WHether in writing the acts and affairs of the people of Rome, [...] from the first foundation of the citie, I shall per­forme a worke of importance and woorth my trauaile, neither wote I well, nor if I wist, dare I advouch: seeing it H is a thing both old and usuall; that new Writers alwaies persuade themselues, either in matter to deliver more truth and certaintie, or in manner of curious penning thereof, to outgoe the rudenesse of elder time. Howso­ever it fall out, this yet will doe me good, that even I also, to the u [...]most of my power, have endevoured to eternise the worthie deeds of that people which is the soveraigne of the whole world. And if among so manie writers, my same chance to be obscure, yet may I com­foremy selfe in this, That they who shall darken and shadow the same, are men so highly repu­ [...]ed I and renowned. Besides, the thing it selfe is of infinite toile and labour, as counting and comprising from above 700 yeares past, and which arising from small beginning hath pro­ceeded and growne so great, as now the bignesse thereof is comberous to itselfe: and I doubt not, but the readers for the most part will take but small delight and pleasure, either in those [...] fetched originals, or in the times next ensuing, for hast they make to these nouelties of [...]atter daies, where in the puissance of that so mightie people hath wrought long since their owne downefall and ouerthrow. But I contrariwise will seeke even this for guerdon of my paines, namely, to turne away from beholding these calamities, which this our age for manie yeare, hath see [...]e, so long at least: whilest I call to remembrance, and wholly employ my spirits in considering those ancient monuments of old time, exempt from care and trouble, K which were able, if not to withdraw my mind as I write, from the truth, yet to make it pensive and heavie. As for such things as are reported, either before, or at the foundation of the citie, more beautified and set out with Poets fables, than grounded vpon pure and faithfull records, [...]meane neither to averre nor disprove. This leave and priviledge hath antiquitie, by interla­ [...]ing the acts of gods and men together, to make the first rising of cities more sacred and vene­rable. And if it may be lawful for anie people under heaven to consecrate and ascribe vnto the gods their Original: certes, such is the renowned martiall prowes of the Romans, that all nati­ons of the world may as well abide them to report Mars above the rest, to be the stockefather both of themselves and of their first founder, as they can bee content to liue in subiection vn­der them. But these and such like matters, howsoeuer they shall hereafter be censured or estee­med, L I will not greatly weigh and regard. This would I haue everie man rather to thinke upon in good earnest, and consider with me what their life, and what their carriage was, by what men and meanes both in war and peace, their dominion was atcheeved and enlarged. Afterwards, as their discipline began by little and little to shrinke, let him marke how at the very first their be­haviour and manners sunke withall: and how still they fell more and more to decay and ruine, ye [...] and began soone after to tumble downe right even untill these our daies, wherein wee can neither endure our owne sores, nor salves for the cure. For this is it that is so good and profita­ble in an historie, when a man may see and behold as in a conspicuous monument and light­ [...] memoriall, the lively examples of all sorts, set up in open view for his instruction, where­out he may chuse for himselfe and his countrey what to follow, as also learne, how to eschew a M soule enterprise, and avoid a shamefull end. But unlesse I be deceived with the affectionate loue of mine owne commensed worke, never was there Commonweale, either more mightie, more holie, and devout, better stored of good precedents, or into which covetousnesse and excesse more lately crept, or wherein povertie and frugalitie, were so greatly or so long time honored, insomuch, as the more they wanted, the lesse they desired. Now of late daies wealth hath [Page 3] A brought in avarice, abundant pleasures haue kindled a desire by riot, lust, and loose life to pe­rish and bring all to naught. But these complaints, which will be nothing pleasant, no not when perhaps they shall be needfull, banish we must (howsoeuer we doe) at our first entrance of so weightie a matter: when as we rather should begin (if as the Poets use, it were our manner also) with good osses and luckie forespeakings, with vowes and praiers to gods and goddesses, to vouchsafe their furtherance and happie successe to the enterprise of so great a worke.

FIrst of all, this is generally held for certaine, That the Greekes, after the winning of Troy, delt cruelly with all the Trojans, save only Aene­as and Antenor: to whome, as well in regard of the bond of mutuall B entertainement, as also for that they ever persuaded peace and the rendring againe of Helene, they wholly forbare to shew any rigor at all, as by martiall right of warre they might have done. And how Antenor afterwards, accompanied with a number of Henetians, who driven by ciuile discord out of Paphlagonia, and having lost at Troy their king Pylemenes, were to seeke both a resting place, and a captaine to conduct them, arrived through many adventures and accidents of fortune, in the inmost gulfe of the Adriatick sea: and after they had expelled the Euganians that inhabited betweene the sea and the Alpes, Venetians at this day, descen­ded from Heneti [...] a people of Pa­phlagoni [...], and the Trojanes, un [...]en the conduct of Antenor. those Henetians together with the Trojanes, kept those parts and there remained. The place where first they landed, hight Troy, whereof the territorie and C signorie thereabout was also named Troy, and the whole people in generall called Henetians. Moreover, how Aeneas upon like misfortune, having fled his countrey, yet aspiring by the fatall direction of the destinies to greater affaires, came first into Macedonie: and after into Sicilie, seeking an abiding place: and sailing with a fleet from Sicilie, arrived at length, and landed in the countrey of Laurentum: Aeneas and the Trojanes arrive in Italie. which place likewise was cleaped Troy. Where the Trojans being set a shore, having after their long wandring, nothing in a maner left them but ships & armor, as they forraied & drave booties out of the countrey, King Latinus. King Latinus with the Aborigines, who at that time inhabited those parts, ran forth in warlike manner out of towne and country, to with­stand the violent invasion of these strangers. But what besell thereupon, is two manner of waies reported. Some say, that Latinus being in a battell vanquished, first made peace with Aeneas, D and after that allied himselfe to him by marriage. Others affirme, that as both armies stood ranged in bartell aray, before the trumpets sounded the battell, Latinus came forth into the vaward, and called out the generall of the strangers to parle: demanding who they were, from whence they came, by what chance they departed from their owne home, and to what end they entred the Laurentine borders? After that he heard the companie were Trojans, the Captaine Aeneas, sonne of Venus and Anchises, and that upon the burning of their cittie, they having forgone their countrey, sought some place to abide and build them a cittie in: wondred much, not onely at the noblenesse of the people and their leader, but also at their couragious hearts, resolved either for war or peace: whereupon, by giuing his right hand, he plight his troth, and faithfully promised them friendship and amitie. So the two generals made a league, and each E host saluted other. Aeneas esposeth Lavinia. And Aeneas was by Latinus entertained and lodged in the court. Where Latinus solemnly in presence of his familiar houshold gods, by giving his daughter in marri­age to Aeneas, joined private alliance to the former publicke confederacie. Which thing truly put the Trojanes in good hope and full assurance, to end one day their wandring and flitting to and fro, Lavinium built and to settle themselves in one certaine place of abode. Hereupon, a towne they built, which Aeneas of his wives name called Lavinium. Within a while, by this new marriage, he had issue a sonne: Afeanius borne whom the parents named Ascanius. But after all this, were both Trojanes and Aborigenes warred upon. Turra.s For Turnus king of the Rutilians, unto whom Lauinia before Aeneas his comming, had beene espoused, taking it to heart that a stranger was preferred before him, made warre both upon Aeneas and Latinus: but neither armie departed from the battell F with joy and well apaied. For the Rutilians were vanquished: the Aborigines and Trojanes wan indeed the field, Latinus slaine but lost their Captaine Latinus. Then Turnus and the Rutilians mistrusting their owne strength, Mezentjus fled for succour to the puissant and mightie Tuscanes, and to their king * Mezentius, who keeping his roiall court at Cere, a towne in those daies of great wealth, not well pleased even from the first beginning, with the foundation of a new cittie, and supposing the Trojans power was alreadie much more encreased, than might well stand with the safetie of [Page 4] the borderers, joined full willingly his forces with the Rutilians. Aeneas to win the hearts of the G Aborigines against so dreadfull and dangerous warre, to the end, they all should not onely live under one governement, The Latines. but also be all of one name, called both nations Latines. And from that time forth were the Aborigines nothing inferiour to the Trojanes in love and loialtie to­wards their prince Aeneas. Aeneas also trusting confidently in the valiant and faithfull hearts of these two States, growing vp dailie more and more in mutuall amitie, albeit Hetru [...]ia was so mightie, that the name thereof was renowned not onely throughout the inland parts, but the sea coasts also, even from one end of Italie to the other, from the Alpes to the narrow seas of Sicilie; yet whereas he might well have resisted the force of his enemies, and maintained a de­fensive war within his wals, he brought his armie forth into the open field. This was the second battell that the Latines fought, and the last deed that ever. Aeneas whilest he was man, atchieved. H And howsoever by right he ought to be named, The death and sepulture of Ac­neas. he lieth interred upon the river Numicius, and Iupeter Indiges men him call. Now was not Ascanius, Aeneas his sonne, ripe as yet for age to sway the scepter. Iupiter Iudiges. Howbeit the roiall crowne remained whole and safe for him, untill he became to four­teene yeares of age. So long continued the state of the Latines, and the kingdome by grand­sire and father descended, unto the childs behoofe, under the governement onely of a woman, as protectresse: The wife go­vernmenent La­vinia, Queene Mother. of so vertuous disposition and princely carriage was Dame Lavinia. Doubtfull much I stand (for who can certainly avouch a thing so long agoe?) whether this were that Asca­nius, or one elder than he, who had to his mother Creüsa, whilst Ilium flourished, and who fled with this father from thence, Tulus or Aseanius. and from whom being named also Iülus, the house and familie of the Iulij doe fetch their name and pedigree. The familie of the Iulij. That same Ascanius wheresoever or of whomso­ever I he was borned (but Aeneas his sonne of a truth he was) when Lavinium grew exceeding po­pulous, left that cittie now flourishing and wealthie (as the world went then) unto his mother or stepmother, I wot not whether. Hee himselfe built another out of the ground under the moun­taine Alba, Long Alba [...] A [...]canius The kingdome of Alba. which of the scituation thereof, stretching out in length on the side of the hill, was named Long Alba. Betweene the building of Lavinium and Long Alba, which became an un­der-towne or Colonie drawne out of the other, and peopled from thence, were almost thirtie yeares. But so mightie grew they, especially after the discom [...]ture of the Tuscanes, that neither upon the death of Aeneas, nor during the time of a womans governement, nor all the while that the young prince learned to bee a king, durst either Mezentius or the Tuscanes, or anie other of the borderers, once stirre or rise in armes. But peace was concluded upon these tearms, K That the river Albula, Albula or Ty­bris. which now they call Tyberis, should divide the Tuscanes from the La­tines, and limit to either of them their owne bounds. After this raigned Silvius, the sonne of Ascanrus, born by chance within the forrests: who begat Aeneas Silvius, and he had issue Latinus Silvias, Latinus Silvius. by whom were certaine Colonies or pettie townships erected, & the inhabitants named Prisei Latini. And from thenceforth all the kings of Alba continued the s [...]irname of Sylvius. This Latinus begat Alba, of Alba came At [...]s, A [...]s begat Capis, and of Capis descended Cape­tus; whose sonne Tyberinus in ferrying over the river A [...]bula, Tiberinus. was drowned, and by his name re­nowned that river unto al posteritic. Next to him raigned Agrippa his sonne, and after him suc­ceeded Romulus Sylvius in his fathers kingdome, who being strucken dead with a thunderbolt, left the crowne to Aventinus. Aventinus. This Aventinus was buried in that hill, which now is part of the L cittie of Rome, Procas. and breareth his name. The raigned Procas, who had two sonnes, Numitor and Amulius. Numitor and Amulius. And unto Numitor, because hee was the elder, he bequeathed by his last will and testa­ment the auncient kingdome of the Sylvians line. Howbeit, might preuailed more than either the will of the father, or the reverent regard of elder brother. For Arnulius hauing driven out Numiter, raigneth himselfe: and not herewith content, heapeth one mischeese upon another. For first he murdered the issue male of his brother: Rhea Sylvia. then by making Rhea Sylvia his brothers daughter, a vestall Nun, and that under colour of honour and dignitie, by perpetuall vowed vir­ginitie, he berest her of all hope of childbearing. But it was a fatal thing, and (as I thinke) which God would have, that so great a cittie should be built for to yeeld the ground and beginning of that Empire, Romulus and Remus borne. which next under the gods is most mightie. For behold, the Vestall virgin was by M force defloured, and after delivered of two twins: and were it that shee thought so in very deed, or because the name and credite of a god might carrie away and cloke the fault more cleanely, shee fathered her bastard children vpon Mars. But neither god nor man was able to save her selfe or her children from the kings crueltie. For the Votarie was committed to close prison, and there kept bound in yrons: as for the babes he commanded they should bee cast into the [Page 5] A stream of the river. Romulus and [...] [...] But (as God would) by good hap the Tyber ouerflowed the banckes, and the standing waters on either side was nothing rough, yet so as there was no comming to the deepe current or channell of the very river: and they that brought the infants, hoped well they might be drowned in anie place of the water, were it neuer so full and low. So to fulfill after a sort, the kings commandement, they laid the children in the next plash they came to: even where as now standeth the figtree Ruminalis, called as they say, Romularis: but all that ground then was nothing but wast desarts, and a very wildernesse. The report yet goeth, that when the ebbe and shalow water was gone, & had left on drie ground the floting trough or vessel, wherin the babes were put forth, a shee Wolfe from out of the mountaines thereby, being a thirst, tur­ned towards the children crie, and with their pendant teates so gently gaue the infants sucke, B that Faustulus the head Reeue and overseer of the kings cattell, Faustulus. found her licking them with her tongue: who brought them to his homestall, Laurentia. and gaue them to his wife Laurentia to be fo­stered. There be that thinke, that Laurentia being a common strumpet among these heardmen and sheepeheards, was vsually called Lupa. Whereupon arose the occasion of this strange tale and wondrous miracle. Well, so were they borne, and so brought vp. And as soone as they grew once to some bignesse, it was no boot to keepe them within dores, nor to set them idlie to tend the cattell, for they would use to hunt abroad in the forrest: whereby having gotten strength of bodie and courage withall, they were able now, not onely to withstand the violence of wild beasts, and to kill them, but also to set upon common robbers by the high waies side, laden as they were with booties, and to spoile them thereof, yea and diuide the prey among the sheepe­heards: C and as the number of yonkers dailie encreased, with them to keepe hollidaies, to make merrie, and follow their disports. And even in those daies (as men say) was the feastivall pastime Lupercal, Lupercal. used in mount Palatine, which of Palanteum, a cittie in Arcadia, was first called Palantium, Evander. and after Palatine, wherein Evander, who descended from the Arcadians, long before raigned in that country, and ordained a solemne game and recreation, yearely to be held, Pan Lycaeus or Inuus. as aforetime in Arcadia, in this manner: that young men in the honour of Pan Lycaeus, whom the Romans after called Inuus, should loosely and wantonly run naked. Now whilest they were busily occupied in this kind of sport, which by vow yearely they performed; there lay in ambush the robbers aforesaid, in reuenge and for anger of the prizes which they had lost: Where Romulus manfully quit himselfe, Remus taken prisoner. but Remus they tooke prisoner: and being thus taken, D they brought him before king Amulius, accusing him greevously, and laying especially to his charge, that he with others invaded and made rodes into Numitor his land, and with a power of Iustie youths, assembled in warlike sort, had forraied and spoiled the same. Thus was Remus deli­vered unto Numitor to bee put to death. Now had Faustulus even since the first day concieved some hope, that there were in his house softer children of roiall blood: For well hee wist, that both by the kings commandement the babes were cast forth to perish, and also that the time when hee tooke them up, fell out fitly thereunto: marie this would hee in no wise should bee knowne in hast, and before due time; unlesse it were either upon good occasion or great neces­sitie. Necessitie happened first: and so for very feare hee was driven to reveale the whole matter to Romulus. It happened also, that Numitor himselfe, having Remus in durance, and hearing they E were brethren twins, by comparing their age, and avising withall their very countenance and towardnesse, proceeding from no servile and base parentage, bethought himselfe of his sisters children: and by farther enquirie and computation, came so farre, as hee seemed welneere to acknowledge Remus for his nephew. Thus on all hands were meanes wrought to circumvent and surprise king Amulius. For Romulus on the one side not accompanied with a troope of tall fellowes, for he was not able in open fight to make his part good: but giving the heardmen his supposts, in charge to come at a time appointed, some one way, and some another, to the kings pallace, hee set upon the king. On the other side, Remus with another crue from Numitor his house, Amulius the userpet slaiae, came to second him: and so they slew the king. Numitor at the first uprore giving out eftsoones, that the enemies had entred the cittie, and assailed the kings pallace, and thereupon F having called the youth of Alba into the Citadell, to keepe it by force with a good guard, and espying the two young men after the murther done, comming towards him with ioy: forthwith assembled the people together, and declared openly before them all, the wicked dealings of his brother against him, the parentage of his nephews, the manner of their birth and bringing vp, and how they came to be knowne: after that, hee reported the murther of the Tyrant, and tooke it vpon himselfe as the authour thereof. The two young men passing with their [Page 6] companies through the middest of the people, [...] of [...]. saluted their grandsire king, whereat the whole G multitude also with one accord and voice ratified the same: so was his roiall name and estate by them established. Thus was the whole regiment or kingdome of the Albanes committed to Numitor. Then Romulus and Remus had a great desire to found themselues a cittie in the verie place where they had beene cast forth and fostered. [...] Now were there of Albanes and Latines both, very manie that might be spared; besides, a number also of heardmen: who, all set toge­ther, put them in good hope, that Alba and Lavinium too, would bee but small Citties in com­parison of what which now was a building. Whilest they were devising of these things, an old canker came betweene to marre all, [...]be­tweene [...] even desire of rule and soveraigntie, the same which had troubled their grandsires before them: and thereupon a soule fray, which arose from a smal and slight occasion. For as much as they were both twins at one birth, and the respect of their age H might yeeld no choice and difference, it was thought good and agreed upon, that the gods, who had the tuition of those places, should by Augurie or slight of birds, declare and shew whe­ther of the twaine should both name the citie, and also rule the same. Romulus chose the mount Palatine, and Remus the Aventine, for their temples or religious quarters, to marke the bird­sight, and each one apart to receive their Augurie. First (as they say) had Remus appearing in slight sixe vultures or gripes: [...] and as tidings came unto him of this Augurie, it happened that the number unto Romulus was presented double: whereupon they were both of them by their supposts and favourites saluted kings. The one side tooke the vantage of the time: the other of the number, for the prerogative of the kingdome. Thus they fell to hot words first, and from chollerike words to blowes and bloodshead: in which sturre and preasse of the people, I Remus was wounded and slaine in the place. [...] The more common report goeth, that Remus in­scorne of his brother, leapt ouer the new wals: wherevpon Romulus in great choler slue his brother with his owne hands, and in menasing wife, added these words withal, So perish he, what ever else he be, [...] [...] king of Rome. that shal once dare to leape over my wals. Thus Romulus alone became king, and the Cittie new built, of the founders name was called Rome. Wherein first hee fortified mount Palatine, in which he was himselfe reared. To all the rest of the gods he sacrificed after the rule and custome of the Albanes: onely to Hercules after the manner of the Greekes, according to the first institution of Evander. The [...] For the same goeth, that Hercules vpon a time, after hee had slaine Geryon, drave that way exceeding faire Oxen, and neere the riuer Tybris, where hee had swum ouer with his drove asore him, laid him downe in a faire greene meddow, as well to re­fresh K himselfe, being wearie of his way, as also to rest and bait his cattell in so plentifull grasse and forage. There, falleth he into a sound sleepe, as having well charged himselfe with wine and viands, and one Cacus a sheepeheard dwelling thereby, a man right fierce, and bearing him prowdly of his strength, being greatly in love with the fairenesse of the beasts, had a good will, and minded to fetch away that bootie: but for that if hee had driven the beasts into his owne cave, the verie trackes would have led the owner of them thither, hee drew the goodliest and biggest of them backeward by their tailes into his hole. Herculs earely in the morning when he awoke, and beheld his droue, and missed some of his count, went on toward the next cave, if haplie their footing would traine him thither: But seeing all traces from wards, and leading no other way; as one troubled in spirit, and doubtfull what to doe, he began to drive farther out of L that theevish and dangerous corner. But as some of the Oxen in driving, missed their fellowes behind, and honing after them, bellowed as their nature is: Herculs chanced to heare them loow again, and answere from out of the cave wherein they had been bestowed: whereat he tur­ned backe, and made in hast thither. But as Cacus forciblie made head against him, and would have kept him from entrance, Hercules smote him with his club: and for all his calling upon other heardmen for helpe, Evander the in­ [...]enter of [...] letters. slew him outright. At the same time Evander, who fled out of Pelo­ponnesus, governed that Countrey, rather by a kind of countenance and authoritie, than by force and lordly command. A man much honoured for his wonderfull invention of letters, a strange and rare thing among those rude and vnlearned sort: but more honoured for the opini­on that the people had of his mother Carmenta, Carmenta mo­ther of Evander. reputed to bee a goddesse, whom for her spirit M of prophesie, those countries, before that Sibylla came into Italie, had in great revence and ad­miration. This Evander being raised with the concurse of the sheepheards, affrighted about the stranger, guiltie of manifest murther, and hearing of the fact committed, and the occasion thereof: avising well there with the person of the man, his feiture and favour, more stately a good deale, and carrying a greater majestie than the ordinarie proportion of men; demandeth [Page 7] A of him who he was. And as soone as he understood his name, his father, and native countrey: O Hercules (quoth he) the soone of Iupiter, All haile: my mother a most true prophetesse hath foreshewed vnto me, that thou shalt encrease the number of heavenly wights, and that in this place an altar shall be reared and dedicated vnto thee, which the most mightie and richest na­tion one day of the world, Ara maxima de­dicated to Her­cules. shall name Maxima, and honour according to the ceremonies by thee ordained. In a good houre be it spoken (quoth Hercules) and the osle I gladly accept; and so giving him his hand, faithfully promised to accomplish the will of the gods, and erected streit­waies and consecrated an altar in the place. There and then first, hee sacrificed one of the fairest Oxen, chosen out of the whole drove, calling to the ministerie of that divine service and feast, the Potitij and P [...]narij, Potitij & Pinary. two most noble houses at that time in those parts. It happened so, by B chance, that the Potitij were readie at hand in due time, and the inwards or intrals were set be­fore them: which being eaten, the Pinarij came to the good cheere behind: whereupon the custome held, that so long as the familie of the Pinarij continued, they might not feed of the sacred inwards. But the Potitij, instructed by Evander, became the priests of that holie sacrifice manie ages after: untill the solemne service and ministerie of this familie was put ouer to pub­licke servants, and the whole stocke of the Potity utterly worne out and dead. These were the onely forraine sacrifices of all other, Romulus ma­keth lawes. that Romulus received and admitted, being even then a furtherer and maintainer of immortalitie, by his owne prowesse atcheeued, and whereunto his fortune conducted him. Having in this manner religiously performed and established the service of the gods, hee assembled the multitude to an audience and for that they could by no C meanes but by lawes, bee united together into one bodie and societie of a people, he derised Statutes, and ministred justice unto them. And supposing that those laws would be accounted sa­cred and inviolable of the wild and rusticall sort of men, in case he shewed himselfe by some re­gall ensignes venerable: Roiall robes, Iictours. he carried with him a greater port and majestie, not onely in his robes and princely habite, but most of all in the attendance of twelve officers or sergeants, called Lic­tores, whom he caused to goe ordinarily before his person. Some thinke he chose this num­ber according to the birds, which by Augurie did foreshew and prognosticate his raigne: I ra­ther am of their opinion, who thinke that Sergeants at armes, and this kind of officers came from the Tuscanes their neighbours, Chaire of estate, called Sella cu­rulis. from whence also theyvorie chaire of estate, called Sella curulis, and the royall purple robe embrodered, named Toga pr [...]texia, was fetched, as also the D very number of sergeants or Lictours. The purple role called Toga pr [...] ­texia For that the Tuscanes had this manner, when they chose their king by the common voices of their twelve principall States, each one found a sergeant. All this while grew the cittie more and more to bee fortified with ramparts and bulwarkes, as men still built in sundrie places where they liked best, seeming thereby to provide rather for a future multitude in time to come, than for the present number wherewith it was then peopled. Furthermore, least that the cittie so large in compasse, should stand void and vacant, Romulus for to encrease the number of inhabitants (according to the old practice of the founders of cit­ties, who by gathering about them the base multitude and obscure, feined that they were an of­spring borne out of the earth) set vp a sanctuarie or lawlesse church, The Asylum first erected. called Asylum, in that place which at this day betweene the two groves, is enclosed and fenced round about with thicke bri­ers E & brambles. Thither resorted (as to a place of refuge) out of the neighbor countries, a rable and confused medley of all sorts, tag and rag, bond and free, one with another; folke desirous of change and noveltie.

So began first the citie according to the plot of large buildings, The institution of a Senate. to be wel peopled and grow mightie. Thus being provided of power sufficient: he thought then upon a counsaile and poli­cie to his power. And so created a hundred Senatours: either because that number see­med great ynough, or for that there were no more but one hundred that were of worth to bee elected counsellor or (wife) fathers. These men certainely for honour and dignitie, were called Patres or Sage fathers: Patris. Patri [...]. and their lineall descent Patr [...]ij or nobles. Now by this time was the State of Rome so mightie and puissant, that it was able in fight to match any cittie neere ad [...]oi­ning F whatsoeuer. But for default of womankind, this puissance was to indure but the age of one man: for neither had they hope of issue among themselues at home, nor yet made marriages with their neighbours abroad. Whereupon Romulus by the advise of his Senatours; sent Em­bassadours to the countries there about, to treat for societie and alliance for his new people, by way of marriage. The Embassage of Romulus, treating for mar­riage. ‘Alledging that citties also, as well as other things, arose of base beginnings, and in processe of time by their owne prowsse, and helpe of God with all, grow to great power [Page 8] and reputation: whereas therefore they were full well assured, that as the gods were gracious to G their first uprising, so their own vertue and valor should not be wanting: their neighbors ought not, in regard of common humanitie, and as they were men, thinke much and disdaine to ioine in blood and kindred with them, being also men as well as they.’ Howbeit, this embassage in no place had gentle audience and courteous entertainment. For they all in general despised them, and were in eare for themselues and their posteritie, by reason of so mightie a state, encrea­sing in the middest of them, and under their very noses. And from the most of them the Embassadors were dismissed and sent away, with this frumpe and demand, Whether they had set up a sanctuarie or lawlesse place for women to? For that were alone, and a fit marriage indeed to sort together. This tooke the youth of Rome in great displeasure, and doubtlesse the quarrell grew like to be tried by knockes. But Romulus dissimuling his inward heart-burning, to H the end he might find time and place meet for the purpose, prepareth to set forth certaine so­lemne plaies and games, The games Con­sualia. which he nameth Consualia, to the honor of Neptune Equestris. Here­upon he commanded to proclaim these games al over the country adjoining; and with as great preparation and furniture, as in those daies either their skill or abilitie might afford, they cele­brate the same, and all to make the shew more goodly, and worthie so great expectation. Thi­ther resorted manie a one, desirous also to see this new cittie, but their next neighbours especi­ally of Cenina, Crustuminum, and Antemnae: The whole multitude of Sabines likewise came with their wives and children. Who being friendly invited to their houses, from one to another, and courteously entertained: when they beheld the scituation of the cittie, the strong wals and saire buildings, so thicke standing, wondred how in so short a space the cittie of I Rome was growned so great. Now when the time of this solemne sight was come, and that their minds were busied, and their eies bent thereon: then at once, as it was agreed before, there arose an uprore. The Sabine mal­dens ravished. And the youth of Rome upon a token and watch-word giuen, fell on every side to carrie away the Sabine maidens. A great many of them were ravished by hap hazard, as they did light upon them, and as they came next to their hands. Othersome more beautifull than the rest, were appointed for the cheese of the Senatours, and by certaine of the commons, as they had given them in charge, conveied home to their houses. But one passing faire and lovely above all others, was harried by the companie or crue of one Talassius (they say) and when as anie asked to whom they carried her, they ever cried out (for feare she should bee forced or de­floured) Thalassio, Thalassio, i. Vnto Thalassius. Thalasio. Whereupon Thalassio became a common by­word K at wedding ever after. Thus their sport and pastime upon this sturre and fright, was mar­red, and the parents of the virgines fled away with heavie cheere, blaming them highly, and complaining of their breach of hospitalitie: and calling upon the god for vengeance, to whose feastivall games they being come, were under colour of religion and truth, beguiled. The damsels likewise that were ravished, conceived neither better hope of themselues, no lesse in­dignation against them. [...] ‘But Romulus himselfe in person went from one to another, declaring, That their fathers pride, who denied their neighbours marriage, was the cause of all this: pro­mising neverthelesse that they should bee linked in lawfull wedlocke, made partakers of all woridly goods, obtained the freedome of a citie, and (than which, nothing is more deare to man­kind) enioy the blessing of children: exhorting them to appease their anger, and quiet L themselues: and to give them their harts, whose hap it was to have their bodies. For oftentimes vpon wrong and iniurie there growth loue and reconciliation. Alledging moreover, that they should find their spouses so much more louing and kind, as everie one of them for his part would endevour, after they had in their turne and course fulfilled the dutie to them of good husbands, for to make amends, and supplie the misse they haue of father, mother, and native countrey.’ Their husbands with all used faire speeches and flattering words, excusing the matter, and laying all the weight upon servent affection and pure loue: which kind of persuasion of all other, prevaileth most with womens nature. Thus were the ravished young wines in some sort quieted in mind, and held themselues well contented. But their fathers, then most of all araied in mourning weed, with teares and heauie complaints, stirred vp the Citties where they dwelt: M neither contained they their mood within home, but assembled themselues from all parts vn­to Tatius the king of the Sabines: [...] king of the Sabines. and to him repaired their Embassages, for that the name of Tatius was highly renowned in those countries. They of Cenina, Crustuminum, and Antemnae, who were partly touched and greeved for that wrong done, thought that Tatius and the Sabines dealt but coldly in the action, and went but slowly about revenge. These three natitons there­fore [Page 9] A banded themselves, and agreed to prepare for warre. But so sharpe set were the Ceninians that the men of Crustuminum and Antemnae, bestirred not themselves quick ynough for them. So they of Cenina entred alone by force of armes the territories of the Romanes. As they wa­sted and spoiled without order and measure, Romulus met them with an armie, and in one small skirmish made proofe, The Ceninians defeated. how Moode without might is vain and bootlesse. ‘For he discomsited, put to flight, and pursued in chase their whole host, slew their king in battell, and him despoiled: Their king slain: and having slaine their generall, at the first assault hee won the towne: and after hee had from thence brought backe his armie with conquest and victorie, as a man no lesse desirous to shew his noble acts with glorie, than to atchieve the same by prowesse, he bare afore him on high as a pompeous pageant in a frame fitly for the purpose wrought, Romulus [...] unto Iupiter Feretrius the spoile [...] the King of the Ce­nitians. the spoile and armour of his ene­mies B captaine, by himselfe slaine: and so ascended up to the Capitoll hill, where laying them downe at the Oke which the sheepeheards had in great reverence, hee consecrated them as a present to Iupiter: and set out with all, the foundation and bounds of a temple unto him: giving moreover this addition and title to the god, and saying solemnely: O Iupiter Feretrius, I king Romulus upon my victorie, present unto thee this armor of a king, and within this compasse of ground, which even now I haue conceived and assigned, I dedicate a temple, to receive those rich and roiall spoiles, which the posteritie, following mine example, shall beare away from the kings and captaines generall of their enemies, whom they shall happen hereafter to kill. This is the very beginning of that temple, which first of all other was in Rome consecrated.’ And so it pleased God, that neither the first founders words were spoken in vaine, whereby he foretold C and pronounced, that his posteritie should bring their spoiles thither: nor his glorie made vul­gar and common to manie compartenes with him in the like exploit and glorious present. For after him, By Cornel, Cos­sus, and M. Mar­cellus. in so many yeres, and after so many wars, two roiall spoiles only were won of the ene­mies. So rare was the happinesse of honour in that behalfe. Whilest the Romanes were thus emploied about Cenina, the armie of the Antemnates, taking the vantage of the time, and of the Romanes absence from home, and seeing their frontiers without a guard, with a power of armed men entred the confines of Rome. Against whom also the Romane legion made head in all hast, and finding them scattered out of order in the fields, charged upon them. By reason whereof, The Antemnate: overthrown, and their cittie forced at the very first shocke and shout made, discomfited were the enemies and their towne surprised. ‘As Romulus returned with triumph and joy for these two victories, Hersilia wise to Romulus. his wife D Hersilia, at the importunate sute of the wives that had beene ravished, earnestly besought him to pardon their fathers and receive them into his cittie: for so by concord and unitie, the weale publicke, and the good estate of his kingdome might flourish and grow mightie. This sure was gently heard, and soone obtained.’ After this, he set forth against the Crustuminians that began to warre upon him: with whom hee had the lesse adoe, for that their courages were well abated alreadie by the ouertrowes of others. Colonies of Ro­manes first plan­ted. To both these places as unto Colonies, were new inha­bitants sent. But the greater number were desirous to enter their names, and to plant themselues at Crustuminium, for the fertilitie of the soile. And manie likewise removed from thence to Rome, The Sabines make warre. the parents especially and kinsfolke of the ravished women. Last of all, the Sabines war­red farre more sharply and dangerously than the rest: for nothing did they either in furie or E rage, or for covetous desire of spoile. Neither made they talke & shew of war, before they war­red indeed and were seene in field. And besides this their considerat policie, they dealt also with craft & subtillie. The castle of Rome betrained to the Sabines. For wheras one Sp. Tarpeius had the charge of the castle in Rome, his daughter a young maiden, Tatius with a summe of money corrupted and procured, at what time as shee went to fetch water without the wals for sacrifice, to receive armed souldiours into the forresse. But so soone as they were let in, they with their armour smothered and killed her: either for that thereby it might bee thought the castle was woon by force: or because they would make her an example to posteritie, that no traitor should ever thinke to escape unpunished. But here­to belongeth a tale, namely, that the Sabines used commonly on their left armes to wear brace­lets of Massie and weightie gold, and faire rings besides on their fingers, set with precious stones F of great value: and that she covenanted and agreed with them to have that which they ware on their left hands, whereupon shee had their targets in sheed of those golden ornaments, heaped upon her. Others say, that upon agreement and covenant made to deliver that which was on their left hands, she demanded their armour, and because she seemed to deale, deceitfully, shee was overtaken therwith, and perished by receiving a reward of her owne chusing. However it was, the Sabines were possessed of the castle. From whence the morrow after (when as the Ro­manes [Page 10] armie well appointed in battell ray, had taken up and overspread the whole plaine that G lieth from mount Palatine to the hill Capitoll)they would not come downe on even ground be­fore that the Romanes, [...] [...] [...] and Sabines Metivs Curtius. Hostius Hostilius partly netled with anger, and partly pricked with an hot desire to reco­ver the castle againe, began with their great disadvantage to climbe against the hill. Whereup­on the captaines on both sides joined battaile: Metius Curtius for the Sabines, Hostius Ho­stilius for the Romanes: who albeit he was on the lower ground, yet in the forefront most cou­ragiously and stoutly abid the brunt of the conflict. But so soone as hee was stroken downe and slaine, incontinently the Romanes reculed and gave ground: and thus discomfited, fled backe­ward to the old gate of Palatium. ‘ Romulus himselfe also, borne backe with the presse and throng of those that sled, ,The praier of Romulus to Iu­piter stator lift up his weapons on high towards heaven, and cried out saying: O Iupiter, I Romulus by thy direction guided and ruled, have here in this mount Palatine laid the foundati­on H of this cittie: and now alreadie have the Sabines by corruption and trecherie got the cita­dell and fortresse thereof: from whence they having passed the midst of the vale betweene, make hither in hast with force of armes: but thou O father of gods and men, vouchsafe yet from hence at leastwise to repulse the enemies, deliver the Romans from this so great feare, and stay their shamefull flight. And here to thee O Iupiter Stator I vow a temple, for a memoriall to all posteritie, that by thy present helpe this cittie was saved and preserved.’ Thus having once praied, as if he had knowne for certaine that his praiers were heard. Even here(quoth he) O yee Romanes, dooth Iupiter Opt. Max. i. the best and greatest of all the gods commands you to stay and begin the battell afresh. Herewith the Romanes, no lesse than if they had been commanded from heaven above, made a stand. And Romulus in person highed him with all speed to the for­most I in the vaward. ‘Now was Metius Curtius, principall leader of the Sabines, run downe from the castle, and had scattered and chased the Romanes backe as farre as the Forum or common place of Rome at this day reacheth in length: and being come within a little of the gate of Pa­latium, he lift vp his voice and cried alovvd, Vanquisht we haue these faithlesse friends, and hart­lesse foes: and now know they well, it is one thing to ravish maidens, and a farre other thing to fight with men.’ In this sort as he braved it out, Romulus with a troope of lustie young men, made head against him. Metius haplie at that time, fought on horsebacke, whereby he was forced the sooner to recule, and the Romanes made after and pursued him. The other battell of the Ro­manes in like manner, being much encouraged with the valour of their king, discomfited the Sabines. Metius with his horse under him, affrighted at the noise of them that ran after, lept in­to K a marish or bog thereby. Which accident, considering the danger of so great a person, made the Sabines to looke backe to him. And hee verily taking heart againe at the calling and en­couragement of many his favourites, escaped. But the Romanes and Sabines both, in the middle valley betweene the two hils, renue the battell againe: where the Romanes got the better hand. ‘Then the Sabine dames, for whose wrongfull usage all this war arose, with their haire hanging loose about their shoulders, and renting their garments, for very greefe and sorrow past all feare, ventured to run amongst the javelins & darts as they flew: & thus hauing thrust themselues vio­lently overthwart betweene them, began to part these bloodie armies, and to end their deadly feaud: The [...] wo­m [...]n to their [...] [...] the [...]. Beseeching their owne fathers on the one side, and their husbands on the other, that they being fathers and sonnes in law, would not embrew themselues with so unkind and unnaturall L bloudshead, nor as parricides, murder the young ones newly borne, some their graundchildren, and others their owne heirs of their bodie begotten. If ye our fathers, thinke much (say they) of the affinitie betweene our husbands and you: or if yee our husbands are displeased with our ma­riage, bend all your anger and malice against us: we are the cause of this warre, we are the cause of wounding and killing both husband and father: yet will wee rather die, than liue either or­phans without the one, or widowes without the other.’ This thing mooved as well the multitude of soldiours, as also the captains; and presently of a suddaine all was husht, and the fight cea­sed. Whereupon, the Generals came foorth to conclude a league. Neither made they peace only, but one citie of two: united their realms, & joined together in the regiment: but the roiall estate they setled in Rome. M

The citie thus being made one of twaine, the Romanes for to gratifie the Sabines in some sort, Quirites. were of Cures, a towne of the Sabines, called Quirites. And for a memoriall of that battaile, the very place where Curtius, after he was gotten out of the deepe marish, first set his horsse on firme ground, Curtius Lacus. was named Curtius his lake. This joius peace ensuing presently upon so cruell war, made these women better beloued of their husbands and parents: but especially of Romu­lus [Page 11] A himselfe. Curi [...] 301 And therefore when hee divided the cittie into thirtie wards or parishes, hee called them by their names. But it is not left in any record (for out of all question the women were farre more in number than so) whether those that should give names unto the wards, were chosen by age, or by their owne dignitie and worthinesse, or their husbands degree and calling, or by ca­sting lots. At the same time were enrolled and ordained three centuries of gentlemen or knights: The Ramnenses were so cleaped of Romulus, Centuries. the Titienses of Titus Tatius; but of the name and first beginning of the Lucerians, the occasion is not certaine. So these two kings not onely raig­ned together, but also governed with great unitie and concord. But after certaine yeares the kin­dred of king Tatius chanced to beat and euill intreat the embassadours of Laurentum. And when as the Laurentines pleaded the law of nations, for satisfaction of this outrage; Tatius B his kinsfolke what by favour, and what by intreatie, prevailed more with him than the just com­plaint of the others. Whereby hee brought vengeance due to them upon his owne head: For being come upon a time to Lavinium, unto a solemne sacrifice and feast, there in an uprore or hurliburly the people ran upon him, Tatius murdered. and so was he slaine. Which thing (they say) Romulus, made lesse regard of than was meet: either for that fellowship in lordship is neuer faithfull, or because he esteemed him not unjustly to be made away. Wherupon he forbare indeed to make warre: yet to the end the wrong done to the Embassadours, together with the murder of the king, might bee expiate and purged cleane away, the league betweene the citties of Rome and Lavinium was renued. But whilest peace verily was beyond mens expectation with them con­cluded: behold another fresh warre arose, much neerer than the other, and hard almost at their C very gates. For the people of Fidene supposing the Romans power and riches to encrease over­much so neere unto them: before they should grow to such greatnesse as they were like to doe, began first to warre upon them: and sending a power of lustie tall souldiours, invaded and wa­sted all the countrey betweene the cittie of Rome and Fidene. And taking their way on the left hand, for that the Tyber kept from the other, they forraied and spoiled as they went, to the great feare of the pezants and countrey people. So as this suddaine tumult and garboile heard out of the fields into the cittie, brought the first newes of the warre. Romulus raised therewith (for so nigh a warre might beare no delay) led forth his armie, and encamped within a mile of Fidene: and leaving there a competent guard, hee departed thence with all his other forces, comman­ding part of his souldiours to lie close in certaine covert places, A stratage [...] of Romulus. among the thickets in ambush­ment. D Himselfe with the greater number, and all his horse, advanced forward, and riding up and downe before their gates after a disordered and bragging manner, made semblant of a brava­do, and all to traine the enemie forth, which was the thing he onely sought. This kind of horse service was a meanes that the Fidenates lesse suspected and marvelled at their flying, which they were to counterfet. For whilest the Cavallirie stood unresolved as it were, in a mammering whi­ther to slie or fight, and the infanterie withall began to retire: all at once the enemies in thrun­ging manner sallied forth of the gates, and chased the Romanes so fiercely, that in their eager pursute they were drawne to the verie place of ambush. Thence the Romanes suddainely arose, and charged the flocke of the enemies: And to encrease their fright, they likewise that were left behind to guard the campe, shewed themselves with banners displaied. ‘So the Fidenates terri­fied E sundrie waies, before well neere that Romulus and his men of armes could reine about their horseheads, turned their backes, and rodefull gallop towards the towne againe, and so much the faster, for that they fled now in good earnest themselves, that pursued them, who a little before made but semblance thereof. Yet for all this could they not escape the enemie: for the Romans hard at their heeles, rushed together with them pelmell into the towne, before the gates could be shut against them. At this Fidenatian warre, spreading so dangerously, the Veientians grew angrie in their hearts, and began to chase.’ Touched they were also in regard of kindred and al­liance: for the Fidenates were likewise Tuscanes. And fearing least (if the Romane forces should thus distresse and lie upon all the borderers) they being so neere, should not goe free, they were the rather pricked forward, and thereupon made rodes, and entred in armes the confines of F Rome, spoiling and boothaling, more like robbers than professed warriors. So without pitching any tents, or abiding the comming of their enemies, but onely driving and carrying away great booties out of the fields, they returne againe to Veij. The Romanes contrariwise, not [...] ­ding the enemies in the field, but yet provided and resolved to give battell, and to hazard all, passed over the Tybet. Whom the Veientians understanding to be encamping themselves, ful­ly minded to come against their cittie: issued forth and met them, intending to trie the quarell [Page 12] by dint of sword, The Veientians [...] by Romulus. and in open field, rather than to be mued up within the town, & to fight & de­fend G themselves from off their houses and wals. There the Romane king with the strength onely of his old beaten souldiors, without anie other helpe and supplie whatsoever, without policie or stratagem, had the better: and having thus discomfited the enemies, he chased them even to their verie wals. And for that the cittie was exceeding strong, fortified as well by naturall situ­ation, as by wals, he forbare to assault it. But in his returne homeward, hee wasted the countrey, more upon a mind to revenge, than hope of spoile. With this defeature, the Veientians no lesse subdued than if they had lost a field, sent Orantours to Rome to sue for peace: unto whom truce was graunted for an hundred yeares, Truce betweene Romanes and Veientians for an hundred yeares. but they were amerced to lose part of their lands. These were in a manner all the acts that were done both at home and abroad, during the reigne of Ro­mulus. Whereof none seemed to derogate anie jot from the opinion, both of his divine birth H and beginning, The commenta­tion of Romu­lus. and also of his immortalitie or deification after his death. Such was his coura­geous heart in recovering his grandfires kingdome: his policie and wisedome in founding the cittie first, and after in establishing and governing the same, as well in war as in peace. By whose good proceedings it got such strength, and so sure footing, that for fortie yeeres space after, it enjoied peace with salatie. Neverthelesse of his commons hee was better beloved than of his nobles: but above all, his souldiours most heartely affected him: of whom he had alwaies about him, as squires of the bodie, three hundred pensioners armed, not onely in time of warre, but also of peace, Celeres. whom he called Celeres. Thus having atcheeved these noble and immortall deeds, as he upon a time assembled al the people upon the plaine, at the marish Caprae, there to num­ber or muster his armie: behold, upon a suddaine there arose a tempest with great crackes of I thunder, which with so thick & cloudie a storme, covered the king, that the people lost the sight of him. Romulus his [...]. And never after was Romulus seene on earth. The Romane youth, after their feare was at length past, and that upon so darke and troublesome weather, it prooved a faire day againe, and calme withall, seeing the kings throne emptie, albeir they credited the Senators that stood next about him, who gave out he was taken up alost in the storme; yet strucken into sad dumps, as it were for the losse of their father, held their peace a good while. But afterwards, when some few of them had once begun, they all set on and cried aloud. All haile god Romulus the sonne of a god, king and father of the cittie of Rome: With earnest praier beseeching him of his grace, that he would vouchsafe to be propice, and save their ofspring and posteritie for ever. I am of this mind, that some there were even then, that suspected and secretly surmised that the king K was pulled in peeces by the hands of the nobles. For this rumour also was bruited abroad, al­though in very darke and obscure tearmes. But by reason of high admiration of the man, and the present feare withall, the former opinion tooke place, and was more currant. Over and besides, it grew the rather credible, through the politike practice of one person. ‘For as the whole cittie was pensive and sorrowfull for the misse of their king, and sore displeased with the Sena­tors, one Proculus Iulius, a substantiall good author (as men say) and to bee beleeved in a matter of great importance, stepped forth into the assemblie, Romulus (quoth he) Quirites, the foun­der and patrone of this cittie, The speech of Proculus Iulius. even this verie morning at the day breake, descended suddenly downe from heaven and met me, and as I stood all quaking for feare, readie to worship him, and humblie beseeching that I might behold him face to face:. Away (quoth he) & tell the Romans, L that the will of the gods in heaven is, that my cittie of Rome shall bee the head and cheefe of the whole world: will them therefore to follow and practise chivalrie, and the knowledge there­of: and wot this well, and so let them doe their posteritie to wit, That no power in the world shall be able to withstand the puissance of the Romanes. Which (said he) was not so soone spoken, but he ascended on high, and departed.’ A wonder it was to fee, how much they gave credite to this mans tale, and how greatly the misse of Romulus both among the commons and the armie, was by this beleefe of his immortalitie, digested.

In this meane while the Senatours fell to strive who should bee king: and the desire of sove­raigntie troubled much and perplexed their minds. But as yet, there was no banding nor siding from any one person in particular: for that in a state so newly risen, & of so small continu­ance, M there was not one that far excelled another in authoritie. All the contention was betweene the two severall factions in generall. [...] betweene the Romans and Sabines for the [...]. For they that were descended of the Sabines, fearing least because after the death of Tatius there was none of their part, that had raigned with Romulus in equall jurisdiction, they should now loose their possession and title to the crowne; were desi­rous to haue a king chosen out of their corporation. The old Romanes againe might not abide [Page 13] A an alien or forrainer to be king. Howbeit, thus diuersly affected as they were, a king they all will needs have, as who (God wot) had not yet tasted the sweetnesse of libertie and freedome. Besides the Nobles began to feare, least peradventure in case the hearts of manie citties thereabout, should not be well disposed, but provoked against them, some forraine power would make inva­sion, finding the cittie without government, and the armie without a captaine. Therefore they all liked well to haue one head, but none could find in his heart to giue place unto another. Whereupon the hundred Senatours associate and combine together in the rule of the Com­mon-weale, by deviding themselues into ten Decuries, and for euerie Decurie chusing one to beare the cheefe authoritie. So that ten governed at once, but one alone had the regal ensignes and the Lictors before him. This soveraigntie and preheminence determined euery five daies: B and thus went it through them all round in course. After which manner they continued the space of one yeare. And the governement upon this occasion was (as it is still at this day) called Interregnum. The Interro­gencie. Then after a yeare began the commons to grudge and mutter, that their servitude was greater than before, having now lords over them, an hundred for one: and seemed they would no longer endure, but haue a king againe, yea and one of their owne chusing. The Sena­tours seeing them thereabout, and taking it to bee good policie for to offer that of their owne accord, which they were otherwise like to forgoe, curried favour with them in this wise, to wit, by graunting the cheefe prerogative unto the people (in chusing a king) yet so as they gave them no greater priviledge, than they reserved to themselues. For thus it was decreed, that when the people had elected a king, it should stand firme and ratified, if the Senatours liked thereof, and C gave thereto their roiall assent. And even at this day in making of laws, and chusing magistrates or rulers, the same rights is in some sort observed, setting aside the violence of Tribunes. For that now before the people give their voices, the Senatours passe by their authoritie, that which they would have done, fall it out in the assemblie of people, by scrutinie, doubtful as it will. ‘To pro­ceed then, the Interregent having called a generall parliament: In the name of God (quoth he) O Quirites, and which may be to you good, luckie, and prosperous, elect, or nominate yee a new king: for so is the good pleasure of the Nobles and Senatours: and in case yee shall elect a man of such qualitie, as may be deemed worthie to succeed Romulus, then will they by their assent passe the same, and allow thereof.’ This pleased and contented the commons so highly, that be­cause they would not seeme behind in bountie and curtesie, they answered againe, that this on­ly D they ordained and agreed upon, to with, that the Senate should determine who should be king of Rome. Numa Pompi­lius. Ther was in those daies one Numa Pompilius, much renowned and esteemed for his just life and religious: he dwelt in Cures, a cittie of the Sabines, a man right skilfull and very wel seene (as any one might be in that age) in all lawes both divine and humane: whose teacher and first maister, for want of other authour of his science and knowledge (they say) but yet vntruly, was Pythagoras as of Samos. Concerning whom, this is well knowne, that he a hundred yeeres after and above, in the daies of Servius Tullus king of Rome, held a schoole of yong men students, that were his disciples, and followed his sect, in the utmost and farthest coast of Italie, about Me­tapontum, Heraclea, and Croton. From which places (albeit he had lived in that time) what same of him could spread so farre as to the Sabines? or by what entercourse and affinitie of lan­guage E might hee possiblie have trained any man unto him for desire of learning at his hands? or by what good meanes and helpe, could Numa trauell alone unto him in safetie, through so many countries, of diuerse tongues and sundrie manners? I am of this opinion rather, that the man by nature was framed and disposed to vertue, and that hee was instructed, not so much in strange and forraine sciences, as after that strict rule, that sterne and severe discipline of the auncient Sabines; than whom, there was not a nation in times past, more precise, reformed, and void of corruption. The Romane Senatours hearing the name of Numa, although they saw well enough, that the Sabines were like to proove of great reputation and power, by chusing their king from among them, yet was there none of them so audacious, as to preferre either themselues, or any one of their bend and faction, not any one I say, Senator or Cittizen, before F that man: but all in generall with one accord, agreed to conferre the kingdome upon Numa Pompilius. Who being sent for and come; like as Romulus at the founding of the cittie was in­augurate King, or attained to the crowne by meanes of Augurie: so hee also would needs, that the will and counsell of God should be sought for, touching his owne election. Whereupon hee was by the Augur (unto whom for ever after that publicke ministerie or priesthood, in regard of honour and reverence by patent belonged) brought unto the castle hill, and there he set him [Page 14] G downe upon a stone, with his face towards the South. Then the Augur on his left side, with head covered, tooke his place: holding in his right hand a smooth stafte without knot or knob, and hooked towards the top, which they called Lituus. From whence after that he had with good avisement taken a prospect and view towards the cittie and countrey, and made his praiers to the gods, he limitted the quarters of the heaven, from East to West: and the parts Southward he appointed for the right hand, and those Northward for the left. ‘And so farre as ever hee could cast his eie and see forward, he imagined to himselfe a marke: then shifting his staffe into his left hand, and laying the right hand upon Numa his head, he praied in this forme. O father Iupiter, if it may be right and lawfull, that his Numa Pompilius, whose head I lay my hand upon, shall be king of Rome, shew I beseech thee some certaine and manifest signes within that com­passe and those precincts, that I have conceived and set out.’ Then pronounced hee in plaine H words what tokens by sight or flight of fowles he would have to appeare. Which being once seene, Numa Pompi­lius declared and inaugurat king. Numa was declared king, and so came down from the temple or place of prospect above­said.

In this manner, being inaugurate and invested in the kingdome, hee provideth by good or­ders, lawes, and customes, to reedifie as it were that cittie, which before time had been new built by force and armes. Whereunto, he seeing that they might not be brought and framed in time of warre, whose hearts were alreadie by continuall warfare growne wild and savage: and suppo­sing that this fierce people might be made more gentle and tractable, through disuse of armes, he therefore built the temple of Ianus in the nether end of the street Argiletum, [...] in token both of warre and peace: with this invention, that being open it should signifie, that the cittie was in I armes: and standing shut, that all the neighbour countries were in peace and quiet. Twise onely after the reigne of Numa was this templeshut: once, when T. Manlius was Consull, after the first Carthaginian warre was done and ended: and a second time (as God would) in our age for us to see, when as the Emperour Caesar Augustus, after the battell of Actium (with Antonius and Cleopatra) had obtained peace both by land and sea. Numa then having knit the hearts of the borderers about him in firme league and amitie, and thereupon closed up the dores of Ianus, secured now from all feare and care of dangers abroad, yet doubting least through ease and idlenesse their minds might fall to loosenesse and riot, whom the dread of enemies and martial discipline had held in aw and in good order: devised above all things to strike some fear of God into them, [...]. and to plant religion in their hearts: a policie no doubt, with the simple multitude K (rude in those daies and ignorant) most effectuall. Which reuerence of God, for that it could not sincke not enter well into their heads, and take a deepe impression, without some devise of a fained miracle, he made semblance, and gave out, that he conversed in the night season, and had, I wot not what, secret conference with the goddesse AEger [...]a. By whose counsell and direction for­sooth, he ordained such divine service and sacrifices to the gods, as to them was most accepta­ble: and to everie god appointed severall priests for the ministerie thereof accordingly. [...]. But first above all other things he divided the yeare, according to the course of the Moone, into twelve moneths: and for as much as the Moone hath not full thirtie daies to euerie moneth, whereby some daies are wanting to make up the just yeare, after the revolution and circle of the sunne: he, by putting the odde daies between everie moneth, so disposed and ordered the yeare, that in L every three & twenty years space the daies agreed just to the same point of the sun from whence they began, and so made up the void spaces, and accomplished fully the tearme of everie yeare. [...] He appointed likewise law daies and daies of vacation, called Fasts and Nefasti, thinking it good, that otherwhiles there should bee rest from attendance on the courts, and no dealing with the people. After this, he set his mind about the creation of priests, albeit in his owne per­son he performed very manie sacrifices, especially those which at this day pertaine to the priest, of Iupiter, [...] called Flamen Dialis. And supposing that in a cittie so martiall, there should succeed more kings like to Romulus than Numa, who in proper person would goe forth to warre: least haply the divine ministerie that belonged to the king, might be neglected, he created a Flamin to Iupiter, for to be a sacrificer continually resident: endued and adorned him with a rich cope M or vestiment, [...] called [...] Romulus. and with an yvorie chaire of estate upon wheeles, called Sella curulis. Vnto him he adjoined two Flamines more: one for Mars, another for [...] Quirinus. He instituted also a Nunne­rie as it were, of religious vestall virgines. A priesthood that had the beginning from Alba, and suted well with the house, from whom the first founder of the cittie was descended. And to the end they should attend continually about the church, as resiant chaplaines, he allowed them an [Page 15] A ordinarie fee or pension, at the publike charges of the cittie: and made them by perpetuall vo­wed virginitie and other ceremonies to be reverenced and accounted holie. Likewise vnto Mars Gradivus he elected twelve priests called Salij, [...], and gave unto them a rich purple coat, embro­dered for an ornament, and to weare upon that coat a brasen brestplate, and to beare cer­taine scutchions or bucklers that fell from heaven, Ancilia [...] called Ancilia: commanding them to run about the cittie, chaunting hymns and songs, with dancing and leaping full solemnly. More­over, he chose for a Superintendent or high Priest, Numa Martius, the sonne of Marcus, one of the Senatours: and to him hee gave in writing, set downe under his hand and scale, a rule, whereby he might know what beasts should be killed for sacrifice, upon what daies, and at which temples, and how the monie should bee levied and disbursed for the diffraying of all charges. B All other sacred rites as well publicke as private, hee submitted and referred to the discretion and ordering of that high Priests to this end, that the common people might know unto whom they were to resort for counsell and instruction, and that no part of Gods worship and service should by neglect of the auncient rites and traditions of their owne countrey, bee consounded and corrupted by bringing in any strange and forraine superstitions. Hee ordained besides, that the same Archprelate should teach, not onely these heavenly ceremonies, but also funerall ob­sequies, and how the spirits beneath, and ghosts of bodies departed, should be quieted and pa­cified: and what strange and prodigious tokens, that came by way of lightening, thunder, or any other fearfull sight whatsoever, should be expiate and purged by sacrifice accordingly. And for to know the truth, portended by these tokens even from the minds of heavenly spirits above, C hee consecrated unto Iupiter Elicius an altar upon the mount Aventine. Iupiter Elicius. And by the meanes of Augurie, he consulted with that god, what things he was to enterprise and goe about. Whilest the whole multitude was thus drawne away, and cleane turned from thinking of force and armes, and busied about devising and ordering of these matters, not onely their minds were occupied in doing somewhat, but also the continuall feare of God now setled in them, (as being persua­ded that the heavenly power was present in the managing of mens affaires) had possessed now all their hearts with such pietie and religious holinesse, that faithfull promise once made, and the reverence of an oath taken, abandoning all feare of law and punishment, was able to rule and governe the cittie. And as the people framed and reformed themselues to the fashions and manners of their king, as the only and speciall patterne to follow: so the nations likewise bor­dering D upon them, who before time verily thought that cittie to be built, and as it were encam­ped in the middest of them to the disturbance and disquieting of all their peace, were now be­come so respective of them, that they thought it an impious and sinfull deed, once to offend or offer abuse to that cittie, so well given, and so devoted to the worship and service of God. Fur­thermore, there was a grove, the middlest whereof was watred continually by a spring that issued out of a darke and shaddowed cave: into which, because Numa used verie oft to retire himselfe alone, Aegeria without any other, as it were to have familiar companie with AEgeria, hee dedicated that grove unto the Muses, for that, their assistance also in counsell and advise hee desired together with his wife AEgeria. The temple of Faith. And to Faith alone hee instituted a solemne yearely feastivall day, and ere­cted a chappell. Vnto which hee commanded the Flamines to ride in an arched or embowed E close chariot, drawn with two horses, and to sacrifice and execute their function, with their hands covered and wrapped close to their fingers ends: signifying thereby, that faith is to bee kept and preserved: and that her seat was sacred and consecrated even upon the right hands. Many other sacrifices, and places for sacrifice, which the Priestscal Argeos, did he appoint and dedicate. But of all his acts this was most worthie and memorable, that during the time of his raigne hee had no lesse regard to preserve peace, than to maintaine roiall estate and dominion. Thus two kings one after other, taking either of them a severall course by himselfe, that one by warre, this other by peace, mightily promoted the welfare of the cittie. Romulus raigned 37 yeares, Numa 43. So that now the cittie became very puissant, as being well and equally tempered both with fears of armes, as also with discipline of peace.

F Vpon the death of Numa the regiment returned againe to an interreigne. Then the people nominated and elected for their king, Tullus Hostilius with the roiall assent of the Senatours Tullas Hostilius, the nephew or grandsonne of that Hostilius, who had in times past sought valiantly against, the Sa­bines, at the foot of the castle hill. This man was not onely unlike the former king, but also more fierce and hardie than Romulus himselfe. For besides the heat of youth, and strength of bodie withall, the glorious remembrance of his grandfather set him on and pricked him forward. Sup­posing [Page 16] therefore that the cittie through rest and ease began to age as it were, and to decay, hee G sought everie way to picke quarrels, and to give occasion to make warre. It forruned, that the pe­zants about Rome, and those of Alba likewise, preided and spoiled one anothers land. At that time C. Cluilius was lord and king of Alba. From both parts wel neere at one time, were Embas­sadours addressed to demand restitution of good, and satisfaction for their harmes. Tullus Hosti­lius he had streightly charged his messengers to have no dealing with the Albane prince, before they had delivered unto him their message. For well hee wist, that hee would make deniall, and yeeld no amends: and then might hee with safe conscience justly proclaime warre against him. On the contrarie side, the Albane embassadours followed their businesse but slackely, for being courteously invited, and friendly entertained by Tullus, and lodged within his pallace, they were well content to bee feasted by the king, and were his daily guests so long, that the Romanes had H by this time both challenged their owne first, and upon deniall made by the Albane King, given defiance and proclaimed open warre within thirtie daies next ensuing. Vpon which tidings by them related to Tullus, hee gave the Albane Embassadours audience, permitting them to de­clare what their errand was, [...] of the Albanes to [...] Tullus. that they came about. ‘They (simple men) ignorant of all that was done, first spent time in excusing themselves, saying, they were very loath and unwilling to speak ought that might displease Tullus, but being commanded by authoritie, they might not will nor chuse: and thereupon were come to make claime of goods, and amends for wrongs, and if they were not restored and recompence made, they had commission to denounce warre against him.’

‘Where unto Tullus made answere in this wise, Tell your king and maister (quoth hee) that the I Romane king calleth the gods to witnesse, whether of the two Nations sent the Embassadours away first, and rejected them when they demanded restitution, that upon his head they might bring the miserie, losse, and calamitie of the present warre. With this dispatch the Albanes re­turned home.’ So they made preparation of forces on both sides all that they could, most like in all the world to a ciuile warre, betweene fathers and sonnes, proceeding both from the Trojane race: considering that by Trojanes Lavinium was founded: from Lavinium came the people of Alba: and from the Albane kings were the Romanes in right line descended. But the finall [...] and end of this warre, made the warre it selfe lesse wofull and lamentable, both because they came not to a set field, and also for that by rasing the houses onely of the one cittie, two na­tions were intermingled and united in one. The Albanes first with a mightie power entered the K territorie of Rome, and encamped themselves not past five miles from the cittie, where they strongly entrenched themselves: which place of the Captaines name was called [...] Fossae Ciuiliae, many yeares after: vntill both it and the name with all in processe of time, decaied cleane and came to nothing. In this campe the Albane king Cluilius ended his daies, in whose stead the Al­bane armie created Metius Sussetius their Dictator. [...] Tullus in the meane time became hautie and prowd, especially upon the death of the king, eftsoons giving out and saying, that the migh­tie power of the gods, having thus begun at the verie head, would likewise take vengeance on the whole bodie of that Albane nation, for this their vnjust and godlesse warre: and one night above the rest passed secretly by the campe of his enemies, and in warlike manner invaded the Albane land. This newes raised Metius out of his standing campe. Who led forth his armie L and marched on as neere to his enemies as hee could, dispatching aforehand an herault unto Tullus, to notifie unto him thus much from him, that it was needfull and expedient before they joined battell, to parle and commune together. If he would vouchsafe to conferre, he knew very well, that he should alleadge and say forth such matters, as might concerne the weale of the Ro­manes, as well as of the Albanes, Tullus refused not the offer, albeit they were but vain toies that were pretended, and therefore set his men in battell aray. The Albanes semblably come forth against him. After they were thus ranged and embattelled readie to fight, the generals on both sides, accompanied with a few of their principal Nobles, advance betweene both armies. Then began the Albane Dictator in this wise. The Oration of Metius unto Tul­lus. ‘Mee thinkes (quoth hee) I heare alreadie of injurie and wrongs done, and how such goods as were demanded are not restored againe according to the M form of the league, as also that Cluilius our king was cause of this war [...] neither doubt I, O Tullus, but even you pretend, and are about to alledge as much. But if wee would as wee ought to doe, stand upon the truth of things, rather than upon I wot not what gloses, and goodly shewes of words: it is ambition and desire of rule onely and nothing else, that spurreth on two nations of one bloud and neere neighbours to take armes and war one with another: justly or unjustly, [Page 17] A I am not able to say, Let him on Gods name that first began the quarrell, in conscience see to that. As for me, the Albanes indeed have made me their generall. But this one point Tullus I would have you to remember and consider: How strong about us and you especially the Tus­canes are, you know better, the neerer yee are unto them: mightie they are by land, much more by sea. Then wot well this, that when you shall cause the trumpet to sound unto battell, these two armies will bee to them a faire marke and spectacle to behold: that they may give an assault to both at once, as well the victors, as them that are vanquished, whilest they are wearied and toi­led out of heart. For the love of God therfore, if there be any sparke of grace in us, since we not contented with that libertie which we surely enjoy, will needs venture & put in doubtful hazard, which of us shall rule and command, and who shall serve and obey the other, let us take some B good course whereby it may bee decided without great losse or bloods head on both sides, whe­ther shall be lord and soveraigne. The motion Tullus misliked not, albeit both for disposition of nature, and hope of victorie, hee were the haughtier of the twaine.’ And as they sought on both parts what way to take, this meanes at length they sound, where unto fortune it selfe pre­sented fit matter and occasion. For by good hap even then, in either host three brethren twins there were, borne at one birth, and those neither in age nor strength unlike. Their names were Curiatij and Horatij, Curiatij [...] Horatij. that is very certaine, neither is there any thing of ancient record more fa­mous and notable. Yet as cleere in substance as it is, there remaineth still some doubt and error. in their names: of whether people the Curiatij and the Horatij were. Writers there bee on both sides, but the greater number say, as I find, that Horatij were the Romanes, to whom I rather en­cline, C and my mind giveth mee to follow them. With these three brethren the kings went in hand, persuading them to fight for the honour of their countrey, and trie the quarrell by dint of sword: shewing them, that on whether side the victorie fell, there should remaine the sove­raigne dominion. Nothing refused they to doe, the time and place both, were agreed upon and appointed. But before the combate, it was covenanted betweene the Romanes and the Albans, and these conditions drawne: That whose champions in fight should have the better, that na­tion should peaceably command the other. There are of covenants many and sundrie Capitu­lations farre different in matter: but they run all after one manner and forme. As for this, it was made, as wee have heard in this wise, neither is there extant a more auncient record of any com­position whatsoever. The Herald (called Fecialis) demandeth of king Tulius in this wise: Is it your D will and commandement my lord, that I make a covenant and accord with the Paterpatrate of the Albane people? It is (quoth the king.) Then (quoth he) I demand of you sacred hearbs. The king answered againe, Take them pure and cleane. The Facial then reached from the castle hill pure hearbs from among the grasse: which done, he thus asked the king: Do you (my lord) ordain meet the messenger roiall of the commons of the people of Rome? and allow necessary imple­ments, all furniture for my selfe, and my retinue and traine? The king answered: I doe, so far forth as may bee, without the harme or detriment of my selfe, and of the citizens of the people of Rome. The Fecial or herald for that time, was Marcus Valerius, who created Paterpatrate or king at armes. Sp. Fusius, by touching his head and haire with vervaine. Now the Paterpatrate is for to confirme the agreement with an oath, and so he read out the covenant and oath, and that with E manie words: which to rehearse, as they were in a long prescript forme pronounced, were verie needlesse. After this having recited all the articles and conditions thereof. ‘Hearken (quoth hee) O Iupiter, listen thou Herald for the Albanes, attend also and give eare yee the Albane people, how these conditions from the first to the last, have beene read alowd out of those bookes or ta­bles of waxe, without coven or fraud, and how at this day they are most rightly meant and un­derstood, according to the tenure of the words: from these articles I say, shall not the people of Rome start backe first, nor make default: If they shall first goe backe and faile therein by pub­licke consent, and fraudulently; that day, O Iupiter, smite thou the citie of Rome, as I to day will strike this swine: yea and smite thou home so much more, as thou art more able and powerfull than my selfe. And after he had thus said, he smote the swine with a slint stone. The Albanes like­wise F repeated their prescript forme of words, and the oath, by their Dictator and Priests for the purpose.’ The complements of the covenant and composition thus performed, and all con­cluded, then those three brethren of both sides, as it was before agreed, buckle to arme them­selues. And being encouraged on both hands by their well-willers and friends, that put them in mind of their countrey gods, their native soile and parents, saying, that all their fellow citizens and countreymen whatsoever, both at home in the cittie, and abroad in the campe, euery one, [Page 18] had their eie onely upon them, their weapons and their hands: the young men being both of G themselves by nature forward and lustie, and also emboldened with the comfortable words of their friends, advanced forth betweene both armies. Now were the two hosts set on both sides before their campes, rid of present danger, rather than void of care and pensivenesse. For why? the whole triall of soveraignetie and rule, rested in the valour and good speed of a few. Where­upon they longing to see the sequele and issue, were wholly bent to behold, and onely minded this unpleasant sight and spectacle. At sound of trumpet these brave brethren, three to three, like as they had beene two set battels, and carrying the stomackes verily of two great armies, af­fronted one another, and with cruell and mortall weapons gave the charge. Neither regarded they their owne proper peril, but set before their eies, only the rule or servitude of the common­weale, H as if the state of their country from thenceforth lay wholly upon their good or band suc­cesse H in this action. The cruell [...] between the brethren Curiatij and [...]. So soon as they began to cope together and make assault, that their harneis and weapons once clattered, and their drawne swords shone and glittered againe, behold such an exceeding feare came upon the beholders, that they trembled and quaked withall: and du­ring the time of equall combate, seeing no inclination of victorie to the one side or the other, they were so astonied, that unneath they could well speake or freely take their wind. Afterwards, when as they were come to closing and handstrokes, and that now not onely the stirring of their bodies, and the doubtfull handling of their weapons and armour, but bloodie wounds also were seene, two of the Romanes (having sore wounded all the three Albanes) fell down one upon the other, and yeelded up the ghost. At whose fall, the Albane host shouted againe for ioy: but the Romane legions, albeit they were now past all hope of victorie, yet they were not void of care, I being amated, and in an extasie as it were with very feare what should become of him, who be­ing but one, had three Curiatij vpon him at once. But as good hap was, hee as yet was fresh and unwounded. And as hee was not able alone to make his part good with them altogether, so in single fight, man to man, he thought himselfe good ynough for them all, one after another. To single them therefore, and to part them in fight, he begins to flie, thinking thereby they would follow after him, each one as his hurt bodie would give him leave. Now when he was retired a prettie good way from the place where they had fought, and looking behind him espied them follow farre a sunder, and one of them not much behind himselfe, hee turned againe upon him with great violence. And whilest the host of the Albanes cried out to the Curiatij to rescue and succour their brother, Horatius by that time had slaine his formost enemie, and was in hand K with the second. Then the Romans with such a shout, as they are wont to make who after a great fright recover themselves and take heart againe, encourage their champion: and hee himselfe hasteneth to finish the combate. And before that the third, who was not far off, could get to the other, he had slaine the second Curiatius. So that now there was but one to one, left to fight on even hand and they, neither in hope nor strength equally matched. As for the one of them, his bodie as yet not wounded, and his double victorie withall, caused him to attempt the third con­flict stoutly and courageously. The other faint and feeble of his hurt, tired with running, had much adoe to come forward, and quite out of heart, seeing his two brethren lie slain at his feet, offereth himselfe as a prey to his victorious enimie: for surely betweene them was no fight at al to speake of. The Romane he, triumphing and crying out for joy, Two brethren alreadie (qd.he) L have I sent to the divell, the third likewise shall I send after them, that a Romane may command an Albane, which is the cause of all this warre. ‘And there with he thrust his sword alost into his throat, who had much adoe to hold his weapons: and so soone as he was downe, stript and rifled him. The Romanes with great triumph and gratulation, receive Horatius, rejoicing so much the more, as his case was more dangerous and well neere desperate. Then of both sides addresse they themselves to burie their champions, but not with like cheere and alacritie of heart.’ For why? they of the one part were become lords, and they of the other, subiects. Their tombes re­maine yet to be seene in the very places where they were each of them slain, two of the Romans entombed together in one place neerer unto Alba: the three Albanes towards Rome, but di­stant a sunder, like as they fought and left their lives. Before they dislodged and departed thence M the one from the other, Metius according as it was capitulated in the composition, asked & de­manded what Tullus would command him to do: who enjoined him to keep his youth readie in armes at an houres warning, for that hee would employ them in service, in case hee should warre with the Veientians. So were the armies dismissed home. And Horatius he went formost, bearing afore him the threefold spoile of three brethren. Whom his sister, a maid affianced before to [Page 19] A one of the Curiatij, met before Capena gate: and espying upon her brothers shoulders, the coat of armes of her espoused husband, which she her selfe had wrought with her owne hands; she unbound her head, let her haire loose, and pittiously called upon her dead spouse by name. This lamentable wailing of the sister presently upon victorie, and amid so great and publicke joy, Horatius killeth his sister. moved the prowd and haughtie young man to wrath, and drawing out his sword there with, ran the silie damsell through: and with these bitter words rebuketh her also, Get thee hence (quot he) to thy spouse with thy unseasonable and foolehastie love, forgetfull as thou art, of thy two brethren dead, and him that is alive: forgetfull of thy native countrey, and the honour therof: and so with a mischeefe goe she, what ever she be, that shall bewaile an enemie of Rome. A cruell and horrible fact this seemed, as well to the Senatours, as to the commons: but his late B and fresh desart made it the lesse trespasse: yet for all that was hee apprehended, and brought before the king. The king, that hee might not seeme the authour of a judgement so unpleasant and odious unto the people, and consequently of punishment according to the doome, assem­bled the people together and said: I ordaine Duumvirs to sit upon Horatius, in triall of a crimi­nall cause of felonie; and to judge him according to the law, in that case provided. The tenor of the law runneth thus, in a dreadfull kind of forme. THE MAGISTRATES CALLED DUUM­VIRS SHALL IVDGE THE PARTIE ACCVSED IN A CAPITAL ACTION OF FELONIE, IF HE SHAL APPEALE FROM THE DUUMVIRS, LET HIM TRAVERSE HIS APPEALE, IF THEY OVERTHROW HIM, THEN HOODWINKE HIM, OR COVER HIS HEAD, HANG HIM UPON A CVRSED GALLOW TREE BY A ROPE, AND STRANGLE HIM, C HAVING WHIPPED AND SCOVRGED HIM BEFORE, EITHER WITHIN THE PO­MOERIE OR WITHOUT. By vertue of this law were the Duumvirs created, who by the rigour of that law thought they might not quit so much as a guiltlesse person: and ha­ving once condemned him, The iudgement of Horatius. then one of them gave sentence and said: I judge thee O Pub­lius-Horatius a murtherer and enemie to the state of Rome. Goe Lictor therefore, and bind his hands together. Then came the Lictor and cast a cord about them. ‘But Horatius, by the ad­vise of Tullus, a gentle and mild interpreter of the law, I appeale (quoth he.) So upon his appeale was the matter debated, and to be tried before the people: who were not a little troubled in de­ciding or judging this cause, and most of all in regard of Publius Horatius the father, crying out and saying, That he deemed his daughter was justly and worthily killed: otherwise hee would D himselfe have punished his sonne by his fatherly authoritie. Beseeching moreover, that they would not now make him childlesse, whom erewhile they saw with a goodly companie of chil­dren about him. And there with all the old father embracing the young man, and shewing the spoiles of the Curiatij, set up and hanging in that verie place which now is called Pili Horatia, i. Horatius his pillar. P. Horatius the father to the people.’ And can yee indeed (O ye Romanes, quoth hee) abide to see him bound un­der a gallowes, yea and whipped and tormented, whom a while afore yee beheld to march in great glorie and jolitie for his atcheeved victorie? ‘So unseemely and foule a sight as which, the Albanes themselves can hardly suffer. Go Lictor, goe bind those hands fast, which armed a lit­tle before, wan the people of Rome their dominion: Go I say, and hoodwinke his head, who sa­ved and delivered this cittie from bondage, hang him by the necke, and strangle him upon a E cursed tree: scourge him and spare not, either within the circuit of the wals, so it bee among those javelins and spoiles of the enemies: or without the wals, so it bee within the compasse of the Curiatian sepulchres. For to what place can you lead this young gentleman, where his ho­nourable acts may not save him from so unworthie and shamefull punishment? The people could no longer endure, either the teares of the old father, or the constant resolution of the youth his son, who shewed himselfe still the same, & not to change for any danger.’ So they quit him, in the honorable regard rather of his prowesse & valor, than in the right and equity of his cause. Yet to the end that the murder so manifest and openly knowne, should be in some sort ex­piate, and satisfaction made therefore, his father was charged to purge his sonnes sinne, and make amends, at the expences of the cittie. Who having performed certaine purgatorie sacri­fices, F which afterward belonged to the house and familie of the Horatij, put a rafter or beame crosse overthwart the street, and caused the young man with his head covered to goe under, as under a yoke or gallowes; which remaineth yet unto this day, from time to time at the cittie charges repaired, and they call it Sororium Tigillum, i. the Sisters beame. And in that verie place where Horatia was wounded and fell downe, her tombe was erected of foure-square stone.

But not long continued the Albanes in quiet and peace. For the common people finding [Page 20] fault and greatly discontented, that the whole state of the weale publike was put into the hands G of three souldiors, infected so and poisoned the vaine and shittle head of the Dictator: that for as much as plaine and upright dealing sped no better, he began to win againe the hearts of his commons by crooked meanes, and indirect courses. Seeking therefore warre in time of peace, as before in time of warre he sought peace: and seeing his people had more heart than hand, and their strength not answereable to their stomackes: hee stirred up other nations, openly by way of proclamation and defiance to make warre, and reserved his owne men under a colour of league and consederacie, for to practise treason and falshood. The Fidenates, a colonie of the Romanes, having made the Ve [...]entians partakers of their counsell, and combined with the Al­banes to forsake the Romanes, when time came, and turne unto them, brake out and tooke arms. When Fidene had thus openly revolted, Tullus sent for Metius and his power from Alba, and H setteth forward against his enemies: and passing over the river Anio, encamped neere the con­fluent, where both streames meet together. Betweene which place and Fidene, the armie of the Veientians had crossed the Tyber, who put themselves in the right wing of the battell fast by the river, and the Fidenates in the left, neerer to the mountaines. Tullus directly opposeth his owne forces against the Veientians, and placeth the Albanes to affront the Fidenates. The Albane captaine having as little heart as honestie and truth, neither durst keepe his stan­ding, nor openly turne unto the enemie, but by little and little withdraweth himselfe toward the mountaines: and when hee thought hee had gained vantage ynough, hee mounted up the hill with all his companies, and with a wavering mind to spend the time, displaieth his ranckes. His intent and purpose was, on what side fortune seemed to give the better, with them to joine I and take their part. The Romanes that stood next, perceiving their flanckes naked by reason of the departure of their friends and allies, at first marvelled much at the matter: but afterwards there gallopt and horseman, and advertised the king that the Albanes were gone away. Tullus in this so fearefull and dangerous case, vowed twelve Priests Salij, and two temples to Pallor and Pavor, 1. to Palenesse and Feare: and with a lowd voice cried out in the hearing of his enemies, commanding the said horseman to return to the battel, saying, There was no cause at al to feare, for that himselfe had commanded the Albane host to wheele and fetch about, and so to charge the Fidenates on their backes where they lay open. Willing him expressely moreover, to cause the men of armes to hold up their launces on end. By which meanes, a great part of the foot­men could not see the Albanes as they departed and went their waies. And those that had seene K them, thinking it was a truth which they heard the king to speake, fought so much the more hotely. So the feare turned now from them, and fell upon the enemies: for they heard the king when hee spake so lowd, and also a great manie of the Fidenatians being cohabitants with the Romanes, understood Latine. For feare therefore, that the Albanes should all on a suddaine run down from the hils, and stop their passage to the towne, they turned their backes and fled. Then Tullus presseth hard upon them, and having discomfited the Fidenatians wing, commeth back more fiercely upon the Veientians, being alreadie amased at the fright of the other. Neither were they able to withstand the brunt. Howbeit, the river behind at their backs kept them at first from flying away, but afterwards when their flight bended thitherward: some flinging their wea­pons shamefully away, like blind men ran headlong into the water: other lingering stil, and stay­ing L on the banke side, doubtfull whether to flee or to sticke to it and fight, were trod under foot and hewen in peeces. Never had the Romanes before that day a more cruell battell. Then the Albane armie, which beheld and saw all this conflict, descended downe into the plaine. And Metius forsooth, rejoiceth much on Tullus behalfe for his victorie. Tullus againe speaketh Me­tius faire, and gave order, that the Albanes in a good hower should joine their campe to the Romanes: and against the next day, prepared a purging or Lustrall sacrifice. The morrow when it was day, and that all things were in a readinesse, according to the manner, hee commandeth both armies to assemble together to an audience. The criers, beginning at the furthest part of the campe, summoned the Albanes first. Who also for the strangenesse of the matter, and desi­rous to heare the Romane king to make his Oration, preased forward to stand next. The Roman M legion for the nonce, as it was before decreed, stood armed round about, and hemmed them in: and the Centurions had in charge without delay to execute whatsoever they were commanded. Then began Tullus to speake in this wise. The Oration of Tullus. ‘If ever in anie warre heretofore yee had cause, O Ro­manes, to render thankes, first to the immortall gods, and then to your owne manhood and va­lour, certes it was in yesterdaies battell. For yee fought not then with the force of your enemies, [Page 21] A more than with the trecherie and falshood of your friends and confederates, which is the grea­ter conflict and farre more dangerous. For to put you cleane out of doubt, and to beare you no longer in hand with a wrong persuasion; The Albanes went up toward the hils without my com­mission, neither was it my commandement that, but a policie and countenance onely of com­mand: to this end, that yee not knowing how ye were forsaken, might not withdraw your hearts from fight, and also that your enemies weening they were environned behind, should be afraid and so enforced to flee. Yet are not the Albanes all in generall to bee charged with this fault which I reprove. They did but follow their leader, as yee likewise would have done, if I had willed the march to have turned anie whether from thence. It is Metius that was the guide and leader of this journey, Metius is hee that is the worker and deviser of this warre, Metius I say it is, and B none but Metius, the breaker of the Romane and Albane league. But let who that will from henceforth presume hardly to do the like, if I make not him forthwith a notable example to all the world.’ ‘The Centurions stood armed round about Metius, and the king goeth on with the rest of his speech as hee began, and said: That which I pray God may turne to the good, prospe­ritie and happinesse of the people of Rome, of my selfe, and you the Albanes, I am minded to reduce all the Albane nation to Rome: to endue the commons with the freedome of the citie: to advance their cheefe gentlemen to the order of Senators, & to make one uniforme citie and Commonwealth: that as in times past the Albanes state, out of one body was divided into twain, so now it may bee united and become one againe. At these words the Albane youth unarmed, and beset on everie side with armed men, albeit they were distracted in mind, yet were they for­ced C with a generall feare to keepe silence, and hold their peace.’ ‘ Metius Suffetius (quoth Tullas then) If thou couldest have learned to keepe allegeance, promise, and covenants, thou mightest have beene tought it at may hands with life. But now since thy froward nature is incurable, teach thou by thy fearefull example and death all mankind, to hold and repute those things for sacred and holie, which have by thee beene broken and violate. Like as therefore erewhiles thou barest a double heart in doubtfull ballance, betweene the Fidenates and the Romanes state: even so, streightwaies shalt thou yeeld thy bodie to be drawne a sunder, and plucked into two peeces accor­dingly. Then forthwith hee caused two teemes of foure horses to bee set to, and Metius to bee stretched out and tied unto the chariots to them belonging.’ Afterwards were the horses driven a contrarie way, and carried with them in both chariots the bodie torne in peeces, as farre forth D as the lims hung fast together by their cords and ligaments : which made all men avert their cies from beholding so cruell and horrible a spectacle. This was the first and last punishment that ever the Romanes executed with so little respect, or none at all (to say a truth) of the lawes of humanity. In all other they may safely make their boast, that no nation in the world hath ben lesse delighted and pleased with extremitie of torment.

Whilest these things were in doing, there had beene certaine horsemen sent afore to Alba, for to translate the multitude to Rome. After whom were the legions also of the footmen thi­ther led, to rase and destroy the cittie. At whose entrance within the gates, ther was not that stur nor fearefull hurrie, as usually is seene when citties are lost: and when with breaking down the gates, beating and battering the wals with rams and other engines, forcing the citadell, the E enemies shout, and the armed souldiours run to and fro in the cittie, killing and slaying, firing and burning all afore them as they goe: but a sad silence, and a still kind of sorrow and pensive­nesse so possessed and astonied all their minds, 'that for feare forgetting what to leave behind them, or what to take with them, without advise and counsell, one asking another what to doe, they one while stood in their house entries, another while ran up and downe wandring in their houses, as if their last day had beene come. But so soone as they heard the horsemen crie aloud, and command them with menacing to void and depart, and that now the ratling of the tiles and slates from off the houses, as they were a pulling downe, was from the furthest part of the towne heard: and that the dust raised from places farre off, had as it were with a cloud overcast and filled all: then everie man catching up hastily, and carrying forth what hee could, leaving F their domesticall gods, leaving their houses wherein they had beene borne, bred, and brought up, departed forth: so that now they filled the streets as they went close on a row together, and the fight one of another with mutuall commiseration, redoubled their teares and wofull com­plaints. Yea & pittious mone & lamentations were heard of women especially, as they passed by their faire and stately churches, beset with souldiours, and abandoned their gods as it were cap­tives and prisoners. After the Albanes had thus quit the cittie, downe went the Romanes everie [Page 22] where with the buildings, as well publicke as private, and laid them even with the ground, and G so in one hower destroied and rased soure hundred yeeres worke, for so long had Alba stood and flourished. Howbeit the temples of the gods they spared, for so the king had given com­mandement. Rome all this while, riseth by the fall of Alba. The number of Cittizens increased double: to enlarge the cittie the mount Celius was annexed to it : and that it should bee better peopled and more inhabited, Tullus had his roial fear and pallace there, and therein from that time forth he kept his court. The cheese Cittizens of the Albanes he advanced to the order of Senators, that hee might augment that state also of the Commonweale, namely, the houses of the Tulli, Servilij, Quintij, Geganij, Curiatij, Cloelij: and for that degree and order of Senators by him encreased, [...] he built an hall or new court, called until our fathers daies Hostilia curia.i.Ho­stilias court. And that all estates and degrees might out of this new people be somewhat streng­thened, H hee chose from out of the Albanes ten troopes or cornets of horsemen, and with the same supplie hee both fulfilled the number of the old legions, and also made and enrolled new.

Tullus upon this affiance he had in his strength and power, [...] with the [...]. denounceth warre against the Sa­bines, a people in those daies of all other most puissant and mightie, both in men and muniti­on, next the Tuscanes. Wrongs had been done, and outrages committed on both parts, and re­stitution or amends demanded, but to no effect. Tullus found himselfe greeved, that diuers oc­cupiers or merchants of Rome, at an open mart or faire of great resort before the temple of Fe­rom [...], were said hold upon and apprehended. The Sabines on the other side complained, that their men, notwithstanding they took sanctuarie in a certain sacred and priviledged grove, were I arested and in hold at Rome. These were the quarrels and occasions pretended of the warre. The Sabines well remembring, that not onely part of their owne forces was by Tatius translated to Rome, and there planted, but also that now of late the puissarice of the Romans was well amen­ded by the supplement of the Albanes, began likewise for their part to cast about, and seeke for helpe abroad, and forraine aids. Now was Tuscane their neighbour nation, and of the Tuscanes the neerest vnto them were the Veientians. From thence they gat certaine voluntaries to take their part, by reason that their minds alreadie were well disposed to revolt upon old grudges and rancour, remaining still of the former warres past: othersome also vagarants and idle per­sons of the rascall sort, and needie commons, were soone hired for monie. But as for any succor from thence by publicke consent of the state, they had none at all. So much prevailed even K with the Veientians (for in the rest it was lesse marvell) the faithfull covenant of truce concluded with Romulus. Now when these preparations of warre were made on both sides to the uttermost of their power, and that it stood upon this point, That they were like to have the ods and van­tage, who should begin first, and enter the field: Tullus prevented the enemies, and invaded the Sabine land. A sharpe and bloodie battell was there fought under the wood Malicusa. Where the Romanes bare themselves bravely that day, much upon the valour of the Legionarie foot­men, but more upon the strength of their men of armes, whose number lately was augmented: for by the suddain and forcible charge of the horsemen, the battel of the Sabines was so broken, their ranckes so disordered, The Sabines de­feited by the Ro­manes. that they could neither stand close together to fight it out, nor yet spred themselves to flie, without great slaughter and bloodshead. L

The Sabines thus vanguished, and the kingdome of Tullus and the whole state of Rome, be­ing verie glorious and wealthie: behold, newes came to the King and Senatours, that in the Al­bane mount it raigned stones: which hardly was beleeved, and therefore certaine men were sent of purpose to see this strange and prodigious fight: who might plainely behold stones to fall thicke out of the skie, like as when some forcible winds drive haile in big round bals upon the earth. They imagined moreover, that they heard a great and mightie voice out of the grove from the verie top of the hill crying unto them, & warning the Albanes to do sacrifice and di­vine service according to the rites & ancient maner of their forefathers, which they had discon­tinued and forgotten, as if together with their country they had abandoned their gods, and ei­ther taken to the Romane fashion, or else being angrie with fortune (as it is commonly seene) M forlet and neglected the worship of the gods altogether. The Romanes likewise upon that mi­raculous signe, for the purging and expiation thereof, celebrated solemne publicke sacrifices for the space of nine daies, [...]. called a Novendiall: either because they were mooved thereto by that voice from heaven (for that also is reported) or tooke direction from the Soothfaiers that prie into the inwards of beasts. Certaine it is, that a solemne custome remaineth still unto this [Page 23] A day, that whensoever word commeth of the like wonder, they keepe hollyday nine daies toge­ther. Not long after this, the pestilence raigned in the cittie. And albeit the people be­gan thereby to slacke soulderie and militarie service : yet would not this martiall prince give them rest and respite from warre: being of this mind, that the bodies of young men were more healthie in armour, abroad in the open field, than at home in the cittie under covert: untill him­selfe at length fell sicke of a long and lingering disease. Then that hautie and courageous sto­macke of his, together with his lustie and able bodie, became so abated, that hee who earst be­fore thought nothing lesse befitting a king, than to set his mind, and busie his braines about re­ligious ceremonies; now all upon a suddaine became wholly devoted to all kind of superstition both more and lesse, yea and filled the peoples heads besides with holinesse and devotion. So as B now the verie common sort wishing againe for the old world, under the reigne of king Numa, were verily persuaded, that there was no other remedie left for their sicke and diseased bodies, but to obtaine at Gods hand grace and pardon. Men say, that the king himselfe in perusing and turning over the Commentaries and registers of Numa his predecessor, and therein finding certaine hidden and solemne sacrifices that had beene unto Iupiter Elicius, retired himselfe, and kept close within house to celebrate the same. But for that this holie service, was neither begun aright, nor dulie administred, hee had not onely no divine apparition and heavenly vision pre­sented unto him, but also incurred the heavie displeasure and wrath of Iupiter, whom by his preposterous religion he had thus disquieted; and so both himselfe and his whole house were consumed with lightening. Tullus consume I with lightening. This Tullus in great glorie and renowne of martiall prowesse, raig­ned C two and thirtie yeares.

When Tullus was dead, the governement returned againe, as it was from the first beginning ordained, unto the Senatours; who named and Interregent, and he called a parlement, wherein the people elected Ancus Martius for their king, Ancus Martius king of Rome. and the Senatours gave their assent thereto. This Ancus Martius, was Numa Pompilius his daughters sonne, who so soone as hee was come to the crowne, hoth in remembrance of his grandfathers glorious governement, and also in regard of the raigne of his next predecessor, which in other points right excellent and com­mendable, in this onely failed, and was not so happie: either for that religion was neglected, or not with due ceremonies exercised: and thinking it a thing most necessarie, and of greatest mo­ment, to reduce all publicke divine service and sacrifices to the first institution of Numa, com­manded D the Archprelate or Highpriest, to make an extract, and transcript of all the sacred rites and misteries out of Numa his Commentaries, and ingrosse them into one table, and to publish them abroad unto the people: whereby both his subjects and citizens desirous of peace, as al­so the States thereby adjoining, were in good hope, that the king would altogether conforme himselfe, and take after the customes and ordinances of his grandfather. Hereupon the Latins, with whom in king Tullus his daies a league was made, tooke heart unto them, made in-rodes into the countrey about Rome, and fetch out booties. And when the Romanes demanded resti­tution, they made them a prowd answere, supposing belike, that the king of Rome would passe the whole course of his raigne in ease and idlenesse, sitting still in his chappels, and by his holie altars. But Ancus was of a meane and indifferent disposition by nature, having an eie as well to E Numa, as to Romulus, & composed as it were of both. For over & besides, that he thought peace more expedient and necessarie for his grandfires reigne, the people being as then but new risen, unsetled, and fierce withall: considering also, that himselfe should not easily without taking wrong, enjoy the quietnesse which to him happened: for that his patience was alreadie tried, and not onely tried, but also despised: and seeing that the State of the present time was fitter for a Tullus to be king, than a Numa: yet to the end that, as Numa in time of peace instituted cere­monies of religion, so he might likewise set out to posteritie others concerning warre: and that warres should not onely be made, but also denounced and proclaimed orderly, and in some re­ligious forme of solemnitie: he set downe in writing that law and formall order, by vertue wher­of restitution is demanded (which at this day the Fecials or heralds observe) like as he received F it from the ancient people Aequi.

The Embassadour Fecial, comming to their borders, at whose hands the goods are required againe, covering his head with a bonnet or vale of woollen yearne, faith thus: HE RE O IV­PITER, GIVE EARE YEE LIMITS AND CONFINES(naming them of such and such a coun­trie) LET IVSTICE AND RIGHT HEARKEN ALSO TO VVHAT I SHALL SAY: I AM THE PVELICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, OF A IVST AND RELIGIOVS EM­BASSAGE [Page 24] AM I COME, AND TO MY VVORDS GIVE CREDITE. After this, rehearseth he G all his demands, and then calleth Iupiter to witnesse, saying. IF I VNIVSTLY AND IMPIOVSLY DEMAND THAT SUCH PERSONS SHOULD BE DELIVERED, OR SUCH AND SUCH GOODS BE RENDRED UNTO ME, THE PUBLICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME; THEN LET ME NEVER RETURNE AGAINE TO ENIOY MINE OVVNE COUNTRY. These words rehearseth he, as he setteth foot, and steppeth into the confines: the same also he speaketh to him whomsoever he meeteth first: the selfesaine words he pronounceth, as he entreth within the gate of the citie: yea & when he is come into the market place he saith the same, changing and varying in some few tearmes, from the prescript forme of the demand, and taking the so­lemne oth. In case then, the persons whom he requireth, bee not yeelded after three and thirtie daies expired (for so manie just, are usually graunted) then proclaimeth hee warre in this wise. H HEARE O Iupiter, and thou Iuno, Quirinus thou: YE CELESTIALL SAINTS ALL, AND TER­RESTRIALL POVVERS, YE INFERNALL SPIRITS ALSO LISTEN AND GIVE EARE. I CALL YOU ALL TO VVITNESSE, AND PROTEST BEFORE YOU, THAT THIS NATION, (naming them whosoever they be) IS UNIUST, AND DOTH NOT ACCORDING TO RIGHT AND EQUITIE. BUT OF THESE MATTERS VVILL VVE CONSULT AT HOME IN OUR COUNTRY, VVITH OUR ELDERS, AND ASKE THEIR ADVISE HOVV VVE MAY COME BY OUR OVVNE. Herewith returneth the messenger unto Rome for counsell, and presently the king would in these or such like words, sitting in counsell with his Peeres, move them in this ma­ner. WHEREAS THE PATERPATRAT OR HERALD, IN THE BEHALFE OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND THEIR QUIRITES, HATH TREATED VVITH THE PATERPATRAT, OR I HERALD, IN THE NAME OF THE ANCIENT LATINES, AND VVITH THE FOLK OF THE ANCIENT LATINES, CONCERNING CERTAINE THINGS, DIFFERENCES, SUTES, AND CAUSES THEREUPON DEPENDING; VVHICH THINGS THEY HAVE NEITHER YEEL­DED NOR PAID, NOR PERFORMED AND DONE; VVHICH OUGHT TO HAVE BEN PAID, YEELDED, PERFORMED AND DONE; VVHAT IS YOUR IUDGEMENT? Speaking to him, whose opinion first hee asketh in this case. Then (saith hee) MY ADVISE IS, THAT THOSE THINGS BE SOUGHT FOR AND RECOVERED BY PURE FORCE, BY IUST AND LAVV­FVLL VVAR. THIS DO I FVLLY AGREE UNTO, THIS DO I DETERMINE RESOLVTELY. After him were the other asked in course: and when the greater number of them there present accord therunto, then by generall consent, they were wont to proclaime war in this order: that K the Fecial or king at armes should go with a javelin, having and yron head, or with a red bloodie spear burnt at the end, as far as to their borders or marches: and there in the presence of three witnesses at the least, not under fourteene yeares of age, should say thus: WHEREAS THE PEOPLE OF THE OLD LATINES, AND THE OLD LATINE FOLKE HAVE PRACTISED AND TRESPASSED AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND THE QUIRITES, AND VVHEREAS THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AND THE QUIRITES HAVE SO DETERMINED, CONSENTED, AND AGREED, THAT VVAR SHOULD BE MADE VVITH THE ANCIENT LATINES; I THEREFORE TOGETHER VVITH THE PEOPLE OF ROME, DO DENOUNCE AND PROCLAIME AND MAKE VVAR VVITH THE NATIONS OF THE OLD LATINES, AND VVITH THE OLD LATINE FOLKE. And when he had thus said, he launced his speare L or javelin within the confines of the enemies. After this manner then, was restitution demanded of the Latines, and warre denounced or proclaimed: which order of proceeding their posterity by tradition received.

Ancus having committed the charge of divine service and sacrifice unto the Flamins and the other Priests, levied a new armie, went forth into the field, and by force wan Politorium, a cittie of the Latines. And following the usuall maner of the former kings his progenitors, who had mightilie increased the Romane estate, by admitting their enemies into the number of ci­tizens, transported the whole multitude from thence to Rome. And because the ancient natural Romanes inhabited Palatium, the Sabines about the Capitoll and rocke Tarpeia, and the Al­banes replenished the mount Celius: therefore the hill Aventine was allowed this new compa­nie M to dwell in. Vnto whom not long after, there came fresh inhabitants to people it, upon the winning of Tellene and Ficana. But after this, the Romanes were driven to recover by war Poli­torium againe: for that whilest it stood void and vake, the old Latines had surprised and taken it. Which was the cause, that the Romanes destroied that cittie quite, that it should not bee at all times a receptacle for the enemies. Last of all, when as now the Latines warre was driven wholly [Page 25] A and brought before Medullia, there for a good while was much ado, and doubtfull issue of sight, and interchangeable victorie: for that the towne was both well fortified with bulwarkes, and fur­nished with a strong garison of men: and also by reason that the armie of the Latines being in­camped in plaine and open ground, had sundrie times with banners displaied, encountred hand to hand with the Romanes. At the last Ancus bending his whole power against them, first gaue them an overthrow in a set battell: and so having gained rich pillage, returned to Rome. At what time also were many thousands of the Latines received into the cittie. Who to the end, that the Aventine and Palatium should meet together, were appointed to feat themselves about the temple of Venus Murtia. The Ianiculum likewise was adjoined unto the cittie, not for want of ground, but because it might not be at any time a fortresse and hold for the enemies: which was thought B good to be united unto the cittie, not onely with a wall, but also for more commodious passage to and fro, with a woodden bridge over Tyber. The Quirites fosse or ditch also, no small defence against the easie accesse from the plaine grounds, was a worke of Ancus. Thus the estate being growne to exceeding strength and bignesse: when as now in so huge a multitude of people there was much confusion, and no difference of well doing or ill, and thereby many mischeefes and outrages began secretly to be committed: for to restraine therefore with some terror, such boldnesse increasing daily more and more, there was a gaole or common prison built in the hart of the cittie, even over against the common place of assemblie. And in this kings daies not onely the circuit of the citie was enlarged, but also their lands and territories. For by reason that the forrest Moesia was conquered from the Veientians, their signorie reached to the seawhere, C in the very mouth of Tyber was the towne Hostia built, and the salt pits made thereabout, and upon such noble exploits by armes atcheeved, the temple of Iupiter Feretrius, was in more am­ple and glorious manner reedified.

In the reigne of Ancus, there came to dwell at Rome one Lucumo, a pregnant nimble hea­ded man, and a wealthie, upon a desire especially and hope of advancement and honour, which at Tarquinij (where he was borne, although descended of sorraine parentage) he had no means to attaine unto. The sonne hee was of Demaratus the Corinthian, who upon civile troubles and dissentions having fled his countrey, and by chance planting himselfe in Tarquinij, there mar­ried a wife, and had issue by her two sonnes, named Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survived his fa­ther, and became heire of all his goods. Aruns died before his father, leaving his wife behind D him, conceived with child: neither lived the father Demaratus long after his son, who not know­ing that his daughter in law and sonnes wife was with child, made no mention at all of his ne­phew, his will, and so departed this world. Whereupon the child after his grandsires decease, being borne to no part of his goods, for his poore condition, hight Egerius. But Lucumo on the other side, the sole heire and inheritor of all, as hee began by his wealth to bee hautie ynough, and to looke aloft, so hee grew much more prowd for his matching in marriage with Tanaquil, a dame of a right noble house descended, and who could hardly beare a lower estate and degree than that wherein she was borne. When shee was once married, and saw the Tuscanes to disdain Lucumo, for that his father was a stranger and banished person, she could not indure that indig­nite. But forgetting all kind affection to her native countrey, so shee might see her husband rai­sed E to high promotion, shee resolved and plotted to leave Tarquinij and depart. To which pur­pose and dessignement, Rome seemed a place most fit and convenient of all others. For thus she projected and discoursed: That in a cittie lately founded, where all kind of nobilitie suddainely commeth up, and ariseth from vertue and prowesse, her husband a valorous and industriousman must needs have place, and be entertained: that king Tatius a Sabine borne, had raigned there: that Numa was from Cures sent for thither, and called to the crowne: that Ancus also a Sabine by his mothers side, had the onely image of Numa to shew for his nobilitie. Thus she soon per­suaded him, as being a man ambitious and desirous of honour, and whose mother onely was a Tarquinien borne, and therefore hee was to make lesse scruple of abandoning the place of his nativitie. Thereupon they removed with all they had to Rome. And it fortuned that to Ianiculum F they came. Where, as Tarquinius sat with his wife in the chariot, behold an Eagle came gently flying downe from aloft, & tooke up his bonnet from his head, and soaring over the chariot with a great noise, and clapping of her wings, as if shee had been sent from heaven to doe this feat, set it gainely and handsomely on his head againe: which done, shee mounted on high, and flew away. Tanaquil, as they say, embraced this Augurie with great joy, being a woman skilfull, as commonly all the Tuscanes are, in such prodigious fights and apparitions from heauen; and [Page 26] therewith taking her husband about the necke, willed him to be of good cheare, and to hope G for great matters and high preferments: saying, how that bird came from such a quarter of the heaven, addressed as a messenger from such a god, and shewed a divine token and presage upon the highest part of man, even the top of the crown, and lifted up the ornament that stood upon his mortall head, to give it him againe immortall, as from God above. In these hopes and cogi­tations which they entertained by the way, they entred the citie: where they tooke an house; and from thenceforth hee was commonly called L. Tarquinius. Now within a while both his new comming, and his wealth withall, made him well knowne: and himselfe also besides, set for­ward his good fortune by courteous and faire speech and affable language to everie man, by friendly inviting, and liberall feasting, and by making what friends he could by gifts, fauors, and good turnes: so farre forth, as the same of him came into the kings court: where, by his willing H service and singular dexteritie, in short time he had not onely accesse unto the kings knowledge, but also entered into familiar acquaintance and friendship with his highnesse. Insomuch, that both in private counsels and publicke consultations, as well at home as abroad, hee was alwaies present, and bare a great stroke. And having in all kind of offices carried himselfe with credite, was in the end by the kings last will and testament made tutor or protector of his children. Thus raigned Ancus foure and twentie yeares, [...] of An­cus. for glorie and reputation of his sage governement, as well in warre as in peace, equall to anie of the former kings his predecessors. Now were his sons neere foureteene yeares of age when hee died. Tarquinius therefore made the more hast, that the high court of parliament should with all speed possible bee summoned for creation of a king, which being against a day proclaimed, he sent away the boies to the chase a hunting, at the I verie instant of the said election. Hee himselfe (as men say) was the first, that both ambitiously sought for the crowne, and also to win the hearts of the commons, divised and framed an elo­quent Oration. [...]. ‘Saying, it was no new and strange thing that he stood for: And why? hee was not the first(that any man should be offended, or make any wonder) but the third alien that in Rome affected and aspired to the kingdome :that both Tatius, not of a forrainer onely, but of an ene­mie became king: and Numa likewise, a man unacquainted with the cittie and matters of State, was without any sute or seeking of his part, by the Romans sent for, and advanccd to the crown. As for himselfe, hee alledged and said, That from the time he was at his owne libertie to dispose of himselfe, hee with his wife and all that he had, removed and came to Rome: and of that age wherein men are emploied in civile affaires, he had spent a greater part in Rome, than in his own K ancient countrey. Moreover, that he was trained up both at home in the cittie and in war abroad, to the knowledge of the Romane lawes, orders, add customes, and that under no meane person but an excellent maister, even king Ancus himselfe. And finally, for faithfull service and diligent attendance about the king, he had endevoured to passe all others: and for liberalitie and courte­sie towards all others, hee had striven to goe beyond the king.’ These and such like allegations, as he laid forth and pleaded, and that right truly; the people of Rome with exceeding great consent elected him their king. Who being a man otherwise of singular parts and of greatworth, as hee was ambitious in seeking the kingdome, so continued he stil, when he ware the crowne: and min­ding no lesse to establish his owne state and throne, than to maintaine the good estate of the Commonweale, he advanced one hundred more to the order of Senators, who afterwards were L called Minorum Gentium Patres, as a man would say, Senators of a latter sort, and meaner qualitie. A faction, no doubt to take part and side with the king, by whose meanes they had beane admit­ted into the Senate. The first warre he made, was with the Latines: from whom by force hee wan the towne Appiolae: from thence having brought away a greater pillage in proportion, than the warre imported in brute, he set forth gamings and plaies more stately and with greater furniture and provision, than the other kings before his time. Then was the plot or compasse of ground first set out and appointed for the lists or Theatre, called now [...] maximus Circus max. wherein were assigned scaffolds for the Senators, and for the gentlemen or knights severally by themselves, called Fori, where they might make them places to see the pastimes at their ease and pleasure. And in this manner stood they to behold: namely upon scaffolds born up twelve foot high from the ground M with forked perches or props. The gamings were running of horses, and fighting at firsts and buf­fets: for performance whereof, there were champions sent for of purpose, especially out of Tus­cane. These sports continued afterwards from yeere to yeere in great solemnitie, and named di­versely, either the Romane games, or the Great games. This king moreover assigned certaine pla­ces about the Forum or common place for private men to build in: where the galleries & shops [Page 27] A were made. He went in hand likewise to wall the citie about with a stone wall, but the Sabine war staid him in the beginning, that he went not forward with that work. This came so sodainly upon him, that the enemies were passed over the river Anio, before the power of the Romanes could meet them, and make head against them. Whereupon great feare there was at Rome. And at the first a cruell conflict there was, and much blood shed on both parts, but no apparence of vi­ctorie. But after that the enemies were retired once into the campe, and that the Romanes had time to gather fresh forces, Tarquinius supposing his onely want was in his cavalerie, determi­ned to joine unto the Rhamnenses, Titienses, and Luceres, which Romulus had ordained, other centuries or cornets of horsemen, and them to leave unto the posteritie after him, bearing his owne name. Which because Romulus had done aforetime by the counsell and advise of Au­gures, B Accius Navius renowned and famous in those daies for his skill that way, opposed him­selfe and gave out plainely, that there might be nothing changed or newly ordained in that be­halfe, unlesse the birds first approoved and allowed the same. Whereat the king was wroth, and inscorne and derision of his art, as they say: Come on Sir Soothsayer(quoth he) areed, and tell me by the flight of your birds, whether that may possiblie be done, which I now conceive in my mind. To which demand Navius, who had first made proofe thereof by his learning, answered resolutely, that it might in very deed bee effected. Why then (qouth hee) I have imagined in my conceit, that thou shalt cut a wherstone asunder with a rasor: Heretake them to thee, and dis­patch that which thy fowles foreshew may bee done: then as the report goeth, without more adoe, he cut the wherstone quite a two. And in that verie place where this seat was done, the Sta­tue C or image of Accius was erected, with his head covered, even in the Comitium, at the staires thereof on the left hand of the Curia or counsell house. It is reported that the whetstone also was set up in the same place, for a memoriall to all posteritie following, of that miracle. Certes, both Auguries, and the priesthood and colledge of Augures, from that time forward was so highly honoured, and had in such reverence, that never after was there ought done, either in warre abroad, or in peace at home, but by their counsell and advise. Assemblies of people sum­moned were dismissed, armies levied and readie to take the field were discharged, yea and the greatest affaires of State, were given over and laid aside, when the birds allowed not thereof. Neither did Tarquine for that time alter the centuries of the horsemen anie whit, onely hee re­doubled the number, so that in three centuries or cornets there were 1300 horse: and those la­ter D sort who were added to the others, bare the names of the former, which at this day, because they be double, are called the sixe centuries. Tarquine thus having encreased that part of his power, bad the Sabines battell the second time. And over and besides, that the Romanes armie was in strength well amended, he devised also privily a subtile Stratageme, and sent certain men to set on fire a mightie stacke of wood, lying upon the bancke of Anio, and so to cast it into the river: the wood burning still by the helpe of the wind, and most of it being driven against the piles of the bridge, and ther sticking close together with the boats and plancks, fired and consu­med it cleane. This accident both terrified the Sabines in their fight, and when they were dis­comfited, troubled them much, and hindered their flight: so that manie a man having escaped the enemie, yet perished in the verie river. Whose armour and weapons floting downe the Ty­ber, E were knowne at Rome, and brought newes thither of this victorie, in manner before word could be brought thereof by land. In this conflict the horsemen won greatest price and praise. For being placed at the skirts of both the wings, at what time as the maine battell of their owne footmen, were now at the point to recule, they charged so forciblie upon the enemie (as it is re­ported) from the flanckes where they were marshalled, that they not onely staied the Sabine le­gions pressing hard and fiercely upon those that began to shrinke and give backe, but all at once put them to fight. The Sabines ran amaine towards the mountaines, but few gat thither: for the greater number as we said before, were by the horsemen driven into the river. Tarquinius thinking it good to take the time, and follow hard upon them whiles they were frighted, after he had sent to Rome, the bootie with the prisoners, and burned on a great heape together (as hee F had vowed to Vulcane) the spoiles of the enemies, marched on still forward, and lead his armie into the territorie of the Sabines: who albeit they had alreadie sustained an overthrow, & could not hope for better successe, yet because they had no time to consult and advise with themselves, with such a power as might on a suddaine in that stirre bee raised, met with him. Where they once againe were defeated and vanquished, and in the end being in dispaire to make their part good, they sued for peace. Then was Collatia, and all the lands about it taken from the Sabines, [Page 28] Egerius the kings brothers sonne, The forme of succeeding a [...]. was left with a garrison at Collatia to keepe that place. And (as G I find upon record) the Collatines were yeelded into his hands, and the manner of their surren­der went in this order. First the king demanded thus and said: Are yee Embassadors, or deputed assignes sent from the people of Collatia to make surrender both of your selves and the Colla­tines? We are (quoth they.) And are the people of Collatia in their owne power, and at libertie to doe what they will? They are (say they.) Do yee also render up your selves, the people of Col­latia, their town, their territorie and lands, their waters, their limits, their temples, their houshold stuffe and implements, and all things els, as well sacred as prophane, unto my power and the peoples of Rome? We doe yeeld (say they.) Then (quoth he) doe I accept thereof, and receive all into my hands. The Sabine warre thus finished, Tarquinius returned to Rome in triumph. Af­ter this, he warred upon the old Latines, but they never proceeded so farre on any side, as to join H issue in a generall battell, and one set field for all. But bringing his power first to one towne, and after to another, he made a conquest of the whole nation of the Latines. So as these townes, Corniculum, old Ficulnea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, were recovered from the old Latines, or from those that had revolted unto them.

After all this ensued peace. Then was he more earnestly bent to goe forward with his workes, begun in time of peace, than he was before busied in managing of his warres: insomuch, as he gave the people no more repose at home, than he had in warres abroad. For besides that the pre­pared to compasse the cittie (which as yet he had not fortified) round about with a stone wall, the beginning of which peece of worke was by the Sabine warre interrupted and broken off: he divised also certaine draughts or vaulted sinckes from aloft into the Tyber, whereby he drained I and kept drie the base cittie, or lowest grounds about the marketplace, and the other vallies be­tweene hill and hill, for that out of the plains and flats, they might not easily make riddance and conueiance away of the water. Moreover, he levelled a large court or plot of ground, readie for the foundation of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll, which he had vowed in the Sabine war, his mind even then giving him, that one day it should be a stately place.

At the same time there happened in the court a wonderfull strange thing, both in present view, and also in consequence. For as the report went, a young lad, whose name was Servius Tul­lius, as he lay asleepe, in the sight of manie persons had his head all on a light fire. And upon an outcrie raised at the wondering of so great a matter, the king arose: and when one of the hou­shold brought water to quench the flambe, he was by the Queene staied. And after the stir was K somewhat appeased, she forbad the boy to be disquieted, untill such time as he awoke of him­selfe: and within a while as the sleepe departed, the blaze likewise went out, and vanished away. Then Tanaquil the Queene taking her husband aside into a secret roome. Tanaquil the Queene in to king Tanaqui­nius. See you this boy (qd. she) whom we so homely keepe, and in so poore and meane estate bring up? Wot well this, and ‘know for certaine, that he will one day be a light to direct us in our dangerous troubles and doubtfull affaires; hee will bee the cheese pillar and succour of the afflicted state of the kings house. Let us therefore cherish and foster with all kindnesse and indulgence the subject matter ’of so great a publicke and private ornament. Wherupon they began to make much of the boy as if he had been one of their owne children, and to instruct and traine him up in those arts, whereby forward wits are stirred to great enterprises, and to atchieve high place of wealth and L honour. And soone came that to passe, which pleased the almightie gods. For he proved a yong man indeed of princely nature and towardnesse: in such sort, that when there should be a sonne in law sought out to match with Tarquinius his daughter in marriage, there was not one of all the young gentlemen of Rome to be found comparable to him in anie respect. So as the king affianced his daughter unto him. This so great honour whereunto he was advanced, upon what­soever cause or occasion it was, induceth me to thinke he was not the son of a bondwoman, nor that he served whilest he was a little one, as a slave. I am of their mind rather, that report thus: When Corniculum was won, the wife of Servius Tullius, a great lord and principall personage of that citie, and there slaine, was left great with child: and being among other captives knowne whose wife she was, in regard of her rare nobilitie onely, was by the Queene preserved from ser­vitude, M and at Rome in Priscus Tarquinius his house, was delivered of a child: upon which so spe­ciall favour, there grew more familiar acquaintance betweene the two ladies the Queen and her selfe; and the child also brought up of a little one there in court, was both tenderly beloved, and also highly regarded. But his mothers fortune, whose hap was after her countrey was lost, to fall into the hands of enemies, caused men commonly to thinke that he was the sonne of a bond­slave. [Page 29] A Now in the eight and thirtieth yeare almost, after that Tarquinius began his raigne, was this Seratus Tullius in right great estimation and credit, not onely with the king, but also with the nobilitie and commons. Then the two sonnes of Ancus, who as they alwaies before disdeai­ned in the highest degree, that they were by the deceitfull practise of their guardian, so unwor­thily put by the inheritance of their fathers kingdome, and that a stranger raigned at Rome, one who was not descended of anie neighbour house thereby, no nor so much as of Italian bloud: so now they began much more to take stomacke and indignation, in case that after Tar­quinius, the kingdome should not returne to them and their line, but should still run on end, and headlongwise fall unto such base varlets: That in the same cittie, a hundred yeares almost after that Romulus the sonne of a god, and a god himselfe, raigned therein, (during the time he remai­ned B here upon the earth) a verie bondslave and no better, and one borne of a bondwoman, should be possessed of the crowne: and that it would be a foule staine and dishonour generally to the name of the Romanes, but most especially to their house and familie, if whilest the issue male of Ancus lived, the kingdome of Rome should lie open, and be exposed, not to strangers alone, but which is more, to verie bondmen and slaves. This ignominie therefore, and open wrong, they resolve by fine force to put by and avoid: howbeit, the greevance of this injurie done unto them; set them on against Tarquinius himselfe, rather than Servius Tullius; both for that the king, if he lived still, would be a more sharp revenger of the murder, than a privat per­son: and also if they should happen to kill Servius, whomsoever besides, the king would vouch­safe for his son in law, him was he like to make heir apparent, & inheritor also of the kingdome. C For these considerations they lay wait for to murder the king himselfe in this manner: There were for the purpose to do this feat, two passing stout and sturdie heardmen chosen, who having such rusticall yron tooles about them, as they were woont both of them to occupie, and made a great shew of a most tumultuous brawle and fray in the very porch of the court gate: by which means, they drew all the kings officers, sergeants, & guard about them: then as they called with a lowd voice, both the one and the other upon the king, in such wise, as the noise was heard within the pallace, they were convented before his highnes. At their first comming, they cried out both at once, and interrupted one another in all outrageous maner, so as by a sergeant they were saine to be restrained & commanded to speak by turnes, untill at length they gave over their confused brawlings. Then one of them for the nones, as it was before agreed, began his tale: and while D the king, L. Tarquinius the king killed. as wholly bent to give eare turned aside towards him, the other list his axe aloft, and strooke the king on the head, and leaving it sticking there still in the wound, they whipst out both of them together, and ran their waies. And whilest they that stood next about Tarquinius, tooke him up readie to die, the sergeants made after them that were fled, and apprehended them. Whereupon an outcrie arose, and a great concourse of people, wondering what the mat­ter might be. Tanaquil in this hurliburlie caused the court gates to bee shut, and commanded everie one to avoid the place: and at one instant with great diligence provideth things requisit to cure the wound, as if there were some hope of life: and withall, if that should faile, shee pre­pareth other meanes and remedies against the worst that might happen. Sending therefore in all speed for Servius, when she had shewed him her husband halfe dead, and alreadie bloudlesse: E shee tooke him by the right hand, and besought him not to suffer, either the death of his father in law unrevenged, Tanaquil to Ser­vius. or his wives mother, to be a laughing stocke unto the enemies. ‘Thine is the kingdome O Servius by right (quoth shee) if though bee a man; and not theirs, who by the hands of others have committed a most shamefull and villainous fact. Take a good heart therefore, and arme thy selfe, and follow the guidance and direction of the gods, who long since by a di­vine and heavenly flame burning about thy head, foreshewed that one day it should bee highly advanced. Now let that heavenly blaze, raise thee up: now awake in verie deed: what man! wee also being strangers have borne the scepter: consider with thy selfe who thou art now, and not from whence thou art descended. And if in so suddaine an occurrence, thine owne wits be asto­nied, and to seeke, then follow my reed, and be advised by my counsell. In this while the noice F and violence of the people was so great, that it could not well be suffered.’ Then Tanaquil from the upper lost of the house, out at a window that opened into the new street (for the king kept his court hard by the temple of Iupiter Stator) spake unto the people, Tanaquil to the people. willing them to be of good cheare. ‘The king indeed (quoth she) was amased and swowned at the suddaine stroke, howbeit it went nothing deepe: for now is he come againe to himselfe, his wound cleansed from bloud, and searched: all signes of life, and no danger of death: and I trust in God within a while you [Page 30] shall see himselfe againe. In the meane time his pleasure his, that the people shall be obeysant G to Servius Tullius: the shal minister justice and give lawes, he shall execute and performe all theoffices of the king.’ Then came Servius abroad in his roiall robe; called Trabea, attended with the Lictors; and sitting in the kings throne, some causes he dispatcheth himselfe, of othersome he maketh as though he would consult and conferre with the king. Thus for certaine daies, the king being dead, and his death concealed, he, under colour of executing the function of ano­ther, garthereth strength to himselfe. But when at the last it was openly knowne by the wailing and lamentation which arose in the pallace, that the king was departed, Servius accompanied with a strong guard, Servius Tullius [...]-town [...] shewed himselfe, and was the first, that without the election of the people onely by the will and consent of the nobles, tooke the kingdome upon him.

The ionnes of Ancus at the first, seeing the murderers attached, and hearing that the king H was alive, and Servius so mightie, retired themselves as banished persons to Suessa Pometia. And Servius now sought meanes to make himselfe strong, as well by private helpes, as by publicke. And least peradventure the children of Tarquinius should another day be as ill affected against him, as the children of Ancus were against Tarquinius, he gave in marriage his two daughters to Lacius and Aruns, two of the kings sonnes late deceased. Yet could not the with all the poli­cie of mans wit, stay the fatall necessitie, nor stop and divert the course of the destinies; but that the envie that followeth a kingdome, bred all distrust, disloiltie, and mallice, even among those of his owne household, for all their alliance and affinitie. Howbeit, in very good time, and sitly for the quietnesse of the present state, was the warre with the Veientes (for now was the tearme of the truce expired) and other Tuscanes, taken in hand. In which warre, both the valour, and al­so I so the good fortune of Tullius was well seene and greatly renowmed. Who having discomsited a mightie host of the enemies, as undoubted king in the conceit and judgment as well of the Senatours as of the commons, if their hearts had been sounded, returned to Rome.

Then in hand went he with a worke of peace, and of all other the greatest, and of most im­portance. To the end, that as Nyma was the first author of divined law and religion so the poste­ritie for ever after might report and record, that Servius was the founder of all distinction and order; whereby betweene degrees of worship and wealth, there might be seene due difference, and regard of worth. [...] For the devised and ordained the Cense, to wit, the assessing, and taxation of the cittizens: a thing most profitable to that state and government, which was like in time to come, to grow so mightie. By which Cense, the charges and contributions, either in K war or peace, was not levied by the poll upon the citizens, as aforetime, but according to the va­luation of their wealth and abilitie. [...] So he erected certaine Classes and Centuries, and appointed their degrees, according to the assessing, and valuation, meet in decent manner to serve in warre, and meet to be emploied in peace. And first, of those who were rated at an *hundred thousand ASSES and above, he ordained so Centuries; 40 of the eldersort, and as manie of the yonger: and all jointly were counted the first Classis. The elder were charged to be in readinesse at all howers, for defence of the cittie: the younger to follow the warres abroad. These were bound to find harneis: for defence of their owne bodies, an headpeece or morion, a shield, greeves, and corselet, all of brasse: and for offence of the enemie, a javelin and a sword. To this Classis were adjoined two Centuries of carpenters and smiths, or engineers, who were in wage, and served L without amount: and their charge was to find the campe engines of batterie and artillerie. The second consisted of those that were valued betweene I00000 and [...] 75000 Asses. And of this sort both young and old, were enrolled twentie Centuries: who were enjoined to provide for their armour, a target or buckler in stead of a shield; and excepting onely a corselet, in all points as the former. The third he would have to be of those that were esteemed worth [...] 50000 Asses, and as manic Centuries of them, and with the same distinction of age. Neither concerning their armour was any thing altered: only for their greeves they were dispensed with. In the fourth Classis were those that were assessed in the Subsidie booke, betweene 50000 and [...] 25000 Asses, and of them were to manie Centuries. Their armour was changed, having no more but a speare and a casting dart, with a looped called Verutum. The fist was greater, containing thirtie Centu­ries. M These carried with them slings and stones to sling a farre off: among whom were reckoned the beadels of criers, together with the trumpetters & cornestiers, who were divided into three Centuries. This band stood of them that were assessed from 25000 unto [...] II000 Asses. The va­luation under this, comprised all the rest of the multitude. Whereof arose one Centurie, freed and exempted from warfare. Thus having furnished and disposed the forces of the Infanterie, [Page 31] A he enrolled besides twelve Centuries of horsemen, and those out of the principall men of the cittie: and sixe other Centuries likewise, to those three that Romulus instituted, retaining the same name still, that they in their first solemne institution had. These horsemen for to buy their great horses, had 32 bb. 5. [...] 10000 Asses out of the chamber of the citie, a peece: & for to find and keepe those horses, were the rich widdows set, yearely at 6 [...]b. 5. shi 2000 Asses a peece. Thus were all these char­ges and burdens shifted from off the pooremens shoulders, and laid upon the rich. And there­fore afterwards was their dignitie and honour so much the more. For in the grand-leetes and so­lemne elections of Magistrates, everie man had not prerogative alike, nor equall authoritie, as Romulus first ordained, and the other kings continued, when they gave their voices by the poll indifferently, one with another: but there was distinction made, and certaine degrees; but so, B as neither any one was excluded or shut out, and yet the whole rested and lay in the power of the richer sort, and cheese of the cittie. For first the horsemen were called: afterward, the eightie Centuries belonging to the first Classis, of the principall footmen: who if they disagreed, and happened to be at anie difference, then the Centuries of the Second Classis were cited. And ne­ver went they likely so low, as to the last of all. Neither ought anieman to marvell, that this order in these daies, after five and thirtie tribes complete, agreeth not with the Centuries of the elder and younger sort, according to the computation set downe by Servius Tullius, considering their number is now doubled. For having divided the citie into foure Wards, according to the quar­ters and hils; those parts which were inhabited, he called Tribes, of the word Tribute (as I sup­pose.) For he it was that devised and brought up the manner of equall contribution and pai­ment, C proportionably to the assesment and rate of mens goods. Neither were these tribes anie waies at all respective to the division or number of the Centuries aforesaid. When this Cense and taxation was finished, which he dispatched the sooner, by reason of the peoples feare of an act by him made, concerning those that should not come in to be registred and enrolled in the Subsidie booke; he published an edict, under paine of imprisonment and death, that all ci­tizens of Rome, as well horsemen as footmen, should the morrow after at the breake of day, everie one in his owne Centurie, shew himselfe in Campus Martius, i in Mars field. There, af­ter he had mustered and embattelled the whole armie, he assoiled and purged the same with the sacrifice of a Swine, a Sheepe, and a Bull. And this was called Conditum Lustram. Which was the very closing up and accomplishment of the assesment. In this Lustrum, there were numbred D and assessed 80000 Citizens. Fabius Pictor, a most ancient writer sayth moreover, that so many there were of able men to beare armes. For to containe this multitude, it was thought good the cittie should be inlarged. Whereupon the adjoineth unto it two hils more, to wit, Iuirinalis, and Viminalis. After this, he proceeded to augment the mount Esquilie: and to grace that hill, and make it of more reputation, there he dwelt himselfe, and had his court. He cast a trench and ditch, and raised a rampire about the citie, and then walled it: by occasion wherof, he set out the Pomoeric further. Pomaerium, Pomocrie, what it is. according to the Erymologie and litterall signification of the word, is as much to say, as Postmarium, or the Arriermure, that is, a plat of ground behind, or without the wall. But indeed it is rather a space about the wal on either side, which the Tuscanes in old time, when they built their cities, used by advise of Augures, to hallow and consecrate in E certain bounds and limits, all along where they minded to set the wall: that neither within-forth the houses might joine upon the wall(whereas now adaies they build close to) and without also, there might be a void peece of ground, lying common, free, and unoccupied of men. This va­cant space, that neither might lawfully be inhabited, nor yet eared and [...], as well because it was without the wall, as the wal without it, the Romanes called Pomoerium. And ever as the cir­cuit of the cittie was made larger, looke how much the wals should be set out further, so farre those hallowed and consecrated bounds of the Pomoerie were extended.

Thus the cittie being much increased in compasse of building, and all things disposed in good order, requisit as well for war as peace; to the end, that he should not alwaies seeke to pur­chase wealth and puissance by war and martiall prowesse onely, he attempted to amplifie his do­minion F by pollicie, and withall to bestow upon the citie some glorious ornament to beautifie the same. And even at that time was the temple of Diana at Ephesus, of great same, and much renowned: which as the report went, was built in common by all the states and princes of Asia. When as therefore Servius would use highly to praise and commend unto the lords and heads of the Latines(with whom of purpose he had both in publike and privat, mutuall intertainment and familiar acquaintance) that generall agreement of the princes of Asia, in matters of reli­gion, [Page 32] and in the uniforme worship of the same gods: at length, by much iterating and follow­ing G still that theame, he prevailed with them so far, that the nations of the Latines, and the peo­ple of Rome together, built at Rome a temple unto Diana: which was a plaine confession, and cleare case, that Rome was now the imperiall seat, for which they had so often warred. This qua­rell, albeit now the Latines all in a manner had neglected quite, and made no care at all there­of, seeing they had so often attempted it by force of armes, and sped so badly: yet fortune see­med to one only man to cast a favourable aspect, and yeeld good hope, by his private policie and industrie, to recover againe the imperiall dignitie unto the Latines. A certaine householder forsooth of the Sabines, had as they say, a cow bred with him of a wonderfull bignesse, and fair with all (for a memoriall of which so rare and wonderfull beast the hornes were set up, and re­mained fast fixed in the porch of Dianas temple, many a hundred yeares after) this was suppo­sed H (as it was no lesse in very deed) a strange and prodigious thing: and the wisemen or wizards prophesied, that the soveraintie and Empire should be setled and established in that State, wher­of any one citizen sacrificed that cow unto Diana. This prophesie came to the eares of the priest of Dianas temple. The Sabine abovesaid, so soone as he had espied a meet and conveni­ent day for sacrifice, drives the cow to Rome, and leads her to the temple of Diana, and there presented her before the altar: where the Romane priest wondering to see so huge a beast, wher­of there had been so much speech, and calling to mind withall the aforesaid Oracle, spake to. the Sabine in this wife, My friend (quoth he) what meane you to sacrifice so uncleanely unto Di­ana, and doe not rather purifie and wash your selfe all over in some running streame, before you come hither? Lo where Tyber runneth in the valley beneath. The stranger then, moved with I some scruple of conscience, who desired nothing more, than that all should be well and orderly done, that an happie successe might be correspondent and answereable to so prodigious a beast, forthwith went downe to the Tyber. In the meane while, the Romane killed the Cow in honour of Diana. This thing pleased the king and the whole cittie wonderfull well.

Servius, albeit he were now without all question by so long continuance, fully and really in­vested in the kingdome; yet because he heard say, that young Tarquinius otherwhile gave out speeches of him, that he raigned without the nomination and election of the people: therfore after he had first wan the hearts of the commons, by dividing among them everyone, certaine lands gotten by conquest from the enemies, he adventured to propound unto the people, & put it to their suffrages, and voices, Whether their will and pleasure was, that he should raigne over K them. Thus was he declared king with as great consent, as never any before with the like. But Tarquinius for all this, had never the lesse hope to aspire and attaine unto the crowne: nay rather so much the more, because he understood the said division of the lands among the commons, was a thing concluded & passed against the wil & mind of the Senators. Taking therfore occa­sion therby to accuse & blame Servius before them, he supposed he had good means offered to wind himself into favor with the lords of the Senat, & so to become strong in the counsel house. Over and besides, he was both himself a young man of great courage & hot stomack, & his wife likewise at home, dame Tullia, lay ever upon him, & pricked forward his distempered & troubled mind: for you must thinke, that the roiall court of Rome also, hath brought forth and afforded one example of a tragicall and horrible act: that by a wearines and lothing conceived against L the kings government, liberty and freedome might the sooner ensue: and that raigne bee the last, which was by mischeefe gotten first. This L. Tarquinius whether he were the sonne or ne­phew of Priscus Tarquinius, it is not very cleare, howbeit, I would rather thinke with most wri­ters, that he was his sonne. A brother he had, Aruns Tarquinius, a young gentleman of a mild nature. These two (as is aforesaid) had married the two Tulliae, the kings daughters, and they also themselves were in conditions farre unlike. And happily it so fell out, that two froward and vio­lent natures were not coupled together in wedlock: such was the good fortune, I beleeve, of the Romane people, that thereby the raigne of Servins might continue the longer, and the cittie brought and setled in good order. The younger Tullia, a stout dame and a prowd, greeved and vexed much that her husband had nothing in him, no mettall or matter at all, either to cover M and desire, or to enterprise and adventure: her mind was fully set upon the other Tarquine, him she esteemed highly, and had in admiration, him she said to be a man indeed, and descended of roiall bloud. As for her sister, she despised and checked her, for that she having a forward and valorous knight to her husband, sat still, and seconded him not in audacitie and boldnesse, as a woman should doe. Well, in short time likenesse and disposition soone brought them together, [Page 33] A and as it is commonly seene, Naught will to naught, and sort best together. But the mischeefe and trouble that brought all up side downe, arose from the woman. For she using to have secret conference with her sisters husband, never ceased to speake badlie; and to raile of her own hus­band unto his brother, and of her sister unto her husband. ‘Affirming in good earnest, it were better both for her selfe to be a widdow, and for him to live single, and without a wife, than so to be mismatched as they were, and through the craven cowardise of others to languish and come to nothing. As for her selfe, if the gods had given her an husband according to her owne qua­litie and worthinesse, she doubted not to see, and that very shortly, the crowne in her own house, that now she seeth in her fathers. In this manner possesseth she quickly the humorous young man, and filled his head with her owne rashnesse and follies.’ Now when Aruns Tarquinius and the elder Tullia, who died just in a manner both at one time, had well rid their owne houses, and B made way and ouverture for a new marriage, it was not long but they were married, with Servi­us his leave and connivencie, rather than his good liking. But then every day more than other began Tullius to be a continual more in their eies, his old age hatefull, and his raign more odi­ous: for now the woman minded nothing but one mischeese upon another: and would not suf­fer her husband to be at rest night nor day, least peradventure the former murders done and past, should serve to no purpose, and misle the effect of their designements. And thus she brake out and said: Tullia to her husband. That she wanted not before one that carried the name of an husband, with whom she served, & kept her selfe quiet and said nothing. ‘But she had a want of one, that thought him­selfe worthie of a kingdome, that remembred he was the sonne of Tarquinius Priscus, that loved C better to be seised of a crowne and scepter indeed, than hope for a kingdome, and here thereof. But sir(quoth she)if you be the man to whom I take my selfe wedded, then I cal you both husband and king: if not, then is our case changed for the worse, in that, cowardlinesse is accompanied now with wickednesse. Why resolve you not? why arme you not your selfe, and go about this businesse? you need not go so far as to Corinth or Tarquinij, for to seeke and compasse forraine kingdomes, as your father did. The gods of your owne house and native country, the Image and example of your father, the kings pallace, and therein theroiall seat and throne of estate, yea the very name of Tarquine, createth, nameth, and saluteth you king. But and if your heart will not serve you to these desseignes, why beare you the world in hand and deceive them? why take you so upon you as you doe, to shew your selfe as a kings sonne? Get you hence to Corinth againe, away to Tarquinij, D turne backeward to your former stocke and condition, more like to your brother than to your fa­ther. With these and such like motives, by way of reproofe she checketh the young man, set him on, and pricked him forwards, and she her selfe for her part, could be at no repose, for thinking that Tanaquil, an alien and stranger borne, could contrive in her head, and effect so great matter, as to make two kings together, one after other, namely her husband first, and afterward her son in law: and she her owne selfe, a kings daughter, could beare no stroke either in giving or taking away a kingdome.’ Tarquinius kindled with these furies and temptations of a woman, went about, labou­red, and made court to the Nobles, especially those that were Minorum gentium: estsoones put­ting them in mind of the pleasures and favours that his father had done them, and requiring now of dutie the like good turne at their hands. The young men, the flower and manhood in generall E of the cittie, he wrought and won to himselfe with gifts: and so partly with great promises, what wonders he would doe, and partly with raising slanders upon the king in all places, and charging upon him odious crimes, he grew very great and mightie. At the last, espying a convenient time to set on foot, and putin execution his intended projects, with a strong guard of armed men, hee entred forciblie into the Forum or common place of assemblie, whereat the people all surprised with great feare, he sat him downe upon the kings throne, even at the entrance of the Curia or Se­nate house, and there, by the voice of the crier summoned the Senatours to counsell before king Tarquinius. Who forthwith there assembled together: Some, thereto made and prepared aforehand: others, for feare least their not comming, might turn them to displeasure. And as they were astonted at this strange and wonderfull sight, so they thought Servius utterly undone, and F his case desperate. L. Tarquinins his speech to the senatours. ‘There Tarquinius began an invective in spightfull and reprochfull tearmes, tou­ching the first pedigree or parentage of Servius: saying, that he being a slave, and born of a bond­woman, after the cruell and shamefull death of his father Tarquine, usurped the king domeanot by meanes of an Interreigne, as the order was aforetime, nor by a solemne assemblie, and the free voices of the people, ne yet by the assent of the nobles, but only through the wile and fraud of one woman. And as he was(quoth he) thus borne and thus created king, so hath he been a partial [Page 34] favourer ever of the basest sort, even such as himselfe; and in hatred of the noble birth of others G hath divided amongst the vilest persons, lands taken from the cheese men of the citie; and all such burdens and charges, as had ben in times past common to all, he hath cast upon great persona­ges of qualitie and worth, and set up an assessing or taxing, that the state of the wealthier persons being made knowne and exposed to envie, he might bring them into disgrace with the people, and bestow their goods upon the poorest and neediest at his pleasure.’ Amidst this Oration of his, came Servius in place, advertised of the matter by a fearefull messenger in all hast. ‘And pre­sently began to crie out with a lowd voice, at the very porch or entrie of the Curia: What is here ado (quoth hee) and what meaneth this O Tarquine? How darest thou, during my life, assemble the Senatours or sit on my seat? Whereunto he stoutly made a prowd answere, that hee did but keepe his fathers throne, and being as hee was, a kings sonne, hee demeed himselfe more wor­thie H to bee inheritor of the kingdome, than a bondslave: and as for him, hee had been suffered long ynough to play with his good Masters, and to insult over his betters.’ With this arose a great clamour from the partakers and complices of both sides: the people they ran from all parts to the counsell house, and like it was, that the stronger should be king. Then Tarquinius being put to his shifts, and forced to trie the utmost, seeing no other remedie, tooke Servins by the middle, as being himselfe much younger and stronger farre, carried him out of the counsell house, and threw him downe from the staires head to the foot, and so returned againe into the Senate house, to get the Senators together. The kings officers with the guard attending upon him, sled. Himselfe well neere dead, with certaine of his courtiers and traine, breathlesse also for feare, made speed, and retired towards his pallace, as farre as to the top of Cyprius street, where I he was overtaken by them that were sent by Tarquinius, [...]ervius Tullius [...]ilied. and so slaine outright. And it is verily thought, that this was done by the suggestion and procurement of Tullia; so little disagreeth it from other wicked prankes of hers. But this one thing is known for certaintie, that she came ri­ding in her coach into the common place of assemblie, & nothing dismaied or abashed at the presence of so many men, there met together, called forth his husband out of the Senat house, & was the first that stiled him with the title of King. By whom shee being willed to depart a way out of that throng and uprore, as she returned homeward as far as the pitch of Cyprius street, where was of late a place consecrated unto Diana, called Dianium, the coachman that had the guiding and driving of the steeds, as he turned the chariot on the right hand up to the cliffe Virbius, for to passe up to the hill Esquiliae, suddainely staired for feare, and reined in his horses, and shewed K unto his ladie and mistresse, Servius lying there murdered. And hereof followed (as the report goeth) a beastly part, and beyond all sence of humanitie, which the very place doth witnesse still at this day, called thereupon Sceleratus Vicus, i. the wicked street: Wherein, the raging and frantike woman Tullia, harried with the suries, and haunted with the ghosts of her sister and husband, caused (men say) her chariot to be driven over her fathers dead corps; and being her selfe be­spreint and beraied with the bloudie chariot, carried home with her some part of it in token and witnesse, that her hand was in this parricide and murder of her owne father: to the end, that shee might provoke her owne domesticall gods and her husbands to wrath and displeasure: and so consequently, as they entred their raigne with mischeefe and wickednesse, they might soone after be turned out therof with shame and infamie Servius Tullius raigned foure and for­tie L yeares, in such wife carrying himselfe, as it were hard, even for a good and staied prince that should succeed him, to follow his steps. This made moreover for his glorie and fame, that toge­ther with him died all right and lawfull government of Romane kings. And even that regiment of his, so mild, so gracious, and temperate as it was: yet because it rested in the absolute power of one man, he was minded, as some doe write, to have forgone and given over, had not this wic­ked intestine practise from his owne familie come betweene, to prevent and cut off his good de­signes and intent to let his country free.

]After him began to raigne Tarquinius, for his insolent acts surnamed Superbus, i. the prowd. For he would not suffer his wives father (unkind sonne in law he)to be interred: saying eftsoons in jibing manner, that Romulus also died, and was never buried. Moreover, the principall heads M of his peeres and nobles, such (as he thought)had favoured Servius his proceedings, and tooke parr with him, those he made away and slew. Afterwards, fearing upon the guilt of his owne con­science, that he had given an ill precedent for others, to take vantage against himselfe, attaining to the crown so leaudly; he retained therfore a guard of armed men about his bodie: and in ve­ry truth, setting only might aside, no other right had he to weare the diademe, as who raigned [Page 35] A neither by peoples election nor Senatours approbation. Over and besides all this, to the end he might sit safely in his seat by servile feare and dread, who reposed no trust nor hope in the love of his subjects; therfore to strike the greater terror into them, and hold them in aw, he by himselfe alone without assistance of any counsell, sat upon all matters of life and death: by meanes wher­of he was ablé to kill, banish, and condemne in forfaiture of lands and goods; not those onely whom he suspected and hated, but also them, from whom he could looke for nothing else but spoile. Thus when he had decaied the number of the nobles especially, he purposed to chuse no new in their place, for to make supplie: tó the end, that the fewer they were, the more contempti­ble the whole order might grow: and with lesse discontent, put up the indignitie, that they were not emploied in the State, nor ought done by their advise. For this king was the first, that aboli­shed B the custome received and continued by all others asore him, of consulting with the Senat in all matters, and managing nothing without them. He governed the Commonweale by him­selfe, and after his owne waies: with whom it pleased him he made war and peace, league and societie, even of his owne head: and would breake the same as himselfe thought good: thus he did, and undid all at his pleasure, without regard of the peoples mind, or the Senates authoritie. Above all, he sought to win the hearts and good wils of the Latine nation, that by support of forraine power also, he might be more secure and safe among his owne people: neither enter­tained he with their princes, friendship and amitie only, but entred also into alliance and affi­nitie with them. For unto Octavius Mamilius a Tusculane, he gave his daughter in mariage. This Mamilius was of all the Latines the principall and noblest person, lineally discended(if we may C beleeve the common bruit and report)from Vlysses and Circe. By this marriage he gained many kinsfolke and friends of his new sonne in law. So that now Tarquinius was in great authoritie and reputation among the lords and Barons of the Latines. Whereupon he gave them knowledge, and proclaimed, that upon a certain day they should all meet him at the sacred grove of Feren­tina, to treat and commune together about matters concerning the common good of both States. Thither resorted they in great number betimes in the morning. And Tarquinius himselfe failed not for his part, to keep the very day appointed, but it was sunsetting welneere before he came. There, in that assemblie all day long, before his comming, was much talke and reasoning, pro & contra, Tarnus Herdo­nius his orations against Tarqui­nius Superbus. touching him. ‘ Turnus Herdonius of Aricia, had inveighed spightfully against Tar­quinius in his absence (for his being away) saying it was no marvell indeed that he was at Rome D surnamed Superbus(for even then commonly they termed him so, although secretly, &in whispe­ring wife.) For could there be(quoth he) a prowder part plaid, than thus to mock, delude, & abuse the whole state of Latium, that when their princes and nobles were cited there to appeare, farte from their citties and dwelling houses, he only should be absent that summoned the assemblie? Which verily was but a devise of his to trie their patience, that if they once tooke the yoke, he might keep them stil under as his vassails: for who seeth not what he reacheth at?even to command and lord it over the Latines. And in case his owne citizens have done well, in trusting him in the rule over them (if a man say they trusted him, & not rather that he came soulie and for­cibly by it, even with shameful murder)the Latins also may put themselves into his hands with se­curitie. And yet I see not why they should so doe, considering he is a meere stranger and alien. E But how and if his owne subjects repent, and are discontented with him, being one after another by him murdered, banished, deprived, and spoiled of their goods? What better dealings may the Latines hope and looke for? Therefore if they would be ruled by him, they should depart home everie man, and not keepe the day of the Diet no more than he doth that published and proclaimed it. Whilest this seditious and dangerous person, who by these and such like facti­ous courses was growne to be a great man and powerable in his countrey, stood arguing thus, inforcing and following hard upon other points, tending to the same effect, in commeth Tar­quinius.’ Whereupon heebrake off his speech, and all was husht. Then turned every man to salure and welcome Tarquinius: Who after silence made (being advised by some of his familiars that were next unto him, to excuse himselfe for comming at that time of the daie) F said, that hee had beene taken to bee an arbitrator or daiesman betweene the father and the sonne: and because hee was desirous and carefull to procure attonement betweene them, and to make them good friends; hee made the longer stay and came the later. Which occasion of businesse seeing it had disappointed them of that day, therefore the morrow after hee would deliver that which hee had in purpose and intended to moove unto them. But Tarnus (as they say) could not hold, nor put up so much as this with silence: but brake out [Page 36] and said againe, there was no speedier deciding and taking up of any matter, than betweene G the Father and the Sonne; a thing that might be dispatched in few words: for if he would not obey and giue place unto his father, he should abide the smart of it with a mischiefe. And thus the Aricine having girded as it were, and glaunced at the Romane king, departed out of the assemblie. Which thing Tarquinius taking more displeasantly a good deale then he made semblance of, forthwith devised and practised to bring Turnus to his death, that he might strike the same terrour into the hearts of the Latines, wherwith he had kept under his owne subjects at home. And for that he had no absolut power to cause him openly to be slaine, he fra­med most saltly a criminall action against the guiltlesse man; therby wrongfully to worke his de­struction. ‘By meanes of certaine Aricians of a contrarie faction, he wrought a bondslaue of Turnus with a summe of monie, to suffer a number of swords privily to be conveyed into his H masters Inne or lodging: Tarquinius against Turnus Herdonius. which being done in that one night accordingly, Tarquinius some­what before day, sent for the chiefe Lords of the Latines to come unto him; and pretending as though he were frighted by some strange accident, said that his long tarying the day before, (by Gods special providence, as it were, so appointed)was for the safetie of him and them all. For he was informed that Turnus contrived to massacre both him and the heads of their nation, to the end that he alone might raigne over the Latines: That he minded yesterday to have put this plot in execution, even in the verie assemblie; but the deed was deferred, for that himselfe(the principal author of that meeting) whose life he sought for aboue all other, was not in place. And herupon it was(faith he) that he fared so as he did, and railed against him so bitterly the day be­fore in his absence; for that he by his long tarrying had put him by his hope and the effect of I his dessignes: and if all were true that was told him, he nothing doubted but early in the mor­ning at break of the day, so soone as they were set in counsell together, he would come armed and well appointed with a crew of his adherents & sworne consederates: for reported it is, (quoth he) that a number of swords and other weapons are brought into his lodging: which whether it be so or no, might soone be knowne.’ And therwith he desired them to take the paines to go with him thither. And verily, considering the proud nature and hautie spirit of Turnus, together with his yesterdaies Oration, and the long stay of Tarquinius besides, for that the pretended massacre seemed therby to have beene put off and prolonged, the matter became very suspcious and pregnant. Thus go they with minds verily somewhat enclined and disposed to beleeue all, and yet so, as they would thinke all the rest but tales and lies, unlesse they found the swords afore­said. K Being come to the house, and Turnus awakened out of sleepe, certaine warders were set to keepe him on every side: and when they had laid hold upon his servants, who for love of their lord and master began to make resistance, the swords were brought forth out of all the blind corners of the hostelrie openly to be seene: then was it a cleare case and past all peradventures: and Turnus was apprehended & yrons clapt upon him. And immediatly in all hast the Latins As­sembled together to counsell in that great tumult and uprore: Where, upon bringing forth the sword in sight before them all, Turnus herdo­nius put to death they were so incensed and deadly bent against him, that he was not suffered to answere and plead for himselfe, but was presently at the source or spring head of the Ferentine water plunged downe, & a hurdle done aloft upon him, & greatstones heaped ther­on, and so after a new kind of death stisled & drowned. ‘ Tarquinius then, after he had called the La­tins L againe to the place of counsell, & much commended them for dulie executing Turnus, who practising thus to alter and trouble the state, was detected of a manifest intended murder, made this speech unto them: Tarquinius to the Ar [...]cines. I might(quoth he)if I would, by vertue of ancient rites alledge and plead, that for as much as all the Latines are descended from Alba, they are comprised within that consederacie and league, whereby in the raigne of Tullus the whole Commonweale and State of Alba, together with their inhabitants, became incorporate into the Empire of Rome. How­beit, in regard rather of the commoditie and weale publicke of all, I judge it requisite, that the league were renued, and that the Latines might enjoy and be pertakers of the prosperitie and happie fortune of the people of Rome, rather than evermore to hazard and suffer the destru­ction and desolation of their citties, with the spoiling and wasting of their lands, which first in M Ancus daies they tasted, and after in my fathers time they had abidden and suffered.’ The La­tines were hereto soone persuaded. And although in that league the preheminence and sove­raintie rested in the Romans, yet they saw well enough that both the heads and rulers of the La­tine Nation stood with the Romane king, and were wrought unto his hand, to side with him: and also Turnus unto them was a sreth precedent and example, to teach them what danger might [Page 37] A betide euery one that should make a part against him and crosse his intention. So the alliance was renewed and proclamation made that according as it was capitulated, that all the service­able men of the Latins should at a day appointed repaire in good number with their armor, unto the grove of Ferentina. Who when they were there met together from all parts accor­ding to the edict of the Romaine king, to the end should have no captaine of their owne to lead them, no privie watchwoord or regiment by themselves to direct them, nor private en­signes distinct from the rest to keepe them together; he shuffeled on mingled the bands and com­panies of Latins and Romaines one with another, making one of twaine, and two of one: and when he had thus doubled the bands, he set. Centurions over them. And albeit he was in peace an unjust prince, yet was he in war no bad captaine; nay, for martiall prowesse he had beene B equall to the formerkings; had he not failed and degenerated in other things, and thereby stai­ned and hurt his glorie even in that behalfe. He was the first that warred upon the Volscians, which war after his time lasted more than 200 years: Suessa Pometia wonne by the Romanes. and wan from them by force Suessa Pome­tia. Where having made portsale of the pillage, and raised as much gold and siluer as amoun­ted to 1070 lib [...]terl; 40 talents, he conceived in his mind to build so stately a Temple of Iupiter as might be­seeme the soveraigne king of gods and men, become the noble Empire of Rome, and an­swere the majesty also of the very place where it was to stand. And for the rearing and fi­nishing of this Temple, he laid that money apart, that came of the spoile aforesaid. But pre­sently upon this, was he surprised with a warre that held longer than he hoped it would. For ha­ving made one assault in vaine upon Gabij, a neighbour citie to Rome, and dispairing also of C any good successe by beleagering the towne, for that he was valiantly repussed from the wals, at the last he devised and resolved to get it by wile and deceit: a course that Romaines had not usually practised. ‘For making as though he had given over and abandoned this warre, as being now earnestly bent and busily occupied about laying the foundations of the Temple, and folow­ing other publike works in the citie: Sextus his sonne, the yongest of three, sled for the nones to Gabij, complaining of his fathers intollerable rigor and crueltie against him: Ser: Tarquinins saying, That now to the Gabians. saying, That now he had turned his accustomed pride from strangers upon his owne blood, and was growne to be weary of so manie children: that as he had made good hand and cleane riddance of his nobles, and left the Senat desolate, so he might bring it to passe in his own house, to leaue behind him no issue nor inheritour of the kingdome. And for his owne person verily, he was escaped from a­mong D the pikes and swords of his father, and was persuaded fully, he might no where be sure in safety, but with the capitall enemies of L. Tarquinius. For to put them out of doubt, and that they might be no longer abused, the war continued stil against them, which seemed in out­ward shew given over and laid away: and his father would not faile, but whensoever he could spie his vantage and sit opportunitie, come upon them at unawares. But in case there were no place of refuge and protection for poore and humble suppliants amongst them, he would wander and trauail all over Latium: and if he might not rest there, he would from thence go to the Volscians, Aequians and Hernicks, until he came to them that knew how to save the children from the crueltie and inhumane persecution of the fathers. Perhaps he should find meanes to stirre coles and kindle warre, yea and performe himselfe good service against that most proud king, and E that most stout and insolent people. And seeming withall in great anger and discontentment, (if they would not regard his complaints) readie to depart and go his waies, he was kindly in­tertained, and friendly intreated by the Gabians: The Gabines to Sextus Tarquini­us. who willed him to be of good cheere and not to meruaile at all, that Tarquinius became now at length so ill affected against his own chil­dren, like as he had tyrannised alreadie upon his subjects and consederates: for he would no doubt in the end exercise his fell stomach even upon himselfe, for want of other subject matter to worke upon. And as to him, right welcome he was to them, assuring themselues that within a while it would so come to passe, that if he with them, would set to his helping hand, they should remoove the warre from the gates of Gabijunto to the verie wals of Rome. Sex= Terquinius to the Senators of the Gibins [...] After this, was he admit­ted to sit with them in common counsaile. In which he used eftsones to say, That in other mat­ters F he gaue place, & referred himse to be advised by the ancient Gabines, as men more practised and experienced than himselfe, but for the warre, which ever and anone he persuaded them unto, himselfe tooke upon him a speciall insight & skil therin, as he that knew the strength of both na­tions, and was fully persuaded in the conscience, that his kings pride must needs be odious to his subjects, which his verie owne children could not brooke and endure.’ Thus whilesby little and little he sollicited the principell citizens to rebell, and went himselfe daily in person [Page 38] with a crew of the most forward and able yoong men, forraying, spoyling and making rodes G into the Territorie of the Romanies, and that now through his words and deeds, which tended to fraud and deceit in the end, they began more and more to give credit unto him that one day would deceiue them, he was at last chosen Generall for the warre. And having made certaine small skirmishes betweene Rome and Gabes, in which for the most part the Gabines had the better (whiles the simple people, God wot, saw not his drift and how he caried the matter:) then all the Gabines from the highest to the lowest, thought verily and in good earnest, that Sextus Tarquinius was sent them by speciall grace even from God above to be their Captaine and Protector. But with the soldiers, what with attempting painefull enterprises & performing dangerous service, and what with dealing prises liberally amongst them, it passed how he grew into credit, & how deerly he was beloved; in so much as Tarquinius the Father was of no greater. H commaund at Rome, than Tarquinius the Sonne at Gabes. Thus when he saw he had gathe­red strength sufficient, and was fully furnished against all assaies; he dispatched unto his fatherat. Rome, one of his trustie servants with credence, to know his will & pleasure, seeing that the gods had done him this grace, that he at Gabes was able to do all in all. To this message made the king no answere at all by word of mouth, taking the man belike, as I verily thinke, for one hardly to be trusted. But as one musing with himselfe and in a deepe studie what answere to shape, he went into a garden on the backe side of the house, and his sonnes messenger followed after. There walked he vp and downe, and said never a word: onely, with his rod or walking staffe, as it is reported, he knapt of the uttermost heads and tops of the poppies. The messenger wearie with calling for an answere, and waiting such attendance; returned to Gabes as wife as the came, I and without effect of his errand. He reporteth what he had said and seene, namely how the king, whether upon anger or hatred, or pride ingrasted by nature, uttered no speech at all. But Sextus knowing by these mysticall and secret circumstances, his fathers will and direction, made no more adoe but slew the chiefe of the Citizens: some by accusations unto the people, and others by reason of disgrace they were already in, and therby exposed unto violence, were soone overthrowen. Many of them were openly executed, and some whom there was little appearance or colour of justice or none at all to accuse, were secretly murdered. Divers of their owne ac­cord sled into voluntarie exile, or else they were forced into banishment; whose goods as well as theirs that were put to death, were divided among the people. By sweetnes of his largesse of spoile, The [...] of [...] to [...]. by the profit and wealth that grew to private persons; the publike wo and calamitie K was nothing felt and seene: until such time as the Gabines whole estate, dispoiled of counsaile, berest of aide and succour, yeelded without dint of sword unto the king of Rome.

Tarquinius having thus gained the towne of Gabes, made peace with the nation of the AE­quains, and renued the league with the Tuscanes. After this he converted his mind to the af­faires of the cittie, among which this was the principall, to leave behind him the temple of Iu­piter, upon the mount Tarpeius, for a monument and memoriall of his raigne and name. That of two Tarquines, kings both, it might be said another day, that the father vowed it, and the fon­finished the same. And to the end, that the sloore and plot of ground, freed and exempted from all other kind of religions, might wholly be dedicated to Iupiter and his temple, there to be built: he determined to exaugurate and to unhallow certain churches and chappels, which ha­ving L been first vowed, by king Tatius, in the very extremitie of the battell against Romulus, were after by him consecrated and hallowed. In the very beginning and founding of which worke, it is said, that the divine power and soveraigne deitie, moved the gods to declare the future migh­tinesse of so great an Empire. For when as the birds by signes out of the Augurs learning, ad­mitted and allowed the exauguration and unhallowing of all other cels and chappels besides, only in that of Terminus, Termin [...]s the [...] [...]ounds and Me [...]rs. they gave no token to confirme the unhallowing thereof: which was taken for an ominous presage, and thus interpreted, That seeing the seat and house of Termi­nus was not stirred, and he the god alone that was not displaced and called forth of the limits to him consecrated; it shewed that all should remaine there firme and stable for ever. This divine token of perpetuitie being received for good and currant: there followed another strange and prodigious signe, portending the greatnesse also of the Empire. For as they digged for the M foundation of the temple, there appeared (as they say) a mans head, face and all, whole & sound: which sight imported no doubt and plainely foretold, that it should be the cheese castle of the Empire and the capitall place of the whole world. To this effect prophested the wisards, as well they of the cittie, as those whom they sent for out of Tuscane, to know their opinion and iudge­ment. [Page 39] A Thus was the kings mind all wholly set upon sumptuous building, and spared for no cost. So that the pillage taken at Pometia, which was laid by for the accomplishment of the whole worke, Tarquinius Pris­cus foundeth the temple of the Capitoll. would hard and seant serve for the very foundation. And therfore I would rather give cre­dite unto Fabias Pictor(to say nothing that he is the more nuncient authour of the twaine) that there were but I070 bb. sterl. 40 talents, and no more, than to Piso, who writeth, that there was 125000 lib. ster. 40000 pound weight of silver set by for that use. Which summe of masse of mony could never be looked for to arise out of the saccage of one only citie in those daies: & must needs exceed the charges of the foundation of any of these stately and magnificent buildings in this our age. The king being thus wholly minded and bent to the finishing of the temple, and sending for Carpenters, Ma­sons, and other workemen, out of all parts of Tuscane, emploited not only the citties monie and B stocke thereabout, but also had the worke and labour of the common people withall. Which was no small toile of theirs, considering the travell of warfare besides: yet were they lesse agree­ved and discontented therewith, so long as they founded and reared with their owne hands the temples of the immortall gods. But afterwards were they emploied and set to other works, which as they were lesse in shew, so were they more painfull & of greater trouble, namely the making of scaffolds of standing places in the Cirque of Theatre; and to the conueiance of a mightie great sinke or vault under the ground, for to receive and carrie away all the silth and corruption of the citie. To which two peeces of worke, scarcely is the magnificence of our new modern buildings, in any respect comparable. Having in this wise held the commons in continuall labour, because hee thought that a multitude of a people would but overcharge and pester the cittie, when they C were not emploied some way or other, and also minded by erecting Colonies, to inlarge the confines of his dominions, he therefore sent part of them to inhabite and people Sig­nia and Circeij, two strong forts and frontier townes for the defence of the cittie by sea and land.

Whilest he was busied in these affaires, there appeared unto him a strange and fearefull sight, namely a serpent gliding downe a pillar of wood, which having put the beholders in great fright and caused them to slie into the kings pallace, did not so much amase the kings heart with sud­daine and momentanie seare for the present, as fill his head with perplexed cares what the thing might portend. Whereas therefore the manner was to use the Calchars and wise men of Tuscane about publicke prodigious tokens onely: he being much troubled in spirit, and terrified D at this fearfull sight, being domesticall, and as it were touching and concerning his own person: purposed to send out as far as Delphi, to the most famous and renowned Oracle in the world. And for that the durst not put any other in trust with the answered that should be delivered by the fatall lots, he addressed two of his sonnes to take a voiage through vnknown lands in those daies, and more unknowen seas, into Greece. Titus and Aruns were they that went this journie, having to beare them companie all the way, L. Iunius Brutus. This Brutus was the sonne of Tarquinia the kings sister, a yoong gentleman of a farre other nature and disposition, than he seemed in outward shew and semblance. He hauing heard say that certain principall citizens, and his own brother among, had been by this his uncle put to death; to the intent that himselfe might have nothing left, eyther in the parts of his mind for the king to feare, or in his outward state for E him to couet and desire: resolved under the cloake of base contempt to save himselfe, since that in right or justice he might repose small or no safegard at all. And therfore composing and framing himselfe of purpose to counterfeit a noddie and a verie innocent, Iun. Brutts corn­teriaicech a icole as suffering him­selfe and all that he had to fall into the kings hands as an eschear, he refused not to be misnamed Brutus, a name appropriate to unreasonable creatures; that under the shadow and colour of that surname, that courage of his lying close hid, which should one day set free the citie of Rome, might abide the full time and appeare in due season. This Brutus beeing by the Tarquines brought to Delphi, as their laughing stock to make them pastime by the way, rather than a meet mate to accompany them, caried with him (as men say) for to offer and present unto Apollo, a golden rod within a staffe of cornell wood, made hollow for the purpose: the very type and re­semblance F by secret circumstances, of his naturall disposition. Thither beeing arrived, the yong men having done their fathers commission accordingly, were very desirous and earnest to inquire and learne of the Oracle, which of them should be king of Rome. And from the bot­tome of the deepe vault, this answere as men say, was deliuered in their hearing: WHICH OF YOU (O YONG MEN) SHAL FIRST KISSE YOUR MOTHER, HE SHAL BEAR CHIEFE AND SOVERAIGNE RVLE IN ROME. The Tarquines then intending that Sextus their brother [Page 40] who was left behind at Rome, might neither know the answer, nor yet obtaine the kingdome, G willed the matter should by all possible means be carried so secret as might be, & concealed from him. They themselues agreed upon this together, to draw lots whether of them twaine, when they were returned to Rome, should first kisse his mother. But Brutos supposing the speech of Apollo his priest, tended to another sence, made as though he stumbled forward and took a fall; and so touched the ground with his mouth and kissed the earth, thinking this with himselfe, that she was common mother of all mortall men. Then returned they to Rome. Where they found great preparations for warre against the Rutilians.

The Rutilians then were lords of Ardea. A people on those parts, and for those times, very rich and wealthie: [...] and that was it that gave the very occasion and was the first motive of warre. The Romane king was desirious both to enrich himselfe, as having about the sumptuous building of H publicke works emptied his coffers: and also by some spoile, to mollifie & win againe the hearts of his naturall all subjects: being much discontented (besides their generall mislike of his pride otherwise) at this maner of government; and disdaining greatly that they were by the king made labourers, to serue carpenters and masons, and held so long to servile toile and painefull la­bour. The Romanes assaied at the beginning to surprise and win Ardea by assault: but when that way sped but ill, then began they to annoy and distresse the enemies by laying siege, by casting trenches, raising forts, and fabriks, about the towne. During this siege, and the standing campe lying there, (as it falleth out commonly, when the warre is rather long and late than hote and cruell) there were granted large licences and pasports to and fro betweene the campe and Rome, with much liberty: and yet more to the Principals of the armie than to the common I soldiers. And the kings sons had otherwhile good leasure to feast and banket one with another. Vpon a time it happened whiles they were drinking & making merry with Sexta, Tarquinius in his pavilion, where Collatinus Tarquinius the sonne of Egertus sat at supper; there arose among other good table-talke, some arguing about their wives, whiles everie man highly praised and wonderously commended his owne. And growing to some heat and contention therabout: There need not many words for this matter, quoth Collatinus, for in few howers it may be known how farre my Lacretia surpasseth all the rest. [...] of [...] Lucretia. And therfore if there be any lustinesse & courage of youth in us, why mount we not on horsebacke, and in our owne persons go and see the na­tures and dispositions of our wives? And as they shalbe found and seene, taken of a sodaine, and not looking for their husbands comming, so let every man judge of them, and set that downe for K the onely triall of this controversie. They had all taken their drinke well, and were prettily heat with wine: Marry, content say they all, and to horse they go, and away they gallop on the spur to Rome. Thither were they come by the shutting in of the evening when it grew to be darke; and so forward without any stay to Collatia they ride. Where they find dame Lucretia, not as the kings sons wives, whom they had surprised & seen afore, passing the time away in fea­sting and rioting with their minions and companions: but sitting up farre within night in the middest of her house amongst her maidens, hard at wool-work by candle light. Whereupon, in this debate about their wives, the entire praise and commendation rested in Lucretia: Her hus­band and the Tarquines had a loving and courteous welcome at her hands. And hee againe for joy of the victorie, invited the kings sonnes kindly, and made them friendly cheere. There at L that infant, Sextus Tarquinius was bewitched and possessed with wicked wanton lust, for to offer violence and villanie unto Lucretia: her passing beauty and her approved chastitie set him on fire and provoked him therto. But for the present, when they had disported themselves all night long like lustie and pleasant youths, they returned be times in the morning to the campe. A few daies after, Sextus Tarquinius, unwitting to Collatinus, attended with one onely man came to Collatia, where he was againe in good and friendly sort received by them in the house, that suspected nothing lesse than that whereabout he was come. And being after supper brought up into the guest chamber, when he thought all about him sure, and that every body was fast asleep, all set on fire and burning in love, hee steppeth with naked sword in hand to Lucretia, as she lay sleeping full soundly, and bearing down the womans breast with his left hand, Peace (quoth he) M Lucretia, and not a word: I am Sextus Tarquinius, I haue my drawne sword in hand: if thou once speake thou shalt surely die. The seely woman thus starting out of sleepe, was sore affright, as see­ing no remedie but in a manner present death, in case she had cried for helpe. Then uttered Tar­quinius and confessed his amorous passion, fell to intreat and intreat againe, and with his praiers intermedled threats, and went euery way about her, not ceassing by all meanes to sift, to sound [Page 41] A and tempt the womans heart. But when he saw her obstinat and invincible, and (to die for it) not relenting one jot; then, besides the feare of death, he presented unto her dishonour and shame: pretending that after he had massacred her, he would lay by her side in naked bed, her own man­servant with his throat cut; that it might be voiced abroad, that she was taken and killed in filthie adultery. Lucretia forced by Tarquinius Sextus. For fear of this reproch and infamie, see how sinfull lust gat the victory, and conquered constant chastity: and Tarquinius in great pride and jolitie, that he had by assault won the fort of a womans honor, departed thence. But wofull Lucretia, all sorrowing for so heavie a mischance, dispatched a messenger to her father at Rome, and so forward to her husband at Ardea, with this errand: That they should come unto her, each of them with one faithfull and trustie friend, and hereof they must not faile, but make all the speed they could, for that there was befallen a B greevous chance and horrible. So there repaired to the Sp. Lucretia her father, accompanied with P. Valerius the sonne of Vólesus: and Collatinus her husband, with L. Iun. Brutus. Who both together by chance going backe to Rome, encountred in the way his wives messenger. Lucretia they found sitting alone in her bedchamber, all heavie and sad: and she at the comming of these her deerest friends, shed teares and wept apace. How now my deere (qouth her husband) is all well? No God wot sir, The pittifull plaines of cha [...] Lucrece. (quoth she againe:) For how can ought be well with a woman that is despoiled of her honour and womanhood? The print, Collatinus, of another man is to be seen in thy own bed. ‘Howbeit, my bodie only is distained: my mind and heart remaineth yet unspotted: and that my death shall make good and justifie. But give me first your right hands, and make faithfull promise that the adulterer shall not escape unpunished. Sex. Tarquinius is the man, he it is, who this night C past, entertained as a friend, but indeed a very foe in the highest degree, hath by force & violence taken from hence with him his pleasure, a deadly pleasure, I may say, to me: & to himselfe also no lesse, if yeebe men of courage. All of them one after other give their assured word, comforted the wofull hearted woman, excused her selfe that was but forced, and laid all the blame upon him that committed the shamefull act: saying, It is the mind that sinneth, and not the bodie; and where there was no will and consent, there could be no fault at all.’ ‘Well (quoth the) what is his due to have, see you to that: as for me, howsoever I quit and assoile my selfe of sinne, yet I will not be freed from punishment. And never shall there by example of Lucretia, any unhonest woman or wanton callot live a day: and thus having said, with a knife which she had close hidden under her clothes, shee stabbed her selfe to the heart, and sinking downe forward, fell upon the floore D readie to yeeld up the ghost. Out alas, cried her husband and father hereat: and whilest they two were in their plaints and mones, Lucretia killeth herselfe. Bratus drew forth the knife out of the wound of Lucretia, and holding it out afore him, all embrewed and dropping with bloud, Now I swear (quoth he) by this bloud, by this most chast and pure bloud, before the vilanie wrought by the kings sonne, and here before the gods I protest, whom I cal to witnesse, that I wil by fire and sword, and with all my might and maine persecute and drive the country of L. Tarquinius the prowd, and his ingracious wife, and the whole brood of his children, and suffer neither him nor any els for his fake to raigne as king at Rome. Then gave he the knife to Collatinus, and so to Lucretius and Valerius, who greatly amased at this so strange occurrent, and wondering how it came to passe, that Brutus should of a suddaine be so changed, and become so stout of stomacke and courageous, tooke the same forme E of oath that he sware afore: and so leaving their wailing and lamentation, and wholly set upon an­ger and revenge, they followed Brutus as their captaine and leader, to put downe and overthrow the government of kings, and utterly to root our their race.’ The dead corpes of Lucretia, was had out of dores, brought into the market place, and there shewed. And thither, what with wondring (as the manner is) at so strange a sight, and what with the indignation of so unworthie a fact, they raised much people together. Everie man for his part was readie ynough to complaine of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings bloud. The sorrow of Lucretius the father on the one side, the resolution of Brutus on the other side, who rebuked and blamed all vaine weeping and foolish moning, mooved and persuaded all that were present, that like men of valour, like true hearted Romanes, they would take armes against them that demeaned themselves no better, nay F worse than ordinarie enemies. And presently, the bravest and tallest yong men shewed themselves forward, readie in armour, and voluntarie. The rest of the youths followed streight after. And ha­ving left at Collatia the one halfe of their forces in garrison, toward the gates, and set certaine watches, that no man brought tidings or newes unto the king and his sons, of this rising and com­motion, all the other were appointed in warlike maner, followed their leader Brutus, from thence directly to Rome. At the suddaine comming thither of this armed multitude: no marvell if all [Page 42] the way where as they passed and marched, there arose a feare and trouble among the peo­ple. G But when they perceived the most substantiall and principall cittizens in the forefront, they judged whatsoever the matter meant, it was not for naught. And verily this hainous fact disquie­ted the minds of men no lesse at Rome, than it had before at Collatia. Therefore from all parts of the citie there was flocking and running into the market place. And being thither come, the Bedell or common Crier, summoned the people to appeare before the tribune of the Celeres or Captaine of the guard: which office haply Brutus bare at that time. ‘Where he made an oration, The [...]emonstranc [...] [...] Brutus, [...], the people against the king and his b [...]ood. not proceeding from that spirit, nor resembling that qualitie of nature which unto that day he had pretended and made shew of unto the world, for he inveyed against the violence and filthie lust of Sextus Tarquinius; the shamefull vilanie and not to be named, done upon the bodie of Lucretia: he discoursed of her lamentable end and piteous death, and H the desolate case of Tricipitinus, berest now of all his children: who accounted the occasion of his daughters death a greater indignitie, and more pitifull, than her verie death. Moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himselfe, the miseries, the infinite toyle and pains of the com­mons, buried as it were under the ground, with cleansing and casting of ditches, voiding and ferming of the sinkes. Saying, that the men of Rome which were the conquerers of all nations about them, were now of warriers become quarriers, hewers of stone and day labourers. He reckoned vp also and put them in mind of the unworthie death and cruell murder of Servius Tullius: and how his daughter (oh abhominable act!) rode over the corps of her father in her cursed chariot: And herewith he calleth on the gods that are revengers of outrages and wrongs done to parents.’ Thus rehearsing these and other matters, much more grievous and horrible, I (I verily belleeue) according as the present indignitie at the verie time doth minister and giue ut­terance for, not so easie penned and set downe by writers that come after, he so mightily infla­men the multitude, that he caused them to depose the king, to deprive him of his royall state and dignitie, yea and to decree and enact, that L. Tarquinius with his wife and children should be banished for ever. Himselfe hauing selected & armed the yonger gallants who offered their service, and willingly entered their names, set forward in person to the campe lying before Ar­dea, for to excite the armie there against the king: leauing the government of the Citie unto Lucretius, who had before bene appointed deputie and lieutenant there, by the king. In this time of garboile, Tullia left the pallace and fled, and all the way as she went, both men and wo­men cursed and cried out upon her, and be sought the ghostly spirits and furies of parents to be K avenged. When newes here of was brought into the camp, and that the king upon these strange tidings made hast towards Rome to stay and suppresse these broyles: Brutus hauing intelligence of his comming, turned another way because the would not meete with him. And so at one in­stance in a manner, by contrarie journies came Brutus to Ardea, and Tarquinius to Rome. But the gates were shut against Tarquinius, T [...]quinius the king banished. and in steed of entrance, warned he was, & commanded into exile. The whole campe receiued with joy, Brutus the redeemer of their Citie. From thence also were the kings sonnes driven: two of them followed after their father and departed into ba­nishment unto Caere, a towne of the Tuskanes: as for Sextus Tarquinius, he retired himselfe to Gabes as it were into his owne kingdome: where he was murdered in revenge of old quarrels, upon mallice and hatred of the people which he had brought upon himselfe in times past. L L. Tarquinius Superbus raigned 25 yeares. Thus continued the kings regiment at Rome, from the foundation of the Citie, unto the freedome and redemption the thereof, 244 yeares. Then in a solemne assemblie and election by the Centuries, held, by the Provost of the citie, Con [...]ls first created. according to the ordinance of Servius Tullius in his com­mentaries, two Consuls were created: L. Iunius Bru­tus, and L. Tarquinius Collatinus.

[Page 44] NOw will I describe from henceforth, the acts both in war and peace of the G people of Rome, a free state now from this time forward: their yearely Magistrates and governours: the authoritie and rule of laws, more po­werfull and mightie than that of men. Which freedome of theirs, the last kings pride made more acceptable and welcome. As for the other kings before him, they raigned so, as that they might bee counted all of them, and that worthily builders of sundrie part of the cittie one after another, according as they everie one by himselfe added still one new place or other, for the multitude by them encreased, to inhabite. Neither is it to be doubted, but that even the verie same Brutus, who deserved so great honour and glorie for expelling the H prowd king Tarquine, should have done the same to the exceeding danger of the weale publick, if for desire of unripe and untimely freedome, he had wrested the roiall dignitie and governe­ment: from any of the former princes. For what would have come of it, if that communaltie consisting of heardmen and fugitive strangers, resorting out of their owne countries there to dwell, having under protection of a sanctuarie and priviledged place gotten libertie, or at least­wise impunitie; being now freed and past feare of a roiall majestie, had begun to be troubled and disquieted, with the ruffling stormes and seditious tempests of the Tribunes? and in a new and strange cittie sowen debated, and intertained variance with the Nobilitie, before that the fu­rest pledges of wives and children, the dearest affection of the verie place and soile, which re­quireth long time of liking and loving, had united and knit their hearts together? Certes, the I state not yet come to full growth and maturitie, had by discord faded and come to naught, which a peaceful and gracious governement cherished and fostered, and by cherishing and nouri­shing brought to that passe, that now being come to ripenesse and perfection of strength, it might be able to bring forth and beare the good and wholsome fruits of libertie.

The beginning of this freedome you must account in regard hereof, That the Consularie re­giment was annuall, and from yeare to yeare, rather than that the roiall power and jurisdiction that the kings had, was any whit abated & diminished. For the first Consuls had the same abso­lute authoritie, held all the former roialties, and retained still the regall ensignes and ornaments of supreme dignitie. This only provided, that they should not both have the rods borne before them, for avoiding a twofold feare and dread of their majestie. Brutus with the good liking and K consent of his companion in office, had the preheminence and prerogative of that honour to be done unto him alone: who had not been aforetime a greater instrument, and more forward to procure and recover the libertie, than he was afterward a sure maintainer and protector of the same. And first above all other things, whilest the people were yet greedie of this new freedome, for feare least they might any time after he won by entreatie or moved by gifts on the kings part, he caused them to swear that they would never suffer any to be king at Rome. After this, because the Senat might be of more power and greater reputation, by the frequent company of that de­gree and order: he encreased their number (which had ben impaired much by massacres, com­mitted by the late king) to the full complement of three hundred: by chusing the cheese and principall of the degree of knights of horsemen. And hereof came as they say, this custome, to L admit into the Senate both them that were before time of the ancient Nobilitie, and also those that were newly chosen for the supplie: naming these that were last enrolled, the new Senat. And a wonder it was to see, how much good this did to the concord of the cittie, and to the knitting of the hearts of Nobles and Commons together.

This done, they went in hand with religion and church matters: and for that there were cer­tain publick sacrifices that had been usually executed by the kings themselves in their owne per­sons: least therefore they should not find the misse of kings in any respect, nor long after them again, they create of purpose a king-priest of sacrificer: which sacerdotall dignitie they ordained to be under the Arch-prelate, least that this new addition & title of honor, might prejudice their freedome any jot, whereunto they had then a special regard above all other things. And I wot not M well, but I thinke verily they went beyond all measure, and were over precise in the maintainance and strengthening thereof every way, even in the smallest trifles, and toies of no moment. ‘For when as nothing els was offensive unto them, the name forsooth of one of their Consuls became suspected and odius unto the cittie, without any other scandale whatsoever. And thus they mut­tered and said, that the Tarquinij had raigned overlong, and too much alreadie: that Priscus first [Page 45] A began, and when after him succeeded king Servius Tullius, Superbus Tarquinius not having in that time and space betweene, forgot the kingdome, as seeing another invested therin; by wic­ked practice and violence claimed and recouered the same againe, as the inheritance properly to his house belonging. And now that Superbus is driven out and gone, the rule and gouerne­ment is devolved unto Collatinus and there resteth. These Tarquines belike (say they) cannot skill how to liue as private men: giving out among, that the verie name was dangerous to a free state, and in one word, they could not endure it. These and such like speeched at first were whispered abroad throughout all the citie, by them that underhand sounded by little & little the harts and dispositions of men: and when these surmises & suspitions were once buzzed into the commons heads, and they thereby disquieted, Brutus called them to a generall assemblie.’ Where first and B formost he reciteth the oth of the people, That they should suffer none to be king, not oughtels in Rome, Brutus the Consul persuadeth Tar­quinius to give over the Consul­ship and depart. from whence might arise any danger to their libertie. This moth is the thing (quoth hee) that with all diligence, and by all meanes possible is to be maintained, and nothing therto appertaining is to be dispised and lightly regarded. ‘As for me, I am unwilling to speake, in re­spect of the person, neither would I speak at all, but that the love & affection to the C. W. doth overrule me. The people of Rome is not throughly persuaded, that they have recovered their entire and perfect libertie. For as yet the kings blood, yea and the kings name, not onely re­maineth still, but also beareth soveraigne rule in then citie: This is it that hurteth, this is it I say that hindereth their true freedome. Now quoth he, L. Tarquinius willingly of your owne ac­cord rid them of their fear. We remember well, we confesse and acknowledge, you it was that ex­pelled C the kings. Finish therefore and perfit this great benefit of yours: take away from hence the kings name also. As for your goods and substance, your citizens and countrimen, if they will be advised by me, shall not onely yeeld unto you againe, but if ought be short and wanting, shall by my consent supplie the same to the full right liberally. Depart I say, and friendly take your leave: deliver the citie and disburden them of this their feare, that peradventure is but vain and needlesse: Howbeit, this their minds give them, that together with the stocke and house of the Tarquines, the kings rule and government will likewise void and depart for ever. The Consull at this so strange and sodaine a motion, first wondred much, and was not able to open his mouth.’ But afterwards as he addressed himselfe and began to make a speech, the heads of the citie came about him, & with many praiers besought the same at his hands. As for all the rest, they prevai­led D full little with him. But after that Sp. Lucretius, a more grave and elder man than himselfe, of greater worth aforetime, and his father in law besides, took him in hand & dealt with him sundrie waies, one while by way of intreatie, otherwhiles by persuasions and reasons, that he would con­descend unto that which the citie in one generall consent required: then the Consull fearing, least hereafter being once out of his place and a private man againe, hee should chance to bee forced thereunto, with the losse of his goods and some disgrace perhaps besides; resigned up the office of the Consulship, and removing all that he had away to Lavinium, quit the citie and departed. Then Brutus by an act and decree of the Senat, proposed unto the people, That all the race and linage of the Tarquines should be exiled. And in a general Session of the Centuries, he created for to be his colleaque in goverment, P. Valerius, by whose assistance he had driven E out the kings.

No man doubted now that the Tarquines were about to take armes: yet that warre happened not so soone as men looked for: but see (a thing that no man feared) they had like by fraud and treason at home to have lost & forgone their freedome again. There were of the flower of Rome, certaine youths, A conspiracie of yoong gentle­men of the No­bilitie. & those of no low degree not base parentage descended, who in the kings daies had lived like yoong princes more loosely and at pleasure, as companions and plaifephers with the yoong Tarquines, the kings sonnes: who seeking to enjoy the same licentious life still, in this equality of estate wherin all others then lived, made mone and complained one to another, That the libertie of others turned to their servitude. ‘The king, say they, is a man, at whose hands one might obtaine somewhat, as need required, were the cause right or were it wrong: where a man F might find favour and friendship, as who could both be displeased and angrie, and also forgive and remit a fault, and knew well how to make difference betweene a friend and a foe. As for lawes, they are things dease and inexorable: more holsome and commodious to the poore than to the rich and mightie, affourding no release not pardon, if one chance to trespasse and transgresse: And a ticklish point it is and perilous, for a man among so many errours whereto our frailtie is subject, to beare himselfe onely upon his innocent life. Being thus of their owne accord alreadie [Page 46] discontent, sodainly unlooked for, there came embassadours from the kings, who without any G mention at all of returne, demaunded onely their goods againe.’ Vpon their message being being de­livered and heard in the Senate house, this debate and questions held them for certaine daies in counsell, fearing least that the goods not restored might minister occasion of quarrell, and be­ing rendered, yeeld maintenance and nourishment of warre. In the meane time the Embassa­dours dealt & treated with divers persons diversly: in open shew, claiming only their goods, but secretly and under hand, contriving how to compasse the kingdome for their maisters. And un­der colour of procuring friends for the accomplishement of that which they pretended, and was in question, they sounded eftsoones the minds of certaine noble young gentlemen, how they stood affected to their dessignements. Whose words and reasons were of them gently intertai­ned: and thereupon they delivered unto them letters from the Tarquines, and withall conferred H together, and practised the receiving of the kings privily by night into the citie. The execution of this plot was principally committed to certain of the Vitellij and Aquilij, that were brethen. A sister of the Vitellij was married unto the Consull Brutus, by whom he had two sons that were young men, Titus and Tiberius, whom their vncles by the mother side made partakers with them likewise of their counsell. Besides, there were diverse young gentleman (whose names long time hath worne out quite) made acquainted there with. In this meane season, their opinion in the Se­nat house prevailed, who thought is best that the goods should be restored: and the embassadors upon that occasion made stay in the cittie, for that they had gotten time of the Consuls to pro­vide carriage for to have away the kings staffe, and other moveable goods. All the time spent they in consulting with the Conspirators, and so importunatelylaboured them, untill they had I procured their letters also unto the Tarquinij: for otherwise (say they) how will they beleeve but that their Embassadours make wrong report of matters so important. The giving of those letters in pledge of their truth and plaine meaning, prooved to bewray and reveale their purpo­sed enterprise. For the day before the Embassadours were to take their leave, and returne to the Tarquines, they fortuned to sup with the Vitellij: and whilest the conspirators there, were in sad and close talke together, conferring at large about this new devised practise, and no man by but onely themselves (as the manner is:) a certaine bondslave chanced to overheare them, one that before, had an incling where about they went, but waited the opportunitie when the let­ters should be given to the Embassadors, which being found upon them, might directly prove the treason. This slave after he understood the letters were delivered, gave intelligence of all un­to K to the Consuls: who immediately departed from their houses to take the Embassadours, and the conspirators in the manner, The conspiracie [...]. and without any stirre or tumult light upon them unwares, and da­shed all. But of the letters they had a speciall care, that they should be forthcoming and not miscarie. And commiting the traitors forthwith to prison, they made some pause and doubt about the Embassadors, what to doe with them. For albeit they seemed to have deserved no lesse but to be vsed as enemies, and to have no favor at all, yet had they regard to the law of Nations. Now concerning the kings goods, which they thought meet before to be restored, the matter came about wholly in question againe before the Senatours: who being overcome with ire and indignation, denied flatly the rendring of them, yea and forbad they should bee consiscate and converted to the common treasure: but they were given away among the commons to make L spoile & havock thereof: to the end, that they having once touched or seised on the kings goods as a bootie, might for ever after bee past all hope of any peace of favour with them. The field of the Tarquines lying between the cittie and Tyber, was consecrated unto Mars, and after called Campus Maritus, Campus Maritus. i. Mars field. It happened (as men say) that there was at that time standing corne there, now ripe and readie for the harvest: which crop of the ground, because they made some scruple of conscience otherwise to consume, therefore it was cut downe, come, straw, stub­ble and all, and a great number of people sent thither at once to carrie it away in baskets and skeps, and poure it downe the Tyber, running then but shallow, as it useth to doe in the middest and heat of Summer. And so the heapes of corne, together with the mud stucke still and rested in the ebbe places and fourds of the river: and by little and little encreased with one thing or M other that came downe the streame, untill it became an Island. Afterwards, I suppose there were dams and piles made therunto, and by mans hand it grew so high, and so firm a peece of ground, that it was able to beare even temples and stately galleries that stood thereupon.

When the kings goods were thus spoiled, rifled, and made away, the traitors were condem­ned and put to death. Which suffering of theirs was the more notable, for that the father by his [Page 47] A place and vertue of his office, was bound and charged to see execution done upon his owne children: and he who otherwise ought not to have bene a spectator and looker on, euen he (such was his fortune) was forced of necessitie to be the principall actor in this tragicall execu­tion. Then stood these most noble youths bound fast to a stake. But among all, the Consull his children, turned upon them the cies of everie man, from all the rest, as unknowne persons and of no reputation; all men pitied them, not so much for being punished, as for de­serving by their fact to be punished: That they could find in their hearts and once let enter into their thought, to betraie into the hands of Tarquinius, sometimes a proud prince, and then a cruell enemie, and banished rebell, their native countrey, and lately and in that verie yeare set free from captivitie: their naturall father who set it free: the Consulship B sprung first out of the familie of the Iunij: the nobles, the commons, and in one word, all things whatsoever in Rome belonging either to God or man. The traitors ex­ecuted. Then came the consuls forth, tooke their places and set them downe on the tribunall seat. The Lictours were sent to doe their office, who first stripped them naked and scourged them with rods, and then with an axe chopt off their heads. All which time, Brutus putteth to death his owne children. the father himselfe, his countenance and visage was a wonderfull specta­cle to behold, considering how a fathers affection could hold out and abide the performance of this publike & exemplarie punishment. When the offenders had once suffered, to the end there might be shewed noble examples on both sides, for to debarre wickednes, and stop the course of sinne: the informer and reveiler of treason, had for his reward a peece of monie, out of the com­mon treasurie, obtained his freedome, and was enfranchised a citizen of Rome. This was the first C man as they say, that was made free by the rod Vindicta: for that the partie his name was Vindi­cius, from whence, as some thinke, the word Vindicta was derived: after whom, this was obser­ved. That whosoever in that sort gat their freedome, were supposed withall endenized.

When tidings here of came to Tarquinius, with the manner of proceeding in euerie circum­stance, he not onely grieued that so great hope of his was frustrate and come to nothing, but also was set on fire with hatred and indignation: and seeing the way shut up and stopped against all deceitfull courses, he thought there was no dealing now but by fine force and open warre. Where upon he went vp and downe, sollicited and made humble suit unto the cities of Etruria, and besought the Veientians especially, and the i. 'The men of Tarquinij. The speech of Tarquinius Su­perbus to the Tuskans. Tarquiniens, that they would not suffer him, being come of their own blood, a banished man, forlorne, poore & needie, dispossessed so latelie D of so goodly a realme and kingdome, together with his children (forward yoong men) to perish even before their eies. ‘Alledging that others had been sent for and set out of forrain parts unto Rome for to be kings: and he their leige king, and such an one as advanced still the Romane em­pire by martiall prowesse, was by the wicked conspiracie of his neerest kinsfolke and friends de­posed from his imperiall dignitie and expelled: and they now, because there was no one man thought sufficient and worthie to raigne, had parted betweene them the kingdome, and given among the people his goods as a spoile; that there might not be any one, who had not his finger, and whole hand in so foule a fact. Saying moreover, that his mind and intention was, to seeke meanes to returne into his owne countrie, to recover his crowne, yea and to persecute, and to be reuenged of those unthankfull subjects: and therefore praied them, to set to their helping E hand, and yeeld him assistance: and not to sit downe with so many old wrongs of their owne part received, namely, their legions so often hewen in peeces, their lands and livings taken from them: but to go with him for revenge. These suggestions mooved the Veientians, and everie man for himselfe muttered and gave out in threatening wise, that now at length, having a Romane cap­taine especially to be their leader, they were to doe away the soule dishonours sustained, and win againe what by former warre they had lost.’ As for the Tarquiniens, they were soon incited in regard of name and consanguinitie, and thought it was a godly matter and an honour unto them, to haue of their owne name and house to be kings of Rome. Thus two armies of two cities banded with Tarquine, for to restore him to his kingdome againe, and to make sharp warre upon the Romanes: who being entered the territorie of Rome, were met with by the Romane consuls. F The fooftmen marched under the conduct of Valerius, marshalled in a battallion soure square. Brutus with the horse went before to espie and discouer the coasts: In like sort the men of armes of the enemies rode foremost under the leading of Aruns Tarquinus the kings sonne, and the king himselfe in person followed with the legions. ‘ Aruns espying by the Lictors, the Consull a farre of, and as he approached neerer knowing Brutus more certainly by his face, all inflamed with yre: This is the gallant (quoth he) this is he, that hath driven and banished us out of our [Page 48] native countrie. Lo how bravelie he setteth forward, all gorgeously to be seene and dight in G our roiall ensignes and ornaments. Now helpe ye gods that are revengers of wrongs done to kings: and there withall set spurs to his horse, and ran amaine with full carriere upon the Consul his own person, intending certainly to speed him.’ Brutus perceived likewise that he made direct­ly toward him: (Now was it a noble and worthie sight for the captaines themselves to begin the battell.) Whereupon with resolute courage he encountereth him. And so fiercely they charged one another, and so deadly were they bent, that neither of them had regard to save himselfe, so hee might wound and mischeefe his enemie, but were both with a counterpush that quite pier­ced their targets run into the sides, and thrust through, and so having one anothers launce, stic­king in their bodies, fell from their horses readie to die. Herewith began on both sides the other horsemen to fight, and within a while the footmen also seconded them. And so equally were H they mached, and the barrell so indifferently fought, that it was verie doubtful whether side had the better. For on both parts the right wings got the upper hand, and downe went the left. The Veientians, The Veientians defeited by the Romanes. unto whom it was no newes to be overcome of Romanes, were discomfited and put to flight. But their new enemies the Tarquiniens, not onely held their owne and stood to it, but also from their battel put backe, & forced the Romans to give ground, and gave them the repulse. After this conflict there fell such a fear and terror upon Tarquinius, and the Tuscanes, that both armies as well of the Veientians as the Tarquiniens, gave over their enterprise with doing just nothing, and by night dislodged and departed every man to his owne home. This battell was more notable by reason of certaine miracles that men report: namely, that in the dead time of the night next following, when all were at rest, there was heard a mightie voice of Sylvanus (as I men thought) out of the wood Arsia, to utter these words, THAT THERE VVAS SLAINE ON THE TVSCANES PART MORE BY ONE, AND THAT THE ROMANES VVAN THE FIELD. Thus verely and no otherwise departed they asunder: the Romanes as winners, and the Tuskans as having the worse. For the next morrow, so soone as it was day, and that none of the enemies appeared in sight, P. Valerius the Consull gathered up the spoile together, and returned from thence with triumph to Rome, and performed the funerals of his brother Consull, in all sump­tuous maner and solemn pompe, as possibly at that time he could deuise. But, that which did him the greatest honour after his death, was the publicke sorrow and heavinesse of the cittie, in this respect above all singular and memorable, for that the dames and Matrones of Rome mourned a whole yeare for him, as for their own father, in that he had ben so sharp a revenger of violence K done to the chasthie of women.

After this, the Consull that survived, presently upon the great liking and favour that hee was in (see how wavering and unconstant the minds are of the common people) was not onely envi­ed, but also suspected, yea and charged with an odious and horrible crime. The voice went and bruied it was abroad, that he aspired to the crown. And why? because forsooth he had not cho­sen unto him a new fellow Consull in the roome of Brutus: and began to build aloft on the top of Velia, where (say they) in an high place and strongly scituate, hee may make a castle impreg­nable. These things commonly spoken and credited too, vexed much, and mightily greeved the Consull in his very soule, as a great indignitie offered unto him. Whereupon hee assembled the people together, and causing the rods to be held downewards to the ground, went up into the L pulpit to make an Oration unto them. That sight pleased the multitude passing well, taking it for a plaine demonstration, that the markes and ensignes of rule and government submitted unto them, was a very acknowledging and confession that the people was of greater majestie and power than the Consull. P. Valerius the Consull, unto the people. ‘Where after silence made, and commandement to hearken and give eare, the Consull began highly to extoll the fortune and good hap of his Colleague de­ceased, who having with great honour set his countrey free, ended his daies, fighting manfully in defence of the Weale-publicke, even in the prime, height, and best time of his glorie, ere that it became subject unto envie: but he himselfe outliving it, remained alive, exposed unto criminous slanders and spigthfull malice of men, and of a deliverer and redeemer of his countrey, was now reputed no better than the Aquillij and Vitellij. And will you never indeed (quoth hee) approoue M the vertuous and honest conversation of a man so well, but it shall be tainted with vnjust suspi­tion? What? would any man thinke, that I being so fierce and fell an enemie of the kings, should ever feare to incurre the jelousie of men, for seeking to bee king? What if I dwelt on the top of Tarpeie cliffe, even in the verie Capitoll, should I beleeve and thinke it possible, that my coun­treymen, neighbours and cittizens, would stand in feare of me? and will so small a matter as this [Page 49] A turne the balance of your opinion and conceit of mee? Is your assiance and confidence in mee grounded so slightly, and standeth it upon so nice tearms and ticklish points, that you force more and make greater reckoning of my dwelling place, than of the qualitie of my person. Wel, P. Va­lerius his house shall be no hinderance or impeachment unto your libertie, O Quirites, ye shall not need to feare any harme from Velia for me. I will remove my house not only downe into the plaine, but even to the valley under the hill foot, that you may dwell above me, and overlook me (a suspected cittizen.) Let them a gods name build in Velia, who may be better trusted with the cities freedom, than P. Valerius. Then was immediatly the timber and all carried downe beneath Velia, & where as now Vicus Publicus is, in the very bottome of the hill, was his house reedified.’

After this were lawes enacted, which not only acquit the Consull, and cleared him of all sus­pition B of affecting to the kingdome, but also contrariwise wrought such effect, that he became exceeding popular againe, wherupon, he was surnamed Publicola or Poplicola. And first and for­most the Statute passed as touching the appeale unto the people, Valerius surna­med Publicola or Poplicola. against the rulers and Magi­strates. Item, concerning the cursing & condemning of him both bodie and goods, that should intend or plot to usurpe princely dominion over them. These acts the commons liked well of. Which when he had alone ordained, that all the thankes and praise might bee his therefore, then assembled he a generall Session for the substituting of another Consull unto him, in the roome of his colleague departed. So, Sp. Lucretius was created Consull: who being an aged man and of great yeares, feeble withall, and not able toexecute the office and function of a Consull, within few dates pased nature her debt and died. And in place of Lucretius was M. Horatius Pul­villus C chosen. In some ancient writers I doe not find that Lucretius was Consull. For immediatly after Brutus they make mention of Horatius. But I thinke verily because no act of his, made his Consulship memorable, thereupon he was forgotten and left out. Now as yet was not the tem­ple of Iupiter in the Capitoll dedicated. And when Valerius and Horatius the Consuls, cast lots whether of them twaine should performe that dutie, the charge fell unto Horatius, and Publi­cola went forth to the Veientian warre. But the kinsfolke and friends of Valerius tooke it more greevously and impatiently than reason was, that the honour of the dedication of so famous a temple, was given unto Horatius. Devising therfore by all means possible they could, to impeach it, and seeing they had assaied all in vain, and nothing tooke effect: even at the very instant, whiles the Consull was holding a post of the temple, and in his solemne praiers to the god, behold D they brought unto him heavie and wofull newes, that his sonne was dead, and that he might not lawfully, whiles his houshold mourned and was polluted with a dead corps, consecrate the tem­ple. Whether it were, that he gave no credit to the messenger, or rather was of heart so stout, nei­ther is it for certaine reported, nor easie for a man to divine. But for all these tidings, never a jot was he turned from his purpose, nor said ought els to the messenger, but willed that hee should bid the corps to bee had forth to buriall, and so holding the pillar or post still, said out his praier, and dedicated the temple. These were the acts done both at home and abroad, in the first yeare after the expulsion of the kings.

Then were P. Valerius the second time, and T. Lucretias created Consuls. ‘By this time were the Tarquines fled for succour to Lartes Porsena king of Clusium: where, by many reasons & remon­strances, E intermedled with praier, one while they besought him not to suffer them, descended from the Tuscans, of the same bloud and name, to live needie & forlorn in perpetual exile; other­while they advised and warned him not to put up without revenge, this new fashion of expelling kings, now comming up. Saying, that libertie in it selfe had sweetnesse ynough: and unlesse kings would defend and maintaine their crownes with as great might and maine, as citties desired to enjoy freedome, there would be a generall confusion, and all things turned upside down: neither would there be in States and Commonwealths any thing a lost and eminent above other, endu­red: whereupon would insue a finall end of kingly regiment, a thing with God and man of all other most excellent and beautifull. Porsena supposing it would be an honourable matter unto the Tuscanes, Porsena before geth Rome. both to have a king at Rome, and a king too of the Tuscanes line, came with a cruel F armie against Rome.’ Never was the Sena at any time afore put in such feare: so mightie in those daies was the puissance of Clusium, and the name of Porsena so renowmed. Moreover, they feared not their enemies onely, but also their owne subjects at home, least peradventure the Communaltie of Rome for feare of warre, should receive the king into the cittie, and accept of peace, though it cost them their libertie. During which time the Commons were entertained of the Nobles with all kindnesse, and many favours and courtesies they had at their hands. And [Page 50] above all things order was taken for provision of graine and victuals. And for to purvey store of G corne, some were sent to the Volsci, others to Cumes. Over and besides the licence of selling salt, because it was sold at an exceeding high price, was taken from private salters, and was under­taken by the citie, with all the cost and charges ther to belonging by them defraied, & salt delive­red out to the people at an easie reckoning. The commons also were freed of portage, tollage, and tribute; and rich men that were able to beare the burthen, were assessed at all paiments and contributions: the poore were thought to be charged enough with the bringing up of their chil­dren. This kind dealing and indulgencie of the Nobles, kept the citie afterwards (notwithstan­ding their hard distresse of siege and famine) in such concord and unitie, that the meanest as well as the highest abhorred and detested the name of KK. And never after was there any one pri­vate person, so popular, so devoted to the people by craftie meanes and indirect courses tending H to their particular dessignes, as the whole Senat was at that time, by their good government of the Commonweale. Now when the enemies approached neere at hand, everie man made shift for himselfe, forsooke the countries and came into the citie. Which they fortified with strong guards round about: so that what with wals and bulwarks on the one side and what with the Tyber on the other side, it seemed sure enough, and sufficiently defended. The wooden bridge had like to have given the enemie enterance, The [...] Horatius [...]. had not the valour of one man beene, even Horatius Codes (who that day by the good fortune of the Romances was a fortresse unto the citie of Rome.) He as good hap was, appointed to ward and keepe the bridge, seeing the Ianicle by a sud­dame assault wonne, and that the enemies ran down so furiouslie from thence upon him, and contratiwise, the multitude of his owne companies for feare, to forgoe their weapons, breake I their arraies, and to be gone: tooke hold of everie man, opposed himselfe against them afront: and calling God and man to witnesse, protected, shewed and declared unto them, that forsaking and abandoning thus their quarter, all their flying was but in vaine: for if they left the bridge on their backs, to yeeld passage to the enemies, there would anone be more of them in Palati­um and the Capitoll, than in the Ianicle: and therfore he willed and commanded them, yea and gave them direction to breake downe the bridge, by hewing, by firing, or by what meanes they possible could: assuring them for his owne part, so much as the bodie of one onlie man was able to doe, he would receive, and withstand the violence of the enemies. Then advanceth he himselfe unto the first entrie or foot of the bridge, and all goodly to bee seene, amongst those that would no point fight, but shewed their backes, he so bent his sword and target in their verie faces, reso­lute K to encounter with them hand to hand, that even with his wonderfull hardines and incredible courage, he astonied & amazed his enemies. Howbeit, two there were that for verie shame +aried still and stood to him, namely Sp. Largius and Tit. Herminius, bravemen both, as well for noble birth as worthie deeds. Assisted for a while with these gallants, sustained he the first storme of dan­ger and most cumbersome push of the skirmish. But as they that were hewing downe the bridge called upon them to come backe, he constreined those two also to retire and save themselves, while; some little part of the bridge was left behind free and uncut. Then casting all about in menacing manner his fierie and terrible cies, towards the captaines and principals of the Tus­kanes, one while he chalenged them one by one to single fight: otherwhiles he rated them all in generall, calling them the hirelings and slaves of proud kings and tyrants; who forgetting and M making no reckoning of their owne freedome, were come to oppugne and impeach the libertie of others. The enemies stood at a baye and in suspence a good whie, looking about them one upon another who should first begin to fight. At last, verie shame made the whole troupe to sturre and comeforward, and so setting up a loud crie, from all sides they let slie their javelins at him, one man alone and their on lie enemie. All this while bare he off their shot which light upon his target, and there stucke, and na [...]h'lesse with full resolution kept the bridge still, walking his stations, and staulking like a giant. Then assaied they with all their force to beare the man down, and to turne him over into the water: but by this this time the cracke of the bridge broken un­der him, and the shout withall of the Romanes, for joy that they had finished their worke, staied with suddaine feare their violent assault. ‘Then praied Cooles in this wise: O father Tiberinus (quoth L hee) O sacred river, with devout heart I thee beseech, receive with thy gracious and mercifull streame, this harnish, these weapons, and this thy soldier.’ And so all armed as he was, he leapt into the Tyber: and albeit many a dart was flung from alost and light upon him, yet he swam over and escaped safe to his fellowes. A brave adventure for all posteritie another day to talke of, rather than to beleeve. For this so great fortitude and resolution of his, the citie was [Page 51] A thankfull, and in token thereof his Image or Statue was set up in their common hall, named Co­mitium, and as much ground given him in compasse, as he was able with a plough to break up in one day. Amongst these publick favors and honors done unto him, the kind affections and good wils of privat persons also, wel appeared: for in that extream want and scarsitie that then was, eve­ry man out of his house-store and provision spared from himselfe, and for to give him one thing or another, defrauded his owne bellie. Thus Porsena with the repulse of this his first enterprise, changed his mind from assaulting, to besieging of the cittie: and after he had placed a garrison in the Ianiculum, hee planted himselfe and encamped on the plaine even upon the banckes of the Tyber. And sending for boates and craiers from all parts, both to stop the mouth and pas­sage of Tyber, that no corne should come in and bee conve [...]ed to Rome: and also that the soul­diors B as they saw occasion, might crosse the river, and fetch booties in diverse and sundrie pla­ces at their pleasure, in short space he brought the whole country about Rome to such streights, that not onely other things were brought in, but all their cartell also was faine to be driven out, the fields into the cittie, and no man durst put any creature forth out of the gates. The Tuscanes were permitted to be thus bold, not so much for feare as for a policie: for Valerius the Consull waiting for some vantage and opportunitie, suddainely to set upon many of them at once and at unawares, as they stragled abroad disorderly, making little regard to revenge small matters, kept himselfe to be revenged of them throughly, and to pay them home one time or other. To the end therefore he might draw forth these forragers, and toll them abroad, hee gave his men in charge and proclaimed, That the next day in great companies they should put their cattell C forth at the gate Esquilina, which was furthest from the enemies: supposing that they would have intelligence thereof, by reason that in this extremitie of long siege and pinching hunger, some false knaves and disloiall rogues, would flie unto them. And so fell it out indeed. For they had knowledge thereof by a fugitive slave. Whereupon they in farre greater multitudes passe over the river, in hope to make a generall spoile and havock once for all. Then Valerius commanded T. Herminius with a sufficient companie to lie close in ambush at two miles end, in the Sabine high way, and Sp. Largius with a power of lustie tall fellows lightly armed, to keep; the gate Col­lina, until the enemie were gone by and past: with direction, then to put himselfe betweene the river and them, and so to intercept them in their returne. The other Consull T. Lucretius issued forth with certaine bands of footmen at the gate Naevia: and Valerius himselfe in proper Per­son set forth from mount Coelius certaine ensignes of his best and choice souldiors. These first D were descried and discovered by the enemie. Herminius so soon as he heard some noise and stir, arose and ran at once out of the ambush, and whilest the Tuscanes turned so set upon Lucretius, he charged them lustily at their backs: so that on every hand from the gate Collina on the one side, & from the gate. Naevia on the other, the al'arme was given. Thus the robbers were slain and cut in peeces in the midst of them: both for that they were overmatched in fight, & also because all the waies were stopped up, that they could not escape by way of flight. And never after durst the Tuscanes raunge about the countrey so audaciously. Howbeit, the siege continued never­thelesse, with great scarsitie of corne, and exceeding dearth within the cittie. And Porsena had good hope by sitting still, The valiant reso­lution of C. Mu­nus to force it in the end, and be maister thereof. ‘At what time one C. Mu­tius E a noble young and gentleman, who thought it a dishonour and soule shame, that the people of Rome, who all the while they were in bondage under kings, were in no warre nor by any enemies beleagerd, should now, being the same still, in time of their freedome, be of these Tuscanes be­sieged, whose armies they often had defeited: and supposing that by some hardie and adventu­rous peece of service this reprochfull indignitie was to be revenged, devised at first on his owne head to enter into the enemies campe: but fearing afterwards to go without commission from the Consull, and the knowledge of any other person, least peradventure he might bee taken by the watch of the Romans, and brought backe for a traiterous runagate, at such a time especially, when the hard estate of the cittie was ynough to bring him into a deepe suspition, and to be re­puted for no better: presented himselfe before the Counsell into the Senate house: I am right F willing, and I have a purpose my LL (quoth hee) to passe over the Tybre, yea and if I can, to en­ter the campe of the enemies, not in qualities of a robber, nor to bee revenged for booties from us taken, with doing the semblable. A greater exploit with the favour of the gods, I intend to performane. The Senatours gave their consent, and approved his dessignment. Then with a skeine hidden under his garment, he setteth forward.’ Being thither come into the campe, he presseth in the thickest throng to stand neere the kings Tribunall. It fortuned that then and there, the [Page 52] souldiors were receiving their pay. And the Chancellor, or kings principal Secretarie, sat toge­ther G with the king in like array, much emploied and busied in many matters, and the souldiours commonly had recourse unto him. ‘ Mutius fearing to enquire whether of them two were Por­sena, least by not knowing the king, he should bewray himselfe who hee was, happened (see how fortune in her rathnesse directed his hand) to kill the Secretarie in stead of the king: then as he passed through the fearefull multitude, making himselfe way with his bloudie blade, there was a present outcrie, and therat the kings guard came running in, laid hold of him, and brought him backe before the king his ro [...]all throne: and albeit he was now forlorne and without all suc­cour, amidst those threats of frowning fortune, [...] his speech to king Po [...]ena yet as a man more feared stil than fearing: I am (quoth he) a citizen of Rome, and Caius Mutius is my name, a prosessed enemie, I confesse, and an enemie would I have staine; as readie and willing am I to die my selfe, as I was to kill ano­ther. H For both to doe, and to suffer valiantly, is the part of a noble Romane. And it is not I alone that carrie this mind and resolution against thee, O king, there is a long traine and crue behind, of them that seeke to win the same praise and honour: make thee readie therefore, and arme thy selfe, if thou thinke good, against this danger, and reckon everie hower to bee in hazard of thy life, and to have alwaies at the verie court gates thy enemies sword. This kind of warre doe we youths of Rome denounce openly unto thee: no battell, no fight else shalt thou need to fear. With thee alone will we all, one by one have to do, and with none other.’ Hereat the king incen­sed with wrath, and for the danger that he stood in, affrighted with all, commanded in menacing wise that he should be fried at a stake, unlesse he would presently unfold in plaine tearmes, what secret and dangerous practises he meant and threatened under this covert circuit of words and I intricate circumstances. Lo, (quoth hee againe) how little they set by this carkasse, that aspire to great glorie, & aime at honour: and with that, thrust his right hand into the hearth on fire that was made for the sacrifice, & when he indured the rosting there of, as if he had been senselesse, and felt no paine, the king welneere astonished at this wonderful and miraculous sight, start up and leapt from his roiall seat and chaire of estate, commanding the young man to bee had from the altar. [...] his [...] to Mutius. ‘Goe thy waies(quoth hee) in peace, thou that hast done thine owne selfe more mischeefe, than thou hast attempted against my person. I would say God blesse thee, & worthie hadst thou been of honour for thy prowesse, if it were in my service, and in the behalfe and defence of mine owne countrey: and now by the law of armes. I discharge thee freely, and give thee leave to de­part without any hurt or abuse offered unto thee.’ Then Mutius, as it were to require againe his K courtesie and desert. Ma [...]ius to Por­ [...]. ‘Forasmuch as (quoth he) thou settest so great store by valour, and honou­rest vertue so highly; to the end it may bee seene that thou shalt get at my hands by courtesie that which by cruel threats thou couldst not: these are therfore to let thee understand, that there are three hundred of us noble youths, even the very flower and knighthood of Rome, that have conspired & sworne thy death, and in this manner to assaile thee. My lot it was to be the first, the rest as it shall fall out, will be here shortly, and wait everie man his turne and time, untill they hit right upon thee.’ Mutius, surnamed afterwards Scavola, by reason of the maime of his right hand, M [...]rius su [...]na­med S [...]rol [...]. was no sooner dismissed and gone, but there followed streight after him to Rome, Embas­sadours from Porsena; and so much troubled in spirit was he, both for the danger past of the first assault(from which nothing preserved him but a small error and oversight of the assailant) L and also for the hazard to come, (for looke how many conspirators remained behind to give the like attempt, so often stood he in jeopardie of his life) that of his owne accord he offered the Romanes conditions of peace. And among other capitulations, he stood hard upon this article (but al in vain) of restoring the Tarqaines into their kingdom. This point the king urged instatnly rather because hee could not well himselfe denie the Tarquines so much, than for that hee was ignorant, that the Romanes would never yeeld thereto. But another article hee got graunted, namely, the restitution of the Veientians lands againe: and the Romanes were driven of neces­sitie to give him hostages, Peace betweene Po [...]n [...] and the Romaner. in case they would have the kings garison to quit the Ianiculum. Vpon these conditions peace was concluded, and Porsena withdrew his forces from the Ianiculum, dis­lodged & departed out of the territorie of Rome. The Senators bestowed franckly upon Mutius, M as a testimoniall of his valiantnesse, a peece of ground lying beyond Tyber, which wasafter­wards called Mutia prata. i. Mutius his meddowes.

Vpon this honourable regard and reward of vertue, women were likewise provoked and en­couraged to enterprise worthie acts in the service of the Commonweale. For a yoong damosell and virgin named Cladia, one of those hostages aforesaid, whiles the Tuskanes were encamped [Page 53] A(as it fell out) not farre from the bankes of Tyber, deceiving her keepers and leading a compa­nie of other maydens after her, even within the shot and darts of the enemies, tooke the river, swam over with them, The com [...]tend [...] ­bledeed of Cloc [...]a brought them all to Rome safe, and delivered them to their parents, kins­folke and friends. Which being reported to the king, he at the first stormed at it, and was all in a rage, and sent unto Rome certaine Oratours to demaund againe his hostage Claelia by name: as for all the rest, he made no great account of them: but afterwards, upon further considerati­on he admired the enterprise, and plainly said, it surpassed farre all the adventures of the Coclites and the Mutij: so as he pretended that if the mayde were not rendered againe, he would take the league as broken, and being yeelded, he would send her backe to her friends, undefiled and with­out any abuse or violence done unto her. On both parts was promise faithfully kept: Forboth B the Romanes restored the pledge of peace according to covenant, and seene also it was, that ver­tue was not onely secured safe, but also highly regarded and honoured with the Tuskane king. For after he had commended and praised the damsell, he promised to give her part of the hosta­ges, chuse whom she would. And when they were all brought forth before her, she made choise (they say) of those yoong boies that were under 14 years of age: which was not onely most besitting her virginitie, but also by the accord of the hostages themselues, best approved: name­lie, that that age especially should be delivered out of the enemies hands, which was most sub­ject to injurie and taking wrong. The peace thus renewed and confirmed, the Romanes rewar­ded this rare valour in that sex, with as new and strange an honour, for, in remembrance of her, in the top of Via sacra, there was erected her statue, A MAIDEN SITTING ON HORSEBACKE.

C There remaineth yet even unto our daies amongst other solemne ceremonies, this one cu­stome received from our ancestours, farre differing and disagreeing from this peaceable and friendly departure of the Tuskane king from before the citie of Rome, and this it is: In the port­sale of goods they use to proclaime first aloud, THE SALE OF KING PORSENNA HIS GOODS. This ceremoniall custome must needs eyther begin in time of warre, and so was not afterwards forgotten in peace: or else arose from some more gratious and gentle occasion at the first, than this title or outward forme pretendeth, of selling goods by way of hostilitie, & after the manner of enemies. But the likeliest conjecture and neerest to the truth of all those that are given out, is this: that Porsena dislodging from the Ianicle, gave freely unto the Romanes, (the citie at that time being after long siege distressed & in great streights) his rich campe furnished with victuall D and provision, conveied thither out of the plentifull countries of Hetruria, neere adjoyning: which goods, for feare there should have beene some havocke & spoile made therof in warlike wise, in case the people had beene let loose to the rifling of the tents, were after sold, and called Porsena his goods: which title signified rather their thankful acceptation of the gift, and remem­brance of the giver, than any open and ouversale of the kings goods, which were not so much as in the Romanes power, nor at their disposition.

Thus Porsena having given over the Romane warre, because he would not seeme to have brought an host of men into those parts, and performed no exploit, sent his sonne Aruns with part of his forces, Rizza to surprise and assault Atricia. At the first this suddaine and unexpected enter­prise, much troubled the Aricins, but afterward when they had gotten aid both from the Latine E nations and also from Cumes, they tooke such heart againe, that they durst enter into the field and bid the enemie bartell. In the beginning of the conflict, the Tuskans charged them so hotly, that at the verie first encounter, they brake the arraies of the Aricines. But the troupes of the Cu­mans setting pollicie against force, went a little aside, made way & gave some ground, and when the enemies had outstripped them, and were rashly and disorderlie passed beyond them, they turned their ensignes, and set upon their backs: so were the Tuskanes being in the verie traine of their victorie, be set round about, and slaine in the mids betweene. Onely a small remnant of them after the losse of their captaine, because they had no other place of refuge neerer, were faine to trudge to Rome without weapons and disarmed, like suppliants both in deed and shew. Where they were kindly entertained and bestowed in severall lodgings. Some of them when F they were cured of their wounds repaired home, reporting the hospitalitie and courteous usage they had found. Many remained still at Rome for love of their hosts and the citie: who had a place allotted them to dwell in, which after they called Thuscus vicus, the Tuskane street.

After this, were P. Lucretius and P. Valerius the third time created Coss. ‘In that yeare, for a small end, there came embassadours from Porsenna, to treat about the restoring of the Tarquins into their realme: to whom this answere was returned: that the Senate would send embassadors [Page 54] to the king himselfe: wherupon their were immediatlie addressed unto him in embassie the G most honourable personages of all the nobilitie, who in the name of the people of Rome deli­vered this speach: That the chiese of their nobles were sent, rather than any dispatch given by word of mouth unto his embassadours at Rome; [...]. not for that they could not haue shapen them this short answere, They would no kings have: But to this end, that for ever after there should be no suite renewed of that matter, nor in so great mutuall benefits, and fauours passed between them, some discontentment arise on eyther side, whiles he might be thought to request that which was repugnant and prejudiciall to the libertie of Rome, and the Romances againe, unlesse they would be executors of their owne wrongs, and seeke their owne mischievance, to make deniall unto him, whom by their goods wils, they would not seem to denie ought for anything in the world. But as to the substance of the matter, this was the point: namelie, that the people of H Rome were not under the regiment of a king, but were a free state: and fullie setled in this pur­pose, To set open their gates to enemies, sooner than to kings: and were all generallie of this mind and resolution, That looke when the freedome of that citie had an end, then should the citie come to an end also. To conclude therfore, they were to intreat him, that if he tendered the weale and safetie of Rome, he would permit them to be free still and at their owne libertie.’ ‘The king overcome with verie modestie, and much abashed in himselfe, answered thus againe: Since you are so fully minded and stislie bent (quoth hee) neither will I importune you, nor dull your eares with harping still upon this unpleasant string, and do no good: nor beare the Terquines any longer in hand, and deceiving them of that hope of aide, which nothing at all is in my power to performe. Let them from henceforth seeke some other place of exile, either for I peace or warre, as they shall thinke more expedient, that there may be nothing to let and hin­der the free course of amitie, and alliance betweene mee and you.’ To these good and kind words he joyned better and more friendlie deeds. For all the hostages that remained in his hand, he sent home: and the Veientians lands which by the covenants indented at Ianiculum, were ta­ken away, he restored to the Romanes againe. Thus Tarquine seeing all hope of returne cut of, remooved unto Tusculum to this sonne in law Mamilius Octavius, there to live and spend the rest of his daes in banishment. So there continued faithfull peace betweene the Romanes and king Porsena.

Then were Coss, M. Valerius and P. Posthumius. In that yeare the Romances fought with the Sabines fortunatelie, and the Consuls triumphed. But afterwards the Sabines made greater K preparation of warre: to withstand whom, as also for feare of some suddaine danger that might arise from Tusculum, from whence they suspected warre, although none was openly seene, were P. Valerius the fourth time, and T. Lucretius the second time created Coss. But among the Sa­bines, there grew some civile discord betweene that part that would have war, and the contrarie that sought peace: which gained the Romanes some strength even from thence. For Appius Clausus (who afterwards at Rome was surnamed Appius Claudius) a persuader himselfe of quiet­nes & repose, App [...] Claud [...]us being overmatched and not able to make his part good with the adverse faction that minded and stirred troubles, accompanied with a great power of friends & followers, from Regillum fled to Rome. Who were enfranchised citizens and possessed of those lands that lie beyond the river [...] Anio. And from hence came the name of the old tribe Appia: after that L other new citizens were put unto them, those I meane, that descended of that race, and out of the same territorie. Tribe Appia. This Appius was admitted into the number of the Senatours, and not long after advanced to be one of the chiese men and heads of the citie. The Coss. went with a strong power into the Sabines land, where after they had first wasted the countrie, and after in battell abated the strength and puissance of the enemies; so, as for a long time after they needed not to feare anie rebellion from thence, they returned to Rome in triumph.

The yeare following, when Agrippa Menenius and P. Posthumius were Coss. P. Valerius en­ded his dates in great glorie, reputed the onely singular man in those times, by all mens judge­ment, for skill and knowledge as well in martiall feats, as in civile affaires: but so poore was his estate, The [...] of [...]. that he had not wherwith to deffray his funerall expenses, and was therfore at the cities M charge right honourablie enterred. And the dames of Rome mourned for him as they did for Brutus.

The same yeare two Colonies of the Latines, Pome [...]ia and Cora, revolted to the Auruncans. The Romanes first began to warre upon the Auruncans. And after they had discomfited a great host of them, who met with the Consuls as they entered the borders, and fiercely made head [Page 55] A against them, then all the Auruncane warre was driven and translated wholly to Pometia. The camage and execution was no lesse after the conflict, than during the fight: for whereas there were many more of them slaine outright in the place than taken prisoners, those also that were prisoners, they spared not, but murdered every where as they went: neither staied the furious rage of warre therewith, but even the very hostages whom they had received, to the number of 300, they put to the sword. In this yeare also was a triumph at Rome.

The Consuls Optter Virginius, and Sp. Cassius, that followed the next yeare, assailed Pometia, first by fine force to skale that wals, after with pavoised, mantelets, platformes, & other fabriks, rai­sed against it. Vpon whom the Auruncans sallied forth, rather of a cankred & malicious hatred than for any hope or vantage given them of good exploit: the greater part of the furnished better with fireworks than armed with sword and speare, killed and burned all afore them: and B having thus fired their fabrikes aforesaid, hurt and slaine a greater number of their enemies, one of the Consuls also (but his name precisely is not by any authour set downe) was sore wounded, strucken downe from his horse, and welneere slaine. Whereupon the Romanes returned backe to Rome thus unhappily defeated, leaving the Consull behind them amongst many that were hurt, like to die. Soone after, and no longer than whilest their wounds might be healed, and a new supplie of souldiours made, they came against Pometia, in more furious manner than before, and also with a stronger power. And when by making of new mantelets and other warlike instru­ments of assault, they were proceeded thus forward, that the souldiours were readie to skale and get up the wall, then they within yeelded: and notwithstanding the towne was thus surrendred C up, yet there was no more mercie shewed unto it, than if it had beene forced by assault. The cheefe and pincipall citizens shamefully lost their heads, the rest of the inhabitants were sold at the speare in ouvert market like slaves, the town sackt and rased to the ground, yea & mony made of all the lands belonging to it. The Consuls for that they had so wreaked their anger, and sharpely revenged themselves, more than for any great warre they had finished, obtained tri­umph.

The yeare following, were Posthumius Caninius and T. Largius Consuls. In this yeare, during the games and plaies at Rome, certaine yonkers of the Sabines, went about in a wanton jolitie to carrie away and ravish the curtizans and common strumpets of the cittie. Whereupon the people ran together, and made a roiot, grew to words, and from words to brawles, insomuch, as D they went together by the eares, and made a fray in manner of a battell: upon which smal occa­sion, there was a rebellion like to insue. Over and besides the feare of the Latines warre, (for to encrease their troubles the more) newes came, and it was certainly known, that by the solliciting and practice of Octavious Mamilius, there were alreadie thirtie nations banded together against the Romanes. The citie thus being perplexed for the event and expectation of these so great occurrents, there arose the first occasion and mention made of creating a Dictator. But neither in what yeare, nor in what Consuls time (for that it can hardly be beleeved, that they should be of the Tarquines faction, and yet that also is reported) nor yet who was first created Dicta­tor, is it certainely knowne: Dictator first created at Rome. Howbeit, in the most auncient writers I find, that T. Largius was cre­ated the first Dictator, and C [...]eus Cassius generall of the horsemen: and Consular men ( i. such E as had beene Consuls afore) they were that elected him: for so the law provided that was ena­cted, concerning the creation of a Dictator. And this induceth mee the rather to beleeve, that Largius an auncient man, and one who had been Consull before, was appointed as a controller and maister over the Consuls, and not M. Valerius the sonne of Marcus, and grandson of Vólesus, who as yet had not attained to the Consuls dignitie. For if these Consular men aforesaid, had ben minded to have chosen a Dictator out of that house above all other, surely they would have made choise rather of his father M. Valerius, a noble personage, of approved prowesse and valor, and one besides that had ben Consull. When the Dictator was once chosen at Rome, and the axes were seene borne before him, the commoners stood in great awe, and took better regard to be obedient at every becke and command. For neither could they make account of any help (as F they might under the Consuls, who were both in commission alike, & of equall authority, when they had recourse from the one to the other) nor yet appeale unto the people: no nor looke for succour at all, but in their own double dilligence & care of obedience. The Sabines likewise were afraid of the Dictator thus created at Rome: and so much the more, because they were verily persuaded he was made of purpose for them: and thereupon, they sent embassadors to treat for peace, who beseeching the Dictator and the Senate to pardon so small a fault, and being but a [Page 56] tricke of youth, receiued this answere: That youths indeed might well be pardoned, but such old G babes as they might not, who never rested to sow debate, and minister occasion of one warre af­ter another. Howbeit, they sat in consultation about a peace, and obtained it had ben, if the Sa­bines could have found in their hearts and condescended, to make good and repay the expen­ses that the Romanes had disbursed about the warre: for that was the thing demanded at their hands. So, defiance was sent and war proclaimed. And yet for that yeare all was quiet, as it were in time of a secret truce, during the Consulship of Servius Sulpitius, and M. Manlius Tullus, in whose yeare there was nothing done worthie of remembrance.

After them were T. Ebutius, and C. Vet [...]sius. In their time [...] Fidene was besieged, [...] Crustume­ria woon, and P [...]lastrina Or [...]. Preneste revolted from the Latines unto the Romanes. And the Latine warre, which had ben a breeding and budding for certain years, was no longer delaied, but brake forth. H A. Posthumius the Dictatour, and T. Ebutius Generall of the cavallerie, with great power of foot and horse, set forward and advaunced as farre as the lake Regillus, in the teritorie of Tusculum, and there encountred the armie of the enemies, T [...]us [...]ulo. in their march. And because they heard say that the Tarquines were in the host of the Latines, they could not for anger forbeare any longer, but presently fell to it, and began battaile. This field was fought right fiercelie, and cost more blood­shed a good deale, than others usually before: because the Generals and chiefe Commaunders were there present, not only to give direction by their counsell & advice, but also in person them­selves hazarded their own bodies, & fought bravelie in the medley. And not one almost of the principall leaders, escaped out of the skirmish, eyther of one side of the other, safe and sound, save onely the Romane Dictatour. For as Posthumius was encouraging his men, and setting them I in aray in the vaward, The famous bat­tell a [...] the lake Regil [...]us Tarquinius Superbus (albeit he was now verie aged & unwieldie, and not able to be [...]irre himselfe) set spurs to his horse, and ran full but against him. But having caught a thrust from a side, was rescued by his men that came about him, and retired to a place of safetie. And in the other wing, Ebutius Generall of the horsemen, set upon Oct. Mamilius: but he, the captain I meane of the Tuscalanes, was well ware of him, and espied him comming, and ran his horse with full carriere likewise upon him, and so desperately they bare their launces one against the other, that Ebutius was run quite through the arme, and Mamilius wounded in the brest, whom the Latines succoured and received into the middle ward. As for Ebutius not able any longer to beare his staffe, with his arme sore hurt, withdrew himselfe out of the battell. The leader of the Latines, nothing dismaied for all his hurt, maintained fight still: and seeing his souldiors some­what K distressed, he sendeth for the regiment of the Romane exuls, that were under the leading of L. Tarquini [...]s his son: who sticking more courageously unto it, for anger that their goods were spoiled, and they driven out of their owne countrey, renued the combate afresh for a while. And as the Romanes from that quarter began to recule and give ground, M. Valerius, the brother of Publicola, espying young Tarquine vaunting himselfe gloriously in the fore­front of the exuls, inflamed also with a desire of domesticall glorie of his house: that the same familie which had the praise of expelling the kings, might likewise win the honour of killing them, spurred his horse, and with deadly speare ran against Tarquinius, who giving way to his mortall enemie, retired backe to his owne regiment. But Valerius by this time was disbanded from his companie, and rashlie ridden into the battaile of the exiles, and there a common sol­dior L happened to charge upon him a flanke, and run him through. The horse staied not a jot for all the rider was wounded, and so the Romane knight readie to die, fell to the ground with his armor upon his bodie, and paid nature her debt. Posthumius the Dictator, after he perceived so valiant a man fallen, and the banished men advancing lustilie forward with full trot, and his owne soldiors distressed, and at point to turne their backs, gave expresse commaundement unto his owne band, which he had about him of chosen tall men for to gard his person, that as ma­nie of their fellowes as they saw to flie, they should take them for enemies, and kill them in the place. Thus by reason of a counterfeare, the Romanes made head againe and renewed the battaile. Then began the Dictators cohort to fight, and comming with fresh bodies and cou­ragious stomackes, charged vpon the wearied exiles, and killed them one everie side. Wherupon M began another combat also between the Colonels & captains of qualitie & marke. The generall of the Latines seeing the battalion of the banished, well neere environed round by the Romane Dictator, speedily taketh with him into the forefront of the battaile, certaine squadrons of those that were appointed in the reergard to succour and aid: whom T. Horminius a lieutenant, espied to come marching in good order & knowing amongst them Mamilius by his gorgeous harnish, [Page 57] A and goodly cote armour, with farre greater violence than the Generall of the horsemen a little before, encountred the Colonell of his enemies so hotly, that both he ran Mamilius through his sides, and slue him outright, and also whilest he was disarming and rifling his bodie, he was wounded himselfe with a short javeline, and being brought backe with victorie into the campe, at the first dressing yeelded to nature and died. Then rode the Dictator apace to the horsemen, and earnestly cried unto them, that seeing the footmen were toiled out and wearied, they would alight from their horses, and take the matter into their hands. The horsemen soone obeied, lept from horsebacke, and set forward as if they had flowne, to the forefront, where they opposed their targets in defence of them that fought before the ensignes. Whereat presently the Infanterie began againe to take heart, seeing the principall men of armes and noble young Gentlemen in B the like kind of service, exposed to the same danger, and readie to take part with them. Then at the last were the Latines put backe, and their whole battel began to shrinke. The gentlemen had their horses brought to them againe, and they mounted on horseback to pursue their enemies. The footmen likewise followed after. There the Dictator omitting no helpe of God and man, vowed as men say, a temple to Castor, and openly promised and proposed rewards to that soul­dior that made either first or second entrie into the enemies campe. Whereupon they bestirred themselves so courageously, that the Romanes at one brunt both vanquished their enemies, and also were possessed of their tents. This was the noble field fought at the lake Regillus. The Dictator and the generall of horsemen returned into the cittie with triumph. For three years after, there was neither assured peace betweene them, nor yet professed war.

Consuls were Q. Cloelius, and T. Lartius. After them A. Sempronius, and M. Minutius. Whiles these two were Consuls, Temple of Satura dedicated. the temple to Saturne was dedicated, and the feast called Saturnalia instituted. Saturnilia insti­tuted. After them succeeded A. Posthumius, and T. Virginius. And in this yeare and not be­fore, I find in some authours, that the said battell was stricken neere the lake Regillus, and that A. Posthumius suspecting the fidelitie of his brother Consul, gave over his place, and so was made Dictator. The account of times doth so varie and is so intricate and confused, whiles wri­ters diversly set downe the cheefe Magistrates, that in so great antiquitie, not of acts onely, but also of authours, a man cannot orderly and directly distinguish, according to some writers, who were Consuls, and what was done in every yeare.

Afterwards were Ap. Claudius, and P. Servilius created Consius. This yeare was famous for the D newes of Tarqui [...]e his death. Tarquinius Su­pe [...]bus dieth. He died at Cumes, to which place after the defeature of the La­tines power, he went to Aristodemus the Tyrant. At which tidings the hearts of the Nobles were wel lightened, the Commons also began to look up. But that joy in the Nobilitie was above mea­sure too excessive and licentious. For why? the great men began now to wrong and wring the communaltie, whom untill that day they had favoured and pleasured to their full power. In the same yeare the Colonie Signia, which king Tarquinius had erected, was now stored againe the second time, Wards. 2 [...]. and the number supplied with new inhabitants. And the tribes or wards at Rome were now made up 21. The temple of Mercurie was dedicated in the 15 of May. Ides of May. With the Na­tion of the Volscians in the time of the Latine warre, neither was there peace, nor war: for both the Volscians had levied a power for aid to send unto the Latines, if the Romane Dictator had E not made good speed: and also the Romane Dictator hastened the more for feare he should in one battell have to deale with Latines and Volscians both at once. Vpon this quarrell, the Consuls led forth their legions into the Volscians countrey. The Volscians fearing no revenge for their deseignement (that was intended onely, and never came in action) were much troubled with this suddaine and unlooked for occurrent. Not minding therefore to make resistance, and forgetfull of warlicke prowesse, they delivered 300 of their noble mens children out of Cora and Pometia for hostages. Whereupon the Romane Legions from thence without any fight were withdrawne. But not long after the Volscians being somewhat cased & delivered of their feare, came again to their old biace and returned to their wonted na­ture, and secretly under hand made preparation anew for warre, joyning with them as confede­rates F in this quarrell, the Hernikes. They send also their embassadours all about, to moove and sollicite Latium. Compagna d [...] [...]oma. But the Latines, for their late overthrow at the lake Regillus, tooke such a spleen and hatred against him whosoever, that should once put into their heads and persuade them to take armes, that they could nor forbeare the verie embassadours, but offer them abuse. They apprehended therfore the Volscians, conveyed them to Rome, & delivered them to the Consuls: where they revealed and gave intelligence, that the Volscians & the Hernikes were out in armes, [Page 58] readie to warre upon the Romanes. Which being reported unto the Senators, they were so G well pleased and contented therwith, that they set at libertie 6000 Latines, prisoners, and sent them hence. And concerning a league to be concluded with them, which was like before to have beene denied for ever, they referred the consultation thereof, unto the new magistrates that should next enter. And in good sooth, blith and glad were the Latines then, for that they had done, and the authors of peace were magnified and had in great reputation. They send moreover a crowne of gold into the Capitoll, for a present to lupiter. With these embassa­dours and the present, those prisoners which before were set free, came in greater number. Who repaired straight waies to everie man his house, where they had beene prisoners, yeelding them great thanks for their kind usage and friendlie intertainement in time of their calamities and miseries, and promised therewith the like courtesie and mutuall hospitalitie.Never were the La­tines H at anie time afore, both publikelie and privatelie, united more neerlie to the Romane empire.

But as the Volscian warre was now at hand, so the cittie was at discord among themselves. The Senators and commons hated one another at the heart, and all this arose by occasion es­peciallie of certaine persons that were indebted, and in danger of their creditours: who mur­tered and gave out in murmuring wise, how that abroad they adventured themselves and fought for the libertie and dominion of the citie, and at home by their owne neighbours they were held prisoners and oppressed: saying that the freedome of the commons was more safe in time of warre, than of peace, among the enemies rather than their owne fellow citizens. This in­ward grudge and heartburning, which of it selfe still kindled more and more, the notable ca­lamitie I of one man above all others, set on a light fire. A certaine aged person chaunced to breake prison, and with the armes, badges and ornaments of all his ancestors, ran into the mar­ket place. His apparell was all to rattered, foule and loathsome, but the habite or plight of his bodie much more filthie: so pale, so wan, so leane withall, as if he had beene over-pined and starved, his long side beard and haire of his head so overgrowne, that they made his visage and countenance wild and gastlie. Howbeit, for all he was thus disfigured by this deformitie, he was a man well knowne, and as some said, he had done good service in the ward, had beene a chiefe Centurian, and had the charge and leading of bands in the field: and the common people, as pittying his estate, and to moove compassion, recounted many worthie exploits of his, to his great credit and singular commendation. Himselfe likewise shewed the fears of wounds, which in K his breast & forepart of his bodie in divers places he had received, that might testifie his valiant service. The people flocking about him as it were in a common assemblie to heare a solemne Oration, enquired of him, how he came to be in that taking, so poore, so disfigured and defor­med? He answered, that whiles he served in the Sabine war, he by reason of he continual forray­ing, & wasting of the territorie, not onely lost the revenewes and increase of his lands, but also his Maner-house was burnt, all his goods ransacked & spoiled, his cattell driven away: and when a le­vie and tribute was exacted in a time when he ill might, he was driven to take up monie & run in debt; which growing more & more by paiment of interest, first he was constrained to sel his land, that his father and grandfather had left him, and to turn himselfe out of all, by making a cleane hand of the rest of his goods: until at length his bodie also began to winder away in a consump­tion. L Complaining moreover how by his creditor he was not onely brought into bondage and thraldome, but also imprisoned, and whipped, and tormented in most cruell and butcherlike manner. With that he shewed before them all, his backe lately scourged, with the fresh wales of the lashes newly given him. At the sight and hearing hereof, there arose a great outcrie of the people, so that anon the uprore kept not within the compasse of the market place, by spread over all the cittie: in such sort, that as well they that were bound, as they that were loose, came forth from all parts into the open streets, calling the Quirites and the people pittifully, to helpe. In no corner wanted any companions to take part willingly in this seditious rout, A dangerous se­d [...]tion in Rome. and every where in all the streets they run by companies into the common place. Those Senatours who chanced to be abroad, at their no small perill light upon this multitude: and had not the Consuls P. Ser­vilius, M and App. Claudius, made the better speed, and come upon them to appease the commo­tion, there would have ben some knocks, for hardly could they have held their hands. At whose comming, the multitude turned unto them, shewing their yrons, and all their other shamefull misuage & miserie, saying, This is all the good we have gotten for our warfare: upbraiding every man the services they had performed, some in one place some in another, requiring them in [Page 59] A threatening wise rather than by way of supplication, to call the Senate together, and they the while stood about the Curia, as if they would be judges and moderators of their publicke coun­sell. Very few of the Senatours, such onely as by chance came that way, could be brought to re­paire to the Consuls: as for the rest, they were afraid not onely to come into the Counsell house, but also to venture abroad into the market place, so that by reason of their smal assemblie, there could be nothing done nor determined. Then thought the people indeed they were mocked and dallied withall, and driven off with delaies surmising, that the Senatours which were away, absented themselves not by chance, nor for feare, but onely to hinder the proceeding of their cause: and that the Consuls themselves kept a hafting and flinching, and without all question, made but a scorne and game at their miseries. This broile so increased, that hardly could the re­verence B and majestie of the Consul srestraine the peoples rage. But the Senatours standing in doubtfull tearmes, whether to tarrie behind or to come forward would be more dangerous, at length they resolved to repaire into the Senate, and being now at last a full and sufficient house gathered, neither the Lords there assembled, no nor yer the Consuls, could well agree amongst themselves what to doe in this case. Divers opinions in the Senate house. Appius a man of a hot spirit, was of opinion to order the matter by Consular authoritie and commandement saying, That if one or two of them were laid hold on, the rest would be quiet. But Servilius more inclined to mild & gentle remedies, thought it a more safe and easie course too, rather to bend than to breake their angrie and fell stomackes. But amidst these troubles there happened a greater and more fearefull occurence: For cer­taine Latines on horsebacke rode in post, and brought news in hastie and tumultuous manner, C that the Volscians were comming with a mightie and cruell armie against the cittie to assault the same. Which news being heard (see how discord had of one citie made twaine) wrought far other effect in the Nobles, than in the Commons. ‘The comminaltie lept for joy, and said the gods were now come downe from heaven to be revenged of the Senatórs pride, & encouraged one another not to take prest-monie, or to enter their names in the Muster-masters book, saying that they had rather die at once with al, then perish alone and none but they: Let the Nobles (qd. they) serve as soldiors; let them take weapon in hand & abide the brunts and hazards of war, who receive the profits, the prizes & rewards therof. But contrariwise the Senat pensive & surcharged with this twofold feare, as well from citizen as enemie, besought the Consull Servilius (a man by nature more affable and popular) That he would provide for the safetie of the Common­weale, D beset as it were round with so fearefull perils.’ ‘Then the Consull dismissed the Senate, and came forth into the assemblie of the people, where he shewed what care the LL. of the Senat had for the good of the commons: But whiles they were (qd. he) busie in consultation for the grea­test part (I confesse) of the cittie, and yet in truth no more but a part, it fell out so in the meane while; that of necessitie they must see to the whole bodie of the Common-wealth, whereof they stand in exceeding feare. Seeing therfore the enemies were almost hard at the gates, they could not possiblie doe or intend any thing before warre. Neither (if there should be anie re­spite and leasure granted) were it either for the commons credite and honestie, not to fight for their countrie, unlesse they had their pay before hand; nor well beseeming the Nobles and for their reputation, to looke unto and take order hastilie, to redresse the miseries and calamities of E their citizens upon feare, rather than afterwards with good deliberation, for love and of willing mind. This speach of his he confirmed with an edict, by vertue wherof, he gave streight com­maundement: Imprimis, that no man should keepe bound or in prison, any citizen of Rome, but that he might be enrolled before the Consuls.’ Item, that no person should hold in possession, or sell the goods of anie soldior, so long as he abode in the campe, nor arrest his children or chil­drens children. This edict being once published and proclaimed, not onelie the enthralled deb­tors there present, were immediatlie by name enrolled, but also from all parts of the citie, they leapt out quicklie of their houses, seeing that now their creditors had no right nor power to de­taine and arrest them, and ran into the market place for to take a militarie oth of alleageance, to be true soldiours & faithfull to the state. A number there was of these: neither was there anie that F more manfullie behaved and quit themselves or tooke more paines in the Volscian warre. Then the Consul led forth his power against the enemies, & within a little of them incamped himselfe, The night following, the Volscians presuming upon the variance and discord of the Romanes, assailed the tents, if happily in the night season any of them might have been wrought, to aban­don the campe, & come to them, or to practise any treason. But the Sentinels descried them, and upon alarme given, the whole armie arose, and everie man made hast to his weapons. Thus came [Page 60] that enterprise of the Volscians to nothing. The rest of the night both parts rested, and were G quiet. On the morrow by breake of day, the volscians having filled up the trench, assailed the bulwarkes and rampiers. And by that time they had on everie side plucked up he fences, palli­sadoes, and other fortifications, the Consul, who for all he was called unto instantly on everie hand, but of the debtors aforesaid especially above the rest, to give the signal, and to sound the barrell, made some stay on purpose to trie the courage of his men: and seeing well now their forwardnesse and their stomackes, at length gave them a token to rush forth, and so letteth them loose, as eager to fight as might be. So at the verie first onset the enemies were presently discom­fited and put to flight: the footmen followed hard upon them in chase, and as they could reach, wounded them behind on their backes, and killed them: the horsemen likewise pursued them even to their pavillions, who still feared exceedingly what might become of them: and within H a while their very campe also, environned about with the legions, and abandoned of the Volsci­ans themselves for feare, were forced and rifted. The next day following, the legions marched to Seussa Pometia, for thither the enemies were fied: and within few daies the towne was wone, and put to the sacke, and the spoile and pillage given away: whereby the needie couldiors were some­what refreshed. The consull in great glorie and honour brought backe his victorious armnie to Rome. In his way homeward the Embassadours of the Eretrian Volscians distrusting their. owne state, upon the losse of Pometia, came into him. To whom after consultration had with the Senat, and a decree passed, peace was granted: but were they were fined to part with their lands. Im­mediately upon this, the Sabines also put the Romanes in a fright, and in very deed it might be called a tumult, rather than a war. For words was brought in the night season, that an armie of the I Sabines were corne in a rode, as far as the river Anio, robbing, spoilling, and burning all the vil­lages and hamplets as they went. Forthwith was sent thither the whole power of horsed under the conduct of A. Posthumius, who in the Latine warre had been Dictator. After him followed the Consull Sarviluis with a chosen regiment of footmen. Most of the enemies, as they raughed abroad a sorraging in scattering wise, were by the horsemen surprised and inclosed. And when the insanterie besides matched against the Sabines legion, they were not able to resist: for be­ing tired out, partly with their long iourney, and partly with boothaling all night long, and many of them having overcharged themselves with meat and wine within the villages, had hardly strength ynough to run away. Thus the Sabine warre in one night was heard of and ended. The day following, when as now the Romanes were in good hope, that they had peace on everie side, K behold, the Auruncane Embassadors came into the Senate, proclaimingwarre, unlesse they would forgoe the Volscian lands, and restore them to their rightfull owners. And even at one time with the Embassadours was the armie also of the Auruncans abroad, and had taken the field. The newes whereof, and namely that they were now in sight not farre from Aricia, raised up to the Romans in so great a broile and hurliburlie, that the Senators could neither be consulted with, and deliver their opinions in order, not yet give a peaceable answer to those that came as it were with weapon in hand, being thus forced to take armes themselves. So to Aricia directly in warlike manner they march, and not far from thence they joined barrell with the Auruncans. And in one day that war had also an end.

Thus when the Romane shouldiours had gotten victorie within so few daies in so many places, L and had now defeated the Auruncants, they looked for the promise of the Consul, and the faith­full performance of it by the Senate. At what time Appius both upon a proud stomacke and arrogant spirit of his owne by nature, and also to discredit and disanull the word of his fellow Consul, in all actions of debt proceeded, and gave judgement with rigour against the debtors. Whereupon, both they that had been before imprisoned, were delivered againe into their cre­ditors hands, and other also became prisoners anew. Where at when as a souldiour, whose case it was thus hardly to be dealt withall, called upon the Consull his fellow for helpe, they ran all at once to Servilius, at his hands they claimed a promise: everie one upbraided and reproched him with their service in warte, with the scars there gotten, requiring that the would propose the matter againe unto the Senate, and as a Consul, succour and protect his citizens; or like a Gene­rall M, maintaine his souldiours. These matters no doubt, moved the Consull: but so stood the cafe that he could neither will not chuse, but hast, deale double, and temporise with them: so fully bent, and wholly wedded to the other part, was not onely his colleague, but also the whole facti­on of the Nobilitie. Thus by bearing himselfe as a Neurre, and going as they say, betweene the barke and the tree, he neither avoided the hatred of the Commons, nor yet woon favour with [Page 61] A the Nobles: while the Nobles tooke him for a soft and base minded Consull, seeking to please all parties, & the Commons for as craftie and false a dissembler: insomuch as within a short time, it ap­peared, he was as much hated of the peoples as Appius. For, the Consuls happened on a time to strive, whether of them twaine should dedicated the temple of Mercurie. The Senate put over the deciding of this matter from themselves vnto the people: and decreed withall, that to whether of them the dedication of the temple was by the peoples election graunted, he should over and be­sides sides have the charge to purvey come and victualles, he should erect and institute a Colledge or fellowship of marchants, and he in steede of the high Priest, should undertake the solemne feasts, or festival daies. Then the people gaue the dedication of the temple to M. Lectorius, a principall Centurion of the vantgard: which as it easily appeared, was done not so much to grace the man, B as who had an higher office bestowed upon him, than was sit for one of this degree and calling ; as to disgrace and deface the Consuls. Hereat, one of the Consuls yea and the Patricis stormed and fared exceedinglie against the Commons. But the Commons tooke heart vnto them more and more, and began to proceede farre otherwise, and to take another course than they purposed at the beginning: for, dispairing of the Consuls and Senats helpe, when they saw a debtor sued and brought to the barre, they would run flocking from all parts together, so that the Consuls sentence and decree could not be heard for the noyse and clamour. And decree or judge what he would, no man would obey. And so violenlie they went to worke, that in presence of the Consull, the cre­ditours were singled out, evill intreated, and misused of the Commons, being many togither. So the whole feare and hazard of the maine chaunce, even of libertie it selfe, was now altogether C translated from the dentors tothe creditours. Appius his in­uective against his fellow Con­sul. In the very necke of these troubles, there arose feare of the Sabine warre, and when it was determined, there should be a muster of souldiours, no man would answere to his name and be enrolled. ‘All this while Appius taged and tooke on, inveying bitterly against the nicerie and popularitite of his brother Consul, who with his keeping silence for displeasing the people, by his soft cariage of himselfe, had betrayed the weale punlike, and o­ver and besides that, he had not ministred justice for the loane of mony, nor dealt according to law in that behalfe, he had brought the matter so to passe, that he could take no musters by ver­tue of the decree of the Senate. How beit (faith he) the common wealth is not wholy sorsaken and forlone, not yet the Consular authoritie vtterly cast downe and troden vnder foot: for the would himselfe alone, if there were no more but he, defend and maintaine both his owne place, and the D Senatours dignitie.’ When as the multitude therefore stood thus malapertlie, as their dailie ma­ner was, about the bar, he commanded one principal captaine of fedition to be attached and had away: and as he was haled to prison by the sergeants and lictors, he appealed. Neither would the Consul have given place to the appeale (for all he knew the people how they were bent, and what their doome would be) had not this obstinate stiffnesse with much ado beene overswaied more throught the discreet advise and authoritie of the cheefe Nobles and Lordes of the Senate, than by the clamorous noyse and menaces of the multitude: so resolute was he, and his heart so couragious, to undergo their ill will and heavie displeasure. Thus grew the mischiefe more and more dailie, testified not with open mouth and broad speeches onely, but also (which was more pernicious and dangerous) by conventicles, secret meetings, and conferences. At E length these Coss. so odious vnto the commons, went out of their office, to wit Appius, a man wonderous well affected of the Nobles, Servilius liked neither of them not the Commons.

After whom A. Virginius, and T. Vetufius entred their Consultship. But then the Commons not knowing what manner of Consuls they should have, began to assemble together by night, some in Esquiliae, others in the Aventine: to the end, they might not be unprovided & to seeke upon a suddaine, what to doe in the common place, nor manage their businesse hand over head, and at a venture. Which the Consuls supposing (as it was indeed) a perilous example, and of ill conse­quence, propounded the matter before the Senators: but when they had proposed it, they could not orderly aske their advise what was to be done: they tooke so on, and kept such outcrie and vias at it, on all hands faring and fuming, that the Consuls should lay upon the Senat the burden F and heavie load of that, which properly they by vertue of their authoritie and office should exe­cute and performe themselves: and surely, if there were any Magistrates in the cittie (say they) there would not be thus suffered in Rome any other counsel but punlicke: whereas now the state is divided into a thousand courts and conventicles: whiles some have their meetings and as­semblies in Esquilie, others in Aventine: Certes, one onely man indeed (for that is more than a Consul) such a one as Appius Claudius was, would soone dispatch, and in one minute of an hower [Page 62] scatter these their unlawfull assemblies. The Consuls upon this rebuke and checke, replied again G and demanded in this manner: And what would you have us to doe (quoth they) for we are resol­ved to doe nothing flackly and coldly, but with as great courage and diligence as shall be well li­ked of the Senatours. Whereupon an order passed, that they should take muster, and levie soul­diors with all rigour and severitie: adding moreover, that the Commons with idlenesse and ease were growne over-malaperr and too licentious. And when the Senate was dismissed, the Consuls went into the Tribunall and tooke their places, and summoned by name all the [...] 17 yeares [...] to 47. younger sort to appeare: and none making answere to his name, the multitude standing about as it had been to heare some publicke Oration, said plainely, that the commons from thenceforth would be no longer deluded, and that the Consuls should never get so much, as one souldour, unlesse they would stand to their word, and make good the promote that publickely before was made, and re­store H to everie man againe his libertie, before they caused them to take weapon in hand: to the end, they might fight for their countrie and countriemen, and not for their lordlike masters. The Consuls saw well what they had in commission from the Senate, and that of all those who within the counsell house wals spake so stoutly, and gave out so great words, there was not one present to take part of this odious mallice of the people. And like they were to have a bitter fit and cruell briole with the Commons. They thought good therfore ere they tried the worst, and deal by extremitie, once againe to aske advise of the Senate, and to conferre with them. But then all the younger sort of the Senatours, approached by fiockmeale, hard almost to the Consuls feats, willing them to give over their Consulship, and to resigne up their rule and authoritie, to the maintenance where of they lacked courage. Now when the Consuls had sufficiently peised I and tried both waies, A sedition be­t [...]ene the Con­suls and the p [...]o­ [...]. thus at length began they and said. A great sedition and commotion is toward, my LL. To the end therefore that ye pretend not ignorance, and say another day ye were not foretold of it, there is a great sedition and commotion toward. We require therefore that they who find greatest fault with our remissenes and lack of courage, assist us and sit with us while we take the musters: and since you will needs have it so, wee will execute it according to their minds, that are most earnest and severest. Then come they backe againe unto the Tribunall, and commanded for the nones, one of them that were there in sight to be cited and called by name. But the stood still and held his peace, with a crue of men gathered round about to guard him, for feare hee should have some harme or violence done unto him. The Consull then sent a Sergeant to attach him, who being repulsed off, then those Nobles which sate there K on the bench to assist the Consuls, cried out upon the shamefull indignitie, and said it was in­tollerable, and so ran downe in hast from the Tribunall seat, for to aid the sergeant. But the vio­lent rage of the multitude, who let the Lictour alone, and onelie staied him from laying hold on the man, turned upon the Partitians. So that the Coss.were faine to step betweene, and then the fray was appeased. In which, there being no stones flying about their eares, nor weapon drawne, there was more clamour, brawling & chasing than any hurt done. Then was the Senat house cal­led in a great hurrey: and with more confusion sat they there in counsell: whiles they that preten­ded how they were beaten and misused, required that commissioners should sit upon this riot and make due inquisition: and the stourest of them gave their determination, as much by clamour and noyse, as by sentence and opinion grounded upon reason. At last, when the tempest was M overblowne and their heat allaied, and that the Coss. hit them in the teeth, and reprooved them, saying there was as little discretion and gravitie in their court and counsell house, as in the com­mon hall, they began in the end to consult orderly, and three opinions there were amongst them. P. Virginius would not have it a common and generall case (to wit, that all debtors should be re­leased from their creditours) but his advise was, that they should onely be considered, who rely­ing upon P. Servilius the Consull word and faithfull promise, had served in the warres of the Volscians, Auruncans and Sabines. T. Largius, he opined and thought this, that it was not a time then to make amends onely for good deserts, and to respect them alone that had done well, and to recompence good service: but for as much as the whole comminaltie was depplie engaged and plunged in debt, unless they were all provided for, and good order taken for them everie L one, there would be no quietnes nor end of troubles: yea and (that which more is in case they be not all alike regarded, but some debtors in better conditions than others, the discord would rather be more kindled than quenched. ‘ Appius Claudius a man both of naturall disposition fierce and cruel, and also by occasion made more outragious, netled with the Commons hatted against him on the one side, and tickled with the praise and commendations of the Nobles on the other [Page 63] A side, who ever magnified him and lift him up to the skie, spake to this effect: These so great sturres and mutinous hurliburlies, The Oration of Appius Cl [...]udius in the Senate. my Masters (quoth he) is not long of the miserie and cala­mitie, but onelie of too much libertie of the commons: who rather upon fatnes are growne wanton and unrulie than for any want unpatient and discontent: and all this mischiefe no doubt is sprung of this, that they have liberttie to appeale. For so long as it is in their power to flie for helpe unto those that have faulted as well as they, well may the Consull threaten and give out menacing words: as for anie rule else or command, they shall have none among them. Come on therfore, let us create a Dictatour from whom they cannot make their appeale. Then shall this furious rage, which now setteth all on a light fire, be soone husht and quite extinguished. Let me see then, who dare beat a Lictour, when he shall well know, that he alone whose honorand ma­jestie B he shall offend and abuse, hath power to scourge him and take away his life. Many men thought this sentence of Appius to be verie hard and cruell, yea and dangerous withall, in re­gard of the late precedent of Vir [...]inius and Vetusius.’ That other likewise of Largius was thought inconvenient, in taking away all keeping of credit with the creditours. The opinion and advise of Virginius was supposed as well in one respect as in another most indifferent and meane be­tweene both. But by reason of the faction are regard of private benefit, which alwaies hath done hurt and ever will, to publicke councell, Appius prevailed, and he missed verie little but he him­selfe had beene made Dictatour. Which if it had come to passe, it would surelie have estran­ged and alienated quite the hearts of the Commons, in that most busie and dangerous time: when it happened that the Volscians, Aequians, and Sabines, were all up at once in armes. But C the Consuls and elder Senatours, had great care and consideration to chuse such a one, as might by mildnesse of his owne nature alay and qualifie the exceeding rigour and sternnesse inci­dent to soveraigne and absolute authoritie. They elect therefore to be Dictatour, Marcus Valerius the sonne of Vólesus. The Commons albeit they saw well enough this Dictatour created for to curbe them, yet having got by this brothers law, the benefit of Appeale, they feared no severe and insolent proceeding from that house and name. The Edict besides, that the Di­ctatour set forth, which was welneere all one with that other of the Consull Servilius, much confirmed and selted their minds. For supposing now, they had more hold both of the man and also of his authoritie, and that they might with more confidence relie themselves on the one and the other, they gave over all debate, & entered their names into the muster booke: so there D were enrolled full ten legions.The like armie for number was never levied afore. Of which legi­ons, the Consuls had the conduct of three a peece, & the Dictator commanded the other foure: and high time, it was: for the war might not be deserred any longer. The Aequians had alreadie invaded the territorie of the Latines, & their Embassadors were petitioners to the Senat, either to send succour, or to give them leave to put on armour themselves for the defence of their con­fines & frontiers. It was thought the safer & surer way, that the Latins without arming themselves should be defended, than to permit them again to take weapon in hand. So the Consull Vilucius was sent thither, & he staied them from further for aying & wasting. For the Aequians were depar­ted out of the plains, & trusting rather in the vantage of the ground, than in their weapons, stood upon their guard, kept themselves safe from danger, upon the high tops of the hils & mountains.

E The other Consull who was gone against the Volscians, because he would not also loose a­ny time, drew the enemie forth (by wasting the countrie especiallie) to encampe himselfe neerer, and so at length to fight a field. Now was there a plain in the mids betweene both camps: where each armie stood before their rampiers, embattailed, and ranged in array, with banners displai­ed readie to fight. The Volscians were somewhat more in number, where upon they began bat­taile disorderedly and as if they set light by the enemie. But the Romane Consull neither ad­uanced forward, nor suffered his men once to shoute and answere againe, but charged them to stand sti [...]l with their javelin [...] fast in the ground, untill the enemies were come within the reach of hand fight, and then to lay about them lustilie with their swords, all that euer they could. The Vollscians out of breath with running and shouting, charged the Romanes, who seemed for F feare to stand astonied: but after they once perceived that they were hotly reen countered by them againe, and saw their swords glittering in their eies, they were troubled, therewith, as if they had beene entrapped and fallen into some traines laied for them, and so turned their backes. And by reason they came running before to battaile, their strength would not hold out now to run cleare away: The Romanes contrariwise, because against the beginning of the fight they had stood quiet, were fresh of body, & soon overtooke them thus overtoiled, woon their campe [Page 64] by force, [...]. & after they had driven the enemies out from thence, chased them into [...]. Velitree, and G entred the towne pelmell one with another in a medley, the Victor togither with them that were vanquished. More bloudshed there was by execution of them one with another, of all ages and fexes, as they came in their way, than in the verie battaile. A verie few, euen such as without weapon yeelded themselves, were spared and pardoned.

Whiles these things were a doing amongst the Volscians, the Dictator discomfited and put to slight the Sabines, with whom he had much cruell warre: yea, and forced them to aban­don and quit their campe. For hauing sent his horsmen into the maine battile of the enemies, which they had but slightly strengthened within-forth, and bestowed the ranks there very thin, and all to stretch out the wings on both sides more at large, he brake their arraies: and when they were once disordered, the footemen came in upon them: and in the same brunt were they H masters of their campe, and so the war ended. There was not in those daies a braver battaile sought and more renowned, setting aside that onely at the lake Regillus. The Dictatour rode in triumph unto the cittie. Over & above the accustomed honours, both he and his posteritie af­ter him, were allowed a certaine place in the great Race or Theater, called Circus, for to behold at ease the solemne games, and there was set the yvorie chaire of estate, called Sella curalis. The Volscians thus vanquished, lost the territorie about Velitre, and new inhabitants were sent thither from the cittie, to people and to till the grounds, so that it became a Colonie.

Some what after this, there was a field fought with the Aequians, but in truth, full against the Consull his will, for that they were to climbe up a steep hill (to their disaduantage) for to meete with the enemie. But the Souldiours blaming him for trifling out, and making delaies, to the I end that the Dictator might be out of office before they made returne to the cirtie, and so his word and promise, like as the Consuls before him, should come to nothing; drave him per­force to leade up to his armie, rashly and at aduenture against the hils. This being an enterprise ill ordered, and an error escaped, fell out notwithstanding verie well through the cowardise of the enemie: who before they were come within shot and the darts cast, amazed at the ventu­rousnesse of the Romanes, fortooke their holdes which they had in most defensible places, and leapt downe into the vallies ouer against them. There was bootie and pillage good inough, and abloudlesle victorie.

Hauing sped thus fortunately abroade in three several wars, the Senatours and commons were not carelesse of home-affaires, what would be the issue thereof. The Bankers and Vsurers, K what with fauor, & what with subtile and cautelous pollicie, had devised aforehand and wrought such meanes, as might frustrate are and disappoint not onelie the commons, but also the Dictator, and put them by their expectation. For Valerius after there turne of Velasius the Consull, dealt, first and above all other matters and causes at the Counsell table, The speech of [...] the [...] in the Senate. in the behalfe of the people that had atchieved such victories, and propounded to know their minds, What should be done with those endebted, endangered, and imprisoned persons. ‘Which motion of his being disli­ked and rejected: I see well (quoth) he that I cannot please you, so long as I persuade to concord and unitie: with ye will (trust me truely) e're it be long, that the comminaltie of Rome had more Patrons and advocates like my selfe. As for me, I will neither beare my citizens any longer in hand to deceive them, nor be a Dictator in vaine, to effect nothing. Ciuile discord at home, and L forraine war abroade, caused the State to have neede of this office. Now, when peace is gotten without, behold it is crossed and hindered within: yet had I rather bee present at the fight of a mutinie & insurrection when I am a priuate person, than whiles I am a Dictatour.’ Thus went he out of the counsell house, and yeelded up his Dictatourship with all. The Commons saw plainly what the matter was, and how upon a discontentment and griefe that he tooke in their behalfe, for verie pittie and compassion of them, he gave over the place: and therefore, as if thehad ful­ly discharged himselfe of this faithfull word to them giuen, (for that there was no default in him, but it had been performed indeed) they accompanied him along home to this house with hearty affection, praising and commending him all the way they went. The Lords of the Senate began then to feare, least if the armie were broken up and discharged, there would be some secret con­venticles, M and new conspiracies contrived: therefore, albeit the musters were taken by the Di­ctatour: yet because the souldiours had sworne alleageance to the Consuls, supposing they were still bounde to warfare by vertue of that oath, and pretending a colour that the Aequians renu­ed war, they commanded the legions to be led forth of the cittie.

This hastened the sedition the sooner & set it forward. At first, as men said, they complotted [Page 65] A and laid their heads together about murdering and making awaie the Consuls, to the end they might be acquit of their oth unto them: but afterwards being better schooled and advised, that no mans conscience can be clered of scruple, & discharged of an oth once taken, by committing a sinfull act and working mischiefe, They first revolt of the commons of Rome into mount dancer. they withdrew themselves out of the way by the persuasion of one Sicinius, and without congé of the consuls, departed as farre as mount Sacer, on the farther side of the river Anio, three miles from the citie. This is the riser report, and goeth more currant, than that whereof Piso is the author (namelie, that the commons retired them­selves within a trench and rampiar, and kept quiet for certaine daies, neither taking nor doing harme; as having caried with them such things onelie as were necessarie for the sustenance of B their life. Great feare there was in the citie, and in this mutuall and reciprocall feare, all men were perplexed and to seeke what to doe. The commons sorlorne of their fellow commoners doubted the violence of the Senatours: the Senatours againe stood in feare and jelousie of the commons that remained stil behind; and were in suspense whither it were better they abode still among them, or followed after their fellowes. For how long trow ye, will a multitude once disbanded, rest in quiet? Againe, in case any forrain warre should arise in the meane time, what might ensue there upon in the end? In conclusion, there was no hope behind to be looked for, but in the concord of citizens. and therefore the commons one way or other, either by reasonable conditions or unreasonable, were to be reconciled again and reduced into the citie, there was no remedie. So it was thought good and agreed upon, that one Menentus Agrippa (a saire spo­ken C and eloquent man, gratious with all and welbeloved among the commons, for that he was from them d escended) should be sent as an Orator to treat with them. ‘Who being received in­to the campe, after that old and harsh kind of eloquence in those daies, spake as men saith to this effect, Agr. Menenius his Oration to the commons. and told this tale and parable: Whilome (quoth he) when as in mans bodie, all the parts therof agreed not, as now they do in one, but ech member had a several intent & meaning, yea and a speech by it selfe: so it besel, that all other parts besides the belly, thought much & repined that by their carefulnes, labor, & ministerie, all was gotten, & yet all little enough to serve it: and the bellie it selfelying still in the mids of them, did nothing else but enjoy the delightsome plea­sures brought unto her. Whereupon they mutined & conspired altogether in this wise, That nei­ther the hands should reach & convey food into the mouth, nor the mouth receive it as it came, D neyet the teeth grind & chew the same. In this mood & fit, whiles they were minded to famish thepoore bellie, behold the other lims, yea & the whole bodie besides, pined, wasted, & fel into anex­treme consumption. Then was it well seen, that even the very belly also did no final service, did no final service, but fed the other parts, as it received food it selfe: seeing that by working and concocting the meat throughlie, it digesteth and distributeth by the veines into all parts, that fresh and perfect blood whereby we live, we like, and have our full strength. Comparing herewith, and making his appli­cation, to wit, how like this intestine and inward sedition of the bodie, was to the full stomacke of the commons, which they had taken and borne against the Senatours, he turned quite the peoples hearts.’ Then began some treatie of unitie and concord: and among other articles it was conditioned and granted, that the Communaltie should have certaine sacred and inviolable E magistrates of their owne among themselves, such as might have power to assist the Commons ag ainst the Consuls: Tribunes of the common people first created. Item, that it might not bee lawfull for any Senatour to beare that office. So there were created two Tribunes of the commons, C. Licinius and L. Albinus. And these elected three other fellow officers unto them. Of whom Sicinius, the author of the sedition or insurrection was one, who were the other twaine is not for certaine knowne. Some say there were but two Tribunes created and no more in the mount Sacer, and that the sacred law was there made concerning their immunitie.

During this insurrection and revolt of the commons, Sp. Casius& Post humuis Cominius ente­red their Consulships. In whose time a league was made with the people of Latium. For the esta­blishing whereof, one of the Consuls staied behinde at Rome: the other was sent unto the Vol­scian F warre, who discomsited and put to flight the Volscians of Antium, Chasing and driving them into the towne Longula, which he wonne. And immediatlie he tooke Mucamites a towne of the Vilscians, and after that with great force assaulted Corioli.

There was in campe, them among the flowre of gallant youths, one Caius Martius, A No­ble yoong gentleman, right politicke of advise, active besides, and tall of his hands, who afterwards was surnamed Coriolanius. Whiles the Roman armie lay at siege before Corioli, [Page 66] and were amazed whollie upon the townsmen within, whom they kept fast shut up, and feared no G present danger at all from anie forraine warre without: behold, all on a suddaine, the Volscian legions that came from Antium, assailed them: at which verie instant the enemie also fallied out of the towne. Which Martius, seeing, who by good hap quartered and warded there, with a lustie band of elect men, not onely repressed and stopped the violence of those that issued and brake upon him, but also whiles the gate stood open, fiercely rushed in himselfe: and having made a foule slaughter of people thereby, at his first entrance into the cittie, and caught up fire at a venture, flung it upon the houses that stood upon and about the wals. Whereupon arose a great outcrie of the folke within the towne, together with lamentable weeping and wailing of women and children, as commonly is seene in such a sight. Which at the very first, both harde­ned the Romanes, and also troubled the Volscians: and no marvell, seeing the citie taken before H their face, for which they were come to rescue. Thus were the Volscians of Antium defeited, and the town Coriolo won. [...] And Martius through his praise, so much obscured and stopped the light of the Consull his fame, that had it not been ingraven in brasse for a remembrance and monu­ment, That there was a league with the Latines, and the same made by Sp. Cassius alone (for that his companion was absent) there had been no record at all, but forgotten quite it had been, that ever Sp. Cominius warred with the Volscians.

The same yeare died Menenius Agrippa, a man all his life time before beloved indifferently of the Senatours and the Commons: but after the insurrection, much more deere unto the Com­mons than before. [...] This truchman, this mediator for civile attonement, this Embassadour and messenger from the Senatours to the commons, this reconciler and reducer of the commons I home againe into the cittie, had not at his death sufficient to defray the charges of his funerals: the commons therefore made a purse and a contribution of a [...] Sextant by the poll, and were at the cost to interre and burie him worshipfully.

After this were made Consuls, T. Geganius, and P. Minutius. In which yeare when all was quiet abroad for any warre, and the dissention at home healed up cleane, and skinned: another cala­mitie farre more greevous entred the cittie. First a dearth of corne, and all manner of victuals, by reason that the grounds upon the departure of the commons were forelet and untilled. Here­upon issued femine, even such as usually is incident to men besieged. And verily the meinie of bondservants, yea and the commons too, had utterly perished for hunger, if the Consuls had not in time made the better provision: by sending purveiours all abroad to buy up come, not K only into Hetruria, by coasting along the river on the right hand from Hostia, and on the left hand by sea, (passing through the Volscians countrie) even as far as Cumes: but also into Sicilie, there to lay for graine. Such was the hatred of the borderers, that Rome was enforced to have need of succour and releefe from a farre. Now when they had bought certain corne at Cumes, it was no sooner embarked, but the ships were staied and arrested there, by Aristodemus the tyrant, for the goods of the Tarquines, whose heire in remainder he was. In the Volscian country and Pomptinum, they could buy none for mony. There, the very Purveiors themselves were in dan­ger of violence, by the men of the countrey. Out of Tuscane there came corne up the Tyber, wherewith the commons were sustained and refreshed. And considering the streights they were in for want of victuals, they had been sore distressed and vexed with warres besides, and M that in a very ill time, and unseasonable for them: but that the Volscians, who now were in rea­dinesse, and upon the point to make warre, had a pestilence that raigned hote among them. Which heavie crosse and affliction, the enemies were so discouraged with, that when the plague began to stay, even then they continued still afraid.

The Romanes both at Velitree augmented the number of the inhabitants, and also at Nor­ba, sending a new Colonie into the mountaines, to be a fortresse and strength for all the territo­rie of Pomptinum. Moreover, when M. Minutius, and A. Sempronius were Consuls, great store of corne was brought out of Sicilie: and it was debated in the Senate house, at what price the commons should be served therewith. Many thought the time was now come to wring the com­mons, and keep them under, and to recover againe those roialties, which by their departure were L forcibly wrested and dismembred from the nobilitie, [...] But above all others Martivus Coriolanus, and utter and capitall enemie to the Tribunes power and authoritie, ‘If they will (quoth hee) have their corne and victuals at the old price, let them restore unto the Senatours their aun­cient right and preheminence. Why see I (as one brought under the yoke of servitude, and put as it were unto my ransome, by robbers and theeues) these Magistrates of the Com­mons? [Page 67] A why see I Sicinius so mightie? Shall I endure these indignities longer than I needs must? I that could not beare T arquinius to bee King, shall I brooke and suffer Sicinius? Let him depart aside now, and take his commons with him: the way is open to mount Sacer and other hils: let them carrie away with them the corne out of our posessions and Lord­ships, as they did three yeares ago: let them enjoy, take for their use, and spend the store, which they in their follerie and furie haue prouided. I dare be bold to say, that when they are by this ca­lamitie once tamed, they will rather till and husband the ground themselves, than with weapon in hand, and by way of insurrection, forbid and hinder the tillage thereof. I cannot so soone say, whether it had beene as meete, as I suppose it was possible and easie to effect, that the Senators by offering more gentle conditions in the prices of corne and victualles, might haue eased B themselues of the Tribunes authoritie ouer them, and also haue beene disburdened of those impositions which maugre their heads, were laide upon them.’ Well, this seemed to the Senate a sharpe censure and severe sentence of Cartolanus, and for verie anger also it had like to have caused the Commons to rise up in arms: The murmuring of the [...] against Co [...]ola­nus. For they muttered and gave it out in these tearmes, ‘That now they were laide at and assailed with famine like enemies, de­frauded and berest of their meat and pittance: that the outlandish corne, the onely sustenance and food which fortune had ministred unto them beyond all hope; was snatched and plucked from their mouths, unlesse the Tribunes be delivered & yeelded prisoners hand and foot bound to C. Martius, unlesse he might have his penniworths of the backe and shoulders of the com­mons of Rome. For he was now start up & become their tormentor and hangman, to command C them either to death, or to servitude. As he went out of the counsell house, they had run upon him with violence, but that the Tribunes, as good lucke was, served him with processe in time, to appeare at a day, and come to his answer.’ Herewith, their furious anger was suppressed. For now everie man saw, that he was himselfe to be the judge and lord of his enemies life and death. Mar­tius at the first scorned the Tribunes thundering threats, & gave the hearing, as though he made smal reckoning there of, saying, That their authoritie had power granted by limitation, only to aid, and not to punish: that the Tribunes were Tribunes to the commons, and not to the Senators. But so spightfully were the Commons bent, and all so set upon mischeef, that there was no other remedie, but one man must pay for it, to save and excuse the rest of the Nobles. Howbeit, the Se­natours did what they could to withstand them: by opposing hatred and displeasure againe, and D making all meanes, what either privately they were able of themselves, or jointly by their whole Order and degree, to procure. And first, this course they assaied to stop and overthrow the suite commensed; namelie, by setting their followers and retainers in sundrie places to deale with the commons severallie one by one, and what they could to affright them from meetings and as­semblies together. Afterwards, they came all forth at once into the Forum or common place. A man that had seene them would have said they had beene the parties themselves in trouble and accused, readie to hold up their hand at the barre: such a beseeching they praying, such a beseeching they made of the commons, in the behalfe of this one citizen, this onelie Senatour; that if they would not in their love acquit him for their sakes, as innocent and unguiltie, yet they would give him unto them as an offender and faultie person. In conclusion, when his daie came, he made default E and appeared not, yet continued they still in their angrie mood against him. And being condem­ned in his absence, for contumacie, departed into banishment to the Vol [...]cians, menacing his own countrie as he went, and carying even then with him the revenging stomacke of an enemie.

The Volcians at his comming received him courteouslie, and friendlie increated him everie daie more than other, as they perceived his anger more and more toward his countriemen, by many complaints he made of them & threats withall that he eftsoones gave out against them in their hearing. He made his abode and sojourned in the house of Accius Tullus. Who at that time was a mightie great man among the Volscians, and one that ever bare mortall mallice unto the Romanes. And whiles the one of them was provoked with an old cancred grudge, and the other set on and pricked forward upon a fresh quarrell and occasion of anger, they both laid their F heads together and complotted to make warre upon the Romanes. This onelie thing stood in their waie to crosse their designes: They thought verilie their Commons would hardlie or uneth at all be brought, to rise and take armes againe, which they had so often unhappilie attempted: And besides, their courages were well cooled, and their stomacks abated, by the losse of their youth in manie and sundrie warres often times afore, and now at last, by the late pestilence and mortalitie. They were therefore to go cunninglie to worke; that for as much as the old hatred [Page 68] against the Romanes was growne out and worne away, their hearts upon some new anger might G be chaufed and galled againe. There were by chance at that time in Rome, the great Games and Plaies in hand, to be set out a new the second time, the occasion whereof was this: A cer­taine houshoulder one morning betimes before the shewes and games began, had beaten with rods a poore slave of his under the forke which he caried on his shoulders, and driven him along through the minds of the Circus or Theatre: and with that began the plaies, as if there had bene no matter therin of scruple or religion. But not long after, one T. Latinius a meane commoner had a dreame or vision: In which he thought that Iupiter complained and said, that the dancer before the plaies pleased him never a whit: and unlesse those games were new­lie exhibited againe, and that verie statelie and sumptuouslie, some great danger should befall the citie: willing him withall, to make relation heerof unto the Consuls. The man albeit in truth H he was not without some sense and feeling of religion & the feare of God: yet made he no such great scruple at the matter, but that the reverence he had of the majestie and countenance of the magistrates surmounted and dashed it cleane: for feare least haplie he should become a talking stocke in mens mouthes, and be mocked for his labour. But this delaie and sleeping of the mat­ter, he bought full deere. For within few daies his sonne happened to die. And because he should be out of doubt what was the cause of this his losse and suddaine misfortune, whiles he was troubled in spirit, with anguish and sorrow, behold, the same vision appeared to him againe in his sleepe, and seemed to aske him whither he had not yet sufficientlie paide for this disobe­dience and contempt of God? threatning moreover, that in case he made no greater hast to certifie the Consuls thereof, there was a greater judgement and plague toward, and that verie I neere . Now was the thing more evident thanbefore, and past all peradventure. Howbeit he neglected & drave it off still, until he was himselfe overtaken with a grievous disease, and brought to great weaknes in all his joints. Then verilie the wrath of the gods taught him to be wiser. And being over waried with harmes past, and in feare of more presentlie to ensue, he conferred with his kinsfolke and friends to be advised by them. When he had declared unto them what he had seene and heard, namelie, how Iupiter had so often appeared unto him in his sleepe, and that the fearefull displeasure and threatnings of the heavenlie gods were shewed plainlie by sundrie mis­chances fallen upon him: by the full consent of all them that were about him, he was brought in a litter to the Consuls, into the Forum or common place, from whence by the Consuls com­maundement he was caried into the Counsell house. Where, when he had made report unto K the Senatours of the selfe same things, to the exceeding wonder and admiration of them all, see another strange miracle: He that was brought into the Senate house a lame creple of all his lims, after he had once delivered his errand, returned home to his house (as it is recorded) sound upon his feete. Herupon the Senate decreed, That the Games should be set out as magnificentlie as could be devised.

The these solemnities resorted, by the motion and persuation of Accius Tullius, a great num­ber of Volscians. But before they were begun, Tullius according to the complot between him and Martius at home, made a step or errand unto the Consuls at Rome, saying, that he would willinglie commune and treat with them apart, of important affairs concerning the State. When voidance was made, and everie man gone, he began in this wise: Loth I am (quoth he) if other­wise L I could chuse, Accius Tullius to the Romane Consuls. to speake ought but well of my countrimen and fellow citizens. ‘Yet come I not to complaine of anie action of theirs alreadie pasted, but to give a caveat, and provide that nothing be practised hereafter. The nature and disposition (I may tell you) of our people, is too too unconstant and unstaied, more ywis than I would they were, a great deale: that have wee found and felt to our great cost and manifold damage, wee I say, who verilie at this day by your long sufferance, and not by good desart of ours, do stand in good termes of peace and safetie. There is now here a great multitude of Volscians, the Plaies and Games readie to be represen­ted and celebrate. Your citie will be whollie amused in the beholding therof: I remember upon the like occasion, what was somtimes enterprised and wrought in this citie by the youth of the Sabines; and my heart doth tremble and quake for feare, least some inconsiderate, rash and M foolish part be plaied by ours: thus much, O ye Consuls, I thought good in our behalfe and yours both, to giue you ynkling of before hand. As for me, I am minded presentlie to go from hence home, least I being heere seene, might be thought in some word or deed accessarie uno them, & so culpable.’ Having made this speech he departed. When the Consuls had declared in the Senate this thing so doubtfull, and yet proceeding from the mouth of so sure and certaine [Page 69] A an author: behold, the credite of the man (as commonly it is seene) rather than the likelihood of the matter, caused them to be warie and circumspect, yea, although there was no such need or cause at al. Wherupon the Senate made an Act, that the Volscians should be jogging out of the citie. And divers criers or Bedles were sent out sundrie waies, to command them to avoyd & be packing before night. At the first, the Volsciens were onely much affrighted, and ranne everie man to and fro into his Inne to fetch away his things. But afterwards in the way homeward, they began to thinke more and more of it, and to grow melancholie: thinking it a great indignitie, that like polluted and profaned persons, they should be driven from the Games, on festival ho­lidaies, discarded (as a man would say) and excommunicate out of the companie both of God and man. Thus as they went along all on a row, as it were in one continued and joynt traine, Tullius (who was gone afore as far as the Ferentine head) received the formost and chiefe of B them, as every one came, & entertained them with complaints & words of indignation, & drew both them who willingly gaue eare to his words so fitly framed & tending to stir more coles, and also by their meanes the rest of the multitude, Accius Tullius to his countrimen. into a plain field, lying hard vnder the high way side. Vnto whom, assembled togither as it were to here a sermon, he thus began to speake: ‘Admit (quoth he) you could forget the old wrongs and abuses offered you by the people of Rome, the losses and ouerthrowes of the Volscian Nation, yea and all other quarrels whatsoever; how can ye put up this daies spightfull reproch and dishonour received at their handes? who to our great disworship and shame, haue begun their solemne Games? Perceiued you not how they haue tri­umphed ouer you to day? how as ye departed, ye were a spectacle and pageant to all men, citti­zens and strangers, and to so many neighbour nations adjoyning? how your wives and children C were brought as it were in a shew, to make them sport, and to laugh at? what conceit was in their heads (think ye) that heard the voyce of the Bedle? what thought they that beheld you as you dislodged? what imagined they that happened to meete this ignominous troupe as they matched? Even this & no other, that there was some wicked sinne among us, not to be named, whereby we should as malefactors, haue stained & polluted their games if we had ben present at the sight of them, and haue committed some hainous act, that would require by some satisfac­tion of sacrifice to be purged? & for that cause were driven from having any conversation, fellow­ship, and societie of good and godly men? Over and besides, how can you choose but thinke of this, That we enjoy our liues still, onely because we hastned our remoove, (if this may be called a D remoove, and not rather a plaine taking of a flight and running away.) And yet you reason this no enemie cittie, where, if ye had staied but one day longer, you had died for it everie one. Defi­ance is giuen alreadie, and war denounced against you; but if ye be men indeede of courage, to their great cost and mischiefe that haue denounced it. Thus being of themselves kindled inough with indignation, and by these words enflamed and set on fire, they went ever ie man his way from thence home: and so effectually sollicited each one the people where he dwelt, that in fine the whole nation of the Volscians revolted and rebelled.’ To mannage this war, were chosen Gene­rall commaunders by one consent of all the citties, Accius Tullius, and Cn. Martius the ba­nished Romane: in whome of the twaine they reposed greater hope, and this their hope failed them not. So as it soone appeared that the puissance of the state of Rome, consisted more in the E dexteritie of good captaines, than in strong armies of souldiours. For first he went to Monte Cir [...]ello. Circeios, from whence he expelled the Romane Coloners, and delivered the cittie cleere and free unto the Volscians. Then by crosse waies he passed into the Latine streete, called Via Latima: and re­gained from the Romanes, these their townes newly gotten asore, Satricum, Longula, Pollu­stia & Corioli. After this he wan Lanuvium againe, & so forward he forced Civit [...] indori­n [...] vique. Corbio, Vitelia, Trebia, Labicos, and Pedum. And last of all from Pedum, he marched on toward the cittie of Rome, and at Cluiliae Fossae, five miles off, he encamped and forraied the territorie about, sen­ding with the forreiars certaine guides, to keepe them from spoyling and doing harme in the Noblemens lands: were it that he were more spightfull to the Commons, or that thereby some discord might arise, Coriolanus be­seegeth Rome. between the Comminaltie and the Senatours: which doubtlesse had soone F growne, so mightily had the Tribunes alreadie by their complaints and accusations, provoked the Commons forward, (who of themselves were shrewed inoguh) against the heads and magi­strates of the cittie, but that the feare of forraine dangers, the greatest bond of ciuile concord that can be, held them in and knit their hearts togither, were they never so jealous, suspected, and hatefull afore one to the other. Herein onely was all their difference, that the Senate and Consuls, reposed hope in nothing else save onely in warre: the commons on the other side [Page 70] were desirous of any thing whatsoever, but warre. G

Now were S.Nautius, and Sex. Farius Consuls: who as they were surveying and mustering the legions, and disposing of a good Corpus de guard upon the wals, and other places wherein they thought it expedient to keep a standing watch and ward: behold a mightie number called and cried hard for peace,& with their sedicious clamors, put them in exceeding feare: yea & after­wards, forced them to assemble the Senatehouse together, and to propose concerning the sen­ding of certaine embassadors to Gn. Martius. The Lords of the Senate seeing evidently the commons hearts to faile them, accepted and granted the motion propounded. Whereupon were Oratours sent unto Martius to treate for peace. The answere of [...] to the [...] Orators. At whose hands they received this heavie and stout answere: ‘If so be the Volsciens had their lands restored to them againe; then there might be some parle and treatie of peace: but if they will needs at their pleasure still enjoy that H bootie which by war they have gotten, then would he in remembrance of private wrongs done vnto him by his countrimen, as also of the friendship and courtesie shewed him by strangers that had given him entertainement, do his best to make it knowne unto the world, that his cou­rage and stomacke is incensed, and not abated and quailed by his banishment.’ Then were the same Embassadors sent againe the second time, but they might not be admitted once to set foote within the campe. It is reported moreouer that the verie priests in their Pontificalibus, in their rich vestiments and goodly ornaments, went with supplication to the tents of the enemies, and turned his heart no more than the embassadors had done before them. Then the dames of the cittie came flocking all about Veturia the mother, and Volumnia the wife of Coriolanus. Whether this proceeded from any publike counsell and was done in pollicie, or came onely of I womens feare, I find but little in any records. But howsoeuer it came about, this one thing is cer­taine, they persuaded so effectually with them, that both Veturia an aged woman, and also Volumnia with her two little sonnes that she had by Martius, went toward the enemies campe, to see if women by their praiers and teares, might save the cittie, which men with speare and shield could not defend. When they were come into the camp, & word brought to Coriolanus, that there was an exceeding great traine of women thither arrived: at the first, he, as one that had relented, neither for that publike maiestie in the Embassadours, nor yet at the religious re­verence, which he both conceived in mind, & saw with his eies in the clergie, stood much more stifly bent against the teares of seely women. But afterwards one of his familiar friends, who K had seen and knowne Veturia there, mourning and bewailing exceedingly above the rest, as she stood betwixt her daughter in law and her little nephewes: The speech of Veturia unto her so [...] Martius Cotiolanus. I [...] mine eies be matches (quoth hee) and deceive me not, here is your mother, your wife, and children. ‘Whereat, Coriolanus, faring like a man well neare beside himselfe, arose from his seate, and ran to meete his mother, and to embrace her. But the woman falling in steede of praiers into a fit of choller: Let me know (quoth she) before I suffer thee to embrace me, whether I am come to an enemie or to a sonne, whether I be in thy campe as a captive prisoner, or as a naturall mother. And have I lived indeede so long, and rubbed on still in this miserable old age of mine for this, to see thee first a banished man, and after that to become an enemie? Couldest thou finde in thine heart to waste and spoyle that courtrey which bred thee, which fostered thee, and brought thee up? And be it L that thou hither marched with a cruell intent and full of threats, would not thine anger and fell mood slake, when thou didst set foote within the borders and marches therof? And being come within the sight of Rome, arose not this in thy mind & thought, Within those wals yon­der is my house, there are my house goods, my mother, my wife, my children? Why then, belike if I had never been a mother, and borne a child, Rome had not been assaulted. And if I had no sonne at all, I might have died well ynough in my native countrey, whiles it remained free. But as for me, neither can I suffer ought, more for thy dishonestie and shame; nor more to mine owne calamitie and miserie than this: and most wretched caitife though I be, yet long time so I cannot continue. But for these here, looke thou well to it, I advise thee, and have pittie of them, who if thou goe on as thou beginnest, are like to feele untimely death, or indure long captivitie.’ Then his wife and children hung about him, and clipped him: whereat the women fell a wee­ping M on all sides, bewailing their owne case and the state of their countrey. So as at length the man was overcome. And after he had taken them in his armes likewise, he let them goe: and himselfe dislodged and removed his campe backeward from the cittie. When he had with­drawne the legions out of the territorie of Rome, he gat himselfe, men said, such hatred and displeasure for this action, that it cost him his life: and murdered he was, some report one way, [Page 71] A some another. But I find in Fabius a most ancient writer, that he lived untill he was an old man: who reporteth this of him: That oftentimes in his latter daies he used to utter this speech, A heavie case and most wretched, for an aged man to live banisht. The men of Rome envied not those women their due deserved praises. So devoid was the world in those daies, of depraving and de­tracting the glorie of others. For in memoriall hereof to all posteritie, there was a temple built and dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris. i. Fertuna Mul [...]re b [...]ir. Womens fortune.

After all this, the Volscians joined the Aequians unto them, and returned into the territorie of Rome. But the Aequians would no longer abide Accius to bee their Commander. And upon this strife between the Volscians and Aequians, whither of them should appoint a Generall over the armie raised jointly of them both, first they grew to a mutinie, and afterwards to a cruell B battell. Such was the good fortune of the people of Rome, that two armies of their enemies, were thus by civile discord and contention, no lesse mortall than obstinate, overthrowne and brought to naught. Consuls then, were T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius. To Sicinius were allotted the Volscians, and to Aquilius the Hernikes (who also were out and up in armes) for their severall province. That yeare were the Hernikes vanquished, but with the Volscians they fought so, as they departed on even hand, giving and taking the like.

After them were Sp. Cassius, and Proculus Virginius made Consuls. Then was there a league concluded with the Hernikes, and two third parts of their lands were taken from them. Whereof the one moitie, Cassius the Consul was minded to distribute among the Latins, the other among the Commoners. To this donation hee laid too also a good portion of ground, which being C commons by right, he found much fault, that it was in the tenure and possession of private per­sons. This act of his made diverse of the Senatours, namely, such as were great landed men and interessed therein, to starkle for feare of hazarding their estate. Over and besides, the Senatours all in generall were in great perplexitie, least that the Consull by this largesse, should rise by po­pular favor to such greatnes, as might prejudice their free hold, yea and endanger the very main chance of publick libertie. The law Agraria first published, concerning the division of wast lands among the commons. And this was the first time that the law Agraria was published: and forward unto this present hower, it was never debated of, but with exceeding great stirs and trou­bles of the State. The other Consull withstood this largesse, with the generall consent of the Se­natours, and without contradiction of some commoners: who at the very first began to mislike, and utterly abhorre, that the donation was so commune, and from the naturall cittizens, exten­ded D to their allies and confederates. ‘Moreover, they might oftentimes heare even the Consull himselfe Virginius, openly in his solemne Orations before the people, to deliver by way of pro­phesie, and as it were to prognosticate, Virginius against the law Agraria. That this was a pestilent largesse of his brother Consull, and that those grounds would in the end entherall the takers thereof, and that it was the very high way to set up a kingdome againe. For to what other intent (I pray you) were their allies, and the nation of the La­tines associate in the same? To what purpose either, was a third part of the lands won by conquest, given againe to the Hernikes prosessed enemies but a while before, but that these nations might have Cassius to be such another captaine of their, as Coriolanus was. And thus by dissuading and crossing the law Agraria, he became now to be popular and gracious with the people. Then both Consuls strived a vie, who might please & gratifie the Commons most.’ Virginius, by giving out that he E would maintaine and suffer the lands to be divided, so they were assigned to none but to the citi­zens of Rome: Cassius againe, who in the largesse of the lands, seemed to court and currie favor with the allies, and thereby was of the citizens lesse regarded and reputed, to the end, that by some other benefite he might regaine the hearts of his countrimen, was of opinion, and made a motive, that the monie which was received for the Sicilian corne, should be repaied unto the people. But the Commons refused and abhorred that, as a verie bribe & readie bait for a scep­ter and crowne. So greatly were all his gifts, for the deepe rooted suspition and jelousie of his as­piring to a kingdome, loathed in the conceits of men, as if they had flowed in wealth, and been rich ynough. Sp.Cassius put to death for seeking to be king. And for certaine it is recorded, that so soone as he left his Office, he was condem­ned and put to death. Some report, that his owne father did the execution: and that upon exa­mination F privately had at home within his house, he finding him faultie, whipped him first, and so killed him, and consecrated the goods and chattels of his son, as a Deodand to Ceres, where­of a Statue or Image was made, with this inscription or title, GIVEN OVT OF THE HOVSE OF, CASSIVS. I find in some records(which soundeth neerer to the truth) that he was by the Treasurers of the citti [...]. Que­stors Caeso Fabius, and L.Valerius, endited of treason, and being convicted, was by a verdite of the people condemned, and his house by order from the whole cittie, rased and pulled downe.

And at this day, it is the void yard that lieth before the temple of Tellus. But howsoever he had G his triall and judgement, privately or openly, condemned he was when Ser. Cornelius and Q.Fal­bius were Consuls. Long continued not the peoples anger and spight against Cassius. So sweet was the law Agraria in it selfe, that when the author and upholder therof was out of the world, they longed to have it on foot againe. Which desire of theirs was the rather set on fire, through the pinching niggardise of the Senatours, who having that yeare subdued the Volscians and Aequians, kept the souldiours fasting, and defrauded them of the spoile. For what prises soever were gotten from the enemies, the Consull Fabius sold and brought into the Exchequer or chamber of the cittie.

Now was the name of Fabius alreadie odious to the Communaltie, for the last Consuls sake: yet obtained the Senatours so much, and held their owne so, as Caeso Fabius was created Consull H with L. Aemilius. This made the Commons more malicious and bent to mischeefe. And sediti­on at home caused warre abroad. Forraine warre husht civile discord for a while. Both Senatours and Commons with one accord, under the conduct of Aenilius, fought fortunately with the rebellious Volscians and Aequians, and diffeated them. Howbeit more enemies perished in the chase, than were slaine in the battell: so hotly the horsemen pursued them when they were once discomfited and gave not over. The same yeare was the temple of Castor, consecrated in the [...] of a T [...]ple. Ides of Quintilis. [...] It had been vowed aforetime in the Latines warre by Posthumius the Dictator. His sonne was created Duumvir, for that purpose, and dedicated it.

This yeare also the Commons hearts were set upon the law Agraria, and longed afresh after I the sweetnes therof. The Tribunes of the Comminaltie graced and credited their popular au­thoritie, with propounding a law as popular and acceptable to the people. But the Sena­tours supposing verilie that the multitude was furious and outrageous enough and too much of themselves, without anie hire and reward, stood in great dread and horrour of these lar­gesses, as the verie allurements and provocations, of rash and headie attempts: and the stoutest champions of their side to withstand the lawe, were the Consuls. That part therefore and State of the citie had the better hand, nor onelie this present yeare, but for the next ensuing. For they chose M.Fabius, Caeso his brother for the one Consull, and L. Valerius for the other, a man of the twaine more odious in the eies of the Commons, in regard of his late accusati­on of Sp.Cassius. In which yeare also there was strifeand much adoe with the Tribunes. But both K law and lawmakers with their glorious bragging and vaunting of their goodlie donative, which they could not effect, proved vaine and came to nothing. Vpon this, the name of Fabij, who after three Consulships together one after another, by them born continuallie without intermis­sion, were inured and tried in the broiles and contentions of Tribunes, was in great request and reputation: and in their house and familie remained still for a good while after, that dignitie, as an honour well and worthelie bestowed upon them. Then began the Veientian warre, and the Volscians likewise rebelled. But for anie warres abroad whatsoever, they had strength enough and to spare, is by jarres at home among their owne selues they had not abused the same.

Besides this disquienes and affliction of all mens minds, occasioned by these dissensions, there hapned(to amend the matter well) prodigious, and strange tokens from heaven, daily in a L manner threatning both in citie & countrie the heavie hand of God. And when as the forhsaiers and wizards were sent out unto, to search forth the cause of Gods wrath and indignation both in publike and private, as well by inspect of the inwards of sacrificed beasts, as by aspect of birds and foules, they could assigne it to nothing else but this, that there was some errour committed in their sacrifices and divine liturgie. Those fearefull and prodigious signes proceeded still so farre, that one Oppia a vestale Nun, convicted and condemned of incest, suffered death.

After this, followed Q. Fabius and C. Tullius Consuls. In which yeare the discord at home was nothing lesse, and the warre abroad farre greater. For the Aequians rose up in armes: the Veientians also entered the consines, and made much spoile. And whiles they were more and more careful about these warres what order to take, Caeso Fabius and Sp. Furius, were made Con­suls. By this time the Aequians assaulted Artona a citie in Latium. And the Veientians having M sped themselues with prises and booties, made great cracks that they would give an assault upon the verie citie of Rome. These fearefull newes, which ought to have abated and taken downe the stomacks of the Commons, made them much more fierce & fel, and they returned of themselves unto their old biace of refusing warfare: but Sp. Licinius their Tribune, thinking now the time was come to enforce upon the Senatours the law Agraria, upon this exigent and extreame point [Page 73] A of-necessitie, had taken upon him to stop the levying and setting out of an armie. But he drew upon his owne head the whole hatred and displeasure of the Tribunes themselves and their au­ctoritie. For the Consuls opposed themselves against him no more bitterlie than his owne companions in office by whose assistance the Consuls went through with the muster. And for two warres at once, there were enrolled two armies. The one under the leading of Fabius, against the Aequians, the other, against the Veientians commaunded by Furius. Against whom there was nothing done worthie of remembrance. As for Fabius, he had somewhat more to doe with his owne men than with his enemies. That man himselfe alone was he, that being Consull up­held the Common-weale, which his armie for hatred of their Consull, had as much as in them lay, utterly betraied. For when as he(above many other warlike feats and parts of a right worthie B Generall, whereof he shewed singular proofe, both in preparation, and also in managing of the warre) had so marshalled and raunged his battaile, that with sending out the horsemen onelie, he disordred and brake the rankes of his enemies host: The disobedience of soldiers to [...]eir captain [...]. behold, the footmen would not follow on after that disaray neither, when the exhortation of their leader whom they hated, prevai­led not, could their owne shame at leastwise, and the publicke dishonour for the present, no nor yet the imminent danger like to ensue (in case the enemie had taken heart againe and made head) force them to amend their pace one jot, and make more speed. Neither could he possi­blie make them (if to doe nothing else) so much as to march still in battaile aray: but full against his commaundement they retire with their ensignes: and as men sorie in their hearts and ill ap­paid, (he that had seene them would have said they had lost the field) cursing their Generall one C while, and the valiant service of the horsemen another while, they returne to their Tents. Nei­ther wist the Generall what way to remedie this so pestilent an example and dangerous prece­dent. Thus we may see, that brave men, of singular and excellent wits, have beene more to seeke and faile in their skill, how to governe a subject than to vanquish an enemie. The Con­sull returneth to Rome, having purchased more hatred of his forward and stubbourne soldiors, than, won honour by his martiall prowesse. Neverthelesse, the Senatours prevailed so much that the Consultship kept residence still in the name of the Fabij. So, they created M. Fabius Consull, and joine with him Cn. Manlius for his collegue.

This yeare likewise, had one patrone and maintainer of the law Agraria, to wit, Tiberius Pon­tificius a Tribune. He taking the same course, and following the steps of Sp. Licinius, hindered D the musters for a while. The poll [...]ricke practise of Ap­pius Claudius to abate the Tri­bunes auctorine. ‘And when the Senatours were herewith disquieted againe, then Ap. Claudius arose up and said, That the yeare before, the Tribunes power was overmatched, and the neck of it broken in proofe, only for that present, but in example for ever hereafter: for as much as it was well seen then by experience, that of it selfe even among their own selves it fell a peeces and never will there want at any time one good Tribune or other, that would be glad to get the start and victorie of his fellow, yea and the favour also of the better part, for to purchase the good of the weale-publike. And that there would be more Tribunes, if more were needfull, readie to assist the Consuls: and if there were but one, even that one were sufficient to stand against all the rest. So that, the Consuls and LL. of the Counsell would but do their indevour, to win unto the State and Senate, some certaine of the Tribunes, if they might not compasse all.’ E The Senatours being thus schooled and taught their lessons by Appius, both all in generall would courteouslie salute and friendlie intreat the Tribunes, and also in particular as manie of them as had beene Consuls, according to that interest that ech man had in any one of them privatelie, partlie by favour and friendship, and partlie by countenance and authoritie, prevai­led so with them, that they were willing and well content to employ the Tribunes authoritie to the good and safetie of the Commonweale. So by the helpe of foure Tribunes, against one that hindred the good of all, the Consuls tooke muster of the soldiours. Then set they for­ward on their voiage to warre with the Veientians: unto whom from all parts of Hetruria they came to aide and succour; not so much for anie love that they bare to the Veientians, as in hope that the puissance of Rome through intestine and civile dissention, would decay and come F to nought. ‘For in all the Dietes and assemblies of the States of Hetruria, the Princes and Peeres gave it out and said, The speeches of the Tuscane pri [...] ­ces in their Counsels. That the power and greatnes of the Romanes was everlasting, if through mutuall discord they warred not so among themselves: which hath beene found the onely bane of welthie & flourishing cities, wherby mightie Empires became mortal & subject to a final end. Which mischiefe (say they) this long time hath bene prevented and delaied, partly through the fage advise and prudent government of the Senate, partlie by the patience and long sufferance [Page 74] of the Commons: but now they are come to a great extremitie. Devided they are, and of one G citie become twaine: each part have their severall Magistrats and lawes by themselves. At the first, how ever they were wont to be at ods, and to fall out at the mustering of souldiours, yet in warre they would hold together, and obey their captaines. Howsoever they fared at home in the cittie, were the State never so farre out of order, yet so long as martial discipline, was on foot and tooke place, they might be reclaimed, and all troubles staied. But now, the former use & custome of disobeying Magistrates within the cittie, is taken up by the Romane souldiours in the verie campe. For no longer since than the last warre of all, in the time of battell and conflict, their whole armie agreed of their owne accord, not forced by any extremitie that they were put unto, for to give the Veientians, as much as in them lay, even after they had lost the field, the entire vi­ctorie and honour of the day. For they abandoned their ensignes, left their Generall alone in H the skirmish, and against his will, retired themselves into the campe. And surely, if they hold on still this course, Rome may be won by meanes of her owne souldiours: there needs no more to doe, but to proclaime and make a shew of warre: For even the verie destinies and gods them­selves would performe all the rest.’ Vpon these hopes and deepe persuasions, the Tuscanes, who afore were wont otherwhiles to have the better, and sometimes to take the worse in their warres, put themselves in armes. The Romane Consuls likewise were in feare of nothing els so much, as of their owne power, their owne force and weapons: being affrighted at the remembrance of that foule and shamefull example, and that lewd part plaied in the last warre: least peradventure, they should put it upon this point of hazard, as to be in danger of two battels at once. And ther­fore in so doubtfull and perrillous a case, they held off fight, and kept themselves within their I campe, if haply time and space would assuage their anger, bring them into the right way again, and reclaime them to good and reasonable order. ‘The enemies hereat, as well Veientians as the other Tuscanes, made the greater hast, and were more sharpe set, and provoked them to the field: first by riding up and down before their campe, hard at the gates thereof, braving and cha­lenging them forth, at the last, seeing they could not prevaile, they fell to rating and railing, one while upon the Consuls themselves, another while upon the whole armie, in these and such like tearmes: A gay matter indeed, and a proper devise to salve their cowardise, and under a colour of civile dissention to cloke their fearefulnesse: and the Consuls forsooth mistrust more the faith­fulnesse and loi [...]ltie of their souldiours in service, than they doubted their valor and sufficiencie of service. Marie, here is indeed a new kind of mutinie. What? Armed men to hold their peace, K and sit still?’ Hitting them in their teeth besides, with their new start-up rising, and late sprong base beginning, letting flie against them lies and truths, one with an other, and spared not. For all this soule stirre they kept, stouting and reviling them under their very trench, and hard at their gates, the Consuls themselves were not one jot troubled. But the foolish and ignorant multitude what with anger, and what for shame of these reprochfull tearmes, was much distempered: and one whiles wholly gave over to regard and thinke upon home troubles and dissentions, and had rather than their lives be revenged of their enemies: Anon againe, they would not in any case gratisie the Nobles and Consuls, nor wish them good successe. Thus the hatred both against the enemies without, and the Consuls within strove together in their hearts: untill at length, forrain occasions gat the mastrie over them: so proudly, so insolently, the enemie scorned and made a L game of them. Whereupon they came thicke by troupes to the Generals pavilion, calling upon them for to fight, requiring to put forth the banner and signall of battell. The Consuls laid their heads together, and as taki ng good advisement, conferred on the matter a good while. To fight they were most willing and desirous: but this desire was to be kept back and dissimuled, and thereby augmented: to the end, that by holding off, by opposing themselves, and making some stay, they might set the souldiors on, & being once set on it, they might make them follow more eagerly at once. In conclusion, this answere was returned unto them: That they made too much hast: it was not yet full ripe, nor the time come, to give battell: they must hold themselves con­tented, and keepe within thir tents: proclaiming moreover, that no man be so hardie as to fight: and whosoever attempted it, without their warrant, and commission, they would proceed against M him with all rigour, as a professed enemie. Thus were they dismissed. And the lesse willing they thought the Consuls were, the more eager were they, and set upon a battel. The enemies besides, when they had intelligence, that the Consuls were not disposed to fight, and had tak en order to the contrarie, were inkindled and inflamed so much the more. For now they supposed they might brave it, and insult upon them safely without danger. For why? ‘The Consuls durst not [Page 75] A trust the soldiors with weapon in hand: now were their mutinies come to the height, and to break forth in extremities: now and never before the Romane Empire and Dominion was at an end. Presuming considently upon this ground, they run together unto the gates, redoubling a thousand villanous & opprobrious termes, and much a do they had to forbeare assaulting the camp.’ Now could the Romans on the other side hold no longer, & endure this contumelie & indignitie, but came running from all parts of the camp unto the Consuls. And now not leasurely as before, make they request, and by mediation of their chiefe centurians, but all on once on every side pli­ed them with outcries & clamors. Now was the matter come to ripenes, yet hast the Coss. stil and hold off. Then Fabius, seing the tumult increased, & that for feare of a mutinie, his brother Consul had yeelded alreadie, caused silence to be made by sound of trumpet, & thus he spake: I know full B well O Manlius, The speech of Fabius to his brother Consull. that these fellows are able to win the victorie: but that they will so do I know not, and they themselves have caused me to doubt. I have therfore set down my rest, & fully resolved not to give the signal of battaile, unlesse they sweare to returne out of the field with victory. ‘Once did the soldiors in battaile deceive a Cos. of Rome: but the gods in heaven shall they never de­ceive. Then M.Flavolcius a Centurion, one of the formost that called for battaile so instantlie, Returne will I (quoth hee) O M. Fabius, victor out of the field: and if I faile then I beseech father Iupiter, Mars Gradivus and other gods to make me a fearefull example, and shew their wrath­full displeasure upon me. The same oth after him tooke the whole armie, everie man against himselfe. Thus when they had sworne, the trumpet sounded. Then buckle they themselues to­ward battaile, full of anger, full of hope.’ Now they bid the Tuscanes revile and raile their sill: C now being at all points armed, they wished they had afore them man to man their enemies, those that were so livelie and lustie with their tongues. Right valiantly bare themselues that daie, as well the Commons as the Nobles. But the name of the Fabij, the Fabij I say, passed all the rest and wan the spurs. Who in this peece of service purposed to gaine againe the hearts of the Commons, which in many civile contentions were set against them. And so they embattailed themselves. The enemies likewise; both the Veientians & also the Tuscane legions were nothing behind, as making almost sure reckoning that they should be fought withall no more than the Aequians had beene. Nay, they were in hope of some greater disorder amongst them, and that, considering they were so malecontent, and the occasion so doubtfull, they would play a more shamefull part, and shew their leaders a beastlie cast. But it fell out farre otherwise. For D never in any other warre afore, gave the Romanes a hotter charge upon the enemies: so much had they of the one side with spitefull taunts and reproaches netled them, and the Con­suls on the other side with their long delaies whet them on. Scarce had the Tuscanes any time to put themselues in battaile array, but at the verie first encounter and shocke, casting their jave­lins careleslie from them (I know not how) rather than levelling and launching them against the enemie, they came presently pell-mell to hand strokes, and to deale with their swords, which is the cruellest sight of all other. The Fabij among the formost in the forefront fought valiantlie, shewing their countrimen a brave sight, and a noble example to follow. Where, Q Fabius who had beene Consull the third yeare before, the leader and forwardest of them all, whiles he ad­vanced himselfe and rushed amongst the thickest of the Veientians, and skuffled with many of E them together, was not ware of his deadline enemie so neere: but behold a certaine Tuscane a mightie man of strength and skilfull at his weapon, ran him through the breast with his sword. Which was not so soone drawne forth of his bodie, but Fabius fell downe headlong upon his wound and died. Both armies felt the fall of that one man: and therwith the Romanes reculed. ‘With that M.Fabius the Consull, stepped over his bodie as it lay along, and holding forth his target betweene: Why, soldiors (quoth he) is the oth ye tooke, to run away and retire thus in to the campe? And are ye more affraid in deed, of these most dastardlie enemies, than of Iu­piter and Mars, by whom ye sware? But I, who was not sworne at all, will either make returne with victorie, or else O Q. Fabius, fighting here by thee, I will live and die by thy side. To whom, Caeso Fabius, who the yeare afore was Consull, replied againe: Thinke you brother, with F these words to make them to fight? Nay, the gods are they that must doe it, by whom they have sworne. And let us like Noble knights, and for the honour of the Fabian house, stirre up and animate our soldiors by fighting rather than by exhorting. Thus rode the two Fabij with launce in rest into the forefront, and drewe the whole battaile with them.’ The fight of one side being thus renewed, Cn. Manlius the Consul in the other wing, bestirred himselfe, and did for his part as valiantly: Where hapned almost the like fortune. For as in the [Page 76] one wing the souldiours followed Q. Fabius, so in this they cheerefully went with the Consull G himselfe Manlius, chasing the enemies afore him as discomfired. And when he was sore woun­ded, and thereupon gone out of the battaile, his men supposing him to be slaine, drew backe, and had indeede lost ground and given way to the enemie, but that the other Consull with cer­taine corners of horsemen, galloped amaine into that quarter, and cried aloud that his fellow Consul was living and that himselfe who had defeated the other poynt, was readie with victo­rie to assist them, and so upheld the medley, that now began to shrinke. Manlius also to encou­rage his men, shewed himselfe againe in open sight. Thus the knowledge and presence of the two Consuls, made the souldiours take heart afresh. Herewithall besides, were the enemies bat­talions the thinner and weaker, because they trusting upon their exceeding number, had draw­en out those that were to serve for succour and supply, and sent them away to assaile the campe. H In the surprising whereof, finding no great adoe and small resistance, whiles they had more mind to rifle for pillage, than to fight for the victorie, they lost time. In the meane space the Romane Triarq, who were not able to hold out the first assault and entrance, having dispatched to the Consuls certaine messengers, to give knowledge in what termes they stood, cast themselves round into a ring, and retired themselues to the Praetorium or Generals lodging, and of them­selves alone, made head and renewed the fight. Likewise Manlius the Consull being ridden back to the campe, at everie gate set certaine souldiours in guard: and so enclosed them within, that they could not get forth. The Tuskanes being in this desperate case, fared more like mad men than hardie souldiours. For when as they ranne here and there everie way, according as I they had any hope to find issue & to escape, and had made sundrie offers & attempts in vain: behold one troupe oftal fellowes in a plumpe, made no more ado, but knowing the Consul, who by reason of brave & goodly armor was a faire mark, charged upon his own person. The first vo­ley of their shot, was receiued by those that stood about him, but their violence afterwards could not be endured. [...] The Consull himselfe was wounded to death, and fell down in the place, & al the rest were discomfited. Whereupon the Tuskanes tooke more hart unto them, but the Romanes were so maskared, that they ran all about the campe in great feare. And in extreame jeopardie had they been, but that the Lie [...]enants caught up the Consull his bodie, and made passage at one gate for the enemie. Through which they rushed forth, and dismarched disorderly, untill they light vpon the other Consull presently after his victorie: where they either fell againe upon K the edge of the sword, [...] or were scattered and put to flight. This brave victorie thus atchieved, was heavie yet and sorrowfull for the death of two sonoble personages. ‘And therefore when the Senate had decreed a triumph, the Consull returned this answere, That willingly he could allow thereof in regard of the passing good seruice performed in that warre, in case an armie might triumph without a Generall. But as for himselfe, seeing that his house grieued and mourned for the death of his brother Q. Fabius, and that the commonwealth was halfe fatherlesse as it were, for the losse of a Consull, he would not accept the lawrell so deformed and foully blemished, both with publike and private sorrow.’ This triumph thus by him refused, was more honoura­ble than all the triumph in the world. By which wee may see that glorie despised in due time re­turneth otherwhiles in greater measure. Then solemnized he with great honour the obsequies L one after another, first of his fellow Consull, and then of his owne brother. And he himselfe made the funerall orations for them both. But so as in yeelding unto them their due com­mendations, he went himselfe away with the greater part. And not unmindfull of that rule which he had learned in the beginning of the Consulship, namely to win again the harts & love of the Commons, he diuided the cure of his hurt and wounded souldiours among the Sena­tors. With most of them the Fabij were charged, and of none were they better tended and loo­ked unto, than of them. Wherupon the Fabij now waxed popular, and that, for no other pollicie and intent, but onely to do the common-wealth good: and therefore with the favour and good will of the commons, as well as of the Nobles, Caeso Fabius was created Consull, with T. Virgini­us. Whose principall care above all was this, even before war, before musters, before all things M els, that seeing now in some measure, there was good hope of concord begun alreadie, the hearts of the Commons might be perfectly linked and united togither with the Nobles, and that, with all speed possible. In the beginning therefore of this yeare, before that any Tribune of the Commons should prefer the law Agraria, he thought good and gave his advise, that the No­bles should prevent all, & go in hand first themselves to perform their part, and shew their boun­tie: namely in parting the lands gotten by conquest, and freely bestowing the same as equally [Page 77] A as might be, among the Commons. For it was meet & requisite that they should be possessed ther­of, whose swet of brows, nay, whose bloud had paied for the purchase. But the Senators could not heare of that care, but misliked of the motion: yea, and some of them complained & said, that the lively spirit, & corageous disposition of Caeso, which sometimes he had, was now by reason of ex­cessive glorie, growen to be toyish & full of vanities. And there an end of civile factions for a time.

But the Latines were much troubled with the reises and rodes of the Acquians. Thither was Caeso with an armie sent, who invaded and overran the verie countrey of the Aequians, [...]orraying and spoyling as he went. The Aequians thereupon retired, and put themselves into their townes, and kept close within the walles, whereby there was no memorable field fought. But at their enemies the Veientians hand, they received an overthrow, and that through the rashnesse B of the other Consull: and had not Caeso Fabius come to the rescue in good time, the whole armie had beene utterly lost. From that time there was neither war nor peace with the Veien­tians: but their dealing was much what after the manner of robbing. For when the Romane legions were abroad, they would leave the field, & take to their cities: when they perceived the legions were remooved and gone, they would make excursions and waste the countrey. Thus plaied they mockholiday, and dalied with them, shifting off war with quietnesse, and quietnes againe with war, by turnes. So as, the Romane could neither all wholly rest carelesse and secure for them, nor yet go through stitch, and make an end once for all with them. Besides, other wars were either presently at hand, to with, from the Aequians and the Volscians, who could no lon­ger sit still, than untill their fresh griefe, and paine of the last defeature was ouerpast; or else the C Sabines, never other but enemies, yea and all Hetruria, were like shortly to rise and take armes. But the Veientian a continuall enemie, rather than dangerous, provoked them to anger with re­prochfull taunts, oftener than with any great perill or hurt. And yet as little as it was, it might no time be neglected, Caeso Fabius the Consull, in the Lords of the Senate. nor gave them leave to be employed in the meanewhile, otherwhere. ‘Then came the whole house and kinred of the Fabij unto the Senat, and in the name of them all spake the Consul in this wife: My Lords of the Senate, the Veientian warre had neede rather of a resi­dent garrison, as ye know well inough, to keepe the fronties, than great forces for expedition. As for you, see ye to other warres. Let the Fabij alone to deale as private enemies with the Vei­entians. We dare undertake and warrant, that the State of Rome shall receive no dishonour nor danger there. We are fully minded and resolved at our owne proper cost and charges, to main­taine D and mannage that war, as appropriate and peculiar to our name and familie: the citie shal be charged neither with men nor money there. The linage of the Fabii, offer to maintaine wa [...]e with the Veien [...] ­ens in their [...] persons, and at their proper charges.’ Great thanks were giuen them for this their for­wardnesse. The Consul being come out of the Senat house, was attended home with the whole generation of the Fabij who stood at the porch of the Counsell Court, expecting the Senates decree. And being commanded to be readie in armour well appointed the next day, and to give attendance at the Consuls doore, they departed from thence home to their owne hou­ses. The bruit hereof spread all over the cittie. All men extoll the Fabij up to the skie, saying, That one familie had taken upon them the whole burden of the cittie. ‘The Veientian war now, is become(say they) a private charge, and requireth the power and force onely that private per­sons could make. O that there were two such families more in Rome of that stomacke and valor: E that one of them might take the Volsciens in hand, and another the Acquiens. Surely all the nations bordering hereabout might soone be subdued, and the people of Rome sit still the while and rest in peace.’ The day following, the Fabij armed themselues, mounted on horseback, and repaired to the Rendez-vous aforesaid, as they were commaunded. Then came the Consull forth, clad in a rich cote of armes, and standing in his porch, beheld his whole bloud and li­nage armed and marshalled in order, and being receiued in the minds of them, caused the gui­don and Cornets to be advaunced. Never marched there along the cittie, an armie either lesse in number, or more renowned for their same and the admiration of men. Three hundred men of armes they were and sixe, all nobly descended, of one stocke, of one race and name all. And of all them there was not one, that a sage and prudent Senate would haue refused at a­ny F time as unsufficient, to be a leader and commaunder in the field. Thus furnished with the force and strength that one onelie familie could make, they advaunced forward, threatning and menacing the ruine and destruction of the Veientians. There followed a number and mul­titude of citizens: one priuate companie by themselues of kinsfolke, allies, friends, and feres, casting in their mindes no meane matters, neither of hope nor feare, but all exceeding mea­sure and surpassing: another, of the common people, mooved with a carefull regard, andasto­nied [Page 78] againe in a favourable applause and admiration of their enterprise, crying with one voice, G Hold on right valiant knights, On forth a Gods name in happie houre; God graunt luckie speed, answerable to your magnanimous attempts and designements: and looke for, at our hands from hence forth, Consulshps, triumphs, all rewards and honorable dignities whatsoever. And all the way as they passed along the Capitoll, the castle, & other temples, they besought the gods, as many as were presented to their eie, as many as they could conceive in their minds, to vouchsafe that squadron to be attended upon with good successe and fortunate felicitie, and soone to returne home againe in safetie, to their native countrie and loving parents. But, alas the while, in vaine were all these praiers made. Then set they forward on their journey, leaving Ianus church on the right hand, taking the ungracious and unluckie way, from the gate Carmentaris, untill at length they came to the river At thi [...] day [...] Cremera That was thought a convenient place to forti­sie H in, and there to plant a garrison. After this were L. Aemilius and C. Servilius made Consuls. And so long as they adventured no farther than forraying the countrey, the Fabij were good ynough, not onely to defend their hold and fort; but all the frontier parts and marches where the Tuscane territorie adjoineth to the Romane, they so scoured and traversed, betweene the one consine & the other, that they kept all their owne in safetie, and mightily endammaged the enemies. Then surceassed they a while, but it was not long, from wasting and spoiling. By which time both the Veientians had gathered a power out of Hetruria, and assaulted the fort of Cremera, and also the Romane legions, under the conduct of the Consull L. Aemilius, encoun­tred the Tuscanes in open field. And yet the Veientians had hardly time ynough to put them­selves in order of battell: so suddainly at the very first buskling, whiles the files were entring into I array under their colours in the vauntgard, and the succours and supplies a placing and dispo­sing in the rereward, a corner of Romane horse, charged them so hotely on the flancke, that un­neath had they roome and space, either to begin fight, or to keepe their standing sure. Thus were they discomfited, and chased backe as farre as Saxa rubr [...].i. Red rockes, (for there they were en­camped) where they humblie craved peace. Which when they had obtained (see their inbred inconstancie so naturally engraffed) they were wearie of it, and repented thereof, before the Ro­mane garrison could be withdrawne from Cremera. And so the Fabij once againe skirmished with the Veientian nation, without preparation of greater warre. Neither made they inrodes on­ly, and suddaine violent incursions into the territories, but sundrie times they encountred with banners displaied, and joined battell in plaine field. And that one house and kindred of the Ro­mane K people, carried oftentimes the victorie away, from that most mightie and rich cittie (in those daies) of all the Tuscanes. This, tooke the Veientians at the first, for a foule disgrace and in­dignitie. But afterwards they devised to lay traines, as occasion should serve, & entrap their fierce and hardie enemie: and well apaid they were and rejoiced, that the Fabij upon the good successe that still followed them, were become more bold and venturous. And therefore diverse times when the Romanes were abroad a boothaling, they would drive cattell in their way, but yet so, as they might seeme to light upon them by chance. The rusticall pezants made shew as if they sled out of the countrie, and left the fields wast: yea and the companies of souldiours sent out to re­straine and stay their spoiling, made semblant of running away, pretending oftener they were afraid, than they had cause in deed. So as now the Fabij by this time, set so light by their enemies, L and thought so well of themselves, that they beleeved verily their power was invincible, and might not be withstood in any ground, or at any time whatsoever. This conceit & hope of theirs set them so aflote, and made them so bold, that espying upon a time cattell, farre from Cremera, (for there was a large plaine betweene) although here and there they might descrie armed soul­diours of their enemies, yet from their fort they ran downe, with bridle in their horse necke. And when unadvisedly without foresight, they were past the ambush, which was laid covertly about the very way that they were to passe, and were stragling here and there disorderly, driving the cattell away, which gadded in and out, as their manner is when they be scared and affrighted, then suddainely start the enemies all at once out of the ambushment: so as, both before and be­hind, and on everie side they were beset and environned with enemies. At the first the very how­ting M and outcrie they made round about, terrified them: afterwards flew their shot from all sides. And as the Tuscanes gathered themselves together, the Fabij were soone hemmed within a round battaillion of enemies, standing armed thicke and close one to another: and the nee­rer the enemies approched about them, in so much lesse roome were they enforced also to cast themselves into a ring. Which, considering their arraies were thrust so thicke together in [Page 79] A so straight a compasse, made their small number appeare the lesie, and the multitude of the Tuscanes to carrie a greater shew. Then, forbearing to fight as they first entended, on everie hand a like and with all at once, they made head to one onely place. Thereto they ende­vour with might and maine, bodie and armour; and with a pointed battaile wedgewise pier­ced through and made themselves passage. And they tooke the way that led to a little hill, rising up with an easie ascent. From whence at first, they made resistance only and kept their ground: but soone after, when by reason of the vantage of the hill, they had some time to breath themselves, and to take heart againe after so great a fright, they forced the enemies also to give backe that were mounting up the hill. And as few in number as they were, yet by the bene­fit of the ground, they had gotten the better, if the Veienstians had not set a compasse about B the hill side, The Fabij all slaine. and gained the verie top and pitch thereof. Thus became the enemie againe to have the upper hand. And so were the Fabij slaine everie man, and not one of theme es­caped, yea and their Fort overthrowne and rased. Three hundred and six there were that died as all writers doe agree. One onelie of the name was left behind at home, well neere 14 years of age, for to renew and increase as out of a stocke, the name of the Fabij, and to prove in time to come, the greatest prop and pillar that the people of Rome should have, in their dangers and extremities many a time both at home and abroad.

But ere this heavie losse and overthrow happened, C.Horatius and T. Menenius were Con­suls. Menenius was sent forthwith against the Tuscanes, pussed now up with pride for this their victorie: with whom then also, he sought unfortunately and sped but ill. For the enemies surprised C and got the Ianiculum, and the citie had surely beene besieged, considering that besides warre they were greatlie distressed for want of victuals, (for the Tuscanes were passed over the Tyber) but that Horatius the Consull was called home from the Volscians. And so neere approached the enemies in this warre, and preassed to the verie wals that first there was a skirmish on even hand at the temple of Hope Spes: and another againe at the gate Collina. Where, albe [...]t the Romanes got but verie small ods of the enemie, yet did that conflict upon a little recoverie of wonted cou­rage, prepare the soldiors to better service in the battailes ensuing.

Now were A.Virginius and Sp.Servilius created Consuls. The Veientians after this late dis­feature, came no more into the field, yet they robbed and wasted still. And from the Ianiculum as from a fortresse and place of safe retreit, they would make excursions out into the territorie of D Rome all about, and neither cattell nor countrie people could any where be in safetie for them. But afterwards, they were overtaken themselves in the same wile that they had caught the Fabij with. For as they followed after certaine cattell, which were driven forth heere and there of purpose to draw and traine them abroad, they were plunged themselves headlong into an Am­boscado laid for them. And the more they were, the greater was their slaughter. Vpon this foile, their cruell and fell anger, gave the occassion and ouverture of a greater overthrow. For having crossed the Tyber in the night season, they gave the attempt to make an assault upon the campe of the Consull Servilius. But being discomfited, and many of them slaine, the rest retired them­selves from thence, and with much a doe recovered the Ianicle. Streight after this, the Consul also passed over Tyber, and encampeth himselfe stronglie hard under the Ianiculum. The mor­row E morning by sunne rising, (so venterous he was by reason of his fortunate sight the day be­fore, and more for the scarcetie of corne and victuals, which drave him to take, he cared not how rash and dangerous courses, so they tended to more quicke and speedie expedition) full fond­lie he advanced forward and marched up to the steepe hill of the Ianicle, and charged the ene­mies hold: but being set backe himselfe from thence more shamefullie, than he had the day be­fore repelled the enemies; yet by occasion that his fellow Consull came in the while to reskue, he and his armie both were saved: and the Tuscanes enclosed betweene both hosts, were forced to turne their backs both to one and the other, and were killed everie mothers sonne. Thus by a rash enterprise which (as good luke was) sped well, the Veientian warre came to an end. The citie then, as it enjoyed peace, so it came againe to be better stored of corne and victuall: both F for that there was some graine brought out of Campania, and also because the old store that was hoorded up came abroad, by reason that no man now stood in feare of death to ensue.

Afterwards upon plentie and ease, they began to be busie againe, and their heads to worke, seeking to broach old troubles at home, since they had none to occupie them abroad. The Tri­bunes they fell to follicite and infect the Commons, with their venome and poison, the law Agraria: inciting them against the Nobles that gainsaied it: not in generall tearmes onely, [Page 80] but also by touching particular persons. [...] For, Q. Considius and T. Genutius, who were for the law G Agraria, framed an inditement, and sued T. Menenius. And this was laid to his charge, to wit, the losse of the fort and garrison at Cremera: for that, he being Consull say encamped not far from thence. But of this danger he soone stopped the course, both because the Nobles laboured and tooke his part, no lesse than they had done afore for Coriolanus: and also the affection and fa­vour that men bare to his father Agrippa, was not worne out, and cleane forgot. The Tribunes used moderation therfore in the penaltie, for having commensed a capitall action against him, and convicted him thereof, they set a fine on his head of [...] 2000 Asses. Howbeit this cost him his life: for he grew, men say, into such a melancholike fit for shame of this disgrace, that he fel ther­upon from greese of heart unto apining sicknesse, which followed him to his dying day. Then, was there another accused and brought into trouble, to wit, Sp., Servilius, so soone as he was out of his Consulship, at what time as C. Nautius and P. Valerius were Consuls. In the beginning of H whose year the Tribunes L.C. editius and T. Statius, called him straightwaies to his answer. Who sustained the violence of the Tribunes, not as Menenius did, by his owne intreatie and the prai­ers of the Nobles, Sp. Servillius [...]. but bare himselfe confidently upon his owne innocencie, and the good grace wherein he stood. Blamed he was likewise and charged, for the battell with the Tuscanes at Ia­niculum. But being a man of an hot spirit and stout courage, as he caried himselfe before in the publicke danger, so now in his owne private perill, by refuting in a bold and stout speech that he made, not onely the Tribunes, but also the Communaltie, and casting in their teeth and reproo­ving them, for the condemnation and death of T. Menenius, by whose fathers meanes the Com­mons being in times past restored, had obtained first those very Magistrates and lawes, where­by I at this day they exercise such rigour: he went through all his troubles, and with much bold­nesse avoided the present jeopardie he stood in. The testimonie of his colleague Virginius, stood him in great stead, who produced forth as a witnesse, made him parrener with himselfe, in all his worthie acts. But that processe of judgement which passed against Menenius (so altered were they now, and repented therefore) did him much more good, and strucke it dead sure.

When this broile and contention was ended at home, the Veientians warre began abroad; to whom the Sabines also had joined their power. Whereupon, the Consul P. Valerius, with the aid of the Latines and Hernikes, was sent out with an armie to Veij: & incontinently he set upon the tents of the Sabines, as they lay encamped under the wals of their consederats, and put such a terror amongst them, that whiles they ran forth scattering by bands and companies, some at K one gate, some at another, to repell the violent assault of the enemies, it happened that the gate which he first advanced his ensignes against, was woon. And within the trench, small sight there was, but more manslaughter. The tumult & noise hereof was heard from out of the campe into the cittie. And the Veientians in great feare ran hastily to their weapons, as if Veij had been sur­prised. Some make speed to succour the Sabines: others do what they can to assaile the Romans, who were wholly busied about the pillage ofthe campe. For a prettie while they were put to some trouble, disordered, and withdrawne from their purpose: but afterwards, they themselves advanced their banners, & made head against the one side and the other. The horsemen withall, sent in by the Coss. brake the Tuscanes array, S [...]in [...]s and [...] vanqui­shed. & put them to flight. And thus in one houre two ar­mies were defeated, two most puiss [...]ant nations, & neerest neighbors to the Romans, vanquished. L

Whiles these exploits were performed about Veij, the Volscians and Aequians, had encam­ped themselves in the countrey of Latium, and harried the marches thereof. Whom the Latins of themselves, with the helpe onely of the Hernikes, and without any leader or aid at all from the Romans, forced to abandon their rents: and besides the recoverie of their own goods again, atcheeved a great and rich bootie. Notwithstanding all this, the Consull Nautius was sent from Rome against the Volscians. They were not well plea [...]ed, I beleeve, with the maner of it, that their allies should wage war at all, with their owne power and direction, without the armie & conduct of the Romanes. He spared not to worke all the mischeefe he could, all abuse and spight possible against the Volscians: yet could not they be brought to sight a set field. Then succeeded L. Fu­rius, and C. Manlius, Consuls. To Manlius sell the charge of the Veientian province. Howbeit, M war there was none at all. But at their owne sute, a truce was graunted unto them of fortie yeares. And they were enjoined to find corn and souldiors pay. Peace was not so soon procured abroad, but presently ensued discord at home. For at the instigation of the Tribunes, by occasion of the law Agraria, the Commons were set a madding. But the Consuls skared neither with the condem­nation of Menenius, nor yet with the perill wherein Servilius stood, resisted all they could. [Page 81] A And when the Consuls were once out of their office, L. [...], and [...]. Genutius a Tribune laid hold upon them, and arrested them: & L. Aemilius with Opiter Virginius enter their Consulship. In some Annales or yearely records I find Vopiscus Iulius Consull in steed of Virginius. ‘But in this yeare, whosoe­uer then were Consuls, Furius & Manlius being indited before the people, went about araied in vile apparrell and mournefull weed to the younger sort of Senators, Th [...]ir [...]e [...]on­strance to the same Nobles. as wel as to the Commons, persuading, advising, and warning them, to for beare and refuse all dignities and offices of state, yea, and al charge of common-weale. And as for the Consuls rods borne afore them, their pur­fled robes with purple, and chaire of estate, they should esteeme no otherwise of them, than of the pageants carried in a funerall pompe. And that with these gorgeous ornaments and en­signes, they were but destined to death: much like to beasts adorned with sacred white ribbands B and labels, appointed to sacrifice. But if the sweetenes of a Consulship were such, let them con­sider now with all, and persuade themselves, that it is become captivate and overswaied with the power of the Tribunes: and that the Consull, as if he were the Tribunes sergeant, must do all at his beck & command. For if he quetched never so little, if he seemed to regard the Senatours, or make account of any thing else in the whole State but of the communaltie, let him set be­fore his eies the exile of Cn. Martius, the judgement & death of Menenius.’ The Nobles incen­ced with these speeches, from thenceforth began to consult and confer togither, not openly and in publike counsell, but privately, and apart from the privitie of many. And when they were re­solved once upon this point, that those accused parties now in trouble, should be enlarged one way or other, by hooke or crook: then the cruel lest advise, & hardest course that could be deliue­red, C best pleased them: & for to put in execution the most audcious dessignements whatsoeuer, there wanted not one or other to give counsel. Well, the law day of triall came, and when as the Commons gave attendance devoutly in the Forum, in great expectations of the sequel & issue, they began at first to maruel much, that the Tribun Genutius came not down in place: & suspect­ing somwhat because of his long carrying & delay, they imagined that he durst not for the great men and chiefe magistrates of the citie: & so they complained, that the common cause was for­lorne & betraied. At the last, they that kept about the doore & porch of the Tribune his house, brought word that he was found at home stark dead. Which news being once noised through the assemblie, mark how an armie is disparkled & scattered, when their general is slain, even so in al the world, Ge [...]tius a Tri­bune of the common peo­ple, murdered in his house, by [...] practise of the [...]. the Commons sunke aside every one, some one way, some another. But above all o­thers, D the Tribuns were in bodily feare, being thus by their fellow taught, how little help or none at all, their sacred and redoubted lawes afforded. The nobles could not dissemble this their joy, nor use it with moderation, but shewed it excessively: and so little repeated any one of them of the fact committed, that they avowed it and tooke it upon them, and would not seeme culpable in the action; but gaue it out in plaine termes, that the Tribunes by soule meanes were to be tamed, and their wings to be clipped in a mischiefe. Vpon this their victorie, so shamefull a pre­cedent in time to come, there went out an [...]dict for the publishing of a muster: and whiles the Tribunes were in this feare daunted, the Consuls without any contradiction, went through with it cleare. ‘But then, were the Commons much more offended at their Tribunes silence and sitting stil, than at the Consuls rule & imperious government: saying, Farewell freedome now, E farewell liberties and all: now is the old world come againe, and the Tribunes authoritie is both dead and buried togither with Genutius. Now they were to go in hand and bethinke them­selves of some other course, how they might withstand the Senatours proceedings: and seeing they were destitute of all other helpe to relie themselves upon, the onely way was for the Com­mons to trust to themselves, & stand upon their own guard. Wheras therfore, there gave atten­dance upon the Consuls 24. Lictores or Vergers, commoners all and no better, none more con­temptible and base minded, if they met with those that would set them at naught: they might thank themselves onely, & their own timerous conceits & imaginations, that such things were so dread & terrible. Vol [...]io Publili­us r [...]seth to be prest a souldier.’ Thus having animated & provoked one another with these speeches: there was a Sergeant sent from the Consuls to one Volero Publilius a commoner, who because he had F ben a leader in the field of certain bands, pleaded his immunitie for being a common souldier againe. Volero calleth for helpe to the Tribunes: but there being no man to rescew him, the Consuls commaunded the man to be stript out of his cloths, & the rods to be made readie for to scourge him. ‘Then quoth Volero, I appeale vnto the people, seeing the Tribunes had rather have a citizen and freeman of Rome beaten with rods in their presence, than be murdered themselves by you in their beddes. But the more fiercely he cryed on still, the more cruellic fell [Page 82] the Lictor to cut and skice his apparrell for to uncase him.’ ‘Then Volero being himselfe the stron­ger G man, and assisted withall by some whome he called unto him, thrust the Sergeant from him: and where he perceiued the mainest outcrie and loudest noise of his adherents, that sumed and chased in his behalfe, thither retired he, to shroud himselfe among the thickest, crying: I ap­peale and beseech the Commons of their protection and succour. Helpe citizens, helpe fel­low souldiours. Never stay and waite for the Tribunes, untill they come, who have themselves neede of your assistance.’ Here at folke were raised & gathered togither, and addressed themselves as to a Battaile. A soule peece of worke was toward, full of exceeding danger, & like it was, that no man would have had regard either of common law or private honestie. When the Consuls in this so great a broile and storme of outrange came in, to prevent further mischiefe, they knew soone by experience how slenderly guarded against danger, the majestie of Rulers is, where force is wanting. For their Lictors were beaten, misused, and ill intreated, their rods broken all H a peeces, themselves driven out of the Common place, and forced to take the Senate house, doubting how sarre forth Volero would proceede in the traine of his victoria. But when the riot was well appeased, they assembled the Senatours togither, and complained there of their iniu­ties received, the violence of the Commons, & the audacious presumption of Volero. After ma­ny opinions and sharpe censures delivered among them, the Ancients and Elders prevailed at length, who thought it not good to set the anger of the Nobles, against the head-strong rashnes of the Commons. And the Commons so highly favoured and embraced Volero, that in their next election, they made him their Tribune for that yeare, wherein L. Pinarius and P. Furius were Consuls. Who contrarie to al mens expectation, that thought verily he would have exerci­sed I his tribuneship in molesting and vexing the Consuls of the former yeare, preferred the pub­like cause before his owne private greevance, and gave not the Consuls so much as one foule word. Onely he preferred a law unto the people, That the magistrats of the Comminaltie might be created in a ward-Leete, or assembley of the Tribes & wards. Thus under a title, which at the first sight seemed nothing hainous, Al [...] p [...]p [...] th [...] [...] the commons should be chosen in a Trib [...], I [...],. passed a matter of no final consequence, but such as a brid­ged the Nobles of al power & authoritie, to create Tribunes whom they would, by the suffrages and voyces of their vassailes and favorites. But when the Senatours resisted with all their might, the going forward of this Act most pleasing & plausible to the Commons, and yet none might be found of the brotherhood of Tribunes, that by the authoritie either of Consuls or of Sena­tours could be brought to trumpe in his way by their negative voyce, which wasindeede, the K onely meanes to crosseit: the businesse, notwithstanding in itselfe so weightie to weeld, and so hard to be compassed, held out with much debating, the yeare through. The Commons then made Volero Tribune againe. The Senatours on the other side, supposing the matter would now come to a finall triall once for all, created for their Consull Ap. Claudius, the sonne of Appius: who even for the old contentions maintained by his father, was both hated of the Commons, and also hated them againe: and hee had for his compa [...]ion in gouernment T. Quintius. At the verie beginning, no matter was treated of before that law. But as Volero was the first deviser and brocher of it, so his fellow Lectorius was the more earnest and hore maintainer thereof, as he came more fresh unto it. The stouter he was besides, by reason of his great militarie glorie, for that in those daies there was not a taller man of hands, nor more active than he. Now, when as L Volero went straight to the substance of the law in hand, [...] deth the pref [...]r­ring of Publius his law. without any circumstance of words, and forbare to in veigh against the Consuls person, Lectorius beganne his speech with ‘chalenging Appius and his house, as most proude, and cruelly affected to the Comminaltie of Rome: avou­ching earnestly, that the Nobles had made, not a Consull, but a butcherly commentor, to af­flict and mangle the Commons: but being a rough hewen souldiour, and not used to make O­rations, his tongue could not frame to expresse his minde as freely as he would: And so his ut­terance failing him: Since that (quoth hee) O Quirites, I cannot so readilie deliver that in my speech, as I can make that good in deede which I have spoken: Be you heere tomorrow, and in this verie place I will either get this law enacted, or I will lie in the dust and die for it before you all.’ The next day the Tribunes weregotten into the Temple or Hall first. The Consuls & No­bilitie M abode still in the assemblie of the people, for to hinder the passing of the Lawe. Then commaunded Lectorius all the rest to avoid and depart, but those onely, that were to give their voices. The yong Gentlemen of the Nobilitie stood still, and gave no place to the Tribunes of­ficer. Then willed Lectorius some of them to be attached. But the Consull Appius replied again, That a Tribune had authoritie over none but Commoners: for as much as he, was a Magistrate, [Page 83] A not of the people, but of the Commons. ‘Neither could himselfe, of his absolute power (Consull though he was) observing the custome of his ancestors, command any man to avoid: for that the usual form of words ran thus, May it please you my maisters, O Quirities, if you thinke good, to depart.’ Soone was hee able, thus laying the law unto him, by way of scorne and contempt, to ourface Lectarius, and put him downe. Whereupon the Tribune chased, and set into an heat, sendeth an officer to the Consull: the Consull likewise, a Lictor to the Tribune, crying estsoones alowd, that he was but a privat person without command, without magistracie. And doubtlesse the Tribune had been hardly used, but that both the whole assemblie roose up in a rage, and tooke part with the Tribune against the Consull: and also there was a concourse of the multitude, raised out of all parts of the citie into the common hall. ‘ Appius notwithstanding stood stiffely to it still, and B abid the brunt of this tempestuous storme: neither had this broile staied without some bloud­shed, in case Quintius the other Consull, had not set some of the Aldermen that had been Con­suls, to get his brother Consull by force (if otherwise it might not bee) out of the hall, whiles himselfe was in hand, one while with the Commons, to appease their furie, by way of intreatie and with faire words, otherwhiles besought the Tribunes to breake up the assemblie, persuading with them to take more leisure in this their heat and anger: for that time and space would abridge nothing of their power, but would joine counsell and advise therto: concluding withall, that both Nobles should be ruled by the people, and the Consull ordered by the Nobles. Hardly and with much adoe were the Commons quieted by Quintius, but farre more trouble had the Nobles to still the other Consull.’ At the length, when the assemblie of the people was dismissed, the Consuls C called the Senat together. Where after much varictie of opinions, proceeding from feare and an­ger, according as the one or the other swaied among them: looke how much longer time they had to reclaime their mind from violent courses, and sagely with deliberation to consider of the matter: so much the more their hearts went against all contention, and further strife: insomuch, as they yeelded Quintius heartie thankes, that by his travaile betweene parties, the discord was well allaied. ‘And to Applius they were petitioners, that he would bee content, that the majestie of the Consull might bee no greater than would stand with the unitie and concord of the cittizens. For whiles the Tribunes for their part would needes have all, and the Consuls on the other side draw all to them: betweene this plucking and haling, there was no strength lest in the midst: and to conclude, the Commonweale was rent, torne, and dismembred betweene the rulers thereof: D who strove rather for the managing and rule, than for the saferie and preservation of the State. Against whom Appius replied with a solemne protestation before God and man, and said, That the weale publicke was abandoned, forlorne, and betraied by nothing els but foolish fear: that the Senate wanted not a Consull, but the Consull wanted Senatours: who now yeelded to harder conditions, than they had before time in mount Sacer. Howbeit overweighed at length by the and generall consent and accord of all the Nobles, The [...]ore said law enacted. he was content: and so the law passed quietly, was by roiall consent authorised.’ Then and never before, were the Tribunes created in a con­gregation of the tribes, and by their voices. Piso writeth, that there were three more made to the other, as if there had been but twaine before: and he nameth also the Tribunes, to wit, Cn. Siccius, L. Numitorius, M. Duellius, Sp. Icilius, and L. Mecitius. Then had the Volscians and Aequians, be­tweene E the civile sedition of the Romanes, and the beginning of warre, harried and wasted the countrey: that in case the Commons had made an insurrection, they might have retired to them, as to a sure place of receit and refuge. But when all was hush [...], and matters compounded between the Nobles and Commons, they removed their campe backeward.

Appius Claudi [...]s was sent against the Volscians: and to Quintius fell the province of the AE­quians. The same rigorous severitie continued Appius still in warfare, that he used at home in the cittie: but so much more freely, for that he was not curbed nor held in by the Tribunes. The Com­mons he hated, more than his father had done afore, seeing he was overswaied, and had taken the foile at their hands: and being the onely Consull, opposed against the Tribunes power, yet mau­gre his head, the law passed cleare away, which the former Consuls his predecessors, with lesse ado, F nor with so great hope and expectation of the Nobilitie, had ever hindered and staied. This his ire and indignation, gave an edge to that fell stomacke of his by kind, for to plague and punish his souldiors with imperious and lordly command. But so set they were to spurne againe and disobey, that by no forcible meanes they could bee tamed, doing all things that they did, litherly, slow­ly, rekelesly and stubbornely. Neither bashed they for shame, nor stood in awe for feare. If his will was they should march on a pace, they would for the nonce go faire and softlie: If he [Page 84] encouraged them in propre person to plie their busines, they would all of them slacke their for­mer G service, The [...] and [...] of the [...] to Appius Claudius their Generall. wherunto they were entred of themselves: whiles he was in place, they would hang downe their heads and looke on the ground, as he passed by they would secretlie curse him in their hearts. So as, that invincible stomacke of his against all hatred of the Commons, would now and then grieve heereat. And when he saw that all the shrewdnes and rigour that he used was in vaine, and that now he could do no good with his soldiors, he fell to checking the cap­tains and centurions, saying, They had spoiled and marred the armie, terming them Tribunes of the Commons, and otherwhiles in taunting wise nicknaming them Voleroes. All this geere were the Volscians ware of, and therfore were they more eager and forward, hoping that Appius should finde the Romane armie as froward and disobedient, as they had beene against Fabius. And to say truth, they were more crooked and unrulie with Appius than with Fabius a great H deale. For they were not onelie unwilling to have the victorie as Fabius his armie was, but also desirous to loose the victorie and be overcome. Being brought forth and set in battaile array, they shamefullie tooke their heeles and fled into their tents: and never made head and resistance, before they saw the Volscians with banners displaied, advancing against the munitions of their campe, and a foule carnage committed upon the taile of their rereward. Then were they driven perforce to fight for verie necessitie, that the enemie thus farre forth victour, might be kept from the mure and trench: and yet so, as it was verie apparant, that the soldiors passed for no­thing else, but only to save the campe for being won: for some of them rejoiced at their own losse and defeature. Whereat, the stout stomacke of Applius was nothing daunted, nor his heartbroken: I but he minded to deale cruelly with them, and thereupon summoned a generall assemblie. Then the Lieutenants, Marshals and Colonels, came running unto him, advertising him in no case to trie maistries, and to inforce his authoritie, The verie ground and strength whereof resteth whollie in the accord of obedient people: adding moreover, that the soldiors commonlie gave out, that they would not go to the assemblie: but rather they might be heard everiewhere, calling upon them aloud, to dislodge and remoove out of the territorie of the Volscians: moreover that the enemie now Master of the field, was but a while since advaunced to the gates and rampier, and well neere possessed of them: whereby, they were not onelie to suspect, but might evidentlie see before their eies, some great matter toward of dangerous consequence. Wherupon at last he was overruled, and (for as much as his soldiors therby should gaine nothing but delay of their K punishment) remitted the assemblie for that time: and after proclamation made, to set forward in their journey the next day, and to depart in the morning verie earlie, he caused the trumpet to sound the remoove, and to march away. The armie being gone out of campe, and readie to bee set in order of a march at length, the Volscians who wer gotten up by the same sound of the trum­pet, plaited upon the taile of the rereward: the noise whereof passed from thence to the vaward, and so disordred the ensignes, so troubled the ranks by reason of that fright, that neither could the direction and commaundement of the captaines be heard, nor the armie be brought into bat­taile array. No man minded any thing at all but to run away: and disorderlie in plumpes, they fled backe over the dead carcasses and armours that lay on heapes, and so escaped. And never stay they their flight, untill the enemie gave over the chase. At the last, the Consull having called L his soldiors together that were run away so scattering, (for with all the speed that he made after to call them backe, he could not reclaime them) encamped without his enemies ground in a place of securitie. Then he called them all together to an assemblie, and inveighed bitterlie, and not without just cause, against the whole armie, as having betraied the discipline of warre, & for­saken their colours: asking everie one of the them what was become of their banners? And what they had done with their weapons? And as many soldiors as were unarmed, as many ensignebea­rers as had not their ensignes, the Centurions also and those that received double allowance, and forsooke their bands and companies, he caused to be scourged with rods and to loose their heads. The whole number besides, [...] [...]hey had the [...] do [...] Sig. de p [...]nus. were by lot tithed, and everie tenth man as it fell out, execu­ted. But contra [...]iwise, in the expedition against the Aequians, the Consull and his soldiors, strove M to exceed one another in courtesie and kindnesses. Quintus was by nature mild and debonaire, and the crueltie of his brother Consull, that never sped well, made him take more joy in that his gentle disposition. Q [...]intus beloved of [...] Whiles the Generall and his armie consorted thus together, the Aequians durst not confront them, but suffered their enemies to range all abroad and forray the country: so as, in no former wars gat they greater booties from thence: and all was bestowed among the soldiors. Over and besides these gratuities, they had their due praises and solemne [Page 85] A commendations, wherein soldiors take no lesse delight than in rewards and gifts. So, that ar­mie returned home better affected to their Generall, and also to the Nobles for their Generals sake: reporting that the Senate had given to them a loving father, but to the other armie a lordly maister. This yeare thus spent with variable fortune abroad in war: with greevous dis­cord as well at home as abroad, was above all most memorable and famous for the Tribe-Lie [...]. A matter of more note, in respect of their victorie that entered into the action, than of conse­quence, in regard of commoditie that grew thereof. For the very Liet it selfe lost more credite by voiding the Nobles out of that assemblie, than either the Commons gat strength, or the Nobles did forgoe thereby. But more troublesome was the year following, whiles L. Valerius and T. Aemi­lius were Consuls, both for the variance of the three States about the law Agraria, and also for the B arraignement of Appius Claudius. Whom, being a most bitter adversarie of that law, and a great maintainer and upholder of those that possessed & held the common lands, as if he had ben ever a third Consul, M. Duellius, and C [...]. Siccius arrested & endited. Never before that day came to the bar, a person to be tried before the people, so odious unto the Commons: charged with so many wrongs done of his owne, Appius Claudiu [...] arraigned at th [...] bar. so many of his fathers afore him, in regard whereof they were highly displeased and offended with him. The Nobles likewise had not lightly laboured so earnestly nor strained themselves so much for any one, as for him. Who being the patrone and protector of the Senate, the maintainer and upholder of their port and dignitie; a man ever opposed against all the troublesome broiles of Tribunes & Commons, was now delivered as a prey to the com­mons in their anger, and only for that he had overshot, & passed himselfe in heat of contention. C But of all the Senatours that ever were, Appius Claudius of himselfe alone was hee, that cared not a rush, either for Tribune or Commoner, nor yet for his owne arraignement. No menacing threats of the Commons, no earnest praiers of the Senatours could once make him, I say not to change his apparrell, and in humble manner to seeke and crouch unto men for to bee good unto him: no not so much, as when he came to answere for himselfe before the people, one whit to mollifie and let fall (as it were) that rough and sharpe kind of speech, that he was wont ordina­rily to use. He kept the same sower countenance still, the very same frowardnesse and crabbednes of visage, the same spirit of boldnesse in his appologie and defence. Insomuch, as many of the Commons were no lesse afraid of Appius standing prisoner, there arraigned at the barre, than they had ben of him, sitting as Consull in his yvorie chaire of estate. In pleading of his cause, he D spake breefely & at once to the point, withthe same accusatorie spirit, that he had ever used in all his pleas and actions. With his boldnes and resolute constancie, he so amased both Tribunes and Commons, that they themselves deferred the day of giving sentence, and suffered afterward the suite to hang and depend still undetermined. But not long after, even before the law day appoin­ted was come, App. Claudius diet. he sickened and died. Whose funerall praises when as the Tribunes went about to hinder, the Commons would not suffer, that the death of so worthie a man, should bee defran­ded of the due honour and solemne obsequies, and gave audience as quietly and attentively to the commendation of the man now dead, as they did afore to his accusation while he was alive: and with a goodly traine attended his corpes to the grave.

The same yeare Valerius the Consull made a voiage with an armie against the Aequians, and E seeing he could not traine the enemie forth to fight, he made a brava do to assaile the campe but there sell such a terrible storme and tempest from heaven, with haile and thunderclaps, that hee was disappointed of his enterprise. And, that which made it more strange and wonderfull, he had no sooner sounded the retrait, but the weather proved so faire and calme againe, that hee made some scruple and matter of conscience, to give a second assault unto the trench, as if it had been defended by the speciall power and providence of God. So, all the heat of warre turned to the wa­sting onely of the countrey. The other Consull Aemilius warred with the Sabines. And even there also, because the enemies kept within their walled townes, the territories were spoiled. But afterwards, the Sabines raised with the firing, not onely of their villages and hamlets, but also of the good townes and burroughes, whereof in those partes there were many, and those well peo­pled, F encountred the sorraiers: and after a doubtfull skirmish, they departed asunder, and the morrow after raised their campe, & retired themselves backe into a place of more securitie: which the Consul taking for a sufficient argument and proofe, that the enemies were defeated, left them so, and dislodged likewise, without any end of the warre.

During these warres, and whiles discord continued in the citie at home, were T. Numitius Priscus and A. Virginius created Consuls. Now seemed it that the Commons would no longer [Page 86] abide the deferring of the law Agraria. And as they were about to put it to a jumpe and to G trie the utmost by extremitie, they took knowledge partlie by the smoke & flame of the villages on fire, and partly by the running away of the villagiers, that the Volscians were neere at hand. Which occurrent repressed and kept downe the sedition which was now come to ripenes, and readie to breake forth. For the Consuls forced by the Senate immediatly to the war, by taking the serviceable youth with them out of the citie, reduced the rest of the Commons to more qui­etnesse. And the enemies verilie made no further attempt, but after they had given a false al­arme and set the Romanes in a foolish feare, dismarched away as spedelie as they could. Then Numitius went to Antium against the Volscians, and Virginius against the AEquians: where ha­ving welneer received a great losse & defeature by a train laid for him: such was the prowesse and manhood of the soldiours, that they recovered all againe, which by the negligence of the Con­sull H had like to be lost. But better was the conduct and government of the armie against the Vol­scians. For there, at the first skirmish the enemies were disaraied, put to sight, and chased as far as to Antium, a citie (for that time) of right great puissance & importance. The Consull durst not assault it, but wan from the Antiates Cenon, another towne, but nothing so wealthy. Whiles the AEquians and Volscians thus amused the Romane armies and kept them occupied, the Sa­bines were come robbing and spoiling to the gates of the citie of Rome. But within few daies after, they themselves received more damage than they brought, by occasion that both Consuls with two annies were entred in great anger into their consines. In the end of the yeare some peace there was, but disquieted, as at all times before, with the variance betweene the Nobles and Commons. The Commons in a peevish and angrie fit, would not be at the Election of the I Consuls. So, by the Senatours onelie and their followers, there were elected Consuls, T. Quin­tius and Q. Servilius. The like yeare to the former these Consuls had, seditious and trouble­some in the beginning: but afterwards upon forraine warre, quiet and still. For the Sabines with a running campe having passed over the plaines of Crustuminum, and put all to fire and sword about the river Anio, were chased backe, well neere from the gate Collina and the wals: howbeit they drave away with them exceeding great booties both of people and cattel. Whom the Consull Servilius followed hard with a power readie to bid battaile, but could not overtake their maine armie in anie even ground meet to pitch a field in. Howbeit he harried and wasted the countrie all about, so as he left no corner cleere that felt not his fingers, and returned with purchase of many rich prizes of all sorts. K

Likewise among the Volscians they sped wel & had a luckie hand by the good devoire both of captaine and soldior. Th [...] [...] of the Consull Qui [...]s. First, they joined battaile vpon a plaine, and sought with verie great slaugh­ter, and exceeding much bloodshed on both sides. And the Romans (who for their small num­ber were more apt to seele the losse) had lost ground and dismarched, if that the Consull by ma­king a lie for a vantage, and crying that the enemies fled from the other wing, had not encoura­ged them and renued the battel afresh. And so by giving a new charge, whiles they thought they had the better, they got the better in very deed. The Consull fearing again, by preasing too hard upon the armie, to enforce them to turne & make head, sounded the retrait. Few daies passed be­tween, wherin they rested quiet, as though there had been a secret truce agreed betweene them. In which mean space, a great sort of people from all parts of the Volscians and AEquians repai­red L to the camp, thinking verify, that if the Romans ware of them, they would depart in the night season. Wherupon, at the third watch they came to make an assault upon their campe. Quintius after he had quieted the tumult, which upon this suddaine al'arme arose, and given commandement that the soldiors should keep themselves within their pavilions, brought forth a companie of Hernicks to guard the gates, and caused certaine cornetiers and trumpetters on horsebacke to wind and sound before the trench and counterscarpe, and so to hold the enemie in suspense and expectation untill day light. The rest of the night, all was so quiet within the campe, that the Romans had time enough and good opportunitie to take their repose and sleep. This shew of footmen in their harnish, whom the Volscians imagined to be more than they were, and all Romanes: the neighing besides, and noise that the horses made by reason of their M strange riders that they were not used unto, and the sound also of their trumpets and hornes that made them to set up their eares, and to stamp and fare outragiously, amused the enemies waiting ever when they would charge upon them. When it was day, the Romanes being in heart and fresh as having slept their sill, came forth and embattailed themselves, and at the first shocke, discomsired the Volscians, wearied with long standing and overwatched withall. And yet the [Page 87] A enemies rather gave ground and retired themselves, than seemed to be driven from their stan­dings, because they had at their backes certaine hils, whereunto they might retire behind the Principia, and not breake their rancks, and so save themselves. The Consull seeing hee was come to a place of disadvantage, made a stand. The footmen hardly would be staied, calling and cry­ing to the Consull to follow upon them seeing they were discomsited. The horsemen were more eager, riding all about the Consull, and with open mouth cried out, that they would advance be­fore the ensignes. Whiles the Consul held off, in a mathmering what to do, for as he was assured of the valour of his souldiours, so hee finally trusted the ground; they all at once set up a shout, that they would set forward, come what would: and as they cried, so did they in good earnest. And pitching their javelins fast in the ground, that they might more nimblie get up the sleepe B place, they tooke their full feese, and ran up the hill. The Volscians having in their first brunt spent all their darts, and other shot which they had let flie, and made no spare, tooke up stones that lay under their feet, let drive at the Romans as they clambe up, and so thicke and threefold they bestowed them, that they annoied them sore, and beat them downe the hill. Thus the left wing of the Romanes was welneere overcharged, had not the Consul at the point, when as they were readie to recule, blamed them first for their rashnesse, and then for their cowardise, and made them for very shame to shake off all feare. First they stood to it stoutly, & kept their ground, and after, as their strength served them, considering the vantage of the place which the enemies had gotten, they adventured to set foot forward, and won ground with a fresh shout and outcrie. And taking their heire againe the second time, they straine all they can, and at length overcame C the disadvantage of the place. Now when they were almost at the point to win the very pitch and ridge of the hill, the enemies turned backe. Whiles they ran on heapes in disaray, both they that fled, and they that followed, happened both at once in one companie into the enemies campe, which in that fright was won. The Volscians, as many of them as could escape, ran as fast as their legs would carie them to Antium. And to Antium likewise was the Roman armie conducted: and after a few daies siege, was surrendred upon no fresh & new force of assault, but for that presently upon their unfortunat conflict and losse of the campe, their harts were done, and utterly quailed.

[Page 88] AFter the winning of Antium, T. Acmilius and Q. Fabius were created Cons [...]ls. This was that Fabius that onely remained alive of all the name that perished at Gremera. Now had Aemilius in his former Consulship persuaded to distribute certaine lands among the Commons. And H therfore in this second likewise, both the favorers of the law Agraria were in good hope of the foresaid law: and also the Tribunes supposing ve­relie that now by the helpe of a Consull, that might be brought about and obtained, which oftentimes had beene enterprised against the plea­sure of the Consuls; tooke the matter in hand and gave the attempt: and withall, the Consull still continued in the same mind. But the great landed men and many of the Nobles, finding themselves grieved, and complaining that the chiefe and head magistrate of the citie busied himselfe with the Tribunes suits, & was by large giving away of other mens possessions, become popular and gratious with the people, turned the whole burthen and odious heavie load of this I action, from the Tribunes upon the Consull his head. And a cruell broile was toward, had not Fabius, by a device and pollicie to neither partie offensive, made an end of the matter with ex­pedition. ‘For whereas, there was certaine lands gotten by conquest from the Volscians the yeare afore, under the conduct of T. Quintius: There might (said he) a colonie be brought to Antium, a citie neere adjoyning, very commodious, and seated by the sea side: so should the Commons without any grudging or complaints of the possessors or landlords, be seazed of land, and the citie rest in quiet and unitie.’ This opinion of his was accepted of all hands. And they created three especiall officers or Triumvirs for the division of the said lands, to wit, T. Quintius, A [...]l. Virginius, and P. Furius. Then proclamation was made, That whosoever would hold any of the land, should give up their names in writing. But plentie, as the manner is, soone caused lothing: K for there were so few that presented themselves, that to make up the full number of the inhabi­tants, they were faine to adjoine unto them certaine Volscians. The rest of the multitude had rather (as it seemed) to keepe a calling for land at Rome, than be possessed of land elsewhere. The Aequians craved peace of Q. Fabius, who was come against them with an armie: and they themselves by making a sodaine inrode into the territories of Latium, cancelled the same and made it void. But the yeare next following, Q. Servilius (for he was Consull with Sp. Posthumius) being sent against the Aequians, kept a standing campe in the countrie about Latium. But by the reason of a contagious disease or a plague, that rained in his armie, they were of necessitie forced to keepe quiet within their tents. So their warre was differred unto the third yeare, when as Q. Fabius and T. Quintius were Consuls. And for as much as Q. Fabius, had upon his vi­ctorie L before granted peace to the Aequians, hee had an extraordinarie commission directed unto him for the rule of that province. ‘Who being thither gone with full assured hope, that the verie fame of him, and noise of his armie, would quiet the Aequians, sent Embassadours to the Counsell of that nation, with this message: Q. Fabius the Consull, saith, that as he car­ried before peace from the AEquians unto Rome, so he bringeth now warre to the Aequians from Rome; having now his sword in the verie same hand, which he gave unto them before in friend­lie manner unarmed. Whose trecherie it is and perjurie, that is the cause of this, the gods can witnesse now, and in some measure will revenge hereafter. Neverthelesse, he for his part, however the case standeth, desireth that the AEquians would yet bethinke themselves of their owne accord and repent, rather than stand to the extremitie and abide those calamities and mi­series M that follow warres. If they would come in therfore and be sorie for that they have done, their submission should be received, and they taken into the safe protection of his clemencie, wherof alreadie they had experience. But in case they persist stil in their disloialtie, and take plea­sure in being sorsworne; be they well assured, that they should have the yre and wrath of the gods more than their enemies to fight against them.’ These words so little or nothing at all mo­ved [Page 89] A any men there, that the verie Embassadors had like to have beene verie hardlie used and evill entreated, yea & an armie withall was sent forth as farre as Algidum against the Romanes. When these tidings were brought to Rome, the indignitie of the thing and the shamefull maner therof, rather than any fearful perill otherwise, raised the other Consull out of the citie. So two Consular or royall armies approched the enemie in order of battaile, readie to trie it out presently by the dint of sword. But the day being (as it fell out) welneere spent, there cried one aloud from out of the place where the enemie kept ward: ‘This is to make a shew of war only (ye Romans) and not to warre indeede: yee set your battaillons in array against night forsooth, that now draweth hard on: we had need of more dailight ywis, for the businesse in hand, and to trie this quarrell. To morrow therfore at sun rising, see you come again into the field, ye shall have sighting feare not, B your hands full. The souldiors netled and gauled at these words, retired back into the campe un­till the next day, thinking the night was long, that kept them from barraile: and so for that time they refreshed their bodies with foode and sleepe.’ On the morrow so soone as it was day, the Ro­mane host being stirring somewhat more earlie, stood readie arranged in array: and at length the AEquians likewise shewed themselves in field. A sharpe sight there was on both sides, by reason that both the Romane souldiors fought in anger and deadly hatred; and also the AEqui­ans upon prickt conscience, that bare them witnesse how they embarked themselves into this danger, and were out of all hope ever to be trusted againe, were forced to hazard all upon a cast, and venture the utmost. Yet were not the AEquians able to endure long, the violent fight of the Romanes, but were discomsited and put to fight. ‘And being returned within their owne C Frontiers, the unrulie multitude for all this, were never the more inclined to peace, but reproo­ved and blamed their Captaines, That they put the triall of the issue to a set field, in which kind of fight the Romanes had singular skill, and surpassed them. As for the Aequians, they were bet­ter at robbing, spoyling, and hurrying, in making reises and inrodes: and a better and safer kinde of service it was, here and there in sundrie places, to skirmish with forces divided, than reduce all into one grosse armie, & to pitch a field. Leaving therfore a guard to defend that camp, they went forth, and with such a tumult invaded the consines of Rome, that the verie terror thereof reached unto the cittie.’ This stirre, especially comming so sodainely and unlooked for, made the Ro­manes feare the more. For who would ever have doubted and suspected, that their enemies so lately vanquished, and in manner besieged within their owne campe, could possibly thinke up­on D entring into the lands of others, and to drive booties. Besides, the rustical peazants came in at the gates, crying, and saying, That they were not pettie companies, & small handfuls of theeves and robbers, but (such was their foolish feare, augmenting and making everie thing greater) whole armies and legions of enemies were at hand, and marched apace with banners displaied full against the Cittie. From their mouths, they that were next made report unto others, and as they heard newes from they knew not whom, so they set them abroad they cared not how, but ever in the carriage they added somewhat of their owne, and coined lies good store. Here was running, there was crying al'arme, and generally such a confusion everie where, as if the ci­tie had beene quite lost. By good happe Quintius the Consull was returned from Algidum to Rome. That remedie cured all and staied the feare. When the tumult was appeased, he rebu­ked E the people for fearing those enemies whome heretofore they had vanquished, and placed good guards over the gates. Then he assembled the Senat, and by the authoritie & assent of the Nobles, proclaimed Iustitium, or a generall cessation or vacation in all courts of law: and went himselfe forth in person with a power, to defend the marches, leaving Quintus Servilius Pro­vost of the cittie: but the enemie he found not in the territorie all about. The other Consull per­formed his affaires passing well: who having certaine intelligence, which way the enemies would come, set upon them loden with prey, and (by that meanes marching more heavilie in disorder) made it a deere bootie unto them, even as much as their lives were worth. For few of them esca­ped the Ambush, and all the pillage was recovered. So the returne of Quintius into the Cittie, made an end of the publike Lawsteed, or above said vacation, which lasted but soure daies. Then F was a Cense or Assesment set of mens goods, and a muster or view taken of the number of Ci­tizens, togither with a solemne purging of the people, called Lustrum, celebrat by Quintius. And there were numbred of cittizens 124214 polles, over and above men and women that lived sin­gle, or had no children, and all orphans beside. And among the Aequians afterward nothing was done worth remembrance: for they betooke them to their strong townes, suffering their territorie and villages to be consumed with fire, and spoyled. Thus the Consull, after hee had di­vers [Page 90] times overrunne the countrie of his enemies, with a cruell armie wasting and spoyling as G he went, returned home to Rome with great honor and a huge bootie. Then were Coff. Aulus Posthumius Albus, and Sp. Furius. Some have written them Fusiij, who indeede are rightly na­med Furij. Which I note, least any man should thinke they were sundrie men, whereas the varie­tic is onely in the name. No doubt there was, but that one of the Coff. would warre with the Aequians: and therefore the Aequians sought for aide of the Ecetrane Volscians. Which being gladly graunted and sent with speed, (such a perpetuall hatred bare these Citties alwaies against the Romanes) there was great preparation for warre in most forcible manner. The Her­nikes having an inckling and knowledge thereof, certified the Romanes afore hand, that the E­cetrans were revolted and banded with the Aequians. The Colonie Antium likewise was had in jealousie, for that when the towne was lost, many people fled from thence to the Aequians, H who all the time of the Aequian warre, served in the field, and proved the most hardie souldi­ours and fiercest of all others. And now when the Aequians were driven into their townes, that multitude being slipt away and retired to Antium, withdrew from the Romanes the allegeance of the Coloners and inhabitants there, who were alreadie of their owne inclination unfound and not to be trusted. But before the matter was come to ripenesse, and they entred into any ac­tion, the Senate upon intelligence given that they intended onely, and were upon the poynt to revolt, gave the Coss. in charge to send for the chiefe men and head persons of that colonie to Rome, and to enquire and learne of them in what tearmes Antium stood: who being come wil­lingly inough, without any great intreatie, and convented by the Consuls before the Senate, made answere to their interrogatories in such maner, that they were sent away more suspected, I than at their first comming: whereupon they resolved fully of warre. Spurius Furius one of the Coss. to whom that province by lot fell, having taken his voyage against the Aequians, found the enemie spoyling and wasting in the territories of the Herniks: and being ignorant what number they were (for that in no one place they were all discovered togither) he rashly joyned battaile, and hazarded his power, being in number and force inferior to the other. And at the first encounter he was driven backe, and retired into the campe: and yet was he not past all danger and in securitie there: for both the night following, and the next day after, the campe was so streightly beset, and so hotly assaulted, that he could not dispatch so much as a messen­ger from thence to Rome. The Herniks sent word both of the infortunate fight, and also how the Consull and his armie were besieged. With which newes they so terrified the LL. of the Counsell, that they granted Posthumius the other Consull the solemne commission, TO SEE K TO THE STATE, THAT IT SUSTAINED NO DANGER AND DAMAGE. The forme of which order and decree, hath beene alwaies accounted to signifie some great extremitie of the Commonwealth. And thought best it was, that the Consull himselfe in proper person, should a­bide at home to enroll in the muster booke, all those that were able to beare arms: that T. Quin­tius should be sent as Pro-consull or vice-consull, with a power of confederat Allies to raise the siege and rescue the camp: and for the furnishing of this armie, the Latines, the Herniks, and the Colonie Antium, were commaunded to send vnto Quintius, Subitarie souldiers (for so they termed at that time, the aides and supplies taken up in haste and on a sodaine.) Many attempts were made, much skirmishing, & sundrie assaults for certain daies on each side were enterprised. For the enemies being more in number, assaied in divers places and sundrie waies to cut off and L diminish the power of the Romanes, as not sufficient and able to make head at al turnes. For at one time they both made an assault upon the campe, and with all sent out certaine of their forces to wast the territorie of Rome, yea, and to give the venture upon the verie cittie, if they could espie any good oportunitie to offer it selfe. L. Valerius was left behind to defend the Cittie, and Posthamius the Consull was sent out to restraine and withstand the wasting of the marches. No poynt of care or trauaile on any hand was slaked, watch and ward both night and day was set in the Cittie, a good Corps de guard appointed afore the gates, and souldiers bestowed upon the walles: and (that which was needfull in so great an hurlieburlie) for certaine daies it was no Terme, or interdiction of Law was observed. In this meane while, Furius the Cos. who at the first had quietly endured the siege and made no resistance, sodainely and at unawares sallyed M out at the broad gate called Decumana, upon the enemies: and whereas he might have chased them, he made some stay of that, for feare lest on some other side, they would have given assault upon the campe. But Furius the Lieutenant (who also was the Consull his brother) engaged himselfe too farre, and upon a hot desire of pursuit and following the chase, neither sawe he his [Page 91] A fellowes as they retired, ne yet the enemies as they came to charge him on the backe. Thus be­ing shut out from all the rescue, after many assaies made (but all in vaine) to make way through vnto the campe, manfully fighting he was slaine. The Consull likewise hearing that his brother was environed all about with enemies, returned againe to fight; but as he ran more rashly than warily into the middest of the skirmish, hee was sore wounded, and being hardly and with much adoe saved by those that were about him, hee both disquieted and daunted the hearts of his owne men, and made his enemies more fierce, lustie, and courageous. Who were so animated and set on fire, both with the hurt of the Consull, and [...]lso with the death of his Lieutenant, that nothing afterwards could stand in their way: no force was able to stay them, but that they beat the Romanes againe into their campe: where they were besieged a fresh, B being nowe both in hope, and also for strength worse than they were before. So that their maine State thus lying a bleeding, had vtterly perisht, but that T. Quintius with a supplie of strangers, namely, a power of Latines and Hernikes, came to the rescue in time: who charging the Aequians behind, whiles they were wholly busied in assailing the camp, shewing them within the Lieutenants head in a great braverie and pride, at the same instant caused a sallie out of the campe, by a signall that he gave them a far off, & so inclosed round about a great number of the enemies. Smal was the slaughter, but great was the flight & scattering of the Aequians in the ter­ritorie of Rome: upon whom (stragling here & there, and driving their booties afore them) Post­humius, who in divers convenient places had bestowed certaine companies and bands of sol­diors, ran violentlie. And as they fled everie way in disaray, they lighted upon Quintius C as he with the hurt Consull returned with victorie. Then the Consuls armie bravelie did their devoir, and had a goodly day of them; and was revenged both for their Consuls wound, and also for the death of the lieutenant and the squadrons with him. Many los­ses and overthrowes were given and taken on each side for certaine daies. But in so ancient a matter as this was, hard it is for a man vpon his credit, to set downe precisely the certaine number, either how many fought, or how many were slaine. Howbeit Valerius Antias boldly reckoneth the exact numbers, namelie that there died of the Romans in the Hernicks countrie 5300: and of the Aequian robbers, who went up and downe spoyling and pilling in the territo­rie of Rome; there killed by A. Posthumius the Cos. 2400. The rest of the multitude, which lo­den with spoile fell into the hands of Quintius, were not so quit, nor escaped with the losse of D so few mens lives: for of them the sword devoured 4000, and to account the number exactlie, 200 (quoth he) and 30 just. Then returned they on all hands to Rome, and the foresaid va­cation or law-steed ended. The skie was seene much on a light fire, and other strange wonders either appeared indeed, or presented to the fearfull people vaine apparitions, and fantasticall illusions. How ever it was, for to avert the dangers by these prodigious and terrible tokens presa­ged, there were proclaimed festivall holydates for three daies together. During which time all the Churches were replenished with men and women, making supplications and praiers for the favour and mercie of the gods. The bands and squadrons of the Latines and Herniks, after great thanks given them by the Senate for their good service in this warre, were discharged and sent home. But the Antiate soldiors, 1000 in number, who after the battaile was fought came tardie, E and too late for tosuccour, were dismissed in manner with ignominie and shame.

Then was the great Liete or assemblie held, for the election of Magiftrates: wherein L. Ebutius and P. Servilius were created Consuls: and on the The first daie of August. Calends of Sex [...]lis (for on that day) began the year then, they entred their Consulship. A grievous & heavie time it was, and as it fortuned, a yeare of plague and great mortalitie, both in the citie and countrie, as well among brute beasts as men. And the receiving of the countrie peazants with their cattell into the cittie, for feare of robbing and spoiling, encreased the contagiousnesse of the sicknesse so much the more. For, that confused medlie of all sorts of beasts, both anoied and empoisoned the citizens with the uncouth and unusuall stinke, and also stifled with sultrie heat and overmuch watching the rusticall people, lying pestered together, and thrust up into close rowmes and F straight lodgings. Then mutuall recourse one to helpe and minister unto another, and the verie catching of the disease, set it all abroad. Thus whiles they had much ado to endure these present calamities, behold to mend the matter, all of a suddaine, the Hernicke Embassadours bring word, that the Aequians and Volscians hauing levied a power jointly together, were encamped within their limits: and from thence with a mightie armie wasted & harried their territorie. Now, besides that the small assemblie in the Senate house, was to these their allies an evident token [Page 92] that the cittie was fore visited with the pestilence, they received also an heavie answere from G them, namely, That the Herniks themselves together with the helpe of the Latines, should de­fend their owne: as for the citie of Rome, it was with the heavie hand and visitation of the gods, dispeopled by the plague: but in case the sicknesse decreased in some measure and tooke up in any time, they would willingly aid their confederates, as they did the yeare before, and as they had done at all times besides. Thus departed these allies, and for their ill news they brought thi­ther, they caried with them home again a worse answere and message, to wit, That they should by themselves sustaine that war alone which hardly they were able to support, if they had the power of the Romans to assist them. Long staied not the enemie in the Hernikes countrey, but went for­ward from thence into the territorie of Rome, desolate alreadie (God wot) without the injurie of war, and little need there was of calamitie that waies: where meeting with no man at all, no not so H much as any one unarmed, & passing over all the countrie, disfurnished not only of garrisons to resist, but also of people for husbandrie & tillage, at length they came to the third stone, i. within three miles of Rome, to the broad port high way, called Gabina, leading to Gabes. The Romane Cos. Ebutius, was now departed this life, and his brother Cos. Servilius, lay lingering on at the point of death, in small hope of recoverie. Most of the peeres and principall ancients were infe­cted, and sick in bed, so was the greater part of the Nobles, & welneere all the serviceable men of war: so as they were not able to set forth an expedition or voiage abroad, as meet was in so great a tumult, no norscarse to keep any ordinarie set guard at home for the defence of the cittie. The Senators, such as age & sicknes would permit, tooke the charge in proper persons of watch and I ward. The Aediles of the Commons went the round, and had the charge to see all well & in good order: so that upon them now rested the whole government of the state, and the majestie of the Consuls regiment. Thus when all was forlorne, no head to direct, no strength of man to exe­cute; the Tutelar gods, protectors of the citie, and the good fortune alone that ever waited upon her, preserved the maine chance. This made the Volscians and Aequians to carrie with them a mind and intent, rather to deale by way of robbings & spoilings, than to deale in any hostile ma­ner like prosessed warriors: for so small hope had they, or none at all, of winning the cittie; so lit­tle heart, so much as to approach the wals, that even the very roofes of houses, which they descried a saro [...], & the sight of the tombs and graves so neer at hand, turned their minds clean, and daun­ted their courages. So as over all the campe they began to mutter with themselves, What they K meant to spend time idlie, and fit still without preading, in a wast and desart countrey; within the mortalitie and putrified aire and corruption, both of people and cattell; when as they might as well invade those parts that stood cleare and sound, and namely the rich, plentifull, and fat fields of [...] Iusculum: and therwith suddainly at once they plucked up their ensignes, and by crosse waies pasted through the Valm [...]niore. Lavican countries, even to the mountains of Tusculum: and thither turned they the whole force and tempest of the war. In the meane season the Hernikes and Latines mo­ved not with pitie and compassion onely, but also for very shame, in case they had neither with­stood their common enemies, marching to Rome with a cruel armie, nor relieved their besieged friends; joined their powers together, and set forward to Rome: where not finding the enemies, and following the bruit that went of them, and tracing their fresh trackes and footing, they en­countred them as they came downe from the hillie country of Tusculum, into the vale of Alba: L Where they made no saving bargaine of it, but fought to their loffe, so as their fidelitie unto their allies, had but bad succesle for that present. And in Rome there was no lesse mortalitie of citti­zens by the sickenes, than there were massacres abroad of their allies by the edge of the sword. For the other Consull, who alone survived hitherto, now died. There left this life also, other noble personages, M. Valerius, Titus Virginius, Augurs: and Ser. Sulpitius the Cumio maximas. But among the base and common sort, the violence of the disease raged and spread, I know not how farre. The Senate now destitute of all helpe and comfort of man, moved the people to devotion, to their beads, and praiers unto the gods. And commandement was given to all men with their wives and children, to goe in prosession, to poure out their supplications, & crave mercie at gods M hands. Thus being by publike authoritie called forth to performe that which every man was for­ced unto by his owne proper calamities, they filled all the temples and chappels. The dames and ancient matrons, lying groveling and sweeping the church flores and pavement with their haire and tresses, hanging lose downe, humblie be sought pardon of the gods, and an end once of the pestilence. Whereupon, were it that they had obtained the mercie of God, or that the more dan­gerous and contagious season of the yeare, was now well overpast; their bodies by little and little, [Page 93] A having escaped the daunger of disease, began to recover and waxe more healthie.

Then set they their mindes about the care of the Common-weale, and after certaine inter­reignes determined or ended, P. Valerius Poplicola, the third day of his Interreigne or Regencie for the time, createth Consuls L. Lucretius Tricipitinus, and T. Veturius Geminus, or Vetusius whether yee will: who 11 of August. three daies before the Ides of Sextil [...], began their Consulship. By which time the cittie was growne so-strong againe, that it was able not onely to maintaine a de­fensive warre, but also to enter the field and assaile others. When the Herniks therefore gave them advertisements that the enemies were passed over into their borders: they made no de­lay, but readily and willingly promised their aide, and levied two Consular armies. Vetu­rius was sent against the Volscians, to beginne with them, and to warre within their owne coun­trie. B Tricipitinus was opposed in the Frontires of their confederates, to keepe them from invasion and wasting, and went no further forwarde than to the Hernikes. Veturius at his first encounter and confronting of his enemies, discomfired and put them to flight. But Tri­cipitinus whiles hee lay still encamped in the marches of the Hernikes, missed of the armie of the robbers: which was conducted over the mountaines of Preneste, from whence they came downe into the champaine, and spoyled the territories of Preneste and Gabes: and from thence they fetched a compasse about unto the mountaines of Tusculum. The Citie of Rome likewise was put in great feare, rather upon the sodaine occurrent of this al'arme, than for any want of power to resist their violence. Quintus Fabius at that time was Prouost of President of the Cittie, who put the youth in armour, disposed guards in places conuenient, and made all safe and in good C securitie. The enemies therefore who had raised a bootie out of the parts adjoyning, durst ap­proch no neerer, but cast about with their armie and retired: and the further they went from their enemies cittie, so much the more carelesse they were, untill they light upon the Cos. Lucretius, who by his espials and scouts, was afore that time acquainted what waies they would take, and was readie also to trie battaile. So with resolute and prepared hearts, they set upon them, that with the sodaine feare were amazed. And albeit they were in number fewer, yet they discomfited and put to flight a mightie multitude of them, and drave them within the hollow vallies, where because they had no readie way to get out, they kept them inclosed on everie side. In such sort, that the whole name and nation welneere of the Volscians, there utterly perished. In some Chro­nicles I find that there were 13470 slaine in the fight and chafe, and 1250 taken prisoners alive, D and 27 ensignes or banners brought away. It may well be that the number perhaps doth some­what exceed the truth, yet a great slaughter certainely there was. The Consull having atchieved this victorie, and gotten a mightie great prey, returned into the same standing campe againe. Then pitched both Consuls togither, and the Volscians ioyntly with the Aequians, rallied their forces thus decaied and weakened, into one place, and made one entire armie. This was the third field fought, in that one yeare, and by the same good fortune the Romanes wan the victorie: and having vanquished the enemies, they were maisters also of the campe. Thus the cittie of Rome recovered her selfe, and returned to her ancient good estate. But this happie successe in war, immediatly stirred vp civile troubles at home. C. Terentillus Arsa, for that yeare a Tribune of the Commons, C. Terentillus in­veigheth against the regiment of the Consuls. supposing in the absence of the Consuls, good opportunitie was offered to E set on foote the Tribunes actions, and their proceedings: for certaine daies togither gave not over before the Commons, to accuse the great pride and insolencie of the Nobles: but especi­ally he inveighed against the Consuls regiment, as being too absolute, and in a free state intol­lerable. ‘For in name only (quoth he) lesse odious and hatefull it is than that of the KK. but in fact in very deed, more grienous and cruell. For why? In steed of one lord, the cittie hath received twaine, and those having authoritie beyond all measure, unlimited and infinite: who being them­selves at their owne libertie and vnbrideled, turned the edge of all streight and dreadfull lawes, year, and the rigor of all punishment, against the Commons. But least this their licentiousnesse should continue for ever, he was minded to preferred and publish a law, by vertue where of there should be five men created, who should set downe certaine conditions, to limit and gage the au­thoritie F of the Consuls: and looke what authoritie and comission the people graunted out over them, the same should the Consull exercise, and no more, and not rule of themselves, and vse their owne will and licencious lust in steede of law. This act being once published, and the No­bles fearing, least whiles the Consuls were away, they should be taken downe and yoked.’ Quin. Fabrus President of the Cittie, assembled the Senate, who so bitterly and sharply inueighed a­gainst the law and the law-giuer himselfe, that if both the Consuls themselves had stood about [Page 94] the Tribune of purpose to contradict and crosse his proceedings, The [...] of Q. [...] against the [...] of the Commons. there had been no threats nor G terrible menaces left for them, to have thundred out. ‘For he laid sore vnto his charge, that he had lien in waite, and now having spied the time to fit his purpose, had given the venture to assaile the C. W. and the State. And in case the gods in their wrathfull displeasure had sent among them such a Tribune as hee the yeare before, togither with warre and pestilence, there had ben no remedie then, but he must have had his way, and then they had beene all undone. For when the Consuls both were dead, and the cittie lay bedrid as it were, in a miserable confusion of all things, he would have made lawes then indeede, to the utter abolishing of the Consuls autho­ritie out of the Commonwealth, and beene a ringleader to Volscians and Aequians both, for to have assaulted the cittie. For what might not hee have lawfully done by vertue of his place? If the Consuls had either proudly or cruelly proceeded against any one Cittizen, hee might H have entered an Action against them, and convented them forsooth before those verie Iud­ges, of whome peraduenture some one had beene by them hardlie dealt withall. This would have beene the course and ende of it. And hee that thus did, should not cause the Consuls authoritie and rule, but the Tribunes power to become odious and intollerable: which ha­ving beene of late well quieted and reconciled unto the Nobles, began now afresh to come unto the old biace, and to be troublesome againe. Neither intreated hee him not to goe on still as he had begun. But ye my masters (qd. Fabius) that are the rest of the Tribunes, we would request you to consider well this one point especially: That this power you have, was brought in for the succour and releefe of everie particular person, and not to the generall prejudice and undoing of all. Againe, that ye are created Tribunes of the Commons, not enemies of the I Nobles. A heavie and lamentable case it is to us, odious and hatefull unto you, and will breed you much ill will and displeasure, in case the C. W. now forlorn, should thus be invaded & assai­led. Yee shall leese nothing of your owne right, I assure you, nay you shall avoid much mislike and hatred of men, in case ye be in hand and deale with your brother Tribune, to put off this mat­ter and deferre it wholly until the Consuls comming. Why, the verie Aequians and Volscians themselves the last yeare, when both our Consuls were dead of the plague, preased not hardlie upon us, to prosecute any proud & cruell war against us.’ So, the Tribunes communed and persua­ded with Terentillus: and this his commensed suit or action being adjourned in outward shew, but in verie truth let fall quite and disanulled, the Consuls forthwith were sent for home. Lucretius returned enriched with a right great bootie, but with far greater honor and renowne. Who at his K verie first comming wan himselfe more glorie, by laying abroad in Mars field all the prises, that everie man for three daies space might know his owne and have it away. All the rest, that had no owners to come forth and make claime, was sold in port-sale. By all mens consent, the Consull was thought worthie of triumph: howbeit that matter was put off, by reason that the Tribune had not yet done with his law: which was the thing that the Consull thought meet should be first re­garded. The matter was debated and treated for certaine daies, both in the Senate and also be­fore the people. At last the Tribune yeelded to the majestic of the Consull, and gave it over. Then was due honor rendred both to the Generall and also to the armie accordingly. He trium­phed over the Volscians and Aequians: and in his triumph his owne legions followed after him. To the other Consull granted it was that he should in a kind of triumph called Ovatio, ride in­to L the citie, but without his soldiors. The yeare next ensuing, the law Terentilla was by the whole colledge or fellowship of the Tribunes revived and propounded againe: which put the new Con­suls P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius to some trouble. Prodigious fights And in the same yeare the skie semed to be on a light fire, and there was an exceeding earthquake. And that which the yeare afore was no credit given unto, was now for truth beleeved, to wit, That a cow did speake. Among other strange wonders it rained flesh: during which showre, a huge number of foules flew among, and were reported to have snatcht it and caried it away as it was in falling. But that which fell downe and escaped their tallons, lay scattered here and there for certaine daies in such sort, as the sent changed not at all, nor the flesh one jot taken and corrupted. Then the bookes (of Sibylla) were perused by the Duumvirs deputed over matters of religion: who foretold of some dangers to ensue by a companie of strangers, and gave warning to look least happily some assault should M be made upon the highest places of the citie, and thereof a slaughter & massacre ensue. Amongst the rest, warning was given to abstaine from civile discord and mutinies: which the Tribunes found fault with, as a devised matter to hinder the law. Wherupon great debate and conten­tion was like presentlie to grow. But behold, (that the revolution and course of troubles might [Page 95] A turne about everie yeare to the same point.) The Herniks bring newes that the Volscians and Aequians for all their wings were well clipped, and their forces greatly decaied, began to gather and leavie new armies: Item, That in Antium lay the whole weight and importance of the af­fairs, & all depended upon it: That the Antiat coloners held their counsels and had their mee­tings in open show, at Ecetra, but Antium was the principall seat of the warre, and from thence came all preparations and forces whatsoever. As soone as these newes were reported in the Se­nate, order was given to muster soldiors: and that the Consuls should part betweene them the administration and managing of this warre, so as the one should have the charge against the Volscians, and the other against the Aequians. But the Tribunes rung it out openly in the com­mon hall before the people, That this was but a made matter of the Volscian warre, and a tale B devised by the Herniks, who were suborned and framed to play their parts in the Pageant, and to serve the turne of the Nobles. The Tribunes op­pose themselves against the No­bilitie. And that now verilie the freedome of the people of Rome was not oppressed or endangered by plaine prowesse and vertue, but finely shifted off and dallied cunningly withall, by slie and craftie inventions. ‘And for as much as now it was an unlikely thing and incredible, that the Volscians and Aequians after so great carnage committed upon them, whereby they were all in a manner killed up, should be able of themselves to wage wa [...]re, there were, forsooth, new enemies sought out: A faithfull Colonie neer adioyning, was now slandered and diffamed: warre was pretended for a shew against the guildesse and innocent Antiats, but in truth, intended with the verie commons of Rome, whom they ment to drive out of the cittie in all haste headlong, surcharged with heavie armour, and so (by, turning out their poore fellow C citizens into banishment, & sending them away, God knowes whether) to be avenged at length of the Tribunes. And thus the Law (say the Tribunes, for they must thinke their drift is to this end and to none other) should be troden vnder foote, vnlesse whiles all is entire and whole, and nothing done, whiles they remaine at home in their houses, whiles they be in their gownes, they take heede and looke well about them, that they be not dispossessed of the cittie, and take the yoke of servitude vpon their necks: assuring them that if their hearts onely served, they should want for no helpe: and that all the Tribunes agreed and were of one mind, that there was no cause of feare abroad, no forraine warre to trouble them: last of all, that the very providence of the gods the yeare before assured them, that their libertie might with safetic be defended. These and such like remonstrances gave the Tribunes out.’ On the other part, the Consuls causing their D chaires of estate to be set, even in their sight and presence, began to muster. Thitherran the Tri­bunes downe in all hast, and drew the whole assemblie of people with them. And, to make as it were a proofe and triall, some few by name were called, and straightwaies began a stir. For whom­soever the Sergeant by the Consull his commandement arrested, the Tribunes charged againe that hee should bee let goe. And neither side contained within the limits and compasse of their commission and rightfull authorities: but presumed of their might and strong hand, to attaine unto their desired purpose. For even as the Tribunes had demeaned themselves in forbidding the muster, semblablie the Senatours bestirred themselves to stop the law for going forward: which was propounded everie court day, and when the people might assemble. And ever­more the brawle began, when the Tribunes commanded the people to avoid the hall, for that E the Patritij would not endure thus to bee set out and excluded. Few or none of the auncients would bee present at these troublesome sturres, being such as were not to bee managed and ordered by sage counsell, but wholly left to the rashnes and boldnes of young and greene heads. The Consuls also were much absent, and forbare to be in place, for feare least in such a confused hurliburlie their majestie and dignitie, might have ben subject to some shamefull contumely and disgrace. But there was among them one Caso Quintius, a lustie young gentleman and a stout, in regard both of his noble parentage, as also of the goodly tall personage and strength of his bodie. Besides these good parts that God had bestowed upon him, he had woon himselfe many ornaments by sundrie exploits atcheeved in wars: He had withall an eloquent speech and a good grace at the bar, so as, in one word, throughout the whole citie, there was not one thought to bee F more readie in toung, or raller of his hands. This Caeso standing in the midst of the Nobles, higher to be seen above all the rest, as one that in his speech and strength, carried asore him the coun­tenance and authoritie of all Dictators and Consuls, was the only man that bare off the brunts of Tribunes, Ceso Quintius a bitter adversarie of the la [...] Te­renulla. and stormes of the common people. Many a time were the Tribunes driven out of common hall, the Communaltie defeated and put to flight by the conduct of this Captaine. Whosoever came within his reach, was sure to go away throughly beaten, & cleane stripped. So [Page 96] as it evidently appeared, if this course might have ben allowed, the law had soone ben checked G and overthrowne. Now when all the other Tribunes besides, were herewith dismaied and wel­neere daunted. Aulus Virginius alone, being one of their fellowship, was so bold, as to enter an action against Caeso, of a capitall crime. By which deed of his, he rather fired, than feared his hot and furious nature. For so much the more eagerly withstood he the law, coursed and troubled the Commons, and persecuted the Tribunes as it were with open warre. The plaintiffe in the meane time, suffered the defendant to run on still, and with many outrages to kindle more coales of ill will, and hatred upon his owne head, and to minister further matter of crimes to bee charged with. And all the while he ceased not to preferre the law aforesaid, not so much of any hope to bring it to passe, as to provoke and set on worke, the giddie he [...]d and humourous vaine of Caeso. Whereby it came to passe, that many follies oftentimes were committed both in word & deed, H by the yonger sort: and evermore the blame light upon poore Caeso: he alone was alwaies char­ged, because he had been once suspected. But neverthelesse hee gainsaied and crossed the law. ‘And Aulus Virginius ever and anone would entertaine the Commons with these and such like speeches. See ye not alreadie (quoth he) O Quirites, that yee may not now have Caeso your Citti­zen, and the law which you desire both together. But what meane I to speak of the law? It is your libertie that hee insringeth and setteth himselfe against, and in pride and arrogancie hee excee­deth all the T arquines that ever were. But wait, ye were best, until he be made a Consull or Dicta­tor, whom yee see alreadie, being but a private person, to beare himselfe so greatly of his strength and boldnesse, as to lord it over you, and rule as a king.’ Many soothed the Tribune and said the like, adding moreover, how they had ben well knocked & beaten at his hands: and were forward I ynough of themselves to set the Tribune on, to proceed in his commensed action against him.

Now was the law day of judiciall triall come: and it seemed abroad, that all men verily thought that the very foundation of their libertie consisted in the condemnation of Caeso. In conclusion, driven he was with much indignitie and shame, to creepe and crouch unto every man, submissely craving their favor one after another. There seconded him his kinsfolke and neerest friends, the bestmen of the citie. Titus Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice Consull, spake in his be­halfe: and after he had reckoned up many honours and dignities, both of his owne, and also of his familie, [...] affirmed, that neither in the house and race of Quintij, nor yet throughout the cit­tie of Rome, was ever seene so great towardnesse, no such shew and likelyhood of ripe and per­fect vertue and prowesse as in Caeso: saying, that hee had been first his souldiour, and served un­der K him, and that with his owne eies hee had seene him oftentimes fight valiantly hand to hand with his enemies in the field. Again, Sp. Fusius made this good report of him, That upon a time, when himselfe was in great distresse & extremitie, Caeso was sent unto him from Quintius Capitoli­nus, to helpe at a pinch: and that there was no one man, by whose good service, as hee thought, the Weale publicke at that time was more releeved and restored, than by his. L. Lucretius the Consull last yeare before, glittering in his bright glorie so fresh and new, joined with the rest, avowing Caeso partaker with him in his praise-worthie acts: he recounted his brave combats, reher­sed his noble exploits, both in his rodes and voiages, and also in the pight field: advising and counselling them, that in any hand they would retaine still for to be a citizen of their owne cit­tie, rather than of any other, this excellent young gentleman, furnished with all good gifts of L nature and fortune, like to prove a singular stay of the publicke affaires, into what cittie and state soever he should come. As for that heat and hastinesse (quoth he) which was in him misliked and offensive, age and time would daily diminish, and bereave him of it: grave and sage counsell, which now was wanting, would come on a peace everie day more than other. Seeing therfore his faults waxed old and faded, his vertues now were in their growth, flourished, and grew ripe unto perfection; they should permit so brave, so rare a person, to live still among them, and be a good old man in this their cittie. His father among the rest, L. Quintius, surnamed Cincinnatus, went another way to worke: who not by iterating still his praises, for feare of heaping more matter of envie and repine, but craving pardon for his wildnesse and youthfull demeanor; besought them for his sake at leastwise, to give the sonne as a present to his father, who neither in word M nor deede had ever offended any person. Some tooke no heede and gave a deafe eare to his praiers, either for modesty and reverence, or for feare. Others complaining how they and theirs had ben beaten and hardly used at his hands, bewraied and shewed plainly by their shrewd and churlish answeres what their iudgment was. Beside, the common mislike and malice concea­ved against the defendant, there was one perilous matter and crime above all, that touched him [Page 97] A very neere. And that was this: M. Volscius Fictor, who certaine yeares before had been Tri­bune of the Commons, came in against him as a witnesse, and deposed, how that not long after the plague was in the citty, he happened upon a company of youthes as they made a roiot and robbery in the Suburra: where there arose a braule and a fray, in which his elder brother, a man well in yeares, and not throughly recovered of his sicknesse, was by a buffet with Caeso his fist felled to the ground, and laie there for dead: so as he was faine to be had home betweene mens armes; & as he deemed, of that blow he died: yet might not he, as haynous as the fact was, bring his action and prosecute the law, for feare of the Consuls of these last yeares. As Velscius thus informed, the whole court was moved therwith, in so much that Caso escaped hardly, from being murthered, in that rage and fury of the people. Then Virginius commanded to lay hold B on the man, and to haue him away to prison. The Patritij againe by force resisted force. T. Quin­tius cried out, That he who was under arrest for to make his appearance, and answere at a day for his life, and who shortly should come to his triall and be judged, ought not before sentence of condemnation, and before he had pleaded for himselfe, thus violently be misused. The Tribune replied againe, That his meaning was not to punish him before he were condemned: howbeit, by his leaue he would be so bold as keepe him fall in prison, to be forth comming at the law daie; that he who had killed a man, might suffer therefore, according as the people of Rome should award. Then were the Tribunes called unto for their helpe, who by the meanes of an indifferent decree then made, shewed their lawfull favours with speede. By vertue whereof they sorbad expressely, that he should not be imprisoned, but pronounced that it was their will C and pleasure, that the defendant should personally appeare, and a piece of money be promi­sed unto the people, in case he made default and failed of his appearance. Much question there was what summe of money should be thought reasonable to be promised. And the matter was put over to the Senate to be decided: and whilst the Senators sate thereupon, the defendant was kept still in ward within the common Haul. At length they thought good and set it downe, that he should put insureties. And they bound each suretie in 3000 9 lib. 7 sh. 6. d. sterl. Asses. But how many of these should put in band, was left to the will and descretion of the Tribunes, who assigned and deter­mined ten & no more. With so many sureties the plaintife bound the defendant personally and peremptorily to appeare at his daie. This man was the first Roman that went under speciall baile and put in good pledges to make his publike answere. Thus being enlarged out of the common D hall and dismissed, the next night following, unawares to the Consull, he departed to the Tus­canes into exile. When the daie of this judgment was come, and that it was alleadged for his excuse, That he was out of the towne, and gone into banishment: yet neverthelesse Virginius as­sembled the people about this matter: but his fellow Tribunes being called unto for their helpe, dismissed the court and licensed every man to depart. But the foresaid money was cruelly exa­cted at his fathers hands, so that he was driven to sell up all that ever he had, and for a long time to live apart as a person confined, on the other side of Tyber, in a poore blinde cottage out of the way. This processe of judgment, and the preferring of the law abovesaid together, busied the cittie and kept it occupied. Quiet they were for any wars abroad. At what time the Tribunes like conquerors, seeing the Nobles appauled at the banishment of Caeso, supposed now their law was E in manner fully established and enacted. And for as much as the more ancient Senatours had dispossessed themselves as it were, of the Common weale, and medled not for their owne parts with the stare: the younger sort and such especially as were of Caeso his crue and acquaintance, were kindled the more against the Commons, and abated not their courage: marry, this good thereby was done upon them, that in some measure they tempered and ruled their furious affe­ctions and violent outrage. The first time after the exile of Caeso, that the law began againe to be proposed, they being well appointed and banded together, backed also with a mighty com­panie of their friends and favorites, set upon the Tribunes: taking the occasion when they char­ged them to depart out of the hall, in such manner, that no one of them above his fellowes was singular, nor carried home with him any speciall praise or blame more than another: but the F Commons complained that for one Caeso, there were now start up a thousand. All the daies be­tweene, wherein the Tribunes medled not with their law, none more quiet, none more peacea­ble than even they themselves. Courteously they would salute and speake unto the Commons, at all other times they would invite them home to their houses and make them good cheere, as­sist them and be present with them in the common hall, suffer the Tribunes themselves without any interruption or impeachment to keepe their courts and hold their assemblies whatsoever: [Page 98] shewing themselves at no time to any of them either publikely or privately fierce and cruell, but G onely when they went in hand with the law, for otherwise the young Gentlemen were popular enough. And not onely in other causes made the Tribunes good dispatch, and went quietly through all their businesses: but also the same men were chosen againe for the next yeare follow­ing without any one foule & crosse word: so far were they from being offred any forcible violence: and thus by soft handling and gentle dealing, they had now by little & little won the Commons, and made them as it were come to hand. And so by these fine fetches and devises, for one whole yeare the law was shifted off, and pretily avoided. The cittie being now in more quiet state, C. Claudius the sonne of Appius and P. Valerius Poplicola, came to be Consuls. And no news this new yeare: for the same care still, either about preferring or admitting the law, held the citty oc­cupied. As much as the punie Nobles insinuated themselves more into the favour and familia­rity H of the Commons: so much more egerly againe on the other side, did the Tribunes labour and endevour with complaints and slaunders, to bring them into suspition and jealosie with the Commons. Saying, that there was a conspiracie intended & contrived: that Caeso was in Rome: that there were plots laid to murther the Tribunes, and to massaker the Commons: that they were set on worke by some great ones, even the Auncients of the Nobles, utterly to abolish the Tribunes aucthority out of the C. W. and to bring and reduce the city to the same passe againe, as it had been before the taking and keeping hold in the Mount Sacer. Besides all this, war was feared from the Volscians and Aequians (so ordinary it was, and so duly once every yeare it came about:) yea and withall, another mischiefe newly sprong, and unlooked for.

A rabble of banished persons, Outlawes and Bondslaves, to the number of 4500. having to I their Capitaine one Ap. Herdonius a Sabine, The Capitoll sur­prised [...] surprised in the night the Capitoll and Castle, and were masters thereof. Who immediatly killed in the castle as many as would not be of their conspiracie and take armour with them. The rest, amid this hurliburly ran headlong downe in­to the Market place for feare. The al'arme was given on al hands: and no crie heard, but Arme, Arme, the enemies are in towne. The Consuls were affraid to put the Commons in armes, and they doubted also to let them be unarmed, not knowing what suddaine occurrent this should be, that thus had entred and possessed the citty: whether it were forraine or domesticall, arising from the malice and hatred of the people, or from the treacherie and falshood of their servants. Yet they devised to appease the uprore: and as they were busie to represse it, the more other­while they stirred up new: for the frighted and amased multitude, could not be ordered by any K commandement. Howbeit at length they resolved to suffer them to take armes, and not all in generall, but onely (for that they knewe not what their enemies were) to have a sufficient and trusty guard about them, ready at all assaies and dangers whatsoever. In this carefull suspence and doubt, who were their enemies, and what their number was, they passed the rest of the night, disposing strong watch and warde in all meete and convenient places of the city. But the day light disclosed the warre and the Captaine thereof. The [...] Appius Herdonius, cap­tain of the slaves. ‘ Appius Herdonius from out of the Capitoll proclaimed freedome to all bondmen that would come and follow him: taking upon him forsooth to defend the cause of most miserable caitifs: namely, to restore home againe unto their native countrie all such exiled persons, as had beene wrongfully expelled, and also to take away the heavie yoke of slaverie and bondage. Which thing he could wish it might be effected L and brought about with the good will & helping hand of the people of Rome. But in case there were no hope and comfort there, then he would assay the Volscians and Aequians, yea and pro­cure what meanes he could, by all hard courses and extremities whatsoever.’ Now the Nobles and Coss. began to see more into the matter: and besides those dangers that were in view, & presently threatened, they feared some practise from the Veientians or the Sabines: and least, there being alreadie so many enemies in the citie, the legions of the Sabines & Tuscanes should combine to­gether, and come upon them Over and besides, least their old enemies and perpetuall, the Volsc. and Aeq. should now at once, not, as aforetime, invade their borders and drive booties, but give an attempt upon the very citty, which was already in some part, taken and possessed by enemies. Many & sundry were their feares. But of all other the dread and jealousie of their own bondslaves M presented unto them most imminent & present danger: for feare, least every man harboured his enemy at home in his own house, whom neither he could trust securely, nor yet mistrust with­out some jeopardy: fearing least being once discredited, he might proove the more malicious and bent to doe a mischiefe. And to such streightes they were driven, that with all their con­cord and agreement, they hardly were able to remedy the matter, and to stop the extremitie. So [Page 99] A greatly the future troubles like to ensue, exceeded those that presently appeared and were in sight, that no man feared either Tribunes or Commons. That milde and gentle kinde of mala­die, in comparison of others, and rising alwaies by occasion of rest from all other, seemed then by reason of a forreine terrour, stilled cleane and brought asleepe. And yet see, that was the only thing in a manner that late hardest upon them, ready to beare downe to the ground their state, which now began already to shrinke and reele. For so furiously and madly were the Tribunes bent, that they stifly would stand to it, and beare men in hand, That it was no warre, but a vaine illusion and colour of war, and no other, that had seised on the Capitoll; for nothing els but to withdraw the mindes of the Commons from intending and following their law: and that a sort of clients, followers, and favorites of the Nobility and Gentrie were gathered together, who is B they might once perceave that the law were passed, and that all the stirre they had made, tooke no effect, would slip away soone & be gon, in more silence y'wis, than they thither came. Wher­upon they called the people away from their armour and weapons, and summoned them to an assembly, to go through with their law and enact it now or never. In the meane time the Coss. held a counsell, fearing a greater mischiefe like to ensue from the Tribunes, than the enemies had wrought in the night season. And when word was brought that armes were laid away, and that the people had abandoned their quarters where they were set in guard, The Oration of P. Valerius to the people. then P. Valer. leaving his colleague to keep the Senat together, departed hastely out of the court & went straight into the temple to the Tribunes. What worke is here my Maisters (qd. he) you that are Tribunes? ‘Are ye about to overthrow the State indeed, under the conduct of Ap. Herdonius? and who was not able C to sollicit & do any thing with your bondslaves and servants, was his hap so good as to corrupt and inveagle your selves? Is this your pleasure and to your good liking, whi [...]s the enemie is over our heads, to have our armour laid aside, and lawes preferred? Then turning his speech to the whole multitude: If ye take no regard nor care ( ô Quirites) of the cittie, if ye passe not for yourselves, yet have some reverence, and stand in feare of the gods of your native countrey, which by your enemies are now taken prisoners and captivate: Iup. Opt. Max. that most bound­tifull and almighty god, Queene Iuno and Minerva, with all the rest of gods goddesses (and heavenly hallowes) ar [...] besieged: Outlawes and bondslaves are encamped about your Tutelar gods, and have in posse [...]sion the protectours and patrones of your citty. Is this, thinke ye, the forme of a wise and well governed cittie? is it in good case in deede and as it ought to be? So D many enemies not onely within the wals, but also aloft upon the cliffe within the Castle, over­looking and commanding both Hall and Court: and all the while, the people assemble in the hall, Senatours sit in Court, like as when we enioyed peace and were at rest: the Senatour he delivereth his opinion at the counsell boord: the cittizens of Rome besides, are busie in their scrutinies and giving their voices. And had it nor been more meet and decent that both No­bility and Cominalty, Consuls and Tribunes, God and Man, all armed together, should set to their helping hand, should run up into the Capitoll to deliver, save, and set in quiet that most stately and sacred house of Iup. Opt. Max.? O Father Romulus, vouchsafe, I beseech thee, that minde and that courage unto thy successours and posterity, whereby sometime thou didst re­cover and win againe this fortresse from these same Sabines, betraied and lost by corruption, & E for a summe of gold: command them to enter even that way, which thou first leddest, and thy valorous armie followed after. Lo, I the Consull, so far foorth as a mortall man possibly may, will follow thee an immortall god, and thy footesteps. The conclusion of his speech was this, That as he put himselfe in armes, so all the Romans shall doe the like.’ And in case any man went about to hinder this, he would without regard of Consuls rule and dignity, or Tribunes autho­rity and might, passe for no sacred or inviolable lawes: but what or wheresoever he were, in Ca­pitoll, in market place, all as one, take him for an enemie, and deale accordingly. Let the Tri­bunes (for as much as they forbad to take armes against Ap. Herdonius) commaunde hardly, and spare not, to arme against P. Valerius the Consull: It should be well seene that he would dare and doe that by the Tribunes, which the first of his house and name sometime had done by F the KK. A great broile was toward, and no other like, but that they would have gone toge­ther by the eares, and that the mutinie of the Romanes, would have been a goodly spectacle to the enemies for to beholde. But all this while, neither could the lawe be preferred, nor the Consull go up into the Capitoll. The night at length staied these braules begun, and husht all, The Tribunes fearing the armed forces of the Consuls, yeelded to the darknesse of the night, and gave over. Now when the principall authours of the discord were once gone out of the way, [Page 100] the Nobles went about to the Commons, intruding themselves into their companies as G they were met in knots together: where they would enter into talke and discourse with them, ac­cording to the present occasions and the time, admonishing them to take heed into what dan­ger they brought the State. For as much as now (quoth they) it is not a matter of debate between the Senatours and Commons: but both Senatours and Commoners, the castle and strongest hold of the citie, the temples of the gods, their houses both publicke and private, were readie to be yeelded unto the enemies. Whiles these things were a practising in the common place, for to appease the dissention: the Consuls for feare, least the Sabines or the Veientians, enemies both, should stirre and rise, were gone to the gates, and all about the wals. The same night came tidings also to Tusculum of the taking of the castle, the surprising of the Capitoll, and likewise of the troubleous state where in the citie stood. ‘At that time was L. Mamilius, Dictator of Tus­culum: H he forthwith called a Senate together, brought in the messengers of the foresaid newes, and thought it very expedient and needfull not to wait untill there came Embassadours from Rome to crave their aid: for that the present perill it selfe alone, the urgent necessitie, their sociall gods, and the faithfull bond of league, required no lesse at their hands, than to send succor: adding moreover, that the gods would never give them the like occasion and oportunitie again, to gratifie the Romanes; to bind and oblige unto them by a sound benefite and pleasure done, so mightie a cittie, and so neere a neighbour.’ Whereupon it was decreed, to rescue them with all speed. The able men of service were taken up and enrolled, munition and armour given them in their hands: who advancing toward Rome by break of day, seemed a farre off to be enemies, and were taken for the Acquians or Volscians. But afterwards, when this foolish feare was over­blowne, I they were received into the cittie: and marched downe in order of battell to the market place. Where, at the very same time Pub. Valerius having left his fellow Consul to guard and for­tifie the gates, was setting his men in array. The authoritie of the man had prevailed with the peo­ple, for he promised & assured them, that if the Capitoll were once recovered, and the citie set in quiet, if they would suffer him to be informed what faiterous and secret mischeefe was underhand practised by the Tribunes under colour of this law, he would in remembrance of his ancestors, & of his [...] surname (which in regard of the affectionat love unto the people, by a speciall care, as it were by inheritance from his forefathers, was recommended unto him) not hinder & trouble the meetings and assemblies of the Commons, not crosse and thwart their proceedings. They fol­lowed K him therefore as their cheesetaine, gainesay the Tribunes what they could (for all would not serve) advanced forward, and marched up against the rising of the Capitoll hill. The Tuscu­lane legion stucke close unto them, and followed after. Cittizens and Associats both, did their best, and strove who should regaine the Capitoll first, and have the honour of that day. Ech cap­taine exhorted and encouraged his men. Then began the enemies to feare, and wist not well what to trust unto, but onely the scituation of the place. The Romanes and their allies seeing their feare, came forward and advanced their standards against them. Now by this time were they broken into the porch of the temple. [...] Where P. Valerius fighting manfully among the for­most in the vaward, was slaine. P. Volumnius a Consular man, saw him when he fell: who gave his men in charge to cover his bodie, and stept himselfe into the Consuls roome, and fought in his stead. The souldiours for heat and eagernesse of fight, tooke no regard, and came to no know­ledge L of this so great mischance, but got the victorie, ere they knew that they fought without their captaine. Many of the outlawes were there slaine, and polluted the temple with their bloud. Many taken alive prisoners, and Herdonius himselfe was slaine outright. So the Capitoll was againe recovered. The captives, as they were either bond or free, were executed every one accor­ding to their condition and place. The Tusculanes had thanks given them. The Capitoll was cleansed, purged, and hallowed anew. The Commons, as it is reported, cast Quadrans, a [...] and is [...] as a cue and [...] Quadrants or mites into the Consull his house, that hee might with greater pompe of funerals bee brought to the ground.

When all was appeased and in quiet, the Tribunes were earnest with the Nobles to performe the promise of P. Valerius: they were instant also with Claudius, to assoile the soule, and keepe it M from blame of his fellow Consull late deceased: and to permit the law to be set on foot, and goe forward. The Consull flatly denied to suffer them to meddle with the law, before he had substitu­ted a fellow in his place. And these contentions held unto the time of the grand Election, for the substituting of a new Consull. And in the moneth December, after much suit, and labouring of the Nobles, was L. Quintius Cincinnatus, the father of Caeso, created Consull, and presently to [Page 101] A enter into his office. The Commons herewith were much troubled and strucken dead, now that they were to have an angrie Consull, and mightie withall: considering the favour of the Nobles wherein he stood, and his owne vertue and prowesse besides: by reason also of his three sonnes, of whom there was not one, that for hautinesse of mind came behind Caeso, and for wisdome, discretion, The Oration of L. Quintius Cin­cir natns, repro­ving the Senate and Commons of Rome. and moderation (when time and occasion served) went farre beyond him. ‘Who being once entred into his office, in all his publicke speeches and orations, continually ceased not as well to bridle, restraine and keepe in the Communaltie, as also to chastise sharpely the Se­nate; through the remissenesse of which degree, and want of courage, it was come to passe, that the Tribunes became now to continue still in office, and not as in the Commonwealth of the people of Rome, but as in some unrulie and disordered house, with their lavish tongue raigned B as it were, and ruled the rost: saying, That together with his sonne Caeso all vertue and constancie, all commendable qualities that graced young gentlemen both in warre and peace, were chased and utterly banished out of the citie of Rome. In lieu whereof, bablers, mutinous persons, & sow­ers of sedition and dissention, are become Tribunes the second, yea, and the third time: who by indirect courses and leaud practises live losely in the citie, like princes and kings. That same Aulus Virginius there, (quoth he) hath he deserved lesse punishment than Ap. Herdonius, because he was not in the Capitoll with the rable of other rebels? Nay much more a good deale, if a man will weigh the matter aright and truly. Herdonius, (if there were nothing else) yet by professing him­selfe to be an enemie, advertised you, and gave you warning in a manner to arme your selves. But he, by bearing you down so confidently, that there was no warre, what did he els but disarme C you, and as it were, take your weapons from you, and offer you naked to the devotion and mercie of your bondmen and outlawes? And have yee (under correction bee it spoken, and sa­ving the reverence and honor of C. Claudius here, and P. Valerius that dead is) advanced your en­signes up the Capitoll hill, before you had rid the market place and common hall of these ene­mies? It is a shame (before God and man I speake it) when our enemies were in the castle and Capitoll, when the captaine and ringleader of outlawes and slaves, abode and lodged within the chappels and sanctuaries of Iup. Opti. Max. to the prophanation and polluting of all, that they at Tusculum should take them to their weapons before us of Rome, and that it should bee doubted, whether L. Mamilius the Tusculane Generall, or P. Valerius, and C. Claudius, the Ro­mane Consuls, should save the fortresse of Rome: and that wee, who heretofore would not D suffer the Latines in their owne defence, when they had their enemies in their borders, so much as once to take weapon in hand, should now our selves have ben surprised and destroied, had not they, the verie same Latines of their owne accord, put themselves into armour for our sakes. Is this your succouring and helping the Commons, (O yee Tribunes) for to expose and cast them unarmed before the enemie, to have their throats cut? Ywis, if the meanest or basest person of your communaltie, which you have dismembred from the whole bodie of the people besides, and made it, as it were the native countrey of your owne, and a Commonwealth peculiar onely to your selves; If any one of them I say, should bring you word, that his house were beset round about, with a meinie of servants and slaves in armour, you would thinke it meet that hee were ai­ded and succoured: And when Iup. Opti. Max. was besieged with a power of armed outlawes and E bondslaves, was he not worthie of mans helpe? And yet these men would be counted and held for Sacrosancti, i. Sacred and inviolable, with whom the very gods themselves are not sacred and inviolate. And notwithstanding, that yee are thus overcharged and stained with sins both against God and man, yee goe up and downe, and say, That this yeare you will get your law to passe, and make it sure. Pardie, if ye prefer it againe, then I must needs say the Commonweale is ill bested, and had a shrewd turne that day whereon I was created Consull, yea and worse a good deale, than at what time P. Valerius the Consull was slaine. But now first and formost (quoth he) O Qui­rites, my colleague and I both, are minded to lead forth our legions immediatly against the Vol­scians and the Aequians; how the divine providence of God hath appointed it. I know not, but surely we find the gods more gracious and favorable unto us in our wars ordinarily, than in time F of peace. And in what danger we had stood of those nations, in case they had known that the Ca­pitol was in the hands and possession of outlaws, better it is to guesse by that which is past, than to trie indeed by present experience. The Consull his oration moved & galled the Commons. The Nobles took hart, & were in a good beleef, that the world was well mended, and the state better re­formed.’ The other Cos. more harty to follow than to lead, and who was well content that his fel­low had broken the yce before, & taken in hand to deale first in so weighty a matter, willingly chal­lenged [Page 102] unto himselfe the charge to performe the part and office of a Consull, in the execution G and accomplishment of those designements. But then the Tribunes made a game therat, & set­ting light at the Consull his words, inferred againe and demanded, how the Consuls would lead out an armie, and no man suffer them to muster souldiors. Marry (quoth Quintius) we need no mu­stering at all: for, at what time as P. Valerius armed the Commons to recover again the Capitoll, they were all sworne unto him, and tooke their oath in this forme, To assemble together at the Consull his commandement, and not depart from their coulors without his leave and licence. Wee We will and charge you all therfore, that have taken this oath to present your selves to morrowe, with your armor, at the lake of [...] Rep de S. Severa Regillus without faile. Then the Tribunes began to cavil and wran­gle, and would needes have the people discharged in their conscience of that oath: alleadging how when they tooke that militarie sacrament, Quintius was but a privat person. There was not as H yet, that neglect and contempt of the gods entered into the world, which now reigneth every where and is so rife: neither did men interpret their oathes, and construe lawes, to serve their own purpose, but rather attempered and framed their lives and demeanour therunto. The Tribunes therefore, seeing no hope to hinder the thing, began themselves to treat about setling forward the army: and the rather, because there ran a rumour abroad, that the Augurs were commaun­ded to attend at the lake Regillus: and that by them a place should be halowed and consecrate there, wherein the Consuls might duly commune and conferre with the people, concerning all matters, according to the flight of birdes: to the end that whatsoever at Rome had passed under a lawe, extorted by the violent force of the Tribunes; the same might there in a lawfull assembly and generall Session, be abrogated & made void by the suffrages of the soldiors, who all no doubt I would accord to that, which should stand with the Consuls pleasure. For by reason that there was no appeale in force without the citte, above one mile, the Tribunes themselves also, if they came thither, should be subject as well as the multitude besides of the people, to the com­mandement of the Consuls. These matters scared them indeed and put them in a bodily feare: but the greatest thing above all the rest that disquieted their hearts was this, that Quintius often­times had given out and said, That he would not cal an assembly of the people for the election of Coff. for that the citty was growen so farre out of frame and temper, that it might not be refor­med and cured with ordinary and usuall remedies: but that the Common-wealth had more need of a Dictator, that whosoever went about to trouble the state of the citty, might well know that there was an absolute Dictatorship, that checked all appeales. The Senate was assembled at that time in the Capitoll; thither came the Tribunes with their Commons greatly disquieted and K troubled. The multitude cried out and besought one while the Consuls of their favour, another while the LL. of the Senate of their protection; but could not once remoove the Consull from his opinion (such a pitch had he taken) before the Tribunes gave their word & faithfull promise, that they would be wholy ruled and ordered by the Senators. Then the Consull propounded the demaunds and petitions of the Tribunes and Commons, and the Senate enacted these orders and decrees. First, that neither the Tribunes should that yeare preferre their lawe: nor the Con­suls lead out of the citty any armie. Item from thence forth, the Senate deemed it not to stande with the weale publike, that Magistrates should continue still in place from yeare to yeare, & that the same persons should be more than once chosen Tribunes. The Consuls for their part, were L overruled and ordered by the Senators. But, say and gainsay what the Consuls would, the same Tribunes were chosen anew: and the Nobles also because they would not be one ace behind hand with the Commons, would needs choose L. Quintius likewise for their Consull againe. But all the yeare through was not the Consull more earnest and vehement in any action and speech whatsoever than in this. [...] against the Senate. ‘Should I mervaile my Lords of the counsell (quoth he) that you beare no stroke with the Cominalty, and your authority is so little worth among them? Why, you, even your owne selves set light therby: seeing, forsooth, the Commons brake the ordinance of the Se­nate, touching the continuitie of Magistrates; ye also, because ye would not seeme to yeeld one ynch in rashnesse and folly to the multitude, are as readie and willing to infringe the same: as who would say, this were to have more rule and authority in a cittie, namely, to use more levitie, inconstancie, and licentiousnesse. For it is a point of much more lightnes and vanitie, I assure M you, For men to disanull the actes and decrees of their owne making, than of others. Yee that be Senatours and Fathers of the C. W. imitate, and spare not, the ignorant, leawd, and inconsi­derate multitude: ye that should give good examples to others, sinne ye hardly your selves, and doe amisse by the precedent of others; neither then let others by your example doe well: so [Page 103] A long as I, for my part, take not after the Tribunes, nor suffer my selfe to be declared Cos. against an expresse act of the Senat. As to you, O Glaudius, I would exhort you, that both your selfe would restrain the people of Rome of this their licentiousnes, that thus they have not their swinge: and also that you would persuade your selfe thus much of me, That so farre off will I be from thinking my honour by you impaired, that rather I will take my glory to be encreased by the despising & refusing of a dignitie; & the il wil and envie abated & diminished, that might grow upon the con­tinuation thereof.’ Wherupon, both the Consuls jointly together made an edict and proclama­tion, That no man should (by his voice) nominate Quintius, Consull: and if any man did, they would not allow of his election. So there were created Consuls. Q. Fabius Vibulanus the third time, and L. Cornelius Maluginensis.

B In this yeare was held a sessing and numbring of the citizens. But touching the Lustrum, there was some scruple of conscience, because the Capitoll had been taken, and the Consull skaine. When Q. Fabius and Lucius Cornelius were thus Consuls, sodenly in the very beginning of their yeare began great troubles: for the Tribunes on the one side, as their guise was, set the Commons a worke: the Latines and Hernicks on the other side, sent word of great wars from the Volsel­ans and Aequians: That the Volscian legions were already at Antium, and the Colonie it selfe greatly suspected to rebell. Yet hardly could the Tribunes be brought to agree, that preparation should be made aforehand to prevent this warre. But upon these newes, the Consuls parted be­tweene themselves the charge of all affaires. Fabius was appointed to lead forth an armie to An­tium: and Cornelius, to abide at Rome for the defence of the citty, for feare least some part of C their enemies, as the Aequians manner was, should in a running campe make rodes and harry the territories about. The Hernicks and Latines, were by vertue of the league, charged with the finding of certaine souldiors, so as the whole army should consist of ij. parts of consederates and one third of cittizens. When, at the day appointed the Allies were come, the Consull pitched downe his tentes without the gate Capena: from whence when he had taken a generall muster and purged his armie, he marched toward Antium, and encamped himselfe not far, either from the towne, or the standing campe of his enemies: where the Volscians seeing no forces yet come unto them from the Aequians, had no heart to fight, but made preparation how they might keepe themselves quiet and safe, within their mure and rampire. The morrow after, Fabius made not one entire battaile of Allies and cittizens mingled together, but three battaillons several­ly D by themselves, of three sundry nations, & raunged them along all about the counterscarpe and trench of his enemies. Himselfe was in the middest with the Romane legions, and gave com­mandement to observe heedfully and marke the signall: that the Allies also should both begin battaile and also retire, when he founded the retreat. In like sort he placed the horsmen behind the Principia at the backe of each battaile. Thus in three sundry parts he assailed the campe, and invironed it round about, and charging lustely hard upon them on every side, he beat the Vol­scians downe from their rampier, for they were not able to endure his violence. And having gotten over all their trenches and fortifications, he drave the fearefull multitude cleane out of their hold, that now were retired to a side and corner of the campe. The horsemen might not ea­sily get over the trench, and stoode still of purpose to behold the fight, and to marke them when E they should flie: but having once gotten them in the open fieldes, they chased them as they ran away on heapes: and by killing them in their fearefull flight, deserved their part in that victorie. Great was the execution both within the campe, and also without the rampiers, as they fled: but greater was the pillage, for that the enemies had much ado to carry their armour away with them, and but that they shrowded themselves as they fled in the woods, they had perished every man. During these exploits about Antium, the Aequians having sent before them the tallest and lustiest young men they had, surprised the castle of Tusculum, upon a sodaine and at una­wares in the night season: and with the rest of their power they were encamped not far from the wals of Tusculum, intending to intercept and stay the armie of their enemies. Tidings hereof came in post to Rome, and from Rome to the campe before Antium, which troubled the Ro­manes F as much as if newes had beene brought, that the Capitoll was taken. So fresh in re­membrance was the late desert of the Tusculans: and the like jeopardy seemed to challenge and redemaund semblable aide and succour. Fabius setting all other thinges aside, caused the booty in all hast to be conveyed out of the campe to Antium: where having left an indifferent guarde, he hasteneth apace in order of battaile to Tusculum. By reason whereof, the souldiors could take nothing with them, but their armour, and such baked or boyled meats as were at hand rea­die. [Page 104] The Consull ( Cornelius) sent a convoy of victuals unto them from Rome. Thus for certaine G moneths continued the warre at Tusculum. The Consull ( Fabius) with one part of his host as­sailed the campe of the Aequians: for the other part he had let the Tusculans have, to win again their fortresse. Against all force it was impregnable, but in the ende famine constrained the ene­mies to abandon it. To which extremity being at length driven, they were by the Tusculans disarmed and compelled to passe naked under the A kind of gal­lowe [...] made with two juveline pit­ched endlong in the ground, and and a third fast­ned overthwart to the other. yoke. Who as they fled homeward with shame enough, were overtaken of the Romane Consull in Algidum, and put to the sword every one. After this victory, he encamped with the rest of his armie at Columen, for so the place is named. The other Consul likewise, seing that there was no danger threatning the wals of Rome, now that the enemy was discomfited and repulsed, departed himselfe from the citie. So the Con­suls entering two waies the borders of their enemies, made sharpe war and spoiled the Volscians H of the one side, and the Aequians on the other. I finde in most writers that the Antiates in this yeare rebelled: and that L. Cornelius the Consull managed that warre, and won the towne. But for as much as there is no mention made of that matter in any ancient writers, I dare not avouch it for a certaine truth.

This warre was no sooner brought to an end, but the domesticall Tribunes warre at home put the Nobles in feare: for the Tribunes cried out that this was cautelous and fraudulent dealing, thus to keepe the armies abroad, for nothing els but to disappoint them for publishing the law. Yet neverthelesse, since they had begun it, they would not give over, but go through with it and see an end. Howbeit P. Lucretius, President of the cittie for the time, prevailed thus much with them, That al Tribunitian actions should hang and be deferred vntill the comming of the Con­suls. I There was besides a new occasion arose of fresh trouble. A. Cornelius and Quintus Servi­lius Treasurers or [...] Questours, gave summons to M. Volscius to make his answere at a day, who laide to his charge that he without all doubt, had borne false witnesse against Caeso. For by many presumpti­ons and evidences it appeared, that neither Volscius his brother, from the first time that he fell sicke and tooke his bed, was at any time seene openly in the streetes, or so much as to have sit up, and mended any whit, but of that disease which held him many monethes, he languished and consumed away to death: nor about that time, wherein the deponent supposed the deede was done, was Caeso once seene at Rome: it being plainly affirmed and prooved by those who served together with him in the warres, that he was ordinarily all the time fighting vnder his colours as well as they, without any pasport or licence to depart. And to make this good, many there were K that of themselves privately challenged Volscius, and offered to traverse the law and to be tried by any indifferent and competent judges. But when as he durst not abide the triall and to be jud­ged, all these things put together, and so consonant one to the other, made men doubt no more of the condemnation of Volscius than of Caeso, which was grounded upon the bare testimony of Volscius. The Tribunes were only the stay; who said plainly they would not suffer the Questors to holde any sessions or judiciall court, for the triall of the defendant, before they had a solemne as­sembly about their law. So were both these matters put off unto the Consuls comming. Who being entred with triumph into the citty, with their victorious armie, and no wordes made of the law, many men thought the Tribunes were cleane daunted and striken dead. But they (for that the yeare now was at an end) aspiring to be Tribunes the fourth time, left all their hoat contention L for the law, and reserved themselves wholy to argue and reason at the assembly for the Election of new Magistrates. And albeit the Consuls had bent all their might and maine against the con­tinuity of the Tribuneship, as earnestly, as if a law had been propounded, tending to the impai­ring and abridging of their majesty, yet got the Tribunes the mastrie, and had the hand of them in the end. In this yeare peace was granted upon request and petition, unto the Aequians. And the Seffing, which the yeare before began, was now finished. And this was counted the tenth ge­nerall Survey and solemne purging of the cittie from the foundation thereof. There were num­bred in the Cense-booke, of cittizens 132419 polles. A glorious and honourable yeare it was unto the Consuls, both at home and in warre. For they not onely procured peace abroad, but also the Cittie was, if not in perfect concord and unitie, yet in lesse trouble than at other M times. L. Minutius, and L. Ngutius, that were created Consuls, entred upon the reliques of the two matters begun the former yeare. And much after one sort, as the Consuls crossed the going forward of the law, so the Tribunes hindred the judiciall proceeding against Volscius. But the new Questours were men of more power and greater authoritie. For, together with M. Vale­rius, the sonne of Valerius, and nephew of Volesus, was T. Quintius Capitolinus created Questour, [Page 105] A a man that had ben thrice Consull. Forasmuch therefore, as Caeso, the worthiest gentleman of all other, and the very ornament of the youth of Rome, could not be restored again, neither to the house of the Quintij, nor to the Commonweale, he pursued of meere pietie, with just and lawfull warre, that false witnesse, who would not suffer on any hand the innocent person to have the li­bertie to plead in his owne defence. And when Virginius, most of all the other Tribunes, was earnest to publish the law, the Consuls had two months respite given them to consider thereof, and looke into it throughly: to the end, that when they had advertised the people what secret fraud and inconvenience was hidden and lurked therein, they might afterwards suffer them to proceed to a scrutinie, and gather voices accordingly. This space between granted, brought the citie into a good and quiet state.

B But the Aequians would not abide, that long it should continue so. Who having broken the league, which the yeare before was made with the Romanes, chose Gracchus Clutlius for their governour and Generall, who was in those daies the greatest man amongst the Aequians. Vnder the conduct of this Gracchus, they enter first in warlike manner the countrey of Lanuvium, and from thence into the territorie of Tusculum, spoiling and ransacking as they went: and being loaden with preyes and booties, they pitch their tents in Roequa del [...] Algidum. Thither repaired from Rome into their campe, Q. Fabius, P. Valerius, & A. Posthumius as embassadors, to complain of wrongs received, and to demand amends and satisfaction according to covenant. The Gene­rall of the Aequians seemed to graunt them audience, and willed them to declare what message and commission they had from the Senate of Rome, unto the oke; for that himselfe had some C other matters to dispatch the while. Now there grew a mightie great Oke hard by the Generall his pavilion, spreading his boughes even over it, and the shadow thereof served for a coole fit­ting place. ‘Then one of the Embassadors, as he went this way: Let both this sacred Oke (quoth he) & what divine power soever is seated in this place, hear and know, that by you first the league is broken, who now regard our present complaints, and shortly assist our valiant armies, when we shall prosecute and revenge at once the disloiall breach, both of Gods lawes and mans. So soone as the Embassadours were returned to Rome, the Senate gave direction, that one of the Consuls should lead forth an armie against Gracchus, into Algidum, and the other to have in commission, to wast the borders of the Aequians.’ The Tribunes, as their manner was, hindered the muster, and peradventure had staied it altogether, but for a new fearefull occurrent that sud­dainely D came in the necke of the other. For a mightie power of Sabines were approched wel­neere to the wals of the cittie, robbing, spoiling, and destroying all afore them with sword and fire. The territorie was piteously round about laid desolate, and the citie therewith sore terrified. Then the Commons stomackes came downe, and gently they tooke weapon in hand: and (say what the Tribunes would against it) two great armies were enrolled. Nautius had the leading of the one against the Sabines: and being encamped at Eretum, with small rodes and incursions, and those for the most part by night, made such foule worke and wast in the Sabines countrey, that in comparison thereof, the lands about Rome, seemed as if they had not beene once tou­ched. Minutius in his exploits, had neither like good successe, nor yet egall courage and valour of heart. For having pitched his tents not far from the enemie, and received no great foile and E losse at his hands to speake of, yet hee kept himselfe for feare within the campe. Which when the enemies perceived, they grew more bold (as commonly the cowardise of one increaseth the courage of another) and assailed the campe in the night season: but seeing that plain force smal­ly prevailed, the morrow after they raised mounts, and cast trenches round about. But before they had with their countermures and rampires stopped up all passages, five horsemen being sent even amongst the guards of the enemies, brought newes to Rome, that the Consull with his armie was besieged. Nothing could there have happened so little thought of, and unlooked for: whereupon there was such feare, trembling, and quaking, as if the enemies had besieged not the campe, but the very citie. Nautius the Consull they send for, and because they thought him like to do but small good, they agreed therfore to create a Dictator, who might restore again the di­stressed F state of the C. W. And L. Quintius Cincinnatus by consent of all men was nominated. Now a world and wonder it is to hear them speak, I. Quintius no­minated Dictator, sound digging his ground with his owne hands. that in regard of riches despise all things else; and suppose there can be no great honor and vertue, but where wealth and riches doe flow in ex­cesse. This L. Quintius, the only hope of the Romans, the man who was to set upright their Em­pire now distressed, occupied then a peece of ground, to the quantitie of some foure acres, called at this day Quintia prata, i. Quintius his meddowes, on the other side of Tyber, overagainst that [Page 106] very place, where now the Arsenall and Shipdockes are, and there was hee found digging a ditch, G and bearing hard on his spade, or els a plowing the ground, I wore not whether, but busie and earnest about some rusticall worke, no doubt he was: and after salutations passed on both sides, betweene him and the Embassadors that were sent, he was requested by them, that he would put on his best gown, and (that which might turne to the good of himselfe and the Commonweale) heare a message from the Senat. First, he marvelled what the matter should be, and estsoones as­king of them if all were well? he willeth his wife Racilia to bring him forth his Senators robe strait­way, out of his sorie cottage: which he put on his back (but first he brushed off the dust, and wiped away his sweat, & made himselfe somewhat mannerly) & then came forth unto them, who in joy­ous manner, by way of congratulation, stiled him by the name of Dictator: calling hard upon him to repaire unto the cittie, and declaring in how doubtfull tearmes the armie stood. Then H was there a barge provided readie for Quintius, at the citties cost: and being ferried over the ri­ver, his three sonnes met him and received him first, then other of his kinsfolke and friends, and after them the more part of the Senatours. Thus attended with this frequent companie, and with the Sergeants going before, was he brought to his house. Great concourse there was also of the Commons: but nothing so joyous were they, to see Quintius, supposing that govern­ment of his overgreat and absolute, and himselfe a man in time of his rule, too imperious. And for that night verilie, nothing was done, but a good standing watch kept in the cittie. The morrow after, the Dictatour being come into the common place of assemblie before day­light, appointed Generall of the horse, L. Tarquitius, of Noble bloud descended: a man who for meere povertie had ever served on foot, but of all the flower of Rome was reputed I and taken to bee a brave servitour, and an excellent souldiour. Then Quintius with his Ge­nerall of horsemen, mounteth up into the pulpit aloft: proclaimeth a publicke vacation or Lawsteed: commaundeth all shop windowes through the cittie to bee shut, and chargeth that no man should follow any private businesse of his owne. Then, as manie as were of age to fight, were willed to shew themselves in their armour, before the sunne set, in Mars field, eve­rie one with victuals dressed for five daies, and with twelve forked stakes a peece, for to pitch in the rampart. And that whosoever were above that age, and were unweldie, and not meet for service, should dresse and provide victuals for the next souldiour unto him, whiles hee himselfe made readie his armour, and fought for stakes aforesaid. Thus ran the young and able men to and fro, to furnish themselves with stakes, and tooke wheresoever they could find, and whatso­ever K was next hand: no man was forbidden, and so they were all readie with heart and good will, according to the Dictator his proclamation. ‘Then went the Dictator forth with the legions of footmen, the Maister of the horse likewise with his men of armes, in such good order & array, as might not onely serve for a speedie march to rid ground, but also for a set battell if occasion served. In both regiments they spared not to encourage and exhort their souldiours, according as the present time required: willing them to set foot forward, to mend their pace & make speed, that by night time they might reach to their enemies: and not (say they) before there was great need: for that the Romane Consull and armie were besieged, and had now three daies alreadie been pent up fast inclosed: and what might happen in one day or one night, no man knew: for oftentimes in the twinckling of an eie, & in the very turning of an hand, there fall out accidents L of right great moment and importance. On afore apace, Ensigne, crieth one: follow souldior, saith another.’ Thus went they also lustily forward, and all to gratifie and pleasure their captains. So that by midnight they were come into Algidum: and so soone as they perceived their ene­mies to be neere at hand, they pitched downe their ensignes. Then the Dictator rode about as farre forth as he could see in the darke, and having viewed well the situation, coasting, and fa­shion of the campe, commanded the Marshals and Colonels to give direction, That all the car­riage and baggage, should bee laid up together in one place, and that the souldiours with their armour and stakes only, should come againe into their rancks. What he commanded was soone done. Then in the same order that he marched, he draweth out his host in length, & compasseth the campe of his enemies, and commandeth them all (upon a signall or watch word given) to set M up a shout, and presently upon the shout to cast a trench, and every man stucke downe his pale in the rampier. Having given this charge, straightwaies the signall followed. The souldiours doe that which they were bidden: the shout was heard over all the campe of the enemies, yea and in­to the Consull his campe: causing in the one great feare, in the other exceeding joy. The Ro­manes rejoicing one with another to heare the shout of their fellow cittizens and countriemen, [Page 107] A with a conceit of their comming to rescue, begin of themselves from their sentinels and Corps de guard, to threaten and terrifie their enemies. The Consul set them forward and said, there was now no staying for the matter, nor delaies to be made: for that it appeared by that al'arme, that not only their friends were come with succours, but also had begon to skirmish: and that it was all to nothing, that their enemies campe, was alreadie on the outward side assaulted. Wherupon, he commandeth his souldiors to arme, and to follow hard after him. Thus in the night began the skirmish, and the legions of the Dictator by their outcry and shouting made signification, that the enemies on that side also were driven to their shifts and in great hazard. By this time the Aequians had addressed themselves to impeach them in their trenching and making of their rampier, to the end they might not be compassed about: but the al'arme was given and the skir­mish B alreadie begun by their enemies within: fearing therfore, least they would breake through the midst of their campe, they turned from the pioners & workmen without, to them that fought withinforth, and therby gave the other leave to plie their worke and labour all the night long at their pleasure: and so they maintained skirmish with the Cos. until daie light. Now by the breake of day, they were entrenched on every side by the Dictator, and were scarce able to hold out bat­taile with one of the armies. Then the host of Quintius, which presently upon the finishing of the trench returned to their weapons, entered upon the mures and rampiers of the enemies. Here began a fresh conflict againe, and yet the former nothing abated. The enemies then, seeing themselves thus distressed and so hardly driven on every side, left fighting and fell to intreating: they besought the Cos. on one side, and the Dictator on the other, that they would not get the C victorie by effusion of bloud and cruell massacre, but would permit them to go their waies naked without their weapons. The Consull he posted them off to the Dictator: who being in great wrath & displeasure, would not be contented without their shame and ignominie besides. But commanded that Cluilius their general, with other Colonels and Captaines should be brought bound unto him. Item he enjoyned them to abandon and quit the towne of Corbio: as for the Aequians bloud, he sought not for it, he had no neede therof: they might depart with their lives. Howbeit, because he would have it now at length, maugre their heads, confessed, that their nation was vanquished and subdued; his will and pleasure was, they should passe al under the yoke or gal­lowes: the manner whereof is this. They tooke three speares or javelins, and set two of them pit­ched in the ground endlong, and the third overthwart fastned to the other. Vnder this kind of D gallows the Dictator compelled the Aequians to go. ‘Thus having gotten the tents of his ene­mies full of al kind of store (for naked he sent them under the yoke) the whole pillage he bestow­ed upon his own souldiors only: and rebuking sharply the Consuls armie and the Cos. himselfe, Yee shal (quoth he) souldiors, go without your part of bootie won of the enemie, whose bootie ye had like yourselves to have been. And as for thee, O L. Minutius, until thou begin to have the heart and courage beseeming a Consul, thou shalt be a Lieutenant onely over these legi­ons.’ So Minutius being discharged of his Consulship, remained still as he was commaunded, with the armie. But so well were men content in those daies, willingly to yeeld obedience to them that better could command, That this armie in remembrance hereof, as of a favour recei­ved, rather then of a disgrace offered, 36 Lb. angel gold L. Quintius tri­umpheth. both ordained for the Dictatour a coronet of gold of one E pound weight: and also when he went homeward, saluted him by the name of their Patron. At Rome the Senate being assembled together by Q. Fabius Provost of the cittie, decreed that Quintius should enter the citie in triumph with his armie marching in battail array as he came. Before his chariot were led the commanders of his enemies: the ensignes are carried afore, then followed the armie laden with spoile and pillage. Great cheere and banquets were set out, men say, upon tables at every mans dore. Thus making merry, they followed the chariot with songs of triumph, with sports and merrie conceits, as they are wont to doe at their great and solemne feasts. The same day L. Mamilius the Tusculane, with the approbation & good liking of all men, was enfranchised citizen of Rome. And forthwith would the Dictat. have resigned up his office, but that the court, held for the triall of M. Volscius, endited of bearing false witnesse, staied him, F and in truth, the Tribunes would have hindered the judiciall proceeding against him, if they had not stood in awe of the Dictatour. But Volscius was convicted and had sentence, and departed to Lanuvium in exile. And Quintius having taken the Dictatorship for six moneths, gave it over the sixteenth day after he entred into it. About the same time the Consull Nautius fought valiantlie with the Sabines at Eretum: who besides the wasting of their fields, had an overthrow in fight. Fabius was sent into Algidum, to succeede in the roome of Minutius. In the end of [Page 108] the yeare, the Tribunes began to stir, about their law: but because the two armies were absent, the G Senatours prevailed so much at that time, that no bils were propounded unto the people. The Commons likewise obtained, that they might create the selfesame Tribunes, now the fifth time. The report goeth, that there were seene in the Capitol, wolves chased away by hounds: for which strange fight, the Capitoll was purged. And these were the acts of that yeare. Then followed Consuls Q. Minutius and M. Horatius Pulvillus.

In the beginning of which yeare, whiles all was quiet abroad, the same Tribunes and the same law caused dissention and sedition at home: which would have growen to a farther mischiefe, in such heates men were, had not word been brought, as it were of set purpose, that the garizon at Corbio was surprized in the night by the Aequians and put to the sword: wherupon the Con­suls called the Senate together: and order was given, that they should lead a Subitarie ar­mie, H and with a running campe invade Algidum. Then was the strife about the law laid a­side cleane, and a new contention arose about the musters. But the Consuls with all their au­thoritie, were overswaied of the Commons, by the help and assistance of the Tribunes. At what time a new trouble put them in feare: for intelligence came, that a power of Sabines were come downe alreadie into the territories of Rome, for to fetch booties and make spoile: and from thence advanced against the cittie. Vpon which feare, the Tribunes were content that souldiors should be prest, yet not without this covenant indented: That for as much as they had now them­selves these five yeares been trifled off and deluded, and that this Protectorship of theirs stood the Commons in little steed, in regard of their small number, therefore, there should from thenceforth be ten created Tribunes of the Comminaltie. The Nobles were so neere driven I and to such streights, that will they, nill they, yeeld they must thereto: with this provizo, that they should never after elect the same men Tribunes twise. And for feare that this act should after the warre was once past, turne to nothing, like as others had done before, they went in hand immediatly, [...] to call a Court for the election of the Tribunes. So in the 36. yeare, from the first Tribunes of the Commons chosen, there were ten created; out of every Ciassis, two. And by an act it was provided, that in such sort they should be created ever after. The Musters then being taken and souldiors enrolled, Minutius went with a power against the Sabines: but found not the enemie. And Horatius, because the Aequians after they had put the garison at Corbio to the sword, had won Hortana besides, fought with them in Algidum. Many a man there he slew, and drave his enemies not onely out of Algidum, but also out of Corbio and Hortana. As for Cor­bio K he utterly rased it, for betraying the garison there. After this, were M. Valerius and Sp. Vir­ginius made Consuls. At quiet they were both at home and abroad. But great scarcitie there was of corne, by reason of the untemperate and unseasonable raine that fell. A bill there was preferred, That the mount Aventine should be turned to Commons. ‘And the same Tribunes were made againe: who, all the yeare following, when T. Romulius and C. Veturius were Consuls, in all their Haules and assemblies, still published the law: saying, It was a shame, that their num­ber was thus increased to no purpose, in case their affaires should lie dead in their two yeares, as they had done in the whole v. yeares past.’ Whiles they were earnestly debating these things, fear­full messengers came in all hast from Tusculum, with newes, that the Aequians were in the territo­rie of Tusculum. The fresh desert of that nation would not suffer the Romanes for shame to de­fer L their helping hand. Wherupon both Consuls were sent with an armie, and met with the ene­mies in Algidum in their wonted haunt and accustomed place, where they encountered & struck a battaile: in which were slaine about 7000. enemies. The rest were put to flight. A huge bootie there was gotten, which the Consuls sold outright, by reason of the want of mony in their com­mon treasurie. But this caused the souldiors to repine and grudge, and in the end ministred mat­ter unto the Tribunes, to accuse the Consuls unto the Commons. As soone therfore as they were out of their office, when Sp. Tarpeius and A. Aeternius were Consuls: Romulius was arrested and put in suite by C. Claudius Cicero, Tribune of the Commons. And Veturius was likewise troubled by L. Halienus an Aedile or Warden of the Commons. Condemned they were both the one and the other, to the great indignation of the Nobles. Romulius was fined in [...] 10000 Asses. Vetu­rius M in [...]. 15000. But for all this hard hap and calamitie that befell to those former Consuls, the new were never a jote more remisie and coole in the quarrell: saying, Well may we also be cast and condemned: and both Commons and Tribunes never the neerer to compasse and enact their law. Then the Tribunes giving over the law, which now by propounding onely so oft, was waxen stale and old; began more gently to deale with the Senatours, praying them to make an [Page 109] A end once of all strife and contention. ‘And in case that the laws of the Commons so disliked and displeased them, they requested them to suffer certaine Lawmakers to be created indifferently out of the Communaltie, as well as of the Nobilitie, who might devise acts commodious and profi­table to both parts, and for the equall libertie and freedome of all. As for the substance it selfe of this motion, the Senatours refused not: but they flatly said, that none but of the Nobilitie should have the making of those lawes.’ Seeing then they agreed thus about the lawes, and differed only and squared about the Lawgiver, Embassadours sent into Greece for an [...] of that lawes. there were Embassadors sent to Athens, Sp. Posthumius Albus, A▪ Manlius, and P. Sulpitius Camerinus: who were commanded to exemplifie and copie out, the famous and worthie lawes of Solon: to search out and learne the ordinances, customes, and rites of other citties in Greece. For any outward warres, this yeare was quiet, and the yeare follo­wing B more quiet, when P. Curiatius, and Sex. Quintilius were Consuls, by reason of the continual silence of the Tribunes: which, as the expectation of the Embassadours that were gone to Athens, and of strange and forraine lawes, first and principally procured: so, two mightie great ca­lamities that rose both at once, to wit, famine and pestilence, noisome and loathsome both to man and beast, afterwards continued. By meanes whereof, the fields lay wast and desolate, the cit­tie was dispeopled with continuall burials: many right worshipfull and honourable houses, thereby mourned. Sergius Cornelius, the Flamine of Quirinus died thereof. C. Horatius Pulvil­lus the Augur went of it likewise: in whose roome the Augurs (his confreers) chose C. Veturias: and the rather, because he had been condemned by the people. Quintilius the Consull departed also this life, and foure Tribunes of the Commons. So that this was a yeare, with manifold losses C and calamities foulie destained. But for enemies, all was quiet. After this were C. Menenius, and P. Sestius Capitolinus made Consuls. In which yeare likewise there was no warre abroad, marry at home some troubles arose. By this time were the Embassadours returned with the Athenian lawes. And therefore the Tribunes were so much the more earnest & urgent, that once at length they would set on, to describe and put downe some lawes. And agreed it was, that there should be created Decemvirs, Ten Magistrates called Decem­virs, in [...] for the making of lawes. above all appeale: and for the yeare being, there should no other officers and magistrates be in place. Now, whether any of these might be of the Commons or no, that was a question: and hereupon some debate and controversie continued for a good while. At the last, the Nobles went away with it, and had the preheminence, upon this condition, that neither the law Icilia, concerning the Aventine mount, nor other sacred lawes should be repealed. Thus D in the three hundred and second yeare after that Rome was built, was the forme of the citties go­vernment changed the second time, and from the Consuls to the Decemviri, was the soveraign rule translated, like as before, from the kings to the Consuls.

This change was lesse notable, in that it long continued not. The beginning of this Magi­stracie was faire and goodly to see to, but grew too rancke, and exceeded in overmuch licentious­nesse. The sooner therfore it faded and fell away, and the former government was taken up again, and both the name and jurisdiction of Consuls returned, and was conferred upon twaine. The Decemvirs created were these: Ap. Claudius, T. Genatius, P. Sestius, L. Veturius, C. Iulius, A. Manlius, P. Sulpitius, P. Curiatius, T. Romulius, Sp Posthumius. Claudius and Genutius, because they had been Consuls elect for that yeare, had this dignitie bestowed upon them, in lieu of the E other. And Sestius, one of the Consuls the year before, because he had preferred this matter un­to the Senatours, against his fellow Consuls will. Next to these were counted the three Embassa­dours that went to Athens, both for that they should be rewarded with this honourable dignitie, for their embassage into so farre and remote a countrey, and also because men were persuaded, that by reason of their insight and skill in forraine ordinances of strange nations, they might be well emploied in setting downe, and making of new. The rest made up the number. They say, that in the last scrutines and suffrages at this election, choise was made of those that were more aged, and farther stept in yeares, to the end they might not so fiercely and stoutly gainesay and crosse the opinions and constitutions of the other. In this new state of government, Appius was the man that bare the greatest stroke, he ruled the rost and swaied all the rest, so highly stood he in F grace and favour with the people. He had so altered his nature, and became such a new man, that all on a suddaine, of a cruell and terrible persecutor of the commons, he proved a very Publi­cola, and courter of the Communaltie, and one that lay for to get every gale of popular love and favour that might be had. Everie one fat his tenth day in place of judgement, and ministered ju­stice in their severall turnes unto the people. On which day, the twelve knitches of rods were born by the Lictors before the soveraigne judge: as for his nine brethren, they had each of them one [Page 110] serjeant to give attendance. In this agreement among themselves, (which accord otherwhiles G when they were private persons, had been hurtfull unto them) rested only and wholly the greatest equitie towards others. A proofe and argument of this their moderation, it shall be sufficient to observe now in the example and instance of one onely matter: For whereas they were created absolute, and past all appeale, it fortuned, that in the house of P. Sestius, a Nobleman, there was a dead bodie found buried, and brought forth openly into the publicke assemblie of the people. The thing being no lesse apparent in view, than hainous and horrible in fact, C. [...]lius a Decem­vir, brought Sestius in question therefore, put him in suit to answere at a certain day, and became plaintife unto the people, and accused that defendant, whose competent judge he was by order of law. And so he yeelded of his owne right: adding so much to the freedome of the people, as was taken from the power of his owne jurisdiction and governement. When as now both high and H low gave out, that this authoritie was sound and uncorrupt, and fet as it were from Oracle, and Gods owne mouth, and all men willing to accept of justice at their hands: then set they to it, and went about the making and giving of lawes. The [...] tables of [...]ne Lawes. And with great expectation of men, they set out t [...] Tables, and called the people to a generall assemb [...], commanding them in a good hower, and in the name of God to go, and (that which might turn to the good, to the benefite, & happines of the Commonweale, of themselves, their children and posteritie) to read the law there published: protesting, that they so farre as ten men could withall their wisdome foresee and provide for, had devised indifferent lawes, and equall for all sorts of calling, as well the best as the meanest. But for as much as the wits and heads of many men, were of deeper reach to see farther into things, they gave them good leave, to cast in their minds, and ponder with themselves each particular, yea and I to reason together from point to point, and thereof to deliver their opinion openly, what was short and wanting, or what was superfluous, in everie article: and looke what lawes the consent of all men seemed to bring in, those should the people accept, and none other: that it might appear they were not so much to approve of them, and give their assent after they were propounded, as to propose and preferre them their own selves. And when as they were thought sufficiently corre­cted, according to the speeches of men, and as every one spake to the severall titles and chapters of the lawes, as they were set forth: then in the high court of parliament, assembled of all the Centuries and degrees of men, the laws of ten Tables were enacted and established. Which even at this day, among that infinite number of statutes, heaped and hudled one upon another, are the verie well-spring and fountaine of all justice, both publicke and private. After this, there ran a ru­mour K abroad, That two tables were yet wanting, which if they were put unto the rest, then might the complete bodie as it were of the whole Romane law be finished and made perfit. The expe­ctation thereof, now that the great Liet-day drew neere for the Election, made men very desi­rous to create Decemvirs againe, the second time. Now the Commons abroad, besides that they hated the verie name of Consuls, as well as of Kings, sought not greatly for the protection of the Tribunes: seeing that the Decemvirs one after another, yeelded in their prerogative, and admit­ted in some sort the appeale. But after that the solemne assemblie for the chusing of Decemvirs, was published against the [...] Trinundinum, or third market day next insuing, to such an heigth was the ambition and desire of this dignitie growne, that the verie cheese men, and principall heads of the cittie (for feare, I beleeve, least the possession of so great a governement, in case they were L not invested themselves in the place, should lie open unto some unmeet and unworthie persons) went about and made court to everie man, suing in humble maner to those verie Commons, with whom they had been at strife and variance, for that honour and dignitie, which they themselves had with all their power and might impugned. The worthinesse and reputation of men of those yeares, and having borne and gone through such offices, being now come in question, & submit­ted to the choise and judgement of others, pricked on Ap. Claudius, and set him forward. So as a man could hardly know whether to reckon him among the Decemvirs, or those that stood to be Decemvirs againe. For otherwhiles he was more like one that sued for an office, than him that presently bare office: blaming personages of best qualitie in the citie, and laying hard to their charge: but extolling the vainest & basest of the Competitors. Himselfe in person sorting among M the Duillij and Icilij, and such like as favoured the Tribunes, went swinging and squaring in the common place, using them as instruments to venditate himselfe forth to the common people. So long, as at length his verie brethren in office, who untill that time had beene singularly addicted and affectionated unto him, cast their eyes upon him, and began to marke, and mar­vaile much what his meaning was: reasoning thus among themselves: Surely there is no found­nesse [Page 111] A nor goodnesse herein, but all meere dissimulation and hypocrisie. ‘Cerres, it is not for nought, that in such pride of his, there should appeare so much courtesie. What? to force his owne nature too much within compasse: to debase himselfe, and suffer private men to bee his fellowes, was a signe of one, that made not so much hast to forgoe a dignitie and promotion, as sought meanes to keepe it still. Openly they durst not presume to checke and withstand his ambitious desire, but assaied by pleasing and soothing him up, to represse and bridle his foolish affection.’ And seeing he was the youngest of his companie, they all with one­accord laid upon him the charge, to hold the high court for the Election of Decemvirs. Their drift and pollicie was, that he should not elect his owne selfe: athing, which unless it were the Tribunes againe, (and that was a most dangerous precedent and example) no man ever had don B before. And he, with all his heart accepting therof, made profession that he would be President of that honourable court and Session, and praied to the gods that he might performe it for the benefit of the weale publike. And so, tooke the vantage of that opportunity, to set forward his owne designe, which they meant should have stopped and crossed the fame. And after he had by secret packing and canvasing with the other competitours, and given the repulse unto the two Quintij(Capitolinus, and Cincinnatus) and put beside the qui [...]hion his owne Vnckle by the fa­thers side ( C. Claudius, a most stout and resolute champion of the Nobilitie) with other cittizens of like marke and qualitie: he creareth Decemvirs, such as were not for worth, port, and havi­our, to them comparable, and his owne sweete selfe with the first. Which as there was no man thought he ever would have done, so all good men misliked when it was done. With him were C elected M. Cornelius Maluginensis. M. Sergius. L. Minutius. Q. Fabius Vibulanus. Q. Petilius. T. Antonius Merenda. Caeso Duillius. Sp. Oppius Cornicen. M. Rabuleius. And there an end of Appius playing another mans part. Off went his maske and visour now, and so from thenceforth, he be­gan to shew himselfe in his owne likenesse, and to live in his kinde: yea and to frame his new com­panions to the bent of his bow, even before they were entred into office. Daie by daie had they their secret meetings by themselves apart from all other: and being once hereby furnished with ungratious and proud designments, which they had closely complotted together, they could no longer hold and dissimule their pride. Few might have accesse unto them: seld would they be spo­ken with, shewing themselves strange; surly, and churlish to those that came unto them. Thus drew they the time on, unto the 15, day of May, Ides of Maie, which was the usuall and solemne daierhen, of en­tring D into offices of government. In the very beginning wherof, they made the first day of their magistracie noted, by an intimation and evident shew of exceeding terrour. For whereas the Decemvirs their predecessors, had observed this order, That one alone should have the rods of State borne before him, and that these regall ornaments should passe round through them all in course one after another: Behold, these came all of them abroad, and each of them had his xij. bundles of rods caried before him. So that these Lictors, 120 in number, with their rods and axes too, fastned within the rods, tooke up and filled the whole Forum or common place, as they went. And for as much as they were created absolutely, and their commission ran without all appeale, men made this exposition, That to go with their axes or without was all one, and made no mat­ter at all. Thus there was a shew and representation of ten KK. And this terror grew more & more E not with the meanest and basest sort only, but also with the chiefe and best of the Patritians: sup­posing that they sought to pick a quarell, and to minister occasion and ouverture to some massa­cre: that if any man should offer either in the Senate or among the people, to speake one word concerning libertie, forthwith there should be exemplarie whipping and heading, to the terror of all others. For, besides that, from the people there was no remedie and succour to be had, by reason that the appeale unto them was quite disanulled and taken away: the Decemvirs them­selves, drew so all in one line together, and were so combined and linked, that there was no hope at all, that one would thwart and crosse that which another did: whereas the former Decemvirs could well abide, that their judgements and sentences should be censured and corrected, by the appellation or appeale to one of their brethren in commission: yea and in some cases put off F some matters from themselves to be decided by the people, which seemed properly to belong unto their owne jurisdiction. For a while, the feare was to all indifferent: but by little and little, the Commons onely began to feele the smart. The Nobles were forborne and escaped cleare and scotfree: the meaner persons went to the wals, and with them they dealt according to their lust and pleasure right cruelly. The person wholy they regarded, and never respected the cause, as with whom favour and friendship prevailed as much as equity and right should have done. At [Page 112] home in their houses, they determined of matters how they should passe: and in open place G they pronounced sentence accordingly. If a man had appealed to one of their bench, from him unto whom he fled for reliefe, he went his waies again by weeping crosse, repenting that he stood not to the order and injunction awarded by the former. It was thought and spoken also abroad, but the first author would not be known, That they had conspired together, not for the present time onely to doe wrong and injurie, but also were confedered betweene themselves privily, yea and had bound it with an oath, to call no assembly at all for the electing of newe magistrates: but being now once invested in the soveraigne rule, to hold the possession of the Decem­virship for ever. The Commons then began to looke about them, to behold and advise well the countenances of the Nobles, to see if they could from them, catch some good gale of wind, some hope againe of libertie, at whose hands they fearing bondage, had brought the common­weale H to this hard passe. The LL. of the Senate hated the Decemvirs, they hated also the Com­mons. They liked not of things as they went, and yet were persuaded that the Commons were well enough served, and deserved no better: who gaping greedily after libertie were now fallen and plunged into servitude and thraldome. Helpe they would not with the least of their fingers, but rather heape more wrongs upon them: that having a wearisome and tedious lothing of the present state, they might fall to a longing desire after two Consuls, and wish the old world were come againe. [...] more added to the [...]. By this time now was the better part of the yeare gone and past: and the two tables of laws were annexed to the other ten of the former yeare: which if they might be once confir­med and ratified by a parliament of the Centuries, there remained nothing behind, for which the common-weale should need these magistrate: but expected it was certainly, that the assembly I for Election of Consuls should out of hand be published and proclaimed. Marry, there was one thing hammered in the Commons heads, By what meanes they might revive againe the Tri­bunes authoritie; the very grand bulwark of their freedome, & a thing that now had discontinued and lien dead. But all this while there was not a word of the new Election. And the Decemvirs, who at the first presented usually unto the Commons sight, a crew of those that favoured the Tri­bunes, for to attend upon their persons, (a thing right plausible and pleasing unto the people:) were guarded now, with certaine tall pensioners of their Nobilitie: whole troupes of them stood about their Tribunal feares and places of judgment. These made havock and spoile of the Com­mons and their goods: and looke what the mind of a mightie man stood unto and lusted after, it was his hap to have it, whatsoever. Nay, there was no spare now made of their backs and sides: K some were scourged with rods, some lost their heads by the ax. And because this crueltie should not go unrewarded; lightly there was none executed, if he were worth any thing, but his goods went after, and were begged or given away. The youth of the Nobilitie, by this kind of hire well fleshed; not onely opposed not themselves to withstand these wrongfull dealings and hard cour­ses, but carried it afore them, openly professing and avowing that they wished rather their own licentiousnes, than the liberty of al. The 15 day of May. Ides of May were now come about, and no new magi­strates elected in the others roome. Forth come the Decemvirs, (who to say a truth and to give them their right, were no other than privat persons) neither with mindes abated for the exerci­sing of their imperious rule, nor with fewer regal ensigns, to set out & shew their honor and dig­nitie. When the people saw that, they made no other reckoning, but this was plaine usurping of L the Kings government, and no better: And now farewell freedome for ever and a day. For nei­ther had they presently, nor hereafter were they like to have any man to recover it againe. So that now, not they onely let fall their hearts and were discouraged in themselves, but also grew to be contemptible in the eies of their neighbour-nations: who disdained highly, that they should have soveraintie of rule, who were not free themselves, nor enjoyed their owne libertie. For the Sabines with a strong power invaded the Territories of Rome: and when they had har­ried farre and neere, and driven away booties both of people and of cattaile, without impeach­ment, they gathered their armie together againe, that had raunged here and there up & downe, and retired to Eretum, where they encampe themselves: laying this for a ground, and building their hope upon the discord at Rome, that it would stay their mustering. Not only the newes M that came hereof, but the flying of the countrie pezants, put the whole cittie in great feare. The Decemvirs fall to consulting what were best to doe. And whiles they were to seeke what course to take, and betweene the hatred of the Nobles and the Commons utterly forlorne and de­stitute, there happened also another fearfull trouble in the taile of the former. The Aequians from another side were encamped in Algidum. And from Tusculum Embassadours brought [Page 113] A tidings that their countrie was wasted with excursions from thence, wherupon they craved their help and aide. These fearefull occurrents so troubled and perplexed the Decemvirs, that con­sidering the cittie was now beset at once with warres from two places, their stomacks were come downe to consult with the Senate. They commanded therfore the Senatours to be summoned to the Curia. And well they wist, what a great fit and storme of anger; displeasure and blame was toward namely, that they would burden them and lay to their charge, how they were the onely cause both of the countrie wasted alreadie, and of the perils like presently to ensue: looking for no other, but that there would be given an attempt and shrewd push, to abolish utterly their go­vernment, unlesse they stuck closely together to it, and by extending their authoritie sharpely upon some few of the stourest, quaile and crushe the attempts of others. After the voice B of the Bedell was heard in the Forum or common place, citing the Senatours to repaire into the [...] to the Decemvirs: the noveltie and strangnesse of the matter, (because they had laid do [...] for along time the manner of calling them to counsel) caused the Commons to mar­vaile and muse what was befallen, that they should after such discontinuance, take up a thing so forlet and out of use. And thus they conceived of it, that they were much beholding to their enemies, and might thanke war for this, that any auncient guise and custome of a free cittie was come up and in ure againe. They looked about on every side of the Forum, to see if they might es­pie a Senator: but few or none could they heare off, anywhere. Then looked they into the Curia, and behold, none at all appeared about the Decemvirs. Wherof, their owne selves, even the De­cemvirs could gather no otherwise, but that in the conceipt and consent of all men, their go­vernment C was become odious: and the Commons also thus collected and interpreted, That the Senators met not together, because privat men (such as the Decemvirs were indeed) had no au­thoritie to assemble a Senate. And now, said they, is the way and entrance made to recover their libertie againe, if so be the Commons would joine with the Senate: and as the Nobles being called, meet not together in counsell, so the Commons likewise would refuse to be mustered. In this wise muttered and whispered the Commons. And in truth, scarcely was there any one of the Senatours about the common place, and but few within the cittie : for very griefe and indig­nitie to see that things went as they did, they had withdrawn themselves into the countrie to their lands: and forgetting the state of the common-weale, they became carefull of their owne privat affaires: thinking themselves so farre forth freed from oppression and wrong, as they were remote D and sequestred from the societie, meeting and conference, with so lordly and imperious rulers. When they would not assemble at their summons, the officers were sent unto their houses, both for to streine and take away stresses for their contumacie and disobedience : and also to enquire and learne, whether they refused to come at their commandement, of set purpose or no. And word they bring backe, that the Senators were in the countrie. The Decemvirs were better apaid to heare that, than if answere had come that they were at home and refused to obey. Then they gave commandement that they should be sent for: and they warned a Senate house against the next day following: where they assembled in more number than they looked for. Whereupon the Commons supposed that their libertie was bought and sold and utterly betraied by the No­bles, for that the Senate had yeelded obedience to them (that now by right were our of their of­fice) E as if they had given lawfull summons, who being private men had no power at all, so to do. But they shewed more obeisance and submission (as we have heard say) in comming to the coun­sell house, than any disposition to deliver their mindes and opinions there, to the liking & plea­sures of the Decemvirs. First, L. Valerius Potitus, as it is recorded, after that Appius Claudius had proposed unto them the cause of their meeting, before they were required their advise in order and course, claimed the libertie of the house, to speak in the behalfe of the common-weale. But when as the Decemvirs denied it flatly, yea and forbad him with threats, upon paine of their high displeasure: he inferred againe and menaced, that he would go foorth unto the Commons, and so began a broile and tumult. M. Horatius Barbatus against the Decemvirs. ‘ M. Horatius Barbatus likewise tooke part with him, and was nothing behind in stournesse to maintaine the quarell, terming them the ten Tarquines : and F are ye avised (quoth he) how the Kings were in times past expelled by the Valerij and Hora­tij? And yet the name it was not of Kinges, that men were so wearie of and loathed in those daies. For why? It was right lawfull to call Iupiter by that name: wherby Romulus also the foun­der of this Cittie, and other Princes his successours have beene called : yea and the name hath beene used and is retained still as a solemne title, A King Sacrificer instituted in the free state. in the sacred rites of holy Kirke.’ ‘Nay, it was the pride and oppression of the king, that then was odious, and nothing els: which en­ormities, [Page 114] if they were in those daies in the king himselfe, a lawfull prince, or in the king his sonne G intollerable, who can abide and endure the same in so many private persons? I advise you there­fore to take heed how you debarre men of their libertie of speech in counsell house, least ye drive them thereby to speake their mind and complaine without the counsell house. Neither see I any reason at all, why it were not as lawfull for me a private man, to assemble the people to an audi­ence, as for you to call the Senate together to a counsell. Make triall whensoever yee will, ye shall find how much more forcible our just greefe will be, in recovering our libertie againe, than this greedie desire of yours, in holding and upholping still your usurped, unlawfull, and tyrannicall rule. You have propounded here unto us, for sooth, concerning the Sabines warre: as who would say, the people of Rome can be at greater warre with any than with those, who having ben crea­ted Magistrates onely for the publishing and enacting of certaine lawes, have left now neither H law nor justice at all within the cittie. Who have taken away their Comices, i. Courts, and Lietes of Election, their yearely Magistrates, the successive change and course of bearing rule, the on­ly thing that maketh Isonomise, and equalitie of freedome. Who being but private men, are possessed both of regall ornaments, and also of roiall government. After the expulsion of the kings, the Magistrates that succeeded were of the Nobilitie: in processe of time, upon the rising of the Commons and their departure, there were officers chosen out of the Communaltie. I de­mand of you, and I would gladly know, of whither State and bodie are yee? Are yee, I pray you, popular, and of the common people? What have yee ever done with advise and approbation of the people? Are ye Nobles and Peers? who now for a whole yeares space almost, have held no counsell of Senators. And now that ye have assembled them, you restraine them from speaking I for the Weale publicke. Well, presume not too much, neither beare your selves upon the timo­rousnesse of others. For, trust me truly, the indignities that men alreadie suffer, seeme more irke­some and unsupportable, than whatsoever els they can doubt and feare hereafter.’ ‘As Horatius spake these words aloud, and the Decemvirs could not be thinke themselves of some indifferent and meane course, either in anger to be revenged, or in lenitie to pardon and put up all, nor wist whereto this matter might tend and proceed in the end: [...] then C. Claudius, uncle to Appius the Decemvir, began to speake, rather by way of praier and intreatie, than in checking and reproo­ving wise, and besought Appius for his brothers soule sake, who was his owne father, to remem­ber and regard more that civile societie wherein he was borne, than this ungracious and wicked confederatie, contracted with his fellow Decemvirs. And this request I make (quoth he) tende­ring K your private estate more than the Commonweale. As for her, if she might not by faire meanes, and with their good wils, obtaine her owne due and right, she would by soule waies, and in spight of their hearts recover it in the end. And for as much as, of much debate & strife there en [...]ue commonly heats of anger and cankred rancour, I am in dread and horror what the sequell and issue will be of these jarres.’ Now when as the Decemvirs would not permit the rest to speake, but only to the point proposed & occasion of their meeting, yet they were abashed to interrupt the speech of Claudius & to cut him off: but suffered him to go on untill he made an end. And in conclusion his opinion and sentence was, that he would not (to abide by it) agree, that any Act of the Senate should for that time passe in that behalfe. And all that were present tooke his words so, as if Claudius deemed no otherwise of the Decemvirs, than of private men. Many of them al­so, L such especially as had been Consuls, were of his mind, and said as much. Another opinion there was, more rough and sharpe in outward shew, but farre lesse forcible and effectuall in deed: advising and willing the Nobles, to make no more adoe, but to goe together and chuse and In­terregent. For this man seemed yet, to account and judge them Magistrates, (bad though they were) that had called a Senate, and held them in counsell: whereas the former, that would not abide any Act to passe, [...] reckoned them but for private persons. ‘Thus when the Decemvirs cause began to shrincke and goe downeward, L. Cornelius Maluginensis, brother to Cornelius the De­cemvir, being reserved of purpose to give his opinion in the last place of all the Consular Sena­tours, such as had been Consuls, pretending a care that he had of the warre, tooke part with his brother and his Colleagues, saying, that he marvelled much by what misfortune or destinie it M happened, that the Decemvirs should be challenged and oppugned, especially by those that had stood for the Decemvirship, or by their friends and associates: and how it came about, that in so many moneths space, whiles the cittie was at rest and without feare of warre, no man made que­stion or doubt, whether they that were in place, and governed the State, were lawfull Magistrates or no: and now at last, when the enemies are in manner at the gates, they should sow civile dis­sention, [Page 115] A unlesse this were the meaning of it, that in a troubled state it would not be so clearly seen and perceived, what they went about. But no man is able (qd. he) to set down a true doome, and al­ledge a ruled case in so great a matter as this is, to men, whose minds are busied and wholly pos­sessed of a greater care. And therefore my opinion is, that concerning that point which Valerius and Horatius charged the Decemvirs with, namely, That before the Ides of May their govern­ment was determined, and they out of office; the Senate should discusse and debate, when as the warres now at hand were dispatched, and the Commonweale brought once againe to quietnes. And that Appius Claudius should make this reckoning even now aforehand, and know, that hee is to tender a reason of that high court of parliament, which for the election of Decemvirs hee called and held, being a Decemvir himselfe: namely, Whether they were created for one yeare B only, or to continue still, untill the other laws which yet are wanting, were ratified and confirmed. As for the present time, he thought good that all other matters should surcease, and bee passed over, save the warre only: the rumour wherof, if they thought to be false, and that they were but tales that not only the messengers, but also the Embassadours of the Tusculanes reported, then his advise was to send out espials, who upon their discoverie might bring more certaine tidings. But in case they gave credence to messengers and Embassadours both, then with all speed possi­ble to muster, and the Decemvirs to have the conduct of the armies, and to lead them whither they thought meet: and that nothing els should be thought upon before this. Which opinion of his, that it might prevaile and take effect, the punie Senatours by importunat canvassing, ob­tained.’ Then Valerius and Horatius both, rose up the second time more fierce and eager than be­fore, C calling upon them alowd, that they might bee permitted to speake concerning the Com­monweale: and in case they might not bee suffered by reason of the side, to have the libertie of speech in the counsell house, they would speake their mind without, before the people. For nei­ther could private men (as they were) debarre them in Senate house, or in open assemblie; and to give place unto their imaginarie, and pretended imperiall ensignes, they would never be brought. Then Appius supposing the matter wel-neere come to this passe, that unlesse the vio­lence were resisted with like boldnesse, their rule was at an end, and their authoritie conquered: Yee were not best (quoth he) to speake but to the matter, whereupon we sit in consultation. And when Valerius replied againe, and said plainely, That he would not hold his tongue for a pri­vate mans commaundement: Appius sent a Sergeant unto him. Whereupon, Valerius cried D for helpe to the Quirites, from the porch of the Counsell house. Then L. Cornelius clas­ping Appius about the middle, without regard to content him whose good hee pretended, staied the strife. So by the mediation of Cornelius, leave was graunted to Valerius for to say his mind at his owne pleasure. But, for as much as his libertie proceeded no farther, than to some few words, the Decemvirs held on their purpose still, and had their desire. The Nobles also, such as had been Consuls, and the Ancients, upon an old cankred hatred that they bare still against the Tribunes authoritie, where unto they supposed the Commons were much more de­voted and affected, than unto the government of the Consuls, were rather inclined and willing that the Decemvirs of their owne accord should themselves afterwards forgoe their office, than that upon hatred and malice received against them, the Commons should take heart of grasse, E and hold up head againe. For if with gentle handling of the matter, without stir and clamour of the people, the regiment returned againe unto the Consuls, it would haply come to passe, that either by meanes of warres comming betweene, or through the moderation of the Consuls in their government, the Commons might in time forget the Tribunes quite.

Thus whiles the Nobles were silent and made no more words, a muster was proclaimed, and the younger sort of the people, seeing the governement of the Decemvirs absolute and without appeale, made answere to their names. And when the legions were enrolled, the Decemvirs took order and agreed betweene themselves, who should goe forth to the wars, and who should have the command of the forces. The cheefe and principall of the Decemvirs were Q. Fabius, and Appius Claudius. And for that there seemed greater warre at home than abroad, the Decemvirs F supposed the violent nature of Appius, sitter to represse all troubles and mutinies in the citie: and considering with all the disposition of Fabius, to be lesse constant and resolute in goodnesse, than active and quick in militarie service, (for this man having been in times past of great worth, both at home, and also in warre; the Decemvirship, and the conditions of his colleagues together, had so greatly changed, that he chose rather to bee like Appius than himselfe) to him therefore was imposed the charge of the warre against the Sabines, together with M. Rabuleius and Q. Peti­lius [Page 116] joined in commission with him. M. Cornelius was sent into Algidum, with L. Minutius, G T. Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and M. Sergius. And they ordaine and appoint Sp. Oppius as assistant to Appius Claudius, for the defence and government of the cittie, and to have the full authori­tie of all the ten Decemvirs. But the Common-weale sped no better abroad in warfare, than it fared at home. The onely fault in the Generals was this, That they had made themselves odi­ous to their souldiors and cittizens: all the weight els lay in the souldiors themselves. Who to the end that nothing might go well forward and prosper under the leading and conduct of the Decemvirs, suffered themselves to their owne shame, and dishonor of their captaines, to be de­feated: for the armies were both by the Sabines at Eretum, and also by the Aequians in Algidum discomfited. They that sled from Eretum in the dead of the night, had encamped and for­tified upon an high ground nearer unto the cittie of Rome, betweene Fidene and Crustume­nia. H And when the enemy pursued them still and provoked them to fight, they would never come foorth into the plaine and even ground, to encounter with them in a pight battaile, but stood upon their guard and defended themselves, trusting in the situation of the place & their rampier, and nothing upon their owne manhood and force of armes. But in Algidum they committed a more foule and beastly fault, and receaved with all a greater losse and overthrow: insomuch as having lost their campe with all their tents, the souldiors being turned out of bag and baggage, their harneis and implements of necessarie use, retired for refuge to Tusculum, ho­ping there to be entertained as guests, and to live upon the protection, mercie and devotion of their hoasts and freinds: who failed and deceaved not their expectation. But to Rome there came such fearefull news, that the Senatours and Nobles laying apart now all hatred against the I Decemvirs, thought good to keepe watch and ward in the cittie: and commanded as many as were able to beare armes, to keepe the wals and guard the gates: they gave order also to send har­neis and armour to supply their want at Tusculum: moreover, That the Decemvirs should aban­don the castle at Tusculum, and with their souldiors take the field and keepe the campe: That they likewise should dislodge and remove from Fidene, that lay fortified there, and remove into the countrie of the Sabines: so that by making wars upon the enemies first, they might scare and divert them from pursuing their intent of giving assault unto the cittie of Rome. Besides these damages and foiles sustained at the enemies hands, the Decemvirs committed both in warre abroad, [...] and also in the cittie at home, two most wicked and horrible facts. For whereas one L. Siccius, during their aboad in the Sabines countrie (upon an odious conceit & malice against K the Decemvirs) had gone up and down, and in secret talke whispered in the eares of the common souldiors, some mention of creating Tribunes, and of another insurrection and departure: him the Decemvirs dispatch afore, to espie out a convenient plot of ground to encampe in. Now they had given those souldiors in charge, whom they sent to accompanie him in that expe­dition, to set upon him in some fit place of advantage and to kill him. And kill him they did, but to their owne cost: for whiles he sought in his owne defence, some of those that laid for his mis­chiefe, died for it, and lay along about him for companie: for being a right stout and strong man of his hands, he stood to it couragiously: and notwithstanding he was beset round about, he defended himselfe very manfully. The rest that escaped bring word into the camp, that Siccius was fallen unawares into an ambushment, and whiles he fought lustely, was with certaine other L of the souldiors slaine. At the first, credit was given to him that brought the newes. But after­wards, when as there was a band of souldiors thither sent by the permission of the Decemvirs, to burie them that there lay dead: they observing none of their bodies there, to be disarmed and dispoiled, and Siccius lying in the middest in his armour, and all the rest of the dead with their faces towards him: no corps of enemie, nor footing of them departing thencefro, brought away with them his dead carcasse, and made report, that undoubtedly and past all peradventure, he was murdered by his owne companie. Hereupon was the whole campe fulfilled with hatred and detestation of this fact, and generally it was agree, that Siccius forthwith should be convai­ed to Rome, had not the Decemvirs made hast to solemnise his funerals souldior like, at the pub­like charge of the common treasurie. So, enterred was he with exceeding sorrow and mour­ning M of the souldiors, but to the most shamefull obloquie and infamie of the Decemvirs, amongst the common sort.

The [...] Now followeth the other heinous deede committed within the cittie: which began of wan­ton lust, and had as foule and shamefull an end, as that, which upon the carnall abusing and bloudie death of Lucretia, cast the Tarquines out of the cittie, and deprived them of their regall [Page 117] A dignitie: that both KK. and Decemvirs, might have not only the like successe and issue, but also one and the selfesame cause, of loosing their rule & dominion. Appius Claudius enamoured upon a virgin, a commoners daughter, lusted to the abuse and spoile of her bodie. The father of the maiden L. Virginius, was of good calling, and in place of credit in the camp that lay in Algidum, and had the leading there of a companie: a man of honest example and conversation of life, both at home and also abroad in warfare. His wife likewise of vertuous disposition: so were their children nurtred and taught accordingly. He had espoused and affianced his daughter in ma­riage to one L. Icilius, a man of stout courage (as having been Tribune) and whose vertue and valour, had been well tried and approved in the quarrell and defence of the comminaltie. This damsell in the prime of her yeares, passing faire and beautifull withall, Appius (I say) cast a fan­cie B and liking unto, and so burned in love of her, that he assaied with gifts and faire promises to win her good will. But seeing all guarded and surely fenced with maidenly shamefastnes and ho­nestie, he bent his mind wholy to cruell and proud violence. He suborneth and setteth on a fa­vourite and follower of his, one M. Claudius, to make challenge and lay claime unto her as his bondmaid: and not to give place nor yeeld her unto them, that required to have her at libertie out of his hands, during the suite, and untill she brought proofe of her freedome: supposing, be­cause the father of the virgin was absent, he had good opportunitie to worke this feate, and compasse his intended injurie. As the maiden therefore was comming into the market place, (for there were the schooles for peties kept, of reading and writing) the Decemvirs man (a broker to serve his masters lust) laid hold upon her, avowing that she was his bondservants daughter, C and therfore his bondmaid: commanding her to follow him, and threatning besides, that if she made any staies, he would have her away perforce. The fearfull girle here at was amazed, and her nurce withall cride to the Quirites for helpe: wherupon the people came running & flocked together all about them. Now was the name of Virginius her father, and likewise of Icilius her spouse, verie gratious and popular: so that the love and favour wherein they stood, raised friends and acquaintance: and the indignitie of the thing besides, moved the wole multitude to tender the cause of the damosell. When as therfore she was now past danger of violence, the partie that made claime unto her, said there was no need that the people thus should gather togither, for his meaning was to proceede onely by order of law, and not with any violent course. And so he cited her to the court, minding to commense his action against her, and put her D in suite. Then they that were present to assist her, persuaded her to follow. Now when they were come before Appius, sitting judicially upon his tribunall seate, the plaintife or chal­lenger aforesaid, declareth against her, and telleth a tale full well knowen to the judge him­selfe, being the authour and deviser of the whole matter and argument: Namely, that the maiden was borne in his house, and by stealth was from thence conveied home to Virgi­nius, and so was his supposed and reputed daughter: this he averred to have certaine know­ledge of, by pregnant evidences and witnesses: and would make proofe thereof to be most true, and let Virginius himselfe be the judge, whom the greater part of this wrong deeply touched: in the meane while, it was but meete and reason, that the bond maid should go with her master. The friends and advocats of the damosell, having alleaged and pleaded in her behalfe, that Virginius E was absent and emploied in the affaires of common-weale: and if he had word therof, would not faile but be at home within two daies: that it was no reason, that whiles a father was away, he should be in contention and controversie about his children: they required of Appius therefore to defer and put off the hearing of the whole matter, untill her fathers comming; and that ac­cording to a law by himselfe in that case made and provided, he would grant her to be at large and stand at libertie, for to bring in proofest that she was not bond: and that he would not suffer a maiden of those yeares, ripe and readie for a husband, to be more in hazard and danger of her good name, than prejudiced in the triall of her freedome. Appius made a long preface and dis­course before his decree, namely, how much he favoured and tendered the cause of libertie, and to that effect, alledged the selfesame law which the friends of Virginius pretended for their pur­pose F and demaund. But so farre forth, and no otherwise, should there be in that law assured safe­gard of freedome, as the case altered not in circumstance of causes and persons. For, this privi­ledge and benefit held onely in those that were claimed to bee free, where any man whosoever might goe to law and plead. As for her, who was in her fathers hand and at his disposition, there was no other man els, unto whom the Maister that maketh challenge, is to yeeld the right of his possession. His pleasure therefore was, and thus he decreed, That the father should be sent [Page 118] for: and that in the meane reason, hee that made title to her, should not bee prejudiced thereby, G but that he might lead away the wench, promising and assuming to have her forthcomming, and to present her in court, at the returne of him who is pretended and nominated to bee her father. Against this injurious decree, when as many men rather muttered and murmured, than any one durst refuse and contradict it, P. Numitorius, the maidens uncle by the mothers side, and Icilius her espoused husband, happened to come in place: and having way made them through the throng and prease, the multitude thought verily, that by the comming, especially of Icilius, Ap­pius might have been resisted and crossed. ‘But then the Lictor pronounced that Appius had pas­sed an order and decree alreadie, and put Icilius backe: who cried out alowd, (for so manifest and horrible a wrong had been ynough to have mooved a very Saint, and set on fire a right mild natured person) Nay Appius (quoth he) thou hadst more need to set me backe with force of arms, [...] H if thou wouldest goe cleare away, and not be spoken to, for that which thou wouldest doe in huc­ker mucker. This maid, I tell thee, I meane shall goe with me: I purpose to have her to my selfe, an honest and pure virgine, and enjoy her in lawfull marriage, as my wedded wife: call therefore un­to thee all the Lictors besides (thou were best) that belong to thy companions: cause both rods and axes to be made readie: I tell thee, Icilius his espoused wife, shall not abide in any place with­out hir fathers house. What? although yee have taken from the Commons of Rome the Tri­bunes assistance and protection, and the priviledge of Appeale, two principall bulwarkes for de­fence of their libertie: yee are not therefore allowed to rule and tyrannise, and to fulfill your lust upon our children & wives too. Exercise your rigour and crueltie, and spare not, upon our backs and sides in scourging us, yea upon our necks and heads also, in taking them from our shoulders: I so yee forbeare to assaile our chastitie and honestie. Wherunto, if any violence shall be offered, I will for my part, call for the helpe of the Quirites here present, in the behalfe of my spouse: and Virginius for himselfe will call to the souldiours, in regard of his onely daughter: we will crie for helpe of God and man: and cost it shall our lives before thou goe away with this decree, and put it in execution. I require and charge thee, O Appius therefore, to be well advised, and looke how farre thou doest proceed. Let Virginius when he is come, see to his daughter, how he dealeth about her: and let him know thus much for certaine, that if he give place to his plaintifes asser­tion, and forgoe the present possession of her, he shall goe seeke his estate and proprietie that he hath in his daughter. As for me, in this quarrell of maintaining the freedome of my spouse, I wil lose my life, before I faile in my faithfull promise to her made.’ Hereat the whole multitude was K moved, and like it was, that some mutinie and fray would presently have ensued. For the Lictours had hemmed in Icilius on everie side. ‘Howbeit they proceeded no farther than to big words and high threats: whiles Appius laid hard to Icilius, That he did not this so much in the behalfe and de­fence of Virginius, as, (being himselfe an unrulie person, and even alreadie breathing forth a Tri­bunes spirit) sought meanes, and picked occasion of an uprore and sedition. Howbeit for his part, he would not that day minister unto him any matter thereof. And that he might now well know, that he did not this to feed his malapert saucinesse, but in regard of the absence of Virginius, and for the name of a father, and the tender respect of freedome, hee would not that day fit to heare and determine the matter, nor award a definitive judgement in that case: but would request Mar. Claudius, to suspend his action, and to forbeare and yeeld so much of his owne right, as to suffer L the maiden to be bailed and goe under sureties, and to be at her libertie untill the next day. But in case her father appeared not in court the morrow after, he gave Icilius, and such as hee was, to wit and understand, that neither the law should want the patronage of the maker, nor the De­cemvir faile in courage and resolution: neither would hee call together his fellowes officers and sergeants, for to keep under such seditious and turbulent spirits as he was: but would content him selfe with his owne Lictors, and doe well ynough.’ The time now of effecting this injurie, being thus deferred, and the maidens advocates gone aside, they agreed first of all upon this point, that a brother of Icilius, and a sonne of Nymitorius, two lustie and nimble young men, should be dis­patched streight from thence to the gate: and that with all speed possible Virginius should bee sent for home from the campe: for that it stood the maiden upon, as much as her whole estate M and life was worth; that he would be present and readie in due time the day following, to preserve her from this hard course, and wrongfull proceeding. According as they were bidden, they set forward, and spared no horseflesh, untill they brought tidings hereof to her father. All this while the plaintife that made challenge to the maiden, was very instant with Icilius to baile her, and put in sureties. And he again made answere, That he went about it as fast as he could, and did nothing [Page 119] A els: but indeed, trifling out the time for the nonce, untill the messengers that were sent to the campe, were gotten afore well onward on their way. Then the whole multitude on all sides held up their hands, in token that they offered themselves everie one unto Icilius, readie to become bound. Whereupon, he burst out into tears for tender heart. Gramercie (quoth he) my maisters all, to morrow I will use your helping hand: for this time I am sped of sureties ynough. So was Virginia set at libertie, and bailed by the suretiship of her kinsfolke. Then Appius, after hee had staied a while, because hee would not seeme to have sitten for that matter alone, when hee saw all other suits and causes ommitted, in regard they had to it, and no man comming to him for ju­stice, he arose gat him home to his house, & wrote unto his brethren Decemvirs into the camp, that they should not give Virginius his pasport, but keepe him fast in durance, and in ward. This B wicked practise (as God would have it) came short. For Virginius alreadie had gotten his dis­charge, and was departed forward on his journey, in the evening by the setting of the first watch. And verie earely in the morning came the letters for to stay him, but all in vaine. For Virginius by breake of day was arrived: by which time the whole cittie resorted into the common place, standing and waiting wistly for his comming. And thither, he himselfe being in soiled and simple array, brought his daughter in her old worne clothes, accompanied with cer­taine wives, and a great number of advocats and friends: Then and there began he to go from one man to another, and to labour them hard: and not onely besought their assistance by way of intreatie and praier, but also required it as due and deserved: saying, that he stood daily in field readie to sight in defence of their wives and children: neither could there be reported of C any man more hardie exploits and valiant pieces of service in warre, than of himselfe. But what booteth or availeth all this (quoth he) to save the cittie from enemies, in case our children be forced to abide the utmost extremities that befall unto citties taken by the enemies? thus went he about preaching as it were from one man to another. Semblably Icilius cast foorth and re­doubled like speeches freely and spared not. But the traine of women, with their still & silent wee­ping, moved men more than any words utteted. All this notwithstanding, Appius in his obsti­nat mind (so disquited was he & wholly possessed with a forcible spirit of humorous madnesse rather than of amarous passion) ascended up into the tribunall. Where, as the plaintife first of himselfe was framing some short complaint, that by reason of partiall favour and making of great friends, he could not have law and justice the day past: before that either he had made an D end of his demand, or given leisure to Virginius for to put in his answere accordingly: Appius interrupted the speech, and began himselfe. What preamble it was that he made before his decree, peradventure some auntient writers have for truth recorded. But for as much as I can­not any where find, in so shamefull a decree, that which carrieth but a shew and soundeth like a truth: therfore, that only which is of all agreed upon, I thought best to set downe, even the sen­tence barely without any preface at al: namely, That he iudged her in the behalfe of the Plaintife to be his bond-servant. First, all men there, wondered at this unworthie & foule act: and being strucken therwith astonied, for a good while after, stood still and held their peace. ‘But afterwards, when as M. Claudius, went to lay hand on the maiden, amongst the dames that stood about her, and was received with a piteous lamentation, Virginius his words to Appius. and crie of the women: Then Virginius beckning with his E hands and shaking them at Appius: To Icilius (quoth he) have I betrothed my daughter and not to thee O Appius: brought her up I have for honest and chast wedlock, & not for uncleane and filthie whordome: to be a wife another day, and not an harlot. Is this the manner of it, like bruit and wild beasts without all regard, to leape and run upon you care not whom, and to fulfill your fleshly lust? How these that be here will suffer such prancks, I know not: but they that are in camp with sword in hand, I hope, will never put them up. Now when as he that challenged the maiden was by a knot of women and advocates that stood about her repelled back, then proclaimed the bedell and commanded silence.’ And the Decemvir having his head intoxicate, and altogither carried away with unbridled lust, brake forth and said, That he had certaine intelligence and was informed of a truth, by manifest and assured evidences, (and not induced and led thereto by the F reviling taunts of Icilius yesterday, and the violent proceedings of Virginius, whereof he had the people of Rome to beare witnes, and which might give some light and presumptions) That the night past, there were meetings and conventicles in the cittie, and all to raise a mutinie and insur­rection: and therefore, he not ignorant of such a broile and roiot toward, was come downe into the common place with a guard of armed men: not minding to hurt any one that would keepe the peace, but onely by vertue of the majestie of government and authoritie, to represse such as [Page 120] troubled the peaceable state of the cittie: therefore it were best for them to be still and quiet. Go G Sergeant (quoth he) cause the people to avoid the place, and make roome for the master to lay hand upon his bondslave: and after he had thundred out these wordes full of ire and wrath, the multitude of themselves gave backe and made way: so the poore silly wench stood all forlorne and left as a prey to their injurious clutches. Then Virginias seeing all past helpe and no other remedie: Well Appius (quoth he) pardon me first I beseech thee, if upon a fatherly affection and griefe of heart, I have letfall some shrewd and curst words against thee more than was be seeming: Then, give me leave here before the virgin, to enquire of her nourice the truth of this matter, that if I have fathered her untruly, I may goehence better apaid & satisfied in my mind. Leave being granted, he led his daughter and the nource apart from the rest, neare to the church of Venus Cloacina, hard at the shops, called at this daie Nova Taberna, i. the new shops or H standings: and Virginia [...] killed by h [...]r in her Virginius. and there having caught a knife from a butcher, he thus spake: My sweete daughter, no other meanes have I but this onely to set thee free: and so he strake the damfell to the heart: and looking presently to the judgement seat, Here with this bloud I sacrifice thee Appius,& thy head to the divell. Appius with the crie that arose upon so horrible a fact, being much troubled, commanded Virginius to be apprehended: but he with bloudie blade in hand, made way where he went, untill with a number that followed him apace to beare him companie, he recovered the gate. Iulius and Numitorius tooke up the bloudlesse corps, and held it alost to the people: bla­ming and cursing the wickednesse of Appius: pittying the unhappie and unfortunate beautie of the damsell: and bewailing the hard exigent and extremitie of the father. The Matrones fol­lowed after and cried: Is this the condition and fortune allotted unto parents for getting & bea­ring I children? Is this the hire and guerdon of chastitie and virginitie: with other like speeches, which in such a case, women in their griefe of mind use to utter: whose sorrow as it is more hea­vie, proceeding from weake and tender hearts, so it yeeldeth and affordeth more pittifull and lamentable words, as they make their plaints & dolorous mones. But the men, and Icilius above the rest, had no other talke but of the Tribunes authoritie, and the appeale unto the bodie of the people, how they were taken away from them, and of other publike indignities and common discontentments. The whole multitude partly upon the hainousenesse of this wicked acte, and partly for hope by this occasion to recover againe their liberties, were all up at once in an up­rore. Appius one while commanded Icilius to be called, another while for his disobedience and contumacie to be attached and convented before him. At the length, seeing no way made K unto the Apparitours, for to come by him, passed himselfe with a crew of tall gentlemen of the Nobilitie that were of his guard through the throng, and commanded to have him away to pri­son. By which time, there were gotten about Icilius not onely the multitude, but the chiefe cap­taines and ringleaders of the multitude, L. Valerius and M. Horatius: who having thrust the fer­jeant backe, said withall, that if Appius had anything to charge him with by order of law, they would baile Icilius, and maintaine his cause against him, who was but a privat person: but if he went about to offer violence, he should soone meet with his matches. Hereupon grew a fierce braule and broile. The Decemvirs officer serreth upon Valerius and Horatius to lay hold up­on them: but his rods were by the multitude broken to fitters. The Appius gerreth him up into the commonplace of audience, for to speake unto the people. Horatius and Valerius fol­low L after him up, to doe the semblable. Them the assembly heard with patience, but they his­sed at Appius and cried out against him. Then Valerius tooke upon him, and commanded the Lictors to give attendance no longer upon a privatperson. Whereupon, Appius his heart was done and his courage quailed:& to standing in fear of his life, he was same to cover his face and to withdraw himselfe in disguised manner,& tooke an house over his head, neare unto the com­mon place (unknown to his adversaries)there to save himselfe Sp.Oppius,for to rescue & succour his colleague, rushed from another side into the place: and there he might see force & might, to have gotten the upperhand of authoritie.After many devises and consultations, wherwith he was distracted,& framing himselfe to yeeld consent on everyside, at length by the advise & per­suasions of many there about him, in great fear he commanded the Senat to be called togither. M This appeased the multitude, for that they were in hope that(by meanes of the Senatours, who many of them, seemed to mislike the acts and proceedings of the Decemvirs) that government of theirs should come to an end. The Senat devised and tooke order, not to provoke the Com­mons too farre: and withall to have a more provident and specialleie, that the comming of Vir­ginius into the campe, bred no mutinie in the armie. Whereupon were sent certaine of the punie [Page 121] A Senatours unto the hoast, that lay encamped upon the hill Vecilius, who advertised the Decem­virs from the Senat, to endeavour all they could to keep the souldiors in good order, from com­motion and sedition. But there Virginius raised a greater uprore and tumult than hee had left behind him in the cittie. For besides that, he was seene comming with a crue and traine almost of foure hundred men, who incensed with the indignitie of the late accident, accompanied him vo­luntarie from the cittie, his naked drawne knife, and himselfe bespreint and embrued with bloud, caused the whole campe to turne their eies upon him. Moreover, their gownes seene in fundrie places within the campe, made a greater shew of citizens in number than was indeed. Being de­manded of them what newes, and what the matter was, hee wept, and for a good while held his peace. At the last, when as now the multitude, that for feare ran confusedly togither, began to B stand still and keepe silence: The complaint and more of Virginius in the campe. he declared orderly from the beginning to the end, everything in particular, as it was done. ‘Then lifting up his hands to heaven, and calling to all his compani­ons and fellow souldiors, hee be sought them not to impure that soule act unto him, whereof in truth Appius Claudius was the authour and cause: nor to detest and abhorre him as a parricide and murderer of his owne children: saying, that his daughters life was more deare unto him than his owne, if she might have lived free and honestly, But when he saw her once haled by force, as a bondmaid to be ravished and made a strumpet, he thought it better to be berest of his children by death, than by contumelie and reproch: and so upon meere pittifulnesse incurred the shew and apparance of crueltie. And but that hee reposed some hope in the aid of his fellow souldi­ors, trusting that they would be revenged for his daughters death, he would not have remained C a livesman after her. I know well (faith he)that you also have daughters, sisters, and wives of your owne: And it is not the death of my child that hath killed and mottified the lust of Appius, but rather the longer it escapeth unpunished, the more outrageous and unbridled would it be. So that by the calamitie of another man, yee are well taught and warned to beware of the like inju­rie. As for me, I have burried my wife before, who died on Gods hand: and now my daughter, for that she might not finish the course of her daies, with the safetie of her maidenhead and chasti­tie, hath died, I confessed, a pitifull and lamentable, but yet an honest kind of death. As to Appius, (quoth he) now can he not fulfill his lust in this my house: and for any other violence of his what­soever, I carrie the same mind and heart still, to defend mine owne bodie, wherewith I have alrea­die saved my daughter. Nowlet other men looke to themselves and their children, as well as D they can.’ As Virginius uttered these speeches alowd, the whole multitude with one accord cried and protested, they would not faile, but both revenge his greese, and maintaine their owne free­dome. The citizens also in their side gownes, intermingled among the souldiors, made the selfe­same complaints: shewing how much more horrible those things were in the eie to bee seene in fact, than they could found unto the eare by bare relation: and withall reported, how at Rome the matter was welneere dispatched alreadie, for that there were certaine come after them, even hard at their heeles from thence, who brought word that Appius had like to have been murde­red, and was departed into exile: and so far prevailed they with them, that they gave the al'arme, plucked up their standards, and tooke their way to Rome. The Decemvirs being fore troubled, both at these present occurrents which they evidently saw, and also to heare these news, in what E bad tearmes all things stood at Rome, ran up and downe, here one, and there another, into sun­drie parts of the campe, for to appease the tumult. When they went to worke mildly and gently, they had not a word of them againe: but if any one laid his commaundement upon them, and extended his authoritie, they would beard them and answer, That they were men, and more than that, men in armes and souldiors. Thus march they in order of battell toward the cittie, and take the amount Aventine, and there settle themselves. And as they encountred any, all their song was this, to exhort and encourage the Commons to recover their franchises, and to create Tri­bunes of the Communaltie. Not a word was heard els, tending to any violence. Oppius assem­bled the Senate together: where it was agreed, not to proceed by way of rigour in any case: for as much as they themselves had given the occasion of sedition. But three auncient personages, F such as had been Consuls, were sent Commissioners in Embassage, as it were, Sp.Tarpeius, C.lu­lius, and P.Sulpitius with commission, to demand of them in the name of the Senate, by whose commandement they had abandoned the campe, or what their intent was thus in warlike maner to keepe the Aventine: and why leaving to war with their enemies, they had thus invaded their native countrie? They were not to seek of an answer, only there wanted a man to give the an­swere: for as yet they were growne to no certaine head, upon whom they might relie: and singly [Page 122] by themselves they durst not incurre the hatted and dangerous displeasure that might ensue. G This onely the multitude with one voice cried alowd, to send L. Valerius, and Marcus Horatius unto them, for to those they would make a resolute answere. The Commissioners being dismis­sed, Virginius putteth the souldiours in mind, and advertiseth them, how erewhile, in a matter not of the greatest importance, they were in feare and perplexitie, because the multitude was without an head: and how an answer was returned, although not altogether unprofitable and besides the purpose, yet agreed upon at a venture, and not proceeding from any publicke coun­sell. But now his opinion was, that there should beeten chosen to beare soveraigne rule: who for the honour of warfare and souldiers, should be called militarie Tribunes.And when this digni­tie was to him offered first, You speech of Virginius, refusing a dignitie. Nay (quoth he) reserve still these your good persuasions and judge­ments of me, unto more happie daies and favourable times both to me and you. ‘For neither H doth the remembrance of my daughter suffer me to take joy of any honour in this life, nor(as the state standeth now troubled)is it good for you to have them to be your Magistrates, who of all other are most exposed to ill will and displeasure, and in neerest danger to be hardly thought of.If I may serve you in any stead, you may make bold, and have no lesse use of mee, remaining still a private person.’ So they create Tribunes militarie, ten in number. But all this while was the armie as unquiet in the Sabines countrie. For even there also, by the instigation of Icilius and Numitorius,the souldiors fell away from the Decemvirs and departed. For their minds were no lesse troubled and disquieted with the remembrance renued, of the late murder of Siccius, than kindled and set on fire by the fresh newes of the death of Virginia,so villanously, so shame­lessely laid unto and challenged, and all to satisfie the lust of another. Icilius, so soon as he heard I say, that there were ten militarie Tribunes created in Aventine, fearing least the Election in the cittie should follow the prerogative of the militarie Election in the campe, as a precedent to create the selfesame men Tribunes of the Commons, being a man well seene and experienced in these popular affaires, and reaching himselfe at the same dignitie and promotion, wrought so with his adherents and friends, that before they went to the cittie, they should likewise elect the selfesame number with equall authoritie. Who entred the cittie with banners displaied, at the gate Collina, and marched through the mids thereofin warlicke order, up to the Aventine. And there joining and uniting themselves unto the other armie, they gave in charge to the twentie militarie Tribunes, to create out of their number twaine for soveraigne governours to rule all. So they elected Marcus Oppius, and Sextus Manilius. K

The Senatours being in great care for the common-weale, fare in counsell every daie: where they spent time ofmer in wrangling and jarring, than in sage advise and politicke counsell. The murdring of Siccius,the wanton lust and loose life of Appius,the shamefull disgraces received in the warres, were laid in the Decemvirs dish. At length they concluded that Valerius and Ho­ratius should go to the Aventine. But they refused and would not go, but upon condition that the Decemvirs would give up the ensignes and ornaments of that magistracie and government, which by right they should have for gone and departed fro, a full yeare before. The Decemvirs were grieved and complained, thus to beset downe and made no better than privatmen, and said flatly they would not be deposed from their place of rule, before those lawes were fully ena­cted and confirmed, for which at first time they were created. The Commons having intelli­gence L by M. Duillius,(who had been a Tribune of the Commons)that by reasons of continual debate and contention in the Senat house, there was nothing done and agreed upon, removed from the Aventine unto mount Sacer. For Duillius ceased not to suggest, and plainly affirme unto them, that the Senatours and Auncients of the cittie would never sadly thinke upon any care and provision to be made, untill they saw the cittie abandoned and desolate: moreover, That the mount Sacer would put them in mind of the constant resolution of the Commons; and that they should well knowe, that matters would never be setled and brought to concord, without they restored unto them their power and authoritie againe. So they take their waie by Nomentana Vis, which at that time was named Ficulensis, & encamped themselves in the moun­taine Sacer;doing no harme to any creatures as they passed along: following therein the mode­stie M of their forefathers. The whole communaltie followed after the hoast: there was not one who for age was able to travaile on foote, that drew back & carried behind. Their children and wives be are them companie, in piteous wife moning themselves, and asking them: where to they would leave them behind in that cittie, where neither their honest chastitie might be guarded, not yet their libertie secured and kept safe. When as now, by reason of his uncoth and strange [Page 123] A desolation, all seemed at Rome wast and void, and none to bee seene in the publicke place, besides a few of aged men: and when the Senatours were called into the Senathouse, the com­mon place appeared emptie, naked, and forlone: then there were more besides Horatius and The remorstranres of Horatius and Vakerius, with other in the Senat, against the Decemvirs. Valerius that cried out and said.What looke yee for still my LL. of the counsell? What? and if the Decemvirs will make no end of their peevish frowardness, will yee let things run at sixe and seven, untill all come tumbling downe, or be of a light fire? And what goodly dominion is this, that you huggle so in your armes, that you clip and hold so fast? Will yee minister justice and give lawes to emptie housed and bare wals? ‘Are yee not abashed and ashamed, that there should be seen in the Place, a greater number welneere of your Lictors and officers, than of gow­ned citizens, and of all other men whatsoever? How and if the enemies should come against B the cittie, what would yee doe? Nay, what if shortly the Commons should march in armes, see­ing we weigh their insurrection and departure so lightly? Will yee, together with the ruine and downefall of the cittie, end your rule, and not asore? Well, to be plaine, yee must either have no Commons at all, or els allow them to have their Tribunes againe: there is no mean, there is no other remedie.Sooner shall we went our Magistrates of the Nobilitie, than they will be without their Pattones and Officers of the Communaltie. They wrung and wested from our forefathers that power and authoritie firenew, and whereof they had as then, no proofe and experience: how thinke yee then, that having rasted now the sweetnesse of it, they will endure the want there­of? especially seeing, that we our own selves are not of so temperate carriage in our government and command over them, but that they have need of some succour and releese.And when these C and such like reasons were on all hands often alledged and laid abroad, the Decemvirs over­weighed with the generall consent & unitie of the house, promised: That seeing it was so thought good, they would be wholly ordered and ruled by the Senatours.’ This onely they besought at their hands, and admonished them of, by way of a proviso, that they would take order for the safetie and securitie of their persons: and not by sheading their bloud, to flesh the Commons, and to nuzzle them up, and acquaint them with exercising crueltie upon the Nobles and Sena­tours. Then were Valerius and Horatius sent with commission to reclaime & cal home the Com­mons, upon such conditions and capitulations, as they should thinke convenient: yea, and to set all things in good order and make a finall composition, with a speciall charge to provide for the safegard of the Decemvirs, against the raging ire and violence of the multitude. These me­diatours D tooke their journey, and were received into the campe with exceeding joy of the Com­mons, as being doubtlesse, their very saviors and redeemers, approved both in the beginning of their troubles, and now also at the very end and upshot of all. In regard whereof, they were wel­comed with thanksgiving Icilius was the mouth of the multitude, and their proloquutor. Who when they came to debate and reason about the articles of covenants, and that these Delegates and Committees, required of the Commons, What the demands & points were that they stood upon? The demands of the Commons in mount Sacer. Being alreadie provided aforehand of purpose what to say, demaunded such conditions, as it was well seene, that they reposed more hope, and relied themselves rather in equitie, and in­differencie, than inforce of arms. For they require, Imprimis, to have the Tribunes power on foot againe; and the appealing unto the people revived: which before the creation of the Decemvirs E had been the onely helpes and succours of the Commons, Item, that no man should bee called in question, nor any way touched in life, lim, or goods, for gathering the souldiors or Commons together by way of commotion, for recovering againe their liberties and franchises. Only, their demand concerning the punishment to be inflicted upon the Decemvirs, savoured of crueltie. For they deemed it meet and reason, that they should bee yeelded into their hands, and then they threatened to burne them quicke with fire. The answer of Valetius and Hor­atius to the Commons. To these articles the Comittees spake in this wise. ‘As for those capitulations, which upon counsell and deliberate advise yee have articled, they are so reasonable and indifferent, that without your suit, they ought to have ben offered un­to you franckely and freely: for yee request to enjoy such things as concerne the defense of your libertie and freedome, and maintaine not your licentiousnesse, to the offence and hurt of others. F But as to your ire and wrath, it is to be pardoned, rather than to be followed and yeelded unto: as who, under colour of hatred and detestation of crueltie, run headlong into crueltie: and before, in a manner, that yee bee set free yourselves, yee will bee rulers and lords over your adversaries. Alas the while, and will our cittie never be at rest, and cease from punishing: but that either the Nobles will scourge the Commons of Rome, or the Commons whip the Nobles? As for you, ye had more need of a shieldywis, than a sword. Humbled hee is ynough, and too much humbled, [Page 125] who liveth in a cittie on even hand, and equall with others, under the same lawes, neither doing G [...] taking wrong. And if ever at anytime you meane to shew yourselves dread and to be feared, when you have once recovered your Magistrates and ordinances againe, when ye have the law in your owne hands, to censure and judge according to your owne discretion, then may yee give your doome of our lives and goods, as each cause requireth. Now for this time it sufficeth, that yee claime and have your freedome againe.’ Hereupon they all submitted themselves to the deputed Delegates, permitting them to doe what they would. Who seeing they had brought all matters to so good a conclusion, promised to returne with al speed. So they took their leave. And when they had declared to the Senatours the demands of the Commons, all thereft of the De­cemvirs, perceiving no mention at all made of their punishment (a thing more than they loo­ked or hoped for) denied no one point thereof. ‘But Appius, man of a fell and cruell na­ture, H and who above all the other was most odious, and lay open to the malice of the people, and measuring the hatred of others toward himselfe, by his owne ranckour that hee bare against other men: I wot well (quoth he) what ill fortune will betide me shortly: and I see plain­ly, that our adversaries hold off to bicker and buckle with us, no longer than untill they have weapons given them in their hands. To satisfie this their malice and hatred, we must part with our bloud: nothing else will content them. For mine owne part, to renounce my Decem­virship I weigh not: neither passe I how soone I doe it.’ Then was an Act made by the Senat, that the Decemvirs out of hand should surrender their place: & that Q. Furius the Archbishop or High priest, should create Tribunes of the Commons: provided alwaies expressely, that the mu­tinie of the souldiors, and insurrection of the Commons, should turne no man to displeasure I and harme. [...]spand [...] government These Actes being passed, and the Counsell risen, the Decemvirs came abroad into the open place of assemblies, and there to the exceeding joy of all men, they resigned up all their power and authoritie. Tidings here of were carried to the Commons, by the mediatours aforesaid: and looke, what people soever remained behind in the citie, went now forth to ac­companie them. As this multitude passed along forward, they were encountred upon the way, with another joyfull companie from out of the camp. Who rejoyced mutually one in the be­halfe of the other, that both freedome and concord were restored to the cittie againe. ‘Then the mediators in the generall assembly of them all spake and said: To the great good, happinesse and selicitie of you and of the C.W. be it spoken, Returned in Gods name into your owne countrie, to your houses, wives and children: but see, that as ye have demeaned yourselves modestly in your K way hither, hurting and spoiling no mans lands and possessions, notwithstanding the neede ye were driven unto of so many things: so ye carry the same moderation and stay of yourselves homeward into the cittie. Go into the Aventine from whenceye came: and there for good lucke sake, where ye laid the first foundation and ground-worke of your libertie, create ye shall your Tribunes of the Commons. There, will the high priest be readie and give attendance, to call an assembly for the graund Election.’ Great was accord alacritie and cheerefulnesse, that they shewed in approving all that was propounded. So from thence they turne their stan­dards and ensignes, and as they marched to Rome, they strove avie with all they met on the way, who could shew most joy and gladnesse: they passe on through the cittie armed as they were, yet peaceably and without noise, untill they came into the Aventine. Where the chiefe priest im­mediately L held the [...] the magistrates Comices, [...] of the Commons [...] in which they created for Tr. of the C. first and formost L. Virgi­nius, next after him L. Icilius and P. Numitorius, Vackle by the mothers side of Virginia: all au­thours of their insurrection and departure: then, C. Sicinius, descended from him in right line who was the first Trib. of Comm. created in mount Sacer, (as we finde in records) and M. Du­illius, who before the choosing of Decemvirs, had right worthely and notably borne the Tri­buneship, and in all combats & bickerments with the Decemvirs, stuck close to the comminaltie and never failed them. After these, were elected, more for hope than any former defart, M. Tilinius, M. Pomponius, C. Apronius, Ap. Iulius, C. Oppius. Then C. Icilius immediately in the very en­trance into the Tribuneship, preferred a bill unto the Commons, and the Commons enacted it, That the departure and insurrection of the common people against the Decemvirs, should M not be laied to any mans charge, nor bring him into trouble. Then without farther delay M. Duillius went through with an Act of his own, to wit, That there should be Consuls created, with reservation of libertie to appeale unto the people. All these things passed in the Comices of the Commons, assembled in the meddowes named Flaminia, which now they call Circus Fla­minius.

A Then, by an Interregent were Consuls created, L. Valerius and M. Horatius, who presently be­gan their government. Consuls elected again. Whose popular Consulship, Consuls elected again. as it was without wrong doing to the Sena­tours and Nobles, so it was not without some offence committed of their part: For whatsoever was provided for the liberties of the Commons, they supposed it abridged somewhat of their power and authoritie. And first and formost, whereas it was a question and cotroversie not well cleared in law, Whither the Nobles were bound to stand to the Acts of the Commons: they made a law now in a general Session, by the suffrages of the Centuries, That what ordinance soever the Commons (being parted by Tribes) had by their voices granted, it should comprise and bind the whole bodie of the people. By which law, the Tribunes actes were armed with a most sharpe and keene weapon to strike withall. Moreover, The other consular law concerning Appeale, the B onely fort and strength of libertie, which by the Decemvirs absolute power had been over­throwen, they not onely revive againe, but also fortifie the same for the time to come, by making a newlaw, forbidding expressely that no man should create any magistrate absolutely without the libertie of Appealing: & whosoever should create any such, he might rightfully and lawfully be killed, and that murder should not bee counted a capitall crime. And when they had suffi­ciently strengthened the Commons, on the one side with the benefit of appealing, and on the otherside with the Tribunes power: in favour of the Tribunes themselves, that they also might seem sacrosainct and inviolable (a thing now almost grown out of remembrance) they renewed that high priviledge, with certain solemne ceremonies, which having ben of long time sorlet and neglected, were now brought up againe and put in ure. And they ordained them to be inviolate, C as well in a reverent regard of religion & scruple of conscience, as also by a speciall law in that be­halfe provided: namely, that whosoever hurt either Tribunes of the Commons, Aediles, Judges, or Decemvirs, his head should bee accursed and devowed to Iupiter, and his familie sold in port­sale sale at the church of Ceres, Liber and Pro [...]erpin [...] se­cundum Arm [...]h. & [...]. Libera. By vertue of this Act, the great Expositours of the law, denie that any man is sacrosainct or inviolable: but (say they) it is enacted only, That whosoever hurt any of them, shall be accursed. And therefore, an Aedile may be attached and led away to prison by superior Magistrates. Which although it be not warranted by law (for hee is hurt, who by this law ought not to bee hurt) yet it is a good argument to prove, that an Aedile is not inviolable. Marry, as for the Tribunes, they were indeed by vertue of an ancient oath of the Commons, at what time as they first created that power and authoritie, inviolable: as they would D seeme to expound and make construction of the law. Others have beene, that thus open and interprete the law, That in this selfesame Act of Horatius, the Consuls also, yea and Pretours too, (because they are created by the same auspicia or birdsignes that the Consuls be) were compri­sed, and had the benefite thereof. For a Consull is called by the name of a Iudge. But that expo­sition is confuted, for that in those daies it was not the manner to tearme the Consul a Iudge, but the Pretor onely. And thus much concerning the Consular lawes.

The same Consuls also brought up this order and custome, that all the Acts of the Senat should be brought into the church of Ceres, and presented unto the Aediles of the Commons: which aforetime were suppressed and smothered, yea and corrupted or perverted at the will and pleasure of the Consuls. After all this, M. Dullius a Tribune of the Commons, propounded E unto the Commons a law, and they let it passe and graunted it, That whosoever should leave the Communaltie destitute of their Tribunes, or create any Magistrate absolute without Appeale, should be scourged, and lose his head for it. All these Acts, as they passed against the wils and minds of the Nobles: so they went cleane without their contradiction: for that, all this while hi­therto, there was no rigour and severitie that seemed to extend and reach to anyone particular person among them. But afterwards, when as both the Tribunes power, and also the Commons freedome, were once well and surely grounded: then the Tribunes, supposing now it was ful time, that they might safely and without perill give the onset upon them, severally one by one, made choice of Virginius to bee the first accuser or plaintiffe, and Appius Claudius the first defendant. And Virginius had not so soone arrested Appius to answere at a day, and Appius come downe in­to F the Common place, guarded with a companie of tall yong gentlemen of the Nobilitie: but presently upon the sight of him and his guard about him, the remembrance of that most cruell and detestable tyrannie was refreshed and renued. Virginius his ac­cusation of Appius. ‘Then Virginius: Speeches (quoth hee) and Orations were devised for doubtfull causes: and therefore will I neither spend time in accusing him before you, from whose crueltie yee have by force of armes delivered yourselves: nor suf­fer this wretch, over and besides his other wicked prancks, to shew in the defence of himselfe his [Page 126] audacious impudence. Therefore, as touching all other lewd parts of thine and wicked designe­ments, G O Appius, which thou hast for these two years ungratiously & impiously enterprised and practiced one in the neck of another. I will do thee some favor, & pardon thee: but for one crime only, unlesse thou canst acquire thy selfe the better, namely, that thou being the judge, against all order of law, didst not grant unto the party defendant, the benefit of liberty to go at large, during the time of the suit depending, untill she might bring proofes of her freedome; for this, I say, I command thee to prison.’ Now had Appius no hope at all, either in the Tribunes helping hand, or in the dome and judgement of the people. How be it he both called upon the Tribunes for suc­cour: and also seeing himselfe tugged and haled away by the officer, & no man state his hand; I appeale (quoth he) unto the people. This one word in maintenance of freedome, being heard to come out of that mouth, that lately had given sentence on his side, that impeached the free­dome H of one, and challenged the partie for bond, caused silence. ‘And when every man to him­selfe secretly muttered in this wife: I see well (when all is done) there are Gods in heaven, and such gods as neglect not the affaires of mortall men. Pride and crueltie (although it bee long first) at length will surely have a fall, and throughly be punished. Lo, how he is now saine to appeale, who aforetime abolished and tooke away all appeale: he humbly craveth reliefe of the people, who heretofore trod underfoot all rights and franchises of the people: and see how he is carried to prison, destitute and deprived of the benefit of libertie, who awarded and adjudged a free bo­die to bondage and servitude.’ Amidst these words I say, that might be overheard in that con­fused humming of the assembly; Appius also was perceived to call unto the people of Rome for I reliefe and mercie. [...] ‘He reckoned up withall, the deserts of his auncestours in the behalfe of the C.W. both at home in the cittie, & abroad in the wars: he alleadged his own unhappy affection (when time was) to the cominaltie of Rome, and partaking with them: and namely how with the exceeding displeasure of the Nobilitie, he resigned up his Consulship, & all for to bring in and establish, equall & indifferent laws to both parties. He rehearsed moreover his own laws, which not with standing they remained still in force and strength, he, the lawgiver himselfe, was going to prison. But concerning his owne proper parts and deserts good or bad, he would then make triall thereof, (he said) when he should be permitted judicially to make his defence: as for the present time, he pleaded the common benefit of the citie, to wit, that being a Citizen, he might at the appointed daie, speake for himselfe, and stand to the dome of the people: neither feared K he the hatred and malice of men so much, as to repose no hope at all in the equitie and mercie of his neighbours and fellow citizens. But and if he were cast into prison and not suffered to come unto his answere, then he would once againe call upon the Tribunes of the Commons for their help, and admonish them, not to follow and imitate them, whom they would seem to hate. And in case the Tribunes will be known and avow, that they are linked in the same bond and co­venant, to abolish and take away the benefit of calling unto any one of them by way of mediati­on, (against which they have charged and blamed the Decemvirs for complotting and agreeing together) then he said, that he appealed unto the people, and had recourse for succour unto the lawes concerning appeale, made as well by Consuls as Tribunes, that present yeare and no lon­ger ago. For who may ever hereafter (quoth he) have benefit of appeale, if it be not lawfull for me, who stand yet not condemned, nor attainted, and have not pleaded for my selfe? what com­moner, L what meane person may find reliefe by those lawes, if Appius Claudius may not? It will be seene in me, and mine example shall be a precedent and proofe to others, Whether by these new statutes, lordly rule, or equall libertie be established: whether the calling for helpe by way of mediation and intercession, or by plaine appealing against the wrongfull proceedings of ma­gistrates, be granted in very deede, or but onely pretended in bareshew, under vaine colou­rable pretences and foolish letters patents.’ The reply [...] of Virginius upon Appius ‘Against all this, Virginius made his rejoinder and said, That Appius was the man alone exempt out of all benefit of lawes, and excluded from all civile and humane societie. Let men but looke backe toward the tribunal feare, the very well head as it were and receptacle, the fortresse and hold of all wickednesse: whereon that perpetu­all Decemvir practising his crueltie upon the goods, the bodies and lives of free citizens, me­nacing M whipping cheere and hangmans worke unto all persons; a contemner both of God and man, garded with a crue of executioners and butcherly tormentours, rather than Serjeants, pro­ceeding on from spoile and bloudshed to set his heart on lecherie and carnal lust, plucked a mai­den by birth free, from out of the very armes of her father, as if she had ben taken captive in war; and that, in the fight of the people of Rome, and gave her away to one of his followers, even to [Page 127] A a groome of his bedchamber. Where, by a cruell decree of his, and detestable sentence, ad­judging her bond, he caused the father to lay violent hands upon his owne daughter: where he commanded, the espoused husband and Vnckle of the Virgin (that tooke up her bodie halfe dead) to be had away to the Gaol, as being more displeased with them, for disappointing and put­ting him beside his purpose of abusing and spoiling her, than for the murder upon her by them committed. Adding moreover and besides, That he had built a prison, which hee used to tearme The habitation and dwelling house of the Commons of Rome. And therefore, plead hee eft­soones, and as often as hee will, his appeale, I will not give over (quoth Virginius) but as often tender a judge betweene, and be able to prove, that he gave not sentence, and pronounced her free, Appius commit­ed to prison but bond: but in case hee will not abide to bee consured by a competent judge, then I com­mand B him to be carried to prison, as attaint and convicted.’ Thus was he committed toward: and as there was none misliked of this proceeding, so everieman was greatly troubled in spirit, to see so great a personage punished, & the very Commons themselves thought their liberty too large and excessive. The Tribune set him downe a day (before hand) to plead for himselfe & make his answere.

Amid these affaires, there came to Rome Embassadours from the Latines and Hernicks, to congratulate, and to shew their joy and great contentment, for the unitie and concord betweene the Nobles and the Commons: in token whereof, they brought as a present unto Iup.Opt.Max. a crowne of gould, not very massie in weight, but according to their abilitie, which was not much, yet aunswerable to their devotion: which men performed rather with religion and zeale C in those daies, than in portly shew and magnificence. By relation and intelligence from them they were certified also, that the Aequians and Volscians prepared warre with all the power they could make. Wherupon, the Consuls were commanded to part their provinces between them. To Horatius befell the Sabines, and to Valerius the Aequians and Volscians. And when they had proclaimed musters against these warres, such was the forward affection and favour of the Commons, that not onely the younger folke, but also a great sort of those that by law were dis­pensed with, and discharged from warfare, and lived of their pensions, offered their volun­tarie service, and were readie to enter their names into the muster-masters booke: whereby the armie was not onely in number greater, but also for the goodnesse of men, more puissant, as having the old, beaten, and experienced souldiors among them. But before they went out D of the cittie, the Decemvirall lawes, (which now are knowne by the name of the twelve Tables,) they set up openly to beseene, engraven in brasse. The lawes called the twelve tables. Some writers have delivered, that the Aediles performed this office, as they had it in charge from the Tribunes. C. Claudius, who upon a dete­station and deepe hatred of the Decemvirs leaud and wicked enormities, but especially above all others, of the insolent pride of his brothers sonne, which hee could no longer abide, had re­moved and departed to Regillus, his old native countrie. ‘Hee being now a very aged man, retur­ned to sue and intreat for his deliverance out of danger, whose vices hee abhorred: and in sullied weed and poore array, C. Claudius his petition in the behalfe of App. Claudius. accompanied with those of his linage, and other his followers and vassals, went through the common place, and laboured everie man one by one, Beseeching them not to set that brand of ignominie, and bring such a staine upon the house and name of the Claudij, E as that they should bee thought worthie of imprisonment and yrons: nor suffer a man of most honourable qualitie, a singular patterne of Nobilitie to his posteritie in time to come, the law­maker and founder of the Romane lawes, to lie in chaines amongst fellons, night-theeves & rob­bers by the high way side: but to turne away their minds a while from anger and wrath, and en­cline to a due regard and consideration of matters: and rather at the suite and earnest petitions of so many of the Claudji, to forgive them one man, than for the hatred of one man, to reject the praiers of so many suppliants. As for himselfe, he protested that he did thus much for kinred and names sake. Neither was he reconciled unto him, and they made friends again: yet could he wish, that his adverse fortune & poore condition were relieved. Concluding with this in the end, That as their libertie was recovered againe by vertue and prowesse, so the concord of all degrees and F estates might be established sure by clemencie. Some there were whom he mooved, more in re­gard of his owne kindnesse and love, than in any respect of him for whom he spake. But Virginius praied them, To take pittie and compassion rather, of him and his daughter, and to give eare to the praiers and supplications, not of the Claudij, who have had the day, and tyrannised over the Commons, but to the neerest friends of Virginius, the three Tribunes, who being created for the aid and succour of the Commons, doe now themselves implore and beseech the helpe and assi­stance [Page 128] of the Commons.’ And verily these tears were thought more reasonable, and like to speed G Thus when Appius law all meanes of hope cut off, before the foresaid day appointed was come, Appius killeth himselfe killed his owne selfe. Soone after this, Sp. Oppius, who of all the rest next unto Appius, was most hated: for that hee was in the cittie at the very time when this unjust doome and sentence of his colleague happened to be pronounced, was attached by P. Numitorius. But Oppius was the worse thought of and more prejudiced, by occasion of an injurie by himselfe done, than for not stop­ping the wrong intended by Appius to Virginia. For a witnesse was produced to depose against him, one, who having served in the warres seven and twentie yeares, had beene rewarded and ho­noured extraordinarily eight times. This valiant servicour, thus adorned with those gifts & markes of valour, in the view and sight of the people of Rome rent his garments, and shewed his backe and sides, & the skin all broken with scourging: beseeching no other favor, but if Oppius the par­tie H accused, could justly charge him with any trespasse and offence by him committed, he should not spare him, but now a private person as hee was, exercise and redouble his crueltie upon him once againe. Well, Oppius likewise was had to prison: and there before the law day, ended his life. Oppius dieth in prison The goods of Appius and Oppius both, the Tribunes did confiscate. Their compartners also and fellow Decemvirs fled their countrie and were banished, and all their goods also were for­feit and confiscate. And not so much as M. Claudius, the partie that laid claime unto Virginia escaped, but he was arrested to answere at a certaine day, and was condemned. Howbeit Virginius of himselfe released him his life, and would not take the extremitie, so he was sent away and con­fined to Tybur, as it were into banishment. Thus the poore spirit and ghost of Virginia, more hap­pie after her death than fortunate during her life, having wandered abroad, and haunted so ma­ny I houses for due revenge of her adversaries: at last, when there was not one guiltie person of them left unpunished, gave over her walking, and rested quiet.

Now were the Nobles in exceeding feare, beholding the same countenance alreadie in the Tribunes, which they had observed in the Decemvirs. ‘But then M. Duillius, a Tribune of the Commons, wisely and politickely restraining and keeping within a meane this excessive power of others: We have ynough (quoth he) both of our owne libertie, and also of revenge of our ene­ [...]ue: and therefore I will not suffer for this yeare, any man more to be arrested or imprisoned. For I doe not like that old faults done and past, and now as it were cancelled and rased out, should be revived againe, and brought in question, since that by the punishment of the Decemvirs, satis­faction had been made for the new: and the continuall care and diligence of the Consuls both K [...]waine, for the maintenance of your freedome assureth me, that nothing wil be committed here­after, that may require and need the power of the Tribunes.’ This moderation at the first hand of the Tribune, put the Nobles out of their feare: but made the Consuls to bee thought the worse of, (for that they had been so addicted, wholly to the Communaltie) in that a Magistrate of the Commons had more regard of the safetie and libertie of the Nobles, than the proper Magi­strate of the Nobilitie: and because the adverse part had their full of revenge and punishment of the Nobles, before it did appeare that the Consuls would once seem to stop the course & streame of their licentiousnesse. And many there were who gave it out, that the Consuls bare themselves too remisse and slacke in the matter, and little respected the good and credite of the Nobles, in that they had approoved and confirmed the Acts that were proposed by the Tribunes. And no L question, troubled as the state was then of the C.W. they were forced to give place, and doe ac­cording to the necessitie of the time.

When the Consuls had set all things in good order within the cittie, and surely grounded the state of the Communaltie, they went either of them into their owne province. Valerius against the armies of the Aequians and Volscians, which now had joined together in Algidum: where full pollitickely he held off, and stood upon his defence onely: for if out of hand he had put it to the hazard of a battell, I cannot tell, but I greatly doubt (considering how the hearts of Romans and enemies both, were affected, presently upon the unfortunate conduct of the Decemvirs) it would have turned to their great losse, and cost them an overthrow. Hee therefore having encamped a mile off from the enemies, kept his souldiors within the campe. The enemies raunged in battaile M array, tooke up the whole ground between both campes, and when they made bravadoes, and challenged them to come forth and fight, not one Romane would answere them again. At length the Volscians and Aequians, wearie with long standing still, and in vaine expecting battell, thin­king verily, that the honour was in manner yeelded unto them, departed: some into the countrie of the Hernikes, other some to the territories of the Latines, for to raise booties and make spoile: [Page 129] A leaving behind them rather a competent guard for defence of the campe, than a sufficient power to maintaine a field-fight. Which when the Consull perceived, he paid them againe with the like measure of feare, as they before had from them received; and with his armie readie embattled, biddeth them battaile: who being privie to themselves what forces were wanting, forbare to fight: whereupon the Romanes presently tooke a better heart unto them, and made account that their enemies were overcome, being in such a feare within their rampier. When they had stood thus a whole daie readie to fight, they retired backe in the evening and gave place to the night. And the Romanes full of good hope, refreshed their bodies and made much of themselves, but the enemies nothing so hartie and couragious, send out messengers every way in fearfull hast, to call againe the forraiers. Such as were neare at hand came running backe into the camp: those B that were father off, could not be found not met withall. Now when it was once day light, the Ro­manes issue forth of the camp, intending to give an assault upon the rampier, unlesse they would come forth and fight. But when it was farre forth daie, and the enemies stirred not all, the Consull commanded to advance with their ensignes. The Aequians and Volscians seeing their battaile comming forward, began to chase and take foule disdaine, for very shame that their rampier and trench should protect victorious armies within the campe, rather than their wea­pons and valour defend them in plaine and open field: and were earnest likewise themselves with their Generals for the signall of battaile, and at length after much importunitie obteined it. Now were some of them fallied out at the gates alreadie: and others followed hard after at their heeles, keeping their array, and every man comming orderly into his file and ranke. By which C time, the Romane Cos. before the battaile of the enemies stood surely furnished with their full strength, came on still and gave the onset: charged them before they were all come forth, yea and ere they were well marshalled that came abroad, being a multitude, waving (as it were) to and fro every way for feare, and looking about themselves, and to their fellowes: & to masker their trou­bled heads the more, hee assaileth them with a great shout and maine violence. At first the ene­mies gave back: but after they had gathered their spirits together, and were come again to them­selves, and that their captaines on every side rated them, and asked them whether they would yeeld unto them, The Oration of Valerius the Consull, to his souldiors. whome before they had overcome, the fight began againe to bee renued. The Consull on the other part, willed the Romanes to remember, that ‘this was the first day, wherein they being newly set free, were to fight likewise for the freed cittie of Rome: and therefore they D were to win a victory for themselves, and not after victorie gotten, to be a prize for any more De­cemvirs to prey upon. For they fought now under the conduct and standard of Appius, but of the Consull Valerius: who as he was descended from the deliverers of the people of Rome, so he was one of them himselfe: exhorting them to shew now, that in former battailes of late daies, it was long of the leaders and not of the souldiors, that they archeeved no victories: saying, it were a foule shame for them, to have had more stomacke against their owne neighbours and cittizens, than heart against their enemies; and to have stood more in feare of servitude at home, than of bondage abroad. As for Virginia, shee was but one, whose honestie and chastitie was in time of peace hazarded: and Appius it was onely, and none but hee, that in regard of his unbridled and dissolute lust, was the dangerous cittizen. But if the fortune of warre should faile on our E side, and goe against, us, then shall our children all bee in jeopardie, to bee abused and spoiled at the hands of many thousands of enemies. Vnwilling I am (quoth hee) to boden such miseries and to osse the cittie unto those calamities, which both Iup. and our stockfather Mars, forbid and forfend to light upon it, founded upon so lucky signes and happy foretokens, at the first begin­ning: I put you in mind rather of the Aventine hill, and mount Sacer: that where within these few moneths you recovered your freedome, thither ye may carry backe again your Empire, safe and sound, unsteined and unfoyled: that all the world may see that Romane souldiors are as for­ward and nobly minded after the banishing of the Decemvirs, as they were before their crea­tion: and that by the bringing in of equall and indifferent lawes, the manhood and prowesse of the people of Rome, is no whit decaied nor diminished.’ Having uttered these words among F the ensignes of the footmen, he made speed to the corners of the horsemen. ‘Go to, brave gal­lants (quoth he) excell the footmen in valour and chivalrie, like as ye exceede them in honor and degree.’ At the very first shocke and encounter, the footmen forced the enemie to recule: and being now reculed to your hand, setspurs to, gallop after them apace, and chase them out of the plaine field: they will never abide your violent charge: for even alreadie they are at a bay, and stand rather at a stay, than make any resistance. Hereupon they gird out lustily, and run their [Page 130] horses among the enemies, disordered alreadie and in disarray by the service of the footmen. And G having broken through their rancks, and passed forth even to the rereward; certain of them cast about in the void and open ground, and when the enemies were about on all sides to flie, they turned most of them away from their campe, and overriding them, they got betweene them and home, and scared them wholly from thence. The footmen and the Consull himselfe, with the whole strength of the maine battaile, made forward to the campe, assailed the tents, won them, and besides a great slaughter, obtained a bootie farre greater.

When newes of this battaile was brought, not onely into the cittie, but also unto the other armie into the Sabines countrie, it was received in the cittie with joy onely and solemnitie: but in the campe it set the souldiors hearts on edge, and enkindled them to strive for the like honour and renowme. Now had Horatius alreadie, partly by sending his souldiors forth, to make reises H and outrodes: and partly by training and prooving them in light skirmishes, inured and acquain­ted them to trust unto themselves, and have confidence in their owne good service, rather than to remember the shamefull disgrace & foile, received under the leading of the Decemvirs. And even those small bickerings had done them much good already against they should venture upon a set field, and hartened them in assured hope to win the victorie. The Sabines againe for their part, still lustie upon their good succesie the yeare before, ceased not to provoke and urge their enemies: eftsoones asking them what they meant after the guise of robbers, to run in and out in small companies, so to trifle out the time, and thus by peece meale to make of one entire battaile many pettie and small skirmishes? Why rather fought they not one field for all, and without more adoe, hazard all upon a cast, and commit the whole to the triall of fortune, to see unto I what side she will encline. Then the Romanes, besides that of themselves they had gathered hart and courage ynough, were with the indignitie of this challenge also set on fire: considering, that when the other armie was at the point now, with victorie to returne into the cittie, their enemies began to insult and crowe over them with reprochfull tearmes: and if now they were not meet and even with them, when should they ever bee able to make their parts good? ‘So soone as the Consull perceived the souldiours thus to mutter and mumble within the campe, hee assembled them all together, [...] the [...] to his [...] and thus he spake: Sirs (quoth he) what successe hath beene, and how the ser­vice hath sped in Algidum, I suppose you have alreadie heard, namely, such as beseemed the ar­mie of a free state and people. By the pollicie of my fellow Consull, and the manhood of his soul­diors together, atchieved is the victorie. As for my selfe, that course will I take, and that resolute K mind will I carrie, which you my souldiours shall affoord unto me. The warre may be drawne out in length profitablie: it may be also-dispatched and ended speedily. If protracted it shall be, look how I have begun alreadie to traine you, with the same discipline still I will exercise you, and bring to passe, that your hope and prowesse may increase every day more than other. If your hearts now serve you well, and that you like to fight it out, Go on in the name of God, and in to­ken of your willing hart and valerous prowesse, now set up such a crie and shout, as you will make when you first joine battaile, and give the charge.’ After that they had with exceeding cheereful­nesse shouted alowd: God blesse us all (quoth he) I will fulfill your desire, and bring you forth to morrow into the field for to fight. So the rest of that day was bestowed in making their harnish and weapons readie. When morrow was come, the Sabines so soone as they perceived the Ro­manes L raunged in battaile array, came forth also themselves, as readie and desirous of fight, as they. Here was a battaile strucke, such as might beseeme two armies, that trusted on both sides in their owne valour, and made full account of that daies honour. The one eager and greedie to recover their auncient glorie, wonted evermore to have the upper hand, the other prowd­ly bearing themselves, upon a new victorie lately atchieved. The Sabines besides, mended their strength well with a stratageme, for when they had equally devided their battaillons eve­ry way, they reserved two thousand drawne out of therest, extraordinarie without the ranckes apart. Who in the verie time of the conflict, should hotely charge the left point of the Romanes: they advauncing overthwart with their ensignes, and flanking them on the tone side, pressed shrewdly upon that one point, and overcharged it, well neare environned all M about. Then the horsemen of two legions, 600 almost in number, alight on foote from their horsebackes, and as their fellowes were even now readie to recule, rush forward with all speed to the forefront: and withall, made head against the enemie. And first, they put life unto them againe, for that they entred equally with the footmen into danger and bare even part thereof: afterwards, for very shame, they gave more boldnesse and animated them to fight. For abashed [Page 131] A they were, that horsemen should be put to double service in both kinds of fight, on horse and on foote: and professed footemen not able to countervaile the horsemen, who had taken them to their feete. So they advance forward to the battaile, which on their part was abandoned, & make hast to recover the ground which they had lost. And with a trice at one instant, not onely the fight was renewed, but also a battailon of the Sabines began to shrinke. The horsemen closely among the rankes and files of the footmen, gat againe to their horses, and from thence rode speedily unto the other side, reporting to their fellowes the victorie: and withall, sharpely char­ged the enemies, who now were affrighted, because the stronger wing of their side was discomfi­ted: neither were there any in this battaile also, that were seene to performe better service than they. The Consull, as an overseer, beheld all the maner of it, praising those that stood to it man­fully B and rebuking where they fought but faintly. They were not so soone chastised and repro­ved, but presently they bare themselves like hardie men and did right good service: and looke how much that praise excited some, so much shame stirred up other. Then with a fresh shout and outcrie, they bent their whole force on all sides, and compelled the enemies to turne their backs: who were not able after this, to abide the violence of the Romanes. The Sabines, scat­tered here and there all over the fields, left their tents for a spoile to their enemies: where the Ro­manes recovered againe not the goods of their Allies, as before in Algidum, but their very own, which they had lost by the harrying and spoiling of their lands.

For this two-fold victorie atchieved in two sundrie battailes, the Senate right sparingly, (such was their miserie) decreed in the name and behalfe of the Consuls, one daies thanksgiving and C procession, and no more. But the people, the second day likewise, without order and warrant from authoritie, solemnised the same in great numbers. And this popular procession, dis­orderly as it was and without formalitie, was with more good will and better affection of men celebrated, than the other. The Consuls of set purpose (as it was agreed afore) came within the compasse of those two daies into the cittie: and summoned the Senat to assemble in Mars field: where, as they were about to make some speech of their exploits and worthie actes, the chiefe and principall lords of the Senat, complained and shewed themselves grieved, that the Senat was assembled for the nonce, among the soldiors, to strike a terror into them. Wher­upon the Consuls, because they would give no occasion of quarrell and faultfinding, called away the Senat from thence into Prata Flaminia, where now the temple of Apollo standeth: a D place, which even then they called Circus Apollinaris: where they being denied triumph with one voice and generall consent of the Nobles: L. Icilius, a Tribune of the Commons, propoun­ded unto the people, to know what they thought of the Consuls triumph. And among many that stepped forth to crosse and dissuade the bill, C. Claudius against the Triumph of the Consuls; C. Claudius above all others cried out aloud, that the Coss. intended to triumph over the Nobles and not over their enemies: and that they sought a thanke by way of recompence for a privat favour done to the Tribune, and not for an honourable reward, for any vertue and worthie act. ‘For never (quoth he) aforetime, was there held any treatie of triumph before the people: but evermore it was referred to the Senat, to con­sider and determine of that honour. Neither had the Kings at anytime, impaired the majestie of that highest court and degree: what should the Tribunes then meddle so much, and have their E hand in all matters by vertue of their authoritie, as to suffer no publike counsell at all to remaine in force? For a cittie can never be counted free, nor lawes equall and indifferent, but when each degree and estate reteineth still their own priviledge, and hold their proper preeminence.’ When the rest of the principall Senatours had spoken much to the same effect, all the Tribes notwith­standing in generall, allowed by their suffrages that which the Tribune had propounded. This was the first time that ever any triumph was granted by the voices of the people, without the au­thoritie and assent of the Senatours. But this victorie of the Tribunes and the cominaltie, had like to have turned to a dangerons surfeit of licentious libertie: by reason that the Tribunes con­spired together and were fully agreed, to be chosen Tribunes againe: and to the end that their owne ambition should be lesfe seene above others, they alleadged to the Coss. for a sufficient rea­son F(that they likewise should continue still in place of government) the agreement and consent of the Senatours: through whose holding togither and drawing in one line, the liberties of the Commons, to the great disgrace and reproch of the Consuls, were infringed and indammaged. For what would come of it, say they, if before the late lawes were fully established, the (new) Con­suls with their factious banding, should set upon the new Tribunes: for we must not looke to have alwaies such as the Horaty and Valery, to be Consuls, men that would not regard their own weale [Page 132] before the freedome of the comminalrie. As it happened very well for that time, it fell to M.Du­tilius G his lot especially, to be chiefe president of the Comices and Election: who like a prudent and wise man, foreseeing the hartburning and hatred, like presently to ensue, upon the continu­ance of the same magistrates still in place, said flatly, that of the old Tribunes he would not pro­pound any one: and when his brethren in office labored earnestly with him, to permit the Tribes to go to a free scrutinie, or els yeeld up the charge to him alotted, of holding the assembly, unto his brethren, who would keepe the same and manage the matter, according to law rather than to the will and pleasure of the Nobles: Duillius then, seeing their earnest contention, caused the Consuls to be called into their owne pues and feares, and demaunded their mindes concerning the Election of the Consuls: and when they answered that they would create new, he having once gotten them to be the authors of a popular sentence, and not popular themselves, went forth to­gither H with them into the assembly of the people. Now when the Consuls were brought out into their presence, & were asked the question, what they would doe, in case the people of Rome should elect them Consuls the second time, and that, in remembrance of their libertie received and recovered by their meanes, and for their good service in warre, and worthie actes by them performed: he finding them constant in the same mind still, and nothing altered from their re­solution: after hee had commended the Consuls, for their steedfast perseverance unto the last (as altogither unlike to the Decemvirs) went presently to the new Election. And when he had created five Tribunes onely, seeing there were not other competitours enough to reach unto sufficient voices of the Tribes, in comparison of the other nine Tribunes his colleagues who openly stood to be chosen againe: he brake up the assembly, and from that time I forward called no more about any Election. For he said, That he had fulfilled the law in that be­halfe, which without setting downe any precise and definite number of Tribunes, so that there were some left behind and roomes void, gave authoritie to those that were created, to chuse and take unto them more colleagues, to make up the number. And therwith he recited the words of the law, which run in this forme. IF I SHALL PROPOUND TEN TRIBUNES OF THE COMMONS TO BE CREATED, AND THEY SHALL THAT PRESENT DAY MAKE FEVVER THAN TEN: THEY BY VERTUE OF THIS LAVV, SHALL BE ACCOUNTED TRIBUNES, VVHOM THOSE ELECTED SHALL CHUSE AND TAKE UNTO THEM FOR THEIR FEL­LOVVES, AND AS LAVV FULL SHALL THEY BE HELD, AS THOSE VVHOM THIS DAY YEE SHAL CREATE TRIBUNES OF THE COMMONS. Thus when Duillius persisted still reso­lute K unto the end, saying, That in any case the state might not beare xv. Tribunes; and having thus conquered the greedie ambition of his colleagues: with great favour and the good liking as well of the Nobilitie as the Cominaltie, he gave up his roome. The new Tribunes now in the electing and making choise of their companions, curried favour with the Senators, and framed themselves to their will and pleasure, in chusing to them two of the Nobilitie, and those that had been Consuls, to wit Sp.Tarpeius and A.Aeternius. And Consuls there were created Sp.Her­minius and T.Virginius C [...]limontanus. Who bearing themselves in a meane betweene Com­mons and Nobles, and not greatly inclining to one side or other, had peace as well at home as abroad. L.Trebonius a Tribune of the Commons, being highly offended with the Senatours and spitefully bent against them, and saying withall, that in the cooptation of the rest of the Tri­bunes, L he had been cunningly overraught by them, and betraied by his colleagues, proposed a law, That whosoever hereafter propounded unto the Commons any Tribunes to be elected, should not give over, but still propound, untill he made up the full number of ten. Thus con­tinued he all his Tribuneship in persecuting and molesting the Nobles, never letting them to be quiet: whherupon he was surnamed [...]ough o [...] [...]i­go [...]o [...]. Alper.

After this, M. Geganius Macrinses, and C. Iulius being created Consuls, appeased the con­tentious orations of the Tribunes, which were begon and raised against the young Gentle­men of the Nobilitie, so as without any bitter invectives against that authoritie of the Tribunes, they preserved still the soveraigne majestie of the Nobles: and by meanes of decreeing musters against the warres of the Volscians and Aequians, staied the Commons, and kept the Cittie M from all sedition and discord: saying, That by civile u [...]itie, all would be at quiet abroad: whereas through discord of citizens, forreiners tooke heart. The care likewise of outward peace, was the cause of inward and intestine concord. But evermore the one state disquieted the moderation of the other: for whiles the Commons were still and in good temper, the punie Senatours be­gan to offer them wrong & hard measure. And when the Tribunes would have assisted the weaker [Page 133] A side, at first it booted little, and small good they did: but afterwards they themselves escaped not without abuse and hurt: and especially in their latter monthes, when as they received injuries, both by reason of the meetings and packing together of the mightier sort, and also for that to­ward the end of the yeare, the edge and vigor commonly of all authoritie waxeth dull and grow­eth feeble and weake. So that now the Commons had little or no confidence at all in the Tri­buneship, unlesse they might have such as Icilius to be Tribunes: and as for these two yeares last past, they had them but in bare name, and not to any effect and purpose. The elders and anci­ent fathers of the Senat on the other side, as they beleeved verily that their youth were too coc­ked and lustie: so they were of this mind, That if there needes must be trespasse and excesse, they had leiffer those of their owne degree and cote should exceede measure, and have greater sto­make, B than their adversaries. So ticklish and dangerous a thing it is to keepe a meane in main­tenance of libertie: whiles under a colour of wishing and desiring equalitie, every man advan­ceth and lifteth up himselfe so, as that he thrusteth and beareth downe another: and in preten­ding a care and regard that men should not stand in awe and feare of them, they make them­selves dread and fearefull to others, and so the wrong that we put off and shove from our selves, we impose upon others. As if there were no remedy, but that we must either doe, or suffer injurie.

Then were made Consuls, T. Quintius Capitolinus the fourth time, and Agrippa Furias: who found neither sedition within, nor warre without. But yet both the one and the other was neare at hand. For now could no longer the dissention of the cittizens be held in, but needes it must C breake out. And both Tribunes and Commons rose against the Nobles. For in all the folk­motes and meetings of the people, one or other alwaies of the Nobles and Senatours were ser­ved with processe: wherupon grew fresh troubles and new contentions. At the first noise wherof, as if the signall of battaile had been given, and the al'arme striken up, the Aequians and Volsci­ans tooke armes: and withall, their leaders and captaines(such as gaped greedely after spoile and pillage) had borne them in hand and persuaded them to beleeve, That for these two yeares past, they could not go through with their musters proclaimed: for that the Commons refused to obey, and brake their alleageance: which was the onely cause, that there were no forces sent out against them. Besides, say they, The use and manner of their warfare, is now with their licenti­ous loosenesse, discontinued and cleane decaied: Rome was now no more a common-wealth D and countrie to her citizens: For, all their anger, quarrels and malice, that they bare aforetime against forreine nations, was now turned upon their owne selves: so that at this time they had fit occasion and good opportunitie to surprise them, blinded as wolves with mutuall rage & wood­nes one against another. Hereupon they joyned their whole power, and first wasted the coun­trie of Latium: and afterwards seeing none to encounter them and make defence (to the excee­ding joie of those that were the authors of this warre) they came harrying and spoiling al the way to the very wals of Rome, even before the gate Esquilina, there braving and vaunting in re­proachfull and scomfull termes before the whole cittie, telling them how they had laid their fields & territories wast. From whence they retired themselves without revenge and losse, driving their booties afore them, The Oration of Quintius the Consull, to the people of Romes and marched along to Corbio. Quintius the Consull seeing this, as­sembled E the people, and there (as I have heard) he made to them a speech in this wise. ‘Albeit I am not privie to my selfe, and my conscience accuseth me not of any fault, O Quirites, yet am I exceedingly abashed and ashamed to come forth into this assembly of yours: that ever you should know, or the posteritie hereafter understand, how the Aequians and Volscians (who of late daies were hardly comparable to the Hernicks) came when T. Quintius was the fourth time Cos. in warlike manner with banner displaied to the wals of the cittie of Rome, and went their waies againe cleare and without any hurt by them received. This shamefull dishonour, if I had known it would have light so just in this yeare (and yet for this good while the world hath so gone, and such hath been the course of our life and conversation, that my mind ever gave me there was no goodnesse toward) I would have avoided this place of dignitie, either by banishment or death, if F there had been no other way to escape it. And might indeed have Rome been taken in the time of my Consulship, if those weapons which were under our gates had been in the hands of valo­rous men? Then had I indeed enjoied sufficient honour alreadie, then had I lived long ynough, and a little too long, and might have died well when I was but the third time Consull. But who were they, I pray you, whom these most base and cowardly enemies of our, despised and set so light by? Were we they that are your Cousuls, or you (Quirites)the people of Rome? If we were [Page 134] in the fault, take from us as unsufficient & unworthy persons, our rule and government: and if that G be not ynough, let us over and besides be well punished, and abide the smart. But if the blame be in you Quirites, let neither God nor man chastise your trespasse and offence, only do you repent your selves, and be sorie therefore. It was not your cowardise that they scorned and despised, nei­ther was it their owne valour wherein they trusted. For why?they having ben so often defeired and driven out of the campe and the field, fined with forfeiture of lands, forced to go under the gal­lowes, and brought into servitude, knew very well both themselves and you also. No no, the vari­ance and discord betweene our owne states and degrees, is the onely bane, and nothing els, of this cittie; the jarres and debates, I say, betweene the Nobles and the Commons. Whiles neither we have any gage or stay of rule and commaund, nor you know meane of freedome and libertie: while you are wearie of Noblemen rulers, and we likewise of the Commoners Magistrates, they H have gotten heart, and waxe bold. Now, (Gods will) what meane you to doe, and what would you have? Tribunes of the Commons yee longed and hunkered after: for quietnesse and concord sake, we let you have your longing. Decemvirs you had a great misse of, & them you desired: we graunted and permitted them to be created. Wearie you were anone, and all too wearie of De­cemvirs: we forced them to forgo their office. And when your anger continued stil against them, being become private persons againe, we suffred to be put to death, and to be exiled, most noble and right honorable men. When you would needs elect a new your Tribunes of the Commons, you chose them at your pleasure. To create Consuls from out of your owne faction, although we knew it hurtfull and prejudiciall to the Nobles, yet have we seene that dignitie proper to Nobili­tie, given away as it were, and made common with the Communaltie. The assistance of Tribunes, I the appealing to the people, the lawes and Acts devised by the Commons, to bee rendered and imposed upon the Nobles, to bind them thereto: and that, under the pretence and colour of [...], or equall and indifferent lawes, our owne rights and priviledges should be overthrowne, we have abidden, and doe still endure. When will there be an end once of discord and dissention? Shall we never have one citie of it? Shall wee never have this to bee the common countrie of us all? We can be content much better to be at quiet, when we are vanquished, than whiles we are victors. And is it not ynough for you, that you are dread and feared of us? but still you seeke for more? Against us it was, that you tooke the mount Aventine, against us it was that you held and kept the mountaine Sacer. For when the gate Esquilina, was wel-neer surprised by the enemie, and when the Volscians our enemies were readie to climbe our trench and banckes, and to scale our K wals, none of you there was to be seene, for to remove and set them farther off. Against us ye play the men, against us ye can be armed. Wel then, go to: When ye have here beset the Senathouse, taken up the market place and common hall with souldiors, filled the gaole with Noblemen, and those of the cheefelt and best qualitie, then with like courage and stoutnesse of heart, sallie forth of the gate Esquilina. Or if you dare not venture so much, behold and view all afore you from the wals, discover your lands and territories with fire and sword wasted and consumed, your goods and cattell had and driven away as booties and prises, your fermes and horses burning and smo­king in every quarter. But all this time the Commonweale onely (you thinke) by this meanes is in worse plight and poorer case, the villages fired, the cittie besieged, and the enemie goeth his way with the honour of the warre. And in what taking, I pray you, is your own privat estate the while? L Tidings will come anon to every man particularly, from out of his owne livings and possessions, of his proper losses: and what have you at home (if a man may aske) to make supplie again? Will the Tribunes make you restitution, and amends for all your damages? You shall have words of them your fill. They will not sticke to speake, to raile, and let flie slanders freely before you against the heads of the cittie. Lawes upon lawes you shall have hudled thicke and threefold. Assemblies, convocations, and seditious invectives good store. But from these their folkemotes, never came there any of you home to his house, richer of one gray groat or single denier, nor in better state to live than before. Was there ever any one carried ought from thence to his wife and children, but hatred and mallice, displeasure and rancour, grudges & hartburnings, both publicke and pri­vat? From which at all times ye have been shielded and defended, if not with your own vertue and M innocencie, yet by the helpe and aid of others. But certes, when ye served in wars under the con­duct of us your Consuls, and followed not the leading of your Tribunes: when you served I say in campe, and not in the hall and common place: when in battaile your enemies quaked to heare you shout, and not in your folkemotes, the Romanes were in dread of you utas and outcries: then you wan prises, and conquered lands from your enemies, then you returned home with triumph [Page 135] A to your houses, full of riches and wealth, full of honour and renowne, as well publicke as pri­vate. Where as now, you suffer your enemies to depart, fraught and loaden with your goods. Sticke to your Warde-Leetes, as if you were nailed and fast pinned to them: dwell still in your hall, and lead your lives continually there: yet must you needs war when all is done, flie from it as fast as you can. Greeved it you indeed, and thought you it a trouble and a painful thing, to take an expedition so farre as into the Volscians and Aequians countrie? Lo, the warre is come even unto your gates: if it be not put from thence, it will anon be within the wals, it will scale the castle and Capitoll, it will follow you, even into your houses. Two yeares ago, the Senat gave order and commanded, that there should be souldiors mustered, and an armie conducted into Algidum. But we sit still at home and doe nothing, but chide and scold (as it were) one at another, like curst B and shrewd women, contenting our selves, and joying in a present peace: and little seeing, that of that rest, there will come sundrie warres againe, and that right shortly. I know full well, there are speeches more pleasing and plausible than these. But to speake the plain truth for your good, ra­than to flatter and sooth for your pleasure, if mine own nature and disposition did not teach and admonish me, even very necessitie doth force and constraine me. Willing would I be, and most willing, O Quirites, to please you: but much more would I have you to be in safetie, think what­soeverye will of me. It falleth out commonly, as a thing that commeth by kind, that who so spea­keth to a multitude in his owne cause, and for himselfe, is better liked, and heard with more ap­plause, than hee whose mind aimeth at nothing els but a publicke weale. Vnlesse peradventure you thinke these common flatterers, these clawbackes, and men-pleasers, which give you no rest, C neither in warre nor peace, does tirre you up and provoke you for your good. But will you have the truth? yee being once sollicited and pricked on by them, serve their tumes in good stead, ei­ther for their honor or gaine. And because they see themselves to bee of no worth and regard, while the states doe agree, they desire to play small game, rather than to sit out: to be captaines of misrule and leaudnesse, rather than of nothing: and in one word, to be the heads, the ringlea­ders and guides of troubles and dissentions. Whereof, if you be so blest and happie, as to be wea­rie now at length, and will betake your selves to the auncient manners and fashions, both of your owne, and of your auncestors, in lieu of these new fangles, I will refuse no punishment: nay, let me be put to the most shamefull death that is, if I do not before many daies passe over my head, defeat, discomfit and put to flight these robbers and harriers of our fields, and send them packing D out of their owne campe, and finally translate and remove this terror of warre, wherewith ye now are so affrighted and astonied, from our gates and wals, even unto their owne townes and citties.’ Sildome at any time els, had there been a speech delivered by a popular Tribune, more accepta­ble unto the Commons, than was the sharpe Oration at this present of a most severe Consull. Yea and the very youth, which amid such terrors of warre, had ben wont to refuse souldiery, the onely keene and sharpe weapon they had to fight withall against the Nobles, now desired warre and to be in armes. Over and besides, the countrie kernes that fled (to Rome,) such also as were spoiled & wounded in the villages about, reported more foule and cruell outrages in their eares, than were presented unto their cies, and set all the cittie in an hoat and angrie broile. Now when the Senatours were assembled together in the Counsell house, then verely they all cast their eies E upon Quintius, beholding and regarding him well, as the onely patrone and maintainer of the majestie of Rome: but the chiefe peeres and Lordes of the Senate spake out and said: That hee had made an oration, beseeming the soveraigne government of a Consull, beseeming so many Consulships by him alreadie borne, beseeming the whole course of his life, that had passed off through many honourable dignities, and yet alwaies deserved more. As for other Consuls, they either in flattering and soothing up the Commons, had betraied the dignitie of the Nobles: or els in seking by hard courses to maintaine the rights, preheminencies and roialties of their state, and to tame the multitude, have thereby made them more fell and untractable. But T. Quin­tius, he hath made a speech, respective and tending, as well to the royall dignitie of the Nobles, as to the concord and unitie of the States, and principally regarding the condition of the times. F They would request him therfore, together with his brother Consull, to take in hand the care of the common-weale. They would request the Tribunes likewise, to joine in one accord with the Consuls, and shew themselves willing and forward, to have the warre kept off and put back from their cittie wals: and in so fearefull and dangerous a case, to reclaime their Commons to their due obedience to their Nobles: saying moreover, That the native countrie, the common mo­ther of them all, calleth unto the Tribunes and craveth their aid, now that the territories are wa­sted, [Page 136] and the cittie at hand to be assaulted. Whereupon, they all agreed generally o decree a G muster, and presently to make a levie of souldiors. And when the Consuls, had pronounced before the whole people then and there assembled, that it was no time as then to heare excuses, but that all the younger sort, should betimes the next morning by day light, be readie to attend in Mars field: and that after the warre was ended, they would find out and appoint a time, to en­quire into their allegations and reasons, that entred not their names: and that he should be taken for a traitour and rebell, whose excuse they allowed not: the whole manhood and youth of the cittie shewed themselves the morrow after in readinesse. Each cohort or regiment chose their centineres or captaines, and every Regiment had two Senatours for their provost marshals. All this was performed (by report) with such speed and expedition, that on the very same daie, the standerds and ensignes were by the Questors had forth of the Armorie and chamber of the cit­tie H and brought into Mars field: and by the fourth houre (or ten a clocke) the same day, set forward and advaunced out of the field. And this new armie, with a few bands of old souldiors, who wil­lingly of their owne accord followed them, marched on and rested, at ten miles end. The day following they discovered their enemies, and at Corbio encamped close unto them. And by the third day, there was no stay on both hands, but they must needes encounter and fight. For why? The Romanes for anger were sharpe set: the enemies againe, upon a guiltie conscience that they had so often rebelled, were grown desperate. Now, whereas in the Romane armie the two Con­suls were in egall commission, yet gave Agrippa place unto his brother Quintius, and yeelded unto him the entire and absolute command. A course most profitable in the managing and exe­cution of great affaires. And being thus preferred, he againe in curtesie answered and requited I the others gentlenesse and inclination to submission, in this wise, by imparting unto him all his counsels: by parting with him all his honour and praise, and by making him his equall, who was indeede his interiour and underling. In the battaile, Quintius commanded the right point, Agrippa led the left: Sp. Poslbumius Albus, the Lieutenant generall, had the conduct of the maine battaile. And P. Sulpitius the other Lieutenant, they set over the horsmen. The foot­men of the right point fought most valiantly, and the Volscians received them with equall valour. Sp. Sulpitius with his men of armes, brake through the maine battaile of the enemies: and albeit he might have retired himselfe the same way againe unto his companie, before that the enemies could bring their rankes againe into order, that were disaraied: yet he thought it bet­ter to charge them upon their backs. ‘And in one moment he had discomfited and quite defea­ted K his enemies, by assailing them behind, and thus affrighting them on both sides, but that the Volscian and Aequian horsmen recharged him, held him plaie in his owne fight, and so kept him occupied a good while. Thereat, Sulpitius said, it was no time now to linger and to drive off, but to beltirre themselves, crying out aloud, that they were environed round, enclosed within their ene­mies, & excluded from their owne fellowes, unlesse they set to, and bent their whole force, quick­ly to dispatch the horse-fight: and that it would not serve, to put the horsemen to flight and save their lives: but kill both horse and man, that none might ride backe againe from thence into the battaile to renew the fight. And to make head and resistance against him and his horsemen, they were never able, since that the maine thicke battaile of footmen had given him ground alreadie.’ Good care they gave to his words, and soone harkned to his direction: & with one entire assault L they gave a fierce charge, and defeated the whole power of the Cavallerie, unhorsed and dis­mounted a number of them, and with their javelins goared both them and their horses. And theres an ende of the horse-service. Then they set upon the battaile of the footmen, and dis­patched messengers unto the Consuls with newes, what they had done: where also by that time, the battaile of the enemies began to shrinke. And when tidings came unto the Romanes that were alreadie upon the point of victorie, they verely were more encouraged: but the Aequians that were about to recuile, were strucken with greater feare. In the maine battaile first began the overthrow, namely, whereas the men of armes before had broken the array. After them, the left point also began to be distressed and driven backe, by Quintius the Consull. But in the right there was hardest hold, and most a doe. Where, Agrippa being a tall man of his handes and M young withall, seeing in every part of the battaile things go better than where he was: caught the ensignes from the ensigne-bearers, advanced them forward his owne selfe, yea and fell to flinging some of them against the thickest of his enemies. For feare therefore of so shamefull a disgrace, the souldiorsbeltirre themselves, and freshly assailed the enemie. And so on all hands alike, they atchieved the victorie and won the field. Then came a messenger from Quintius, and brought [Page 137] A word, that he had the better hand, and was now readie to give an assault upon the campe, but would not breake in, and enter thereinto before he knew for certaine, that they in the left point, also had gotten the upper hand, and made an end of the battell. In case therfore he had discom­fired the enemie, he should joine his forces to him, that the whole armie altogether might gaine the spoile and pillage of the tents. So Agrippa, who also for his part was victor, came to his bro­ther Consull and the campe of the enemies, and met with mutuall congratulation one to the other. There, finding but a few to defend, whom they discomfited in the turning of an hand, they brake into the rampier and munitions, without conflict or skirmish: and so besides the recovery of their owne goods againe, which they had lost by the overrunning of the country, they gained also a rich bootie, and retired back with their whole armie. I cannot learn, that either they themselves B required triumph, or the Senat offered them any: and no cause appeareth upon record, why they should either refuse, or not hope for that honor. For mine own part, so far as I can guesse in so long distance of times, seeing that Valerius and Horatius, who over and besides the conquest of the Volscians and the Aequians, had the honour also of dispatching and finishing the Sabines warre, were denied triumph at the Senates hand; these Consuls might not with modestie, sue for the same; having performed but halfe the good service of the others: least if they had gotten it graunted, there might have seemed more regard had of the persons, than of the deserts.

But this noble and honourable victorie over the enemies abroad, thus atchieved, was obscu­red and foulie distained with a shamefull dome of the people, in a controversie of their allies, about the bounds and meeres of certaine lands. A controversie betweene the Atdeares and Aricines, decided by the people of Rome. The inhabitants of Aricia and Ardea, having C warred oftentimes one with the other, about some lands in question betweene them, and by gi­ving and taking sundrie foiles and overthrows outwearied, chose the people of Rome their Vin­pire, to decide and determine this quarell. And when they were come with their counsell to plead the case, the Magistrates graunted a court of Assises of the people. Where was much arguing and dispute on both sides before them: and after the witnesses were deposed, and that at length the Tribes should be called to the scrutinie, and the people give their voices: there steps forth an old father, one P. Scaptius, a Commoner. ‘And I (quoth he) for my part, O Consuls, if it be lawfull to speake for the good of the State, wil not suffer the people to erre, and be deceived in this que­stion. When as the Consuls denied him audience, as being an old foole, and of no credite: and commanded bim (as he cried still that the publicke cause of the cittie was betraied) to behad D away, he calleth for the assistance of the Tribunes.’ The Tribunes then, who lightly are ever over­ruled by the multitude, rather than able to rule them, yeelded unto the Commons: That for as much as they were desirous to heare what the old man could say, Scaptius should speak his mind at large. The evidence given by old Scaptius [...] ‘Then setteth he the tale on end, and beginneth thus: I am (quoth he) fourescore winters old, and three on the head of it: and even upon that very ground, for which all this strife and va­riance is, I served as a souldior, when I was no young man neither, but one that had been prest to warres, and received pay twentie yeares afore. And it was, I remember well, during the siege be­fore Corioli. Hither am I now come, to give evidence of a thing by long continuance of time, worne out cleane and forgotten of other men, but fresh in my knowledge and remembrance: to wit, that the lands thus litigious, and in controversie, had been sometime within the confines of E the Coriolanes: and after the winning of Corioli, were seised by right of conquest, to the Com­mons of the people of Rome. I marvell much therefore, by what custome and prescription, the Ardeates and Aricines, who never had right and interest, and were not postlesled of the land, (so long as Corioli stood in prosperitie) should hope to defeat the people of Rome thereof, whom being the LL. in fee of the ground, they had chosen for their Arbitrator. As for mee, I have but a small while to live, and one foot alreadie is in grave: and yet I cannot find in my heart, but (to that land, which whilome, I being a young and lustie souldior, did my best to fight for, and conquered with sword in hand) make claime now that I am aged, by word of mouth, the one­lie meanes left mee to recover it. I advise the people therefore in good sadnesse, that in a vaine respect of bootlesse modestie, they condemne not their owne cause, nor give away their F right.’ ‘The Consuls marking well what audience was given to Scaptius, and that he was heard not onely with silence, but also with good liking and contentment, cried out upon this abomina­ble practise: calling both heaven and earth to witnesse, and therwith sent for the Lordes of the counsell: and joyning with them, went to the Tribunes, fell in hand with them, and instantly be­sought them not to go forward with this most leud action for the present, & a more shameful pre­cedent for the time to come: namely, that Vmpiers and daies-men, should convert the thing in [Page 138] suit unto their own and proper vantage: especially considering, that, Admit it were a lawful thing G for a judge himselfe to have an eie and regard to his own commoditie: yet would there not be so much gained and gotten by comming thus betweene, and interverting the land, as there would be dammage and hinderance another way, in alienating by those hard courses, the hearts of their good friends and Allies. For the losses (verely) and cracks of name and credit, are such as may not be valued at any price. And should the embassadours indeed, say they, go their waies home with this goodly catch? and make report abroad how they have sped? should our confederats heare this? should our enemies come by the knowledge thereof? with what griefe the one? with what joy the other? Thinke ye that our neighbour nations will impute, attribute, and ascribe this, unto the speech made by Scaptius, a prating old busie body & one that loveth to heare himselfe speake in assemblies? Nay this is certaine: well may Scaptius be famous and much talked of, in the H playing of this pageant: but the people of Rome shall incurre the obloquie, to have acted the part under the visour of Scaptius, of a cunning promoter, and a false interceptour to him­selfe, of other mens right in suite. For, what judge at any time in a private matter, hath done the like, as to award the thing in question, unto himselfe? Why, even Scaptius, past all shame and grace as he is, would never have done it.’ These and such like words, spake both Consuls and Senatours alowd in all their hearing. But the covetousnesse of men, and Scaptius that first set them a longing and their teeth a watering, prevailed more than they all. The Tribes were cal­led to the Scrutinie of their voices, & gave judgment, That the lands pertained to the common Territorie of the people of Rome. Neither can it be denied, but it would have so appeared in­deed, I in case it had been tried before other judges. But now, for all the goodnesse of the cause, is not the ignominie of the arbitrement one jote the lesse: Nay, the Aricines and Ardeates themselves, thought not more shamefully and hardly of it, than the very Senatours and Peeres of Rome. The rest of the yeare continued quiet, from all trou­bles as well domesticall as forraine.

THERE succeeded Consuls after these, M. Genutius and P. Curiatius. A yeare full of broiles, both at home and abroad. For in the beginning of the yeare, both Canuleius, a Tribune of the Commons, proposed a law, concerning alliance of the Patritians with Commons, by way of mariage. Wherby the Nobles supposed their bloud to be desteined, and the rightes and priviledges E of families and houses confounded. Also, wheras at first the Tribunes by little and little had moved, That one of the Consuls might bee created out of the Commons: now the matter proceeded so far, that of ten Tribunes that then were, the other nine propounded this in plaine termes for a law, That it might be in the peoples power to chuse both the Coss. (if they would) either out of Commons or Nobilitie. Mary, if that should come to passe, the Nobles thought indeed that the soveraigne rule and authoritie, was not only made common with the basest sort, but also translated altogether from the great men andbest of the cittie, to the comminaltie. Glad were the Senatours therfore to heare say, that the people F of Ardea, for the wrongfull awarding away of their lands from them, were revolted: and that the Veientians had wasted the frontiers of the Romanes: and that the Volscians and Aequians grud­ged and muttered for the fortifying of Verrugo. So much preferred they any warre, miserable though it were and dangerous, before a shamefull and dishonourable peace. Having heard therefore these newes, and taken them in the worst manner: to the end that amidst the ru­mour [Page 140] and bruite of so many warres, the Tribunitian troublesome suites might staie and bee G dead for the time: they command musters to be taken, souldiors to be levied, all furniture of war, and all manner of force to be prepared, and (if it might be) with more indevor, than it had been when T. Quintius was Consull. Then C. Canuleius, after some hoat words which he spake alowd in the Senate, namely that the Consuls by frighting the Commons, went about but in vaine, to avert them from the regard of their new lawes: and that so long as he had any breath in his bodie, they should never go through with muster, unlesse the Commons had first ratified those things, which by him and his brethren had been propounded: forthwith assembled the people together. [...] Thus at one instant the Consuls animated the Senate against the Tribune, and the Tribune incited the people against the Consuls. The Consuls gave it out plainly and said, that no longer now might these furious courses of the Tribunes be endured. Now were they come H to the very height & extremitie, and raised more war in effect, at home, than the enemies abroad. Which thing (no doubt) happened not so much through the fault of the Commons, as of the Nobles, nor of the Tribunes more, than of the Consuls. For looke what thing was best re­warded in a cittie, the same alwaies most increased: thus men in peace (we see) prove excellent, thus in warre they come to bee singular. In Rome (say they) seditions sped ever best, and have been reputed both to each one in particular, and to all in general most honourable. But let the Senat call to mind the dignitie which they themselves had received from their fathers, & compare it with that which they were like to leave to their children and see, whether they may boast as the cominaltie doth, how that their condition is much bettered and more glorious than before. Well, neither is there any end now, nor ever will be, so long as the authours of sediti­ons I be as highly advanced, asthe seditions themselves are prosperous and fortunate. See what matters and how great hath Canuletus attempted! He would bring in a minglemangle and con­confusion of kindreds and houles, a perturbation in the managing both of publike and private affaires: that nothing might be sincere and intire, nothing pure and undefiled: that all difference and distinction being taken away, no man might know either himselfe or his. For what thing [...] doe these mixtures of states and degrees by marriages draw after them, without all order and discretion; but that like bruit beasts in a manner, Commons and Nobles may go and couple to­gether? so that the children betweene them borne, shall not be able to tell of what bloud he is descended, and to what religion he doth belong, being a mungrell, as it were, the one halfe a No­ble, the other a Commoner; and not well suiting and according with himselfe? They thought it K not enough (belike) that all divine and humane lawes, were confused and shuffled together: for now these mutinous persons, these busie heads and troublers of the common people, addresse themselves to shoot at the Consulship. At first, they sounded in privat speeches and secret [...], only, how to compasse, That one of the Consuls might be created out of the bodie of the Commons: but now they go roundly to worke, and carrie it before them: they are so bold to prefer laws (forsooth) that the people might make them both, either Nobles or Commons, at their good pleasure. Wherby (no doubt) they would make choise from out of the Commons, of the most seditious persons of all other. We shall have then the Canuleians and Icilians to bee our Coss. But Iupiter (that great good god)forbid, that ever the royal & imperial majestie, should come to that loweb or desperat passe: die they would a thousand deaths rather, than suffer so great L a shame & indignitie: knowing this assuredly, that their ancitours also, if they had once suspe­cted or foreseene, that by granting the cominaltie every thing as they desired, they would not have proved more bonair and buxome towards them, but rather more churlish & untractable: and when they had obtained their first suites, to proceed still to demaund worse and worse, one thing after another: they would sooner have indured at the first, any contesting and debate what­soever, than suffered those hard conditions to be imposed and put upon them: and because they had once relented, that Tribunes should be created, therefore to grant them againe the second time. So that as now, there is no ho with them, nor end of quarrels will be none, so long as in one and the selfsame cittie, Tribunes and Senatours remaine togither. Nay verely, either this state must be put downe, or that office utterly adolished. And better late than never, to withstand M and meet with their rash and desperat boldnesse. What? shall they without controlment, first sowe discord at home, and then stir up sorreine wars abroad? and afterwards, against those wars which themselves have raised, debar and hinder the cittie, for to take armes and defend it selfe? and when as they, have as good as sent for the enemies to come to their dores, then, not suffer an [Page 141] A armie to be levied against them. But let Canuleius(if he dare) speake these wordes out in the Se­nat, That unlesse the Nobles suffer his laws, as if he were a Conquerer, to be admitted and re­ceived, he will stay the mustering? For what els is that, but to threaten that he will fell and betray his countrie, and suffer it to be assailed and lost? What encouragement will such a word give as that, I say not, to the comminaltie of Rome, but to the Volscians, Aequians and Veientians? Will not they hope, under the conduct of Canuleius, to be able to scale the Capitoll and the castle, if so be the Tribunes shall take from the Nobilitie their courageous hearts, as they have bereaved them alreadie of their right, their honour and dignitie? Let him know therefore, that the Con­suls are readie, first to shew themselves to be captaines and leaders, against the mischievous pra­ctises of their own citizens, before they wil make head against the armed forces of their enemies? B Whils these matters were debated of with great contention & heat in the Senat house, Canuleius for the maintenance of his laws, and to crosse the Consuls, made this Oration unto the people. How greatly the Nobles have despised you, The Oration of Canuleius to the Commons, against the No­Lilitie. [...]O Quirites, how unworthie they have ever thought you, to live among them within the wals of one cittie, me thinkes I have, as often heretofore, so now especially & most of all perceived: in that they have risen up altogether so fiercely to check and withstand our proposed lawes. ‘Wherein, what pretend we else, but to tell them and put them in mind, That we are, as well as they, cittizens: and although we are not of the same wealth, yet we inhabite the same countrie with them? In the one, we request mariage; a thing to borderers, yea and to forraine nations usually graunted: and to speake of our selves, we also have afforded even to our conquered enemies, the benefit of our citie, which is far more than marriage. In the other, C we move no new matter, but onely claime againe and challenge that, which is the peoples right, to wit, that the people of Rome may bestow their offices and dignities, upon whom they please. What reason have they then, I pray you, to set all on an uprore, as if heaven and earth should go together? and what is the cause, that erewhile I had like to have had violence offered unto me in the Senate? What moved them to breake out and say, they could not forbeate nor keepe their hands from me, and threaten to abuse and violate the sacred authorities of the Tribunes? Set case that the people of Rome may have their free voices & suffrages, to elect the Consuls whom they will, and that no Commoner be denied, so he be worthie of the highest place, for to ob­taine the soveraigne dignitie. How then? cannot this cittie possiblie stand any longer? and is our Empire come to an end for ever? And all one it is (belike) and importeth as much, to disable a D Commoner, for being made Consull, as if a man inferred, that a bondman or a freed libertine should become Consull. Perceive you not yet (my Maisters)in what contempt you live? They would, if they might, bereave you in some measure of this day light: that yee breath and speake, that yee have the shapes of men, they thinke much, they repine, and it goes to their heart. And what els? They give it out flatly and say (if God will) it is unlawfull, that a Commoner should be a Consull. I beleech you heare me a little. If we may not be allowed to read the Chronicles, nor to peruse the Highpriests records and registers, know wee not those things then, that even all strangers know? namely, That Consuls entred in place of kings, & succeeded them, and have no other right, preheminence or dignitie at all, than kings had before? Thinke yee' that men have never heard, that Numa Pompilius, a man not so much as a citizen of Rome, much lesse then, a E Patritian and noblie descended among them, was sent for out of the Sabines countrey, and by the peoples voices, and the assent of the Nobles, created king of Rome? Also, afterwards, how L. Tarquinius, who was no Romane borne, no nor yet so much as an Italian, but the sonne of De­maraius the Corinthian, a stranger inhabitant at Tarquines, and from thence removing, albeit king Ancus his sonnes were living, attained likewise to the crowne? Moreover, how Servius Tullius after him, the sonne of a captive woman of Corniculum, whose father was unknowne, whose mother abondwoman, through wit and vertue, obtained & held the kingdome? For what should I speake of T. Tatius the Sabine, whom Romulus himselfe, the father and founder of this cittie, admitted to raigne together with him? Well, so long as no stocke was disdained, no race rejected, wherein appeared sparkes of vertue, the Romane Empire became mightie, and flouri­shed. F Scorne yee then at this day, a Consull out of the Communaltie, when our forefathers de­spised not kings that were aliens and strangers? No, nor when the kings were expelled, was this cittie denied and shut against forreiners, that were valorous, and men of action. The kinred and whole name (I am sure) of the Claudij, after the kings were exiled, we not onely admitted into our cittie, from out of the Sabines, but also received into the number of the Patritians and Noble­men. [Page 142] And may a meere forrainer indeed become a Nobleman, and so a Consull? And shall a citi­zen G of Rome, if he be of the Communaltie, be wholly disabled and out of all hope for ever be­ing Consull? Tell me I pray you, Thinke ye it not possible, that a valiant and hardie man, appro­ved both in warre and peace, being one of the Commons, may prove like to Numa, L.Tarquini­us, or Servius Tallius? and if he doe, whether shall we suffer him to governe the Commonweale or no? And whether will ye have our Consuls, such rather as the Decemvirs (the most wretched and wicked persons under the sunne, who, by your leave, were at that time of the Nobilitie) than strangers and new commers, which of all the Kings were simply the very best? But forsooth, pre­sently after the KK, were deposed and expulsed, there was not one of them Com. a Consull. What of that? ought no new thing to be ordained, and which hath not been already taken up asore? For many things have not yet been practised, (as in a state newly incorporat) ought not such then H to be put in use, if they be thought expedient? While Rómulus reigned, there were no Bishops nor Augurs : by Nyma Pompilius they were created. There was no Sessing of the people at all in the cittie, no description of Hundreds and Classes. By S.Tullius they were instituted. Coss. were never heard of before: when the KK.were driven out, they were elected. The time was, when neither the absolute rule nor yet the name of a Dictator was knowne. In our fathers daies it first began. Tribunes, Aediles, Questors there have been none: it was ordeined they should be made. Within this ten yeares, we have both created and also abolished our of the common-weale, Decemvirs for the making and penning of our lawes. And who doubteth, but in a cittie founded for ever to endure, and increasing still infinity, there will be brought in new governments, new priesthoods and sacerdotall dignities, new priviledges both of kindreds and privat persons? And even this I one thing in question, to wit, that the Com. and Nobles might not joine in marriage, were not the Decemvirs they that first within these few years made that Edict? A most shamefull ensam­ple and precedent in a free state, and tending to the manifest wrong of the Commons. Can there be any greater or more notorious injurie, than that there should be in a cittie one part and member, as defiled and polluted, thought unworthie of the bond of marriage? What els is this, but to suffer exile and confining within the samewals, when they debarre us that we should not be either allied in affinitie or knit in kindred? They provide (forsooth) and take order that bloud should not be mixed, nor families confused. How then? If this doe pollute this great gentrie of yours, which most of you descended from the Sabines & Albanes, have not by right line from the Patritians, but by cooptation and election into the number of the Nobles, as be­ing K chosen either by the favour and graceof the Kings, or els by the peoples voices after the KK. were expelled: could not your wisedomes have kept your bloud uncorrupt by some private meanes and provision: namely by taking heed neither to espouse wives from among the Com­mons, nor to suffer your daughters and sisters to be married to any other than Nobles? No com­moner (ye might be sure)would have forced a daughter of any noble house: no, these insolen­cies of lascivious lust are appropriat to gentlemen onely of the Nobilitie : none of us would have compelled any of you against his will, to make covenant and contract of matrimonie. But y vis, that by an expresse law it should be forbidden, and that marriage betweene Nobles and Commons should be condemned, that is it, which to the cominaltie is a plaine contumely and open injurie. And why conferre ye not and lay your heads together, that the rich may not mary L with poore? That, which at all times and in all places, hath been a matter left unto particular pol­licie & consideration, namely, That into what house soever a woman cast a liking & fancie, there she might be married: and into what familie a man obliged himselfe by word, promise and cove­nant, from thence he might take a wise: even that, restraine ye within the bonds of a most proud and tyrannicall law: whereby ye might breake in sunder all civile societie, and of one cittie make twaine. Why forbid ye not by a positive law, that a commoner should not dwell by a Noble­man, or go the same way that he doth, or frequent the same feast, or converse in the same market or common place of assembly? For in effect what difference is there, if a gentleman mary a commoners daughter, or a commoner espouse a gentlewoman?What right I pray you or condi­tion of state is thereby changed? surely the children still take after the father. Neither seeke we M for any thing els by matching with you, but only this, that we may be reckoned in the number of men and of cittizens. Neither is there any cause, why you should so contend and stand upon it (unlesse it doe you good to crosse and take a pleasure to exercise your selves in working us dis­grace and shame.) Finally I would gladly know whether the soveraigne government of the state [Page 143] A resteth in you or in the people of Rome? When the Kings were driven out, got you thereby to your selves lordly soveraigntie, or purchased all men equall liberrie? It must needs be granted, that the people of Rome may at their pleasure publish and ordaine a law. And will ye then as soone as any law whatsoever, is by them proposed, appoint a muster presently for their punish­ment? and as soone as I that am Tribune, shall begin to call the wards to give their voices, shall you that are Consuls, by and by sweare all the younger sort, presse them to warfare, lead them forth unto the field, and menace the Commons, menace I say, the Tribune also? What? If ye had not twise alreadie good experience, howe little these goodly threats of yours prevailed against the Com. when they agreed and stucke together, it were somewhat. Will ye say, that ye forbare to strive, ye tendered our good, and for pittie spared us?Nay rather, to say a truth, was not B this the cause that no sray was made, For that thestrongerside was also the more coole and modester of the twaine? Neither (O Quirites) will there now, I warrant you, bee any combat, nor blowes dealt: they will alwaies assay and found, what stomackes and hearts ye have, but ne­ver will they seele your fists, and trie how keene your swords be. Therfore to these wars (be they falsely pretended, or truly indeede or reported) O ye Consuls, the Commons are readie prest to follow you: provided alwaies, that by granting them libertie of mutuall marriage, ye will make at length this cittie one: that they may be linked, joyned and united unto you, by privat alliance and affinitie: that hardie and valiant men may have hope and possibilitie, to honours and dig­nities: that they may be allowed fellowship and societie in the Commonweale: Finally, that (which is due unto equall libertie) they may one with another in alternative course, obey annu­all C magistrates, and be obeied againe in their turnes. If any of you shall gainsay and withstand these conditions, prate still and talke at your pleasure of wars: multiply and make them as ma­ny and as great as ye will. There is not one shall give his name, not one shall take armes, not one shall fight for those proud Lords, with whome they can have neither fellowship of dignitie in the common-weale, nor alliance of marriage in privat estate. Now when as the Consuls also were come forth into the open assembly of the people, and that they fell on all hands from con­tinued and long orations, to short dispute and altercation: the Tribune demaunded why a com­moner might not attaine to a Consulship?’ Vnto whom the Consull returned an answere, as to the substance perhaps truly, so for the present contention not very wisely and to the purpose: Namely, because that no commoner had the Auspices :which was the cause why the Decemvirs D ordained distinct marriages, least upon a doubtfull and mingled issue, there should follow a trou­bled confusion of the Auspices. But hereat, the Commons stonned and stamped most of all: that as odious men unto the immortall gods, they were flatly denied and deemed unworthie to observe the flight and singing of birds. And never gave they over their heates of clamou­rous debate (whiles the Commons had gotten unto them a most sharpe Tribune to set them a worke, and were themselves in obstinacie no whit behind him) untill at length the Nobles were overcome and driven to graunt, that the law as touching marriage should passe: supposing by that meanes especially, that the other Tribunes would either cleane give over their suite for making commoners Consuls, or at least wise put it off, untill the warre were ended: and that the Commons in the meane while being well pleased and contented with marriage among the No­bles, E would be willing and readie to levie a muster. Canuleius for this his victorie over the Nobles, and for the favors he gat among the Commons, became a great & mighty man. Wherupon, the other Tribunes were kindled to the like combate: and for the proceeding of their law also, inde­voured with all their might and maine. And albeit the rumor of the warre encreased daily more and more, yet they hinder the levie of souldiors. The Consuls seeing now that no decree and order could passe the Senat house, by reason that the Tribunes interposed their negative voice: tooke counsaile together with the chiefe of the Nobilitie at home in their privat houses. And wel they saw that they must yeeld either the victorie to their enemies, or the buckler to their own citi­zens. Of all thé Senators that had ben Coss. only Valerius and Horatius were not present at these counsailes. C.Claudius his opinion was, That the Consuls should put themselves in arms against F the Tribunes: But the two Quintij, Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, abhorred all bloudshed and vio­lent proceedings against those, whom by a solemne covenant made with the Commons, they had received and accepted for to be as sacrosainct and unviolable. But in these counsels they grew to this point in the end, that they suffered militarie Tribunes of equall power with the Con­suls, to be created indifferently from out of the Commons and Nobles: provided alwaies, that [Page 144] as touching creation of the Consuls, there should be no alteration from the old manner asore­time. G And wherewith were both Tribunes and Cómmons well satisfied and contented. A ge­nerall assembly therfore was proclaimed for the chusing of three Tribunes in Consuls authori­tie, which being once published: ford with as many as had spoken or done ought tending to se­dition, and above all others those that had been Tribunes of the people, began in their whited robes to take hold of men and run too and fro about the common place labouring for this dig­nitie. At the first, the Nobles partly in dispaire of obtaining the place (seeing the Commons to set a slote) partly for disdaine and indignation to beare any honourable office jointly with them of so base condition, were scared and affrighted from standing therfore: at the last (but they were forced thereto first by the heads and the chiefe Lords of the Senate) they were content to be competitours and suiters for the dignitie: least they might seeme to be fully excluded forth of H the possession of the Common-weale, and leave it entirely for the Commons. The event and effect of this Court, shewed plainely, that mens minds are otherwise affected in contending about libertie and dignitie, than presently after such contentions laid away, they are in weigh­ing and judging aright without passion and affection. For the people satisfied herewith, that there was some account made of the Commoners, and that they were not shut out, elected mili­tarie Tribunes all of the Nobles. This modestie, this equitie, this noble mind, where shall a man now adaies find in one person, which then was to be seene in the whole people? In the three hun­dreth and tenth yeare after the cittie of Rome was founded, Militarie Tri­bunes first created, with Consuls, [...] were the first militarie Tribunes cre­ated, that bare office in the roome of the Consuls, to wit, A. Simpronius Aratinus, L. Attilius, and C. Cecilius: in whose government, concord at home caused also peace abroad. There bee writers, I who affirme, That upon occasion of the Veientian warre, and the rebellion of the Ardeates, be­cause two Consuls were not able to manage so many warres at once, therefore were three milita­rie Tribunes chosen: without making any mention of the law published, concerning election of Consuls of the Commons: and that they were invested both in the jurisdiction, and also in the ornaments of the Consuls. Howbeit, the exercise of that governement, stood not fast and sure, nor continued long. For within three moneths after that they entred, they forewent their office, by a decree of the Augurs, as if there had been some error in their creation. It was alledged that C. Curiatius, who was President of that court of Election, had taken his quarters amisle for the observation of the luckie signes by flight of birds, and not according to the Augurs skill.

There came from the Ardeates to Rome, Embassadours, complaining of wrong received, in K these tearmes: That if it might be redressed, and amends made, and their grounds restored, they seemed willing to abide still in league and amitie. Answere was made them by the Senat, that the judgement of the people, alreadie passed, could not bee reversed by the Senate, if it were for no­thing els but for concord sake and agreement of the States: besides, they had neither any prece­dent to lead them thereto, nor law and authoritie to warrant them. Marrie, if the Ardeates would wait their times, and put to the Senates arbitrement and discretion, the redresse and casement of their injurie pretended, it would come to passe, that in processe of time they should not repent of governing their passions, and brideling their choler: and should well know, that the Nobles had a good regard, that there should no wrong bee offered unto their friends, as they were carefull, that if any were offered, it should not long continue. Thus the Embassadors, promising, to make L a true report, unto their citizens of the matter, wholly as it was: were friendly dismissed, and had their discharge.

The Senatours seeing now the Commonweale, without any soveraign magistrat of the chaire and of State, went together, and made an Interregent: and whiles they strove whether Consuls or Tribunes should be created, the Interregent continued many daies. The Interregent and the Se­nate laboured, that there should be an Election of Consuls: the Tribunes on the other side, and their Communaltie, were for the Tribunes Consular. But the Senatours prevailed, because both the people seeing they were to conferre the one office or the other, upon the Nobles, surceased to strive any more: and also the cheese of the Commons, chose rather to have that Election, wherein they should not be once propounded, than wherein they were sure to take the repulse, M as unworthie. The Tribunes also gave over to contend any longer to no purpose, and without ef­fect, seeming thereby somewhat to gratifie and pleasure the LL. of the Senate. Consuls chosen againe. So T. Quintius Barbatus the Interregent, chose for Consuls L. Papyrius Mugilanus, and L. Sempronius Atratius. Whiles these were Consuls, the league with the Ardeates was renued. And this is the onely evi­dence [Page 145] A and proose, that they were Consuls that yeare, for that neither in the auncient yearely re­cords, nor in the kalenders of the magistrates, they are found at all. I take it, because the militarie Tribunes were created in the beginning of that yeare: and therefore, although these Consuls were in their stead chosen, yet their names were left out, as if the other had remained in office the whole yeare.

Licinius Macer affirmeth, that they are mentioned both in the composition with the Arde­ates, and also in the linnen bookes or registers in the church of Iuno Moneta. Albeit there had ben so many terrors and bravadoes, threatened from the borderers, yet both abroad & at home, all was quiet. And whether Tribunes onely, or Consuls also chosen in the roome of Tribunes governed in this yeare; certaine it is, that the next following, had Consuls M. Geganius Ma­cerinus B the second time, and T. Quintius Capitolinus the fift time. This was the very yeare when the Censors office came up first. A thing that rose of a small beginning: which notwithstanding afterwards, increased to that height, that it had governement of the manners and discipline of the Romanes: and under the jurisdiction thereof, the Senate and Centuries of the order of knights, the distinction of worship and shamefull disgrace, were reduced. Likewise, the survey of publicke and private Aedifices, yea, and the tributes, revenues & subsidies of the people of Rome were at the disposition, ordering, & discretion of that office. The beginning of which thing arose upon this occasion: For that the people in many years space had not ben assessed and numbred, and seeing the Cense could be deferred no longer, nor the Consuls (by reason of warres, from so many nations imminent) had leisure to goe about and accomplish that busines: the Senat there­fore C made a motion, that the charge being painefull, and not for the majestie of Consuls to bu­sie themselves in, required a special Magistrate, and a peculiar officer by itselfe. Vnder whome should attend the Secretaries and Clearkes: who likewise should the keeping and charge of the rolles and publick records: and at whose discretion should passe the schedules & instruments of all Assesments. The Senatours therefore accepted gladly of this ouverture, although it were but a trifling matter: yet because there should be the more Magistrates of the Nobilitie. Suppo­sing (I wene) it would come to passe, as (it prooved indeed) that shortly the power and wealth of those, who bare the office, should win more authoritie and credite unto the thing. Yea, and the Tribunes also made no great adoe, but suffered it to passe, being an office (as it was in truth, no other at that time) rather of necessitie and attendance, than of shew, port, or honour: because D they would not seeme to be crosse and peevish in every small matter. When as therfore this dig­nitie was of the principall of the cittie refused, the people by their voices chose to that Office, Papyrius and Sempronius, of whose Consulship there was some doubt: to the end, that by that of­fice they might supplie and make up the defect and misse of a Consulship. Censor a first created. And of the exercise and function it selfe, Censors were they called.

Whiles these things were a doing at Rome, there came Embassadours from Ardea, craving as well in regard of their most auncient amitie, as also of the late league renued, their helping hand for their cittie, welnigh undone and overthrown. For, peace (which wisely and by right good advise they had kept and maintained with the people of Rome) they might not enjoy at home, by reason of inward debate and domesticall quarrels. The cause and beginning whereof, as it is E reported, arose from siding and factions, which have been and will be to most States more per­nicious, than forraine warres, than famine or plague, or other adversities, which men at attribute to the anger and wrath of God, as the extremitie of all publicke calamities whatsoever. There was a maiden, a Commoners daughter & no better, by birth, but for her rare beautie of singular note and passing renowne: whom two young men were suiters unto. The one of the same condition or estate that the maiden was of, and who relied upon her guardians and tutors, who also were of that degree and calling: the other a gentleman, enamoured on her, onely for her beautie. As for him, he had the good wils of the best in the cittie, by whose meanes the strife of partaking, en­tred even into the house of the damosell. For the Gentleman in the mothers judgment, was the more welcome and better liked of, whose desire was, that the maiden should be preferred by ma­riage, F and be most worshipfully bestowed. The Guardians also banded themselves, and laboured for their partie. But when as the matter might not be ended within dores, it came touit in law. And when the reasons and allegations were heard, both ofth mother, and also of the Guardi­ans, the Iudges pro [Page 146] having amongst those of their bend and faction, complained of that injurious award, with a G troup of men by force, set the maiden out of the mothers house. Against whom arose a stronger power of the gentrie, and followed the young Gentleman, who was incensed and set on fire upon this injurie offered. Whereupon insued a cruell fray. The Commons being defeated, went forth (there unlike to the Commons of Rome) armed as they were out of the cittie, and tooke for their hold a hil, and invaded the lands of the Nobles with fire and sword: and having gathered to them a multitude of Artisanes and handicrafts men, whom in hope of spoile they had called forth, they purpose and prepare to besiege the cittie also, which asoretime had been altogether unac­quainted with the like sturres. In such sort, as no kind of calamitie that followeth warre, was wan­ting: as if the poore cittie had been tainted, infected, and poisoned with the furious madnesse of two brainesicke young men, seeking a wofull and deadly marriage, with the utter ruin and destru­ction H of their native countrie. And neither part thought it ynough to warre and fight at home among themselves. For the Nobles sollicited the Romanes for to rescue their besieged citie: the Commons stirred up the Volscians, to helpe to force and sacke the cittie. The Volscians under the conduct of Aequus Cluilius came first to Ardea, and against the wals of their enemies, rai­sed a countermure, and cast a trench, and blocked the towne round about. Which ridings being brought to Rome, forthwith M. Geganius Consul, went forth with an armie, and incamped him­selfe three miles from the enemies: and the day being now farre spent & drawing toward night, he commandeth his souldiours to refresh and make much of themselves, and take their rest: and afterwards at the release of the fourth watch, he brought forth his ensignes, set his men to worke, and sped his businesse once begun, so that by the sun rising, the Volsciansmight see themselves I invested more streightly by the Romans, then the citie beleagured by them. And on another side the Consull had joined a sconce to the wall of Ardea, by which way his souldiors might go and come in safetie. The captaine of the Volscians, who had to that day prepared no victuals, but su­stained his armie onely with the corne which he had for the present from day to day robbed by [...]orraying the countrie, seeing himselfe intrenched, and of a suddain to be destitute of all things, called the Consull forth to emparle, saying. That if the Romanes comming was to raise the siege he would remove and dislodge from thence. To which againe the Consull made this replie, That vanquished men were to take, and not to make articles of conditions: neither should they, as they were come at their pleasure to assault the allies of the Romanes, so depart againe when they l [...]t to Volsci. He commandeth therfore to yeeld their Generall, to lay down their weapons, K confessing themselves overcome, and to be at his devotion. Otherwise he would bee a bitter and mortall enemie unto them, whether they departed or tarried still, and carrie home to Rome the Victorie of the Volscians, rather than their faithlesse peace. The Volscians, when they had assaied that small hope they had in their weapons (for all hope else was cut off) besides all other things that were crosse unto them, encountered in a place of great disadvantage for fight, but worse for flight: and seeing themselves on every side beaten downe and slaine, turned from fighting to in­treating, delivered up their captaine, yeelded their weapons, were driven under the gallowes, and in their single doublet and hose with great shame and calamitie, were let go and sent away. And sitting them downe to rest themselves, not farre from the towne Tusculum, the Tusculanes upon an old grudge and hatred against them, set upon them thus disarmed and naked as they were at L unawares, and were so meet with them, that scarcely there remained any one to carrie newes of their ill day and unfortunate overthrow. Then the Romane Cos. appeased the troubles at Ardea: beheaded the cheefe captaines of that commotion, and confiscated their goods to the common chist and chamber of the Ardeates. And so by this great favour and benefite of the people of Rome, they supposed the injurie of the former arbitrement was done away and recompensed. But yet the Senate of Rome, thought somewhat behind still for the cancelling of the memori­all of a publicke avarice. See the end of the former book. The Consull returned, triumphing into the cittie, leading Cluilius the captaine of the Volscians before his chariot, with the spoile borne asore him of the enemies, whom he had disarmed, and brought under the yoke. Quintius the Consull againe for his part, in his long robe and gowne of peace, countervailed (a thing not usually seene) the glorie of his M Colleague in his bright armout: who had so great regard at home to intertaine concord and peace among the cittizens, by ministring justice indifferently, as wel to the highest as the lowest, that the Senatours reputed him a severe Consull, and the Commons accounted him as meeke and gentle a person. And more he woon at the Tribunes hands by countenance and reputation, [Page 147] A than by contention and debate. His five Consulships wherein he carried himselfe after one and the selfesame manner and order: the course of his whole life, ever Consull-like, caused his per­son to be in a manner more reverenced than his honourable place. By this meanes, whiles these were Consuls, no words were made of militarie Tribunes. Then created they for Consuls M. Fa­bius Vibulanus, and Posthumius Ebutius Cornicen. These Consuls, by how much greater & more glorious the acts both at home and abroad, were atchieved by those, whom they saw they were to succeed (and surely that yeare was right memorable among the borderers, as well allies as ene­mies, and namely, because the Ardeates in so hard distresse, were by them succoured) so much the more earnestly endevoured for their part, to rase out of mens minds the infamie of that judge­ment aforesaid, and made an Act and decree of the Senate in this forme, THAT FOR AS MUCH B AS THE CITIE OF THE ARDEATES, BY REASON OF CIVILETROUBLES, VVAS DIS­PEOPLED AND BROUGHT TO A SMALL NUMBER OF CITTIZENS, THERE SHOULD BE ENROLLED CERTAINE INHABITANTS TO BE SENT THITHER FOR A GARISON, AND DEFENCE AGAINST THE VOLSCIANS. This was openly ingrossed in publicke Tables, and Instruments, for a policie, that their secret intent and purpose of reversing and disanulling the ar­bitrement, might not be perceived by the Tribunes and the Commons. But they closely com­plotted, that when they had enrolled a farre greater number of Rutilians than of Romanes, for to inhabite Ardea, neither, should any other lands be devided, but those which by that infamous and unhonest award were intercepted: nor that one foot or clot of ground should be assigned to any other Romane, before the whole lands were parted among all the Rutilians. Thus the domain C that had been in question, returned againe to the Ardeates. The Triumvirs for the conveying of a Colonie to Ardea, were created these, Agrippa Menenius, T. Claelius Sicul us, and M. Ebuties Helua. Who, besides that, they offended the Commons by their readie service, and nothing po­pular, in regard, that they assigned and set out to their allies, that land which the people of Rome judged their owne, were not well thought of neither, by the cheefe of the Nobilitie: because in the execution of their charge, they did nothing of affection, and for favour. Howbeit they avoi­ded all troubles and dangers that were toward them (albeit they were accused by the Tribunes before the people.) For when they had registered and placed the Coloners, they remained still themselves in the same Colonie, which they had as witnesse of their innocencie, and just dea­ling.

D In this yeare and the yeare following, when Caius Farius Pacilius and Marcus Papyrius Crasius were Consuls, there was peace at home and abroad. The plaies which had been vowed by the Decemvirs, according to the Senats decree, during the time of the Commons insurrection and departure from the Nobles, were this yeare set forth. Petilius sought for some occasion of sediti­on, but in vaine. Who being made Tribune the second time, albeit he harped still upon one string, and threatened the selfe same things that he had before, yet he could not bring about, that the Consuls should propose unto the Senat, concerning the division of lands among the Com­mons: and when as with great ado he had obtained thus much, that the Senatours should be moved and their opinions asked, whether they would have an election of Consuls or Tribunes (consular:) determined it was at length, that Consuls should be chosen. So, that the menaces of E the Tribune, that he would hinder the muster, was a ridiculous matter of game: seeing that when the borders were at quiet, there was no need either of warre or preparation for warre. After this great quietnesse of the state, followeth a yeare (wherein Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Me­nenius Lanatus were Consuls) for sundrie calamities and perils memorable: namely Seditions, Famine, and hazard of receiving upon their necks the yoke of Kings rule againe, and that, by the sweetnes of a Largesse. There wanted onely forreine warre: wherewith if the common-weale had been afflicted too, hardly could the helpe of all the gods above, have recovered the State. These calamities began with hunger. But whether it were, for that the yere was unreasonable for corne, or that they were so droned of the plausible & seditious orations, and of the cittie itselfe, that they sorelet and neglected the Tillage of their ground, it is uncertaine. For both the one F and the other is reported. The Lords of the Senat blamed the idlenesse of the Commons: and the Tribunes of the Commons laid the weight, one while upon the fraud and naughtinesse, ano­ther while upon the negligence & remissenes of the Consuls. At the last, the commoners enfor­ced and drave the people (but not against the will of the Senate) to chuse L. Minutius Master of the provision or principall purveiour of come and victuals: a man who in that office prooved [Page 148] more luckie to preserve the libertie of the cittie, than happy in the exercise or ministerie of his G charge: albeit at the latter end, hee deserved and had, both praise and thanke, for bringing downe the price of come. Who, notwithstanding many embassages sent both by sea and land to the neighbor nations round about, and all to litle purpose (but that out of Hetruria ther was brought some little sprinkling of corne) nothing eased and mended the Market: and therefore he turned againe to the dispensing or dealing the present dearth indifferently among all, by for­cing every man to confesse what corne he had, to open his garners, to bring it forth, to vent and fell that, which he had more than would serve a month. But when by this practise, and by defrau­ding servants a portion of their daily foode, and by accusing the come-mungers and exposing them to the furious yre of the people, he had with all his hard courses and sharpe inquisitions rather laid open than eased the present neede and necessitie: many of the common people dis­pairing H of all hope, rather than they would live thus miserably tormented, pining and wearing away in hunger, covered their heads, and threw themselves headlong into Tyber. Then Sp. Me­lius, by calling a knight or gentleman of Rome, a man (as in those daies) exceeding rich, enter­prised a thing, commodious I must needs say, but a dishonest precedent of dangerous conse­quence, and proceeding of a worse mind and intent of his. For having with his own mony bought up the come out of Hetruria by the meanes of his friends and vassals, whose ministerie he used: which thing (I beleeve verely) was an hinderance that all the publike care and providence, tooke small effect, and nothing helped the generall want and scarcitie, he devised to bring up a free dole and distribution of come: and to the end that when he had once by this benefit and libe­ralitie woon the hearts of the Commons, then he might, what way soever he went carrying a port I and majestie with him above the degree of a privat person, draw after him a traine of the peo­ple, promising him by their favour of support, undoubted and assured hope of a Consulship. But himselfe (as mans nature is unsatiable) not content herewith, aspired to higher matters than fortune promised him, and those unlawfull, and beyond his reach. And for as much as even the very Consulship was to be wrested from the Nobles against their wils, he plotted to make him­selfe a King, and thought that, the only guerdon due for so deepe reaches and dessignes, and wor­thie that great contention and bickerment which lie was to abide with much toile and swet of browes. Now drew the Election on a pace for Consuls, which thing prevented him afore he had brought his devises to full ripenes and perfection. Consull was created L. Quintius Capitoli­nus the sixt time, a man most unfit for his turne, that should go about innovations and to change K the state: & with him was joined Agrippa Menenius, surnamed Lanatus. And L. Minutius was either made again the master victualer, or els created he was at first without limitation of time, to conti­nue so long as the case should require. For there is no certaintie thereof, but only the name of Corne-master, recorded both years in the linnen Bookes or Registers among other magistrats. This Minutius was vigilant, and as carefull for the common-weale, as Melius for his privat wealth: and upon occasion that men of the same qualitie, to wit, the Commons, were conversant in both houses, namely in his owne and in the house of Melius, he came to the knowledge by their meanes, of Melius his treason: and declared unto the Senat the whole complot. Namely, That there was armour and weapons good store, carried into the house of Melius: that he kept con­venticles there, & made seditious Orations, and that it was past all peradventure that he practised L to be King. As for the time of working the feat and to put it into action, as yet it was not determi­ned & certainly known: all other things were alreadie agreed upon. Item that the Tribunes were bribed and hired to sell and betraie the libertie of the citie: That to certaine chiefetaines of the multitude divers charges were appointed. And herewithall, he excused himselfe (and said) That because he would not be reputed the authour of any uncertaine or vaine intelligence, he uttered these matters somewhat with the latest, and later well nere, than might stand with the common safetie of the Weale publike. Which newes after they were heard, and that on every side the chiefe Senatours had given both the Coss. of the former yeare a check, for that they had suffered those Largesses of corne, and tollerated meetings of the Commons in a privat house: and rebu­ked the new Consuls also, for that they had staied so long and waited till a matter of so great im­portance M was by the corne-master detected and declared unto the Senate, which required a Cos. to be not onely the enformer, but also the reformer: Then T. Quintius answered, That the Con­suls were blamed without just cause, who being bridled with the lawes of appealing, tending to the great prejudice and disanulling of their soveraigne government, had not commission suffi­cient [Page 149] A by vertue of their place, to punish the thing according to the hainousnesse and qualitie thereof, as they had courage and heart thereto: and that there was need now, not onely of a va­liant and stout man, but also of one that was freed from all bonds of lawes and tied to none. And therefore he would name L. Quintius for Dictator: in whom there was courage answereable to to that absolute authoritie. When all men liked well thereof: Quintius himselfe at the first re­fused: demanding what they ment, to object and expose him, an unweldie man and so far stept in years, to so great a trouble, and manifest danger. Afterwards, when as they replied on all hands, and alledged how in that heart of his for all his age there was more valor, and in his head more pollicie than in all men besides; heaping on him right due and deserved praises, and commen­dations; and whilst the Consull also importuned him still and gave not over: then Cincinatus, B after he had praied to the Gods immortall, that his decrepit old age in so fearefull a case, might not turne either to the losse or dishonour of the common-wealth, was by the Consull pronoun­ced Dictator. And he forthwith nominated C. Servilius Hala Generall of the horsemen. The morrow after, when he had set and disposed certaine guards, in divers places of the cittie, and was come down into the Common place: the common people wondring at the strangenesse of the matter, had their eies upon him: and the adherents and complices of Melius, and he himselfe their captaine, saw well that the force and power of this so great a magistrate was bent against them. But they that were not acquainted with those plots and dessignes that tended to the set­ting up of a king, asked one another, what tumult or sodaine war, should require either a Dicta­tours majestie, or that Quintius after sourscore yeares of age, should be the onely Ruler of the ci­tie. C With that, Servilius the Generall of the horsemen was by the Dictator sent to Melius: Who said unto him, The Dictator calleth thee. Wherat he being affraid, asked again, What he would? and Servilius said, That he was to make his answere and purgation, of a crime that Minutius had enformed against him, before the Senate. Then Melius began to retire himselfe backe into the rout of his followers, and looking about at the first, shrunke onely away from him, and refused to obey. At the last, the Apparitor at the Generall of the horsemens commandement, began to force him to go with him: but he being rescued by the standers by, found his feet and began to flie, & be sought the aid of the comminaltie of Rome: saying, That the faction of the Nobles conspired his overthrow, and persecuted him for the good he had done unto the Commons, and for his liberalitie bestowed upon them: beseeching them to help him in that extremitie, and D not to suffer him to be murdered asore their face and in their very fight. As he spake these words, Hala Servilius overtooke him, and killed him outright: and being spreint with his bloud thus staine, and guarded with a crew of tall gentlemen of the Nobilitie, he bringeth word to the Di­ctator, how Melius being cited to come unto him, put backe the Apparitor, and raised the mul­titude: and now had suffered due punishments for his deserts. Then (quoth the Dictator) On forth in this valour and vertue of thine, ô C. Servilius, thou deservest great praise, and hast delive­red the common-wealth this daie from Tyrannie. Then as the multitude murmured and made a sturre upon some doubt, what they should thinke of the fact, and what might bee the occasion therof; he commanded them to assemble together, and openly avowed the deed, and pronoun­ced that Melius was justly slaine: The Oration of Quintius the Dictators, to the people of Rome. yea, albeit he had been cleere from seeking to be king: for that, E being summoned and convented before the Dictator, and that by the Generall of the horse­men, he refused and came not: for my selfe (quoth he) was set judicially to examine and inquire of the cause: & upon the triall therof, Melius should have sped no worse than his cause deserved: but because he went about by violence to withdraw himself from judgement, by violence therfore was he restrained. Neither was he to be proceeded against as a citizen, who being borne in a free state, where justice & law were in force: and in that citie, wherout he was not ignorant that the K.K. were sometimes expelled: and where in one & the same year, Collatinus sisters sons, and the sons of that Cos. that was deliverer of his countrie, detected of a complot and conspiracie of receiving again into the citie the KK. bloud, were by their own father beheaded: out of which citie, Tarqui­nius Collatinus Cos. for the detestation only of the name being commanded to give up his office, F suffered exile: in which cittie, many yeares after Sp. Cassius for practising and plotting only to be King, suffered condigne punishment: wherein also of late time, the Decemvirs, for a tyrannicall pride, were deprived of their goods, banished their countrie, and berest of their lives. That in the same cittie (I say) Sp. Melius should conceive any hope of reaching to a kingdome? And a man (I pray you) of what qualitie and condition? And yet, no gentilitie of birth, no dignities nor de­serts [Page 150] serts were sufficient to make way to any for lordly rule and tyrannie. ‘ [...] Howbeit, the Claudij and G Cassis, by reason of the Consulships and Decemvirships of their own, by reason of the honoura­ble estate and reputation of their auncestors, & the worship and glory of their linage, tooke upon them, became hautie and proud, and aspired to that, wherunto Sp. Melius had no such meanes to induce him : who might have sit him downe, well enough, and rather wished and praied to God, than hoped once for so much, as a Tribuneship of the Commons. And supposed he, being but a rich corne-mudgin, that with a quart (or measure of come of two pounds) hee had bought the freedome of his fellow cittizens? or thought he by casting morsels of bread and victuals asore the common sort, that the victorious people, conquerours of all nations about them, might be allured into thraldome? & whom the cittie could hardly brook to be a Senator, him they should indure their King, to have the regall ensignes and the government of Romulus, H the first founder of the cittie, descended first from the gods, and to them ascended up againe; why, it was a thing not so wicked as monstrous. Neither was this act sufficiently satisfied for, with the sheading of his bloud, unles the house and wals, within which so horrible madnes was con­ceived and forged, were cast down & rased: and unles these goods, which were tainted & infected with the prices and hire that should have purchased the kingdome, were forfait and confiscate.’ He commanded therefore the Questors, to sell those goods, & to bring the mony into the com­mon Treasurie. And then he caused forthwith his dwelling house to be overthrowne and made even with the ground, that the plot or floure thereof, might be a monument of a wicked attempt, smothered and stifled in the very hope and hatching therof. This is the place which was called af­terwards Aequimelium. As for L. Minutius he had an oxe with guilded hornes given him for an I honour and reward, without the gate Trigemina. The Commons therewith were not miscon­tented, for that to them he devided Melius his corn, at the price of one [...] Asse a [...] Modius. Among some authors I find, that this Minutius forsooke the Nobles and went to the Commons, and was taken in to be the eleventh Tribune of the Commons, and appeased the mutinie that arose upon Melius his death. But it was not like that the Senatours suffered the number of the Tribunes to be increased : and especially, that such an example should be given and taken up by a man of their coat : or that the comminaltie would not keepe it still, if it had ben once allowed, or at least wise attempt it againe. But above al, this confuteth & reproveth the false title of Tribune set upon his image, for that a few years before, it was by a statute expresly provided, That Tribunes might not chuse and take untothem a colleague in office. Q. Cecilius, and Q.Iunius, and Sextus Titinius K were the only men of all the colledge of Tribunes, that propounded not the law for the honor of Minutius : but rather accused unto the Commons, both Minutius and Servilius, and ceased not to make complaint of the cruell and unworthie death of Melius : and in fine prevailed so much, that there should be an Election for Militarie Tribunes rather than for Consuls : nothing doub­ting, but it six were chosen (for so many at that time might be created) some of the Commons also, by promising to revenge the death of Melius, might step in and be elected. The Commons for all they were tossed that yeare with many and sundrie troubles, chose no more than three Tri­bunes with Consuls authoritie; and among them, L. Quintius the sonne of Cincinnatus: Vpon the hard conceit and hatred of whose Dictatorship past, they thought to picke some occasion ofquarrell and tumult: and Mamercus Aemylius, a man of great credit and reputation, was by voi­ces L preferred afore Quintius, and obteined the first place. And L. Iulius they created for the third.

Whiles these bare soveraigne rule, Fidene the Colonie of the Romanes, revolted to Lars To­lumnius, the king of the Veientians, and to the State of the Veientians. And besides their revol­ting, a more horrible fact they committed. [...] For at the commandement of Tolumnius, they slew C. Falcinius, & C. Iulius, Sp. Nautius, & L. Roscius the Roman Embassadors, who came to demand the cause of this their change and suddaine alteration. Some here doe excuse and elevate the act of the king, saying, that upon a luckie cast of dice he uttered a doubtfull speech, which was by the Fidenatians so taken, as though he seemed to bid the Embassadours to bee killed, and that (sorsooth) was the occasion of murdering the Embassadours (a thing incredible, that at the com­ming M in of the Fidenatians, his new allies, who were to consult with him and ask his advise, about a murder that should breake the law of Nations, his mind should not be turned away from ear­nest studying about his game) and so this hainous fact proveth to be but an error. More credible it is, that he had a further meaning and deeper reach: namely, that the people of the Fidenatians [Page 151] A A should be bound unto him, and onely relie upon him, being attaint with the guiltinesse of so soule a murder, and not to looke and hope for any mercie or meed at the Romanes hands. The Statues of these Embassadours which were at Fidene murdered, were set up openly at the char­ges of the citie in the Rostra. [ A publick crosse (as it were) or pulpit in Rome, out of which the Magi­strats made Orations to the people, beautified with the beakheads-of ships and their brasen pikes, called Rostra.] Thus was there like to be a cruel conflict with the Veientians, & Fidenates. Who besides that they were people confining on their frontiers, had also in the beginning of their war given so wicked & horrible a cause of quarell. Therfore when as the common people and their Tribunes, in regard of the care for the publicke State, were at quiet; there was no question, but that M. Ge­ganius Macerinus the third time, and L. Sergius Fidenas (named (I suppose) so, upon the war which B afterwards under his conduct was fought) should be created Consuls. For this man first encoun­tred with the king of the Veientians on this side A river now called Teveron. Anio, & gat the victory: but not without much bloudshead of the Romanes. So that the greefe was greater for the losse of his owne souldiors, than the joy for the discomfiture of his enemies. And the Senate, as in all fearfull times and dan­gerous occurrents, ordained Mamercus Aemylius to bee created Dictator. Who, out of the bro­therhood of Tribunes militarie in Consuls authoritie, the yeare before, named for the Generall of his horsemen, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, who had beene a Tribune with him, a toward young Gentleman, and a worthie sonne of so worthie a father. To those souldiors that were by the Con­sull mustered and levied, were the old Centurions, experienced and skilfull warriors, adjoined: and the number of those, which in that last battaile were slaine, was supplied. The Dictator com­manded C to follow him as Lieutenants, Quintius Capitolinus, and M. Fabius Vibulanus. This grea­ter power and authoritie, and the man likewise nothing thereto inferiour, drave the enemies out of the Romane ground, & set them farther off, even beyond Anio. Who removing their campe still backward, seized upon the hils betweene Fidene and Anio: neither durst they come downe from thence into the open plaines, before that the Legions of the Falisci came to succour. Then at length, the Tuscanes encamped themselves under the wals of Fidene. And the Roman Dicta­tor likewise rested and abode upon the banckes of the Confluent (where both rivers runne into one) and flanked himselfe there by. And when he had cast up a trench & rampier afront, reaching acrosse from the one river to the other, the morrow after he brought his power forth, & set them in order of battaile. The enemies were of sundrie minds. The Faliscians, who hardly could away D long souldierie farre from home, and trusting withall in their owne selves, that they were good ynough, required battaile. The Veientians and Fidenates had more hope in drawing out the war on length. Tolumnius, albeit the advise of his owne men liked him better, yet because the Falisci­ans should not indure lingering warfare, sendeth a trumpet, and proclaimeth battaile against the morrow. The Dictator and the Romanes, for that the enemies for the present, shifted off fight, tooke more heart unto them: and on the next morning, when as now the souldiours gave out brave words, and menaced, That unlesse they might have battaile, they would assault both the campe and the towne: the armies of both parts came forth into the middest of the plaine, be­tweene the two campes. The Veientians, as being more in number and having to spare, sent cou­vertly out certaine companies to fetch a compasse behind the hils, who in the time of the con­flict E should set upon the Romane campe. And in this order stood the maine armie of three nati­ons together embattelled. The Veientians kept the right point, the Faliscians the left, and the Fi­denates the middle of the battell. The Dictator in the right point advanced his standard against the Faliscians, and on the left Capitolinus Quintius charged the Veientians: and against the maine battell betweene both, marched the Coronell of the Cavallerie, with his cornets of horse. Thus as they stood araunged in battaile array, for a prettie while was there silence on either side, and all quiet. For neither would the Tuscanes begin first, unlesse they were urged: and the Dictator loo­ked eftsoones backeward toward the Capitoll of Rome, that the Augurs should set up a signall aloft (as it was agreed betweene them) so soone as the flight of fowles gave approbation accor­dingly: which he no sooner espied, but he put out presently the men of armes, with a great shout F against the enemies. The armie of the footmen followed hard after in the taile, and seconded them with a lustie charge. But on no hand were the Tuscane legions able to abide the force of the Romanes. The Cavallerie stood hardest to it, and made head still. For the king himselfe, the best horseman and most valiant of them all, when as on every side his enemies charged & prea­sed sore upon him, rode afront them, held out and maintained fight. There chanced then to be [Page 152] among the Romane horsemen, a Tribune or Marshall, one A. Cornelius Cossus, a goodly tall G man of bodie, and as valiant and strong withall. Who set before his eies the noble house from whence he was descended, and carried this mind, as it was right honorable alreadie by his aunce­stors, left him so to recommend the same to his posteritie more glorious & renowned. ‘This man seeing the troups of Romans, waving to and fro, for fear of the violence of Tolumnius, which way soever he bent and turned; and knowing him by his rich and roiall furniture, wherein hee bare himselfe like a brave knight, riding all over the battaile. Is this (quoth hee) the forswome breaker of humane league, is this hee that hath violated the lawes of armes, and of Nations. Now will I presently, if it be Gods will that anything in the world shall remaine wholly and inviolate, be his priest, I will sacrifice & betake him to the ghosts of our Embassadors deceased.’ Herewith, setting spurs to his horse, with bent speare in rest, he rode full against that one enemie, singled from the H rest; smote him, & dismounted him from his horse. Then bearing upon his staffe, alight presently on foot, & as the king was getting up again, he overthrew him backward with the bosse of his tar­get, and laid him streaking along, and after many wounds given him, at length fastened him with his speare to the very ground. And when as he was once dead, he disarmed and despoiled him, and strake off his head: and carrying it aloft on his launce, presented a fearefull spectacle to the ene­mies of their king slain, and so discomfited them. Thus was the strength of the horsemen defea­ted also, which onely had made the battaile doubtfull. The Dictator having put likewise the legi­ons of footmen to flight, pursued them still, and drave them to their fort, killing them all the way in the chase. Many of the Fidenates which knew the coasts of the countrie, fled into the moun­taines, I and escaped. Cossus with his horsemen passed over Tyber, and brought home into the cit­tie a great bootie out of the countrie of the Veientians. As this battaile was in fighting, there was a skirmish also in the Romane campe, with that part of the forces, which (as it is aforesaid) was sent by Tolumnius to surprise it. Fabius Vibulanus first defended the rampier, ordering his men all withinforth, in compasse like a garland: and while the enemies were wholly bent about the assault, he with the Triarij or souldiours of the rereward, suddainely issued forth at the gate, cal­led Principalis, on the right hand, and gave an hot charge upon them. Vpon which they were af­frighted, but there ensued the lesse slaughter, because the number was smaller. Howbeit, they fled no lesse in disarray, than those in the very battaile. Thus the Dictator having prosperous successe every where, returned with triumph into the cittie, by the decree of the Senate, and graunt of the people. In which triumph the greatest shew and goodliest sight of all, was Cossus, bearing the rich K and roiall spoiles of the king, slaine by his owne hand. For of him the souldiours chanted diverse rude ballades without rime and metre, comparing him in their songs with Romulus. Which spoiles, with a solemne manner of dedication, he bestowed and hung up in the temple of Iupiter Feretrius, neare unto those of Romulus, which were the first and only spoiles, untill that time, cal­led Opima Spolia. And as he went, he withdrew from the Dictators chariot, the eies of all the peo­ple unto himselfe, and he in manner alone, carried away the magnificence and glorie of that fea­stivall day. The Dictator by order from the people, presented in the Capitoll for the honour of Iupiter, a golden crowne, weighing one 16 lib. sterl in angell gold. pound weight, raised out of the common mony of the cittie.

Thus have I set downe (as following all other writers before me) that Aulus Cornelius Cossus, L a Colonell or Marshall, brought into the temple of Iupiter Feretrius, the second roiall spoiles. Howbeit, over and besides, that those spoiles onely are by right accounted Opima, or roiall, which a Generall hath taken from a Generall, and we acknowledge none for Generall, but him under whose conduct and high Commission a warre is managed, the very title also written upon the spoiles, doth check and reprove both them and me. The words wherof are these, THAT COSSVS BEING CONSVL, VVAN THOSE SPOILES. When I once heard say, that Augustus Casar him­selfe, the founder or repairer of all temples, entred into the house of Iupiter Feretrius, which hee reedified, being by injurie of long time fallen to decay, and read it so written in a linnen jacke or curaze: I thought it little better than sacriledge, to discredite and cancell the testimonie of Cos­sus himselfe concerning his own spoiles, and of Augustus Casar, the benefactor of that very tem­ple. M Which error, if it grow hereon, That so ancient records and Chronicles, and that the books of the Magistrates, which being of linnen, and laid up in the temple of Moneta, Macer Licinius doth estsoones quote and cite as his authors, do represent unto us A. Cornelius Cossus, the seventh yeare after Consull, with Titus Quintius Pennus: let every man abound in his owne sence, and [Page 153] A have his opinion by himselfe freely. For more than all this may be alledged to prove, that so fa­mous battaile could not bee transferred to that yeare: because that for three yeares space about the Consulship of Cossus, there was no warre at all, in a maner, by reason of pestilence, and dearth of corne: so as some records, as it were, mourning, and bewraying the calamitie of the time, de­liver unto us nothing but the bare names of the Consuls. In the third yeare, after that Cossus was Consull, hee was Militarie Tribune in Consuls authoritie, and in the same yeare Generall of the horsemen also: in which governement hee fought another notable battaile with horsemen. But hereof a man may conjecture and guesse what he will. But (as I thinke) wee may tosse these things of small importance, to and fro, according to every mans opinion: and when all is done, the au­thor of this battaile his owne selfe, having set up these fresh and new spoiles in a holy place, in the B sight of Iupiter himselfe standing thereby, to whom they were vowed, and Romulus also, two wit­nesses, not to bee despised nor abused with a false title, hath written himselfe, A. CORNELIVS COSSVS CONSVIL.

When Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis and Papyrius Crassus were Consuls, the armies were led foorth; the one into the Veientians countrie, and the other into the Faliscians, and boo­ties both of people and cattaile were from thence driven and caried away. As for the enemies themselves, no where in the countrie were they to be seene, nor any battaile was fought: and yet for all that, the townes were not assaulted, because the people at home died of the pestilence. And within the cittie, Sp. Melius Tribune of the Commons sought occasions and pretences to move seditions, but without effect. Who supposing by the popular favor of his name to prevaile C and raise some mutinie, both arrested Minutius to make his answere, and also put up a bill for the confiscation of the goods of Servilius Hala: laying hard to Minutius his charge, that Melius was falsely accused and circumvented by him: and burdening Servilius with the murdering of a cittizen uncondemned. All these surmises were with the people of lesse credit and importance, than the author himselfe. But the violence of the sicknesse still increasing more and more, trou­bled them: besides the fearfull and strange prodigious tokens: but especially, the fresh newes that divers houses in the countrie were by many earth-quakes cast downe. Whereupon the peo­ple went in solemne procession and made their supplications, whiles the Duumvir going afore pronounced the praiers, and the people said after him word for word. But the yeare following, when C. Iulius the second time, and L. Virginus were Consuls, was more contagious by reason D of the plague, and caused both in towne and countrie, so great a feare of utter desolation, that not onely there were none set forth in any rodes without the territorie of Rome to raise booties, whiles the Nobilitie and Commons had no mind of making warre: but the Fidenates also of their owne accord, who before time had kept themselves either within their ownes, or moun­taines, or fortresses, entered now into the lands about Rome, and forraied all the countrie. After this, having gotten also unto them a power of the Veientians (for the Faliscians could not be induced either by the calamitie of the Romaines, or praiers of their confederats, to take arms againe) these two nations passed over Anio, and not farre from the gate Collina displayed their ensignes. So the feare was no lesse within the cittie than in the countrie. Then Iulius the Con­sull bringeth the forces abroad, and placeth them upon the rampier and the wals: whiles Vir­ginius E assembled the Senate in the temple of Quirinus, for to aske their opinion. Where agreed it was, to create for Dictator, A. Servilius, surnamed (as some say) Priscus, or as other, Structus. Virginius making no longer staie than untill he had consulted with his colleague, by his permissi­on declared the Dictator in the night season. And he nominated for his Generall of the Caval­lerie, Posthumius Ebutius Helua. The Dictator commaunded every man to be readie without the gate Collina, by the breake of day: and so many as were able to beare armes were in a readinesse. The standerds and ensignes were taken forth of the treasurie or chamber of the cittie & brought to the Dictator. Whiles these things were in doing, the enemies were retired and with drawne to the higher grounds and places of advantage: and thither marched the Dictator, with his ar­mie in order of battell. And encountring with them not farre from Nomentum, he discomfited F the legions of the Tuscanes, and drave them into the towne of Fidenae, and cast a trench about it. But neither could the towne be scaled for the high site thereof and the strong wals about it; and to laie seege unto it might not availe: for that they had come not only to suffice the ordina­rie need of men besieged, but also plentie to spare, of their old store and provision gathered afore­hand. Thus the Dictatour being without all hope both of winning it by assault, and also of for­cing [Page 154] them to yeeld by composition, purposed in certaine places for the neerenesse to him well G knowen, at the backside of the cittie which was slenderly guarded, most neglected, and for the naturall situation the surest, to undermine unto the castle. And he himselfe in places farthest off from thence, approched close under the wals, [...] with his armie devided into foure parts, to succeed one another by turnes in order: and so, by continuall skirmishing day and night, he kept the ene­mies at a bay & withdrew them from all perceiving and intelligence of the worke under ground: untill such time as by digging through the hill from the campe, there was a way and passage made straight up into the castle. And when as the Tuscanes were wholly amused upon the vaine threatnings, and bravadoes of their enemies before them, nothing minding the present danger wherein they stood: behold, the al'arme of their enemies even over their heads, made an ascrie, that the towne was taken. In this yeare Cn. Furius Pacilius and M. Geganius Macerinus, Cen­sors, H appointed and dedicated the Large Hall, Villa Publica. named Villa Publica in Mars field: and there first by them was held the Sessing and numbering of the people. I find in Macer Licinius, that in the yeare following, the same Consuls were made againe, namely Iulius the third time, and Virgini­us the second time. But Valerius Antias and Q. Tubero, do name M. Manlius and Q. Sulpitius for the Consuls that yeare. Howbeit in so different a report, both Tubero and Macer professe that they followed the linnen Records: and neither of them both conceale, that which the aun­cient writers have set downe, namely, That the same yeare were Tribunes militarie, in Consuls authoritie. Licinius without doubt is addicted to those linnen Registers, & Tubero is uncertaine of the truth. But among other antiquities, not knowne by reason of long time, this also is left in doubt and not cleared.

After the winning of Fidene, great was the feare in Hetruria: whilst not only the Veientians I were scared, fearing the like destruction: but the Falisci also, remembring the warre begon first with them, A Generall Diet [...] albeit they were not assistant in their rebellion. When as therefore these two States had sent their embassadours abroad to the twelve Citties about them, and obtained a Diet or generall parliament of all Hetruria should be assembled at the temple of [...]spand [...] Votumna: the Senat, as if some great troubles were like thereof presently to ensue, thought good that Mamercus At­milius, should be created Dictatour [...]he second time. By whom, A. Posthumius Tubero was na­med Generall of the horsemen. And with so much greater endevour made they preparation of armes than in the last warre afore, by how much more danger there was from all Hetruria ban­ded together, than had been from two nations combined & no more. But this busines was much K more quieter than all men looked for. When as therfore news came by merchants, that the Vei­entians were flatly denied helpe, and bidden to end that warre by their own meanes and forces, which they had begon on their owne heads: nor seeke to imbarke them in the association of their miserie and adversitie, unto whom they had not imparted their mind and hope in their upright state, and when they were in their ruffe: then the Dictatour, to the end he should not seeme to be created in vaine, seeing all matter of acquiring renowne by warre was cut off, desirous yet in time of peace, to doe some notable piece of worke for a monument, setteth in hand to abate and diminish the Censorship: either supposing it to be too high an office, or else offended not so much with the greatnesse of the honour, as with the continuance and length thereof. ‘Having therfore assembled all the people together: The Oration of [...], to the people. For as much as the immortall Gods (quoth he) have L undertaken to governe the common-weale abroad, and performed all safe and sure: I for my part concerning that which is to be done at home within the wals, will take order and provide for the freedome of the people of Rome. The greatest preservation and defence whereof, resteth in this, when offices of great command are not long enduring: but when they be limited by terme of time which may not be restrained or gaged in jurisdiction. As for other magistracies they are from yeare to yeare: but this of the Censors continuing five yeares, is very heavy and grievous. And hard it is for men to live so many years, even a great part of their life, in danger of the same rules still.’ Minded therefore I am, to propose a law, That the Censorship continue no longer than one yeare and six moneths. The office of [...] reduced from the terme of five yeares, [...] one and an halfe. with great applause and consent of the people, the next day after, he both published the law and enacted it. And now that ye may (qd. he) ô Quirites, know M in very deed, how I mislike of these long lasting offices, here presently I render up my Dictator­ship. Thus having given over his owne place, set a limitation to the rule of others, and absolut­ly ended one, with exceeding congratulation and favour of the people he was brought home to his house. The Censors taking it grievously that Mamercus had abridged an office of the peo­ple [Page 155] A of Rome, displaced him from his own tribe, laying on him an eightfold taxe in the subsidie booke, disfranchised and disabled him from giving his voice, and made him no better than a Tri­butarie. Which disgrace (they say) he tooke with a noble stomack, Mamercus Armi­lius distr. [...] and made [...] looking rather to the cause of this shamefull note, than to the ignominie it selfe. Moreover the Lords of the Senat, albeit they were willing enough that the Censorship nailes should be pared and their power taken downe, were offended yet, with this example of the rigour and severitie of those in place: for as much as they all saw plainly, that they should be both longer time and oftner under Censors; than Censors themselves. But so great an indignation of the people (by report) grew hereof, that by the authoritie of no man but of Mamercus himselfe, could they be restrained from offe­ring violence to the very persons of the Censors. And the Tribunes of the Commons, with B their continuall orations and remonstrances, prohibited the Election of Consuls. When as the matter was well neare brought to the point of an interreigne, they obtained at length with much heave and shove, Tribunes Milita­tie in Consuls roome, chosen againe. that there should be militarie Tribunes chosen, with Consular authoritie. But reward of this their victorie whereat they shot, could they get none: namely, that a commoner might be chosen for one. They were all of the Nobilitie that were created, to wit, M. Fabius Vi­bulanus, M. Folius, and L. Sergius Fidenas.

The plague that yeare was the occasion of quietnesse from all other troubles. A temple then was vowed to Apollo for the health of the people. Howbeit, great losse was there both in towne and countrie, by the mortalitie of men & moraine of cattaile, one with another indifferently. And fearing least the husbandmen of the countrie should bee famished, they sent for corne into He­truria C and the countrie of Pomptinum, to Cumes, and at last even into Sicilie. And not a word all this while about the election of Consuls. So there were militarie Tribunes elected, with Con­suls authoritie, all againe of the Patritij, namely, L. Pinarius Mamercus, L. Furius Medullinus, and Sp. Posthumius Albus. That yeare the violence of the sicknesse abated: neither was there any danger or feare of scarsitie of corne, because they had made provision aforehand. Great sitting and consultation there was in the generall Diets of the Volicians and Aequians, and in Hetruria at the foresaid Temple of Volumna about making war. There, the matter was put off for one whole yeare: and by an act or decree it was provided, that no assembly or parliament during that time should be held: notwithstanding the people of the Ve [...]entians complained, but all in vaine, that the same fortune was like to happen unto Veij, which had fallen alreadie upon Fidene, even D the utter subversion of the state. In this meane season, at Rome the chiefe heads of the Com­mons having aspired and gaped now a long time, but still in vaine, after higher place of digni­tie and honor, tooke their vantage whiles all was quiet abroad, and began to have their conven­ticles and meetings in the houses of the Tribunes, and there entertained secret counsels. Some complained that they were much despised of the common people: for wheras in so many yeares, there were Tribunes militarie created with Consuls authoritie, yet never was there' any one of the comminaltie advanced to that dignitie. Our forefathers (say they) in great wisedome and deep forecast, have done well to take order, that none of the Nobilitie at any time should have accesse to any office of the cominaltie: for if that were not, the Commons should have had ere this, some of the Patritij for their Tribunes: so odious are we become to those of our owne cote, and are as E little set by of the Commons as of the Nobles. Others excused the people, and laied the fault upon the Senatours: by whose ambition, by whose craftie fetches and subtill pollicies it came to passe, that the Commons were stopped from the high way to advancement and promotion. But if the Commons might have any respite or breathing time, and not be sollicited and temp­ted by their praiers interlaced with threats: they would remember themselves and those of their owne calling, in giving of their voices: and having once gotten assistance unto them, would also winne the highest pitch and soveraigne type of authoritie. For the abolishing therefore of this ambitious seeking and standing for offices, they agree and resolve, that the Tribunes should pre­ferre and publish a lawe, that no man might weare white more than ordinarie, or refresh the bright hew of his upper garment, while he sued for any dignitie. A small matter now a daies F and may seeme scarcely worth the debating in serious counsell, which notwithstanding at that time, set both Nobles and Commons in a great heate of contention. Yet obtained the Tri­bunes so much, that this law passed: and it appeared, that the Commons when their bloud was once up, would affect their owne, and wholly incline to them in their suffrages. But to the end that they might not have their full scope and put it in practise, an Act of the Senat was, that [Page 156] there should be held an Election of Consuls. The occasion thereof, was a tumult or commoti­on: G which, as the Latines and Hernicks advertised them, arose from the Aequians and Volsci­ans. T. Quintius Cincinnatus, the sonne of Lucius (surnamed also Pennus) and C. Iulius Mento were elected Consuls. Neither was this fearefull newes of warre entertained any longer. For the ene­mies having by a sacred law (which amongst them was of greatest force to levie an armie) muste­red their power, set foorth two mightie armies from both parts, into Algidum, and there met. Where the Aequians and Volscians, severally by themselves encamped strongly, and more ear­nestly studied the captaines to fortifie their campes, and to traine and exercise their souldiours, that at any time afore. Whereupon, the newes was more fearefull that the messengers brought to Rome. So the Senat agreed to create a Dictatour. For, although those nations oftenuines had been vanquished by them, yet now they rebelled in more forcible maner, and with preparation, H than at any time before. Also, by reason of the late sicknesse, the youth and flower of the Romans was sore diminished. But above all, the private discord of the Consuls one with another, and the debate and difference in all their counsels, terrified them most. There bee that write, how these Consuls had but unluckie fortune, and lost a field in Algidum: and that it should be the cause of making a Dictatour. ‘But this one thing is certaine, that howsoever els the Consuls disagreed, yet they jumped in one to crosse the wils of the Senatours, in that they would not nominate a Dic­tatour, untill such time as, after newes brought, still worse and worse, and yet the Consuls would not bee ruled by the Senatours: one Quintus Servilius Priscuss, a man, who right wor­thily and honourable had borne the highest offices, The speech of Q. Servilius Pris­cus. made this speech: My Maisters, yee that are Tribunes of the Commons (quoth hee) in this exigent and desperate case, the Senate I calleth for your assistance, that in so great hazard of the Commonweale, yee by vertue of your authoritie, would force the Consuls peremptorily to make a Dictator.’ Which speech being once heard, the Tribunes supposing now they had good occasion offered, to stretch and extend their power to the full, departed aside: and in the name of their Colledge or societie, pronoun­ced, That it was their pleasure and will, that the Consuls should be obedient unto the Senat: and in case they proceeded to doe farther, than the consent of that most honourable house would beare them out, they would command them to ward. The Consuls chose rather to bee overruled of them than of the Senat: saying yet withall, that the prerogative of the highest governement was by the Senatours betraied, and the Consulship made thrall and subject to the Tribunes po­wer, if so be the Consuls might be compelled to doe ought by vigour of the Tribunes authori­tie, K and (than which, a private person could feare no more) bee sent also toward, or committed to prison. The lot fell to T. Quintius (for in this also they could not agree betweene themselves) to nominate the Dictator: who named A. Posthumius Tubertus, his wives father, a grim sir, and a man of most severe and sterne government. By whom was L. Iulius nominated for Generall of the Cavallerie. Herewithall was proclaimed a vacation or lawsteed, and that throughout the whole citie they should goe in hand with nothing but warre. The taking knowledge of such, as pretended to bee freed and exempt from souldierie, was put off untill the war was ended. So that they that were before doubtfull, suffered themselves to be enrolled: and souldiors were levied out from the Hernikes & Latines, who from both places obeied the Dictator to their uttermost. All these things were dispatched with exceeding expedition. Then the Dictator having left C. Iulius L the Consull, for the defence of the citie, and L. Iulius the Generall of the horsemen for all sud­daine occasions incident unto warres, that they might not be to seek for any thing, whereof they had need in the campe, tooke with him Aulus Cornelius the High priest, and saying after him certaine praiers, word or word, he vowed great and stately plaies, in regard of this tumultuous and troublesome warre: and thus departing from the cittie, and deviding his wholearmie be­tween himselfe and Quintius the Cos. at length he approched the enemies. And like as they had discovered the two campes of their enemies, a little space distant one from another, so they also, about a mile from the enemie, intrenched themselves: the Dictator neere to Tusculum, and the Consull to Lanuvium. So these foure armies, and as many fortified campes, had a spacious and large plaine in the middle, sufficient not onely for small excursions to skirmish in, but also to dis­play M their armies of both sides. And all the time that they lay encamped one against another, they ceased not to make light skirmishes: for the Dictator was well content, that his men by ma­king proofe, and comparing their strength and puissance with their enemies, and assaying by little and little to trie the event of these bickerments, should conceive aforehand some hope of [Page 157] A the entire and generall victorie.

The enemies therefore having no hope left, to speed well in a set field and pight battell, assai­led by night the Consuls campe, and put all to the hazard of a doubtfull issue. The suddaine crie and al'arme, awakened not only the Consuls Sentinels, his corps de gard, and so his whole armie, but the Dictator also, out of their sleepe. And where need was of present helpe, there failed not the Consull, either in courage or counsell. Some souldiors ward & defend the gates, others com­passe the trench, ranged in a round array. In the other campe of the Dictator, looke how much lesse stirre there was, so much more leasure had they, and studied what was most needfull to bee done. Forthwith aid was sent unto the Consull his campe, under the leading of Sp. Posthumius Albus, a lieutenant. The Dictator himselfe in person, with part of his power, fetching a small B compasse about, gained a place most apart from all noise and tumult, and from whence at una­wares he might charge upon the backe of the enemies. And leaveth as Vicegerent in the leaguer Q. Sulpitius: and to M. Fabius a Lieutenant, he committeth the conduct of the horsemen, com­manding him not before day to stirre with his horse, as being unrulie and hard to bee managed in tumults and troubles of the night. And all things els, that a provident and industrious captain in such a case might command and doe, that commanded hee, and did orderly. But for one thing above the rest, he shewed singular proofe of policie and courage, and worthie no meane praise: in that hee sent out first M. Geganius with certain chosen squadrons to assaile that campe of the enemies, from whence hee knew by his espials there was departed a greater part of the forces. Who after that hee surprised the enemies there, amused wholly upon the event of other C mens danger, carelesse and secure for their own selves, and therefore neglecting their skouts and guards, wan their hold, in manner before the enemies knew well it was assailed. From whence the Dictator having descried a smoke (which was the signall agreed between them) crieth alowd, that the enemies campe was woon, and commaundeth newes thereof to be carried everie way. Now it waxed broad day light, and all was clearely to bee seene: by which time both Fabius with the horsemen, had given the charge, and the Consull also had made a sallie out of the campe, upon the enemies that now alreadie were feared. But the Dictator on the other side, charging upon the rereward and the middle battaile, came on everie side with his footmen, and horsemen in traine of victorie against the enemies: who were forced to turne round and fight everie way, ac­cording to the dissonant outcries, and suddaine alarmes. Thus being environned round about, D they had in the middest died for it everie one, and suffered punishment due for their rebellion, had not Vectius Messius, The speech of Vectius Messius to his fellow fol­diours. one of the Volscians, a man more renowmed for his valiant acts, than noble by his parentage, rebuked with a lowd voice his fellowes, being readie now to cast them­selves into rings, & said: What? will ye here without making your defence, without revenge, offer yourselves to be devoured of the enemies sword? ‘What do you with our armor and weapons? Why began yee warre first? Are you troublesome & unrulie in peace, & cowards in war? What hope have yee in standing still? Doe you looke for some god from heaven to protect and deliver you? You must make way by dint of sword. Go to then, and sticke to it like men, and that way whereas yee shall seeme goe afore, follow yee after, as many of you as mind to see againe your home, your parents, your wives and children. It is neither wall, nor rampier and trench, but armed E men that must withstand armed men. In valour yee are their matches, but in respect of necessitie, (which is the last and strongest engine of all other) ye are the better. When he had these words spoken, and done accordingly, with a fresh shout they followed after, and made head to that quarter whereas Posthumius Albius had placed against them his cohorts: and compelled the vi­ctors to lose ground, The valour of Vectius Methes, a Volscian. untill such time as the Dictator came to succour his men, thus distressed and now readie to recule: and so hee bent thither all the force of the whole battaile.’ In one only man, Messius, rested all the hope and fortune of the enemies. Many a man was there hurt on both parts, and many a one slain outright, and left dead in the place. So as now the verie Roman Commaunders, fought not without bloudshead. Onely Posthumius being smitten with a stone, which had broken and brused his head, went out of the medley: for neither the Dictator, woun­ F ded as he was in the shoulder, nor yet Fabius, albeit his thigh was almost nailed to his horse, nor the Consull, for all his arme was quite cut off, once retired or departed out of that daungerous combat. But Messius amids the enemies that there lay dead on the earth, with a guard about him of most hardie & tall men, passed through in forcible maner, and escaped clear to the Volscians leaguer, which as yet was not lost: and so the whole battaile enclined thither. The Consull, after [Page 158] he had chased them, scattered in plumpes here and there, even as farre as to the trench, assaileth G the very campe and the rampier. Thither also bringeth the Dictatour his power on another side. Neither was the assault lesse hote there, than the fight was sharpe afore. It is said moreover, that the Consull threw an ensign within the rampier, to animate the souldiors, that they might more eagerly get up after it: and so by recovering the banner againe, was the first breach and entrance made. Thus the Dictator having broken through the mure, came to close fight and handstrokes even within the campe. Then began the enemies every where to fling from them their weapons, and to yeeld themselves prisoners. So being themselves and their pavillions taken, they were all sold, but those of Senators calling. Part of the pillage was restored to the Latines and Herniks, namely, to as many as knew their own goods: part therof the Dictator sold in portsale. And lea­ving to the Consull the charge of the campe, rode himselfe triumphing into the cittie, and gave H over his office. Of which his noble and famous Dictatorship, they blemish the memoriall, who write, that A. Posthumius (the Dictator his sonne, for that upon advantage offered of a fortunate service, he departed without leave from his quarter and guard) was after his victorie archieved, by his fathers commaundement beheaded. But I list not to beleeve it. And lawfull it is for me so to doe, among so diverse opinions: and a good proofe it is on my side, that such imperious and ri­gorous proceedings were called Imperia Manliana, [...] & not Posthumiana. For like it is, that he who had given the first example of such crueltie, should have gotten afore all others, that noted title of crueltie. Besides, Manlius it was, that was surnamed Imperious. But Posthumius is not marked with any odious note at all.

C. Iulius Consull, in the absence of his Colleague, without any casting of lots, dedicated the I temple of Apollo Quintius having discharged his armie, when hee was returned into the cittie, tooke not that well. But it was no boot to complaine in the Senate house. Moreover in this nota­ble yeare, so full of brave and worthie acts, there is recorded one thing, that was thought in those daies nothing pertinent to the state of Rome, namely, that the Carthaginians (so great & mor­tall enemies in time to come) passed the seas then first: and (upon the occasion of civile diffenti­on and discord among the Sicilians) with a power landed in Sicilie, for to take part with a side and faction. In the cittie of Rome the Tribunes of the Commons laboured, that Militarie Tribunes might be with Consuls authoritie chosen: but it could not be obtained. Consuls were made, Lu. Papyrius Crassus, and L. Iulius. The Aequians Embassadours suing to the Senate for a league, and for that league, pretending estsoones to yeeld themselves, and bee in subjection; obtained a truce K onely for eight yeares. The Volscians after their overthrow in Algidum, fell to continuall debate and contention, whiles some persuaded peace, and others war: so long, untill at length they grew to brawles and mutinies. So on everie side the Romanes were at rest. The Consuls understanding that the Tribunes of the Commons were complotted (for one false brother among them be­wraied and detected all) to put up a bill, [...] and make a law, concerning the estimation of fines and penalties (a thing right pleasing and acceptable to the people) they themselves prevented them, and preferred it. Then were Consuls, L. Sergius Fidenas, the second time, and Iostius Lucretius Tricipitinus. In whose yeare nothing was there done worthie of rehearsall. After them succe­ded Consuls, A. Cornelius Cossus, and Titus Quintius Pennus the second time. The Veientians made rodes into the lands of the Romanes. And a rumour went, that some of the Fidenatian L youths were accessarie unto them, and had their hands therein. For which were appointed as Commissioners to make inquisition, L. Sergius, Quintus Servilius, and Mamercus Aemylius. Some of them were confined to Hostia, for that they could make no sound excuse, and justifie their ab­sence for certaine daies out of Fidene. So the number of the inhabitants there, was encreased; and their lands, who were slaine in the warres, assigned unto them.

In that yeare hapned an exceeding great drouth. For not onely there wanted raine water from above, A great drought about Rome, and much mortalius [...]. but also the very earth lacking her naturall moisture, scarcely sufficed to maintaine the running streame in maine rivers. The scarcitie of water besides about springs that were dried up, and the small rils and brookes caused a great death and mortalitie of cattaile for default of drinke: whereof some died of the scab: by contagion where of the people also were diseased ge­nerally. M The maladie first began among the rusticall sort, the bond-slaves and hines: and after­wards spred into every corner of the cittie. Neither were men onely tract and diseased with this infection: Rome [...] but their mindes also were troubled and possessed with sundrie sorts of superstitious re­ligions, and those for the most part strange and forraine: whiles upon vaine and foolish prophe­sies, [Page 159] A they brought new rites and ceremonies of sacrificing into mens houses; and made good gaine of such as were given to superstitious devotion, and made conscience of every little thing: untill such time as now it grew to a publike offence, and the chiefe of the cittie were ashamed to see in every streete and chappell, strange and unaccustomed purgatorie sacrifices and expiati­ons, for to procure the favour & mercie of the Gods. Wherupon the Aediles had in charge and commission, to looke streightly to this disorder: and that no other gods were worshipped, than those of the Romanes: nor after any other manner than had been usuall in their native countrie. So their anger against the Veientians and desire of revenge, was put off unto the next yeare fol­lowing, when C. Servilius Hala, and L. Papyrius Mugilanus were Consuls. And even then, they made some scruple to proclaime warre immediatly, or to make out any power against them: but B they thought good to send their Heraulds afore, to make claime for their owne and challenge restitution. For whereas of late yeares there had beene a field fought with the Veientians be­fore Nomentum and Fidene: wherupon there followed no peace but onely a truce concluded: both the time was now expired, and also before the daie they had rebelled. Yet were there He­raulds sent unto them. And when they had demaunded a mends by a solemne oath and other ceremonies according to the auncient manner, they might have no audience, neither were their words regarded. After this, there arose some question, whether the warre should be proclaimed with the peoples allowance and suffrages, or the Senates decree were alone sufficient. The Tri­bunes by giving out and threatning that they would stop the musters, obtained in the end, that Quintius the Consull should propound this matter concerning the warre unto the people. And C it passed cleare through all the Centuries. Herein also had the comminaltie the better of it, for that they prevailed that there should be no Consuls chosen the yeare following. Foure militarie Tribunes in Con­suls authoritie. So there were foure Tribunes militarie created with Consuls authoritie, T. Quintius Pennus immediatly from his Consulship. C. Furius, M. Posthumius, and Cornelius Cossus: of which Cossus had the charge and government of the cittie. The other three after they had mustered, tooke a journy to Veij; and made good proofe how hurtfull in warre is the rule of many Commanders. For whiles eve­ry man was inclined to his owne counsaile and advice, and tooke divers courses one from ano­ther, they made way for the enemies and gave them advantage. For the Veientians taking their opportunitie and time, entred upon the armie thus distracted, whiles some commaunded to found the retrait, others the al'arme and to strike up the battaile. Whereupon they were dis­ordered D and put to flight. But for as much as the campe was neare at hand, thither they retired themselves in safetie: so, as the shame they gat was more than the harme in this diffeature. The cittie was pensive and hereupon sorrowed, as not used to take foiles and overthrowes. The Tri­bunes they hated, and required a Dictatour: in whom rested ever the whole hope and stay of the cittie. And when as even in that behalfe, they made a matter of conscience, because there might not be any Dictatour nominated, but by a Consull, the Augurs were consulted withall: who re­solved them of that doubt and rid them of their scruple. So A. Cornelius (a consular Tribune) nominated Mamercus Aemilius Dictatour: by whom he was himselfe also pronounced Graund Master of the horsemen. At such default was the cittie then, of right valour and true vertue, that notwithstanding the prejudice by the Censors, yet there was no remedie, but the whole govern­ment E of the state should rest upon that family, which had been wrongfully disgraced and unwor­thely noted by the Censors.

The Veientians proud of their late good successe, albeit they sent their Embassadours about all the nations of Hetruria, boasting and vaunting that in one battaile they had discomfited three Romane Generals: yet could not they with all their solliciting, persuade any to be seene to take part with them in publike action: but they procured divers from all parts for hope of spolle, voluntarily to aid and assist them. The people of Fidene onely agreed to rebell. And as though it had been in no wise lawfull, to begin any warre but with some wicked, heinous and execrable fact: like as asore they had embrude their hands, & bathed their swords in the bloud of Embassa­dors, so then, they began with murdering their new received Coloners: & so banded themselves F with the Veientians. Then consulted the Princes and States of those two nations, whether they should make Veij or Fidene the seat towne of the warre. Fidene was supposed the fitter and more commodious. So the Veientians passed overthe Tyber, and translated the warre to Fidene. Great feare was there at Rome, to see the armie of their enemies removed from Veij, & emplan­ted at Fidene. And being shrewdly danted by their late overthrow besides, encamped even be­fore [Page 160] the gate Collina. On the wals were armed souldiors placed, vacation in all courts of lawe G was ordeined, shop windowes, thutte up; and all more like a leager than a cittie. Then sent the Dictatour the criers about into all streets and carrifours, to summon the cittizens thus ter­rified, to a generall assemb'y. [...] ‘Where he rebuked them for carrying such wavering and doubt­full hearts upon so small accidents and events of fortune, having received but a flight losse and finall foile: and that, not through the manhood of the enemie, or cowardise of the Romane ar­mie; but onely through the disagreement and difference of the leaders. Also for that they were affraid of the Veientian enemie, whom five or sixe times afore they had put to the worst and van­quished: and especially of Fidene, which had been oftner in a manner won; than asiaulted: As for the Romanes and their enemies (faith he) they are even the same still that alwaies for so many hundred years; they had been: bearing the same minds, the same bodily strength, and the same H armour: and even my selfe am the same Mamercus Aemilius, and no other, who heretofore discomfited at Nomentum, the Veientians and Fidenatians, with the Faliscians power also adjoi­ned unto them. And as for A. Cornelius, he will no doubt be the same Generall of horsemen in this battaile, as in the former warre he was: at what time he being a Knight Marshall, flew Lars Tolumnius the King of the Veientians, in the fight of two armies: and brought into the Temple of Iupiter Feretrius, the rich armour of him despoiled. Wherfore ye ought to remember this, that we have on our side triumphs, spoiles and victorie: whereas with the enemies remaineth the wicked and detestable fact of killing the Embassadours, against the law of all nations: also the massaker of the Fidenatian inhabitants, in time of peace: the breaking of truce, and their revol­ting now seaven times, to their ruine and overthrow. Take weapon therfore in hand like men: for I I trust assuredly, that so soone as we shall joine our campes together, and encounter these most wicked enemies, they shall have no long joie of the late shamefull discomfiture of the Romane armie. And the people of Rome shall understand, how much better they have deserved of the Common-weale, who made me Dictatour now the third time, than those, who for clipping the Censors wings and abridging them of their kingly rule, had disteined and disgraced my second Dictatourship with the shamefull blot of ignominie and reproch.’ After this speech, when he had made his vowes accordingly: he encamped a mile and an halfe on this side Fidene, flanked on the right hand with the hils, and on the left with the river Tyber. And commanded T. Quin­tius Pennus his lieutenant, to gaine the hils afore, and be possessed secretly of that cape or hill, which was on the backe part of the enemies. ‘Himselfe the next morrow, when as the Tuscanes, J (full of pride and stomack for the prosperous successe of former daies, which was much better than their service in fight) came forth into the field: after he had staied a while, untill the scoutes and espials brought word, that Quintius was gotten safely unto the hil top neare adjoyning to the castle or sort of the Fidenatians, he advanceth forth his standerds: and with his footmen ranged in battaile array, marched against his enemies with full pace: commaunding his Generall of the horsemen not to charge without his warrant: for that he himselfe as need should; equite, would give the signall for the aide of his cavallerie to come in, willing him then, to quit himselfe like a brave Knight in remembrance of his glorious combat with a King: of his rich present and ob­lation: and of Romulus and Iupiter Feretrius.’ Thus the legions assaile one another and encoun­ter right hardily. The Romanes kindled and enflamed with rancour and malice, termed the Fi­denatians, L wicked and godlesse wretches: the Veientians, robbers and theeves; trucebreakers both, polluted with the abominable murder of Embassadours: steined with the execrable massa­ker of their cohabitants: faithlesse and treacherous allies, cowardly and dastardly enemies: thus both in word and deed they satisfied their hatred to the full. And at the very first shock forced their enemies to shrinke. At which instant all at once, there issued out of the open gates of Fide­ne a strange armie, not heard of nor usuall, before that day. A mightie number armed with fire­works, and shining all over with burning lights, after a fanaticall and mad manner, ran as if they were carried with spirits, upon their enemies: and with the uncouth fight of this kind of fight, a­mased the Romans a pretie while. Then the Dictator busie in fight, having sent both for the Ge­nerall of the cavallerie with his troupes of horsmen, and also for Quintius from the mountaines, M hastened himselfe to the left point: which being terrified with a scarefire more like than a battail, had given place unto the flame, & stepped backe. Where with a loud voice he thus spake: What? wil ye be overcome with smoak like a swarm of bees, [...] & leese your ground, & recule from your na­ked & unarmed enemies? wil ye not put out this fire with redoubled stroke of brandishing swords? ‘ [Page 161] A And will yee not every man for his part, if we must needs fight with fire, and not with weapons, pull from them their torches and firebrands, and fling them againe at their owne heads? Go to, I say, like hardie men, mindfull of the renowne of Romanes, remembring the prowesse of your fathers, and your owneselves. Turne this fire upon your enemies cittie, and consume Fidene into ashes with her own flames: this disloiall Fidene, which by no favors and good turns of yours, yee were ever able to win & pacifie. The bloud of your Embassadors, the bloud of your Coloners thi­ther sent to people their cittie, your frontiers and borders by them wasted, put you in mind of no meaner revenge. At the Dictatours commaundement, the whole battaillon was moved and en­couraged.’ Some latch the firebrands as they flew, others by force snatch them from them, so that now both battailes were armed with fire. The Generall of horsemen for his part, renueth B the horse-service: commaunding them to plucke the bitts out of their horses mouths, and was the first himselfe, that setting spurres to, rode with bridle in horsenecke, into the middest of the fire: and the other horses also being pricked forward, and eased of their bridles, caried the riders with full cariere against the enemie. The dust rising together with the smoke, took the light from mens eies, and horses both. And that fight which had terrified the souldiours; nothing at all af­frighted the horses. Wheresoever therfore the men of armes rode, they bare down all afore them as if some houses had come tumbling upon their heads. Herewith happened a new al'arme to be heard, which having caused both armies to wonder and listen thereunto, the Dictator crieth out aloud, That Quintius the Lieutenant and his regiment, came upon the back of the enemies: and himselfe reenforcing the shout, advanceth his ensignes forward more freshly. When as now C two armies, and two divers battailes, preased sore upon the Tuscanes, and environned them both before and behind: and that the enemies could neither flie backe to their campe, nor yet retire or withdraw themselves unto the mountaines, from whence a fresh supplie of enemies, made head, and affronted them: and that the horses being unbrideled, carried the riders every way, hi­ther and thither: the most part of the Veientians ran scattering in disorder, and highing them apace, toward the Tyber: & the Fidenatians that remained, to the citie Fidene. But in that tearfull flight they ran upon their owne death. Some were killed on the banckes of the river, others were driven into the water, and the stream and whirlepits carried them away. And even they that were cunning swimmers, what with wearinesse, and what with faintnesse of their wounds & with fright, suncke and were drowned: so that few of many swam over in safetie. The other armie fled through D their campe into the cittie. The same way also the Romanes followed forciblie after: and Quin­tius especially, together with them who crewhile came downe from the mountaines, and were the freshest souldiors for fight (as who came last into the battell) & so afterwards entred pell mell among their enemies into the gate, climed upon the wals, and from the wals set up a banner to their fellowes, in token that they had woon the towne. Which as soone as the Dictatour espied, (for now by this time had hee made an entrance into the forlorne, and abandoned campe of his enemies) he brought the souldiours, upon desire to run to a spoile, and hoping of a greater sac­cage in the citie, streight unto the gate. And being gotten within the wals, marcheth directly for­ward to the castle, whereinto he beheld the multitude to flie for refuge and safetie. The executi­on in the cittie was no lesse than in the field: which continued untill they threw away their wea­pons, E and craving nothing but life, yeelded themselves to the Dictator. So both citie and campe was spoiled and sacked. The morrow after, the Dictator disposed of his prisoners thus, He drew them by lot, and gave to every horseman and Centurion one, and to as many as had done more valiantly than other, two apeece: the rest he sold in portsale. And so with triumph brought home to Rome his victorious armie, enriched with a great bootie: and having commaunded the Ge­nerall of the horsemen to resigne up his office, himselfe also surrendreth his owne, upon the six­teenth day after his creation, yeelding up his government in peace, which in time of war, and in a fearefull state he had received.

There be some that have recorded in their Chronicles, that there was a battaile fought with the Veientians at Fidene by ships upon the water. A thing verily, no lesse impossible than incre­dible. F Considering that even at this day, the river is not broad ynough for such a purpose: and at that time, (as by auncient men we have learned) it was farre narrower than now it is. Vnlesse hap­ly in crossing over the river some vessels or bottomes, that were put out to meet and to receive them, were staied. And so, men making the matter greater (as usually it commeth to passe) have desired a vaine title of a navall victorie at sea. The yeare following, there were militarie Tribunes, [Page 162] with Consuls authoritie, A. Sempronius Atratinus, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Furius Me­dullinus, G and L. Horatius Barbatus. Then was there a truce graunted unto the Veientians for twentie yeares, and to the Aequians for three yeares, whereas they had made suit for more. Rest there was also from all feditions and broiles in the cittie. The yeare following, having neither warre abroad, nor yet fedition at home, was famous yet for the plaies which in time of warre had been vowed: both in regard of the great preparations that the Militarie. Tri­bunes made, as also for the frequent resort and concourse of the Nations adjoining. The Tri­bunes with Consuls authoritie, were Cl. Crassus, Sp. Nautius Rutilius, T. Sergius Fidenas, and Sextus Iulius Tullus. The fight of these games and pastimes, whereunto those strangers were come by publick consent of their States, was unto them more acceptable, in regard of the cour­tesie of those friends that gave them intertainement. The Tribunes Orations to the Commons. ‘After these plaies, there ensued seditious H Orations of the Tribunes of the Commons, who rebuked the common multitude, for that they being besotted with admiration of those whom they had so hated, kept themselves in perpetuall thraldome. And not onely durst not attempt to put forth themselves for to bring in againe the possibilitie to have Consuls of their part, as in times past: no nor so much as in the creation of Militarie Tribunes (the Election of whom was indifferent as well for Commons as Nobles) were mindfull or thought either upon themselves or their friends, and those of their owne bodie. And therfore they should surcease to marveile, why no man pleaded for the benefit of the com­minaltie. For, travaile is well bestowed, and danger well adventured, where profit & honor might be hoped and looked for. And nothing is so difficult but men would employ themselves to en­terprise the same, if for the adventuring of great exploits, there might be proposed as great I rewards. But, that any Tribune of the Commons should run desperatly and blindly into a world of brangles and troubles, with great hazard of his person, and no hope at all of fruit and profit in the ende: for which contention, he might be sure that the Nobles against whom he strived, would persecute him with deadly and irreconcilable malice: and at the Commons hands, for whom he thus contended, he should be honored and advaunced never the more, it was a thing neither to be expected, nor required. The onely méanes to get courage and magnanimitie, is advancement to high place of honor and dignitie. And as for them, they would not disdaine the meanest commoner that was, if they themselves might be no more despised. To conclude, the matter were worth the triall in one or two, whither any commoner were sufficient to beare a great office of state; or whether it were a wondrous thing and strange miracle, that a valiant and K hardie man should arise out of the comminaltie. With much a doe (say they) we got and ob­tained, that Tribunes militarie with Consuls authoritie might likewise be chosen out of the com­minaltie: and men approved both in warre abroad and in affaires of State at home, had sued therefore. In the first yeares they being nipped by you, and so having the repulse, were had in de­rision of the Nobilitie: so that at length they forbare to give themselves thus contumeliously to be misused and made fooles. Wee see no cause therefore, why that law also should not bee repealed, wherein a dignitie was graunted, and never like to bee obtained. For lesse shame would there arise, if the law were not indifferent nor respective unto them, than as unmeet per­sons and unworthie, thus shamefully to be passed by and take the repulse.’ These & such like spee­ches were heard with so good an eare and generall applause, that some of them were incited for­ward L to sue for the Militarie Tribuneship: whiles every one promised in the time of his office to doe great matters and to propose, some one thing some another, for and concerning the benefit of the Commons. Pretending great hopes of deviding the common lands, and planting of colonies abroad, and laying tributes and impositions upon landed persons, for to paie souldi­ors wages. But the Tribunes militarie then in place, devised to spie out a time, when upon some occasion of the absence of much people departed out of the cittie, the Senators by a privie and secret warning, should at a certaine day be called home: and then, whiles the Tribunes of the Commons were away, an Act of Senate should passe in this forme: That for as much as it was noised that the Volscians were entred into the lands of the Hernicks to forray and rob, the mili­tarie Tribunes should go to see whether it were so or no, and that in the mean while there should M be held a generall assembly for the Election of Consuls. The Tribunes militarie tooke their journey accordingly, and left Appius Claudius the Decemvirs sonne, governour of the cittie, a stour young gentleman and a forward, who from his very cradle bare an inward grudge and ha­tred against the Tribunes and the Commons. And bootlesse it was either for the Tribunes of [Page 163] A the Commons to find themselves grieved with those, who made the decree, now that they were absent, nor yet had they cause to quarrell with Appius Claudius, because the thing had been con­trived and past afore his time. So, Consuls were created, C. Sempronius Atratinus, and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus.

A forreine matter, but yet worthie to be remembred and here inserted, is reported to have happened that yeare: to wit, that Vulturnum a cittie of the Tuscanes, which now is Capua, was by the Samnites taken: and that it came to bee named Capua of one Capis their captaine, or (which soundeth more like a truth) of the champian field. But they wan it by this meanes. For upon occasion that the Tuscanes were wearied with former warres, they were admitted into the societie of their cittie and territorie. And on a solemne feastivall day, when as the cittizens had B filled their bellies, and were sound asleep, these new Coloners the Samnits, set upon the old inha­bitants, and in the night season slew them all.

But now to returne. Things passing thus (as I said before) the Consuls abovenamed upon the 13 of DecemberIdes of December, entred their government. By which time not only they which were of pur­pose sent to learne the newes of the Volscians, brought word that warre was at hand, but Embas­sadours also from the Latines and Hernickes, gave intelligence of the same. And namely, that never at any time afore, the Volscians were more busie and occupied, either in chusing of good captaines, or in levying an armie, giving out these speeches abroad and in every place, That the time was now come, either to forget warfare, and lay away souldierie, and for ever make account to beare the yoke of thraldome; or els not to give one foot, nor come behind those with whom C they strove for soveraigntie, either in manhood or in painefull travell, or in discipline of warfare. And surely they were no vaine tidings that those messengers reported. But the Senatours would take no such knowledge, nor be greatly moved at the matter. And withall, C. Sempronius, unto whom the charge of that war was allotted, presuming upon fortune, as if she were alwaies right constant and at commaund, and leading an armie of a people used to victorie, against those that were wont to be overcome, did all things rashly and negligently. So as to speake a truth, there was more Romane discipline in the Volscian host, than in the Romane. And so, fortune (as often­times els) went with vertue. At the first encounter, which by Sempronius was unheedfully and unad­visedly begun, before that either the battaillons were reinforced & strengthened with fresh sup­plies of succour, or the horsemen raunged in convenient place, they ran together, and came to D handstrokes. And the first token which way the victorie would encline, was the manner of shout at the first charge; which by the enemie was more lowd, more shrill and continuall: but by the Romanes dissonant, unequall, dead and cold, often begun, and often renued: and by their uncer­taine and variable noise, they bewraied the inward feare of their hearts. Whereupon the enemies so much the more eagerly charged them, pressing upon them with their shields, and laying at them thicke with their bright swords: on the other side, the Romanes helmets wag, and their crests nod everie way as they looke about them: and as they were to seeke what to doe, so they tremble and run together on heapes: one while the ensignes stand still, and were abandoned of the formost fighting in the vaward, another while they retired in againe amongst their own squa­drons. Yet was not the flight certaine, nor yet the victorie. The Romanes sought more to co­ver E and shrowd themselves than to fight: to ward blowes rather than to strike. The Volscians set forward their ensignes, preased upon the maine battail, and saw more enemies under foot slaine than running away. And now in all places the Romanes reculed, notwithstanding Sempronius the Consull both rebuked and al so exhorted them to sticke to it: for neither his commande­ment nor the authoritie and majestie of his countenance availed ought. And immediately had they all turned their backes on their enemies, The valo [...] of Sex Tampani [...]. if Sex. Tempanius, a Decurion of horsemen, had not in this desperat case, with a resolute courage and readie advise, helped at a pinch. Who cried with a loud voice, that those horsemen which would the safetie of the common-wealth; should dismount off their horses. ‘And when the Cornets of horsemen bestirred themselves at his words, no lesse than if the Consull had given commaundement, Vnlesse (faith hee) this F troupe of men of armes, staie the violence of the enemies, wee see the last of the Romane Em­pire. Follow therefore in stead of banner displaied, the point of my launce: let both Ro­manes and Volscians see, that no nation is comparable to you, either for foote or horse. Whose encouragement being approoved and received with a shout, hee advaunceth forward, bearing his staffe aloft: and what way soever they goe, they enter and make roome with for­cible [Page 164] sway: and where they see their fellowes in greatest distresse, thither they make speed, op­posing G their targuets afore them.’ And thus in every place whereas they thrust themselves forci­bly, was the fight renued: and doubtlesse the enemies had turned their backs, if possible it had been, for so few to have performed everything at once. Now when as the Generall of the Vol­scians, saw his men not able to withstand them, he gave a signall and charge to give way to this new band of enemies, to wit, these Targattiers: untill such time as they had put themselves so for­ward, that they might be excluded from their fellows. Which being done, these horsemen were enclosed on every side: neither could they break through that way which they went, because the enemies were there thickest, where they had made their lane before. The Cos. then, with the legi­ons of the Romans, having lost the fight of those that had ben a shield of defence and bulwarke erewhile to the whole armie, least that so many hardie men thus invironed, should be overpressed H by the enemies; resolved to adventure any perill or hazard whatsoever. The Volscians were like­wise divertly occupied & troubled. For on the one side they bare off the Cos. and legions: on the other side they affronted Tempanius sore, & the horsemen: who seeing that after many assaies and offers they could not breake forth to their fellows, gat up unto a certaine little hill, and cast them­selves into a ring and stood to their defence, not without doing some mischiefe to their enemies: neither gave they over fighting untill night. The Consull also maintained the battell so long as he could see, and kept the enemie play. So the night parted them a sunder, and uncertaine it was who had the upper hand. And for that the event was unknown, who sped the better, so great a terrour came upon both parts in their campes, that leaving the wounded and a great part of their cariages behinde, both armies as taking themselves loosers, recovered the mountaines I that were next unto them. How beit the hill or banke aforesaid, continued still beset round about, untill midnight. But when word was brought thither to the Assailants, how that their campe was abandoned: they thinking their fellowes vanquished, were also for their part affrighted, & made shift and fled in the darke as well as they could. Tempanius, fearing an ambushment, kept his men there together untill day light. Then went he downe with a few to discover the coasts: and finding by enquirie made of the wounded enemies, that the tents of the Volscians were left and forsaken: he was full glad thereat, and called downe his souldiors from the mount, and entreth into the Romane campe. Where seeing all void and forlorne, and finding the same desolation which was amongst the enemies: before that the Volscians upon knowledge of their errour should returne again, he tooke with him those hurt souldiors that he could: and not knowing to K what quarters the Consull was gone, marcheth forward the next way to the cittie of Rome. And thither alreadie the bruit of this unluckie fight, and of abandoning the tents, was arrived. But above all the rest, those horsmen were bewailed, & great mone & lamentation was made for them as well in privat as in publike. The Cos. Fabius, seeing the citie also terrified with this news, kept ward before the gates: by which time, they might discover the horsemen aforesaid a far off: but not without some feare of their parts, doubting who they were. But being soone knowne, they caused so great contentment after former fear, that in most joyful maner, the noise went through the cittie, how the horsemen were returned safe with victorie. And out of those mourning and sorrowfull houses, which a while afore had bid adieu to their friends and kinsfolke, and bewailed their death, they ran into the streetes and high waies by heapes. The fearefull dames also & wives, L forgetting, for joie, all decent and womanly modestie, went out to meete the armie, fell every one with open armes upon their owne husbands and sonnes, tooke them about the necke, clip­ped and kissed them, and with all their hand and heart received them, yea and for exceeding joy were almost past themselves.

The Tribunes of the Commons, who had challenged & accused M. Posthumius and T. Quin­tius, for that by their default, there was an unluckie fight before Veij: seemed to have good oc­casion and opportunitie offered now, by bringing the Consull Sempronius into fresh and new hatred and disgrace, for to renue the conceived displeasure and malice of the people against them. Having assembled therefore the people together, with open mouth they decla­red, that the Common-wealth was betraied first, at Veij by the leaders, and afterwards, be­cause M they went cleare away withall, and unpunished, therefore the armie in Volsci was likewise lost by the Consull: [...] and that a troupe of most valiant knights were thus cast away and given to be murdered, and the campe shamefully left and forsaken. ‘Then C. Iulius, one of the Tribunes, com­manded Tempanius the horseman to be called, and before them all said, I would know of thee [Page 165] A ó Sixtus Tempanius, whether thou thinke that C. Sempronius the Consull, either began battaile in good time, or strengthned his battaillons with good succours and supplies? or whether thou thy selfe, when as the Romane legions and footmen were discomfired, of thine owne head and pollicie, causedst the horsemen to alight on foote, and therby reenforced the fight? Afterwards, when thou and thy men of armes were shut out from our battaile, whether either the Consull himselfe came to rescue, or sent any succour unto thee? Last of all, whether the morrowe af­ter, thoir haddest any aid or rescue at all? Whether thou and thy troupe of horsemen brake through into the campe by your own hardinesse and valor? And whether ye found in the campe any Consull or armie, or rather the pavilions abandoned, and the souldiours left behind, hurt and wounded? To these premisses and pointes, hast thou to speake this day upon thy ver­tue, B and the faith of a souldior: by which onely, in this warre-service the Commonweale hath stood preserved. Finally, where C. Sempronius, and where our legions be? Whither thou were for­saken thy selfe, or whether thou forsookest the Consull and the armie? And to conclude, whether we have lost or woon the field? To these demands, Tempanius made (as they say) no fine Oration, but a grave pithie speech like a souldiour: not full of selfe-praises; nor shewing any gladnesse for the fault of another, The modest an­swere of Tempa­nius, to the for­mer Interroga­tories. and answered in this wife: How great skill (quoth he) of martiall feats, and what sufficiencie is in C. Sempronius, it is not for me a souldiour to judge, nor yet to make any esti­mate of my Generall: but it was for the people of Rome to determine thereof, at what time as by their suffrages and voices, in a solemne Election, they chose him Consull. And therefore yee are not to enquire of me, and to be informed, either of the polliciesof a General captain, or ver­tues C and duties of a Consull: deepe points to be examined, weighed, and discoursed by great wits, reaching heads, and high mindes. But for that which I with mine cie sawe, I am able to make report and testifie: namely, That before himselfe was excluded out of the battaile, I beheld the Consull fighting manfully in the vaward, encouraging his men earnestly, and even amongst the Romane standards, and pikes of the enemies, busily emploied. After which I was carried from the fight of my fellowes: how beit by the stirre, noise and shouting, I well perceived, that the con­flict continued until night. Neither was it possible (as I thought) for them to breake through un­to the hill which I kept, by reason of the multitude of enemies betweene. As for the armie, what is become of it, I know not: But I suppose, that as I my selfe in an extremitie and fearefull case, defended my selfe and my men, by advantage of the ground: so the Consull for to save the ar­mie, D tooke some more safer place to encampe in. Neither thinke I verely, that the Volscians stood in better termes than the Romanes fortune was. And the darknes of the night (no doubt) caused errour and confusion on every side, and in all places. After which speech when as he be­sought them, not to hold him any longer, wearied with travaile, and faint of his woundes: he was with exceeding praise both of his valiant service and also of his modest speech, licenced to de­part.’

Whiles these thinges thus passed, the Consull by that time, had marched by the way of Lavicum as farre as to the Temple of m*The goddesse of rest and Repose. Quies: thither were waines, draught-beasts and sumpter horses sent from the cittie, to receive and ease the armie, toiled out with fight, and tired by journy­ing all night. Within a while after, the Cos. entred into the cittie: who endevoured not more, E to put the fault from himselfe, than to extoll Tempanius, and give him his due deserved praises. Now whiles the cittie was sad and heavie for this hard hap, and angrie also with the captaines: behold, M. Posthumius, who before had been accused, was now presented unto the people, for to wreke their choler & malice upon. He had been a Tribune Militarie in place of a Cos. at Veij, and now was condemned, [...] lib. 5 sn. sterl. and a fine set on his head of ten thousand Asses of brasse. But as for Ti­tus Quintius, his fellow in government, because that among the Volscians he had served fortu­natly as Consull, under the conduct of Postbumius Tibertus the Dictator: and likewise at Fidene, as Lieutenant of the other Dictator Mamercus Aemylius, and laid the whole fault of that other time from himselfe, upon his colleague before condemned: he was found unguiltie & ac­quit by all the Tribes. It is said that the fresh remembrance of his father Cincinnatus, late a right F worshipfull citizen, helped him much: Yea and Capitolinus Quintius a very aged man, did him no hurt, who humbly besought them that they would not suffer him, having but a while in this world to live, for to be the carrier of so heavie newes unto Cincinnatus. The Commons made Tribunes of the comminaltie, Sex. Tempanius, A. Sellius, Sex. Antiflius, & Sex. Pompilius in their absence: whom also the horsemen had chosen for their captains or Centurians, in the former ex­ploit, [Page 166] by the advise and counsell of Tempanius. But the Senatours, because now for hatred of G Sempronius, the name of Consuls misliked and offended them, determined that militarie Tri­bunes with Consuls authoritie, should be created. So there were chosen L. Manlius Capitolinus, Q. Antonius Merenda, L. Papyrius Mugilanus.

In the very beginning of the yeare L. Hortenfius the fift Tribune of the comminaltie, accu­sed C. Sempronius the Consull of the former yeare. And when as his other foure fellows in office, in the sight of the people of Rome besought him, not to trouble their guiltles captaine, in whom nothing could be blamed or found fault withall, but adverse fortune: Hortensius could hardly abide, but thought it was but to prove and trie his resolute constancie: and that the partie accu­sed, trusted not upon the praier and intercession of the Tribunes, which only for a shew was pre­tended, but upon their support & assistance. And therfore turning one while to Sempr. himselfe, H demanded what was become of that hautie courage and stomack, so ordinarie in those of Sena­tours calling? and where was that magnanimitie which rested and relied upon innocencie? since that he having been a Consull, was faine to shelter and shrowd himselfe under the shadow and protection of the Tribunes? Another while directing his speech to his fellow Tribunes: but you my Masters (qd. he) what will ye do? if I prosecute mine action against him still, and convict him in the end; Will ye take from the people their right, and overthrow the authoritie of the Tribunes among the Commons? When they again said and inferred, that the people of Rome had absolute power to doe what they would, both with Sempronius, and all others: and that they neither would nor could abridge the people of their judgment. But if (say they) our praiers in the behalfe of our Generall, who was to us in steed of a father, may not availe, then will we toge­ther I with him change our weede for companie. Nay God forbid (quoth Hortenfius) The Com­mons of Rome shall never see their Tribunes arraied in soiled & mournfull apparell. And as for C. Sempronius, I have now no more to say to him, since that he hath carried himselfe so, whiles he was generall, as that he hath gained thus much, as to be so dearly beloved of his souldiors. Nei­ther was the kindnesse of those foure Tribunes more acceptable to the Commons and Nobles, than the good nature of Hortensius, who at their reasonable request, was so easie to be pacified and intreated.

It was no long time that fortune fawned upon the Aequians: who embraced the doubtfull vi­ctorie of the Volscians, and tooke it as their owne. The next yeare after, when Cn. Fabius Vibula­nus, and T. Quintius Capitolinus, the sonne of Capitolinus, were Consuls: by the leading of Fa­bius, K unto whom was allotted that province, nothing was done there worthie of remembrance. For when as the Aequians had made semblance of a battell, & brought their armie only in fight, they were in fearfull wise soon discomfited, and shamefully fled, ministring no matter of great ho­nor to the Cos. And therfore was he denied triumph. But yet because the ignominie of the losse which happened by Sempronius, was partly allaied, it was granted that he might enter Ovant into the cittie. [...]. [A Generall was said to enter Ovant into the citie, when ordinarily without his armie following him, he went on foot, or rode on horsebacke only, and the people in their Acclamati­ons for joy, redoubled Ohe, or Oho. So that Ovatio is as much as Ohatio: Howsoever, some thinke that Ovatio took the name of sacrificing a sheepe. But he rode in triumph, when his souldiors at­tended him in his chariot, crying to Triumphe. In this he caried a branch, or ware a garland of law­rell, L in the other of Myrtle. So that the Ovation was a lesse honour than the Triumph. And it was granted to inferior persons, & for meaner desert. Whereas, none usually might triumph, unlesse he were Dictator, Cos. or Pretor, & had slain in field 5000 enemies at the least, won much spoile and pillage, & augmented the State of the Roman Empire.] Like as the war was dispatched with lesse ado than they feared: so in the citie, after a calme & peaceable state, there arose between the Com. and Nobles, a world of discords & troubles more than they expected. Which began up­on occasion of doubling the number of Questors. For when the Consuls had propounded, that besides two Questors or Treasurers of the cittie, there should bee other twaine readie to attend upon the Consuls, for all services and charges belonging to warre: and when the Nobles also with all their power had approoved it, the Tribunes of the Commons entred into a contention M with the Consuls, and required that some of the Questors (for untill that time they had been cre­ated from out of the degree of the Patritij onely) might be like wise of the Commons. Against which demand, at the first, both Consuls, and also the Nobles, laboured with might and maine. But afterwards having graunted thus much, That as the use and practise was in creating of Tri­bunes, [Page 167] A with Consuls authoritie, so in like manner, in the Election of Questor's, the people should have their free libertie to chuse. And seeing they gained little thereby, and could effect no good, they wholly let fall their former matter, about increasing the number of the Questor's. But al­though it were thus by them given over, the Tribunes tooke it in hand againe, and set it on foot: yea, and other seditious actions besides eftsoones sprang forth, and among the rest; those also concerning the law Agraria. Vpon which troubles, when as the Senate was of mind, that there should be Consuls rather than Consular Tribunes created; and by reason of the Tribunes step­ping betweene with their negative voice, no decree of the Senate could passe, the governement of the Commonweale was devolved from Consuls to an The vacancie of the soveraigne magistrate. Interreigne, but not without excee­ding great debate: for that the Tribunes kept the Patritij from meeting and packing together. ‘ B Now when as the greater part of the yeare following was spent, with much strife and contention betweene the new Tribunes and certaine Interregents, whiles one while the Tribunes staied the Nobles from assembling together about the chusing of an Interregent, and another while cros­sed the Interregent for graunting out any Act of Senate or warrant, for the election of Consuls: at the last, The Oration of L. Papyrius Mu­guillanus, to the Nobles & Com­mons of Roa. [...] L. Papyrius Mugillanus, being declared Interregent, sometimes rebuked the Nobles, and sometimes blamed the Commons, and said: That the Commonwealth neglected and for­lome of all men, was taken into protection of the gods, and guided by their care and providence: standing upright and safe only, upon the truce observed by the Veientians, and the slow speed or small hast that the Aequians made to warre. From whence, if any trouble should happen to arise, it is your will (quoth he) and pleasure belike, that the state should bee surprised and assailed, C whiles it is without any Magistrate of the Nobilitie. For neither is there an armie readie, nor yet a captaine to raise an armie. What? thinke ye to put backe forraine war abroad by civile dis­cord at home? Which if they both should come together, there were no other remedie, though all the gods in heaven should set to their helping hand, but that the Commonweale of Rome should utterly be subverted. Yet rather remit every one of you somwhat, of the rigor of your full jurisdiction, and (for the love of God) take some indifferent course to joine in unitie: the Nobles for their part, by suffering Militarie Tribunes to be created in lieu of Coss. the Tribunes again, by no more thwarting and interposing their negative, but that four Questors may be chosen by the free voices of the people, from out of the Commons & Nobles, one with another. First therfore was the High court held for choosing soveraigne Tribunes: and Tribunes there were created in D Consular authoritie, all of the Nobilitie, namely, L. Quintius Cincinnatus the third time, Sex. Fu­rius Medullinus the second time, M. Manlius, and A. Sempronius Atratinus.’ When this Tri­bune last named, was president of the Election for Questours, and the son of Antistius a Tri­bune of the Commons, and a brother besides to another Tribune, one Sex. Pompilius stood for the dignitie, among certaine other of the Commoners: neither all their owne meanes that they could make, nor all the voices they could procure, were able to prevaile, but that the people preferred persons to the place, according to their gentrie and high birth: namely, whose fathers and grandfathers they had seene Consuls. All the Tribunes of the Commons stormed and chased at this, The complaints of Pompilius and Antistius against Atratinus the [...]ibune mi­litarie. but especially Pompilius and Antistius, being set on fire at the repulse of these their friends. ‘What should this meane (say they) that none of the Commons, neither in regard of E their owne merites, nor considering the injuries at the Nobles hands, ne yet for desire they might pretend to the first hansell of that authoritie, which now was lawfull, and never heretofore: that none of the Commons (I say) was created, if not a Militarie Tribune, yet not so much as a Questour? What? that neither the fathers praier in the behalfe of his sonne, nor a brothers suit in favour of a brother, being Tribunes both of them, invested in that sacred authoritie, and which first was erected for the maintenance of common freedome, could ought at all prevaile? Surely there is some fraud and juggling in the matter: and A. Sempronius, hath in the Election used more art and cunning than truth and fidelitie. Complaining that by his injurious and indi­rect dealing, their friends had taken the foile.’ When as therefore they might not by any vio­lence touch his owne person and attach him, being senced with innocencie in this Action, and F secured by vertue of the office which then hee bare: they wreaked their selves and discharged their choler upon C. Sempronius, the cousin germaine of Atratinus by the brother: and with the helpe of M. Canuleius, one of their collegues, arrested him for the ignominious service in the Vol­scian war. Eftsoons also the same Tribunes made some words & motion in the Senat house, con­cerning the division of lands, and revived the law Agraria (which C. Sempronius at all times most [Page 168] sharpely and eagerly had withstood. Supposing, as it fell out in deede, that the accused person G should either by giving over the cause, be lesse esteemed of the Nobles: or if he stood to it still untill the time of judgment drew neare, he should displease and offend the Commons. But he chose rather to be the object of the displeasure and malice of the people, that were opposed and bent against him, and so to wound his owne privat estate: than to betray the common and pub­like cause: and persisted resolute in the same minde still, that there should no bribing dona­tive be granted, [...] that might winne and procure favour unto those three corrupt Tribunes. ‘For it is not land and living (quoth he) that they shoot at, for the benefit of the Commons; that is not their seeking: but their drift is to worke and procure displeasure unto me: and therfore I will for my part, abide that storme and tempest with a resolute mind. And the Senat ought not to esteeme either of me, or of any cittizen els so highly, as to buy the sparing of one man so deare, H even with the harme and dammage of the whole state.’ The day of judiciall triall came. When as he had pleaded for himselfe, and seemed nothing daunted at the matter: yet, for all that ever the Nobles could doe, who tried all meanes, but in vaine, to mittigate and delay the heat of the Commons, condemned he was in [...] fifteene thousand Asses. The same yeare Posthumia a Vestall Nun, was called in question for incontinencie and incest, and came to her answere. A Vir­gin guiltlesse for any deede done: but scarcely of good name and fame: by reason that she was s uspected for her apparell and going more light & garish in her attire: yea, and for her wit, more conceited & pleasant, than became a maiden, and nothing respective of the speech of the world. Her triall was put over to a farther day, and she (after she had twise pleaded) in the ende was ac­quit: onely the high priest by the advise, and in the name of the whole colledge: schooled her, I and gave her warning to leave her sports, taunts, and merry conceits: and in her raiment to be seene not so deft as devout, and weare her garments rather sainctly than sightly. The same yeare was Cumes, a cittie inhabited at that time by the Greekes, taken by the Campanians.

The yeare following had militarie Tribunes with Consuls authoritie, Agrippa Menenius La­n [...]tus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Sp. Nautius Servilius. A yeare, by the happinesse and good for­tune of the people of Rome, more notable for a danger escaped, than for any harme received. Certaine bond-servants had conspired to fire the cittie in divers places farre asunder: [...] for this in­tent, when the people should be busily occupied, here and there, to save their houses, then by force and armes to surprise the Castle and Capitoll. But Iupiter turned away and disappointed their wicked dessignes. For by the peaching and information of twaine, the rest of the malefa­ctours K were taken and executed. But those that disclosed and revealed the conspiracie, had ten thousand pound in brasse mony (which was in those daies thought to be a great riches) weighed them out of the Cittie chamber, [...] and freedome besides, for their reward.

After this, began the Aequians to renue warre: and word was brought to Rome by credible persons, that certaine new enemies also, to wit, the Lavicans, joyned together in counsell with the olde. These Aequians, were good neighbours: for once a yeare ordinarily, they used to put the cittie of Rome to the paines of warring with them, and not misse. Embassadours then were sent to Lavicos, who brought doubtfull answeres from thence: whereby it appeared that neither at that instant they were readie to warre, nor yet were like to continue long in peace. The Tus­culanes were charged, to take good heede, and have an eie that way, that no new sturs and trou­bles L should arise at Lavicos. There came Embassadours from Tusculum, to L. Sergius Fidenas, M. Papyrius Mugillanus, and C. Servilius, the sonne of Q. Servilius Priscus: (by whom, being Dictatour, Fidene was won) who were Militarie Tribunes in Consuls authoritie the yeare follow­ing. These Embassadours brought news that the Lavicans were out, and in armes, and joyning with the Aequians armie, had forraied the countrie of Tusculum, and encamped themselves in Algidum. Then was warre proclaimed against the Lavicans. And when by a decree made by the Senat, that two of the Consular Tribunes should go to warre, and one manage the affaires of Rome: there arose a contention on a sundaie, among the said Tribunes. Every one thought himselfe the meetest and most sufficient man, to be generall of the warre, refusing the charge of the cittie, as a base, dishonourable, and thankelesse office. ‘As the Senatours mused and won­dred, M to see amongst those that were fellows in government, so undecent a strife and contention; then Q. Servilius: Seeing that (quoth he) there is no reverent regard, either of this honourable house, or of the common-wealth: the father his countenance and dread majestie, shall end this debate. My sonne without any lot casting, shall governe the cittie as President. God grant, that [Page 169] A they which love warre so well, may manage it with more discretion and concord than they wish it. As for a generall muster to bee levied out of all the people indifferently, that was not liked of.’ So ten Tribes were drawen by lot, out of which, the yonger fort were prest forth to war under the conduct of the two Tribunes. The strife which began to be kindled among them in the cittie, through the same desire still of soveraigntie, brake foorth and grew much hotter in the campe. In nothing agreed they, striving whose opinion should stand: each one would have his owne way: his owne commandements obeyed and none els: one despised another, and were despised one of the other: untill at length, upon the Lieutenants reproofe, they grewe to this point, and this order was taken: That they should each other day, rule one alone by him­selfe absolutely. Which newes being brought to Rome, it is reported that Q. Servilius, a man B for his yeares and long experience right skilfull, praied of the immortall gods, that by the vari­ance and discord of the Tribunes, the common-wealth sustained not more harme, than they had received at Veios. And as if there were no doubt, but that some great losse and overthrowe was readie to happen, he was instant upon his sonne, to levie souldiors, and to provide munition for warre. Neither proved he a false and vaine prophet. For by the leading of L. Sergius, whose day it was to rule, when as the enemie under a colour of feare, withdrew unto the trench, and to trai­ned them thither upon a foolish hope to win the campe, even under the very campe of the ene­mies in an uneven ground of disadvantage, they were sodainly charged by the Aequians, dis­comfited and chased downe the valley: and many in their fall, which was greater than the flight, were trod under foote and slaine, and with much adoo that day kept they their owne tents. The C morrow after, when as now the enemies had beset a great part of the camp, they shamefully fled away, at the backe gate, and forsooke the campe. The Captaines, Lieutenants, and the strength remaining of the armie, which kept to their ensignes and colours, went to Tusculum. Other that were scattered here and there about the fields by sundry waies, made hast to Rome, and re­ported there the overthrow to be greater than indeed it was. Lesse was the trouble and sorrow, because men looked for better issue and successe: and also for that, there was helpe and succour (which they were to have an cie unto in so fearefull a case) provided by the Tribune aforehand. At whose commandement, when as the tumult was by the inferiour magistrates appeased in the cittie, espials were sent out in hast: who brought word that the captaines and the armie was at Tusculum: and that the enemie had not removed his campe. And then (which encouraged them D most of all) by the Senats decree, Q. Servilius Priscus was chosen Dictatour, a man whose pro­vidence over the common-weale, the cittie as manie other times afore, so in the event of that war had experience of: for that he only suspected the contention of the Tribunes afore this un­happy soile. Who having nominated Generall of the horsemen, his son (as some say) by whom being militarie Tribune, himselfe was declared Dictatour (for others there be that write howe Servilius Hula was that yeare Generall of the horse) went forth with a fresh armie to war, and ha­ving joined unto him those which were at Tusculum, he pitched his tents, two miles from the enemie. But see the fruit of good successe. The pride and negligence which had been amongst the Romane Captaines, went from them to the Aequians. Therfore in the first beginning of the conflict, when the Dictatour with his horsemen whom he sent against them, had disordered E and put out of array the formost rancks of the enemies, then commanded he the ensignes of the legionarie footmen with all speed to follow hard upon: and one ensigne-bearer of his owne, who made some stay, he slewe with his owne hand. Then were they so earnestly set to give an hoat charge, that the Aequians could not abide their force: and being in fight overthrowen, when as they fled all amaine to the campe, the assault thereof was both shorter and with lesse adoe, than was the battaile. When the campe was taken and spoiled, and that the Dictatour had given the pillage unto the souldiors: and that the horsemen, which chased the enemies from the campe, had brought word backe, that all the Lavicanes were overthrowen, and a great part of the Aequi­ans were fled to Lavicos: the day following was the armie also led thither, and the towne com­passed and beset round about, skaled, and sacked. The Dictatour having brought home to F Rome his victorious armie, upon the eight day after he was chosen, gave over his office. And in very good time, before there was any sedition stirred up about the law Agraria, by the motion of the Tribunes of the Commons, A Colonie plan­ted at Lavicos. for the division of the Lavicanes lands: the whole bodie of the Senat appointed that a Colonie should be sent to Lavicos. So there were sent from the cittie a thousand and five hundred to inhabite there, and two akers a piece given them of land.

[Page 170] After the winning of L [...]vicos, there were created Militarie Tribunes with Consuls authori­tie, G to wit, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, and L. Servilius Structus, with P. Lucretius Tricipitinus (all three the second time) and Sp. Veturius Crassus: and the yeare following A. Sempronius Atratinus, the third time, and these twaine, M. Papyrius Mugillanus, and Sp. Nautius Rutilius the second time: for these two yeares there was peace abroad, but discord at home about the lawes Agra­tia. They that troubled the people, were Sp. Mecilius, who now the fourth time, and Metilius, who the third time were made Tribunes of the Commons, both absent. And when they had publi­shed their Act, That all lands conquered from the enemies, should be devided by the poll: by which Ordinance, the possessions of a great part of the Nobilitie became confiscate, (for since their cittie was scituate and built in a straunge ground, there was in a manner no land lay to it, which had not been purchased by the sword, neither enjoied the Commons any, but that which H either had been sold or assigned to the Commons) this seemed to bee a bone cast betweene the Nobles and the Commons, to set them together at strife and contention. Neither knew the Mi­litarie Tribunes any way to take counsell in this case, albeit one while they assembled the Senate, and another while met in private conference with the Nobilitie. ‘Then Appius Claudius, (the ne­phew or grandsonne of notorious Appius the Decemvir, [...] created for the making of lawes) the punie of all the counsell of the Nobilitie, made (as it is reported) this speech, and said, That hee would impart unto them that which he had received by tradition from his auncestours, to wit, an old devise, and appropriate to his house, for that his great grandsire App. Claudius, had shewed unto the Nobles the onely way, to abate and take down the Tribunes power, namely, by the com­ming betweene and negative voice of their fellowes. For men new come up, and risen to promo­tion, I might soone by the authoritie of the cheefe rulers be brought from their purpose, & made to change their mind, if otherwhiles those great men in place would use some speech unto them fitted and framed rather to the time and present occasion, than respective to their owne high place and dignitie: for evermore the heart and courage of such, is according to their degree and wealth. And when they see once their fellowes possessed first afore them of the cause, and there­by crept wholly into all the favour with the Commons, and that no roome is left for them­selves to have any part thereof, they will bee willing ynough to encline and condescend unto the Senate, and take their part: by meanes whereof, they might wind into the love and good grace of that universall state, and particularly with the principal lords of the Nobilitie.’ Which speech, when they all had approved, and especially Q. Servilius Priscus, who praised the young Gentle­man, K for that he was not grown out of kind, nor degenerate from the stock and rase of the Clau­dij, then every man was set about this businesse, to see whome of the Colledge or companie of Tribunes, they could win and draw to crosse and stop the Act for going forward. The Senate now being broken up, the cheefe of the Nobles caught hold of the Tribunes, and were in hand with them, persuading, exhorting, and assuring them, that they should every one in private gra­tifie not onely, but also the whole bodie of the Senate in generall: and never gave over, untill they had procured sixe of them to interpose their negative, and to crosse the law. The morrow af­ter, when as of purpose a matter was propounded afore the Senat, about the sedition which Me­cilius & Metilius had raised, by a Largesse of dangerous consequence; such speeches were by the principall of the Nobles delivered, that each one for himselfe confessed, that now they were to L seeke for counsell, and saw no other helpe nor remedie but in the authoritie of the Tribunes: to the protection and safegard of which Magistracie, the Commonweale betooke her selfe, and fled for succour, as being beset with daunger, like some poore private person, and had no other means to save her selfe: saying, That it would be both for themselves, and also for their authoritie, an honorable thing, if it might appeare, that the puissance of their Tribuneship were not more imploied in molesting the Senate, and making discord among the States, than in resisting the peevish wilfulnes of their colleagues. Wherupon arose a great noise through the whole compa­nie of the Senatours, whiles out of all parts of the Court there assembled, they called upon the Tribunes for their helping hand. Then after silence made, they (who for the favour of the Lords of the Senat, were made aforehand to their cause) declared and confessed, that they were readie M to crosse that act, by their fellowes published, seeing the Senate judged it to be prejudiciall to the Commonwealth. These Tribunes for the offer of their good service, were by the Senate highly thanked. But the authours and patrones of the Act aforesaid, calling together an assemblie of the Commons, when they had inveighed against their fellows most sharpely, tearming them be­traiers [Page 171] A of the Commons wealth, and slaves to the Nobles: and using other bitter speeches, gave over their action and suit.

Two greevous warres had continued all the yeare next following (wherein P. Cornelius Cossus, C. Valerius Potitus, Quintius Cincinnatus, and M. Fabius Vibulanus, were militarie Tribunes in Coss. authoritie) but that the Veientian war was deferred by the superstitious feare of their owne princes; whose grounds, Tybris (overflowing the banks) had spoiled, & overthrown also the villa­ges & houses that stood therupon. The Aequians likewise by reason of their losse received three yeares before, made no great hast to aid and assist the Volanes, a people of their own nation. For they had made certaine rodes into the Lavicanes countrie, confining upon them, and warred up­on the inhabitants, lately there planted. Which trespasse by them done, they hoped to have ben B able to maintaine, by the banding and assistance of all the Aequians: but being forsaken of their allies, they lost both their towne and territorie, onely by siege, and one light skirmish, and never fought for it anymemorable war. L. Sextius also Tribune of the Commons, assaied to make an Act, that there might be sent to Volae as wel as to Lavicos, Coloners to people it: but by the ne­gative of his confreeres, who shewed, that they would not suffer any Statute of the Commons to passe without the assent of the Senate, it came to nothing.

In the yeare following, the Aequians having recovered and woon againe Volae, and brought a Colonie thither, fortified the towne with a fresh power, at what time were Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie at Rome, Cn. Cornelius Cossus, L. Valerius Potitus, Q Fabius Vibulanus the se­cond time, and M. Posthumius Regillensis. The warre against the Aequians, was committed to C this Posthumius, a man of a crooked disposition, as his victorie shewed more than the whole course of the warre. For having levied an armie in hast, and brought it before Volae, after some small skirmishes, he [...]amed the Aequians, and at length entred the towne. And when he had done with the enemies, hee began to quarrell with his owne souldiors: for whereas during the time of the assault, he had given out by proclamation, That they should have the saccage after the town was once woon: he brake promise with them. For I am induced to beleeve that this was the cause rather why the armie mutined and was discontented, than for that in a towne lately sacked before and in a new Colonie, there was found lesse spoile than the Tribune made boast of. But this dis­pleasure and anger once conceived, was made the worse, after that he returned into the citie: for being sent for by his fellowes, upon occasion of the Tribunitian seditions, there escaped him an D indiscreet speech, I must needs say, yea, and without all sence, wit, and honestie. Which he let fall in an assemblie of the Commons: wherein it happened, that as Sextus, a Tribune of the Com­mons, was preferring the law Agraria, & saying withall, That he would propose an Act, that Co­loners should likewise bee sent to Volae, for that they were worthie to have both the towne and lands of Volae, who had by sword and speare conquered the same. Posthumius caught the word out of his mouth: And that shall my souldiors deerely abie (quoth hee) unlesse they bee more quiet. Which word being overheard, offended not so the Com. presently there in place assem­bled, as the Lords of the Senat a while after. Moreover, the Tribune aforesaid, an active man, and eloquent withall, having among his adversaries met with a prowd humourous spirit, and an in­solent and intemperate tongue, which walked so freely and so long by his provocation, that hee E uttered these speeches, which bred not onely ill will and displeasure to himselfe, but also wounded the cause, and the whole state of the Patritij. This Sextus (I say) was busie, and quarrelling with none of all the Militarie Tribunes, more than with Posthumius. And even at that time, taking ad­vantage of the same cruell and unhumane speech of his: The Oration of Sextius against Posthumius. Here yee not, ô yee Commons (quoth he) how hee threateneth mischeefe unto his souldiours, as unto bondslaves? ‘And yet his beast yee will thinke more worthie of so great dignitie wherein yee have placed him, than those that indue you with house and land, that send you abroad to inhabite Colonies, that provide habita­tion for you against old age, that tendering your wealth, take part and defend you against so cru­ell and prowd adversaries. Begin now henceforth to mervell why so few take in hand to maintain your cause. For what may they looke for, and hope at your hands? for honours? which yee be­stow F rather upon your adversaries, than those that are affectionate defenders of the people of Rome. Yee sighed even now and groned again, at the words uttered out of this foule mouth. But what matter makes that? If yee were now to goe to an election, and to give your voices, ye would no doubt for all that, preferre this man (who threateneth to mischeefe you) afore them that are willing and desirous to establish your lands, your dwelling places, and the whole state of your [Page 172] substance and living.’ But when that leaud language of Posthumius was reported once to the soul­diours, G it bred a farre greater indignation (besure) within the campe. How now? (say they) is hee, who hath intercepted our bootie, and defrauded us poore souidiours of our due, not content therewith, but must menace mischeefe besides unto us, as his varlets? When as therefore they openly muttered thereat, and the Questor or Treasurer P. Sestius thought that the mutinie might be restrained with the same violence by which it was first raised [...]he sent an Officer to one clamo­rous souldior, that kept a yauling above the rest. Whereupon arose an outcrie and a brawle: and he got himselfe a good rap with a stone for his labour, that he was faine to goe out of the prease. And he that smote him, spake alowd besides, and bad the Questor take now that for his paines in a mischeefe, which the Generall had threatened his souldiours. Posthumius in this hurliburlie was sent for, and he when he wascome, made all worse and worse with his sharpe examinations, tor­tures, H and cruell punishments. At the last, when he could not see [...]o make an end, nor bridle his choler: they all ran on heapes together, at the lamentable crie of those whom he commaunded to be choked in the mire, and killed under the hurdle: and he halfe besides himselfe, full foolishly stept downe in more hast than good specd from the Tribunall seat, to chastise one that contested with him, and made a great brawling. Now when as the Lictors and Centurions every where laid about them to make way, and ill intreated the multitude in the throng, they mooved their patience so much, that in that furious fit of the souldiours, the Militarie Tribune was by his owne armie stoned to death. [...] Which horrible act, after it was noised at Rome, and the Militarie Tri­bunes by the Senats authoritie, were about to fit in commission for the examination of the death of their colleague, by way of rigour and torture: the Tribunes of the Communaltie opposed I themselves, and resisted them. But that contention depended upon another quarrell. For the Se­nate doubting least that the Commons for feare of those examinations intended, would in their anger create Tribunes militarie from out of their owne bodie and degree; were very carefull, and studied all they could, that Consuls might bee chosen againe. But when as the Tribunes of the Commons would not suffer an act of the Senate to passe, and hindered also the election of the Consuls, the matter came to an Interreigne. But in the end the Nobles had the upper hand. For when as Q. Fabius Vibulanus the Interregent, held a Court for the said Election, there were crea­ted Consuls A. Cornelius Cossus, and L. Furius Medullinus.

In the beginning of these Consuls yeare, the Senate made a decree, that the Tribunes with all speed possible should propose unto the Commons, concerning the inquisition of Posthumius K his death: and that they should make cheefe Commissioner and Iudge, whom they would. The Commons by the consent of the whole people, [...] gave the Consuls commission to see it done, and performed accordingly. Who notwithstanding, that with exceeding moderation and leni­tie, they dispatched and ended the matter, by punishing a few, who (as it was crediblie thought) made themselves away: yet could they not for all that bring about, but the Communaltie tooke it very hainously, and in the highest degree, saying, That the Acts & Ordinances, which had ben propounded concerning their weale & commodities, those lay a long time asleepe in the deck, and nothing done: but an order graunted for their bloudshead and death, that was presently put in execution. Of so great force and importance was it. Now this had been the fittest time, that af­ter these mutinous souldiours were chastised, the division of the Volane territorie, should have L been offered unto them, for to comfort their poore hearts again. By which deed (no doubt) their hote desire and longing after the law Agraria, had been abated, which tended to dispossesse at length the Nobles of the common grounds, which they injuriously were seized of. But this in­dignitie stucke in their stomackes, and was taken neerer to the heart, when they saw the Nobilitie so stiffely bent, not only to keepe the common grounds in their hands, which they held by force: but also unwilling to devide among the people so much as the wast and voide ground, lately gotten by conquest from the enemies: but that it was like, within a while (as all the rest) to bee a bootie, and dividend, to be shared among a few.

The same yeare, were the legions led by Furius the Consull, against the Volscians: who harri­ed the borders of the Hernicks. But finding not the enemie there, they wan Ferentinum, whether M a great number of the Volscians had retired themselves. The bootie there, was lesse than they hoped for: by reason that the Volscians, seeing small hope of keeping the towne, trussed up and carried away both bag and baggage in the night, and quit the towne: which was won the morrow after, being left well neare destitute and emptie. All the lands were given freely to the Hernicks. [Page 173] A When this year now was passed in good quiet by the modestie & peaceable carriage of the Tri­bunes, then in place: there succeeded another Tribune of the Commons L. Icilius, when Q. Fa­bius Ambuslus and C. Furius Pacilius were Consuls. Whiles this man in the very beginning of his yeare, was busie in stirring new seditions (as if it had been a taske imposed upon his name and linage) by proposing of the Agrarian laws: A pestilence. behold, there arose a pestilence, more fearefull than hurtfull, which turned away mens mindes, from their publicke assemblies and accustomed contentions, to tend their houses, and to care for the cherishing of their bodies. And (as men ve­rily thinke) the sicknesse was lesse dangerous than the seditions were like to have been. When as the cittie was now excused, as it were, & well escaped, with the sicknes only of many, and death of very few: A famine. presently after this pestilent yeare, followed (as it is commonly seene) a great death B of corne, by reason of the neglect of tillage. M. Papyrius Atratinus, and C. Nautius Rutilius being Consuls. This famine would have been more grievovs than the plague, had they not provided well for come, by sending forth their Embassadours to the neighbour nations all about, inhabi­ting along the Tuscane Sea & the Tyber, for to buy graine. Proudly were the Embassadors pro­hibited all commerce and traffique with the Samnits, who held at that time Capua and Cumes: but contrariwise bountifully were they releeved by the tyrants or potentates of Sicilie. And such was the willing endevour of Hetruria, that great store of victuals came down the Tyber. In what desolation the cittie was, during this affliction, the Cos. tried by this: that when they could not furnish an Embassage, but with one Senator, they were compelled to adjoine two Knights unto them. And setting a side the sicknes & dearth, there was no trouble either at home or abroad for C those two years. But when these storms were once overblown, & that care past: then began again the old troubles wherwith the citie had usually bin disquieted: dissention at home, & war abroad.

When M. Aemylius and C. Valerius Potitus were Consuls, the Aequians made preparation for wars, and banded with the Volscians. Who albeit they tooke armes by no publike commissi­on; yet such as would of themselves serve for hier or wages, followed the wars. At the bruit of which enemies (for they were alreadie come over into the countrie of the Latines and Hernicks) whiles Valerius the Consull mustered his men and levied souldiors: M. Menenius a Tribune of the Commons, & a publisher of the Agrarian laws, opposed himselfe against him. And when as by reason of the protection and assistance of the Tribune, no man would be compelled to take a souldiors oath against his will: sodeinly newes came, that the Castle of Carventus was by the D enemies forced. This dishonour thus received, as it was a cause that Menenius was hated among the noblemen, so it gave to the rest of the Tribunes, who were alreadie framed and prepared to withstand the law Agraria, more just cause to resist their collegue. The matter being thus for a long time protracted by much debating, the Consuls called both God and man to witnesse, that whatsoever shame or losse, either had been alreadie received, or were like to be susteined by the enemies: the blame should be imputed to Menenius, who hindered the mustering. And Me­nenius protested againe aloud, that if the unlawfull landlords, would surrender the tenure of the common fields which they unjustly deteined, he would not stay the musters. Then the nine Tri­bunes, by setting down a decree between them, made an end of the strife: & pronounced by au­thority of their colledge, that they would assist C. Valerius the Cos. (all contradiction of their col­legue E notwithstanding) to award any penaltie restreint or chastisement, upon them that refused to be enrolled for warfare. The Cos. being armed with this decree and warrant, after he had cau­sed some few to be had away by the necke & laid fast, that called upon the Tribune for helpe, the rest for feare were sworne to serve. Thus the armie was led forth to the Castle of Carventus. And although the souldiors were as odious to the Consull, as wickedly bent against him, yet at the very first comming, having manfully and lustily dispossessed the garrison, they recovered the fort. The souldiors who were slipt away from the hold, and gone a boothailing, by their negli­gence gave the Romanes a fit opportunitie to enter and to surprise it. And a good bootie there was: by reason that they had continually gotten prises, and laid up all there as in a place of safetie. Which being sold in portsale, the Consull commanded the treasurers for to bring the mony in­to F the common chamber of the cittie: giving out these words withall, that the armie should then have part of spoile, when they denied not their service in warre. Hereupon both Commons and souldiors were more angrie with the Consull. And therfore when as by a decree of the Senate he entred the cittie Ovant, in a petie triumph, the souldiors according to their licentious manner (in that case permitted) followed after with songs and sonnets, answering one another in rude [Page 174] rime and grosse meerer, by alternitive staves. Wherin the Consull was greatly blamed, but Me­nenius G the Tribune, his name was set out to the height, his praises were blasoned and extolled aloft: and at every time that he was named, the affectionate favour of the people that stood in the streets appeared, by clapping of hands and great applause, striving avie to exceed the songs chanted by the souldiors. Which caused the Nobles to looke to it, and troubled them more than the malapert saucinesse of the souldiors with their Consuls, which is an ordinarie and usuall fashion among them. And Menenius (who doubtlesse had ben one of the Militarie Tribunes, if he had sued for it) was excluded from that dignitie by an Election of Consuls. So there were created Consuls. Cn. Cornelius Cossus, and L. Furius Medullinus the second time.

Never took the Com. the matter more to the hart, that the Election of Tribunes escaped their hands: which griefe of theirs in the Election of Questors, they both shewed & revenged. For this H was the first time that the Questors were made of the comminaltie: so that in chusing of 4, there was but one place left for C. Fabius Ambustus, a Nobleman: and 3 of the comminaltie, Q. Silius, P. Aelius, & P. Pipius, were preferred before yong gentlemen, of most noble houses. I find that the persuaders of the people to use their full libertie in bestowing their voices, were the three Icilij, (descended of that house, which ever was most malitiously bent against the Nobles) who were for that year chosen Tribunes of the comminaltie, & possessed the peoples heads with a world of great matters, after which they gaped greedily: but so, as they flatly gave out and said, They would not stirre at all, if the people had not courage enough, so much as in the election of Que­stors, which onely the Senat had left indifferent to the comminaltie and Nobilitie, to effect that which so long they had desired, and now by law was warranted. Thus the Commons assured I themselves hereby of a mightie great victorie: and esteemed not the dignitie of Questourship to be the end and type of honor, but that thereby they seemed to have made a way and ouverture for new risen upstarts, to be advanced to Consulships and triumphs. The Nobles contrariwise stor­med, not for that their dignities were made common and imparted to other, but for the utter losse thereof: protesting that if things went so on end, they would neither get, nor bring up chil­dren any more: who being put from their Auncestours place, and seeing others in possession of their dignitie, should be disabled for bearing rule and authoritie in the stare, and be good for no­thing but onely to be made priests for Mars, and Flamines for Iupiter, imploied about nothing els but to sacrifice (forsooth) for the people. Thus on both parts were their mindes netled and provoked, whiles the Commons tooke heart, and had three champions of great reputation to K back them, and maintaine their cause: and the Nobles, seeing all would prove like to the Que­stors Election (if it lay in the peoples choise) addressed themselves to the Election of Consuls, which as yet was not so free, and indifferent both for Commons and Nobles. Contrariwise, the Icilij persisted still, and urged the point, that in any hand Tribunes Militarie should and must be created. For now it was more than time that the Commons had their part in offices of state. But no Action hitherto belonging to the offices and charge of the Consuls had been presented un­to them, by the hindering whereof they might wring from them, that which they desired and sought for. But see, how even then, in wonderfull good opportunitie, word was brought that the Volscians and Aequians were departed out of their owne Confines, and made an expedition into theLatine pale for to rob and spoile. To the which warre, when as by vertue of an order from L the Senat, the Consuls began to muster: the Tribunes laboured tooth and naile to hinder it: gi­ving out that this occurrent fortuned happily on their sides and the Commons. Three there were of them, and all most quick active and couragious men: yea (and for commoners) of good birth, and worshipfully descended. Whereof twaine tooke in hand, by their continuall travaile to attend and watch the Consuls, to keepe them a worke, and either of them to hold one occu­pied: the third, was appointed to intertaine the comminaltie: and in all assemblies, with their Orations, one whiles to reine them in, another while to give them the head, as occasion requi­red. But all this while, neither Consuls went through with the musters, nor the Tribunes with the election which they desired. But afterwards when fortune began to incline to the Commons side, messengers came with newes, that whiles the souldiors that lay in garrison at the Castle M Carventana, were stept aside to get a bootie, the Aequians having slaine a few warders that kept the hold, entred it: and that all the souldiors were slaine: some as they ran into the fort againe, others as they were scattered in the fields. This thing falling out so crosse against the whole State, gave strength yet unto the designments of the Tribunes. For being dealt withall, that now [Page 175] A at length they would surcease from hindering the warre, nothing would prevaile: for that they neither gave place to the publike calamitie and necessitie, nor yet regarded their owne privat pe­rill of displeasure: & they obtained in the end that an Act of Senat was granted for to chuse Tri­bunes Militarie. How beit with this expresse proviso, it was capitulated; That none of them who had ben Tribunes that yeare of the Commons, should be eligible and propounded: no, nor cho­sen againe Tribunes of the Commons for the year following. Wherby, no doubt, the Senat no­ted and pointed at that Icilij, whom they charged to seeke to be Consuls, for a reward of their se­ditious Tribuneship. Then went the mustering forward, and preparation of war, by consent of all the States.

Sundrie authors write diversly and make doubt, whether both the Consuls went to the Castle B Carventana, or whether one of them staied behind in the cittie for to hold the foresaid Ele­ction. In this they disagree not, but set downe for certaine: that when they had assailed the Ca­stle a long time without effect, they were compelled from thence to remove: and that Verrugo in the countrie of the Volscians by the same armie was recovered, and that great forraying there was, and driying of booties, both in the countrie of the Aequians and also of the Volscians. Now at Rome, as the victorie of the comminaltie rested in this, that they had the Election which they desired: so in the issue and successe of the Election, the Nobles had the better. For besides all mens hope and expectation, there were three Tribunes Militarie chosen with Consuls authori­tie, all of the Nobilitie, C. Iulius Tullus, Cn. Cornelius Cossus, C. Servilius Hala. Men say that the Nobles used a subtile practise and cunningdevise, which even then the Icilij charged them with: C to wit, that by intermingling a many of unworthie and unmeet competitours with others of marke and qualitie, they had alienated the peoples heartes from the commoners, seeing them to be men of no worth, and loathing the notable basenesse that appeared in their persons.

After this, tidings came, that the Volscians and Aequians (were it that the castle of Carventus which they held and guarded still, put them into some hope: or their garrison & fort lost at Ver­rugo drave them into anger) were up in armes, with all force readie to make warre: that the An­tiates were the principall and cheefe in this intended action: that their Embassadours had solli­cited the people of both Nations, rebuking their cowardise, for keeping within their wals, and suffering the Romans the yeare before, to harrie and drive booties in their territories, and the ga­rison of Vertugo to be surprised and lost. Moreover, that not only hosts of armed men were sent D against them, but Colonies also were planted in their [...]ontiers and marches: & that the Romans not content to devide their lands and goods among themselves, had bestowed upon the Herniks the towne Ferentinum, which they had woon from them. At these speeches they were kindled and set on fire: and in all places whether they went to sollicite, the younger sort and able men in great number were levied. So the youth and manhood of all those Nations, gathered together to Antium, where they encamped themselves, and expected the enemie. Which tidings being brought to Rome, caused more feare than need was. And the Senat presently (which in all feare­full occurents was ever their last remedie & refuge) gave order that a Dictator should be created. Which thing Iulius and Cornelius, two militarie Tribunes (they say) took in great displeasure. And hereof ensued much hartburning & dissention: whiles the LL. of the Senat of one side complai­ned E in vain of their greevances, That the Tribunes Militarie would not be ordered by the authori­tie of the Senat: & at the last had recourse to the Tribunes of the Commons for help: alledging withall, that the very Consuls power upon the like occasion had been by their authoritie overru­led and set downe. ‘And the Tribunes of the Commons on the other side, rejoicing at the discord of the Senatours, made answere againe, and said, That for their parts, they were not able to yeeld any succour at all, who were of no reckoning themselves, being reputed neither in the roll of citi­zens, ne yet so much as in the number of men. But if so bee (say they) dignities and honours were communicated to us, then would [...]ee provide and take order, that by no pride of any magistrate whatsoever, the Senats decree should be made frustrate and disanulled. And in the mean whiles, seeing the Nobles were exempt from all reverence of laws, and regard of Magistrats, let them of F themselves also exercise the Tribunes authoritie if they would. This discord falling out so unf [...]ly, when so great warre was in hand, occupied and possessed mens heades a long time: whiles Iulius and Cornelius one after another, thus reasoned and discoursed: That seeing they themselves were captaines good enough for the conduct of such a warre, it was not meete, that the honour once bestowed upon them by the people, should be made voide and taken from [Page 176] them. [...] Then Servilius Hal [...], who also was a Tribune Militarie spake and said: I have been silent G thus long, not for that I was doubtfull in mine opinion, or to seeke what to say, (For what good cittizen (quoth he) would have his advise by himselfe, and go from the publike counsell?) but be­cause I had leiser, that my brethren of their owne accord should give place to the Senats autho­ritie, than to suffer the Tribunes power to be called for, against them. And even now also, if the case would permit, I could willingly give them time and space to retract againe their too too ob­stinate, perverse and peremptorie opinion. But seeing that the necessities of war, waite not upon humane counsell, I will have more respect and consideration of the weale publicke, than of the favour of my brethren. Wherefore, if the Senat persist still in that mind and resolution of theirs, I will the next night following nominate a Dictatour. And if any one withstand me, I will aske no more, than the power and vertue of the Senates Act.’ By which speech of his, having woon H deserved praise and thankes of all men, he declared Publius Cornelius Dictator, and was himselfe by him nominated Generall of the horsemen. A singular example to teach as many as beheld him and his Colleagues, That otherwhiles favour and honour soonest fall to them that least de­sire the same. The warre was small and nothing memorable: for in one easie and slight battaile were the enemies overthrowne and slaine at Antium. The armie upon this victorie wasted the Volscians countrie, wan by force the castle upon the lake Fucinus, and within it took three thou­sand prisoners: having chased all the rest of the Volscians within their wals, not able to keepe their frontiers. The Dictatour, after he had performed this warre in such sort, as onely he might not seeme to neglect his wonted fortune but keepe it still in ure, returned into the citie with grea­ter felicitie than glorie, and resigned up his place. I

The Tribunes militarie, making no words at all of the chusing of Consuls (for anger, I sup­pose, that a Dictator had been created) published the Election of Tribunes Militarie. But then the Senatours were in greater care and perplexitie, seeing their cause betraied even by those of their owne companie. Wherefore, as in the former yeare, by foisting in the basest of the Com­mons for competitours, they had caused even men of good worth to bee despised: so, now by procuring the principall of the Nobilitie, both for honour and for favour, to stand for the digni­tie, they obtained all the places to themselves: so as no one Commoner could bee chosen. So there were created foure, all having afore born that Magistracie, L. Furius Medullinus, C. Vale­rius Potitus, Cn. Fabius Vibulanus, & C. Servilius Hala. This man was chosen again to the place, as well in regard of other vertues and worthie parts, as for the late favour which he woon by his rare K moderation, and singular carriage of himselfe.

In that yeare, for as much as the time of truce with the Veientian Nation was expired, they began by Embassadours and Heraulds of armes, to challenge of them amends and restitution. Whom, as they entred into their territorie, the Embassage of the Veientians encountred in the way, requesting them not to goe forward to Veij, before they had presented themselves to the Se­nate of Rome. Who being thither come, obtained of the Senate, that for as much as the Veien­tians were at civile discord among themselves, they would not claime any Almendats at their hands. Lo, how far they were from seeking their own vantage by other mens distresse & calamitie. Also at the Volscians hands they sustained dammage by losse of their garison at Verrugo. But (see what a thing it is to slack the time) For whereas the soldiors besieged there, by the Volscians, L and sending for aid in due time, might have been rescued if speed had been made, the armie which was sent for succour, came too short, and after the fray was ended. Onely this exploit they did: The enemies, who after their fresh massacre committed upon the garison, were gone abroad stragling for to raise booties, were by them overtaken and put to the sword. The cause of this slackenesse was imputed to the Senat, rather than the soveraigne Tribunes: who because intelli­gence was given, that they in the garrison resisted and defended themselves most manfully, little considered, That there is no prowesse of man whatsoever, but by valour againe it may bee over­matched. Most brave and valiant souldiours they, that neither whiles they lived, nor after death were unrevenged.

The yeare following, when P. and Cornelius, both surnamed Cossus, C. Fabius Ambustus and M L. Valerius Potitus were Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie, began the Veientian watre, by occasion of a proud & arrogant answere returned by the Senat of the Veientians: Who com­manded that the Embassadors which came to claime a mends, should take this for their dispatch: That unlesse they departed presently out of the cittie and countrie, they would serve them as [Page 177] A Lars Tolumnius had done others before. The Senatours of Rome hardly could digest that and therefore decreed, that the Militarie Tribunes, should propose unto the people as speedely as might be, even the day before to morrow, concerning proclamation of open war, and sending defiance to the Veientians. ‘Which as soone as ever it was noised and published, the younger sort and men of service, murmured and muttered in this manner: That as yet they had not fully ended the warre with the Volscians: that even of late two whole garrisons were lost, and their throats cut, and the forts kept still with danger and great hazard. There is not (say they) a yeare passeth over our heads, but one field or other is fought: and as if we had not worke and trouble enough alreadie, there was now intended new warre with a most mightie nation confining up­on them, and which was like enough to raise against them all Hetruria. And as they were for­ward B enough of themselves to conceive thus, and utter these speeches, so the Tribunes of the Commons were not behind to buzze more matters into their heads, and set all on a light fire. Who gave out stillefrsoons, That when al was done, the greatest warring was between the Nobles and Commons: and that the Commons for the nonce were to be toiled out with travaile orwar­fare, and exposed to the enemies for to be murdered: and that they were to be kept far off from the cittie, and as it were confined and sent out of the way: least by being quiet at home, & min­ding their freedome and colonies, they should consult and devise, both how to dispose of the common grounds, and to give their voices freely. And ever as they could meete with any olde beaten souldiours, they would hold them with talke, take them by their hands, reckon up how many yeares they had done service in warre, fall to telling of their gashes and skars, asking them C what whole place they had left in their bodies for to receive new wounds, and what bloud was behind to spend and shed, in the quarrell of the common-wealth?’ When as by iterating these and such like speeches, both in their private talke and conference, and also other whiles in their publike assemblies, they had turned clean away the hearts of the comminaltie from taking war in hand: the foresaid Act propounded, was put off untill a farther day, and lay still for the time. Which no doubt, had been nipt in the head, and never would have passed farther, in case it had been referred and subject to the hard opinion and conceit of men, as then they stood affected. In the meane whiles agreed it was, that the Militarie Tribunes should conduct an armie into the Volscians countrie. C [...]. Cornelius alone was left at Rome. The three Tribunes, after that they per­ceived the Volscians in no place encamped, and nothing minded to trie a battaile, parted them­selves D three waies to wast and harrie the frontiers. Valerius hee marcheth to Antium, Cornelius to Ecetre. And everie way as they went, they spoiled all before them, both house and field, and all to amuse and keepe the Volscians occupied that way. But Fabius without any forraying at all, came directly to assault Anxur, which was the service most desired. Now Anxur was that, which at this day is calledTarracine, a cittie seated upon marishes. And on that side Fabius made shew of as­sault. But there were foure cohorts under the leading of C. Servilius Hala sent out to fetch a com­passe: who having gained the hill that overlooketh and commandeth the town, from that higher ground, with a mightie shout and outcrie assailed the wall, where it was disfurnished of guard to defend it. At which suddaine al'arme, they were amazed who manned the wall of the base towne against Fabius: and suffered them to set ladders to, and to skale. By which meanes every place E was full of enemies. And upon the walles for a good while there was nothing but killing, as well those that fled, as those that resisted, armed and unarmed, one with another. So that, albeit they were too weake, yet forced were they to fight: because in yeelding they saw no way but one. But upon proclamation once made, that none but armed men should be killed: all the multitude besides willingly were disarmed. Of which number there were upon two thousand & five hundred taken alive. From the saccage Fabius kept the souldiours, untill his Colleagues were come: say­ing, that Anxur was taken as wel by those armies, which had driven away the rest of the Volscians from the defence of that place, as by themselves. Who being come, the three armies jointly ran­sacked it, & had the pillage for their labor of that rich town, that had gathered wealth a long time. Which courtesie & bountifulnes of the commanders, was the first thing that reconciled Com­mons F and Nobles together. Over and besides this munificence of the Rulers, the Nobles also began in most happie hour to be liberal unto the multitude. For before that either the Com. or Tribunes made the motion, the Senat decreed, that souldiors might have their paie out of the cit­tie chamber: whereas before that time, every man in that service had borne his owne charges. ‘Never was there any thing, by report, so joifully accepted of the Commons: who ran by heapes [Page 178] together to the counsell house: tooke the Senatours by the hands as they came forth, and said, G They were now truly called Patres, i. Fathers, confessing that now the day was come, that in the quarell of so bounteous a citie, there was no man would so long as his breath lasted, spare either lim or life. Seeing that this commoditie they should have to helpe them, namely, that during the time that their bodies were imploied, & busily occupied in the defence of Commonweale, their privat estate should stand at one yet, and not decay. And for as much as it came of them­selves, and never moved by any of the Tribunes of the Commons, nor called for and craved im­portunatly, by their importune speeches; that was it, that multiplied their joie, and made the boon it selfe much more acceptable. But the Tribunes of the Commons (who onely had not their part in this common joy and concord of all States) came in with their vie, and said, that it would not prove so joyous and happie to the Nobles all in generall, as they supposed: that this H course and order taken, was at the first sight better than it would be found in the practise and ex­ecution. For how could that monie possiblie be made and raised, but by levying a tribute or pai­ment of the people? they were therfore liberal, but of other mens purses. But admit or say that the rest would beare it, yet those neither could nor would endure it, who were past warre-service, and lived upon their pensions and annuall salarie: who would grudge and repine, that others here­after should serve in warre for more gaine than they had in their time done; who having beene charged with the pay of their owne service, should now againe bee put to contribute to the wages of others.’ With these words they moved part of the Comminaltie. Last of all when there was a levie exacted, the Tribunes also proclaimed, That they would beare as many out, as would not contribute to the souldiors pay. The Nobles continued still to maintain that which they had I so well begun, and were the first that opened their purse, and for that as yet they had no silver coine, some of them carried grosse peeces of brasse in waines to the treasure house, and made a goodly shew of contribution. When as the Nobles had most faithfully paied according to the rate of their wealth: the cheefe of the Commons also, friends of the Nobilitie, as it was afore agreed, began to lay their pennie to theirs: whom when the common sort saw both to bee com­mended of the Nobles, and to be admired and reverenced of the souldiours as good citizens: they all upon a suddaine, refusing the Tribunes assistance, began to strive who should pay first. And the decree or act being once passed; of proclaiming war against the Veientians, the new Tribunes Militarie led an armie to Veios, consisting much upon voluntarie souldiours. Now the Tribunes were T. Quintius Capitolinus, P. Quintius Cincinnatus, C. Iulius Tullus the second time, K A. Manlius, L. Furius Medullinus the third time, and M. Aemylius Mamercus. And these were the first that besieged Veij.

About the beginning of which siege, when the Tuscanes held a counsell in a solemne assem­blie at the temple of Volumna, they could hardly agree upon this point, Whether the Veientians should be defended by generall warre of the whole Nation, or no. The yeare following was the siege not so hote, by reason that some of the Tribunes, and part of the forces, were called away to the Volscian war. The Tribunes Militarie in Coss. authoritie, that yeare were C. Valerius Poti­tus the third time. M. Sergius Fidenas, P. Cornelius Maluginus, Cn. Cornelius Cossus. C. Fabius Am­bustus, Sp. Nautius Rutilius the second time. With the Volscians there was a pight field fought be­tweene Ferentinum and Ecetra. Wherein the Romanes had the day. Then the Tribunes began L to lay siege to Artena a towne of the Volscians: where, by reason of a sallying forth by them at­tempted, the enemies were driven backe into the towne, and the Romanes tooke occasion and vantage thereby, to breake in with them pell mell, and so they woon all, save only the castle. Into this fort naturally fenced, a good companie of armed men betooke themselves: but beneath the castle, many a man was either slaine or taken prisoner. Afterwards was the fortresse besieged also: Neither could it by assault be forced, for that there was a guard sufficient to man it, considering the bignesse of the place: nor gave the assailants any hope of yeelding, for before the towne was lost, they had conveied al their publicke provision of come into the castle. So that the Romanes had for very wearisomnesse departed from thence, but that a bondslave betraied it unto them. Who let in certaine souldiours at a steepe high place, and those were they that woon the for­tresse: M for when the warders were by them slaine, the rest of the multitude with suddaine fright were soone overcome, and yeelded. Thus, when both the castle and town of Artena was sacked and spoiled, the legions were brought backe from the Volscians, and all the Romans power im­ploied against Veij. To the traitour aforesaid, there was given besides libertie, the pillage of two [Page 179] A housholds for a reward. And he was named ever after Servilius Romanus. There be that think Ar­tena was a towne of the Veientians, and not of the Volscians: the occasion of which error is, for that there was a towne of that name betweene Cere and Veios. But that towne the Romane kings destroied: and it belonged to the Ceretes, and not to the Veientians: but this other, wher­of we have reported the destruction, was in the countrie of the Volscians.

F WHEN peace elsewhere was obteined, the Romans and Veians were at war, with such mutuall malice & hatred; that it seemed, whether part were vanquished, should come to finall destruction. The assemblies for the Election of the rulers of both nations, far differed one from the other. The Romanes aug­mented the number of Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie: for eight of them (so as never afore) were created: M. Aemylius Mamercus the second time, L. Valerius Potitus the third time, Appius Claudius Crassus, M. Quintilius Varus, [Page 180] M. Iulius Tullus, M. Posthumius, M. Furius Camillus, and M. Posthumius Albas. The Vei­entians G contrariwise, being wearie of suing for dignities every yeare (a cause sometimes of civill discord) made themselves a King. Which offended the people of Hetruria: who as they abhorred all regall government, so they hated the person of the King himselfe. He had afore­time oppressed that nation, in regard of his greatnesse and pride withall: in that he had violently put downe their solemne plaies, the intermission whereof was held unlawfull and detestable. For upon a time, in an anger that he received a repulse, and by the Suffrages of the twelve nations, another was preferred before him to bee high Priest, in the very midst of their solemne Games and sports, he tooke from them the very plaiers and actors, whereof a great sort were his own ser­vants. That people therefore, given to superstition above all other, and so much the rather for that they excelled in the skill of religious observing the same, decreed to denie the Veientians H their aide, so long as they were governed under a King. This decree was suppressed and not spo­ken of at Veij for feare of the King, who would have accompted him that should report such a rumour, for a sower of sedition, rather than an authour of newes. The Romanes, albeit they heard that all was quiet from Hetruria: yet because they were advertised that in all the diets and counsels of that nation, the question was on foote and much debated, made their fortifications at Veij, so as they stood two waies: some looked towards the citie against all fallies and eruptions of the townesmen: others fronted Hetruria, to stop all succours that haply might come from thence. But the Romane captaines having greater hope in long siege, than in quick assault, began to build wintring harbours (a strange thing to Romane souldiors.) Their intent was all winter time to keepe continuall warre. ‘Which after it was told at Rome to the Tribunes of the I Commons (who now a long time could finde no matter and occasion of troubles and alterati­on) they leapt forth into the assembly of the people, sounding and solliciting the minds of the Commons, and eftsoones saying, That this was the onely matter, why a set paie was appointed for the souldiors: and that they were not ignorant, That the gifts of enemies would prove to be besmeered with poison: That the freedome of the Commons was bought and fold: That their young men were sent away farre off, and as it were banished from the citie and common-wealth, so that now they had not so much spare time as winter, nor any season els of the yeare, for to visit home and see unto their estate. What thinke yee (say they) is the cause of continuing this warfare? No other verily should they find it but this, least by reason of the frequent number of those young men, in whom the whole strength of the communaltie consisted, there might bee K something dealt in, and effected, concerning their commodities. Over and besides they com­plained how they were much more hardly used, than the Veientians. For as for them, they spent the winter within their owne houses, defending their cittie, fortified both with goodly walles, and also by naturall situation of the place: but the Romane souldiors abode by it still in labour and travaile, throwded under boothes of poore hides, overwhelmed with snowes and frosts, not lay­ing away their hamesse and weapons, so much as in winter: the ordinarie time of rest from alwars both by sea and land. This manner of hard bondage, neither the Kings, nor those proud and imperious Consuls (before the Tribunes authoritie was ordeined to take them downe) ne yet the Lordly ruling Dictatour, nor the insolent and unsupportable Decemvirs, ever enjoyned; thus to dwell in in continuall soulderie, as these Tribunes Militarie doe: who exercise upon the Com­mons L of Rome, an absolute and kingly authoritie. What would they doe another day, when they were Consuls or Dictators indeed, who now but representing onely the Consuls govern­ment (as vice Consuls) are so cruell and unreasonable? But we are well enough served, and justly have deserved no lesse. For that there was not so much as one place for a commoner, amongst eight Tribunes. Aforetime, the Nobles were wont with much heave and shove, to fill but three rownes: and now they goe eight in a rancke together, to obtaine all charges and dignities of State and government: and in that throng, a Commoner cannot have a place amongst them, to put his colleagues in mind (if he did nothing els) that they that goe to warfare were freemenyet, and citizens with them, and not bondslaves. Who in Winter at the least, ought to be brought againe to their houses and homes, and once a yeare visite their loving parents, their sweet chil­dren, M and best beloved wives: to make some use of their libertie, and chuse their Magistrates.’ These and such like speeches, whiles they broadly uttered and multiplied, they met at length with an adversarie that was able to match them, Appius Claudius, left for the purpose at home by his brethren in office, to restraine the Tribunes seditions: a man ever from his tender youth [Page 181] A trained up in the broiles and contentions of the Commons. Who certain yeares before (as wee have said) gave shrewd and unhappie counsell to dissolve and put downe the Tribunes authori­tie, by the contradiction and inhibition of their owne Colleagues: This man being not onely in wit prompt and readie, but also exercised by long practise, made at that time this or such like speech: The Oration of App. Clau [...]ius. If ever doubt were made, ô Quirites, whether the Tribunes of the Communaltie have for love of your good or their owne particular vantage, been alwaies the authors and beginners of discord and dissention, this yeare I know assuredly, yee need no more to stand in doubt. ‘And as I rejoice that yee are at length come to an end of this your long wandering, so I congratulate both you, and the Commonweale for your sake, that this error is cleared, and especially in the middest of your prosperitie. Is there any man maketh question now, that the Tribunes of the B Commons were not offended, nor tooke snuffe so much at the injuries at your hands received (if haply there have sometimes been any) as at the bountie of the Nobles, towards the Commons, in allowing pay to those that serve in war? What think ye els, either they feared then, or would at this day disturbe and disquiet: but only the concord and agreement of the States? Which they suppose tendeth most, and is sufficient; to abolish and overthrow the Tribunes authoritie. And verily, as naughtie Artisanes or lewd leeches, seek for work still, and would be ever doing: so they likewise desire to have some thing or other out of frame and amisse in the Commonweale; that to the repaire and cure thereof, they mightbe ever sent for and emploied. For whether doe yee, (and speake truth) maintain or impugne the communaltie? Are you the adversaries or the advo­cates of them that serve in the wars? Vnlesse peradventure this be your saying, Whatsoever the C Nobles doc, it misliketh us, be it for the good of the common people, or to their prejudice and dammage. And even as maisters forbid their owne servants and slaves, to have any dealing at all with strangers, and thinke it meet and reason, that they meddle neither hot nor cold with them: even so forewarne yee the Nobles from all commerce and entercourse with the Commons: to the end, that neither we by our courtesie and liberalitie, should allure and winne them; nor they againe become dutifull and obeysant to us. How much more ought you (I pray you) if there were any sparke (I say not) of civilitie, but of common humanitie and good nature in you, rather to favour, and as much as lieth in you, softer and cherish, as well the gracious kindnesse of the No­bles, as the willing service and obedience of the Commons? Which accord, if it were perpe­tuall, who would not undertake to warrant, that this Seignorie and Empire, within a while, might D prove the mightiest and most renowmed of all those States that border hard upon our confines? As for this purpose intended, and plot devised by my Colleagues, whereby they would not have the armie withdrawie away from the siege of Veij, before the service were brought to an end: how it would be not onely profitable, but also necessarie, I will hereafter argue and prove. Now for this time, I list rather to treat and speake of the present condition and state of those, that are emploied there in warfare. Which Oration of mine, if it were pronounced, not before you only, but also in the camp, and there canvassed & skanned of, by the very armie itself, I suppose, would seeme equall, and be received for good and reasonable. Wherein, if nothing els should come in­to my head to speake, I would content my selfe, and rest satisfied with the onely speeches given out by the very adversaries. They said of late, That pay was not to be allowed to the souldiors, for E that never before it had been allowed. How then can they now be offended, and so male content, if they who have some new commoditie comming to them, be enjoined also new labor propor­tionablie? For never lightly is there travell any where without gaine, nor gaine commonly with­out travell and emploiment. Paines and pleasure, things of themselves in nature most unlike, yet by a natural kind of societie (I know not how) are linked together. The soldier (aforetime) thought much to bestow his labour and service upon the Commonweale, at his owne proper charges: yet was he glad with all his heart, that one part of the yeare, he might looke to home, husband his land, and get maintainance to find himselfe and his, both at home in cittie, and abroad in warre. Now, taketh he contentment, and is well pleased, that the Commonweale is gainfull to him: and with joyfull heart receiveth his wages. Let him likewise bee content, with patience to forbeare F his house and familie (since hee is at no great charge) somewhat longer than ordinarie. Might not the Common-wealth, if shee would call him to a reckoning, justly say: Yearely pay thou hast, performe therefore thy yearely service? Doest thou thinke it reason, to re­ceive full wages for the whole yeare? and to bee emploied but sixe moneths for it? Much against my stomacke, ô Quirites, enforce I this point, and dwell still in this one part of my Ora­tion. [Page 182] for in this wise ought they to reason that have mercenatie and hired souldiours: but we G will use them as fellow citizens, and thinke it meet likewise that they entreat us kindly, and speak unto us as to their native countrie. Either it behoved us, not to have begun the warre at all: or els to proceed forward, now it is begun: yea and for the honour of the people of Rome, to finish it with all speed possible. And finished it will be, if we presse upon our enemies thus besieged: if we depart not afore we have accomplished our hope, by the winning of Veij. And surely, if ther were no other cause but this, even the very shame and indignitie of the thing, might force us to continue siege unto the end. In olde time, the whole power of Greece laied siege full ten years to one cittie, and that for one only woman: How farre (good god) from their owne home? how many lands and seas betweene? Are we then loth and weary being within 20. miles of our dwel­ling place, and almost in the sight of our ownecittie, to endure the toile of one yeares siege? Be­cause H (forsooth) we have but small cause given us to warre: and not griefes enough that might justly provoke us to abide and see the end. Seventimes alreadie they have rebelled: In peace ne­ver were they true. Our countrie have they spoiled and wasted a thousand times. The Fidenates they have caused to revolt from us. Our inhabitants there by us placed, they have slaine: and against all law of nations they were the principall instruments of that unworthie and unhumane murder of our Embassadours. All Hetruria would they have raised up against us, and at this day about it they go. And when our Embassadours came to demaund amends, they had like to have runne upon them and killed them. And ought we then with these kind of men to stand at a bay, and to warre coldly and by leisure? But if so just an hatred as this move us not: doe these things (I pray you) nere a whit move you neither? Their cittie is environed and beleagured with deep I trenches: blocked with mightie skonces, whereby the enemie is pent up and pinned within his owne wals. His fields he cannot till, and whatsoever was afore tilled, hath been destroied by war. If we dislodge and withdraw our armie backe, who doubteth, but that they (not for desire onely of revenge, but upon necessitie also and constreint to prey of other mens goods, having lost their owne) will invade and overrun our countrie? So that by this meanes we defer not the war, but bring it within our owne borders and confines. But now as touching that which properly indeed concerneth souldiors (of whom our good Tribunes of the Commons would now in all the hast seeme to have so great regard, from whom ere while they would have wrested their wa­ges:) but what is that (I say?) A trench they have cast, a rampier and platforme they have raised, (matters of exceeding travaile and labour) so far about: skonces at the first a few, but after as their K armie increased, they have erected very thicke in every place. Forts they have built, not onely to commaund the towne, but also looking toward Hetruria, to impeach the avenues if any aid should from thence come. What should I speake of the rolling frames and toures, the man­tilets and other Fabricks? What should I speake of the tarraces, torteises, rams, and all other en­gins of assault and batterie? Thinke yee it meet, that after so great toile and paines taken, now that the workes at length are brought to an end, these things should be left and abandoned, that against summer we should be newe to begin againe, and sweat a fresh about the same? How much lesse travaile rather is it to keepe these munitions alreadie made? to be instant, and con­stant to endure, and abide? yea and to rid our hands of all the care at once? For surely we may soone dispatch the service, if it be plied throughly and followed on still without stay; and if we L ourselves by these intermissions and respites between e, make not a long piece of worke of it, and drawe our hope a length. Thus much of the labour and losse of time. What els? Considering these so many parliaments, these diets and Councels continually in Tuscane, about sending aid to Veij, can we forget the danger that we incurre by deferring the warre? Indeede (as thinges now presently stand) I confesse the Tuskanes with the Veientians are angrie, they hate them and denie to send: and for any thing by them done, we might win Veij out of hand. But who dare warrant, that if the warre be delaied, they will hereafter be of the same mind? Seeing that if the Veientians have any rest and breathing time given them, they are like, to send oftner their embas­sages, and those more honourable than heretofore. Also the King who newly is set up and crea­ted at Veij (the onely thing that now offendeth the Tuscanes) in processe of time, may be chan­ged M for another governour, either by agreement of the State (thereby to reconcile the hearts of the Tuscanes) or of his own accord: who will not peradventure that his princely regiment should be hurtfull to the safetie of his subjects. See how many things, how many inconveniences fol­low and ensue upon that course and manner of proceeding. The losse of the fabricks and fortifi­cations, [Page 183] A with so great labour alreadie prepared and achieved: the imminent and present wasting our owne borders: the Tuscanes warre in steed of the Veientians. These your devices, o ye Tri­bunes, are much what like to his, that offering a sicke man some kinde of meat or drinke, for the very present to gratifie him withall, to please his palate and to content his talage, maketh his dis­ease long and peradventure incureable: who might have been recovered out of hand; in case at once, he would have resolutely endured the right cure of a skilfull physitian. And certes, if it were not materiall to the managing of this warre in hand, yet would it import much to marti­all discipline, that our souldiors should be acquainted, not onely with the sweet fruit of a victorie atchieved, but also if occasion required longer time, to abide this tediousnesse: and to wait for the end of their hope, be it never so long: and if war be not finished in summer, to stay for winter: B and not as sommer birds, by andby in the fall of the leafe, to looke about and seeke for housing, harbour and covert. Consider, I beseech you, and see. The love and pleasure of hunting, carri­eth men into mountaines, woods, and forests; through frost and snow, after their game: shal not we then use the like sufferance in the needfull exploits of warre, which pastimes, sports, and de­lights, are wont to draw and fetch out of us? Thinke we the bodies of our souldiors so effeminat, their hearts so tender and delicat, that they cannot for one winter abide in campe, and forbeare their home, but must needs warre as men at sea, watching times and seasons, and observing the quarters of the yeare? Cannot they endure both parching heat and chilling cold? They would blush and be abashed verely, if a man should therewith charge them: and they would stand stifly in this and avouch, That they had both in bodie and mind manlike sufferance and patience: and C that they were souldiors as well for winter as sommer: and that they set not the Tribunes a worke for any patronage of cowardise & shelter of idlenesse: but remembred wel enough, that their fore­fathers were not under shade for feare of sunburning, nor had their houses over their heads for taking cold, when they first created and ordeined that magistracie of Tribunes. This rather is be­seeming the valour of your souldiors, this fitteth well the name of Romanes, not to have their eie upon Veij onely, and this warre now in hand, but to seeke for fame and glorie both by other exploits, and also with other nations in time to come. And thinke yee that there would ensue hereupon a small crack of credit, and hazard of reputation? Would ye have the neighbour nati­ons confining upon us, conceive thus of the people of Rome, That if a cittie could receive their first brunt, and abide their assault for a very small while, it neede not after to feare any more? Or D rather should not this dread and terrour of our name spread all abroad, both far and neare, That no wearisomnesse of long siege & assault, no violence of bitter winter, is able to raise the Roman armie from any towne once by them invested? as knowing no other ende of warre but victorie? and whose manner of service is not by way of violent force more than of obstinate continuance, which (as in all other militarie occasions) so in besieging of citties is most needfull: the greatest number whereof, being either by strong bulwarkes and other fortifications, or by naturall situa­tion impregnable, yet by famine, by hunger and thirst, processe and tract of time only doth force and overthrow. As it will (I doubt not) Veij at length: unlesse the Tribunes of the commu­naltie succour our enemies: unlesse that the Veientians find that reliefe and aid at Rome, which they seeke in vaine throughout all Hetruria. For can there ought happen to the Veientians E so wishedfor, as that first the cittie of Rome should be full of variance, and then the campe (as it were by a contagion from thence) as full of mutinies? But contrariwise I assure you, amongst the enemies, so good order there is and government, that neither the tediousnesse of long siege, ne yet the loathing of kingly rule, hath caused any stur or garboile among them. No not the deniall of helpe from the Tuscanes hath one whit troubled and distempered their mindes: but die he shall forthwith, that is the author of sedition. Neither shall any man there be suffered to speake those words, which are spoken here amongst you without any punishment or controlling. He deserveth the bastanado, to be drie beaten and well cudgeled, that forsaketh his colours, or departeth from his guard and quarter. But here, in open assemblies, they that persuade and coun­sell not one or two souldiors, but whole armies to leave their standerds and ensignes, and aban­don F the very campe, have audience with applause. In so much, that whatsoever a Tribune of the Commons speaketh, although it were to betray the cittie, and undoethe whole state, ye are used to hearken and give good eare to him: and being ravished and carried away with the sweetnesse of that authoritie, yee suffer under it to lurke any misciefe whatsoever. There remaineth now no more but this, that the words they give out here with open mouth, the same they might iterate [Page 184] in the campe among the souldiors, to corrupt the armie, and not suffer them to obey their cap­taines. G For to such licentious libertie they are growne at Rome, that they feare and reverence neither counsell nor magistrate, neither lawes nor auncient customes, neither decree of Sena­tours, ne yet the discipline of militarie service.’

Now was Appius with his orations good enough for the Tribunes, & able to meet them at eve­rie turne: But see; (a thing that no man would have thought) a losse and foile received before Veij made Appius to have the better hand of the cause, wrought a greater unitie among the states, and kindled an ardent desire to assaile Veij more hotelie, and to beseege it with more re­solution. For when they had raised up a mount neere to the citie, and approched in a manner to the wals thereof, with their rolling towers & roufed mantlets, whiles (I say) they were not so vi­gilant in the night season to tend and watch these Fabrikes, as they were busie and earnest in the H day time to reare and plant them; behold, all of a suddain the enemies opened a gate, and armed in great numbers, especially with burning firebrands, set all on a light fire: and in the space of one hower consumed both the mount and the mantlets, which had cost so long time in making. And many a man besides that came to helpe (but in vaine) by sword and fire lost his life. Which being reported at Rome, made all men heavie and sad, and caused the Senatours to take care and feare, how upon this accident, they might possiblie prevent and stay, either commotion in cittie, or mutinie in campe: doubting least that the Tribunes would have insulted over the Common­weale, as if they had gotten a great conquest. At what time, they that were by calling Gentlemen and so assessed, and had no horses of service assigned them from the cittie, after some consultati­on together among themselves, suddainely came into the Senate: and having libertie graunted I of speech, promised to serve in the warres with horses of their owne. After that the Senate had right honourablie thanked and given them most gracious words, the newes thereof was no soo­ner bruited through the market place and whole cittie, but behold, all on a suddaine the Com­mons came running unto the counsell house, saying, that as they were then to serve as footmen, so they offered their service to the Commonweale extraordinarily without mustering, whether they should be led, either to Veij, or to any other place whatsoever. And if they were condu­cted to Veij, they would not returne againe (they say) from thence, before they had woon that ci­tie from their enemies. At which words, the Senatours so exceedingly joied above measure, that hardly they could temper themselves. For they tooke not order, as they did by the Gentle­men and horsemen afore, that they should be praised by the mouth of the Magistrates thereto K appointed, nor called them into the counsell house, there to give them an answere, neither could they keepe themselves within the counsell house dore. But every one of them in his own behalfe so well as he could, signified from alost, both by word of mouth, and gesture of hand, unto the multitude standing in the Comitium, a generall joy conceived: saying, That the cittie of Rome in that concord and unitie would be happie, invincible, and perpetuall: commending the horsmen, praising the footmen, extolling and magnifying that very day, and confessing that now they had surpassed the courtesie and bountie of the Senate. So that Nobles and Commons both, for joy wept againe who could weepe most, untill the Senators were recalled into the court: where a de­cree was made, That the Tribunes Militarie should assemble the people, and give thankes both to horsemen and footmen, and promise in the name of the Senate, that they would bee mindfull of L their affectionate kindnesse to their countrie: and to signifie that it was their pleasure, that they all, who had offered extraordinarie service so willingly, should have their pay notwithstanding: yea, and for the horses also there was assigned a certaine rate and proportion of wages. This was the first time that the Gentlemen began to serve on horsebacke for money. This voluntarie ar­mie marched to Veij, and not onely repaired againe the workes which had been destroied, but al­so went in hand to erect new. And from the cittie was provision of victuall brought, with greates care of convoy than afore, that nothing might be wanting to an armie so well deserving of the Commonweale.

The yeare following had for their Militarie Tribunes in Consuls authoritie, C. Servilius Hala the third time, Q. Servilius, P. Virginius, Q. Sulpitius, A. Manlius the second time, and M. Sergius M the second time. In these Tribunes time, whiles every mans care was bent to the Veientian war, The fort of Anxur being neglected, by occasion that the garrison souldiors were disbanded and raunged much abroad, and commonly received Volscian marchants into the town, was suddain­ly surprised, by reason that the warders of the gates were betraied. Lesse companie of souldiours [Page 185] A there were slaine: because that all of them (besides those that were sicke) found themselves occu­pied and traded all the countrie over, and in the citties adjoyning, like to lawlesse lackies that fol­low the campe. Neither was there better successe at Veij, wherein rested the chiefe care now, of all their publicke affaires. For not onelie the Romane captaines were more angred one at an other, than couragious against the enemie: but also the forces of the enemies were increased by the suddain comming of the Capinates & the Falisci. Which two nations of Hetruria, because they inhabited next, supposing when Veij should be forced and lost, that their turne would be next to be warred upon by the Romanes: and the Faliscians besides, upon a speciall grudge and old quarrell of their owne, for that asore time in the Fidenate warre, they had inter­medled and interessed themselves: sent their embassadours to and fro, and by binding themselves B by a solemne oth one to the other, came unlooked for with their power to Veij. And by chance they assailed that side and quarter where M. Sergius a militarie, Tribune had the charge of a skonce. Who gave a great al'arme and caused exceeding fright: because the Romanes sup­posed certainlie that all Hetruria was raised out of everie part, and there present, with all the power they could make. The same imagination animated the Veientians also within the cittie, to make a falley. So was the campe of the Romanes assailed on both sides. And whiles they ran together up and downe, and turned their ensignes everie way, and could hardlie keepe the Veientians within the strength of their fortresse, nor yet repulse the violence from their owne fortifications and rampiers, and defend themselves from their forraine enemies behind: their onely hope was to have helpe from the greater leaguer: that the legions in sundrie pla­ces C might make head, some against the Capenates and the Falisci, others against the sally of the townsmen. But Virginius had the charge of that maine campe, one that bare a privat grudge and inward malice against Sergius, and was hated againe of him. This man, when word was brought that most of the Fabricks and bulwarkes were assaulted, that the ramparts & trenches were won, and that the enemies on both sides charged lustily, kept his soldiors wel appointed in armes: say­ing, that if there were any need of helpe, his Collegue should send unto him, if he would. And he for his part was not so arrogant & insolent, but the other was as peevish and wilfull. Who be­cause he would not seeme to seeke unto his adversarie, nor crave aide at his hand, chose rather to be vanquished of his enemie, than to overcome him by helpe of a fellow citizen. Thus be­tweene them for a good while the poore soldiours went to wrecke, and were slaine. At the last, D forsaking their rampiers, a verie few of them escaped into the maine campe. But the most part, with Sergius himselfe wentthrough to Rome. Where when he had laid all the fault upon his fel­low in government, it was thought good that Virginius should be sent for out of the campe: and that in the mean while their deputies & lieutenants should command the forces. Herupon was the matter debated in the Senat, & the two Tribunes kept a taunting & reviling: & many hard termes were delt between them. Few there were that tendred the common good, but took part either with the one of the other, as ech of them were fancied & beloved. Howbeit the LL. of the Senat thoght good, howsoever that so shameful chance hapned either through the default, or unluckie fortune of the captains, not to expect the ordinary ful time of the election, but that presently ther should be new Tribunes militarie created, to enter into their office on the 1 day of October kalends of October. To which E opinion when they were all agreed, the other Tribunes militarie nothing gain said it. But Sergius and Virginius (for whose sake it appeared that the Senat was weary of the magistrates that yeare) at the first made meanes and besought them not to disgrace and discredite them so: and after­ward assaid to crosse the decree: denying that they would give over their place, before the The 13 day of December. Ides of December, which was the set and usuall day of entring yearelie into newe offices. Amid this businesse, the Tribunes of the Commons, who had kept silence even against their wils, so long as men were at unitie and the affaires of the cittie prospered, upon a suddaine brake out and threatened sharpelie the two Tribunes Militarie, that unlesse they would submit them­selves, and rest in the authoritie of the Senate, they would commit them to warde. ‘Then C. Servilius Hala, a Militarie Tribune, stood up and said, As for you and your threats, ô ye F Tribunes of the Commons, in good faith, I would gladlie see once, that there were no more power and authoritie in these here, than will and stomack in you. But who seeth not that there is no striving against the authoritie of the Senat? And therfore hold ye content: and forbeare you to seeke oportunitie and occasion upon our variance to offer wrong. And my brethren for their parts shall either do that which the Senat thinketh good: or els if they shall continue stubborne [Page 186] still in their contumacie, I will presentlie nominate a Dictator, to force them to leave their of­fice.’ G This speech was approved with a generall accord. And the Senatours being glad that with­out the terrours and scarbugs of the Tribunes authoritie, there was found out another greater power to bridle magistrats: the two militarie Tribunes aforesaid, were overweighed with the con­sent of all parties, and held a new election of militarie Tribunes, to begin their government on the [...] Kalends of October: and before that day they resigned up their places. Thus were L. Vale­rius Potitus the fourth time, M. Furius Camillus the second time, M. Aemilius Mamercus the third time, Cn. Cornelius Cossus the second time, C. Fabius Ambustus, and L. Iulius Tullus, Tri­bunes militarie in Consuls authoritie.

In whose time many worthie Acts were performed both at home and abroad. For not onelie they had war in sundrie places at one time, namely at Veij, at Capena, against Falerij, & with the H Volsci, to the end that Anxur might be won again and recovered from the enemies: but at Rome also, what about musters and paying the tribute for soldiours pay, there was much trouble. Be­sides there was some variance, about taking in certaine Tribunes of the Commons to the rest: and the two arraignments of those, who a little before had governed in Consuls authoritie, cau­sed no small stirre. But the principall care of the Tribunes militarie, was that the muster should go forward. Neither were the yonger sort and serviceable men only prest forth, but the elder also compelled to give their names, and to keepe watch and ward in the cittie. But looke how much greater was the number of soldiors, so much more mony they needed for their paiment. And the same was levied by a contribution: but unwillinglie of as manie as taried at home. For that besides the levie, they were enjoyned to become soldiours also, in defence of the citie & to serve I in person for the Commonwealth. These things, grievous as they were of themselves, so by the seditious Orations of the Tribunes in their assemblies, they seemed more grievous and heavie. ‘Who argued and discoursed thus, That wages was appointed for soldiours to this end, only that what by warfare, and what with exactions and impositions, they might undoe the Commons, and make an end of them at once for ever. One warre (say they) hath now continued three years, and the same, for the nonce, ill managed, that it might be drawen out the longer. Againe, in one muster there were armies enrolled for no fewer than foure wars, wherunto beardlesse boyes and old crasiemen, were taken up and haled forth. Now there was no difference of winter or sommer: so as the poore Commons at no time can have any rest. Who now at last are taxed also and racked to the uttermost, so that after they have brought home with them their bodies overtoyled with K travaile, weakned with wounds, and last of all, wasted and spent with age: and finding all things at home unhusbanded by reason of the long absence of the masters and owners, they must be faine to pay Tribute even out of their poore decaied quickestocke, and repaie againe with great usurie to the Commonwealth, their wages received in warre, as it were upon interest.’

Betweene the musters of one side, and the leavie of soldiours pay on the other side, and their mindes occupied about greater affaires, at the Election of Tribunes of Commons, the number could not fullie be made up: Wherupon there was great labour made, that into the rowmes that were void, there should be some of the Nobilitie taken in and admitted. VVhen that could not be obtained, yet to impeach and overthrow [...] the Tribunes law, it was effected or brought to passe that they should assume unto them for Tribunes of the Commons. C. Lacerius, and L Marcus Atilius, by the might and practise no doubt of the Patrilij. It hapned, so that the same yeare C. Trebenius was a Tribune of the Commons, who would seeme to undertake the patro­nage and defence of the law Trebonia, and discharge it as a duetie to that name and house belon­ging. ‘He spake alowd and said, that whereas the Tribunes Militarie had wonne that, wherof some of the Nobles had borne the repulse in their first suit, [...] and that the law Trebonia was disanulled, in that certaine Tribunes of the Comminaltie were taken into their fellowes, not by suffrages and free voices of the people, but by the rule and commaundement of the Nobles: and that the matter was come to that passe, that either Noblemen, or their favourites and followers were to become Tribunes of the Commons: that their sacred lawes were taken from them perforce, and the Tribunes authoritie wrested from out of their hands by violence: All these inconveniences he M complained to have hapned through the fraudulent practise of the Nobles: and the mischievous leawdnesse and treacherie of his owne companions in office. Thus whiles there grew great hart­burning among them, and that not the Nobles onely, but also the Tribunes of the Commons, as well they, which were elected, asthey that were electors, were hardly thought of by the people: [Page 187] A Then three of the companie, P. Curiatius, M. Metilius, and Minutius, fearing some shrewd turne like to fall upon Sergius and Virginius, (the Tribunes militarie of the former yeare) and by ser­ving processe, giving them a day to answere, turned from themselves the anger and displea­sure of the commons, upon those two persons: publishing openly, That whosoever were grieved for the musters and the Tribute, whosoever thought the warre long, and the continuall soulderie tedious, whosoever sorrowed for the dammage and discomsiture received at Veij, whosoever for the losse of their children, brethren, kinsfolke, or any of their alliance had heavie and mournefull houses: to them they offered libertie and power to wreake their publicke and privat greefe, upon these two guiltie persons and offenders, Sergius & Virginius, the very cau­ses of all the mischeefes and calamities that were hapned. For why? the adversarie charged them B with no more than was confessed by the very parties: who finding themselves both faultie, laid the blame one upon the other: whiles Virginius reproched Sergius with running away, and Sergius laid treason to Virginius his charge, in that hee denied his helpe in time of need. For to say they were both of them so inconsiderate and foolish onely, were to speake beyond all com­passe of beleefe. But much more likely it was, that there was some packing rather, and that the matter was contrived, and practised of set purpose, and by an ordinarie and common fraudulent plot of the Patritij. By whose meanes, both at the first the Veientians gat oportunitie to fire their workes, thereby to draw out and prolong the warre, and also now the armie was bought and sold, and the Romane campe betraied to the Falisci. And all this, to no other end, but that the youth and flower of the citie might wax old at Veij, & that the Tribunes might not propose and C consult with the people about the distribution of lands, or any other commodities of the poore commons, or in frequent & full assemblie of citizens intend and follow their publicke actions, and withstand the conspiracie of the gentrie and Nobles. Moreover there is alreadie (say they) a prejudice passed against these offenders, both by the Senate and people of Rome, and also by their colleagues. For as they were displaced and deposed from their office, by an Act of the Se­nate: so when they refused to give over, they were for feare of a Dictatour forced by their owne companions to resigne up their government: and the people of Rome had created other Tri­bunes militarie to enter into their charge, not upon the usuall day which was in the 13. day of De­cember. Ides of De­cember, but forthwith in the Kalends of October: as who would say, the common-wealth had not been able to stand any longer, if these men had remained still in place. And yet for all this, D these persons thus convicted and fore-condemned by so many prejudices, come now to be jud­ged of the people: thinking they are sufficiently quit, and discharged, yea and have suffered pu­nishment enough, in that they were two moneths sooner than ordinarie, made privat persons; and perceive not, that thereby was taken from them the power onely to doe any harme, and no punishment inflicted upon them. For as much as, even their very colleagues, who had not of­fended, were likewise discharged as well as they. Let the Quirites therfore & people of Rome, take that heart to them again, which they had upon the late overthrow, fresh and bleeding new, when they beheld the armie running in fearfull flight, sore wounded and agast, arriving at the gates, blaming no fortune, nor any of the gods, but onely these their two brave leaders. And as for us, we know assuredly that there is not one of all them here presently assembled, who that day cur­sed E not in his heart and detested the head, the house, and whole estate of L. Virginius and M. Ser­gius. Neither is it convenient, that upon whom, ere while every man praied that the anger and vengeance of God would light, against them now when they both may and ought, they should not extend their full power with rigour. Since that even the very gods never lay hand themselves upon sinners and offenders: but it sufficeth that they arme the wronged and oppressed persons with meanes and opportunitie of revenge. The Commons upon these speeches moved with indignation, condemned these two offenders in 26 lib. 5 [...] ­sterl. 10000 brasen Asses a piece: notwithstan­ding that Sergius pleaded for himselfe, blamed the common fortune of warre, and laid all upon fortune: and Virginius besought them (but both in vaine) that he might not be more unhappy, and speede worse at home, than abroad in warre.’ Thus the peoples wrath being diverted upon F these two, obscured and darkned the remembrance both of the assumption and admitting of the Tribunes aforesaid, and of deluding and disanulling the law Trebonia. The Tribunes thus having gotten the upper hand, to the end that the communaltie might have a present reward for awar­ding this dome, publish the law Agraria, and forbid the levying of the Subsidie for souldiours pay: seeing there was neede of pay for so many armies: and sped so well they had, in the mana­ging [Page 188] of warfare, as they were like to come to an end, without any warring at all. For at Veij the G pecie campe which was lost, being recovered againe, was fortified with strong bulwarks, and fur­nished with good guards. The Tribunes Militarie, M. Aemylius and Q. Fabius, had the charge there. And as for M. Furius in the Faliscan, and Cn. Cornelius in the Capenate countrie, they could meet with none enemies without their towne wals. But they drave away booties, and wasted their marches, by firing their villages and their corne: but as for their townes, they neither assaulted nor besieged them. But in the Volscian countrie, after their territorie was wasted, Anxur also was assaulted (but in vaine) for that it was situate on high. Whereupon Valerius Po­titus, who had the charge of that province, seeing that force would not prevaile, began by trench and rampier to laie siege to it, and invest it round. The affaires of war abroad standing in these termes, there arose domesticall strifeand sedition at home: and the same was followed more ear­nestly H and with greater adoe, than the wars were managed without. And when by reason of the Tribunes there could no subsidies and exactions be gathered, nor mony for souldiors pay sent to the Generals, and that the souldiours called on them hard, and were hastie for their wages: the campe also had like to have beene troubled and infected with the contagion of those civill mu­tinies. During these heates and angrie fits of the Commons against the Nobles, albeit the Tri­bunes of the people said, That now the time was come of establishing their freedome, and trans­lating the chiefest dignitie from the Sergij, and Virginij, to the Commoners, such as were men of va our and action: Yet they prevailed no more than thus, that one onely of the communaltie, (as it were to make entrie & take possession in the right of that dignitie) to wit, [...] P. Licinius Calvus, should be created Tribune Militarie with Consuls authoritie: the rest were all of the Nobilitie, I Pub. Manlius, and P. Titinius, P. Melius, L. Furius Medullinus, & L. Popilius Volscus. The very Com­mons themselves marvelled, that they had obtained so great a thing, and not he onely who was created, a man that aforetime had never been in place, and borne no magistracie, yet an ancient counsellor of State, and elderly person, and well stept in yeares. Neither as yet is it for certaine knowne, why he first and above all others was counted a meet man to take hansell, or take sey of this new dignitie and promotion. Some thinke, that for his brother Cn. Cornelius his sake, who had been the yeare afore a Tribune Militarie, and had given to the horsemen triple pay, hee was through favour drawne in, and called to so great honour. Others, for that himselfe had picked out a convenient time, and made a plausible Oration, that both Nobles and Commons liked very well, concerning the agreement and unitie of the States. The Tribunes of the Com­mons K rejoycing highly for this their victorie in the Election, remitted and called in the Inhibi­tion of the subsedie or imposition aforesaid, the thing that most of all prejudiced the service of the C.W. By meanes whereof paiment was made in all dutifull obedience, and sent it was unto the armie. Then within short time was Anxur (in the Volscians countrie) recovered: by occasion that on a feastivall holyday, the watch and ward of the citie was neglected. This was a yeare nota­ble and famous for the cold and snowie winter, so as the high waies were choked up, and Tyberis was unnavigable. Howbeit, by reason of provision brought in aforehand, the price of comarose not. And for because P. Licinius, as he entred his government without any troubles, & with grea­ter joy and contentment of the Commons than indignation of the nobles; so also ruled and ex­ecuted it all the yeare long accordingly: therefore their teeth watered the next election also, to L make Tribunes militarie of their owne bodie. One'y M. Veturius, of all the Nobilitie that stood in suit for the dignitie, had a place among them. But as for the other Tribunes militarie in Con­sular authoritie, all the Centuries in a manner chose Commoners, to wit, L. Titinius, P. Menenius Racilius, Cn. Genutius, and L. Attilius.

After this hard Winter, either by reason of a distemperature and disposition of the wea­ther, suddainely chaunging to a contrarie; or upon some other hidden and vnknowne cause, there followed presently a contagious and dangerous summer, by occasion of a pestilence, noi­some to all kind of living creatures. Of which incurable maladie, when as neither the reason could be found, nor any end thereof seene, the bookes of Sibylla, were by a decree of the Senate perused and Duumvirs appointed for divine rites and ceremonies, by celebrating a Lectisterne, M (then first instituted in the citie of Rome) to appease and pacifie Apollo, Latona, and Diana, Her­cules, Mercurie, and Neptune; feasted them (as it were) for the space of eight daies together, and for that purpose they set out three beds or banquetting tables; with as magnificent and stately furniture as could be for that time possiblie devised. Which solemnitie was privately also perfor­med. [Page 189] A All the gates and doores through the cittie stood wide open: all sort of viands were set out abroad to be used in common: open house kept for all commers, one with another, as wel vnknown strangers as their acquaintance with all friendlie welcom & interteinement: Kindlie, & courteous­lie would they talke and devise, even with their adversaries: all chiding and brauling was laid aside and put under foot. The prisoners also for that time were enlarged, yea & conscience made after­wards, that any should be laid or kept in yrons, unto whom the gods had vouchsafed that grati­ous meede.

But all this while much trouble there was, and many al'armes before Veij, by reason that three warres were joyned now in one. For when as all at once the Capenates and the Falisci came (in manner as afore, about the fortifications and trenches of the Romans) for to rescue the besieged, B they were forced to make head, and hazard a doubtfull bartaile against three armies. But the best helpe they had, was the remembrance of the late condemning of Sergius and Virginius. Therfore having conducted by a neerer way, their forces from the greater campe (which before lay stil and would not come to succour) they set upon the Capenates backes, as they turned against the ram­pier of the Romanes. The battaile there begunne, made the Falisci also afraid: in which affright of theirs they suddainlie sallied out of the lesser hold, in so good time that they forced the ene­mies to turne their backes, all quaking for feare. And having gotten the upper hand, they follow­ed the traine of the victorie, and in the chase made a verie great slaughter & carnage of them. And not long after, the forraiers that wasted the land of the Capenates, as they raunged abroad heere and there, encountred the residue and remnant of this battaile, as if fortune of purpose C had presented them to their hands, and swoopt them up cleane. Also many of the Veientians as they fled backe into the cittie, were cut in peeces before their verie gates: whiles they within for feare least the Romanes at once should rush in, made the gates fast & so shut out the hinmost of their owne men. These were the atchievances of this yeare.

And now approached the Election of the Tribunes militarie, whereof the Nobles had in a manner a greater care than of the warre: as who saw now that the soveraigne rule was not onlie parted with the comminaltie, but welneer on their own behalfe quite lost. Therfore albeit of set purpose they had prepared most noble and excellent men to stand in suite, whom to passe by and overhip, they thought the people would have bene ashamed: yet nevertheles they themselves (as if they had bene the parties that stood) tried everie way, and not onely sought the helpe of men, D but also craved it at the hands of the gods: making it great scruple & a matter of conscience: and alleadging that the elections for two yeares past were not according to the will of God: as ap­peared by this, say they, that in the former yeare, there was an intollerable winter, and such as portended some heavie judgements from above; how also the yeare following, there were no prodigious tokens shewed aforehand, but even the verie events and effects therof, were seene and felt: namelie the pestilence both in countrie & cittie, through the verie indignation, no doubt, of the gods, for that in the fatall bookes of Sybilla it was found out, that they ought to have bene pacified, for the diverting away of that pestilent influence. As if in those solemne assemblies which ought in the name of the gods and religiouslie to be held, the gods thought it an indig­nitie and unseemelie thing, that the honourable offices of state should be made common: no di­stinction E of degrees, no difference of houses observed, but all confused and shuffled together. The people therfore being driven into a maze, not onelie in regard of the majestie and dignitie of those that were competitors, but also of a verie remorse of conscience, chose for Tribunes mili­tarie in Coss. authoritie, all of the Nobilitie: & a good part of them, the most honorable perso­nages of the rest, to wit, L. Valerius Potitus the first time, M. Valerius Maximus, M. Furius Camillus the third time, L. Furius Medullinus the third time, Quintius Servilius Fidenas the second time, Quintus Sulpitius Camerinus the second time. How beit in this yeare no great exploit worthie of record, was performed at Veij under these Tribunes. All the service that was, consisted in for­raying and wasting. The two Lord-generals raised huge booties, to wit, Politus from Falerij, Ca­millus from Capena: leaving behind them nothing whole and untouched, that might be spoiled F by fire or sword. In this meane time, many fearfull prodigious tokens were reported, the most part whereof were slenderly credited, for that of each there was but one onely author: and be­cause there were no soothsayers, by whom they might make procuration therefore (since that the Tuscanes were now professed enemies) they were altogether neglected. But one especially there was, which all men had an eie and regard unto, namely, for that a certaine poole within the Al­bane [Page 190] bane forrest, [...] without extraordinarie raine from above, or any other occasion which might make the thing seem lesse miraculous and wonderfull, was risen unto an unusuall heigth. Certain Ora­tours therefore were sent to the Oracle of Delphi, to know what the gods foresignified by that prodigious token. But they, as God would, met with an interpreter of the Destinities neerer home, to wit, an auncient Veientian. Who (upon a time, when as the souldiors, both of the Romans and Tuscanes, let slie one at the other taunts and scotfes from their stations and guards) thus spake in propheticall wise: That until the water were drained and let out of the Albane poole, the Romans should never be maisters of the towne of Veij. Which saying of his was at the first contemned as a foolish word, rashly let fall from him: but after, it began to bee much talked of, so long, untill a certaine Romane souldiour from out of his ward, enquired of a towns-man that warded next unto him (for now by reason of longwarre they had entercourse of speech one with another) H what he was who had cast out such an ambiguous riddle of the Albane lake? When he heard that he was a soothsaier, being himselfe also a man not without some sense of religion, trained that wisard forth to communication, pretending, that he would gladly be resolved himselfe, as tou­ching a particular prodigious object that troubled his mind: and therefore requested him at his good leasure, to take so much paine as to conferre with him, and give him counsell about the ex­piation and diverting the danger thereof. Now when they were both gone a good way from their fellowes, unarmed, and without all feare and suspition one of the other, the Romane being a lu­stie tall young man, caught the feeble old fellow in the sight of them all, and notwithstanding a great stirre that the Tuscanes made (but all in vaine) had him away perforce to his owne compa­nie. Who being brought before the Generall, was sent afterwards to Rome unto the Senat. ‘And I being demaunded what the meaning of that should be, which hee had prognosticated and pre­saged concerning the Albane lake, answered thus: Certainely the gods were offended with the people of Veij, that day on which they put this into his mind to bewray the fatall and inevita­ble destruction of their State and countrie: and therefore that, which as then he being stirred by divine inspiration had prophesied, neither might he call backe againe and unspeake: and besides happily by concealing those things which the immortall gods would have to be published, there might be committed as great sinne, as by disclosing mysteries to bee concealed. Thus therefore (quoth hee) is it written in the fatall bookes of fortunes, and thus in the Tuscanes learning, to us it is delivered, [...] THAT VVHEN THE ALBANE VVATER OVERFLOVVED, IF THEN THE RO­MANS WITH DUE AND RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES LET IT OUT, THEY SHOULD HAVE K THE VICTORIE OF THE VEIENTIANS: BUT BEFORE THAT, THEGODS VVOULD NOT FORSAKE THE VVALS OF THE VEIENTIANS.’ Then went hee on still, and shewed what was the solemne and right manner of deriving the water. But the Nobles supposing the author to be but light of credite, and not of sufficient account in so weightie a matter to be beleeved, resolved to expect the Embassadours, and the answere of the Oracle of Apollo. But before these messen­gers were returned from Delphi, or any expiation found out for this Albane miracle, the new Tribunes Militarie with Consuls authoritie. L. Iulius Tullus, L. Furius Medullinus the fourth time, L. Sergius Fidenas, A. Pesthumius Regillensis, P. Cornelius Maluginensis, A. Manlius, began their government.

In that yeare there arose new enemies, the Tarquiniens. They seeing the Romanes busied with L many warres at once, with the Volscians at Anxur, who laid siege to the fort there: with the Aequians at Lavicos, who assaulted the colonie of the Romanes: besides, with the Veientians the Faliscians and Capenates: and that within the cittie there was no greater quietnes, by reason of variance between the Nobilitie and Commons: supposing, I say, that hereby they had good op­portunitie to doe some injurie and harme, they send forth certaine bands of soldiours lightlie appointed, into the territorie of Rome, to for [...]ay and make spoile: thinking that the Romanes would either put up that wrong at their hands without revenge, because they would not charge themselves with a new warre: or encounter them and make head with a small power and the same but slender & disfurnished. The Romans were more offended at the indignitie of these bravadoes, than they cared much for the spoile done by the Tarquiniens. And thereupon they neither made M much adoe about the matter, nor drove it off any long while. A. Posthumius and Lu. Iulius levied a power, without any ordinarie muster (for letted they were by the Tribunes of the Commons) even in a manner of voluntarie souldiours, whom they had procured with good words and com­fortable speeches. And passing throughout the countrie of the [...]rites by crosse and crooked [Page 191] A waies, surprised the Tarquiniens upon a suddaine, as they returned from boothaling, and loden with great prises. Many they slew, all they eased of their loding: and thus having recovered the spoiles of their lands, they returne to Rome. Two daies were allowed for the owners, everie one to owne his proper goods: and on the third day, such goods as were unknowne (wherof the most part belonged to the enemies) were sold in portsale: and that mony which was made thereof was devided among the soldiors. All other warres and especially the Veientian, had doubtfull issew. For now the Romanes despairing of all mans helpe, regarded and expected onelie the course of destinies and the will of the gods. By which time the Embassadours were returned from Delphi, bringing the answere of the Oracle, agreeable to the former answere made by thewi­sard, which was taken prisoner: The answere of the Oracle. and it ranne in this forme: BEVVARE ô ROMANE THAT THE B ALBANE VVATER BE NOT KEPT TOO LONG IN THE POOLE. BEVVARE THOU LET IT NOT DISCHARGE IT SELFE INTO THE SEA. LET IT FORTH AND VVATER THE FIELDS THER VVITH, BY SVNDRIE RIVERETS OR STREAMES THOU SHALT VVAST IT AND DRAW IT DRIE. THEN ASSAULT VALIANTLIE THE ENEMIES VVALS, REMEMERING THAT OVT OF THAT CITIE VVHICH SO MANIE YEARES THOU HAST BESIEGED, VIC­TORY IS PROMISED TO THEE ASSVREDLY, BY THOSE DESTINIES VVHICH NOVV ARE RE­VEALED. AND AFTER THE VVARRE ENDED AND CONQVEST ATCHIEVED, SEE THOU BRING UNTO MY TEMPLE, AN AMPLE AND HONOVRABLE PRESENT: AND PERFORME THE SACRED CEREMONIES OF THY COUNTRIE ACCORDING TO THE OLD CUSTOME, AND RENEVV THOSE A FRESH VVHICH HAVE OF LATE TIME BEN NEGLECTED. Hereupon C grew this captive prophet abovesaid to be greatlie accounted of: and the Tribunes militarie, Cor­nelius and Posthumius, began to take his counsel and advice, about the procuration of the Albane miracle, & to appease the gods in due order. And sound it was at last where it was that the gods bla­med the neglect of ceremonies, and for-letting the ancient solemnities and sacrifices: and that cer­tainly it was nothing else, but that there was an errour committed in creation of the magistrats: and they so created, had solemnised the Latine holidaies wrong, and celebrated the sacrifices in the Albane mount amisse. The onely purging or expiation wherof was, that the Tribunes mili­tarie should give over their office, and that they should take new Auspices againe by the flight and singing of beards, and so to proceed to an Interreigne. All which things were according to a decree of the Senate performed. Wherupon three Interregentes succeeded one after another. D L. Valerius, Q. Servilius Fidenas, M. Furius Camillus. But all this while no end there was, nor inter­mission of troubles and dissentions. For the Tribunes of the Commons, disturbed and staied the assemblie for the election so long, untill it was agreed that the greater part of the Tribunes mi­litarie, should be created from among the Commons. ‘During these affaires, the Tuscanes held certaine Diets and Councels at the Temple of Vol­tumna: where when the Capenats and Falisci required that with one common assent and resolu­tion, all the people of Hetruria should raise the siege from Veij, this answere was returned: That heretofore they had denied the Veientians their helpe in this regard, that they were not to seeke for aide at their handes, from whom in so weightie a matter they had not sought for counsell. But now their owne fortune made answere for them. For such was the difficultie E of their present state, That if they would yet they well could not: considering especially how into that part of Hetruria there were newly arrived to seat themselves there, the Gaules, a strange nation unto them: with whom they neither had assured peace, nor yet certaine warre to trust un­to. Howbeit for bloud sake, and for the very name, and in regard of the present perils of their kinsmen, they would grant thus much: that if any of their youthwould go forth to the war wil­lingly and of themselves, they would be no hinderance. Now was it noised at Rome, that a migh­tie great number of these enemies were come to levie the siege.’ Whereby, the civill discords (as it is commonly seene upon a generall feare) began to wax more calme & to slake. For the prin­cipall Tribe that had the prerogative to give their first voice, chose P. Licinius Calvus Tribune Militarie, without his owne suit (but not against the will of the Nobles) a man of approved good F carriage, and moderation in his former government, but exceeding old. ‘And it appeared evi­dently, that all the rest for that yeare, should be chosen a new after him, out of the Colledge of those that had been Tribunes Consular beforetime: namely, L. Titinius, P. Menenius, Cn. Ge­nutius, L. Atilius: who before they were elected and pronounced, P. Licinius Calvus spake in this maner (by the permission of the Interregent) unto the other Tribes, that were called in their [Page 192] right and orderly course, [...] to their suffrages. I see well, my masters, ô yee cittizens of Rome, that G in this Election, wherein ye have in remembrance our former magistracie, yee osse and presage happely against the yeare ensuing, concord and unitie: the onely thing at this time of all others most profitable: in case I say, you chuse againe, those who by experience also are become nowe more sufficient. But as for me, you see I am not the same man I was: but a bare shadow & name onely is all, that is left of P. Licinius. The strength of my bodie crasie, and feeble: the senses of mine eies and eares dim and dull: my memorie faileth: the quicknesse of my spirit growne hea­vie and lumpish. But behold (quoth he, laying hand on his son) this young man, the very image and portraiture of him, whom yee aforetime made Tribune Militarie, the first that ever was out of the communaltie. Him trained and brought up after mine owne order and discipline, in steed of my selfe, Ibequeath, I give, I dedicate unto the commonweale. And I beseech you, ô Quirites, H that the dignitie which of your selves you have offered unto me, without my seeking, you would bestow upon him at his owne humble suite, and the rather shewe him this favour at my earnest request in his behalfe.’ The father had his desire granted. And so his sonne P. Licinius, was with them whom before we named, declared Tribune Militarie in Consuls authoritie. Titinius and Genutius Tribunes Militarie, made an expedition against the Falisci and Capenates. Who ma­naging the warre in greater heare and courage, than with sage advise and counsel, plunged them­selves headlong into an ambushment of their enemies. Genutius paied for his rashnesse, and made amends by an honorable death. For he was slaine even before the ensignes, valiantly figh­ting in the vaward of the battaile with the formost. But Titinius, having after much feare ralli­ed his souldiors, retired himselfe unto an high hill, and made head againe. Howbeit, he durst I not encounter the enemie on even and plaine ground. The shame of this defeature was grea­ter than the losse otherwise. And yet it had like to have turned into a right great dammage and overthrow. So great was the feare, not at Rome onely whether much newes came diversly repor­ted: but also in the campe before Veij, that hardly could the souldiours be kept from running away. For it was noised all over the campe, that the Capenates and Faliscians had gotten the victorie, slaine the Generals and the whole armie: and that all the floure and strength of Tus­cane was not farre off. But at Rome there was much more hurliburly. For there it was verily be­leeved, that the leaguer about Veij was assaulted, and that, part of the enemies alreadie were com­ming in warlike manner against the cittie: so as they came running on heapes to man the wals. And even the very matrones & dames of the cittie, whom publike fear had caused to leave their K houses, fell to their beades and supplications in the churches: beseeching the gods to forfend and divert destruction from the houses, Temples, and wals of the cittie of Rome, and to turne away that feare from them, upon Veij: if they renued aright their festivall daies, if they made satisfaction by sacrifice for the prodigious sights, and no otherwise.

Nowby this time were the solemne plaies and the Latine holidaies renewed, now was the water let out of the Albane lake into the fields, now Veij drew neere to her finall end, hastened by the course of the Destinies. Therfore there was created M. Furius Camillus Dictator, the fatall cap­taine, predestined to destroy that cittie, and to save his owne countrie: who appointed P. Cor­ [...] Coronell of the horsemen. The chaunge of the Generall made a change soone of [...] things else. The hopes of men were other than afore, the mindes of men were altered, yea L the fortune of the citie seemed not the same. But first of all, he proceeded by martiall law against them, who in that fearefull fright at the last al'arme, were fled from Veij: and taught his soldiours not to feare their enemies most, but likewise to stand in awe of their own Commander. And after he had published to take musters upon a certain day, himself in the mean whiles rode post to Veij, there to encourage the harts of thesoldiors. From thence he returned to Rome, for to levie a new armie: & there was not one that refused to serve under his standerd. For even the youth of the for­rainers both Latins and Hemicks, came and offered their service in that warre. Vnto whom, when as the Dictator had in the Senate house yeelded thankes, and that all things now were in suffici­ent readines, by a degree of the Senate he made a vow, That when he had woon Veij, hee would incotinentlie celebrat the great games, and reedifie and consecrat anew, the Temple to dame Ma­tata, M which afore time had beene dedicated by king Servius Tullius, Thus when hee was gone forth from the cittie, and his armie on foot, with greater expectation of the people than hope: first hee fought a field with the Faliscians and Capenates, in the countrey of Ne­pet, [ called at this day Nepe] where hee ordred all his exploites with as great discretion and [Page 193] A pollicie as might be: and as it commonly falleth out he chi [...]ved as well, and fortune favou­red his dessignes. He not onely defeated his enemies in battaile, but also drave them out of the field, and gained a huge bootie, wherof the greatest part came to the Treasurer his coffers, and somewhat (though not much) was given to the soldiours. From thence he marched with his armie to Veij, and there he caused more skonces and bastillons to be made, and to stand thic­ker together. And having made proclamation, that none should fight without speciall comman­dement, he withdrew the souldiors to the making of trenches and rampiers, from their skirmi­shes that they made oftentimes and that rashly, betweene their campe and the wall of the towne. The greatest worke of all the rest and most laborious, was the undermining that was begun in­to the Castle of the enemies. And to the ende that this worke should not be intermitted, ne yet B the continuall labour still under the ground might not out-toile them: he devided the pioners into sixe parts, and each of them wrought six houres round by turnes, so that both night and day, they never gave over before they had wrought a way to the Castle. ‘The Dictatour seeing now the victorie as it were in his hands, and a most rich cittie readie to be taken, and that there was like to be such saccage, as never had beene the like in all the warres put together aforetime: least that he might incurre either any mutinie and anger of the souldiours in pinching and skant parting of the pillage, or displeasure and miscontentment of the Rulers and Nobles of Rome, by so prodigall a largesse in sharing all: dispatched his letters to the Senate, to this effect, That whereas by the goodnesse of the immortall Gods, his owne pollicie and direction, and the tra­vaile of his souldiours, the cittie Veij was now in a manner at his devotion; what they would C advise, should be done with the rich spoiles thereof. There were two divers opinions that migh­tily distracted the Senat: the one of olde P. Licinius, whose mind being asked of his sonne, spake first (by report) and said: That his opinion was, there should a proclamation be published abroad among the people, that whosoever would be partaker of the bootie, should go to the Leaguer before Veij. Difference in the Senat about the [...] of Veij. The other of Ap. Claudius, who finding fault with this new, prodigall, unequall, and undiscreet largesse, in that they thought it unlawfull and unfit, that the treasure gotten of the enemies should come once at leastwise to the common purse of the cittie, which had bin emp­tied so often by reason of wars; was of advise, that the soldiors should have their pay out of it, that the Com. thereby might bee eased, in the charges of the subsidie levied of them: for so should every mans house equally feele the societie and part of that benefit, and the hands of idle persons D remaining at home in the town, greedie now of rifling, and who would be fingering of pillage, should not pluck from the hardie warriors their due rewards. For as much as, it is usually seene, that as the valiantest man commonly aimethat the greatest part of travaile and perill, so the more coward alwaies reacheth at the biggest portion of the spoile, and hath his hand deepest therein. Contrariwise, Licinius alleadged that such mony laied up would be alwaies suspected and odious, and would minister matter unto the Commons of criminations and finding one fault or other, whereof seditions and commotions may arise, and would give occasions of newe lawes to be preferred: and therefore better it were, that by this gift and boone, the hearts of the Commons were won and reconciled: who being spent and eaten out by reason of the charges of so many yeares, herewith might be well relieved. And that they ought to tast the fruite and E sweetnesse of the bootie out of that war, in which they had spent their yeares, and were waxen old men. And that it would be more welcome and acceptable, that every man should be his own car­ver, & with his own hand catch from the enemie what he could, & bring it home with him: than if they should receive much more by a great deale at the discretion and pleasure of another. And the Dictator himselfe (faith he) hath avoided as neer as he could, the displeasure, hatred, and of­fence that might arise thereof, and therefore posted it off to the Senat: the Senat ought likewise seeing the matter is put to them, to let the Commons alone therewith, and permit every man to have such share as the fortune of warre will allot him. This advise, which made the Senat grati­ous with the people, was thought to be the safer and better of the twaine.’ Whereupon procla­mation was made, That whosoever would have part of the spoile of Veij, should shew himselfe F before the Dictatour in the campe. So there went a huge multitude, that they filled the campe againe. ‘Then the Dictatour after sacrifice done, and advise taken of the luckie signes of birds, went forth, and commanding his souldiours to take armes and weapon in hand, spake these words and said: By thy conduct and the instinct of thy divine power ö Pythius Apollo, I set for­ward to the winning of the towne of Veij, & now to thee I vow the tenth part of the spoils therof. [Page 194] And thee withall (ô Queene Iuno) who at this houre doest inhabit within the compasse of these G wals, I beseech, that thou wouldest vouchsafe, to follow us after conquest into this cittie, ours now, and thine within a while: whereas thou maiest be shrined in a Temple meet for thee, and the grandeur of thy majestie.’ Having made these praiers, with an exceeding multitude he invested the cittie, and assaulted it round on all parts: to the end that they within might have lesse percei­vance of the perill intended toward them from the undermining. The Veientians little know­ing that they were betraied, partly by their owne prophets, and partly by the Oracles abroad, and that some of their gods were invited and bidden to part of the spoile and saccage, and other by vowes and praiers trained and called out of their owne cittie; began to looke after the tem­ples of their enemies and other newe habitations: little weetting that this was their last day, and fearing nothing lesse than that their wals should by undermining be overthrowen, and that H their Castle was full already of enemies: every man for himselfe ran armed to the wals, mervai­ling what the matter should be, that whereas for so many daies space no man stirred out of the Romanes Leiger, then of a sodaine (as if it were in a wood rage) they ran upon head so rashly to the assault. But hereto longeth a tale. That when the Veientian King was at sacrifice, this voice of the Southsaier was overheard out of the mine under the ground, THAT HE, VVHOSE HAP VVAS TO CUT FORTH THE INVVARDS OF THAT SACRIFICE SHOULD OBTAINE VIC­TORIE, and moved the Romane souldiors, to breake out of the undermining, and to catch up the entrailes and bowels, and carrie them to the Dictatour. But as in things of so great antiqui­tie it sufficeth me, that those which carrie some likelihood of truth, be received for true: so for fabulous matters fitter in deed to make a shew in a stage plaie (where people take delight in such I miracles) than tobe sadly beleeved, it will not quit for the paines either to avouch them, or dis­avow them. The mine or cave at the same time (no doubt) full of chosen souldiours, yeelded forth all at once armed men into the church of Iuno, which was in the Castle of Veij. And some of them set upon the backs of their enemies that were on the wals: others plucke up the portcul­lis of the gates: some of them, whiles from the houses the women and servants flung downe stones and tiles, cast fire abroad. So that every place was full of cries and voices, partly of them that frighted others, and partly of those that were affrighted, with a confused skriking of women and children. When as now in a moment, the armed souldiors were throwne down from the wals every where, and the gates set open: whiles some entered marching in array, others scaled the na­ked wals, [...] the cittie was filled with enemies: and skermishes there were in every place. After great K massaker and execution committed, the fight began toquaile: and the Dictatour commanded the Bedles to proclaime and give commandement, to spare the unarmed. Thus the bloudshed ended. Whereupon the unarmed people began to yeeld: and by permission of the Dictator the souldiours ran to the spoile. ‘Which being brought in sight of the Dictatour, of greater price and valor a good deale, than either was hoped or looked for: it is said that he stretched forth his hands towards heaven & praied, That if his own fortune and the felicitie of the people of Rome were thought by any god or man to be excessive, the envie belonging thereto, might be mi­tigated with as small privat losse of his owne in particular, and with as little common calamitie of the people of Rome in generall, as might possibly be.’ And it is recorded, that in this manner praying and worshipping, as he turned himselfe about, he slipt forward and caught a fall. And as L men afterward guessed by that which fell out, it was supposed that the ominous token bodened the condemnation of Camillus himselfe, and the ruine of the cittie of Rome, which happe­ned within few yeares after to be forced and sacked. Thus was that day spent in the slaughter of enemies, and in rifling of that most wealthie cittie. The morrow after, the Dictatour sold in port sale the bodies of as many as were freeborne. That mony only came into the common treasurie not without some anger and repining of the Commons. And as for that bootie and spoile which they brought with them away, they counted themselves beholden therefore, neither to the Ge­nerall himselfe (who to colour and excuse his owne nigardise had referred the matter to the Se­nat: wherein he might have used his owne libertie and discretion) nor to the Senate: but unto the house of the Licinij, whereof, the sonne propounded the matter before the Senat, and the fa­ther M was the author of so popular an overture.

When as now worldly & earthly riches, were caried forth & tumbled out of Veijby heaps, then began they to remove and have away the sacred gifts & oblations of the gods with the gods them­selves, but after the maner of devout worshippers, rather than of gredie spoilers. For chosen there [Page 195] A were out of the whole armie, certaine youths in the flower of their age, who having their bodies cleane washed, and being arraied in white robes, had in charge to carrie Queene Iuno to Rome, and entred into the church with great adoration and reverence: and at the first, very charity and religiously laid hand upon her, for that (after the Tuscane maner) there used none to handle that Image, but the priest of one certaine tribe. After this, when as one of them, whether it were upon a certaine divine inspiration, or in some youthfull sport, cast out these words, WILT THOU WEND TO ROME DAME IUNO? The rest with one voice cried alowd, That she gave a nod, and seemed thereto to give assent: whereupon this also was added to the tale, that she was heard to say, I WILL. But for certaine it is reported, that shee was stirred out of her footstall, with the helpe of a small levar, and that as she willingly was displaced, so she was easily removed and tran­slated, B and so safe and sound conveied into the mountaine Aventine, there to abide and remaine forever. Which was the place assigned unto her by the vowes of the Romane Dictatour. And there Camillus according to his vow, dedicated to her afterwards a temple. This was the finall end and fall of Veij, the richest cittie of all the Tuscanes, which even in this last and uttermost calamitie shewed her mightinesse, that having been besieged round about continually the space of ten summers and winters, and in that time done much more annoiance and hurt than it recei­ved, was now at last through the necessitie of fatall destinie, gained rather by long siege and secret undermining, than won by forcible assault and violence.

When tidings came to Rome of the winning of Veij, albeit both the prodigious sights that were seene, had ben expiate by sacrifice, and that the answers of prophets and wisemen, yea, and C the Oracles of Apollo were well knowne; and that so far forth as mans counsel and policle might helpe, they had chosen for Generall M. Furius, the most Noble captaine and warrior of all other: yet considering they had there warred so many yeares with variable fortune, and received manie losses and overthrowes, their joy was exceeding great, as if a thing had happened unlooked for. And before that the Senate could make a decree, all the churches were ful of the dames of Rome giving thankes to their gods. And the Senate ordained by an Act, that supplications should con­tinue for foure daies, the like as never had been aforetime in any warre. The Dictatour also was met upon the way as he came home by all degrees and estates in greater number, and was more welcommed and honoured than any man aforetime, to that day. And the triumph far exceeded the usuall manner of the solemnitie to that day belonging. But most of all was hee himselfe all D goodly to bee seene, entring into the cittie in a chariot drawne with white steeds. And that was thought an honour, not onely unmeet for the qualitie of a cittizen, but hardly be seeming the condition of any man whatsoever. For they made it a matter of conscience, that their Dictator should bee equall with Iupiter, and the sunne, in respect of their horses: for which onely cause es­pecially, the triumph was more glorious than gracious, and taken in good gree. Then assigned he and set out unto Queene Iuno a church in Aventine hill, The temple of Queene Iuno, The temple of Matuta. and dedicated another to dame Ma­tuta and so having atchieved and performed these divine and humane deeds, he resigned up his Dictatorship.

After this began some speech about the Present to Apollo ▪ Vnto whome, when as Camillus said, that he had vowed the tenth part of the spoile: and the priestes and prelates thought good that E the people should discharge their conscience in that behalfe: there could no readie meane be found how to commaund them to give backe againe the spoile, that the due portion thereout might be set apart for the holy oblation. At the length they grew to this point, which was thoght the easiest course of all, that whosoever would acquit himselfe & his house in conscience, should, after he had made an estimate to himselfe of his owne share in the spoile, bring the value & price of the tenth part into the common chist: that thereof might be made a golden oblation, meet for the state of that Temple, beseeming the power of that god, and answerable to the dignitie of the people of Rome. Yet, even this contribution alienated the hearts of the people from Camillus.

Amid these affaires, there came Embassadours from the Volscians and Aequians, to treat for peace: and peace obtained they, rather because the cittie, wearied with continuall warres, might F now take rest and bee at quiet, than for any deserts of them that sued for it. After Veij was taken, the yeare following had sixe Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie, two F. Cornelij, namely, Cossus and Scipio, M. Valerius Maximus the second time, C. Fabius Ambustus the second time, L. Farius Medullinus the second time, and Q. Servilius the third time. Vnto the Cornelij fell out by lot the Faliscane warre, to Valerius and Servilius the Capenates. Who neither assaulted their [Page 196] citties by force, nor wearied them with siege: but forraied the countries, and drave booties away G of such things as were in the fields, not a tree that beareth fruit, not any fruitfull thing besides, es­caped their hands. This distresse and calamitie subdued the Capenates: who thereupon sued for peace, and had it graunted. But amongst the Faliscians the warre continued still. In the meane time, at Rome there were sundrie seditions. For the appeasing whereof, it was thought good to send a Colonie to Volsci, and thither three thousand Roman cittizens were appointed in check­roll. And Triumvirs were thereto chosen, who devided to every man three acres of ground and a [...], and one twelfth part. That began to be despised, because they thought it but a poor com­fort offered to stop their mouths withall, and to put them beside a greater hope. For why should the Commons be sent away into the Volscians land, seeing there was Veijwithin their eyesight, a most faire cittie, and the land about, more plentifull and large than that of Rome? And as for H the cittie it selfe, they preferred it, either for the site, or state of privat and publicke buildings and other places, before the cittie of Rome. Moreover, a motion also was made (which, after that Rome was woon by the French, was more hotely followed) concerning a generall transmigrati­on and removing to Veij for ever. ‘Marry, they intended that Veij should bee inhabited, partly by the Commons, and partly by the Nobilitie: saying, That the people of Rome might wel ynough inhabite two citties jointly in one state of Commonwealth. Against all this, the LL. of the Senate laboured what they might, and plainely said, they would sooner die in the sight of the people of Rome, than any of those matters should passe. For why? if there were now in one cittie so much dissention, what would there bee in twaine? Would any man be so mad, as to preferre a conque­red cittie, before his owne countrie that had conquered the same? and suffer Veij after it is woon I to be in better estate than it was afore, even when it was at the best? Finally, well might they bee forsaken at home in their owne countrie by their cittizens, but to forsake their countrie and citti­zens, they would never bee brought by any force whatsoever. They would not follow to Veij, T. Sicinius as their founder, (for he amongst the Tribunes ofthe Commons persuaded this Act) and leave their god Romulus the sonne of a god, the first stockefather and beginner of the cittie of Rome.’ Whiles these matters were in handling with foule stir and much debate and variance, (for the Nobles had woon to their opinion some of the Tribunes) there was nothing else that staied the Commons hands from outrage, but this, that when as there was an outcrie made to begin the quarrell, and to set them together by the eares, the cheese and principall Senators first came forth to the multitude, and offered themselves to be laid at, smitten and slaine. In regard of K whose age, dignitie, and honour, they forbearing to doe violence, were likewise for shame staied in their mood, for any the like attempts besides. ‘ Camillus taking vantage hereof, ever and anone in all places, made speeches unto the people, and said: That it was no marvell truly, that the citie was in a rage and madnes, which being charged with a vow, made more care of all things els, than to discharge their conscience thereof, and to see it performed. As for the collation and gathering of a smal donative, rather than a tithe, he said nothing of it: seeing that every man privatly bound himselfe thereto, and the bodie of the people stood freed therefro. But one thing there was, that his conscience would not suffer him to hold his peace, that, out of that bootie onely which was of moveable things, the tenth was appointed to be levied: as for the cittie & ground that was won, which also was comprised within the vow, there were no words at all made.’ When as the deba­ting L of this matter, which to the Senate seemed doubtfull and hard, was put over to the Priests and Prelates: their colledge calling to them Camillus, thought good, That whatsover the Veien­tians had before the vow made, and whatsoever after the vow, came into the hands of the people of Rome, the tenth part thereof should be consecrated to Apollo. So both the citie and the lands were valued: and monie taken forth of the citie chamber. And the Tribunes militarie Consular enjoined, therewith to buy gold. Whereof there being not store ynough, the dames of the cittie having their assemblies and meetings by themselves for to consult thereabout, by a common decree made promise to the Tribunes militarie, and brought into the exchequer their owne gold, and all the ornaments and iewels they had. This was as acceptable a thing, and as well ta­ken of the Senate, as ever any had been: and for this their liberalitie (men say) they had this ho­nour M graunted unto them, as to ride to church and to plaies in hanging or ship-coaches, and as well on working daies as holidaies, to be at their wagons. When the gold was of everie one re­ceived by weight, and prised to the worth, that they might again be paied mony therfore: it was agreed that a standing cup of gold should be made therof, & presented as an oblation to Apollo [Page 197] A at Delphi. So soone as they had eased and disburdned their minds of this religious vow, the Tribunes of the Commons began sedition a new. So as the multitude were incited and stirred up against all the peers, but above all other against Camillus: charging him, that what by confiscating & consecrating the bootie of the Veientians, he had brought it to just nothing. Those nobles that were absent they blamed and cried out against mightilie, but of such as were present in place, and offered themselves unto them in their anger, they had some reverence. Now so soone as they saw the matter in question to be deferred & continued past that yeare, they chose againe for the yeare folowing, those Tribunes of the Commons, which were the authors of that Act and law. The No­bles likewise endeavoured the same for those that should oppose themselves against the law. So the Tribunes of the Commons (a good part of them) were chosen the verie same againe. But at B the election of the Tribunes Militarie, the Patritij after verie much adoe got at length, that Fu­rius Camillus was created. They made semblance and pretended, that they would be provided of a Generall for warre, but indeed their purpose was to be furnished of an adversarie, to withstand the Actes and proceedings of the Tribunes. Together with Camillus were made Tribunes Mili­tarie in Consuls authoritie. L. Furius Medullinus the sixt time, C. Aemylius, L. Valerius Publi­cola, Sp. Posthumius, P. Cornelius the second time.

In the beginning of the yeare, the Tribunes of the Commons stirred not untill M. Furius Camillus was gone against the Falisci, as his charge required for that warre. And by delaies af­terwards the matter was well cooled. As for Camillus, whom of all other they most feared to be their adversarie, he waxed great and glorious, by his service against the Falisci. For when as at C the first, the enemies kept themselves within the wals, thinking it the safest way: he by wasting their countrie, and setting fire upon their villages, forced them to come forth of their towne, howbeit they feared to be too bold, and to go farre forward: and encamped themselves a mile and lesse from the towne; reposing their safety and securitie in nothing else, but in the dangerous and hard passage, the waies all about being rough, ragged, and stonie, in some places straight and narrow, in other up hill and stiepe. But Camillus having taken a prisoner out of the fields, and being guided by his direction, late in the night dislodged his camp, and betimes in the mor­ning at breake of the day, shewed himselfe upon the higher grounds a good deale. The Romane on three sides, fell to fortifie by trenching and casting rampiers, whiles the rest of the ar­mie stood readie raunged for battaile. And where as the enemies assaied to hinder the worke, D he discomfited them and put them to flight, wherupon the Falisci were so frighted, that as they fled amaine in disaray, they passed beyond their owne campe, which was neerer; and made as fast as they could to the towne. Many were slaine and manie wounded, before that in this affright they could hit upon the gates. Their campe being taken, the bootie thereof came unto the Questors coffers, with the great grudging and anger of the soldiours. Howbe­it, yeelding to the severitie of discipline and good government: the same vertue which they had hated before, they now honoured and held in admiration. After this was the cittie besieged, and sconces & platformes raised about it. Otherwhiles also, as occasion was offered, the townesmen would sally forth and assaile the Romanes campe, & make light skrimishes. Thus the time passed without anie great good hope of either side: for that they within the town besieged, had of their E former provision more store of corn & other necessaries than they that lay at siege without. And it seemed they would have had as long a peece of work there, as they had at Veij, had not fortune yeelded to the Romans General, both a trial of his approved vertue in war, & also speedie victory.

It was the manner amongst the Faliscians, to entertaine for the governance of their children, one that should both teach and instruct them in schoole, and withall beare them company wher­soever they went: and many children together (as the guise continueth still even to this day in Greece) were committed to the charge and tuition of one man. As for the nobles and principall mens sonnes of this cittie (as it is usually everie where else) a speciall man had the teaching of them, such an one, as was thought most learned and the greatest clerke of all other. This man, having in time of peace begun to bring the children forth before the towne side, to disport and ex­ercise F themselves, gave not over his wonted manner now in time of warre. And using still to traine them abroad one while neerer, an other whiles further off from the gate: it fel out so, that one day what with pastime, and what with pleasant talke and discourses, he drue them further than he ac­customed: and seeing his time, went forwards as farre as the enemies corps de gard, and so forth on, till he had brought them within the compasse of the campe, and even to Camillus his pavi­lion. [Page 198] Where to his wicked intended act, he added also a more gracelesse speech, saying, That he G yeelded [...] Falerij into the Romanes hands, in that he gaue them those children to doe with what they would, whose parents were the rulers and commaunders of the cittie. Which words when Camillus heard, [...] Thou commest not (quoth he) lewd wretch as thou art, with thy lewd & cursed pre­sent, either to a people or to a captaine like thy selfe. ‘We have not indeed with the Faliscians any league at all, by covenant of man concluded and established: yet by nature, there is and will be still a kind of amitie or societie betweene us and them. There are lawes due for warre as well as for peace: and those have we learned to observe no lesse justlie, than valiantly. We bare armes not against that sely age, which usually is spared in rasing and sacking of townes: but against ar­med men, and those, who being by us neither harmed nor provoked, have assailed the Romanes campe at Veij. And yet those enemies (as bad as they be) like as thou hast for thy part exceeded H them, in a new and strange kind of wickedness: so will I conquere I doubt not, by feats that the Ro­manes professe; by vertue, by travaile, by hardie sight: like as I have done Veij alreadie. After this he caused him to be stripped naked, and so with his hands bound behind him, he delivered him to the children, for to bring him backe to Falerij: and gave them rods withall, wherwith they might whip and drive this traiterous person forward into the cittie.’ At which sight the people at the first, came running together: and then the magistrates called a Counsell to sit upon this strange occurrent. But see what a change it wrought in their hearts. They who a while before were with hatred & anger so cruelly set, as that they wished rather in a manner to be destroied with the Veientians, than to accept of peace as the Capenates had done: now throughout the whole cit­tie required to be at accord with the Romanes. No talke in the market place, no speech in the I Counsell house, but of the faithfulnes and truth of the Romanes, and of the justice of their Ge­nerall. And with one general consent of all, Embassadours were sent to Camillus into the campe. And from thence by permission of Camillus, to the Senate at Rome they went, to deliver up Fale­rij: and being admitted into the Senate house, in this wise (by report) they spake: In that victorie (right honourable) which neither God nor man can chuse but allow, are we by you and your Generall overcome and vanquished. [...] And here we render ourselves unto your hands: supposing this (than which to a conquerour there can be nothing more honourable) that we shall live bet­ter under your government, than under our owne proper lawes and liberties. The event and yssew of this warre, hath assourded to mankind two worthie examples to follow. ‘Yee for your part have made choice to observe faithfulnes in warre, rather than to attchieve a present conquest: and we K again, by this your faithful dealing induced & provoked, have willingly yeelded unto you the vi­ctory confessing our selves now presently to be your leige & lawful subjects. Send whom you wil, to receive our armor, our hostages, our town with open gates. Neither shal you ever repent of our alleageance: nor we think much of your rule & goverment.’ Camilius had thanks both of the ene­mies and of the citizens. The Falisci were charged with mony for that years pay, that the people of Rome might be freed of their subsidie. Thus when peace was graunted, the armie was brought backe againe to Rome.

Whenas Camillus was returned after this conquest of his enemies into the cittie, with much better commendation, than when as in triumph he rode in a chariot drawne with white horses through the cittie, as being now famous for his just dealing and faithfulnesse: secretly the Senate L was abashed for verie reverence of the man, and could no longer beare, but without further delay to acquire him of the vow he made. So there were sent L. Valerius, L. Sergius, A. Manlius as Embassadours in one galley unwasted, to present unto Apollo at Delphi by way of oblation, a standing cup of gold. Who not farre off from the narrow seas of Sicilie, were encountred & bour­ded by certaine Liparensian pirates or men ofwarre, and had to Lipara. Now the manner was of that cittie, (as common rovers use to doe) for to devide the prise amongst them. Haply, the chiefe officer or magistrate for that yeare, was one Timasitbeus, a man more like to the Romanes than his own countrimen. Who having himselfe some reverent regard of the name of Embassadours, and the present of the god to whom it was sent, and the occasion therof: possessed the multitude also (which alwaies lightly resembleth their governor) with due religion and pricke of conscience. M This head ruler brought the Embassadours into their lodging, and entertained them courte­ouslie at the cities charges, wasted them with the convoy of a sufficient fleete: accompanied them in person to Delphi, and from thence conducted them home againe safe to Rome. Whereupon by an Act of the Senate, there was a contract made with him of amitie and [Page 199] A mutuall intertainement, and giftes bestowed upon him at the citties cost. The same yeare there was doubtfull warre with the Aequians, so as it was uncertaine both in the armie and at Rome, whether they had woon or lost the victorie. The Generals for the Romans, were of the Tribunes Militarie, C. Aemylius, and Sp. Posthumius. At the first they warred both together, but after, when the enemies were in sight discomsited, it was agreed, that Aemylius should keepe Verrugo with a garrison, and Posthumius wast the borders. Where, as he marched somewhat negligently with his armie out of order, as presently after a field woon, the Aequians set upon him, and having put him in fear, chased him unto the hils next hand. The fright where­of came from thence to the other garrison also at Verrugo. Posthumius, after that he had retired his men into safetie, and assembled them together, and there in an Oration greatly blamed and B cried out upon their feare, andrunning away: and that they were discomsited by a most dastardly fugitive enemie: the whole host cried out with one voice, That they deserved to be told of it, and confessed that they had committed a foule fault; but they themselves would make amends ther­fore: and promised that the enemies should carrie it neither to heaven nor hell, nor joy long therwith. Requiring that he would conduct them presently to the enemies campe (which in sight was pight upon a plaine) protesting to refuse no extremitie of punishment, if they were not ma­sters of it before night. Hee then commended them, and willed them to refresh their bodies, and to be readie at the releese of the fourth watch. Now lay the enemies likewise in the passage, to in­tercept the Romanes, as they fled by night from the hil, even in the way which leadeth to Verru­go. C And before day they encountred together (but you must thinke the moone shone all night) and saw how to fight, as well as by day light. But the noise being heard to Verrugo, strake so great feare amongst them, thinking, the campe of the Romanes had been assailed, that for all Aemylius could doe to hold them, and to beseech them to the contrarie, they fled scattered to Tusculum. From whence the newes came to Rome, That Posthumius was slaine, and his armie lost. But hee riding about the hoast (after that in the morning betimes the day light shewed them that follow­ed apace on every side, that there was no feare of ambushments and forelayings) charged them with their promises, and set them in such a heat, that the Aequians could no longer abide their violence. Then slew they the enemies in the chase every one, & made havock of them as they fled, more like men that doe things in a furie and rage than by plaine valour. And presently upon the D tidings from Tusculum (which put the citie in a vain or causelesse fright) there came from Posthu­mius letters, dight with lawrell, importing newes, that the Romanes had the victorie, and the Aequians the overthrow.

Because as yet the actions and sutes aforesaid of the Tribunes of the Commons could come to no end: both the Commons laboured to continue the Tribuneship in them that were the maintainers of the law preferred: and also the Nobles endevoured to make those rulers againe that had opposed themselves against the same law. But as the Commons in their owne Election prevailed and had the better: so the Nobles were revenged of them againe for this greese they tooke, by an Act of the Senate, that Consuls (hated magistrates of the Commons) should bee created. Thus after fifteene yeares were Consuls reelected, L. Lucretius Flavus, Servius Sulpitius Camerinus.

E In the beginning of this yeare, when as the Tribunes of the Commons bestirred themselves stoutly to goe through with their law, for that none of their brotherhood was about to denie and nip the same: and whiles the Consuls for that very cause resisted them as earnestly, and the whole cittie was hereabout amused: the Aequians wan Vitelia, a Colonie of the Romanes, seated within their owne countrie. Most part of the Coloners (because the towne being by night be­traied and woon, yeelded unto them free passage to escape away on the backe side) fled safe to Rome. So that service befell unto L. Lucretius the Consull. Who went with a power, and vanqui­shed the enemies in fight, and with victorie returned to Rome to a greater conflict a good deale. Aulus Virginius, and Quintus Pomponius, two Tribunes of the Commons the two yeares past, were accused: for whose defence it was for the credite of the Senate, That the Nobles should F agree and sticke close together. For no man laid to their charge either dishonest behaviour in life, or corrupt carriage of themselves in their office, but onely this, That to please and gratifie the Nobles, they had set themselves against the Tribunes law. Howbeit the anger of the Com­mons went beyond the favour of the Senate, and (that which was a most shamefull precedent) they (guiltlesse men) had a fine set on their heads of 26 lib. 5. [...]. Ber [...]. ten thousand pound of brasen coin. Wher­at [Page 200] at the Nobles tooke great displeasure. ‘ Camillus openly blamed the Commons for this their wic­ked G part: [...] who now setting themselves against their owne patrones, perceived not that by a per­verse proceeding in judgement against their Tribunes, they had lost the libertie of opposing themselves with their negative voice: and take that away once, and farewell all authoritie of the Tribunes forever. For where as they hoped that the Nobles would endure the unbridled and li­centious libertie of that office, they were much deceived: for if these hard courses of the Tri­bunes might not bee restrained by helpe of the same Tribunes, the Nobilitie would find some other weapon to fight withall. He rebuked the Consuls also, for that they suffered those Tribunes to faile of their protection and safe conduct, who had done and said nothing but by the autho­ritie and warrant of the Senate. Whiles openly he used to make these and such like Orations to the people, Camillus his speech in the Senate. hee thrust himselfe daily more and more into mens anger and displeasure. But to H stir up the Senate against the foresaid law, he ceased not still: willing them, that when the day came of proposing the law, they should come into the common hall, with no other mind but this, To remember they were fight for god and countrie, for the temples of the gods, and the ve­ry soile wherein they were borne. And as for his owne selfe privately, if it were lawfull for him amids these civile troubles of his native countrie, to thinke upon & respect his owne proper glo­rie, it were right honourable for him, to have the cittie which he had woon, peopled and resorted unto: and daily to behold and enjoy the memorable monument of his own glorie: to see before his eies the very cittie, whereof the counterfeit was borne in the pompe of triumph: and that all men els should tread in the steps of his noble acts. But hee thought it a shamefull and abhomi­nable thing, that a cittie left and forsaken of the immortall gods, should be inhabited: and that I the people of Rome should dwell in captive soile, and to make this exchange, to leave a naturall countrie which hath conquered, for it that hath beene conquered.’ With these persuasions and exhortations were the cheese rulers excited, and the Nobles old and young, came troup-meale, (when as the law should be propounded) into the hall. And as they were dispersed and sorted in­to Tribes, every one taking hold of those of his owne tribe, began to beseech them even with teares, not to forsake that countrie now, in the quarrell wherof they and their fathers had fought most valiantly and happily: shewing herewith ever and anone the Capitoll, the temple of Vesla, and other temples thereabout of the gods: that they should not therefore, drive the people of Rome, as exiled and banished, out of their native soile from their own home and housegods, in­to their enemies cittie, nor bring the matter thus about, that it had been better that Veij had not K ben woon, rather than Rome should bee abandoned. Because their dealing was nothing but by way of praier and persuasion, and in their praiers much mention and naming of the gods, the most part of them were touched in conscience: so as more Tribes nipped that one law for going forward, than gave their voices to approove it. Which victorie was so joyfull to the Nobles, that the morrow after, by the motion of the Coss. a decree was made, That amongst the Commons should be a division of seven acres for a man out of the Veientian lands: and not for housholders onely, but that consideration and reckoning should be had also, in every house, of all free borne persons: to the end, that they should bee willing to breed up children to the like proofe, and for the hope of like commoditie. When the Commons by this bountifull gift and liberalitie, were well pacified and stilled, there was no stirre at all to hinder the election of the Consuls. So there L were created Consuls, Lu. Valerius Potitus, and M. Manlius, who afterwards was surnamed Capi­tolinus.

These Consuls set out the great solemn games and plaies, which M. Furius the Dictator had vowed in the Veientian warre. In the same yeare the Temple of Iuno Regina vowed by the same Dictatour and in the same warre, was dedicated. And it is reported, that the dedication thereof was celebrated with exceeding great resort and forward endevour of the dames of Rome. War there was (but not greatly to be spoken of) in Algidum with the AEquians, for that the enemies were in a manner discomfited before that they joyned battaile. Valerius because he followed still and killed the enemies in chase, was allowed by decree to triumph at full: and Manlius, that he should enter into the citie only Ovant, in petie triumph. The same yeare arose a new war with the M Volsinians: against whom by reason of a famine and pestilence that grew about Rome upon ex­ceeding drought & heat, an armie could not be led forth. For which cause the Volsinians puffed up with pride, joining untothem the Salpenates, invaded first the countrie about Rome. Wher­upon war was proclaimed against both nations. C. Iulius the Censor departed this life. In whose [Page 201] A roome M. Cornelius was substituted. Which after bred some scruple of religion, for that Rome in that five yeares space was taken. So that never after that is there any Censor chosen into the place of the deceased. And the Consuls also being sicke and thereby disabled to governe, it was thought good to take new counsell and advise of auspices or tokens of birds, by an Interreigne. When as therefore by an act of the Senat, the Consuls had resigned their office, M. Furius Ca­millus was created Interregent. Who named after him P. Cornelius Scipio: and he afterwards Lu. Valerius Potitus to be Interrex. By whome were made six Tribunes Militarie with Con­suls authoritie: that in case any of them should bee sicke and crasie, yet the common-wealth should have governours enough. The first day of Iuly entered they into their office: namely, L. Lucretius, Servius Sulpitius, M. Aemylius, Lu. Furius Medullinus the seventh time. Agrippa B Furius, C. Aemylius the second time.Of these, Lu. Lucretius and C. Aemylius had in commis­sion to go against the Volscians: but Agrippa Furius, and Servius Sulpitius against the Salpinates. And first were the Volscians fought withall. A great warre in respect of the number of enemies [...] but for the conflict and battaile, nothing fierce and sharpe. For their armie at the first encoun­ter was put to flight, and eight thousand souldiours were by the Roman horsemen environed, wherupon they threw their weapons away and yeelded. The tidings of this war caused the Salpe­nates not to adventure upon fight: but they kept themselves armed within the wals, & stood up­on their guard. The Romanes then all abroad drave booties both out of the Salpenats countrie, and the Volscians, and no man withstood their violence: so long untill the Volscians wearied with warre, had truce granted unto them for twentie yeares, upon this condition, To make resti­tution C againe to the Romanesof their goods, and to paie the souldiours for that yeare their wages.

The same yeare one M. Caeditius a commoner, gave notice to the Tribunes, that in the newe Causey, where now there standeth a Chappell above the Temple of Vesta, there was in the still time of the night a voice heard, louder than any mans, willing that the governours might have intelligence, that the Gaules were comming. This, by reason of the basenesse of the authour (as commonly it is seene) was not credited: besides, they were a nation farre remote, and there­fore lesse knowne and of small accompt. Thus were not onely the advertisements of the gods despised, when as their fatall time of destruction was toward: but also the helpe of man (which rested onely in Furius Camillus) they rid out of the cittie. Who being arrested to appeare at D a day, by L. Apultius a Tribune of the Commons, and to make answere for the saccage of Veij, and having buried about the same time his sonne, a toward young Gentleman, sent for home to his house, those of his owne tribe, his kinsfolke and followers, whereof a great part were of the Commons. And when he had sounded their mindes, and received this answere from them, That they would defray and laie downe so much, as he should be condemned in: but as to acquit him, that they could not possibly. M. Finius Ca­millus goeth in­to exile. Hereupon he departed into exile: praying to the immortall gods, that as he was guiltlesse and wrongfully dealt withall, so they would with all speede, cause [...] un­thankefull cittie to stand in neede, and to have a misse of him. In his absence condemned hee was in 39 lib. 7 sh. 6 d. s [...]crl. fifteene thousand pounds of brasse coine. When this cittizen was thus expulsed, who if he had tarried still, (so farre as we may make reckoning of any earthly securitie) Rome could ne­ver E have been woon: behold, embassadours come from the Clusines, requesting aid against the Gaules.

This nation (as it is reported) allured with the sweetnesse of corne and wine especially (dain­tie chaffer and a new delight in those daies) passed over the Alpes, and possessed those countries which had been aforetime by the Tuscanes inhabited. The voice goeth, that there was one Aruns a Clusine, who had brought wine into Gaule, to entise that people withall, upon an anger and displeasure that his wife had beene defloured by one Lucumo (whose guardian Aruns him­selfe had been) a young gentleman of great might and power, and whom Aruns could not cha­stice and bridle, without assistance of forreine forces: this man was the Gaules guide in passing over the Alpes, and the principall instrument to set them a worke for to assault Clusium. I would F not for my part denie, but that the French were brought to Clusium by Aruns or some other Clusine: but most certaine it is, that they who assaulted Clusium, were not the first that passed the Alpes. For the Gaules two hundred yeares before they assaulted Clusium and won the cittie of Rome, came over into Italy. Neither fought the Gaules first with this nation of the Tuscanes, but long afore, and that oftentimes, with those that dwell betweene Apeninus and the Alpes. [Page 202] For, the Tuscanes had all soveraigne command, both by land and sea, before the Roman Empire G was erected. The names of upper and nether sea, wherewith Italie is compassed about, as it were an Island, may be a sufficient proofe, how great and puissant they were: seeing, that the one is by the generall name of the Nation, called of the Italians, the Tuscane sea: and the other the Adri­atike of a towne or colonie of the Tuscanes called Adria. The Greekes doe call the selfe same seas the Mar. T [...]o or Mar. de Marseille. Tyrrhene & the Adriatike seas. These Tuscanes bending to both seas, inhabited those coun­tries, consisting of twelve citties: having sent before on this side Apennine, toward the nether sea, and afterwards beyond the Monte Fis [...]ello. Apenine, as many Colonies in number according to the prin­ces at the first beginning, and held in possession all those parts beyond the Po unto the Alpes, ex­cept that Angle onely of the Venetians, that are seated about the gulte of the Adriaticke sea. And doubtlesse, the nations about the Alpes, especially the Rhetians, had their beginning thus: H whom the verie countrie itselfe made savage, so as they reteined nothing of old, but the sound of their language, and the same broken and somewhat corrupted. Now for the comming of the Gaules over into Italie, thus much we have learned. In the daies of Priscus Tarquinius king of Rome, the [...] the Celtes, which are a third part of the Gaules, were under the rule of the Bituriges at this day. Bitu­riges, who chose a king over the Celtes, named Ambigatus, a great potentate and mightie, both in regard of valour and vertue, and also of his owne private wealth and publicke weale: for that under his regiment, Gaule was so fertile of corne, and grewe so populous, that the excee­ding number of the people could not well be governed. This man being of great age, and desi­rous now to disburthen his Realme of that pestering multitude, declared that he would send Bel­lovesus and Sigovesus his sisters sonnes (two forward young men) to seeke adventures, into what I lands soever the gods and goddesses should by their tokens direct them: giving them commis­sion to gather what number of men they would, to the end that no nation might withstand their comming. So it fell to Sigovesus lot, for to enter the forrest and woodland countrie of Hercinia. Bellovesus his fortune was a good deale better, to take his way (by the gods guidance) unto Italie: And he levied of the Bituriges, [...] Averni, Sens. Senones, [...] Hedui, [...] Ambarri, [...] Carnutes, and [...] Aulerci, those that might be spared out of those countries: & setting forward with a mightie power of footmen and horsmen, came unto the [...] Tricastines. Now stood the Alpesfull against them in their way, which I mervaile not were thought insuperable and impassable, as having not as yet any way made over them, (so farre as anie constante record maketh date) unlesse we list to beleev [...] the tales of Hercules. Now when as the Gauls there, were hemmed in as it were on everieside with K those high mountaines, and that they looked everie way about them, how they might get over those high hils reaching up to the heavens, & so passe (as one would say) into an other world; they were staied there and went no further, upon scruple of conscience, for that it was reported, that certaine strangers seking land to inhabite, were by the people of [...] Sallies set upon and assailed. These strangers were the [...] Massilians, who sailed from Phocis. This the Gaules supposing to be a fortunate ossing of their successe, helped them forward, and tooke part with them: so as what place first they gat after they were landed, they fortified within the wide or broad forrests. They themselves passed through the countrie of [...] Taurini, and over the streightes of the Alpes called [...] Iulia: and having vanquished the Tuscanes in fight, not farre from the river [...] Ticinus, hearing that the countrie wherin they abode and setled, was called Insubrium (after the name of a territo­rie L and shire of the Heduans) they following and imbracing the luckie name of that place, so con­formable to the other of their owne, builded a cittie and called it [...] Mediolanum. Afterwards ano­ther power of Germanes with their captaine Elitovius, following the steps of the former Gaules, by the same streights (with good leave & favour of Bellovesus) passed over the Alpes, & remained there: and where now [...] Brixia & [...] Verona two towns stand (the [...] Libu [...] then inhabited those parts) made their abode. After these, the Saluvij passed over, who expelled all the Ligurians that dwelt on this side the river Ticinus, but onely the Levi; an ancient nation. After them the [...] B [...] and [...] Lingones passed over the hill S. Barnardi. Peninus, dispossessed the Tuscanes and the Vmbrians of their terri­torie, yet so as they kept them within Apenninus. Then the Senones which were the last com­mers of these strangers, inhabited the countrie from the river [...] Vfens unto [...] Athesis. This nation I M find to have come to [...] Clusium, and afterwards from thence to Rome: mary it is not certaine, whether this nation alone came, or that they were aided by all the Gaules that dwelt on this side the Alpes.

The Clusinos terrified with this new warre, advising well both their number and the unaccu­stomed [Page 203] M looks, and visages of the men, which they had not seene afore, and their strange armour withall: and hearing besides that the legions of the Tuscanes both on this side the Po & beyond, had bene often times by them discomfited: Albeit in the Romanes they had no interest at all in regard of any league or amitie, onely this, that they had not maintained their kinsfolke the Veientes against the Romanes, sent their Embassadours to Rome, to crave aide of the Senate. ‘Aid they obtained none: Embassadours there were sent three, the sonnes of M. Fabius Ambu­stus, who in the name of the Senate and people of Rome should treate with the Gaules and per­suade with them, not to set upon the confederates and friends of the people of Rome, namely, such as at whose hands they had received no wrong: saying moreover, that if they would put the, Romanes to it, the Romanes were to defend them by warre: howbeit they thought it better, if it B might be, to have no wars at all: but that the Gaules a new come nation should grow into know­ledge and acquaintance, rather by peace than by warre. The embassage was mild and mo­de [...]t enough, but the Embassadours themselves were over fierce and hastie, and more like Gaules than Romanes. The answere of the Gaules to the Embassadors of Rome. Who having done their message in the assemblie of the Gaules, were thus againe answered. Although the name of the Romanes was but of late heard of, yet theywere persua­ded that they were hardie men, at whose handes the Clusines in their feare, sought and reque­sted succour. And whereas they choose rather to defend their allies by way of embassage, than by open warre, they likewise neither disdained nor refused peace which they offered: If the Clusines would grant the Gaules (which wanted ground to inhabite) a part of their marches, whereof they held in possession more than they did well people and occupie: Otherwise, no peace would be C had. And hereof would they have an answere, whiles the Romanes were in place: and if they were denied ground, they would also fight even before the Romanes face, that they might make re­port at home, how much the Gaules went beyond other men in valour and chivailrie. And when as the Romanes demaunded againe what right they had to require ground of the owners, or to threaten warre?’ For what interest or title had the Gaules in Tuscane? They againe stoutly made answere; That they caried their right in their swords point, and that valiant men were lords of all the world. So they were on both sides so set on fire, that they ran to their weapons and skirmished with the Tuscanes. Then against all law of nations (a thing that hastened the destruction of the Romane cittie) the Embassadours tooke armes. Neither could this be so secret but it was known. For even before the ensignes of the Tuscanes, there were sene three most noble & valiant knights of the Romanes for to fight: so farre exceeded the valor of those strangers above all the Clusines. D Moreover and besides, Quintus Fabius riding out of the battaile on horsebacke, charged his lance upon the captaine of the Gaules, as he fiercely assailed the ensignes and battaile of the Tuscanes, ran him through and slue him: and as he rifled and disarmed him, the Gaules tooke knowledge of him, and throughout the whole host notice was given, that it was an Embassadour of the Ro­manes. So, leaving their quarrell against the Clusines, they sound the retreat, and threatened the Romanes. There were of them, that thought good presently to advance forward to Rome: but the elder sort prevailed, that there should be sent Embassadors first to complaine of the in­iuries, and to require that for the law of armes broken, the Fabij should be yeelded unto them. Whenas the Gaule Embassadours had declared their message according to their commission, E the Senate nothing liked of the Fabians deed, and thought the barbarous Gaules required no­thing but just and reason. Howbeit suit of friends and private respectes, would not permit to make an Act of that, in personages of so great marke and nobilitie, which they deemed meet and requisite. Therfore to the end it might not be imputed to them and they blamed, if peradventure any foile or overthrow should happen unto them, by warring with the Gaules: they referred the hearing & discussing of the Gaule demands unto the people. Where might and favour so much prevailed, that even they who were in question to be punished, were created for the yeare folow­ing Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie. At which the Gauls being offended (as good cause they had) with open threats & menaces of warre, returned again to their companie. There were with the three Fabij, P. Sulpitius Longus, Quintus Servilius the fourth time, & P. Servilius Malugi­nensis. F Whenas now so great danger was toward & neere at hand (see how fortune blindeth mens eies, when as she will have her sway and not be hindered) that cittie which against the Fidenate and Veient enemie & other nations bordering therby, tried the utmost help, & oftentimes made a Dictatour: now being threatned with a strange enemie never heard of before, comming to war upon them from the Ocean sea and the farthest parts of the world, sought neither for governour [Page 204] nor helpe more than ordinarie. Even those Tribunes, by whose rash dealing that war was first cau­sed, G had the managing of all: & made no more choise, nor mustering of soldiors than usually had been in common wars: making but a light matter of it and of no consequence, and setting lit­tle by, and elevating the rumour of the warre. The Gaules in the meane time having heard, how for the nonce those breakers of humane law were soone advanced to honour, and how their em­bassage was deluded and dalied with, all on a fire, (as they are a nation that way impatient and in anger outragious) pluckt up their standards forthwith, and marched with all expedition on their voiage. At whose noise and hurliburly (as they passed by in such hast) when as the townes thereby were put in feare, and ran to their weapons, and the countrie pesants fled away: they with open mouth gave out and signified, that they went to Rome. All the way as they journeied, what with horse and men, both in length and breadth, they tooke up a mightie roome in their march. H But what with the fame that went before, and the messengers of the Clusines and of other peo­ple that followed one at the heeles of another, this speedie comming of the enemies brought right great feare and terrour to Rome. For notwithstanding, that they went with a power of men in all hast sodainly mustered, hardly met they them at eleven miles end, where as the river Allia running downe from the hils of Crustuminum, with a very deepe channell (not much beneath the highway) dischargeth it selfe into the Tyber. And now by this time the whole countrie before them, and all the coasts about were overspread with the enemies. And (as they are a nation na­turally given to vain tumults and therein born & bred) with an hideous and dissonant kind of sin­ging (like a blacke Santus) they filled all about with a fearefull and horrible noise. There the Tri­bunes Militarie without getting aforehand a convenient place to pitch their tentes in, without I fortifying the same with any trench or rampiers, whereunto they might safely be take themselves, even without any regard of God, whom at leastwise they should have been mindfull of, if they had forgotten man, without Auspices and bird-tokens, without reconciliation to God by sacri­fice, full unhappily and in an ill houre, ranged their battell devided into wings, for feare of being compassed with multitude of enemies. Yet might not the vaward answere the breadth of the ene­mies, notwithstanning they made their rankes and files so thin, that the middle ward of the bat­taile was weake, and skant joyning close together. On the right hand there was a little higher ground, where they thought to bestow men for supplie, which as it gave the first occasion of feare and running away, so was it the onely safetie of them that fl [...]d. For Brennus the Duke or prince of the Gaules, fearing exceedingly in that small number of the Romanes, some stratageme, and K supposing that the higher ground was for this purpose kept, That when the Gaules should have encountred with the forefront of the legions, then the rescues would charge them both upon their backes and their flankes, displaied and advanced his standerds against those in rescue: no­thing doubting but if he had once driven them from their holde upon higher ground, on the plaine he should soone have the victorie, considering that in number he overwent them. See how the Barbarians had not onely lucke; but pollicie also on their sides! Contrariwise, the Ro­mans in their camp were nothing like themselves, either for captains or souldiors. Their mindes were so possessed with feare & thinking of running away, and so forgetfull besides, that the grea­ter part of them chose rather to flie to Veij, (their enemies citie) although the Tyber were full in their way, than to take the streight course to Rome, to their wives and children. For a while, the ad­vantage L of the ground defended those that were for rescue: but in the rest of the hoast, so soone as they that were next, heard the shout from the sides, and those that were farthest off from be­hind, before any stroke strucken, & before they were once touched, they fled from their unknown enemie, in a manner before they saw him. And so farre off they were from trying fight, that they answered them not so much as with a countershout againe. So as there were not any slaine in fight. But they were killed behind at their backes, even by occasion of their own selves, who with their hurrying hindered one another in their flight. About the bancke of Tyber, where unto the whole left wing was fled downe, and had flung away their weapons, there was a great slaughter. For many of them that could not swimme, and were weake, by reason of their weightie corselets and other harneis, were drowned and swallowed up of the surging whirlepoles. Howbeit, the most M part escaped safe to Veij. From whence there came to Rome, not onely no succour to guard the cittie, but not so much as a messenger to bring newes of this their overthrow. But from the right wing which kept farther from the river, and more under the hill, they all went to Rome. And fin­ding not so much as the gates of the citie shut, they all fled into the castle. The very Gauls them­selves [Page 205] A astonied at so wonderfull & suddain victorie, stood still at the first in a great amaze, as who knew not what had happened, and wist not what to make of it. Afterwards they feared some am­bush, and at length fell to gathering the spoiles of them that were slain, and to lay all their armor and harneis upon heaps, as their manner is. At last, seeing no enemie nor shew of hostilitie, they put themselves in their journy forward, a little before sunsetting, & marched to the citie of Rome. Where, upon word brought by the foreriders, that the gates were not shut, nor any ward kept afore the gates, nor armed men upon the wals, they stood in the like amaze as before, upon so strange and wonderous a thing. But fearing the night & the situation of a citie unknown, they set them downe, and rested betweene Rome and Anio, having sent their espials and skouts about the wals and gates, to understand what their enemies meant to doe in so desperate a state. The B Romanes, for that a greater part had taken their way to Veij, than to Rome, & weening that there was none left alive, but those that were fled backe to Rome; bewailing and bidding adieu; both to those that were dead, and those alive, set the whole cittie almost a weeping and lamenting. But afterwards, the publicke feare astonied them, and tooke all sense away of their private sorrowes, when they heard once that the enemies were come. And within a while, as these barbarous peo­ple coasted and raunged about the wals by troupes, they might hear their yelling, their houting, and uncouth, confused hideous cries. So were they held all the time in suspense of mind, until the second day after: one while thinking, that at their first comming they would have surprised the ci­tie, for unlesse they had so meant, they would have taried (they thought) at Allia still: again, a little before sunsetting (because the day was welnie done) they supposed they would enter upon them C before night. But anon they feared that they differred this enterprise until night was come, to the end they might strike a greater feare & terror amongst them. And last of all, the day light appro­ching, astonied them clean: so as they were in a continual agonie, even untill the mischiefe came indeed which they so long doubted, & that now the bloodie banners of their enemies were dis­plaied before their gates. Howbeit neither that night nor the day following, was the citie in the like feare, as when they fled so fearefully at Comina [...]e [...] Rio de M [...]sso. Leandro. Allia. For being past nope, that the citie could be de­fended with so smal power as remained, they determined that with their wives & children, all their serviceable youth, such as were meet to beat arms, yea and the more able men, & strength of the Senat, should retire themselves into the castle & Capitoll: & after they had thither brought their armor and corn, from thence as from a defensible place to protect their gods, their men, and the D Roman name: to save from fire and sword (so farre as they could) the Flamin of Iupiter, the vestall Nuns, & sacred images, and holy reliques of the citie: and not to abandon the worship & due so­lemnitie unto them, so long as any were left alive, to do them honor & worship. For thus they conceived, That if the castle and Capitol, being the seat of their gods, if the Senate, which is the head and cheefe of their publicke counsell, if the hardie and fighting young men remained after that imminent ruine and fall of the citie, the lesse would be the losse of the aged folke, a number, (God wor) left behind of purpose in the citie, no otherwise like but to perish. And to the end that the multitude of the common sort might beare this more patiently, the elders that had trium­phed aforetime, and been Consuls, openly gave out and said, That they would live and die toge­ther with them. Neither would they with those bodies of theirs which were unmeet to beare ar­mour, E and to defend the citie, surcharge and pester the companie of able & armed men, in this their penurie and want of victuals. These and such like were the consolations and comforts of the auncients among themselves, now resolute to end their lives. After which, they turned their ex­hortations to the companies of the young and lustie men, whome they followed into the castle and Capitoll, recommending unto their manhood and to their youthfull courage, all the estate remaining of that cittie, which for the space of three hundred and threescore yeares, had in all their wars been victorious, and gotten great conquests. Now when they, in whom rested all hope and helpe, were departed, and had taken their leave of them, that resolved fully not to survive the winning and destruction of their citie: as the very thing in it selfe, and the sight thereof was a la­mentable and wofull spectacle unto them, so the pitteous weeping of women, and their uncer­taine F running up and downe, following nowafter one, and now after another: and asking their husbands and children, to what end, to what fatall destinie they betooke them, was as dolorous a pageant, as could happen to any earthly creature. Neverthelesse, a great sort of them accompa­nied their friends into the castle, & no man either bad or forbad them. For although it was good and commodious for the besieged, namely, to deminish the number and discharge themselves [Page 206] of the feeble multitude, yet it seemed unto them an inhumane and unkind part. The rest, of the G common people especially, whom so smal an hil was not able to receive, & could not possibly be kept in so great scarsitie of corne and victuals, departed by heapes out of the citie: and marching as it were in one companie together in a row, tooke their way to Ianiculum. From thence they devided themselves sundrie waies. Some slipt into the fields and countrie, some to the next cities there bordering, without any captaine, without any common consent: every one following his owne hope, his owne head and wit, now that all publicke counsell was in despaire and past reme­die. In this meane while, the Flamin of Quirinus, and the religious Vestall virgines leaving the regard of their owne private affaires, consulted with themselves what sacred Images to carrie with them, and (seeing their strength would not serve to rid away and save all) what to leave be­hind them, and what place was meetest to bestow and lay them up most safely. They agreed at H length and thought it best, to put them in small barrels or rundelets, and within the ground to burie them in a little chappell, standing next to the Flamines house: which place for very devoti­on unto this day, may not for any thing, be spit upon. Al the rest they parted amongst themselves. And every one carying her owne burden, tooke the way, which over the wodden bridge leadeth to Ianiculum. Vpon the ascent or rise of that hill, when L. Albinus (a Commoner of Rome) saw them going, as he among other companie (which unmeet for warre, departed out of the cittie) caried his wife and children in a waine: he making even then in that hard calamitie, a difference yet between divine and humane things, and thinking it an impious part, and void of all religion, that the publicke priests with the sacred Images of the people of Rome should go on foot, whiles he and his, were seene riding at ease in a wagon, caused his wife and children to alight and come I forth, and set the Nuns with their holy Images in their roome, and brought them to Caere, to which place they minded to goe. All things now being set at Rome (as in such a time could be) in order sufficiently, for the defence of the castle; the aged persons abovesaid being returned to their houses, waited for the comming of the enemie, with hearts prepared and resolved to die. Such of them as had borne offices of the chaire, to the intent, that they might end their daies in the ornaments and robes of their former estate and honour, and according to their vertue and deserts: in their most stately garments and habiliments, which they ware when they caried their sacred chariots upon feastivall daies, or wherein they rode in triumph, now sate upon their yvorie chaires in the very mids and entrie of their houses. There be that write, how they willingly devowed and bequeathed themselves to die for their countrie and cittizens of Rome: and that K M. Fabius the high priest read and pronounced unto them a certaine hymne & prescript forme of praier, to that purpose. The Gaules, both for that now they had rested from fight a whole night, and so their choler was somewhat cooled, and also because they had not in any place fought a bloudie and dangerous battell with them, nor even at that time wan the cittie by any assault or force, entred the morrow after into the citie, without anger and heat of furious rage, by the gate Collina, standing wide open, and so passed forward to the common place of assemblies, casting their eies about them towards the temples of the gods, and to the castle, which onely presented some shew of warre. And there leaving a sufficient guard, least happily from the castle and Capi­toll they should be violently assaulted, after they were once asunder parted, they fell to ransacke and rifle: and meeting none at all in the void streeets, some rush by heapes into the houses next L hand, others goe to those that were furthest off, supposing them at leastwise to be untouched, full of riches, and fit for to fill their hands. From thence againe (as frighted by reason of such desola­tion, and fearing least haply any fraud of the enemie might entrap them as they wandered one from another) they returned round in a ring together, into the market-sted, and the places neere thereto. Where, when they saw the Commoners houses fast shut to & locked, & contrariwise the stately palaces of the Noblemen and cheefe Senators standing wide open, they were at a stand, and doubted more in a manner to enter upon the open places, than the shut. And they beheld as it were with capping and crouching after a reverend manner, certaine ancient personages sitting in the porches and entries of their houses, who besides their ornaments and apparrell, above the ordinarie estate of men, for a certaine majestie which they carried in their countenance and M gravitie of visage, resembled the gods. And when as they turned to them, and stood looking upon them, as if they had beene Idols and sacred Images, M. Papyrius, one of them, when a Gaule began to stroke his beard (which then they used all to weare long) with his yvorie [...] (as they say) gave him a rap on the pate, and mooved his patience. Whereupon hee was the [Page 207] A first that was murdered, and so the rest were a [...]l killed as they sate in their chaires of estate. Af­ter this massaker of these honourable personages of the Nobilitie, they fell upon all the rest and spared no creature: they ransaked their houses, and when they were emptie set fire on them. But whether it were that they were not all of them desirous to destroy the cittie utterly, or that it was the minde of the leaders and chiefe of the Gaules, that for a terrour there should be seene some scarefires (if happely for the love of their houses, they that were besieged, might be indu­ced to yeeld themselves:) or that all their houses were not burned at once, to the end that the re­mainder of the cittie might be as a pawne and pledge to mollifie their enemies and make their hearts to relent; howsoever, I say it was, the fire for the first daie (as usually in citties forced and woon) spread not all abroad every where, to make a generall havocke. The Romanes from B their Castle, seeing the cittie full of enemies, and in every streete running up and downe, and in all places fresh calamities and miseries one in the neck of another, were not able to conceive the same in minde and spirit, no nor so much as to have the right use of their eares and eies. For to what place so ever the shoutes and dinne of the enemies, the howling and wailing of women and children, the noise of fire and the ratling and cracking downe-fals of houses turned them aside in exceeding feare, thither they bent their mindes their faces and eies, as men by for­tune set up a loft, as upon a stage or scaffold, to behold the fall and ruine of their countrie: reser­ved to save nothing of al their haviour and substance, but onely their own bodies: by thus much, more miserable and pittifull above all others that ever were besieged, in that being shut out from their native countrie and cittie, they were besieged and beheld it, and all that they had, in the ene­mies C hands. Neither, as ill as the day was spent, followed there a better night. Yea and when af­ter this troublesome night the like morrow was come, there was no time, but ministred still some heavie object: and one spectacle or other of new and fresh calamities. And albeit they were loa­den and overwhelmed with so many miseries, yet they nothing at all let fall or abated their cou­rages, but resolved still, notwithstanding they saw al fired, al ruinate & laid even with the ground, manfully to defend that poore naked little hill which they held, and was their only hope left them to recover their freedome. And now seeing the same desolations daily happen, they were so in­ured to miserie, that past all sence and feeling of their owne state and privat fortune, they regar­ded nothing but their armour on their backs and swords in their hands, as the only remnants & reliques of their hope. The Gaules likewise for certaine daies, had made warre with the poore D houses onely of the cittie, and all to no purpose: and when they perceived in all this burning and ruines of the cittie so conquered nothing now left but armed enemies, who were not, for all so many calamities, one jot terrified, nor their mindes once inclined to yeeld without further force and violence were used; they determine to trie the uttermost, and to make an assault upon the fortresse. So on the morrow morning very early at sound of trumpet, all the whole multitude of them, arranged themselves in the market place. From whence with an outcrie and shout, un­der a fence of targets over their heads, they approch the Castle. Against whome, the Romanes behaved themselves, neither unadvisedly, nor fearefully, strengthning their wards and quarters, with a good Corps de guard against all Advenues: and whereas they sawe the banners displaied, that way they opposed their strongest guardes: and suffered the enemies to climbe up the hill, E supposing that the higher they were got up, so much the easilier they might bee beaten downe. And being come up to the midst of the cliffe, there they staied: and thence from the higher ground, which of it selfe in manner bare out against the enemie, with all their force they charged upon the Gaules, overturned them, and sent them downe headlong: so as never after that, either any part of them, or all together would attempt that kinde of service. Being therfore past hope to get up by force and armes, they make preparation for long siege: wherof untill that time they had no minde: both for that the corne which was within, they had consumed in burning of the cittie, and in the meane space, that which was in the countrie about, was carried and brought to Veij. Wherupon they devided their armie, purposing with one part thereof, to forrey and drive booties all about the nations thereby adjoyning, and with the other to invest the Castle: to the F ende, that the forragers abroad might bring in corne to serve them that lay at the siege. Nowe as those Gaules departed from the cittie, it was their hap and fortune to come to Ardea (where Camillus aboad in exile) there to make triall of the Romanes valour. This Camillus being more pensive in the behalfe of the publike calamitie, than carefull of his owne: spending his spirits and wasting his bodie with crying out, upon gods and men: thus fretting and chasing with him­selfe, [Page 208] and wondering what was become of those valiant and hardie men, who under his conduct G wan Veij and Falerij, and who had fought other warres more valiantly alwaies than fortunately: of a sodaine he heard that the armie of the Gaules approched, and that the Ardeates in great feare, fell to consultation thereabout, what to doe: and even as if he had beene inspired from God above, [...] he put himselfe forward and entred into the midst of the people assembled, who heretofore, had absteined and forborn such publike meetings and consultations. ‘And thus he said: You my Masters of Ardea, mine olde friends sometime, and now my new neighbours and fellow cittizens, for so it is fallen out by your kindnesse and deserts, and by mine owne fortune and condition: let no man thinke, that I, forgetfull of mine owne estate, am come forth hither into this audience. But the present object and publike danger forceth every man to utter and bring forth in so fearefull a time and businesse as this is, what helpe he can. And when shall I ever bee H thankefull unto you for your favours and demerits, if now I stand still and do nothing? Or where shall I ever stand you in steede, if not in warre? By my skill herein, I flowrished in my countrie, and being in warre invincible, was in peace by unthankefull neighbours and unkinde cittizens banished. And now have yee good occasion offered and opportunitie (ô yee Ardeates) both to make recompence, for those so great pleasures and curtesies in times past received of the peo­ple of Rome, as your selves doe well remember, (and therefore be it spoken without upbraiding and reproching of any mindfull persons) and also to winne great honour of warre, unto this cit­tie, by defeating a common enemie unto both. This nation, which thus commeth towards us with a dissolute and disordered armie, are those to whome God and nature hath given bodies more big and corpulent than strong and able, hearts more stout and courageous than constant I and resolute: whereby they bring with them alwaies into the field more shew of terror, than true valour and execution. Whereof, the late foile and discomfiture of the Romanes may be a suffi­cient proofe and triall. They woon the cittie when the gates stood open unto them: a small power from the Castle and Capitoll was able to withstand and repell them. And wearie alreadie of the tediousnesse of siege, they are faine to depart, stragling up and down, and wandring along the countrie. Their manner is when they have filled their bellies with wine and good victuals, (which they devoure full greedily and hastely whersoever they can come by it:) so soone as night commeth on, without any place of defence, without watch or ward, to lay themselves along like bruit beastes, here and there by the waters sides. And now upon their good successe, are they more secure and retchlesse, than they were wont to be. If ye be disposed to defend your wals, and K not all to turne French, gather your selves together, and at the first watch of the night, Arme, and to your weapons: Follow me to a massaker and not to a skermish: for if I doe not deliver them unto your hands fast a sleep to be hewen in pieces like sheep & oxen, I refuse not to see the same end of mine estate at Ardea, that I have found alreadie at Rome.’ There was not one there, howso­ever affected he was, friend or so to Camillus, but was persuaded that the like warriour was not in those daies to be found againe. The assembly being broken up, they refresh their bodies, rea­die to fight so soone as ever the Signall should be propounded. Which being put forth, in the beginning and first watch of the night, they were readie with Camillus at the gates. And gone they were not farre from the towne, but they found (as it was foretold them) the Gaules camp without Corps de guard, neglected on every side: and it with a mightie crie they assaile. There L was in no place fight, but killing every where: and their naked bodies (as they lay fast a sleepe) were hacked and cut in pieces. Howbeit, some of those that were furthest off, being scared out of their couches, not knowing what violence or from whence it was, tooke to their heels and fled: other­some stumbled at unawars upon the very enemie. A great part of them being come into the ter­ritorie of Ardea, were by the townesmen, who sallied out upon them as they were dispersed, en­vironed and slaine. The like slaughter to this, there was of the Tuscanes in the countrie of Veij: who had so little pittie and compassion, to see a cittie which well neare for foure hundreth yeare space bordering upon them, was now surprised by a strange enemie not heard of afore, that even at that very time, they made rodes into the territorie of Rome, and laden with bootie from thence, purposed to assaile even Veij also and the garrison; being the onely place and meanes of M rescue, and the last hope of the Romane name. The Romane souldiours that lay in garrison there, had espied these Tuscanes raunging about the countrie, and gathered together in a plump to drive booties afore them: and withall they descried their campe pitched not farre from Veij, Where, at first they pittied their owne estate, but after, they fell into an indignation & anger that [Page 209] A the Tuscanes also, from whom they had diverted the Gaules warre upon themselves, should in their calamities thus scorne them and have them in derision: so as they could scarcely temper themselves and forbeare, but presently set upon them. But beeing staied perforce by captaine Cedittus a Centurion whome they themselves had made their ruler, they put off this exploit untill night. Onely their Commander and leader, was not to be compared with Camillus: els all the service was atchieved in the same order, and with as good speede and happie successe. Over and besides, by the guidance and direction of those prisoners which remained unslaine over night, they went forward as farre as Salinae, to another power of the Tuscanes, and in the night following, upon a suddaine they made a greater havoke and slaughter of them, and so in ioyous manner with double conquest they returne to Veij. At Rome in this meane time, the siege for B the most part was but cold and slack, and all quiet on both sides: whiles the Gaules regarded and looked to this only, That none of their enemies should make an escape through their guards. At what time a certaine valiant yong Romane behaved himselfe so, as his own countrimen and ene­mies too, had him in great admiration. There was a set sacrifice or solemnitie to be celebrated by the house and linage of Fabij, in the mount Quirinalis. For the accomplishment wherof, Caius Fabius Dorsuo in his holy robes after the Gabines fashion, bearing in his hand the holy comple­ments thereto belonging, came down from the Capitol, passed through the mids of the enemies corps de gard, and nothing moved whatsoever was done or said to terrifie him, went on forth right to the mount Quirinall. And when he had there performed and dispatched all solemnities, retur­ning the same way with like constant countenance and comelie pace, hoping assuredlie, that the C gods would be merciful & gracious unto him, whose worship he had not left undone for any fear of death: he retired againe to his companie into the capitoll: whether it were that the Gaules were astonied at his wonderous boldnes, or rather were touched in conscience with a reverent regard of religion, wherin that nation is verie zealous and devout. At Veij in the meane while, they gathered not onlie heart everie day more than other, but strength & forces also: for that not onelie Romanes thither repaired out of the countrie, such as either in discomfiture of the bat­taile, or for the calamitie of the citie now taken, had beene scattered: but also out of Latium divers of their owne accord had flocked thither, to have their share in the pillage. Now they thought it high time to returne to their countrie againe, and to deliver it out of the enemies hands. The bodie was strong enough, but without an head it was. The verie place put them in D mind of Camillus, and a great part of the soldiours were such as had atchieved prosperous ex­ploites under his leading & conduct. And Ceditius gave out plainly, that no god or man should make him give over his governement, but would himselfe as mindfull of his own place, call for a Generall. The [...] of Pontius Cominius. So by general consent it was agreed, that Camillus should be sent for from Ardea, but with the advice before of the Senate which was at Rome. So modest were they in all their cari­age, and so precisely observed they (even in this their desperate case) the due respect and regard of everie action. Now to passe through the wards of their enemies, was an hard and dangerous adventure. To this exploit therfore, Pontius Cominius, a valerous yong man, promised his ser­vice. Who bearing himselfe upon a barke or corke under him, hulled along the Tyber downe the water to the cittie; and so the next way from the strond, over a steepe cliffe (which E was negligently or not at all garded by the enemie) he passeth through the Capitoll, and being brought to the magistrates, declareth there his message from the armie. When he had received the Senats decree to this effect: Imprimis, That Camillus should be called back again out of ex­ile by a Ward-leet, or the suffrages of the Curia: Item, that by the voices of the people he should be created Dictator out of hand: and that the soldiors might have for their Generall whom they desired: the messenger returned the same way backe againe to Veij. And embassadours were sent to Camillus at Ardea, Camillus chose [...] Dictatour. who conducted him to Veij. But I would rather beleeve, that he departed not from Ardea, before he had certaine intelligence of the Act of the Senate. And for that nei­ther without the will of the people, he might change the place wherto he was confined, nor un­lesse he were named Dictatour, have the conduct of the armie; there passed an Act of all the F wards, and Dictatour was he declared in his absence. Whiles these things were a doing at Veij, the castle of Rome and the capitoll was in verie great danger. For the Gauls, either having found out a mans sooting, that way as the messenger went from Veij, or espied at the cliffe of Carmen­tis, an easie place to climbe up: in a cleere night sent a man before unarmed to assay the passage, and than gave him up his armour, and where it was steepe, one helped, lifted up, and drew up an [Page 210] other, as the difficultie of the place required. So as they got-up to the top with such silence, that G not onely the Sentinels were not ware of them, but also the dogs (a watchfull creature at everie noise in the night) were not once awakened therewith. But they could not so escape the geese, which were consecrated unto Iuno, and for all the scarcitie of victuals, were spared and not killed up. And this it was that saved them all. For with their gagling and fluttering of their wings, M. Manlius, who three yeares before had been Consul, a right hardie & noble warriour, was awaked. Who taking weapon in hand, speedily went forth and raised the rest with all to take armes. And whiles all else made hast in a great fright, he strooke the Gaule who now stood upon the top, with the bosse and pike of his buckler, and turned him downe. The fall of whom overturnd them that were next. Then slew he others, (whiles they were in feare) who had laid their weapons out of hand, and tooke hold of thestones wherto they clinged close. By which time, the rest being come H together, some flinging darts, others casting downe stones, tumbled their enemies backe, and the whole power of them lost their sure footing and fell downe headlong. This tumult being appeased, the rest of the night (so farre forth as men might with troubled minds, seeing that even the danger past disquieted them) they gave themselves to sleepe. When day was come, the soldiours by sound of trumpet were summoned to assemble before their Tribunes, and consi­dering there was reward due both to well doing and misdoing: Manlius, first for his valour was commended and rewarded, not only by the Tribunes militarie but also by consent of all the sol­diors. Vpon whom, they amongst them all, bestowed and brought home to his house (which stood upon the castle hill) wheat meale by the halfepintes, and wine by the quartes. A matter of small reckoning to be spoken of: but in that scarcitie, this might be an argument of their love and affe­ction, I when everie man beguiled his owne belly, pluckt from himselfe and the necessities of his life, and conferred the same to the honour and recompence of that one man. Then were summo­ned to appeare the sentinels of that place where the enemie climbed up undescried. And when as P. Su [...]pitius a Tribune Militarie, had pronounced that he would exercise martiall law upon them all, the soldiours cried out with open mouth, and laid all the fault on one watchman: and so for feare of a mutinie he spared all the the rest: and with their generall consent and approuse, he caused that undoubted guiltie person to be throwne downe from the rocke. Whereupon they were more careful and circumspect in their watch, both amongst the Gaules (because it was com­monlie noised that there passed messengers too and fro betweene Veij and Rome:) & also amon­gest the Romanes, for the remembrance of the late danger by night. But above all other mise­ries K that follow warre and siege, the famine was sore in both the armies. The Gaules were pla­gued with pestilence besides: for that they had pitched their tentes in a place lying between two hils; exceeding hote by reason of the fires, and full of smoake, carying both dust and ashes, when any wind was stirring: which be things that of all others, that nation can not abide, as being used to wet and cold. Thus being smudred with heat, and therwith stifled and choked againe, they died with contagious diseases like rotten sheepe. And now for idlenes that they would not burie them severally one by one, they laid the dead bodies on heaps one with another, and so burnt them: [...] and made that place famous and notable by the name of Busta Gall [...]caj. Gaulburie. Here­upon, they grew to make some truce with the Romanes, and emparled together by sufferance of the Generals. In which parlies, whenas the Gaules estsoones alleadged the famine, and upon L that extremitie persuaded them to yeeld: it is said, that the Romanes for to put them by that opi­nion of them, in many places from the capitoll flong out loaves of bread into the verie stations and corps de guard of the enemies. But at length neither could their hunger be dissembled, nor sustained any longer. Therefore, whiles the Dictatour mustereth a power at Ardea by himselfe, he commaundeth the Generall of horsemen, L. Valerius, to have away the armie from Veij: and maketh so good preparation, & furnisheth himselfe so, as he might be able to match his enemies, and to charge upon them. In the meane season, the armie of the Capitol wearied out with watch­ing and warding, having surmounted all humane miseries besides hunger, which onely of all others, nature would not suffer to be overcome: looking day by day for succour from the Dicta­tour, now at the last when not onely their food, but their hope also failed them, and were grown M to that weaknesse, that when they went to keepe their gard, they could hardly beare the weight of their armour, they agreed and gave consent either to yeeld or to ransome themselves vpon any condition, they cared not what. Whiles the Gaules also gave forth plainely, and said, they might be entreated for a small consideration to give over siege. Then the Senate went together, [Page 211] A and gave commission to the Tribunes Militarie, to bargaine and goe through with them. So by a parley or treatie had betweene P. Sulpitius Tribune Militarie, and Brennus the Duke of the Gaules, a conclusion was made, and that people, who within a short time should bee lords of the world, were valued and esteemed at a [...] lib. English.thousand pound weight of gold. This in itselfe was a most odious and shamefull thing, but there was adjoined thereunto a foule in­dignitie. For the Gaules brought forth false weights and uneven ballance. And when the Tri­bune refused them, behold, the insolent and prowd Gaule would needs have his sword weighed too for vantage, adding this speech moreover (which was intollerable for the Romanes to heare) We worth men conquered, and downe with them still. But neither God nor man would abide the Romanes to live ransomed. For by good hap, before that shamefull summe of monie by com­position B was paied , before (I say) that upon some wrangling thatfell betweene, all the gold was weighed out, commeth the Dictatour in the manner, and commandeth the gold to be had away, and the Gaules to void. And when as they made resistance and pleaded the capitulation & bar­gaine, hee againe replieth and saith, That the composition was not good, nor ought to stand, which after hee was made Dictatour, had been by an inferior Magistrate concluded, without his commandement and warrant: and with all warneth the Gaules to prepare themselves to fight: commaunding his owne souldiours, to cast all their bag and baggage downe on a heape, to put on their harneis, to make readie their weapons, and by dint of steele, and not by weight of gold to redeem their countrie, having in sight before their eies, the churches of their gods, their wives and children, and the soile whereon the citie stood (deformed now with miseries of warre) and all C things els which they ought by good reason to defend, recover, and be revenged for . Here upon he marshalleth his battaile as the ground would give him leave, being the plot onely of a cittie halfe ruinate and lying along, and with all of it selfe naturally uneven. Forecasting and pro­viding for all things with especiall choice and preparation to serve his souldiours turne, as farre as martiall skill could possiblie reach. The Gaules affrighted at this so strange an oc­current, betooke them to their weapons, and in a furious fit of anger, rather than with any considerate discretion, they ran upon the Romanes. Now had fortune turned her wheele: now Gods helpe and mans pollicie assisted the Romanes. Therefore at the first encounter the Gaules were discomsited with as little difficultie, as they themselves had atchieved the vi­ctorie at Allia. Afterwards also, in another more set battaile in the way of Gabes, about eight D miles from Rome (to which place they were fled) they were vanquished by the conduct and lea­ding of the same Camillus. For there were they slaine in every place, their campe taken, and not so much as one left to bring newes of their overthrow. The Dictatour having thus delivered his countrie out of the enemies hand, returneth againe with triumph into the citie. And in all the sports and pleasant ditties which the souldiors rudely after their manner devised, he was stiled Ro­mulus the father of the countrie, the second founder of the cittie, which were no vaine titles of commendation.

When he had saved his countrie thus in warre, he preserved it afterwards againe undoubted­ly in time of peace, namely, in gain saying their transinigration to Veij: whiles both the Tribunes enforced that matter more earnestly, now after the burning of the citie, and the Commons also E of themselves were more enclined thereunto, than before. Which was one cause, that after his triumph he resigned not up his Dictatorship: being requested also by the Senat not to leave the citie in so doubtfull tearmes of perplexitie. And first and formost (as hee was evermore a most precise devout man and religious) hee proposed those things which concerned the immortall gods: and causeth an act of the Senate to be made. Imprints, that all the temples (for that the enemies had held and possessed them) should bee repaired, bounded out new, and purged. Item, that the manner of cleansing them, should be searched out of the bookes of Sibylla by the Du­umvirs. Moreover, that with the inhabitants of Caere, there should be made a league of publicke and mutuall hospitalitie, for receiving the sacred Images and priests of the people of Rome: by the meanes and favour of which people, the honour and service of the immortall gods was not F forelet and discontinued. Item, That there should bee set out the Plaies called Capitolini, for that Iupiter Optimus Maximus had still defended and preserved his owne seat, and the Keepe of the people of Rome, in that fearfull time of trouble. And that M. Furius should ordain a guild, or fra­ternitie out of those that dwelt in the hil of the capitoll, for the celebration of those plaies. Final­ly, to the end there should be also some satisfaction & expiation made of that night voice which [Page 212] being the fore-messenger and warning-giver of their destruction before the comming of the G Gaules, was heard and yet neglected, a motion was made, that a temple should be erected in the new causey to Aius Locutius. The gold which was recovered by force from the Gaules, as also that which out of other temples in that fearefull medley, was brought into the chancell or chap­pell of Iupiter, because they could not call to mind precisely, into which churches, they were to carrie it againe accordingly, was all judged holie, and sacred to Iupiter; and order taken, that it should be bestowed and laid up under his shrine. And how devout the citie was, appeared before in this, That when there was not gold ynough in the common chest, to make up the full summe of the ransome that was agreed upon betweene them and the Gaules, they tooke that which the matrons & wives of Rome contributed, and all to spare and save the gold appointed to holy uses. The matrons were therfore thanked, and this honour besides done unto them, That after H their death they as well as their husbands, should be openly praised in a solemne funerall Ora­tion. When those things were once accomplished which pertained to the gods, and all done that belonged to the Senate for to doe: then and not afore, upon the stirres that the Tribunes kept with the Commons continually, with their speeches in all their assemblies, solliciting them to leave the ruines of the cittie, The Oration of M. Furius Camillus to the people of Rome. and to remoove with all they had to Veij, a towne readily furni­shed to their hand: then I say and not before, Camillus accompanied with the whole Senate, came up into the common place of audience, & there before the people spake in this wise. ‘So grievous to me, ô Quirites, is all contention and variance with the Tribunes of the Commons, that while I lived at Ardea, I found no other comfort and solace, in that most heavie & wofull banish­ment of mine but this, That I was farre ynough off from those debates and jarres. In regard I whereof, I would never have come againe I assure you, but that you called me backe, both by Act of Senate and also by approbation of the people. And it is not in me any change of mind, but your calamitie and distressed estate, that hath forced me to returne againe unto you. For this was the verie point that you stood upon, namely that our countrie might continue still and keepe her ancient place: and not ywis, that I should remaine and dwell therein againe. And even now verily, would I be still and keepe silence willingly, but that this quarrell also is in the behalfe of my foresaid countrie: the which to faile (so long as life doth last) for others might be a shamefull reproach, but for Camillus it were most impious and abhominable. For to what end have we re­turned to it again? To what purpose, when it was besiged have we delivered it out of the enemies hands, if when we have recovered it, we our selves abandon and leave the same? And when as K the gods and men of Rome kept still, and inhabited the Capitoll and the castle, notwithstanding the Gaules were lords, and possessed of the whole cittie, is it possible that both castle and capitoll, after the cittie is regained, should be forsaken and abandoned of the Romane victors? And shall our prosperous hand over our enemies bring greater desolation to our cittie, than adversity hath? Verilie if it were so, that we made no reckning of that religion and divine solemne service, insti­tuted even with the foundation of our cittie: and that wee counted all vanities that have beene delivered unto us by tradition from our ancestors: yet so evident a power of God hath assisted the Romanes, that I must needs thinke, that men can now no longer neglect the worship of God. For consider with me I pray you, either the prosperitie or the adversitie of these yeares late past, one after another. Ye shall find, that as long as we served God and followed his will, so long we L prospered and went forward: and all the while that we despised the same, we ever went backward and fel to decay. And first and foremost the Veient war (recount I beseech you) how many yeares lasted it? how troublesome and painfull was it? And ended it was not, before that by the directi­on and advertisement of the gods, the water was let out of the Albane poole? What shall I speake of this late and strange calamitie of our owne cittie? Began it (and say truth) before that voice which came from heaven was made so light off, concerning the comming of the Gaules? before the law of nations was by our Embassadours broken? and before that through the same neglect of the gods, that fact was by us winked at and put up, which indeed should have beene punished and revenged? This was the cause that wee were vanquished, made captive, put to our ransome, and suffered such condigne punishment both at Gods hand and at mans, as that we are M made an example and ensignement to the whole world. Then our adversitie and affliction put us in mind of our religion, and the feare of the gods. We fled into the capitall to the gods, even to the verie seat of Iupiter Optimus Maximus: and when our owne private estate went to ha­vocke, the sacred monuments yet and holy Images, some we hid in the earth, some we conveied [Page 213] A away into the neighbour townes, and remooved them out of our enemies sight. And albeit we were forlorne and given over both of God and men, yet gave not wee over nor discontinued the service of the gods. And therefore gave they us our countrie againe, they gave us victorie, and the ancient honour of war which we had lost: and upon our enemies heades, who (blinded with covetousnes) in the weighing of gold brake both covenant and fidelitie, they have turned all fear­fulnesse, all flight & slaughter. Considering then ô Quirites, by these so great & apparent signes and testimonies in the course of this world, what it is to serve God, and what it is to dishonor him: perceive ye not what wickednes we go about to plunge our selves into, being scarcely gotten forth and escaped out of the shipwracke and perill of our former sinne and calamitie? A citie we have founded and built, by the will of God and due observation of Augurie and Auspice [...], no corner B therein, but full of religion, full of divine majestie: and for solemne sacrifices, there are sett daies when they shall be celebrated, there are places also appointed wherein they ought to be perfor­med. And are ye about then, ó Quirites, to leave all these gods both publike and privat? How sor­teth this deed of yours with that, which lately during the time of the siege, was seene with no lesse admiration of our enemies, than our owne selves in that Noble young Gentleman C. Fabius? when through the pikes of the Gaules, he departed out of the Castle, and performed a solemne dutie of the house of Fabius, even upon the mount Quirinall? What? can yee allowe and like that the sacred ceremonies of private families, should not so much as in time of war be intermit­ted: and suffer now the publike sacrifices and the Romane gods, in time of peace to be neglected, and the cittie abandoned? That our high priests and Flamines should be lesse curious and pre­cise C in the publike service of God: than a private cittiz en was in the Anniversarie feast of his fa­milie and kindred? But peradventure some one may say, We will do the same at Veij, or we will send from thence our priestes hither, for to execute that ministerie. Neither of which can bee done, saving the due observance of holy ceremonies. For, to say nothing in generall of all other holydaies, and of all the gods besides; In that one high feast and solemne dinner of Iupiter, can a Pulvinar be celebrated, or a sacred Table be spred and furnished in any place, but in the Capi­toll? What should I speake of the eternall fires of Vesta? and of that image, which as a paune and securitie of our imperiall state, is kept within the safegard of that Temple? What should I speake of those your Ancilia and Scutcheans? O Mars Gradivus, and thou father Quirinus: are yee well contented that all these festivall and sacred solemnities, which are all of equall time with D the cittie, yea and of more antiquitie (some of them) than the foundation o f the cittie, should be forsaken in a profane place? But see what ods there is betweene us and our auncestors? They left unto us certaine solemne feasts and sacrifices to be celebrated in the Albane mountaine and in Lavinium. Was it then, a matter of conscience and religion, that some festivall solemnities were brought unto us from our enemies citties to Rome? And shall we translate the same from hence to our enemies cittie Veij, without a great and heinous offence, that would require ex­piation? Doe but call to minde I pray you, how often our feastes and sacrifices have beene re­newed and reformed cleane, for that some one olde accustomed ceremonie, either by chance or for want of taking heede, hath been overslipt and left out. And even of late, what was it els that (after the strange miracle of the Albane Poole) releeved our common-weale so distres­sed E with the Veient warre, but the reformation of our divine service, and renewing of our Auspi­ces? And more than this, we as it were in remembranc e of antique religion and devotion, have both brought unto Rome forreine gods, and also have instituted and devised new. What a no­table and festivall day was that (in regard of the exceeding zeale and forward affection of the ma­trons) upon which Queene Iuno late translated from Veij, was dedicated in Aventine? And to Aius Locutius, for a voice from heaven heard in the new causey, we caused a Temple to be ere­cted. The Capitoline plaies have we added to other solemne feasts, and thereto we have ordei­ned and founded a new Guild or Fraternitie, even by the advise of the Senat. And what need was there, that we should have done any of these thinges, if we meant, together with the Gaules, [...] leave the cittie of Rome? If we abode not in the Capitol (so many moneths whiles we were besi [...] ­ged) F willingly & without constreint? And if we were for feare of our enemies, held back from go­ing els whither? Thus much of our festivall daies and Temples. But what shall become now, I pray you, of our priests? Never thinke ye once of it, what a sinfull deed you are about? As for th [...] Vestall Votaries and Nuns, it is certaine, this is their onely place, forth of which nothing ever could drive them but the winning of the cittie. The Flamine of Iupiter may not lie forth of th [...] [Page 214] cittie one night: and will ye make these priests, of Romanes to become Veientians? And shall G thy virgins indeed, ó Vesta, leave thee now? and shal the Flamine dwelling in a strange place, for every night he is absent, taint with so great impietie, both himselfe and the common-wealth? As for other matters, which we doe with great solemnitie by the direction of the Augurs (and al well nere within the Pomerie or compasse of the cittie) howe can we forget or neglect them? Namely the wardleet or assembly of the Curiae for matters of warre: also the other of Centu­ries, wherein ye chuse your Consuls and Militarie Tribunes, where can they be held (if we res­pect the will of the gods & regard the Auspices) but in the places accustomed? Shall we remove all these to Veij? or shall the people repaire hither from thence with so great trouble and incon­venience, to a desolate cittie, forsaken of God and man, whensoever they would hold those assem­blies? But the present necessitie (they will say)forceth us to leave a towne that is wasted with fire H and wholy ruinate, and to go to Veij, where all stands safe and sound, and not to put the poore Commons to the toile and charge of new building. That, this is a pretence and cause rather de­vised, than meant in earnest, if I should say nothing, I thinke appeareth manifestly unto you al­readie, ó Quirites, who remember that before the comming of the French men, whiles your publike buildings and privat houses were whole, and whiles the cittie stood upright on foote, this selfe-same motion was made and debated, as touching the removing to Veij. Consider now yee Tribunes what difference there is betweene mine opinion and yours: ye are of minde, that if it had not then been meet to be done, yet now verely it were good and requisite: I contrariwise (but marveile not I pray you before you heare what I wil say) am of opinion that albeit we might have then gone, whiles our whole cittie flourished, yet now we were not to leave it thus ruinate & de­caied. I For at that time we had some cause to remove into a conquered cittie, namely Victorie, a glorious thing to our selves and our posteritie: but this removing now, were reprochfull and shamefull to our selves, but glorious and honourable to the Gaules. For we shall not be thought to have left our countrie as conquerors, but to have lost it as conquered. And shall it be said that our running away at Allia, the winning of our cittie, the besieging of the Capitoll, hath imposed this necessitie upon us, as to leave our house and home and to make shifts, to seeke our own exile and departure out of that place which we were not able to defend? And were, indeed, the Gaules able to pull downe and rase that cittie of Rome, which the Romanes shall not be thought able to reedifie and set up again? What remaineth now, in case they should come upon us afresh, with a new power of men, (for certaine it is that their multitude is incredible) and were willing to dwell K here in this cittie by them conquered, and by you abandoned; but that ye gently permit and suf­fer them? Nay, What and if not the Gaules, but your old enemies the Aequians and the Vol­scians would remove & come to Rome, would you be willing to have them become Romanes, and your selves Veientians? Would ye not rather, that this desert and wast ground as it lieth, were yours, than to be a cittie peopled by your enemies? For I cannot see, I assure you, whether of the twain, wer more to be detested. And because (forsooth) ye are loth to fall to building, are ye resol­ved to abide these mischiefs & these shameful reproches? If throughout the whol citie there might not be built a more commodious or starely house, than is that cottage there, of our founder, wer it not better to dwell in cottages like sheepheards & pezants, so it be among your sacred monu­ments and houshold gods, than all at once generally to go into exile? Our auncestors & forefa­thers L being a medley of divers countries, & no other than heardmen, finding in these parts no­thing but woods & bogs, in a short time built a new cittie out of the ground: and are we loth, ha­ving yet our Capitoll, our castle safe, the Temples of our gods standing stil, to reedifie it now, that it is burnt. That which every one of us would have done, if our houses had been fired, refuse we altogether to do in the common skarefire of the citie? Give me leave a little. What & if by some vilanie, or by mischance there should be a skarefire at Veij, and by reason of the wind (as it is of­ten seene) the flame spred and catch, and so consume a great part of the citie, shall wee goe from thence by and by, and seeke to Fidenae or G [...]bij, or some other citie neere at hand, to remove un­to? Is the very native soile of our countrie, and this ground which wee call our mother, of no power at all to keepe us here, but doth the whole love and affection of our countrie, rest in the M superficiall outside, and in the timber and rafters of our houses? Verily, confesse I will unto you (although I take lesse pleasure to remember the wrongs you did mee, than the calamitie which I endured) when I was absent and in exile, so often as I thought of my countrie, all these things ran in my mind: the hils, the plaine, the Tybre, the coasts all about, which was my daily prospect, and [Page 215] A this aire, under which I was borne and brought up. All which, ô Quirites, let them move you ra­ther now with an affection to them for to tarie still in this your habitation, than disquiet you here­after and torment you for the want and misse of them, when you have once left & forgone them. Not without good cause both God and man chose this place for the building of this cittie: most healthie and holesome hils: a verie convenient and commodious river; to bring in come and other fruits out of the inland parts, to receive provision and other victuals from the sea coasts: the sea itselfe neare enough for commodious, and not exposed and open by too much neere­nesse to the dangers of forraine navies: the verie heart and centre of all Italie, a place as a man would say naturally made, and only for that citie to grow and increase in. And that doth the verie largenesse and greatnesse of a cittie so newly founded, plainely prove. It is now three hundred B three score and foure yeares, andnot above, since the foundation thereof, ô Quirites. Amongst so many Nations of greatest antiquitie, thus long yee have made warre: and all this while (to say nothing of particular citties) neither the Volscians together with the Aequians, peopling so ma­ny townes, and those so strong, nor all Hetruria so mightie by sea aad land, and containing the whole breadth betweene the two seas, are in warre to you comparable. Which being so, what reason have you (in the devils name) when ye have had sufficient proofe alreadie of it, to trie again new experiments? considering now, that albeit your valour and vertue may goe with you els whi­ther, yet certes, the good luck & fortune of this place can never depart and remove from hence? Here is the Capitoll, where somtimes upon the finding of a mans head, answer was made by Di­viners and wisards, That in that very place should be the head of all puissance, and the imperiall C seat of the whole world. Here, at what time as the Capitol, by the direction of the Augurs should be voided and cleared of all other chappels, Ladie Iuventus, and God Terminus to the great joy of our forefathers, would not suffer themselves to be stirred out of their place. Here are the fires of Vesta, here be the scutcheons come downe from heaven, here are all the gods, favorable & graci­ous still unto you, so long as here ye make abode & remain. Camillus in all his Oration through­out moved them much: but that part thereof touching religion (by report) was most effectuall.’ But that which strucke it dead, and put all out of doubt, was a certain word that fell out to be spo­ken fitly to the purpose. For at what time as the Senate a while after, was gathered together in the court Hostilia, to debate about these things, and certaine companies of souldiours that retur­ned from their guards, chanced in the meane time to march through the market place, one cap­taine D happened to speake in the Comitium, and said, Pitch downe thy ensigne standard bearer, here will be our best abode. Which voice was not so soone heard, but both the Senate being come out of the councell house, cried with one accord, That they tooke that osse for good lucke, and hap­pie presage: and also the Commons all gathered ther about, approved the same. After this, when the foresaid Act of transmigration was once cleane dashed and abolished, the cittie began to be built confusedly, and without order. Tile was allowed at the common charges: to dig either stone or hew timber, every man had libertie where hee could, putting in sureties, that within the com­passe of that yeare they would finish their buildings. The hast they made, caused them to have no regard of drawing out the streets directlie, whiles everie man built in the void places with­out any respect of his own or other mens ground. Which is the cause that the E old sinckes and vaultes which first were conveied through the common streets, now run everie where under mens houses, and the forme of the cittie seemeth, as if itwere built at randon (as eve­ry man could catch a place for himselfe) rather than distinctly ranged, and set out in good order unto them.

WHAT actes from the building of the cittie of Rome unto the taking of the same, [...] the Romanes have atchieved, first under the government of Kings, afterwards of Consuls and Dictatours, Decemvirs, and Tribunes Consular, as wel in the wars abroad as seditions at home; I have in five books declared. Matters obscure, both in regard of exceeding antiqui­tie K (as things that a fatre off hardly be discerned:) and also for that in those daies there were very few writings & monuments, the only faith­full safegard, & true remembrances of deeds past: and besides, what­soever was registred in the Commentaries of the Priests, and in other publike or privat records, the same for the most part, when the cittie was burned perished withal. But now from henceforward, their civile affaires of pollicie, and martiall exploits in warre, ensu­ing after a second beginning of the cittie (as springing againe with more fresh shoots and fruit­full sprouts from the root of the old stocke) shall bee delivered in more plaine and certaine manner.

And to begin withall, looke by whom the state first was underpropped and set upright, upon L him (as chiefe and principall) it still bare and rested, and that was M. Furius: whome the Ro­manes would not suffer to give up his Dictatourship before one yeare was fully expired. [...] As for those Tribunes (Consular) in time of whose government the citie was lost, they liked not that they should call and hold an assembly for Election of Magistrates, the yeare following. So the matter came to an Interreigne. Now whiles the cittie was busie in continuall worke and labour, about reedifying and repairing their buildings, Q. Fabius so soone as he was out of his office, was by C. Martius a Tribune of the Commons, arrested to make his answere at a day appointed. Who laid to his charge, Q. Fabius [...]. That he contrarie to the law of nations, had fought against the Gaules, unto whom he was sent in embassage, and as an Orator only. But he avoided his judiciall triall, by his death: and died so just against the time, that many men thought it was voluntarie & wrought M by his owne hands. Then P. Cornelius Scipio first entred upon the Interreigne: and after him M. Furius Camillus the second time. Hee created Tribune Militarie in Consuls authoritie, A. Valerius Publicola the second time, L. Virginius, P. Cornelius, A. Manlius, L. Aemylius, and L. Posthumius. These men presently after the Interreigne, were not so soone entred into office, [Page 217] A but before all other things, they consulted with the Senate in matters concerning religion and conscience. And first of all they commaunded, that all the instruments of leagues and confede­racies, the ordinances and laws also (and those were the twelve tables, and certaine statutes made by the kings) should be sought up as many as could be found extant. Whereof some were publi­shed abroad, even amongst the Common people: but such as pertained properly to holy rites, and divine service, were by the Priests and Prelates suppressed; especially, of purpose to hold the minds of the people in a reverent awe of religion and devotion. [...] Then began they to reason and debate about the dismall daies. And the fifteenth day before the 1 [...] [...].Kalends of August, so notori­ous for a twofold losse and overthrow; upon which day at Crémera the Fabij were all slaine, and after at Allia an unfortunate field was sought, even to the utter ruine and desolation of the cittie, B they named of the later misfortune, Alliensis: and set this unluckie mark upon it, That it should be reputed unmeet and unconvenient for any businesse, as well publicke as private. Some thinke, because upon the next day following the 16 day of [...]ly.Ides of Iulie, Sulpitius the Tribune Militarie could not by sacrifice find any tokens of happie speed, nor obtaine the grace and favor of the gods; where­upon three daies after, the Romane hoast fell shamefully into the hands of the enemies: there­fore, the morrow also after the Ides was interdicted, and men were commaunded to forbeare and abstaine from doing sacrifice: and thereupon likewise, the day next following the Kalends & the Nones, were by tradition held as ominous and dismall as the other.

But long they might not quietly sit about the devising of meanes to reforme the Common­weale, and let it upright againe after so greevous and daungerous a fall. For of the one side, the C Volscians, their old enemies, took armes, intending the finall destruction of the Romane name. On the other side, the Marchants brought newes, That the Princes and cheefe of all the nations of Hetruria were banded and confedered together in a Diet held at the temple of Voltumna, to make warre upon them. Besides, a fresh and new feare came upon them by reason of the re­bellion of the Latines and Hernickes, who after the battell at the poole Regillus, for the space al­most of a hundred years, had continued fast in loyall league & amitie with the people of Rome. Therfore being thus greatlie affrighted on everie side, that all the world might see apparantly that the state of Rome was not onelie hated of her enemies, but despised also of her allies: it was thought good and resolved upon, that by his direction and rule, the Commonwealth should now be maintained and defended, by whose conduct and guidance it was relieued and recove­red: D and that M. Furius Camillus should be created Dictatour. He being declared Dictatour, named Q. Servilius Hala for Generall of the horsemen. And having proclaimed a law-steed (or vacation from courts of law) hee tooke muster of all the younger sort and serviceable men: but so, as the elder people were not left out, as many as were of strength sufficient for service. Vnto whom hee likewise ministred the militarie oth of alleageance, and enrolled them by hundreds in the multer booke. When hee had thus levied a power of men, and furnished them with armour, he devided them into three parts. The one he opposed against Hetruria in the countrie of Veij: another he commaunded to lie encamped before the cittie. Over these A. Manlius a Tribune Militarie was made captain: those which were sent against the Tuscanes had L. Aemylius for their commaunder. A third part he himselfe led against the Volscians: and not E farre from Lanuvium (the place is called Ad-Metium) he began to assault their campe. The ene­mies had put themselves on this their journey, with a kind of scornfull contempt, as thinking the whole manhood in a manner of Rome, was by the French cleane spent and wasted. But when they heard once, that Camillus was the Lord Generall, it stroke such a feare and terrour among them, that they were glad to defend themselves by the strength of their trench and rampier, yea and to fence it round about with huge-piled heapes of wood and trees, that their enemies might have no passage to enter in upon their munitions. Which when Camillus perceived, he gave or­der to set on fire that Barricado which stood in his way. And as good hap was, the wind was big and high, and blew full upon the enemie. So that not onely he made way by fire, but also with the flames thereof that went toward the campe, with the vapor likewise and smoke, and the crackling F noise of the greene wood, he so mated and astonied the enemies, that the Romans had lesse ado to passe the trench & pallisado, into the campe of the Volscians, than in getting over the mound and enclosure consumed with fire. Having thus defeated and slaine his enemies, and won with­all the campe in the same brunt, the Dictatour gave the whole spoile unto the souldiours: which to them was so much the more welcome, as they lesse hoped for it at their General his hand: who [Page 218] was never knowne to be lavish of gift, and over liberall in dealing rewards. After this he followed G them that fied, in chase, wasted and haried their whole countrie, and at length (in the seventieth yeare of the warre) he wholly subdued the Volscians, and forced them to yeeld subjection. After this conquest, he departed from thence into the Aequians, who likewise made preparations for warre. Their forces he surprised and defaited at Bol [...], and assailed not onely their campe, but also forced the cittie, and at the first assault wan both.

But whiles fortune smiled thus, what way soever Camillus went, as being the onelie staie of the Romane state: so on another side the feare of perill greatlie encreased. For Hetruria well neere all up in armes, lay before Satrium, and besieged it being in league with the people of Rome. Whose Embassadours came unto the Senate to intreat for succour in their distresse, and had a decree granted unto them, that the Dictatour with all speed should rescue the Sutrines. But be­ing H so streightly beleagured, that they might not abide the delay of this their hope, for that the townsmen, who were but few in number were overwearied with working, watching and bloodie fighting, (all which lay still upon the same men without intermission) they were driven by com­position to surrender up the cittie to the enemies: and being disarmed and sent away with a sin­gle suit of apparrell (after a piteous sort all arow) departed the towne and left their dwelling places. But see, it fortuned that Camillus at the same time came in the verie manner with the Romane ar­mie and met them. At whose feete the multitude all sorrowfull lay prostrate: their Nobles and chiefe men in this extremitie full to beseech him to be good unto them: the women and chil­dren which went along with them, as partakers and companions of their exile, seconded them with wofull teares & lamentations. But he willed the Sutrines to forbeare their mourning plaints, I and give over their doleful mone: saying, that he brought the Tuscans heavie & weeping cheere. Then caused he his soldiours to lay downe their packs and load, the Sutrines likewise there to abide with a meane guard, and his men to follow him with armour and weapons onely. Thus marched he forward with his armie lightlie appointed for readie expedition, and advanced be­fore Sutrium. Where, according to his expectation, he found the enemies all carelesse and se­cure (as commonly it falleth out upon a prosperous successe.) No warders, no corps de gard quartered before the wals, the gates wide open, the conquerours heere and there sacking, rifling and flinging the goods out of their enemies housen. [...] So was Sutrium in one day twise woon. The Tuscanes (for all their former victorie) were hewen in peeces on everie side, by a new come ene­mie. They had no time to cast themselves round, nor gather together into one place, no nor to K take weapon in hand: whiles everie man for life, made in all hast to the gates, if haply any way they might escape into the fields. But when they came thither, the gates they found fast shut, for so the Dictator had given order aforehand. Here upon some betooke themselves to their weapons: others (namelie such as happened to be armed when this suddaine tumult surprised them) fell to call their fellowes together for to begin a skirmish: which no doubt in that desperate case of the enemies had been hotclie fought, had not the criers and trumpets which were sent into all partsof the cittie, made proclamation to lay downe their weapons, to spare them which were unar­med, and that none should have anie harme but those that were found in armes. Vpon this, euen they who in that extremitie and dispaire were fullie bent to fight it out, for hope of life on all hands flong away their weapons: and thus disarmed as they were (for as the case stood, it was the L safer course) presented themselves to the enemie. A great number of them were bestowed in severall places, and were attended upon with good guards. And before night the towne was de­livered againe unto the Sutrines, safe and sound without any hurt at all done unto it, as being not woon by force, but surrendred upon composition. Camillus then, returned with triumph into the cittie of Rome, victour at one voiage in three sundrie warres. The greatest number by farre, of prisoners, whom he led before his chariot in triumph, were Tuscanes: whom he sold in port sale at the speare, [...]nd raised such a summe of mony, that when he had out of it repaied the dames [of Rome] to the worth of their gold, there were of the surplusage therof three bolles made of massie gold: which with the title & inscription of Camillus his name, were for certainty, before the Capitol was burnt, to be seene in the chappel of Iupiter set up & bestowed at the feet of Iuno. M

The same yeare, there were enfranchised and made citizens of Rome, such Veientians, Cape­nates and Faliscians, as in the time of those warres were fled to the Romanes: and for these new citizens were certain lands set out. Those also, who for idlenes loth to build at Rome, were gone to Veij, there to inhabit the vacant houses, were by an Act of the Senat recalled home from thence. [Page 219] A And they at the first, grumbled & refused to obey: but after that a day was set them, & they threat­ned upon paine of death to return again to Rome; as stout as they were, & obstinate all of them together, now for feare every one became obedient. As Rome now increased in number of inha­bitants, & became well peopled: so on all hands in everie place they fell to building new edifices: whiles the Commonwealth somewhat eased them of charges, & the Aediles by vertue of their of­fice called hard upon them, hastening them forward as to a publike worke; yea and every man pri­vately made all speed possible, [...] according as ech ones need required, to make an end and finish his owne house. So as within the yeere the cittie was new built and stood on foot againe.

At the yeares end was the great Election held for Tribunes militarie in Consuls authoritie. Wherein were created T. Quintius Cincinnatus, Q. Servilius Fidenas the fifth time, Iulius Tullus, B L. Aquilius Corvus, L. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Ser. Sulpitius Ruffus. One armie they set out and led against the Aequians, not to warre with them (for they granted themselves conquered) but upon meerspight and deadly hatred, to wast all their borders utterly, and to leave them no power and strength to enterprise any new rebellion. The other, into the territorie of Tarquinij. Where, two townes of the Tuscanes, Cortuosa and Contenebra, were by assault wonne and rased. At Cor­tuosa was no resistance m [...]de. For the Romanes surprised them on a suddaine, and at the first shout and impression they were masters of it: The towne was sacked and burned. As for Con­tenebra, it endured the assault for some few daies: but the continuall labour, slacking neither day nornight, overcharged them: wheras the Romane armie devided into six parts, fought six houres in their severall turnes, round one after the other. And the townsmen being but few, and those C overtoiled, were faine without anie supply, still to maintaine fresh skirmishes. Whereupon, at last they reculed backe and yeelded, giving the Romanes leave to enter the cittie. The Tribunes were of mind and thought good, that the spoile should be confiscate and go to the common treasurie: but the commaundement and proclamation, was more slacke than their purpose in that behalfe. For whiles they lingered and protracted time, the soldiours alreadie had seased in their prises: and taken from them againe without much offence and hatred, the bootie could not be. In the same yeare, because the cittie should not flourish in private buildings onely, the Ca­pitoll was also built of squared ashler stone: A peece of worke even in this so glorious estate, and magnificence of the cittie, The Capitall built of square stone. to be had in price and esteemed excellent. And now before this time, the Tribunes of the Commons, whiles the cittie was busied about their buildings, began often D to moove for the lawes Agrariae (about the division of the lands) in all their assemblies and speeches before the people. For to draw them on and to set forward their hope, they presented unto them eftsoones the Pomptine territorie, which then aboue all others, so presentlie upon the subduing and subversion of the Volscians by Camillus, was, no doubt, the rightfull possession of the people of Rome. Complaints were made, that those grounds sustained much more de­triment and dammage by the Nobilitie, than they had received before from the Volscians. For they, so long onelie as they were able to beare armes and maintaine warre, made inrodes thither: but the Noblemen forciblie entred and made havocke in the possessions of the common lands: and unlesse (before they had set sure footing there, and got all into their hands) a division were made, the Commons should never enjoie one foote of ground there. These Remonstrances of E the Tribnnes little mooved the Commons, both because few of them resorted to the common place of assemblies, whiles they plied their building: and also for that monie was away, and their purses so emptied in the charges of workemen, they had little mind of holding those landes, which to store and stocke they were not able.

The cittie was now given much to their devotions aad religions, and the rulers also somewhat superstitious, upon their late calamitie: In so much as they minded to renew the Auspicia [or the solemnitie of presages taken by birdflight] for some error supposed therein: & therfore they agree­ed that the government should returne to an Interreigne. So there were Interregents one after another, M. Manlius Capitolinus, Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus, L. Valerius Potitus. Valerius at length held the assemblie for to elect Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authritie, The Temple of Mars dedicated. and created L. Papyrius, F Cn. Sergius, L. Aemylius the second time, L. Licinius, T. Valerius Publicola the third time. These presently after the Interreigne, began their government. That yeare, the Temple of Mars vowed in the Gauls war was dedicated by T. Quintius, Fouve n [...]w Tribes adioyned to Rome: a Duumvir deputed for the executing of holy du­ties. Foure Tribes of new citizens were now adjoined, Stellalina, Pomatina, Sabbatina, Arniensis: and these made up the number of the 35 Tribes. And now L. Sicinius a Tribune of the Com­mons [Page 220] was in hand with the people in greater number assembled together, about the Pomptine G lands: and more enclined they were and forward to hearken after grounds, than they had beene asore. And whereas it was mooved in the Senate house, to make warre upon the Latines and the Hernicks, that matter was not followed, but put off to a further time: by reason of preparation for a greater warre, because Hetruria was alreadie up in armes. And all was laid againe upon Cae­millus his shoulders, who was made Tribune Militarie with Consuls authority, and had five other brethren in office joined unto him S [...]r.Cornelius Maluginensis, Q. Servilius Fidenas the sixt time, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Horatius Pulvillus, P. Valerius. In the beginning of the yeare, the minds of men were turned cleane away from the carefull regard they had of the Tuscane warre, by reason that a number of people that fled out of the Pomptine countrie, came all of a suddaine in great hast to the cittie, and brought word, that the Antiates were up in armes, that the nations H of the Latines had sent their able youth to that warre closelie under hand, thereby disavowing it to be any action of the State, and standing upon this point, that by the covenant there was no proviso, but that voluntarie soldiours might serve in what warres soever they would. Now had the Romanes beene well taught, and learned, to set light no more by any warres. The Senate therefore thanked the gods, that Camillus was in place of government, who if he had beene a pri­vate person, was no doubt to have beene nominated and created Dictatour: yea and his compa­nions in office confessed frankely that he was the onlie man to have the soveraigne and absolute regiment of all, in case there were any fearfull and dangerous warre toward: and were fully resol­ved, to yeeld up all their interest in government unto him, thinking it no disparagement at all unto them, nor any losse of their owne honour and reputation, in conferring the same upon the I majestie of so worthie a person. The Senate highly commended the Tribunes, and Camillus was much abashed in his mind, howbeit he gave them heartie thanks, and spake in this wife. ‘A waightie burthen (quoth he) I see is imposed upon me by the people of Rome, [...] in that they have elected and nominated me Dictatour now the fourth time: a greater charge is enjoined me by the Senate, the whole state and bodie of which order, hath delivered so singular good opi­nion and judgement of me: but the heaviest lode of all is laid upon me by the exceeding kind­nesse and obsequious benignitie of these my honourable brethren and colleagues. If any pain­full travaile of mine therefore, and watchfull care may be redoubled, I will earnestlie endeavour, I will straine and strive to answere therunto: that the opinion which the cittie with so great con­sent hath conceived of me, right as it is exceeding great, so it may continue still and be perpe­tuall. K As to that warre of the Antiates, there are more brags and threats than any danger and perill from thence. But as I would counsaile and advise you to be affraid of no warre, so I would not have you to be carelesse and secure of any. The cittie of Rome is beset on everie side: partlie envied, and partlie hated of her neighbour borderers. Need there is both of more captaines, and also of more armies, to manage the affaires of the Commonweale. I thinke it good therfore (quoth hee) ô Valerius, that you assist me in government and counsell, and have the leading togither with me of certaine legions against the Antiate enemies. That you Q. Servilius, with an other armie well appointed, and in readines, lie encamped hard by the cittie side, having an eie and good regard, least either Hetruria in the meane while, (as of late daies) or the Latines and Hernicks (who trouble vs now a fresh) breake out and make some rising. Assured I am, that L you will behave your selte, and quit you in this service so worthilie, as may answere the famous memorie of such a father and grandsire as you have had, may beseeme your owne honourable person, and those six Tribune [...]hips which you have alreadie performed. As for L. Quintius let him leavie a third power of men, consisting of those that are by reason of sicklinesse or other wife excused for warfare, and are above the ordinarie age for militarie service, to be in stead of a garison for defence of the cittie and the walles. Let L. Horatius provide harnesse, weapons, come and other necessaries for warre, at all occasions whatsoever. Finally, ô Sergius Cornelius, wee your fellow Tribunes, ordaine you president of this publicke Counsell, the Custos and keeper of re­ligion and Church matters, of generall assemblies, of the lawes and all other civill affaires of pollicie whatsoever.’ Now when they had all made promise, and that most willingly to do their M endeavour in performing their severall charges, Valerius whom he had joined with him­selfe in commission, added moreover and said, That as he would take M. Furius to bee Dictatour, so would he be unto him againe in steed of his Coronell of horsemen. And turning to the Lords of the Senate, exhorted them that what opinion they had of one one­lic [Page 221] A soveraigne Generall, the same hope they would conceive of the whole warre. The Sena­tours hereat tooke great joy and contentment, giving out willingly with one accord, that they hoped exceeding well of war, of peace, and generally of the State. Neither shall the com­mon-weale (say they) ever stand in need of Dictatour, so long as such magistrates be in place, so jointly agreeing in one mind together, so indifferent and readie as well to obey as to rule, and rather yeelding their proper praise to the honour of the common-weale, than dismembring and plucking from it to their privat glorie and reputation.

After a Vacation or Law-steed proclaimed, and the Musters taken and past: Furius and Vale­rius set forward to Satricum: whither the Antiates had not onely sent the floure of all the Volsci, the choise youth out of a fresh frie and new generation; but also had raised a mightie power of B Latines and Hernicks, out of those nations that by long peace were most frimme & lustic. These new enemies and old thus combined together, troubled the minde of the Romane souldiour, and made him to startle. Which when the Centurians reported to Camillus, as he was marshal­ling and setting his battailes in array; and that in these termes, to wit, that the hearts of his soul­diors were disquieted & dismaied; that they rooke themselves but slowly to their weapons, made staying and hasting when they should come forth of their tents, yea and that there were some of them overheard to say, that, They must fight one to an hundred, and that so great a multitude of their enemies (if theywere unarmed) might hardly be encountred, much lesse, being so well ar­med and appointed: he mounted presently upon horsbacke, and rode before the ensignes, and then turning himselfe a front his armie, The Oration of M. Fluvius Ca­millus to his souldiours. traversing betweene the rankes and arraies; What hea­vinesse C is this my souldiors (quoth he) what meanes this strange and unwonted lagging behind? Why? Know ye not your enemie? Know ye not me? Or know ye not your owne selves? The ene­mie, what is he els but the perpetuall matter and subject of your valour and glorie? ‘And yee againe are the men, who under my conduct (to say nothing of the winning of Falerij and Veij, and of the slaughter of the Gaules Legions, put to the sword by us, even when our native cittie was by them taken, and they masters thereof) of late, and but the other day, made a threefold tri­umph, upon a triple victorie, over the same Volscians Aequians and people of Hetruria. What, Doe ye not agnize and accept me for your Generall, because not as Dictatour, but as Tribune, I gave you the watchword, and put out the banner of battaile? For mine owne part, I stand not much upon absolute and soveraigne commaund over you: no more likewise should yee regard D oughtels in me, but mine owne selfe. For never yet did my Dictatourship make me hautie and set me up aloft, no more than my banishment abated my courage and cast me downe. We are the same men still all of us: and since we are come to this war, furnished with the same meanes that we carried with us unto the former, let us looke for the same event of our service, & no worse. So soone as ye shall encounter and joine battaile with them, performe each one that which he hath been taught and wonted to▪ the journey surely will be ours, and they (no doubt) shall run away. Then after he had founded the battaile, he alighteth from his horse, and caught the en­signe-bearer that stood next him, with his hand, haled him forward against the face of the ene­mie, crying estsoones alowd, On afore with thy banner, Port-ensigne, and advance forward, soul­diour.’ When they saw that Camillus in person, a man well stept in yeares, and thereby weake to E performe the parts of bodily strength, putting himselfe forth against the enemie: all at once they pressed forward, set up an outcrie and shouted, every man calling upon his next fellow, to follow their Generall for shame. Over and besides, some say that by the commandement of Ca­millus, there was an ensigne flung into the very battaile among the enemies. Whereupon they of the forefront, bestirred themselves lustely to recover it againe. And thereby were the Anti­ates first discomfited, and the feare not onely came upon them in the vaward, but entered also and reached as farre as the rereward, that stood readie for supply. And as the violent force of the souldiors, provoked by the presence of their Captaine, much troubled the enemie: so nothing more daunted the hearts of the Volscians, than the very sight of Camillus himselfe, when they chanced to espie him. So surely carried he the victorie with him, which way soever he went! And F that appeared most evidently in this, That when he saw the left wing at the point to give backe and run away, he took himselfe in all hast to his horse, rode thither with his light footmans buck­ler, and with his onely presence renewed the fight; shewing unto them how the rest of the battell had the better. Now were the enemies put to the worst, & the victorie enclined to a side. But their multitude both hindred themselves in their flight: and also a long peece of worke the wearied sol­diours [Page 222] of the Romanes had to put so great a number, all to the sword. But behold, there fell G a great tempest of raine all of a sodaine, which powred down with so mightie windes and storms, that it rather put them by the execution of assured victorie, than parred any battaile or staied the fight. Whereupon the retreat was sounded: and the night ensuing, whiles the Romanes were at rest, made an end of the warre. For the Latines and Hernicks forsooke the Volscians and de­parted home, with as illspeed, as their enterprise was bad. The Volscians seeing themselves abandoned and left in the church by them, (upon whose trust and confidence they had rebelled) quit the campe and field and put themselves within the wals of Satricum. [...] Whom Camillus at first began to besiege, casting a trench and rampier about them, raising bastillions & platforms against the towne. And seeing his munitions and fabricks by no sallying forth of the enemies impeached, he supposed there was no such courage inthem, that he should neede to stand so H long about the hope of victorie: and thereupon, encouraged his men not to weare themselves out in a tedious and toilfull piece of service, as if they lay at the siege of Veij: assuring them that the victorie was in their hands alreadie: and so with exceeding cheerefulnesse of his souldiours, he set ladders upon everie side, scaled the wals, and entred the towne. Then the Volcians flung away their weapons and yeelded themselves.

But the Generall his mind was bent upon a greater exploit, and that was the winning of An­tium, being the seat towne of the Volscians, and from whence the beginning of the last warre arose. Howbeit, because so strong a cittie might not be woon without great preparation of artil­lerie, ordinance and engins of batterie, leaving his colleague behind him with the armie, he went himselfe to Rome, to persuade with the Senate, for to destroy and rase Antium utterly. And I whiles he was emparling with them (such was the will of God I beleeve, that Antium should stand still and continue longer) there came embassadours from Nepet and Sutrium, craving aid against the Tuscanes, saying: That it was more than high time, that they were succoured and re­l [...]e [...]ed. Vpon which occasion it fell out, that Camillus was withdrawne thither from Antium. For seeing that those two townes stood even against Hetruria, as it were the very keies and bar-gates from thence: both the enemies laboured to gaine them afore hand, against the time that they went about to make new wars; and the Romanes also held it a matter of great consequence, to rescue and defend those frontier townes. The Senat therfore thought good to be in hand with Camillus, for to leave Antium, and to undertake the war with the Tuscanes. The cittie-legions under Generall Quintius, were appointed unto him. And albeit, he rather would have had the K leading of that armie, which laie now in the Volscians countrie, and which he had good triall of, and were acquainted better with his government, yet refused he nothing: onely he required to have Valerius his associate still, and joyned with him in commission. So Quintius and Horatius were sent to succeed Valerius in the Volscian war. Furius and Valerius tooke their voiage from the cittie to Sutrium, and found the one side of the town possessed alreadie by the Tuscanes. On the other side, the townesmen, for that the enemie had stopped all passages betweene, hardly able to repell the force of the assailants. But the comming of the Romane aides, and the name besides of Camillas, (so highly renowmed as well amongst the enemies as Allies) both for the present gave them heart to abide the brunt, and sticke to it still that were before at the point to give over: and also gained time and respite, to come in with fresh supplies and succours. Camillus L therfore devided his forces, and gave direction to his colleague, for to bring about his power, to that side which the enemies held, and there to make an assault: not so much for any hope he had by sealing the wals to win the cittie; as by withdrawing the enemies thither, not onely to ease the townesmen of their toile, and give them a breathing time (who were now wearied with assaults) but also to get himselfe some opportunitie and vantage, to enter the cittie without skirmish and resistance. [...] Which being put in execution on both hands accordingly, and performed at once: the Tuscanes beset with a two fold feare round about, seeing the wals assailed most fiercely one waie: and the enemie gotten within the towne another way: flung out at one gate (which as it hapned was not bese [...]) and in great hast all together sought to escape away. But as they fled, they were slaine by heapes both within the towne and abroad all over the fields. The greater number M were killed within the wals by Furius his souldiors. Valerius his men were more readie and nim­ble in the chase, and gave not over the execution untill the night came, that they could not see and d [...]cerne them.

When Satrium was thus recovered and restored againe to their allies, they led forward the [Page 223] A armie to Nepet: which towne the Tuscanes held wholly, as surrendered alreadie into their hands. Every man thought it would be a busier peece of worke to win that cittie againe: not in this re­gard onely, that it was fully in the enemies possession, but also because some of the Nepesins, by treason had yeelded it up. Howbeit, they resolved to send unto the heads and principall citizens; that they should sever themselves from the Tuscanes, and performe on their behalfe trustie and faithfull loialtie, like as they had craved and besought at the Romans hands their friendly helpe & protection. From whom they received this answere againe, That it lay not now in them to doe any thing at all, for that the Tuscanes kept the wals, and warded the gates. Whereupon they first terrified and skared the townesmen with harrying and spoiling their territorie: after that, seeing they made more reckoning of keeping their faithfull loialtie to their enemies unto whome they B had lately surrendred, than observing the league with their friends, which they had long before concluded; they provided themselves out of the fields of a number of faggots, of brushwood, and such like trousse, and so approched the cittie with the armie, filled up the ditches close to the wals, Nep [...] [...] set ladders to, and at the first shout and assault given, the towne was taken. Then proclama­tion was made, that all the Nepesines should part with their armour and weapons, and so many as were found unarmed, should be spared. But the Tuscanes, as well armed as unarmed, were put to the sword every one. As for the cheese authours that persuaded the Nepesines to deliver the towne to the enemies, they were beheaded. The harmelesse multitude had their goods restored, and to the towne was left with a garrison. Thus the two Tribunes (Consular) having regained out of the enemies hands two confederate cities, returned in great glorie to Rome with their victori­ous C armie.

The same yeare the Latines and Hernickes were required to make amends for harmes done, and restitution of goods wrongfully detained: and the cause demanded why of late years, accor­ding to a covenant in that behalfe provided, they had set forth no souldiors to the Romans wars. ‘Answere from both Nations in their solemne counsels was returned: The excuse of the Latines and Hernickes. That neither the fault was generall, nor proceeding from counsell of the State, in case some of their youth served under the Volscians: and yet themselves had well paied alreadie for their leaud and rash projects, in that not one of them was come home alive. And as to the not sending forth of souldiours, the cause was, for that they were in continuall feare and danger of the Volscians: which noisome plague (as it were) sticking so close unto their sides, unneath they could bee rid off, notwithstanding so D many warres one in the necke of another. When relation hereof was made unto the Lords of the Senate, they thought so well of their answere and excuses, that they deemed they had quar­rell and occasion good ynough to warre upon them, if they might have had while and time as well to follow it.’

In the yeare following, when A. Manlius, P. Cornelius, Titus and Lucius Quintius, both Capito­lini, and L. Papyrius Cursor the second time, were Tribunes Consular, there arose a greevous war abroad, and a more dangerous sedition brake forth at home. The warre, from the Volscians, ban­ded with the Latines and Hernickes, that were fallen away and revolted. The sedition (where it was least feared) from a personage of noble linage descended, of great name and reputation, M. Manlius Capitolinus. Who being a man of too lostie and hautie a minde, despised all other E of the Nobilitie, and envied one above the rest, M.Furius, so singular, as well in regard of his ho­nourable dignities, The discontent­ments of Ma [...]cus Manlius, m [...]nding sedition. as his worthie parts and commendable vertues. Hee could not brooke and endure, that hee onely should ever bee Lord Generall in the field: who now was exalted so high above others, that even those who were created with him in egall authoritie, he accounted not as his peeres and fellowes, but emploied as his ministers and servitours. ‘Whereas (quoth he) if men would weigh aright, and duly consider everything, M. Furius could never have delivered his countrie from the siege of the enemies, had not the Capitoll and castle cliffe been saved by mee afore. Camillus set upon the Gaules, when they were amused in receiving their gold, when they were upon tearmes of peace, and their hearts quiet and secure: whereas my selfe chased them away, whiles they were in armes, and at the point to win the castle hill. In that exploit of Camillus F the soldiours, had each one his share proportionably of the glorie, who together with him did their parts: but in the service performed by me, no earthly creature was fellow and partener with me. With these conceits he fed his owne humour, and pussed up his prowd spirit, being withall by corrupt disposition of nature, hote and hastie, arrogant and insolent.’ Discontented besides, that of the Nobilitie, his gifts & qualities were not esteemed of that worth, as in his own judge­ment [Page 224] they deserved: first, of a Senatour he became popular, and began to breake his mind, and G impart his designes unto the Magistrates of the Commons: finding fault with the Nobilitie, and complaining of them: solliciting and inveagling the Commons, to cast a liking and favour toward himselfe: carried away with the vaine gale of the peoples opinion: not guided by sage counsell and discretion: and in one word, chusing rather to be of great name, than of good and honest report. And not contenting himselfe to deale in the lawes Agrariae, about the division of lands, which had alwaies ministred to the Tribunes of the Commons matter ynough of muti­nies and seditions; hee began to intermeddle betweene the debters and their creditours, and to overthrow all keeping of credite. And indeed, deepe debts are sharpe goads, and prick shreawd­ly: threatening not onely povertie and shame, but also terrifying the bodies of free men with hard imprisonment, little ease, and yrons. Now there were exceeding many farre indebt (a thing H most daungerous and hurtfull to mens state) even of the richer sort, by reason of their great ex­penses destraied in building. The warre therefore of the Volscians, which was itselfe of great im­portance, but much more, in regard of the Latines and Hernickes rebellion withall, was in shew pretended, as a cause to seeke for to have a more soveraigne and absolute power to governe the State: but in truth, these new dessignements and plots of Manlius, rather than the warre, forced the Senate to create a Dictatour. And A. Cornelius Cossus being created, nominated for his Ge­nerall of horse, T. Quintius Capitolinus. The Dictatour, albeit he saw a greater bickering toward, at home than abroad, yet (were it that the warre required some speedie expedition, or because by victorie and triumph, hee thought to make his Dictatourship more mightie and powerfull) hee tooke musters, and set forward into the Pomptine land, into which parts hee had intelligence, I that the Volscians had proclaimed their forces, to repaire.

I doubt not, A [...] of the author. but they that read in so many bookes alreadie, of these continuall warresfought with the Volscians, besides their tedious satietie of reading, will muse also at this (which to my selfe was likewise a wonder, when I perused the writers that lived neere about the times of these acts) how these Volscians and Aequians, so often vanquished and diffeited, were furnished with supplie of souldiours to maintaine their warres. But seeing by the auncient Chroniclers it hath been overpassed with silence, what should I alleadge, but only mine owne opinion and bare con­jecture, which every man hath libertie to put in for himselfe? Likely it is, that either between the times of warres (as now we see in the Romane musters) they used to breed up one supplie under another, of the younger sort, to the maintenance and renuing so oftentimes of their war: or that K their armies were not alwaies levied out of the same States, albeit the warres go under thename of one and the selfesame nation: or that those countries yeelded in those daies an infinit number of freemen, which now are well neare wast and defart, but for some Romane slaves, which keepe those parts yet from being void and dispeopled, as having but a very small feminarie, or none at all, left, of serviceable souldiours.

Certes, the Volscians armie, as all authors agree, was very great at this time: albeit of late daies by the leading and conduct of Camillus they were fore weakened, and their strength much aba­ted. Besides, there were with them in field, the Latines and Hernickes, some of the Circeians, and other Coloners from Velitrae. The Romane Dictatour having that day pitched his campe, and the next morrow come abroad with happie tokens of good speed from the Birds: having also L slaine a sacrifice, and procured thereby the favour and grace of the gods, in joyous manner she­wed himselfe unto his souldiors: who according as they were commaunded, were readie early in the morning, The Creation of A. Cornelius Cossus Dictator, to his souldiors. by breake of day in armes, attending the sound of trumpet for battaile. The day is ours (quoth hee) my valorous souldiours, if either the gods or their Prophets can foretell future events. ‘Therefore as resolute men of assured hope, and such as shall encounter with far meaner than ourselves, pitch we our javelins downe at our feet, and draw our swords only. Neither would I have you to run out of the maine battell, and to give the charge, but to keepe your ground, to stand stedfast, and abide the first shocke of the enemie. And when they have spent their volie of shot in vaine, and shall with full feese come upon you as you stand, then brandish your swords, and let them glitter in their eies, and thinke everie man of the gods, that they will helpe the Ro­manes. M The gods I say, which in happie houre, by the luckie approbation of their Birds, have sent us into the field to fight. And as for you, ô Quintius, keepe your horsemen close to­gether, marking advisedly the first beginning of the skirmish: and when you see the battailes buckle together pell mell, and come to handstrokes, whiles they are busied and occupied one [Page 225] A way, fright them another way with your horsemen, ride among their ranks as they fight, and breake their arraies.’ Thus fought both horse and foot according to his direction. And as the legions wanted not a worthie captaine, no more missed the captaine of happie speed. The multitude of the enemies trusting upon nothing but their owne number, which they mea­sured and compared together onely by their eie, intervewing both the one armie and the other, rashy gave battaile, and as rashly gave over againe. In shout onely and shot shewing themselves hot & eger at the first encounter: but were not able to abide the sword fight, the closing together foot to foote, and the firie countenance of their enemies, which for the verie heat of their cou­rage, shined and glistered fully in their eies. So the forefront being put backe, a seare came upon them likewise, that stood behind for supply, and withall, the horsemen for their parts set to, B and fought most terriblie. Wherupon the ranks ofthe enemies in sundrie places were broken, and all set out of order, so as their battailons seemed to flote & wave up & down to and fro, in sus­pence whether to fight or flie. Afterwards, when they saw the formost smitten downe and slaine, and everie one thought no other but his own turne was next to be killed, they turned their backs and fled. The Romans came forward still and chased them. And so long as they went their way ar­med & thick hudled together, it was the footmens work to pursue them: but when it was percei­ved once, that they flong away their weapons on all hands, & that the enemies armie fled disper­sed all abroad in the fields: then were the troupes of horsmen set out after them, with this caveat and charge, to make no stay and forlet the time, by killing them one by one, and so to give the maine multitude of them in the meane while sufficient respite to escape: but that they should C content themselves, only to let flie some shot amongst them, and by scaring them to hinder their running: and when they were ridden beyond, to crosse upon them and stay them, untill the foot­men might overtake them, sley them down right & make an hand of them clean. Thus fled they, and thus were they followed in chace untill night. The Volscians desai [...]ed. The verie same day was the Volscians campe taken and ransaked, and the whole pillage, besids the bodies of free men, was given unto the sol­diours. The greatest part of the prisoners were Hernicks and Latines: and those not of the com­mon sort, and such as might be thought to have served for pay: but there were found among them certaine yoong gentlemen of good marke, a plaine proofe and evidence, that the Volsci­an enemies had aid from thence by the publike and generall warrant of the State. There were knowne also to be among them some of the Circeians, yea and certain of the Veliterne colonie D likewise. All of them were sent to Rome. Where being examined before the chiefeof the Sena­tours, they confessed everie one in plame termes, the revolting of their owne nation, like as they had before bewraied it unto the Dictatour. The Dictator still kept his forces together within the standing campe, making no doubt, but that the rulers and Senatours of Rome would determine to warre upon those countries.

But even at that time a greater heape of troubles which arose at home, caused him to be sent for to Rome, by occasion of a sedition which grew daily more and more: and by reason of the author therof (a man of qualitie and note) was more feared than any usually had been afore time. For now by this, had M. Manlius not by speeches onely, but by plaine deeds also, (which in out­ward shew seemed popular and plausible) shewed evidently upon what troublesome and tumul­tuous E spirit all proceeded. For seeing upon a time a Centurion, of good worth for his service in warre, condemned in an action of debt, and upon an execution of judgement caried to prison: he in the mids of the Forum, came running unto him with a rout and crew of his followers and retinue, laid hand on him, and tooke him perforce from the officers: and after he had given our some words alowd touching the pride of the Senators, the crueltie of the usurers, the calamities of the Commons, the valour and present distresse of the partie; Marrie then (quoth hee) have I done a great deed, to no purpose, in saving the Capitoll and the Keepe with this right hand of mine, if I could abide to see my fellow soldiour (as if he were taken prisoner of the Gaules by way of conquest) had away into bondage and captivitie, and laid up fast in gives and fetters. And therwith openlie in sight of all the people paid the whole debt downe right on the naile, unto the F creditour: The mutinous speeches of a Centurion▪ and so after the usuall and solemne ceremonie by a brasen peece of coine and the bal­lance, he set him at libertie out of the creditour his hands, and let him go at large. ‘Who praied heartily to God and man, for to requite accordingly M. Manlius his onely deliverer, and the verie patron and protectour of the Commons of Rome. And when he was once gotten into that unrulie and seditious throng, hee presently himselfe set all on a hurrie, shewing the scarres [Page 226] of his wounds received in the Veientians and Gaules warres, and in other services one after ano­ther G saying, that whiles he thus followed solderie, and rebuilded his house that was destroied, he became indebted, and that so deeply (by reason that the interest alwaies overgrew the principall which he by that meanes had paid and paid againe) that he was notable to creepe out of the usu­ters booke, but was plunged therin over head and eares. And now behold (quoth hee) by the one­lie goodnesse of M. Manlius, I have the libertie againe to see the light of the funne, to behold the Common place, to looke my neighbours and fellow citizens in the face: at his hands I acknow­ledge to have received all the benefits that mine owne parents could give me: unto him I vow whatsoever in me is left, and in his quarrell to spend that little life and blood which remaineth in my bodie: and in one word looke what priviledge I may injoy in right of my countrie, and in the H communion of the gods, publike orprivate, the same do I impart and communicate with that one man.’ By these speeches the Commons were set on, and pricked forward mightily, as wholly devoted unto one person; and who but Manlius now in everie mans mouth? And presently in the nick he entred into another action that tended more effectually to marre all quite, and to set everie thing out of order. His land in the territorie of Veij, which was the chiese and capitall Manour of his inheritance, even the fairest flower of his garland, he set upon sale, causing it openly to be cried; and said withall, I will not ô Quirites, so long as I have one foot of ground, or any thing else left, see one of you condemned and upon execution caried to prison. This set them so a flote, that they were readie, as it seemed, to follow him as the onely protectour of their liberties, in any action, were it right or wrong, they cared not which way, all was one with them. Besides at home in his owne house, he spared not to cast out slaunderous speeches against the Senatours I as if he had beene at the open Crosse, making Orations. ‘Amongst which, without all regard whe­ther he spake true or false, he let fall these words, That the Senatours kept in hucker mucker cer­taine hidden treasures of the Gaules gold, and were not now contented to hold in possession the common grounds, but they would also embezle the treasure publicke, which if it came abroad, the Commons might soone be acquit and discharged of their debts.’ This gap being once laid o [...]en, and this light given the people, they thought (ye may be sure) an unworthie indignitie, that when there was gold to be levied for redemption of the cittie out of the Gaules hands, it then should be gathered by a generall contribution of all: and the same gold, now recovered from the enemies, should be as a prey in the clutches of a few. Therfore they followed instantly upon him and were verie earnest to know, where so great a masse of mony and stollen good was hidden. But K when he posted them off, and said he would in due time disclose all: they were not content, but setting all other matters apart, their whole care was emploied about this busines, and nothing else. So as it plainly appeared that neither he should reape a meane thanke if he reported a truth, nor incurre a small offence and displeasure, in case he told a false tale.

Things hanging thus in these doubtfull termes, the Dictatour who was sent for, returned from the armie into the cittie. The next day he assembled the Senate: and after he had throughly founded and felt the minds of them, that were there met, he commaunded the Senatours not to depart from him: and assisted as he was with that companie, he caused the yvorie chaire of estare to be set in the Comitium or common hall, and sent a serjeant for M. Manlius. Who being thus L peremptori [...]y summoned by the Dictatours expresse commaundement, gave warning by a to­ken to his complices and favourites, that there was a broile and fraie toward: and with a mightie retinue of his followers, he presented himselfe before the Tribunal. On the one side, stood the Se­natour, on the other the Commons: either part beholding their captaine, as it were in a pight field ready to joine battaile. The speech of [...] M. [...]. ‘Then after silence made, Would to God (quoth the Dictatour unto Manlius) I [...] the Senators of Rome, might in all other things forr as well with the Commons, as I am assured, we shall agree all together about thee, & the matter which I shal aske and demand of thee. I see thou hast put the citie in some good hope, that by the Gauls treasure which the prin­cipall & chiefe of the Senators detain with them secretly hidden, all men may keepe their credit, and fully pay and discharge their debts. Which I for my part, so God me helpe, am so farre from h [...]ndering, that contraiwise I would exhort thee ô M. Manlius, to ease the Commons of Rome M of the [...]ers booke: to discover these fellowes and make them knowne, that gape so greedily af­ter the common treasure, and to disappoint them, & turne them out of this their privie bootie. Which if thou doe not effect, either for that thy selfe wouldest have a sliece with them, or els because it is but a forged tale that thou hast made of thine own fingers ends, I will not faile, but [Page 227] A commit thee toward, and suffer no longer the multitude upon a vaine and deceiptfull hope, thus by thee to be abused and disquieted. The answere of Manlius to the Dictatour. To this, Manlius made answere and said. I was nothing deceived but wist well enough, that a Dictatour was created not against the Volscians, who are enemies (forsooth) so oft as our great Masters thinke it for their purpose: nor against the Latines and Hernicks, whom they drive and provoke to rebellion by false & forged surmises: but against my selfe and the Commons of Rome. For now I see well, that the Dictator professeth to main­taine and beare out the Vsurers against the Commons: and that against my selfe, for the favour that the multitude beareth unto me, there is matter devised to charge me withall, and to pro­cure my utter ruine and overthrow. Doth it offend and grieve you. in deed, ô A. Cornelius, and you my Lords of the Senat, that the people thus stand about me on every side? Why doe not ye B every man for his part, by your good deserts devide asunder this companie, and draw them away with you from me? Namely, by your mediation and intercession, by giving your word for them, by ridding out of gives and prison your fellow cittizens, by saving them that are condemned, from being awarded to the thraldome of their creditours, and out of the overplus and superflui­tie of your own living and goods, by relieving their present neede, and supplying their necessi­ties? But what meane I to persuade you to forgo anything of your owne, and bestowe it upon them? Take another course with them, and make them another offer. Doe but deduct our of the principall debt, that which hath been paied, for consideration of the loane. You shall soone see that my retinue will make no greater shew, than any other mans els. But why am I the onely man so carefull of the cittizens and people? Certes, I can make no better answere hereunto, than C if one should aske me, wherfore I alone saved the Capitoll and the Cliffe? As I then yeelded my helping hand to all in generall, so will I now to my power relieve each one in particular. For as touching the treasure of the Gaules: the thing in it selfe being easie, this demaund of yours ma­keth hard and difficult. For what neede you aske me that which you know alreadie your selves? Why lay you not that open which is in your secret bosome, rather than to have it sifted & boul­ted out? but that there is some privie juggling, some cunning practise and packing therein? The more ye would seeme to have your leigerdemaine to be sought into and detected: so much the more, I feare me, ye will hide it even from the eies of those that are watchfull and quickfighted. And therfore am not I to be forced to reveale and shew where your stollen goods are: but you would be made, if you were well served, to bring them abroad into the view of the world. At D these words, the Dictatour commanded him to leave off these foolish flimflams & trifling shifts: urging him either to go through with his challenge and prove it true: or if he could not justifie it, to confesse that he had falsely slandered and wrongfully charged the Senat, and sought to bring upon them the ill will and hatred of men, for a vaine surmise and suspition of theeverie.’ But as he stoutly inferred and replied againe, that he would not speake at the pleasure of his enemies, not owed them any such service: he commanded him to be had away to prison & kept in bonds. ‘And as he was apprehended by the Officer, M. Manlius apprehended▪ ô Iupiter (qd.he) Optimus Maximus, ô Iuno Queene of heaven, ô Minerva, with other gods and goddesses, that inhabit the Capitoll and the Ca­stle; Suffer ye your Knight and Defender, to be thus tugged, misused, and evill entreated by his adversaries? And shall this right hand wherwith I defeated the Gaules, & drave them from your E chappels and shrines, be now pinnioned and manacled? There was no one man there, that saw & heard him, who could indure this indignitie.’ But this cittie, as most patient of all other citties to abide any just, righteous & lawfull commandement of the magistrate, contained her selfe and was content in some cases to be overruled: so far forth, that against the authoritie & absolute power of the Dictatour, neither the Tribunes of the Commons, nor the Commons themselves, durst either cast up their eies to looke awry, or once open their mouthes. But after Manlius was com­mitted, it was for certaine knowne, that a great sort of the Commoners, changed their weede and put on their worst apparell and mourning array: many a man let his head and beard grow long, yea and a number of them with sad and heavie cheere, kept commonly about the Goale dore.

F Now when the Dictator triumphed over the Volscians, his triumph bred him more hatred and displeasure than honour and glorie: for it is commonly spoken, that he got it at home and not abroad, and triumphed over a cittizen not over an enemie: and this only wanted, (say they) to make up his pride to the ful, that Manlius was not led before his chariot. Wherupon ther was like to grow much scandale, and very sedition. For the appeasing and mitigation whereof, the Se­nate [Page 120] upon a sodaine, without any motion made, of themselves became bountifull, and assigned G 2000. Satricum made a [...] and [...]. citizens of Rome to be sent to Satricum to inhabit as a Colonie. And to every man was set out two acres & an halfe of land a peice. Which the Commoners construed to be a matter of nothing, a smal boon bestowed upon a few, the very hire & reward for betraying Manlius. So that this proved a mischiefe for a remedie: and by this salve, the sore rather festered and rankled, than healed up, and the sedition thereby fretted more and more. For now the crewe of Manlius his followers made shew of greater mourning and heavinesse, in their vile clothes and sad counte­nance, after the guise of persons accused during the time of their troubles. And when the feare and terrour was once overblowne, by reason that the Dictatour after his triumph resigned up his authoritie, The seditious speeches of the [...] in the [...] of M. Manlius. then folks hearts were set at libertie and their tongues walked at will. Some were heard in open audience to upbraid the multitude and cast in their teeth, That it was their fashi­ons H alwaies to lift up and advance their Protectours and Defenders into high places, and after­wards, in the very pitch of danger and point of downfall, to forsake and leave them destitute. ‘Thus was Sp. Cassius served, that sollicited the Commons to the division of lands: thus was Sp. Melius overthrowne, that put his hand to his purse, and at his own proper charges and expense, kept ex­treame famine from the hungrie chawes of the poore cittizens. Semblably, M. Manlius ende­vouring to deliver a great part of the cittie (drowned as it were and overwhelmed in debt) and to enlarge them and set them abroad at libertie, now for his paines is betraied unto his deadly ene­mies: so that the Commons doe feed and franke up, even for the shambles and butchers knife the fautors and maintainers of their weale and libertie. And ought in deed (say they) a Noble man, that sometimes had been Consull, thus to be misused, if he answered not to the good li­king I and pleasure of the Dictatour? Suppose, he had overreached and made a lie afore, and so had not a present and readie answere at the time: was there ever any servant and slave, for leasing cast in prison and laid up in yrons? And how could they forget that night, which was like to have been the last night that ever the Romanes should have seene: that fatall night of their finall de­struction for ever? Or how could they chuse, but have still in their eie the armie of the Gaules, clambring up the Cliffe Tarpeia? and how M. Manlius in person, so bravely beseene in his ar­mour, all sweating, all bleeding, rescued and saved Iupiter himselfe in a manner out of the ene­mies hands? What? Did they thinke that with halfe-pound measures of wheat meale, they had su [...]iciently recompensed the Saviour of their countrie? And whom they had well neare cano­nized amongst the holie hallowes of heaven, or at leastwise by his newe addition of [...]surname K made equal to Iupiter Capitolinus, was it well done to suffer him, imprisoned in chaines, lying in a darke dungeon, to draw his lively breath at the pleasure of the hangman? Was he alone able to succour you all, and are ye all not able to helpe him alone?’ Thus ceased not the multitude to exclaime and make their plaints, & would not depart from that place, no not all the night long, but threatned to breake the prison by force. Vntill such time as they got that remitted, which otherwise they would have wrested, and Manlius by an act of the Senate was released out of pri­son and enlarged. Whereby the mutinie was never the more ended, but rather a Captaine given them to maintaine the Sedition.

About the same time the Latines and Hernicks, the inhabitants also of the Colonie Circeia, and they of Velitre, who came to excuse themselves for the Volscian war, wherin they were char­ged L to have had their hands, and required to have the captives delivered, for to proceed against them, according to their owne lawes, had a heavie answere. But the Coloners received the shar­per check and rebuke, because they being Romane citizens, were entred into that wicked plot and abominable action, to combine against their native countrie. And they were not only deni­ed their prisoners, but also (wherin the Rom. dealt more favourably with the rest that were their Allies) were warned and commanded in the name of the Senat, to avoid and that with speede out of the cittie, from the sight and presence of the people of Rome; for feare least the privi­ledge of Embassage, provided for the securitie and safe conduct of forrainers and not of citti­zens, should not serve to protect them. Now when the Sedition of Manlius was set on foote againe, somewhat before the end of the yeare the great assembly was holden for the Election M of Magistrates: wherein there were created Tribunes in Consuls authoritie Serg. Cornelius Ma­luginensis the second time. P. Valerius Potitas the second time. M. Furius Camillus the fifth time. Ser. Sulpitius Rufsus the second time, C. Papyrius Crassus, T. Quintius Cincinnatus the second time, all of Senatours calling.

[Page 229] A In the beginning of this year, peace they had with forrain nations; a matter very commodious both for the Senat and the Com. For the Com. in this regard, that being not called away by any musters, they had some good hope (especially having so mighty a champion) to be rid at once for ever of usurie. For the Senators again, because their minds being not distracted by any fear from abroad, might attend about curing & healing the intestine maladies at home. When both parts therfore were now more sharp set, & eagerly bent, they thoght out of hand to trie what would be done, & to make either a shaft or a bolt of it. Manlius calling the Com. to his house, devised with the principal heads of them both day and night, to bring in a change and alteration of the State: and fuller of stomacke, anger and gaule he was now a good deale than aforetime. Netled he was, the rather by his late disgrace and shame, who never before had ben touched in credit, nor tasted B of any reproch &contumelie. Heart he took unto him, for that the Dict. durst not execute that ri­gor against him, which Cincinnatus Quintius had extended upon Sp. Melius: and it seemed unto him, that not only the Dict. sought to wind himself out, & in resigning up his room, to avoid the of­fence given by his imprisonment; but also that the very Senat was not able to endure the maner of proceeding. With these imaginations being pussed up & galled too, he failed not withall to prick forward and exasperat the minds of the Com. who of themselves alreadie, were kindled and set on fire. The seditious Oration of Mar [...] Manlius to the Commons of Rome. And with these and such like speeches he entertained them. How long (quoth he) I pray you; wil ye be ignorant, and not know what ye may do, and what power ye have? A thing that nature it selfe would not have so much as the very dumbe beasts, but to understand. Doe but count how many you are in number your selves, and how few adversaries ye have against you. ‘If ye were but C one to one, yet (I would thinke) you should more eagerly strive for to maintain your libertie, than they, to set up their lordship. For, look how many favourites ye have ben, following and courting one patrone, so many shall ye now be opposed to one enemie. Make but shew only of war, ye shall have peace. Let them see you once readie to make head and offer violence, soone will they yeeld and part with their right. Either yee must adventure, all jointly together to doe somewhat, or else make account each one, to abide and suffer all. How long will yee stand looking from every side upon me? I for my part, surely, wil not faile any one of you. Look yee then to it, that fortune faile not me. I, even I, that was your redeemer and deliverer, was all at once (when it pleased mine ene­mies) taken downe and made no bodie. And yee, all of you, saw him led to prison, who saved eve­ry one of you from prison. If happily those mine enemies should attempt to do me more spight, D Where am I then? and what were I best to trust unto? Should I looke for that end that Cassius and Melius came unto? Yee doe well to signifie how you dread the osse, and wish the contrarie. And the gods forfend it should so come to passe. But look not that ever they should come down from heaven to protect mee. That mind they must give you, to preserve mee from so hard a hap, like as they gave me a resolute heart, both in mine armour to save you from barbarous enemies, and in my gowne to defend you from prowd cittizens. Is there so little courage in you (so migh­tie a people otherwise) as to thinke it sufficient, and to stand contented, if you may bee backed onely, and meet with some helpe against your enemies; and to know no other skusting with your adversaries (the Senators) but wherein you suffer your selves to be commanded in the end? This basenesse commeth not to you by kind. By use and custome onely, you are become their vassals E and subjects. For what is the cause yee are so courageous against your enemies abroad, that yee think it meet and reason to rule and govern them? No other in truth but this, because with them you have beene ever wont to strive for soveraignetie, whereas against these, yee have beene used rather, to make some slight prouse and triall what you may doe by your libertie, than to doe your best & to put your selves forth for to maintaine it and extend it to the most. And yet what man­ner of chiefetaines soever ye have met withall to lead you, and how soever affected ye have beene your selves, obtained yee have hitherto all things that yee shot at, were they never so great: Such was your might, or such was your felicitie. Wherefore now it is high time to give the adventure of greater matters also. Make but triall onelie of your owne good fortune, and of my selfe, whom I hope he have had happie experience of alreadie: with lesse adoe shall ye be provided of one F to overrule and commaund the Senatours, than ye have beene hitherto of those, that were to re­sist onely their imperious government. Downe we must with these Dictatorships and Consul­ships both, and lay them levell with the ground: that the comminaltie of Rome may once be aloft, and beare up the head. Bestirre your selves therefore, and play the men. Hinder processe and course of law for actions of debt. I professe my selfe a Patrone of the Commons, which name [Page 230] my care over you, my faithfulnesse to you, hath indued me with.’ And if you please to entitle your G leader and captaine, with a more glorious [...] king.stile of honour and majestie, ye shall find it more po­tent and availeable to effect that which you long for and desire. [...] And so from that time forward, began some practise to set up the governement of a king: But neither who were the agents in this action, nor to what tearmes these plots proceeded, is it plainely ynough recorded. But on the other side, the Senatours sat in counsell, and debated about the Secession and secret meeting of the Commons in the privat house of Manlius, and that house, which stood (as it fell out) up­on the castle hill: likewise of that imminent engine and fabricke, devised for the overthrow of the present libertie. Many were of opinion, and spake it alowd, That there was need of a Sirvilius H [...]l [...], who not by commaunding a publicke enemie of the State to prison, would provoke him and make him more eager; but by dispatching of one wicked member out of the way, & cutting H him oft, might end this intestine and civile warre. But they came downe at length, and grew to a resolution, in words milder, yet in deed and effect all one, THAT THE MAGISTRATS SHOULD HAVE A CAREFULL EIE, A [...]me from [...] granted in great [...] of the State. THAT BY THESE MISCHEEVOUS PLOTS AND PRACTISES OF MAR. MANLIUS, THE COMMONVVEALE INCURRED NO DAMMAGE AND HURT. Then the Tribunes in Consuls authoritie, and the other Tribunes of the Commons (for even they also seeing, that in the losse of the publicke libertie of all, their power likewise should come to an end, had yeelded to be advised and ruled by the Senate) laid all their heads together, and consulted what course was best to bee taken. When as no man could be thinke of any way, but plaine violence and bloudshead (a peece of worke in all appearance, of great adventure & doubt­full hazard) then M. Menenuss, and Q. Publius, two Tribunes of the Commons stepped forth I and said: [...] What meane we to make that, a quarrell between the Senators and Commons, which the whole bodie united of the cittie, indeed should undertake against so dangerous and pestilent a member? ‘Why trouble wee our selves to set upon him and the Commons with him, whome by the meanes of the very Commons themselves, it were the safer course, and lesse offensive to a [...]i [...]ile? that being surcharged and overweighed with his owne power whereupon he presumeth, he may fall down [...] and take his overthrow. Wee are fully minded to arrest him, to convent him judicially, and call him to his answere. Nothing is lesse popular, and more odious to the people, than to heare of kings government againe. The multitude shall not so soon see and perceive, that our quarrell is not with them, but that they shall become his competent Iudges, and passe upon him, who now are his advocates: also, that his accusers from out of the Commons, shall behold K one of the Nobilitie to hold up his hand at the barre, & the enditement framed, upon the crime of usurping the kingdome: but (be yee sure of it) they will tender and favour the faire looks and person of no man, before the cause of their owne free estate.’ When all the house liked well, and allowed of this advise and ouverture, they made no more ado but served Manlius with processe to answere at a day appointed. Which was not so soone done, but the Commons at the very first, began to storme and be enraged, especially when they saw the accused man, during his trouble so rufully arra [...]ed, accompanied with none of the Senators, nor so much as one of his kindred and affinitie, no nor his very brethren Au and T. Manlius. A thing before that day never seene nor knowne, but that in so great a danger as this was, the neerest kinsfolke in bloud, did change their weed. For even when Ap. Claudius was committed and imprisoned, C. Claudius his adversarie, L yea, and the whole linage and name of the Claudij, were mournefully clad, and poorely apparel­led. Now surely (say they) it is a very compact amongst them all, that this popular man, so graci­ous and welbeloved, should be confounded and overthrowne, because hee was the first that ever fell away from the Senatours to the Commons. When the day was come of his arraignement, I can find in no author, what was objected against the prisoner by his accusers, directly tending to prove the crime of aspiring to a kingdome, but onely the conventicles of the multitude, certain seditious words, his overmuch largesse, and his forged surmise and false information of the gold. I doubt not but there was matter of great importance, urged and enforced against him, seeing that the Commons delay in proceeding to his condemnation, was not long of his cause, but oc­casioned by the place onely. M. Marisus ar­rai [...]ed, and an­s [...]h for [...]. This one thing seemeth worthie to be noted, and for all mens lear­ning, M that how notable and how great soever his honor, worship, & commendable parts were; the soule and cursed desire of tyrannicall rule, made not onely unpleasant and without grace, but also odious and detestable in the eies of the people. He brought forth, as it is reported, welneere foure hundred men, whome hee had laid out monte for gratts, and without any interest or consi­deration: [Page 231] A those whose goods he saved from port sale, and kept from the bondage of their credi­tours, after they were condemned. O [...]er and besides; he not onely reckoned up, but shewed al­so in open sight, the honourable testimonies of his service in the warres: as the spoiles of his enemies by him slaine and disarmed, to the number of 30: giftes bestowed upon him by Generals in way of reward 40: amongst which were two goodly [...]shi [...]red in forme of the [...] of [...]imurall garlands for scaling and entering upon the wals first: eight [...] the branches.civick coronets for saving the lives of citizens in danger. Moreover he presented there in place, the parties themselves in person, whom he had rescued out of the ene­mies hands: and amongst them he nomiminated C. Serviltus at that instant Generall of the horsemen, and now absent. And when he had rehearsed his noble feats of armes; and amplifi­ed them according to the height of their worthin a most glorious and eloquent Oration, as one B whose words were sutable and answerable to his deeds: at the last he stript his breast bare, and shewed the scarres there remaining of wounds received in the warres: and ever and anone loo­king to the Capitoll, eftsoones he called aloud upon Iupiter and the other gods, to helpe him now in this extremitie and peril of his state: and praied that the same mind which they had given him to defend the Capitoll cliffe, and even to the safegard of the people of Rome, they would vouchsafe the same people, in this distresse of his wofull calamitie: beseeching them both all and some, to looke up to the cliffe, and to the Capitoll, to turne themselves toward the gods there, an [...]so to proceed to judgement of him. All the whiles the people were cited and called by their Centuries, and the prisoner stretched forth his hands, and converted his praiers from men to the Gods; the Tribunes evidently saw, that unlesse they freed the eies of the people from C beholding the memoriall of so great a desart, it would never be that so long as their mindes were this forestalled and possessed with that benefit of his, they would find the enditement, were it ne­ver so true. So the matter being put off and deferred to another day the people were summoned to assemble in the grove Petelinus, without the gate Flumentana, from whence they might not have a sight of the Capitoll. There the accusation prevailed more than compassion, and the mat­ter went against him: and so with hard and obdurat hearts, they pronounced a heavie and dolo­rous sentence, and which the verie judges themselves had in horror. Some there be that say there were Duumvirs ordained for the purpose, to make inquisition and sit upon this treason against the State. Thus being condemned, the Tribunes caused him to be throwne headlong downe the rocke Tarpeia. Which place was the selfe same that yeelded to that one man a monument and D memoriall both of singular glorie, and also of extreame punishment and ignominious death. After his death there remained two infamous markes behind him of shame: the one publicke, occasioned by his dwelling house. For wheras it was situate, where now the chappell and work­house, or mint-house of Moneta standeth, an Act was proposed unto the people, That none of the Senatours linage should dwell on the cliffe or Capitoll mount. The other proceeding more pro­perly from his owne line and kinred: For that by a generall decree of the house of Manlij it was provided, That none of that familie and race should ever after beare the name of M. Man­lius. This was the end of him, who, but that he was borne in a free cittie, had beene a right wor­thie and renowned man.

But the people being now past all danger from him, calling to mind and considering without E all affection, his vertues as they were, found a misse of him shorly after. Yea and for the pesti­lence also which ensued soone upon, for that there could be no causes knowne of so great mor­talitie, was imagined of many a man, to have growne upon the execution of Manlius: arguing thus, That the Capitoll was polluted with the blood of the saviour therof: and the gods tooke no delight and pleasure to have (as it were) presented unto their eies, the punishment of that man, by whose meanes their temples had beene delivered out of the hands of the enemies. Vpon this plague and scarcitie of corne withall, and the common brute that spread abroad both of the one and the other, there ensued the yeare following many warres, whenas L. Valerius the fourth time, A. Manlius the third time, Ser. Sulpitius the third time, L. Lucretius, L. Atmylius the third time, and M. Trebonius were Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie. For besides the Volscians, who F by destinie were appointed for ever in a manner to busie and keepe occupied the Romane soldi­ours; besides the Colonies Circcia and Velitre, which a long time were about to rebell; besides Latium, that stood in doubtfull termes and was suspected, the Lanuvines also, who had beene a most fast and Ioiall cittie, all of a suddaine rose and became new enemies. The LL. of the Se­nate supposing all this grew upon contempt, for that the revolting of the Veliternes, who were [Page 232] their naturall citizens, had so long time escaped punishment, decreed with all speed to move the G people to denounce and proclaime open warre against them. And to the end that the Com­mons might be more forward in this Militarie service, they created certaine Quinqueviri for the division of the Pomptine lands: [...] and Triumvir [...] for the planting of a colonie at Nepet. Then they propounded unto the people, that they would appoint and determine of the warre to be [...]. And notwithstanding the Tribunes of the Com.labored earnestly, but all in vaine, to dis­si [...]de, yet the tribes throughout generally grantedit, and gave their voices for warre. All that yeare passed in preparations onely, but no armie set forth by reason of the plague: which pro­tracting of time and long delay, gave the inhabitants of the Colonies respite to sue unto the Senate for peace. Many of them were inclined and stood thus affected, to send a solemne embas­sage H with humble supplication to Rome: but that (as commonly it falleth out) the publicke pe­rill was entangled and interessed with the jeoperdie of some private persons: and the authors of the backsliding and revolt from the Romans, fearing least they alone should beare all the blame and be delivered up as a sacrifice to satisfie the wrath of the Romanes, turned away cleane and ali­enated the Colonies from all consultation of seeking for peace. And not onely in their counsell house was this Embassage then crossed, but many of the Commons also they excited to in­vade the territories of Rome, to drive booties, and make spoile. This new wrong by them of­fered, cleane put them by all hope of peace. In that yeare was the first rumour raised, concerning the rebellion also of the Prenestines. And when the Tusculans, Gabines, & Lavicanes, into whose marches they had made inrodes, complained unto the Senate, and laid much matter against them, they received at their hands so calme and cold an answere, that it seemed they gave lesse I credit to their complaints, because these were not willing they should proove true.

The yeare following, Sp. and L. Papyrius, new Tribunes Militarie with Consuls authoritie, led the legions to Vei [...]re, whose foure Colleagues, Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis the fourth ti [...]e, [...], C. Sulpitius, L. Aemylius the fourth time, were left Tribunes behind for defence [...]; and for feare least they should heare some intelligence of new and fresh stirres out of [...], where they suspected all would be nought. At Velitre they had the better hand of [...] enemies: there they found more Prenestines well neere, that came to succour, than the [...] Coloners themselves. For the cittie was so neere at hand, that it both gave the enemies [...] to the [...] sooner, and yeelded them the onely place of safe refuge, after they were fled. [...] forbare to assault the towne, as well in regard of the dangerous enterprise, as also K [...] they thought it not good to hold fight to the utter destruction of that Colonie. Letters [...] to Rome with tidings of victorie, emplying more sharpe informations against [...] than the Veliternes. So by an Act of the Senate and assent of the people, there [...] warre against the Prenestines. Who in the yeare following joined with the Vol­ [...] by force wa [...] Sa [...]icum a Colonie of the people of Rome, [...] notwithstanding it was [...] defended by the townsmen even to the last. Where most beastly and cru­ [...] [...] their victorie upon those that they tooke prisoners, and put them to the sword. [...] tooke this in a verie ill part: and elected M. Furius Camillus Tribune Militarie the [...] time: who had for his companions in office, A. and Lucius Posthumius Regillensis, L. [...] and L. Lucrcius, and M. Fabius Ambustus. L

The [...] warre was appointed to Camillus extraordinarily: and to assist him therein, it sell [...] L. Fari [...] his lot, one of the State-Tribunes, not so much for the good of the Com­monweale, as to minister unto his fellow all matter of honour and renowne: as well in publike, ( [...] that he set all upright ag [...]ine, which by the rashnesse of Lucius was fallen downe) as also in private, for that out of his errour and misdoing, Marcus Furius, rather sought for thanks and love at his hands, than aimed at any vaine glorie to himselfe. Camillus was now farre growne and [...] yeares and verie aged, and when in the assembly for Election, he was about to take the [...] os o [...]h, for to excuse his feeble and crasie bodie, the people with one consent would not permit him. Howbeit for all his age, he caried a lively spirit & lustie courage with him full: his senses were all fresh & sound: and the late civill affaires had stirred him up and gave him M anedge, who now had no great mind to manage martial exploits. So he gathered a power of four legions, consisting of 4000 a peece, & made proclamation that all his forces should be ready the next day, at the gate Esquilina, & then he put himself in his journy to Satricum. The enemie who had woon the Colony, nothing dismaid therat, & trusting in the number of his soldiors, wherein [Page 233] A he had the better by ods, expected and staied his comming there: And so soone as he understood that the Romanes approched, forthwith came into the field, minding without delay to put it to an hazard and trie it out: presuming, that the skill of the Romanes general, were hee never so sin­gular (in whom their enemies only trusted) would litle or naught availe, in regard they were so few in number. The Romane armie was as hote as they, and one of their Generals as forward every way. And presently without any stay, had they tried the fortune of a battaile, but for the pollicie and rule of one man; who by holding off, and protracting time of fight, fought so to help himself through good order and skill. But so much the more the enemie urged still, and was more sharp set: so as now he not onely raunged his men before his owne campe in battell array, but also set forward into the mids of the field: and advancing himselfe with ensignes displaied, neer unto the B trench and rampier of his enemies, made a prowd bravado and shew of his strength, whereupon he bare himselfe so confidently. This could the Romane souldiors hardly endure: and L. Furius one of the Tribunes Militarie, had more adoe by farre to digest and put up that at the enemies hand. And a venturous knight he was, both by reason of his youthfull yeares and naturall dispo­sition: and also puffed up with hope of the multitude, which commonly taketh heart, and presu­meth upon smallest grounds, and buildeth upon greatest uncertaine ties. ‘And the souldiours be­ing of themselves alreadie hot ynough, he inflamed and set them more on fire, by elevating and making light of his fellowes reputation, L. Furius to hit souldiours. in regard of his old age, the onely thing that hee could alleage: giving out ever and among, that wars were for young men, that mens hearts flourished and faded as their bodies did; which was seene in Camillus, who of a most valourous and forward C warrior, was now become a draw-back and a temporiser, and one that would take his leasure: and he that was wont, so soon as he came to a place, with the first assault to win forts & strong towns, now within his mures and rampier sat stil and trifled out the time. And what hopes had he? Drea­meth he, that either his owne power should encrease, or his enemies strength decrease? What occasion, what oportunitie of time, what place of vantage for ambush laid hee for? Tush, these policies and inventions of the good old man, are cold and clumsie, God wot. In faith, Camillus, as he hath lived long ynough, so hath he gained glorie ynough. To what purpose then (quoth hee) should we suffer the whole puissance of a cittie, which ought indeed to be immortall, for to age and waxe old with the bodie of one man, whom all men see to bee but mortall. With these and such like words he had drawne away the whole campe after him: and when from all parts there­of, D they called hard, L. Furius to M. Furius. and cried for battell; We are not able (quoth he) ô M. Furius, to keepe in and represse any longer the violence of our soldiours: and as for the pride of the enemie, whose cou­rage by our delaies wee have encreased, and who insulteth over us, it is intollerable. Giveplace then, you that are but one man, and yeeld unto us al. Suffer your selfe to be overcome with reason and counsell, that you may sooner overcome by force and armes. Hereunto Camillus made an­swere againe: What warres soever (quoth hee) unto this present day have by mine owne entire conduct, M. Furius his answere to L. Fu­rius, and the soldiors: and sole direction been managed, neither can you nor the people of Rome denie, but that in them you never repented, either of my policie or happie successe. Now I know full well, that I have a companion joined with mee, in governement and rule of egall commission; for the prime and lustinesse of youth, much above me, & my better. And as to the armie, I have indeed E been used ever to commaund, and not to be commaunded: but yet my fellows authoritie, I can­not be against. Let him doe in gods name, what he thinketh good for the Commonweale, and Godspeed his hand. Onely in regard of mine old age I crave this favour, that I may not be set in the forefront: but for other devoirs, looke what an old man may or ought to doe in warre, there­in surely I shall not faile. And this one thing would I crave at the hands of the immortall gods, that some notable mishap be fall not, to make my former counsell good and praiseworthie. But neither would men be ruled by his advise so profitable and wholesome, nor the gods vouchsafe to heare his praiers so holy aud devout.’ Then Lucius Furius, the author and principall persuader of battell, setteth the vauntgard in array. Camillus hee fortifieth the regiments and squadrons for supplie in the rereward: but above all, he placeth a strong guard before the camp. Himselfe took F up his standing on a higher place, to behold and marke the issue of another mans counsell. So soone as at the first brunt and encounter, they rustled and made a noise with their armour, the enemies for the nones (of policie, and not for fear) gave footing and lost ground. Now, there was behind them on their backe a pretie rising of an hill, betweene their campe and the battell: and by reason that they were well stored of men, they had left behind them in the campe certaine [Page 234] strong companies armed and well appointed: with this instruction, that whiles both armies were G hard in fight, and when their enemies should come neere their trench and rampier, they might [...]allie out on a suddaine upon them. The Romanes following out of measure upon the enemies as they reculed, were drawne upon the disadvantage of the ground, and gave occasion and fit opportunitie unto the enemie to issue out of the camp upon them. So the terror returned upon the supposed victorers, by reason both of the newsupplies of the enemies, and also of the fall and descent of the hill: and forced the battaile of the Romanes to give back. The Volscians that charged them from out of the campe, and were fresh and lustie, pressed hard upon them: they al­so that made as though they fled, began now to fight againe. The Romane souldiours forgetting now both their late lustinesse, and their auncient honour, retired not easily and softly in good order, but plaine turned their backes on all sides, fled amaine by heapes, and ran avie toward H their owne campe. M. Fu [...] Cas [...] to his soldio [...] [...]ying [...]ay. ‘Whereat Camillus being by them that attended about his person, mounted upon a good courser, and with all the speed he could make, opposing the squadrons of the rere­ward against the enemie: Is this (quoth he) the fight, you souldiours, that yee so called for? what God, what man can yee lay the weight on now? It was your rashnesse and foolehardinesse afore: and it is your dastardly cowardise now, and nothing els, that is the cause of all this. Followed yee have alreadie one Generall. Follow Camillus now a while: and as yee have beene alwaies wont by my leading, once more win the victorie. What looke you toward the hold and the campe? there is no comming thether, there is no being there for any of you without victorie.’ At the first they were ashamed, and staied themselves from farther flight: but after that they saw once the ensigns wheele about, and the squadrons turne againe, they made head, and charged the enemie amain. I And the Generall himselfe, a man renowmedfor so many triumphs, and besides, for his venera­ble age so reverend, even amongst the formost ensignes, amid the greatest perils, & most distres­ses, advanced forth in person. Hereupon every one for his part, set the better leg forward, provo­ked his fellow withall, and encouraged one another, so as with a cheerefull and lively shout, the whole field rang againe. Neither was the other Tribune behind hand for his part: but being sent by his Colleague unto the horsemen (whiles he in the meane time marshalled againe the foote­men in order) not by way of chiding (for what might he availe thereby, so long as hee was him­selfe in fault as well as the rest?) but laying aside all lordly commaund, fell wholly to entreating, and besought them both all and some to quit themselves like men, and acquit him of the guilt and blame of that unluckie daies worke. [...]. Furius to his [...]. ‘Indeed (quoth hee) when my brother Camillus would K not agree thereto, but expres [...]ely forbad, yet I chose rather to be partaker of the folly and rashnes of all, than the wisdome and sage advise of one. Camillus (come what will of it, speed you well, or speed you ill) [...]eeth the glorie will be his: but I, unlesse the battell bee revived, shall take such part as you all, (a most miserable and pitious case) but the shame wil redound and light upon my head and none els.’ Well, at length they agreed, and thought it best to abandon their horses to bestow them among the waving and disordered companies, and on foot to make head upon the ene­mies. Thus they goe both together, as bravely minded with resolution, as they were richly and gorgeously armed. And in what part soever they saw the footmen most distressed, there wanted neither in the Generals nor in the souldiours, courage in the highest degree to fight it out lustily. Well was it seene by the happie event, that valourous endevors speed ever well. For the Volscians L the same way that erewhile they made semblance of giving ground upon a counterfeit fear, now fled in good sadnesse as hard as they could. The Volscians defeated. A great number both in the conflict, and after in the chase were slaine. As for the rest that remained in the campe, which presently at one brunt was woon, more of them were taken prisoners than killed. In the view and account taken of the cap­tives, there were some of them knowne to be Tusculanes, who were shed apart from the rest, and brought before the State-Tribunes. And upon examination, confessed fla [...]ly, that they served by the publicke warrant of the cittie. Camillus herewith disquieted, for feare of warre from so neere neighbours, said hee would forthwith have those prisoners with him to Rome, that the Lords of the Senate might not be ignorant how the Tusculanes were revolted from their societie. In the meane while, his brother Tribune might, if he so pleased, have the regiment of the leaguer and M the host. That daies worke had taught him now, not to preferre his own waies before the better counsell of another. And yet neither he himselfe, nor any man els in the armie, thought that Ca­millus would quietly digest this fault of his, whereby the State of the Commonwealth was dri­ven upon so dangerous a point of downefall. And as well in the hoast, as also at Rome, it was rise [Page 235] A and currant in everie mans mouth: that wheras the fight with the Volscians was variable, and the service doubtfull: For the ill speed, the discomfiture, and the running away, L. Furius was all in fault: but for the good successe, Camillus onely had all the honour.

When the captives were brought into the counsell house, and the Lords of the Senat were of opinion and determined warre against the Tusculans, and had laid the charge thereof upon Camillus, he requested to have an assistant joyned with him in commission: and being left to his own choise to take whom he would of all his companions in office, contrarie to all mens expe­ctation, he chose L. Furius. By which moderation of his affections, and good carriage of him­selfe, he both delaied the infamie of his colleague, and wan himselfe great glorie and commen­dation. Yet for all this, The prudent dis [...]simulation of the Tusculans. proceeded not they to any warre with the Tusculans. For they by their B constant observation of peace, kept off the violence of the Romanes, which by force of armes they had not been able. When the Romanes entred and invaded their territorie, they went not so much as out of those places that lay neare the high way, whereas the enemie marched: they forlet not the tilling of their grounds, but kept the gates of their cittie wide open, came forth so­lemnly in their long gownes to meete with the LL. Generals in the waie, and brought victuals right courteously to serve the armie, as well out of the cittie as countrie. Camillus having pitched down his tents before the gates, and desirous to know, whether there were the same appearance of peace within the wals, as bare shew abroad in the countrie, entred the cittie: and seeing the dores standing open, the shop windowes up, all kinde of wares set out to sale upon the bulkes: the Crafts-men and Artisans busily every one occupied at his worke: the Gram [...]er-schooles C ringing againe with a chirme of schollers, learning and saying their lessons: the streetes full of women and children amongst the other common people going too & fro about their busines: he could perceive no where about him any thing that carried a resemblance of fearefull men no nor so much as of those that made any wonder at their comming in that warlike order. Thus cast he his eies into every corner, seeking where this warre should be. For there was not so much as any token to be seene, either of ought removed out of the way, or brought in place, upon this present occasion: but all in so setled quietnesse and peace, as if they had scarcely heard any inkling or rumour of hostilitie. Camillus to th [...] Senat of Tus­culum. ‘Being therfore overcome with this patience and sufferance of the enemies, he caused their Senat to assemble, unto whom he spake in this wise: ye alone to this daie of all that I know, o??? Tusculanes, have found the only armour of proofe, & the forcible sense D indeed, to save your selves and all ye have from the Romanes yre. Go your waies to Rome unto the Senat there. The Lords of the counsell will weigh and consider, whither ye deserved more punishment before, than pardon now. I will not forestall and pick my selfe a privat thanke for a publike benefit. At my hands ye shall have this favour and libertie, to speake for your selves and plead your own cause: as the Senat shall thinke good, so shall your speede of your suit. After that the Tusculans were come to Rome, and their Senat (who but a while afore had been faithfull Al­lies and kept their allegeance) seene to stand waiting with heavie cheere and giving their atten­dance at the entrie of the court and counsell chamber: the Lords of the Romane Senate, were presently moved thereat, and caused them forthwith to be called in, and received by way of hos­pitalitie, more like than hostilitie.’ Then the Dictatour of Tusculum made this speech & said: E Right honourable Senatours, The Dictator of T [...]sculum to the Senat of Rome. we against to encounter your Generals and Legions, armed and appointed as ye see us at this present stan­ding in the porch of your counsell house. ‘This was our array, this was the habit of our Com­mons, and alwaies shall be, unlesse at any time we shall put on armes for you and in your quarel. Thankes we yeeld to your captaines and to your armies, that they have beleeved rather their eies than their cares: and where they saw no hostilitie at all, there they offered none themselves. That peace which we have shewed and observed, the same crave we humbly still at the hands of your clemencie. Turne we beseech you from us your forces thither, where warre is to be found. And if we must needs make triall (by suffering ought) of your puissance and power bent against us, we will trie it surely without armour. This is our full resolution, God grant it prove as fortunate, F as it is well meant and proceeding from a single heart. As for the trespasses, whereupon ye were moved to denounce warre against us: although it be bootlesse and to no purpose to disprove that by words, which by deed is alreadie proved: yet surely, were they never so true, we thinke verely, that without prejudice to our selves, we may safely confesse the same; since that we have so evi­dently repented thereof. And for you, so long as you be worthie to have so full satisfaction made, [Page 236] it skilleth not, what default or transgression be committed against you.’ Thus much in effect G spake the Tusculans. At the very instant they obtained peace: and not long after, the right of free burgeosie, to be made cittizens of Rome. So the Legions were withdrawen backe againe from Tusculum. Thus Camillus having won great honour by his pollicie and valour both, in the Volscian warre: by his happy successe in the journey of Tusculum: by his singular patience and cariage of himselfe, toward his companion in government, as well in the one place as the other, went out of his Magistracie: there being created Tribunes Militarie for the next yeare, L. Vale­rius the fifth time, and Pub. Valerius the third time. C. Servilius the third time. Licinius Menenius the second time. P. Papyrius, Serg. Cornelius Maluginensis.

There was this yeare neede of Censors also, by reason especially of the doubtfull rumors that ran concerning debts: whiles of the one side the Tribunes of the Commons did aggravate the H greatnesse therof, and made it seeme an odious matter: and they againe of the other side, did ele­vate and made little of the same, for whom it was good & beneficiall, that the lent mony should be thought abroad, in danger of being lost: for that (say they) the debtours cautelously rather would not, than for abilitie could not, keepe their credite and make paiment. So there were crea­ted Censors, C. Sulpitius Camerinus, Sp. Pohstumius Regillensis. And this matter now alreadie commensed, was broken off by the death of Posthumius, because it would have bred a scruple to chuse another Censor in the roome of him disceased. When Sulpitius therefore had resigned up his place, it fell out so that other new Censors upon some errour committed in their creati­on, exercised not their office: and to chuse a third time they made a scruple, so spice conscien­ced were they, The Tribun [...]e of the [...] the Senat. as if the Gods were not well pleased with that office for that yeare. ‘But the Tri­bunes I would not endure this deluding of the Commons, but gave it forth that it was intollera­ble: saying, That the Senat sought to avoid the exhibiting of publike records and bookes, which gave testimonie of the valuation of every mans substance to the worth: because they would not have the sums of debts to be seen and knowen; which might bewray and plainly shew, that one part of the cittie was even eaten up and devoured of the other: and in the meane time the poore Commons so deeply engaged, were packed away, and sent forth against these enemies & those: and now without all regard and discretion, they fought occasions to quarrell and make warre in every place. From Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitre, from thence to Tusculum have your Legions been posted. And now forsooth, there is warre intended against the Latines, Hernicks and Prenestines: for hatred rather of the cittizens here at home, than of the enemies K abroad: and all to weare out the Commons with continuall wars, and to affoord them no brea­thing while within the cittie: that in time of rest, they might remember and thinke upon their freedome, keepe their roomes in common assembly, where they might yet at the length heare their Tribunes voice, pleading for the easement of usurie, and for a finall end of all injuries. But and if the Commons had the heart, and carried that mind with them, as to call to remembrance their auncestors libertie, they would suffer neither any cittizen of Rome to be awarded to bon­dage for debt, nor any musters to be taken, untill a view were made and just accompt had, of eve­ry man his debts, and some course taken for abating the same: that each man might know, what he had of other mens goods, what remained of his owne: whether his bodie were left free, or at the mercie of his creditour, to lie in cold yron and balefull prison.’ This hire and salarie of sedi­tion, L this reward once propounded aforehand, stirred up (you may be sure) a mutinie soon after. For whereas there were many adjudged to be bound unto their creditors, and the Senators had decreed new Legions to be levied, for the bruit and rumour that went of the Prenestine warres: both matters began to be hindred fortaking any effect, as wel by the Tribunes helpe as the Com­mons accord. For neither would the Tribunes suffer those that were comdemned to bee led to prison: nor yet the younger sort of the Commons, enter their names in the Muster ma­ster his booke. And the Senatours for the present, lesse minded the execution of judgment for the creditours behoufe, than the mustering. For why? Newes came alreadie, that the ene­mies had put themselves in their journey from Preneste, and were encamped in the Sabines countrie. And all this while, the very tidings hereof rather quickned and provoked the Tri­bunes M of the Commons to the broile that was begun, than frighted them any jote from it. Nei­ther would any thing serve to quench the sedition in the cittie, untill the warre was come in manner to the verie walles. For the Prenestines had intelligence given them, that in Rome there was no armie gathered, no Generall certainly knowne: the Senators and Commons at jarre and [Page 237] A together by the eares. The Pr [...]stine [...] [...] of Rome. Their captaines hereupon, taking this vantage and opportunitie, with a running campe invaded, spoiled and wasted the fields all afore them as they went, and came with banners displaid before the gate Collina. Great feare was in the cittie, everie man cried Alarm, ran up to the wals to man them, and to the gates to ward them. And at the last they left their mutinies, turned to the wars, and created T. Quintius Cintinnatus Dictatour. He appointed for his Generall of horsemen, A. Sempronius A [...]atinu [...]. This was not so soone voiced abroad (so great a terrour went alwaies with that magistrate) but the enemies withall dislodged and depar­ted from the wals: and the yonger sort of the Romanes, without any hasting and drawing backe, upon the proclamation, gathered together. Whiles forces were thus a raising at Rome, the ene­mies pitched their camp not farre from the river Allia: and as they harried the country allabout, B they bragged and vanted among themselves, that they had gotten that very plot of ground, which was ever fatall to the destruction of the cittie of Rome. ‘Here will be (say they) the like fight, from hence will they flie, no doubt, as sometimes they did before in the Gaules warre. For if the Romanes feared that dismall and unluckie day, noted with the infamous name of this place; how much more will they dread the river Allia it selfe, in memoriall of their so great overthrow, than the onely bare day Alliensis? Certes, when they are come hither, they will thinke they see againe the grimme lookes, and heare the hideous voices of those savage Gaules. Thus rolling and tos­sing with themselves these toyish conceits, rising of as vaine and foolish presumptions, they tested wholly and reposed their full hope in the luckie persuasion only of the place.’ The Romanes contrariewise knew full well, that their enemies the Latin [...]s, were (wheresoever they were) the ve­rie C same men still, and no other, whom for the space of one hundred yeares, they held peaceably and quietly as their devoted vassals in subjection. And as for the place noted in deed, for the memoriall of that late diffeature and losse sustained, it might rather stirre them up and set an edge upon them to abolish and cancile the remembrance of that shamefull disgrace, than put them in feare, that anie ground should be so unfortunate, as to be a barre unto their victorie. Nay if the verie Gaules themselves came now in their way, they would so fight with them even in that ground, as they did at Rome, in the recoverie of their countrie: as they did the morrow after at Gabij: when they bare themselves so valiantly, that no one enemie that entred within the wals of Rome, wen [...]ever home againe to tell newes how they sped, well or ill. Thus on both sides being resolute, and couragiously bent, they met at Allia. The Romane Dictatour discovering D the enemies arranged in battaile array, T. Quintius [...] to A. [...]. within sight. See you not (quoth he) ô??? A. Sempronius, how they have staied at Allia, presuming upon the luckines of the place? No surer confidence no greater helpe may they have, I pray God. ‘But you, with trustie armour, keene weapons, and doub­tie courage, set spurres to horse, gallop amongst the thickest of their maine battaile with your horsemen. I, with the legions on foot, will advance mine ensignes, & display them, in their faces, and charge them hotely when they are disbanded ones, and put in fear. Assist us now, and aid us, ó ye gods (the witnesses of our league) & punish them duly for their deserts, both in dishonoring your divine majestie, and deceiving us in your name, whom they called solemnly to witnesse.’ Neither horsemen nor footmen, could the Prenestines abide, but at the very first shout & shock were the rankes broken. And seeing their battaillons in no place whole and kept together, they E fled: and amased as they were in that confused feare, and carried away beyond their owne camp, they staied not running for life, untill by good footmanship they were come within the fight of Preneste. There, all such as had beene scattered in the flight, met together, and chose a plot of ground to fortifie in that hast as well as they could: least peradventure, if they had put them­selves within the towne, forthwith their villages should have been fired, and after all consumed and spoiled, the towne also might fortune to be besieged. But when the Romane Conqueror af­ter the rifling of their campe at Allia, was once come toward them and discovered, they aban­doned that fortalso, and gat within the towne Preneste, thinking themselves scarce safe ynough within the wals thereof. Eight townes besides there were under the seignorie of the Prenestines, against which the Dictatour warred round: and having woon them all, one after another with­out F much ado, he brought his armie against Velitre, and got that towne also by assault. Then came hee to the principall head and very seat town of the warre, Preneste▪ which was not by force woon, but by surrender yeelded up into his hands. And T. Quintius thus having obtained one victorie i n a pight field, woon two campes and holds of the enemies, conquered by force nine townes, and regained Preneste surrendred unto him, returned home again to Rome. In his [Page 238] triumph he carried aloft the Image of Iupiter, Iupiter Imper [...] ­tor. surnamed Emperour, which he brought from Pre­neste, G and set it up in the Capitoll, where it was placed and dedicated betweene the shrines of Iupiter and Minerva: and in a table of brasse fixed under it, was the monument of this noble exploit recorded and engraven in these or such like words: T. QUINTIUS DICTATOUR, BY THE GRACIOUS HELPE OF IUPITER, AND ALL THE REST OF THE GODS, VVAN NINE TOVVNES. So on the 20 day after his creation, he resigned up his Dictatorship.