne, and finding himselfe not well followed, hearing where the eight were, went vnto them, declaring that the occasion of his enterprise was to deliuer them and their countrey from bondage: and that they should gaine great glorie to take armes, and accompanie him in that glorious action, whereby they should win perpetuall quiet, and eternall fame. He also laid before them the memorie of their auncient libertie, comparing it with their present condition. He likewise told them what aide they should be assured to haue of others, if they would but for a fewe daies defend themselues from the Florentine forces. He infor­med them moreouer, that he had intelligence in Florence, whereby he was aduerti­sed that Cittie would wholie follow him. The eight not moued with these perswa­sions, answered, that they knew not whether Florence liued in libertie or bondage, as a thing they desired not to vnderstand. But well they knew their owne desire [Page 188] was not to enioy other libertie, then to obey those Magistrates that gouerned in Florence: of whome, they had not receiued any such iniurie, as might moue to take armes against them. Wherefore they perswaded him to restore the Podesta to his libertie, send his men out of the towne, and saue himselfe speedily from that danger, whereinto he was vnaduisedly fallen. These speeches dismaied not Barnardo, for he intēded to see if feare might moue the Pratesi, to that which with intreaty could not. Therefore to terrifie the Cittizens, and determining to put the Podesta to death, he tooke him out of prison, and commanded him to be hanged at the Pallace window. The Podesta being brought to the window, the halter vpon his neck, and seeing Barnardo to sollicit his death, turned himselfe towards him, and said. Barnardo, thou puttest me to death, hoping the rather to be followed of the Pratesi, but the con­trarie will come to passe. For the reuerence which this people doth beare to the Gouernors sent by the Florentines is so great, that so soone as they shall see this in­iurie done to me, they will hate thee, so much, as the same will prooue thy ruine: wherefore not my death, but my life, may be the occasion of thy victorie. For if I commaund them that which thou wouldst haue done, they will more willinglie obey me, then thee. Thus I following thy direction, thou mayst become owner of thy desire. This counsell seemed to Barnardo (being a man irresolute) verie reaso­nable, and therefore willed him at a window to commaund the people to yeeld their obedience to Barnardo. Which being done, the Podesta was lead back to prison. By this time, the weakenesse of the conspirators was discouered, and many Floren­tines inhabiting that towne, were assembled: among whome, was Georgio Ginori, a Knight of Ierusalem. He being the first that tooke armes against the Rebels, assaul­ted Barnardo in the streets, sometimes intreating, and sometimes threatning the people to follow him, The enter­prise of Bar­nardo de­feated. till at length by Georgio, and many others (who tooke armes) Barnardo was hurt and taken. Which done, it was no hard matter to deliuer the Podesta, and vanquish the rest. For they being fewe, and diuided into sundrie parts of the towne, were welneare all taken or slaine. In the meane space, the fame of this accident was come to Florence, and reported to be much greater then it was. For the aduertisements were, that Prato was surprized, the Podesta with his houshold put to death, Pistoia in armes, and many of the Cittizens of the conspiracie, in so much as many Cittizens sodeinly came to the Pallace to consult with the Senate. At that time, Roberto Sanseuerino happened to be in Florence, who being a man of great experience in warre, was sent with certaine forces to Prato, commaunded, that he should ap­proach the towne, and send back particuler aduertisements in what state the same stood; and do there, what by his wisedome should be thought good. Roberto mar­ching on his way, and passing the Castle of Campi, a messenger came vnto him from Cesare Petrucci, declaring, that Barnardo was taken, his companions fled, or slaine, and all the tumult pacified. Whereupon Roberto returned to Florence, and shortly after Barnardo being brought thither a prisoner, and demaunded why he tooke that enterprise in hand, aunswered, bicause he determined rather to die in Florence, then liue in exile: and thought good to accompanie his death with some memorable action. This tumult begun and ended (as it were in one instant) the Cittizens of Florence returned to their wonted order of life, thinking to enioy that state without suspition, which they had lately established, and setled: whereof insued those in­conueniences, which many times be ingendred by peace, for the youth became more prodigall then they were wont, spending their money in apparrell, feasting, and other like vanities, and (being idle) consumed their substance in play, and wo­men. Their whole studie was to be brauely apparrelled, and to seeme wittie, or subtile; for he that could most cunninglie mock and deride others, was holden the [Page 189] wisest and most esteemed. These and such like disorders, were by the Courtiers of Milan increased. For at that time, thither came the Duke, with his wife, and Court, The Duke of Milan in Florence. to performe (as he said) a certaine vowe, and was there receiued with pompe, meete for so great a Prince, and friend to the Florentines. In that time also, was seene a thing in Florence, neuer before vsed, which was, that the Courtiers of Milan, not­withstanding the time of Lent, did without respect of the Ecclesiasticall order, eate almost none other meate, but flesh. Albeit the Duke found the Cittie of Florence full of courtlie delicacie, and customes contrarie to all well ordered ciuilitie, yet his comming increased the same. Wherefore the good Cittizens thought fit and neces­sarie to bridle the excesse with new lawes, for apparrell, for funerals, and feastings. In the midst of this great peace, there happened in Toscana a new and vnlooked for tumult. In the Prouince of Volterra, Tumults in Volterra. certaine Cittizens happened to finde a Mine of Allum, whereof, knowing the commoditie, to be helped with money, and defen­ded with authoritie, they ioyned with them some Cittizens of Florence, making them partakers of such profit as should thereof arise. This matter at the beginning (as it happeneth for the most part in all new actions) was by the people of Volterra little esteemed. But the commoditie thereof afterwards knowne, they desired too late, and without effect, that which at the first they might easilie haue obteined. Then began they to propound the matter in their councels, saying, it was not con­uenient that a commoditie found in the common lands, should be conuerted to a priuate vse. Thereupon, they sent vnto Florence certaine Embassadors. The cause was committed to a few Cittizens, who either bicause they were corrupted, or for that they so thought best, gaue sentence, that the request of the people of Volterra was not reasonable, bicause they desired to depriue the Cittizens of their labour and industrie, and therefore iudged, that those Alums apperteined to priuate men, and not to the Citie. Yet was it conuenient, that those priuate persons should giue yearly vnto the people certaine money, in signe they acknowledged them for superiors. This answere did nothing diminish, but augment the tumults and displeasures in Volterra, so that nothing was spoken of so much in their councels, and in euerie o­ther place in the Cittie, as the request of the multitude, which was, to recouer that which they thought lost. The priuate men on the other side, still laboured to con­tinue that which they had gotten, and had bene confirmed by iudgement of the Florentines. This matter remained so long in disputation, that one Cittizen, a man of estimation in that Cittie, called Pecorino, with diuerse others that tooke part with him, was slaine, their houses spoiled and burnt. In that furie also, the Rettori for the Florentines with difficultie escaped. This first tumult being passed, they determined in all haste to send Embassadors to Florence, who informed the Senators, that if they would obserue their auncient conditions, they would also continue in their aun­cient obedience. The answere of these messengers was long disputed. Tomaso Sode­rini was of opinion, that it behoued to receiue the Volterani with what condition so euer, thinking the time serued not, to kindle a fire so neare hand, that might burne their owne house: for he feared the disposition of the Pope, the power of the King, and mistrusted the Venetians friendship and the Dukes, not knowing what fidelitie was in the one, nor what vertue in the other, alleaging that prouerb which saith, Better a leane peace, then a fat victorie. Of a contrarie minde was Lorenzo de Medici, thinking he had now occasion to make shew of his wisedome and counsell, and the rather being thereto perswaded by those that enuied the authoritie of Tomaso. And therefore determined by armes to punish the insolencie of the Volterani, affirming, that if they were not corrected, as a memorable example, all others (vpon euerie light occasion) without reuerence or respect, would dare to do the like. This reso­lution [Page 190] made, the Volterani were answered, that they could not require the keeping of those conditions, which they themselues had broken, and therefore either they should referre themselues to the discretion of the Senate, or presently looke for warre. The Volterani returned with this answere, prepared for the defence of their towne, and sent to all Princes of Italy for aide, but were aided by fewe: for onely the Sanesi, and the Lord of Piombino did promise to helpe them. The Florentines on the other side, iudging that the victorie would be gotten by making of speed, assembled tenne thousand footemen, and two thousand horse, whome vnder the conduct of Federigo, Lord of Vrbino, they sent into the countrey of Volterra: all which, they easily possessed. Then they brought their Camp before the Cittie, which being builded vpon an hill, could not be assaulted, but on that side, where the Church of S. Alisandro standeth. The Volterani had for their defence enterteined a thousand souldiers, or thereabouts, who seeing how brauely the Florentines assailed them, fearing they could not defend the towne, were in the seruice slowe, but in doing iniurie to the Volterani readie ynough: so that those poore Cittizens were by the enemies assaulted without, and by friends oppressed within. In so much as (dispai­ring to be saued) thought good to make peace, and forwant of better meane, yeel­ded themselues to the Florentines Commissaries: who caused them to open the gates, and the greater part of the armie being entred, they went vnto the Pallace where the Priori were, whome they commanded to returne to their houses, and by the way, one of them was by a souldier reuiled and robbed. Of this beginning (for men be more readie to euill then good) grew the destruction and sack of this Cittie, which continued one whole day. The houses were robbed, and the people spoiled, neither did the women and Churches escape, but all souldiers, aswell they that had cowardlie defended the towne, Volterra sacked. as the others that fought, were partakers of the spoiles. The newes of this victorie, was with much reioycing receiued at Florence, for the same was wholie the enterprise of Lorenzo, who thereby gained great repu­tation. And thereupon one of his dearest friends reprooued Tomaso Soderini for his counsell, saying vnto him, What say you now, that Volterra is taken? To whome, Tomaso answered, me thinks it is lost: for if you had taken it by composition, you might haue made profit and suretie thereof; but hauing it by force, in time of warre it will weaken and trouble you, and in time of peace, charge and hinder you. In those dayes, the Pope desiring to hold in obedience the townes belonging to the Church, caused Spoleto to be sacked: which by meane of inward faction, had rebelled. Castello be­sieged by Pope Sisto. After, for the like offence, he besieged the Cittie of Castello. In that towne, Nicholo Vitelli was Prince. He being in great friendship with Lorenzo de Medici, refused not in that necessitie to aide him: yet was that aide not sufficient to defend Nicholo, but ynough to sowe the first seeds of enimitie betwixt Sisto and the Medici, which afterwards brought forth fruite of much mischiefe: and the same should quickly haue shewed it selfe, had not the death of Frier Piero, Cardinall of Sisto, happened. For this Cardinall, hauing trauelled about all Italy, went also to Venice and Milan (pretending to honor the marriage of Hercole, Marquesse of Farrara) to practise with the Princes, and sound their disposition towards the Florentines. But being returned to Rome, he died: not without suspition to haue bene poisoned by the Venetians, who feared the greatnesse of Sisto, so long as he might be counselled and incouraged by Frier Piero. For albeit nature had made this Frier of base bloud, and was also bred vp basely in a Monasterie, yet so soone as he had aspired to be Car­dinall, there appeared in him so great pride and ambition, as might not onely be­come a Cardinall, but also seeme fit ynough for any Pope. For he feared not to make a feast in Rome with so great charge, as seemed superfluous for any King: for therein [Page 191] he spent more then twentie thousand Florins. Pope Sisto bereft of this agent, prose­cuted his enterprises more coldly. Notwithstanding, the league being renewed betweene the Florentines, the Duke, and Venetians, and place left for Pope Sisto, and the King, who made an other contract; therein also, leauing places for other Prin­ces to enter, if they would. By this meane, Italy became diuided in two factions: Italy diuided into sactions. for daily betwixt these two leagues, there grew displeasure, as it happened, tou­ching the Ile of Cipres, which the King Ferrando challenged, and the Venetians vsur­ped, whereupon, the Pope and the King became more willing one of the others friendship. In those daies, Federigo Prince of Vrbino, was accounted the most ex­cellent Captaine of Italy, and had long serued for the Florentines. The King and the Pope (to the end our league should not haue the seruice of such a leader) determi­ned to win the good will of Federigo. To that end both the Pope and the King desi­red him to come vnto Naples. Federigo performed their desire, to the great admira­tion and displeasure of the Florentines, beleeuing it would become of him, as it did to Giacopo Piccinino. Yet the contrarie came to passe: for Federigo returned from Naples and Romagna with great honor, and still Generall for their league. Neuerthelesse, the King and Pope ceased not, to sound the disposition of the Lords in Romagna, and the Sanesi, hoping to make them his friends, and by their meanes, be able to offend the Florentines, whome they perceiued by all conuenient waies armed, to incounter their ambition: and hauing lost Federigo of Vrbino, they enterteined Roberto of Ri­mini. They also renewed the league with the Perugini, and drew thereunto the Lord of Faenza. The Pope and King alleaged, that their displeasure to the Floren­tines was, bicause they sought to drawe the Venetians from them: and the Pope thought that the Church could not mainteine the reputation thereof, nor the Earle Girolamo his state in Romagna, if the Florentines and Venetians were vnited. On the other side, the Florentines feared they would be enemies to the Venetians, not to win their friendship, but the rather thereby to iniurie them: so as Italy liued two yeares in these suspitions, and diuersities of humors, before any tumults were mo­ued. But the first (although but small) happened in Toscana. Braccio of Perugia, Trouble in Toscana. a man (as hath heretofore bene often said) of great reputation in the warre, had two sonnes, called Oddo, and Carlo. This Carlo was a child, and Oddo was by the inhabi­tants of the Vale of Lamona slaine, as hath bene declared. Carlo being atteined to age, and able for armes, was for the memorie of his father, and the good hope of himselfe enterteined by the Venetians, and made among others, a leader for that state. The time of his conduct ended, he refused to serue longer, determining to make proofe, if with his owne fame, and the reputation of his father, he could re­couer his owne countrey of Perugia. Whereto the Venetians easily consented, as they that were wont in alterations to increase their dominion. Carlo then came into Toscana, and found the enterprise of Perugia hard, by reason that the Perugini were in league with the Florentines, yet desirous that this motion might take some effect worthie memorie, he assaulted the Sanesi, alleaging they were debtors of money, due to his father, for seruice done to that state, whereof he required satisfaction: and vpon that demaund, assaulted them with so great furie, as that dominion became disordered. The Cittizens of Siena, seeing themselues so furiously charged (being readie to suspect the worst of the Florentines) thought all was done by their con­sent. They also complained much to the Pope and the King; and sent Embassadors vnto Florence, to expostulate the iniurie, and couertlie alleaged, that without assi­stance, Carlo could not with so great securitie haue offended them. The Florentines excused themselues, promising in what sort the Embassadors thought good, they would commaund Carlo, no more to offend the Sanesi. Whereof Carlo complained, [Page 192] that they by not aiding him, should lose a great conquest, and he misse the meane, to aspire to much glorie. For in short space he promised them possession of that Cittie, where he found so great cowardice and disorder, as with possibilitie it could not be defended. Then Carlo departed from thence, and returned to his old enter­teinement of the Venetians. Albeit the Sanesi were by the Florentines deliuered from so great danger, yet remained they towards them offended, and iudged their obli­gacion not to be any thing, hauing saued them from an euill, whereof they had bene the occasion. During that these matters betwixt the King and Pope were handled in Toscana, Conspiracie against the Duke of Mi­lan. there happened in Lombardy an accident of much more moment, and did prognosticate greater euils. There was in Milan a Scholemaister, called Cola of Mantoua, a man well learned, but ambitious, and such a one, as instructed the chiefe children of the Cittie. This Cola, either bicause he hated the life and manners of the Duke, or for some other occasion, in all his speeches seemed to disdaine those men that liued vnder an euill prince, calling others glorious and happie, whome nature and fortune graunted to be borne, and liue in common-weales. Declaring how all famous men had bene brought vp in common-weales, and not vnder Prin­ces. For the common-weales (said he) did nourish vertuous men, but Princes did oppresse them: for the one doth cherish vertue, the other doth feare it. The yong men with whome he had gained most familiaritie, were Giouandrea Lampugnano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgeato, with them he oftentimes reasoned of the euill nature of the Duke, and their owne misfortune, being gouerned vnder such a one: and at length hee began to be in so great confidence of these yong men, that hee brought them to sweare, that so soone as they atteined to mans estate, they would deliuer their countrey from the tirannie of that Prince. These youths perswaded to performe what they had promised, waying therewith all the Dukes behauiour, and the particuler iniuries he had done, did hasten their intent to put the matter in exe­cution. The Duke Galiazzo was in his disposition lasciuious and cruell, which two things had made him odious: for it sufficed him not to entice Ladies to dishonor, but he would also take pleasure in publishing the same. Neither was he content to put men to death, but he would also execute them with some cruell manner of tor­ment. He was moreouer slandered, or truely suspected, to haue murthered his owne mother for hee perswading himselfe not to be Prince (she being present) found meanes to remoue her to Cremona, which was the place of her dowrie, and in that iourney she became sodeinly sick, and died: and many men iudged her sonne was cause of her death. This Duke, had in matter touching women, dishonored Carlo, and Gerolamo, and denied Giouandrea to haue the possession of the Abbey of Miramondo, being graunted vnto him of the Pope, vpon resignation of a kinsman of his. These priuate iniuries increased the desire of the yong men, by reuenge to de­liuer their countrey of so great mischiefes: hoping, that if they might murther the Duke, they should be not onely esteemed of the nobilitie, but also of the people fol­lowed. Thus determined of the enterprise, they oftentimes met together, and by reason of their auncient familiaritie, no meruaile made of their meeting. Being togithers (to make their minds more prepared for that action) they alwaies talked thereof, and with the sheathes of daggers made for that purpose, one of them in the breast and belly strake the other. Then they deuised of the time and place. In the Castle they thought it not fit to be performed. In hunting they feared it would proue incerteine & perilous. When the Duke walked in the streets for pleasure, they imagined it would be hard, and vnlikely to be done. And at feasts, they doubted the places would not serue. Wherefore they resolued, at some publique pompe and triumph, where they were certaine of his being, to kill him, for thither they might [Page 193] vnder diuerse coulours assemble their friends. They concluded also, that if any of them vpon occasion were by the officers apprehended, the rest should with their swords in the middest of his enemies sley him. This happened in the yeare 1476. The feast of Christmas then being at hand (at which time, on S. Stephens day, the Duke was woont with great pomp to visit the Church of that holie Martir) they re­solued that place and time would best serue for the execution of their intent. The morning of S. Stephens day being come, they caused certaine of their most assured friends and seruants to arme themselues, saying, they would go to aide Giouandrea, who contrarie to the mind of some his euill willers, would make a conduct for water in a certaine ground of his. They being thus armed, went to the Church, pretending, that they would before their departure, take leaue of the Prince. They procured also diuerse other their friends and kinsfolks, for sundrie considerations to come thither, hoping, that the deed being done, euery one would follow them to performe the rest of the enterprise. And their intent was, (the Duke being slaine) to ioyne with those armed, and goe to that place of the Cittie, where they might more easily raise the people, and perswade them to arme themselues against the Duchesse, and Princes of the State; supposing the people by meanes of the famine wherewith they were then grieued, would easily fauour the enterprise: and vnto the people they determined to giue leaue to spoile the houses of Ceco Simonetta, Giouanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all Magistrates of the gouernment, whereby they should be assured of them, and gaue the people libertie. This resolution was set downe, and the execution thereof firmely agreed vpon in their minds. Giouan­drea with the rest met earely in the Church, and there altogithers heard Masse; which being ended, Giouandrea turning towards the image of S. Ambrose, sayd, O Ambrose, Lord of our Cittie, thou knowest our intention, and the end wherefore we will aduenture our selues to so many perils: Be fauourable to this our enter­prise, and by fauouring of iustice, shew how greatly iniustice doth displease thee. To the Duke on the other side, before he came to the Church, many signes happe­ned, to prognosticate his death at hand. For the day being come, he put on his priuie armour (as euerie other day for the most part he did) yet sodeinly before he went from his house, either bicause he thought it not sightly, or that it did hurt his bodie, he tooke it off. Then thought he to haue heard Masse in the Castle, but his Chapleine was gone to S. Steffano. Then commaunded hee that the Bishop of Como should say the Masse, but he alleaged certaine reasonable lets, so the Duke was (as it were by necessitie) occasioned to goe to the Church. But first, he called for his two sonnes, Giouangaliazzo, and Hermes, whome he embraced, and kissed often, as though he had no power to depart from them: yet in the end, he deter­mined to goe; and comming out of the Castle, betwixt the Embassadors of Farrara and Mantoua, rode to the Temple. The conspirators in the meane while, to giue the lesse suspition, and keepe them from the cold, were retired into a chamber be­longing to the chiefe Priest of the Church, their friend, and vnderstanding that the Duke did come, they came from the chamber into the Church. Giouandrea and Girolamo placed themselues on the right hand of the Church doore, and Carlo on the left hand. Then those that went before the Duke, entered the Churche doore, and after the Duke himselfe, inuironed with a greate multi­tude of people, as it alwaies happeneth, in time of such a princelie pompe. The firste of the Conspirators that went towardes him, were Lampugnano, and Girolamo. They pretending to make place and roome for the Prince, came hard vnto his person, and assaulted him with short and sharpe daggers, which they had hidden in their sleeues. Lampugnano gaue him two woundes, the [Page 194] one in the bellie, the other in the throate. Girolamo likewise in the throate, and in the brest strake him. Carlo Visconti standing neare vnto the doore, and the Duke past him, at such time as his companions gaue the assault, could not hurt him before, but gaue him two other wounds, one on the shoulder, the other in the back: and these sixe wounds were all so sodeinly and speedily giuen, The Duke murdered. that the Duke was fallen to the ground before any man knewe what the matter meaned. Neither could he do, or say any thing that was knowne, but in falling, one onely time he cried, O Ladie helpe me. The Duke thus laid on the ground, the rumor grew great, many swords were drawne out, and (as it hapned in like cases vnlooked for) some fled out of the Church, and some ranne thither, without any certaine knowledge, or occasion of the matter. But those who were next vnto the Duke, seeing him slaine, and knowing the murtherers, pursued them. Of the conspirators, Giouandrea intending to get out of the Church, went amongst the women, who being many, and according to their custome set on the ground, was so troubled and staied with their garments, that he was by a Moore (one of the Dukes footmen) ouertaken, and slaine. Carlo was likewise by those that were present, killed. But Girolamo Olgiato escaped out of the Church, seeing his companions slaine, and not knowing whither to flee, went home, where he could be neither by his father nor brothers receiued. But his mo­ther onely, hauing compassion of her sonne, did recommend him to a Priest, an auncient friend of that house, who put him in Priestlike garments, and remooued him to his house, where he remained two daies, hoping that some tumult in Milan would arise, and thereby he might be saued. But that not comming to passe, and fearing to be found there, he assaied to flee disguised; yet being knowne, was brought before the Magistrates, and there he confessed all the order of the con­spiracie. This Girolamo was twentie three yeares of age, and died with no lesse courage, then he had executed the enterprise. For being brought to his death, stript naked, and prepared for the hangman, who with his knife in hand, stood readie to cut him in pieces, he spake these Laten words, Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti. This enterprise was by these vnhappie yoong men secretly practised, and resolutely executed. The cause of their destruction was, that they were not followed and defended of them, to whome they trusted. Let Princes therefore learne to make themselues so much honored and loued, as no man can hope to hurt them, and saue himselfe. And let all priuate persons know, how vaine it is to thinke, that the multitude (notwithstanding it be discontented) will in their perils follow or accompanie them. This accident amazed all Italy, but much more trouble proceeded of other chances, that shortly after happened in Florence. For thereby the peace which had continued in Italy the space of twelue yeares, was broken, as in the Booke following shall be declared. Which Booke, as it beginneth with bloud and terror, so doth it end with sorrow and miserie.