CERTEIN LETTERS VVHERIN IS SET forth a Discourse of the Peace that was attempted and sought to haue bin put in effecte by the Lords and States of Holland and Zelande in the yeare of oure Lorde 1574.
ALSO A SVPPLICATION put vp by the said States of Hollande and Zeland, and other places of the Low Countryes to the King: together with the aunsvvere and a Reply vppon the same, and diuers other particularities.
O Lord God take me not away with the wicked, nor with them that commit iniquitie, which speake peace to their neighbours, & imagine mischiefe in their harts.
IMPRINTED AT LONdon in Fleetestreate by Thomas Marshe.
ANNO 1576.
TO the intent to giue some lighte to suche as are not acquainted with the state of the affayres and controuersies of Hollande and Zelande, and to stoppe the mouthes of malicious aduersaries, which ceasse not to reporte al maner of vntruth and reproch of the noble valeaūt and vertuous prince the Prince of Orendge & his adherēts, & of the iust case which they maintein: here is translated a short Discourse, of the orignial cause and ground of their entering into Armes, togither with a nomber of weyghtie & substantial reasons, wherby they iustifie their doing by good conscience and equitie. And it is the rather set forthe at this tyme, because some of the parties and authors therof bee now here, as Mounsieur Sainct Aldegond, and Moū sieur Champagny and others, who may iustify the same (as neede shall requyre) to the open mainfestation of the truth with out further trauel. Read with aduisemēt, and iudge indifferently, as the righte of the matter shall leade the.
To his very friend E. B. esquier affectionate friend and deuotiste seruaunt vnto the fayre and vertuous Lady the Countesse of Culenberghe.
THis olde prouerbe (as cōmonly all other) hath his groūd vpon knowē experience, Malus animus, malamens, an euill affection maketh an euill construction. Men wrest or driue the interpretaciō of doings to the frame of their owne coceits, which they deriue from the fauour or disfauour that they haue settled in their owne perswasions. It is not vnknowen what extraordinary discourses, & what priuate fansies in common meetīgs, are daily made of the case of our neighbours in the low Country. Such maner of debatinge where cō trary opiniōs haue distracted you seeme to be the cause of your question, wherof you desire to be resolued in your letters. [Page]You coulde not haue written to a man more indifferent than I am: who am as farre from parcialitie, as he that loueth, (that is to say preferreth) neither party before other, but our country before thē both. I do therefore (as I wish you to doe) set the pin of the beame eauen, and examine the weight of either skale. Let vs then cōpare the sides, and begin with the sharper, that we maye haue the milder ending.
First I will call to minde, what thone of those sides obiecteth:
Secondly what thother aunswereth: And thirdly what to drawe to concerne our selues.
In the matter of obiection, let vs see what strength it hath in iustice:
In the matter of defence, let vs see what weight it hath in equitie:
And for the matter of Our selues, let vs see what necessity, what commodity, what right, and what facilitie it is said to beare, to draw vs to any side.
It is sayd by some, which are loth that Spaine should be weaker or Englande stronger, that the Prince of Orendge & his adherēts are rebels in Armes agaīst their natural Prince, and maintayners of a most daungerous president against all Princes.
To this is aunswered on thother part (as in this booke you shal see discoursed) that there is difference of the bande & maner of their subiection from other. None of them holdeth that a king maye be shaken of by his subiects: but they all saye, that Lords electible vpon pacts & conditions are also reiectible accordīge to the same pacts & cōditions, specially in Dominions subiecte to the ciuill lawes, which are not the Lawes of England. The order of eche state is to be regarded: not all States haue kings. Some haue other formes of gouernment. Not all kingdoms haue like maner of admissions or receyuings of kings. Som follow natural succession of bloud: some Choise: [Page]some Lot or chaunce. Some kings or rulers haue simple & absolute power: some limitted & circumscribed. Therles of Holland and Zealand (as is well knowē & many examples haue proued, at their Ioyous entree that is to saye, at ther receyuinge to inauguration or seisen of their Estate) be bound by oth to prescribed pacts & orders: whereby not onelye their forme of rule is bounded, but also vpon diuers points the subiects homage & allegiance expresly discharged. And that discharg in fact hath bin executed, & by such fact, (say they,) the auncesters of the Prince himself that now chargeth them, haue bin receyued. The Prince and states of that Country alledge the othe of their Earle, the precise forme of assoylmēt vpon his breach of their Priuiledges: they produce one chiefe point, that they ought not to be pestered with gouernaunce or garrison of straungers: they recken vp thintollerable, outragious & manifest oppressions done vpon [Page]them, and the euident practise to bring that free Nation to most vnsufferable seruitude: they shield themselues vnder the liberty & right of Nature, the prouision of agreements, the othes of their Princes, their power of refusall vppon their Princes periurie, wyth many like matters, whereof they make the worlde Iudges by their many Protestacions, Apologies, Iustifications, & Supplicatiōs to the states of thempyre, & other meanes: alwayes seuering their case from other subiectes of Naturall and absolute Kinges.
FOR (say they) in their case of resistinge the Kinge, these things are to be considered: the nature of the Gouernement and subiection, & the cause of resistance, and thirdly the maner of the resistance. The nature of the Gouernment & the subiection stādeth in these two considerations. VVhether it hee Merum Imperium, that all thinges may be done Pro voluntate Regnanti [...]: or it be Moderatum, [Page]which is Temperatū Legibus, wherein the Ruler hath his rule prescribed him which way to rule, & the Subiect a Paterne described him which way to obey. If the Gouernment be Merum & absolutū, then is the Person inferiour, a slaue and no subiecte. For in all due subiection there is Taxis, which is neuer in Voluntate. If the Gouernmente be Temperatum, then is thinferiour a subiect and no slaue.
IN all subiection there is an honest liberty giuen by Law it self, whereby all Actions and Pleas in Lawe are as open to the subiect as to the ruler, for the maintenaunce of truth and equitie. In slauerie there is none such: because he is not to be measured but by the will of the Ruler, which howsoeuer it turneth, is his right: & he hath no actiō of Appeal or Plea to the contrary.
Then it followeth that the Law is the rightest Auctoritie, and the same is to be maintayned by all the iust and rightfull executers of it: for if the Lawe [Page]be not maynteined, the life of the whole common wealth is lost.
This mayntenaunce of the Lawe no man doubteth vvhether it ought to bee or no: for it is thende vvhy Counsellers & vnder magistrats are appoīted: yea it is the cause of placing the highest Magistrate hymselfe. So that to maintayne the Lavv, is iudged meete by all men: if the Lavv be iust.
But whether the Law may be mayntayned agaynst the Highest Magistrate or no, that is the doubt. For here upō this maintenance of Law is called resistāce, and is called Rebellion?
This question doth imply a contradiction: for it importeth that thone is agaynst thother, & no man can serue two Maisters: & so stādeth the vvhole case in the righteousnes of the Lavv, which for the present purpose is presumed to be most iust & most holy. VVhy then? The Person that is agaynst this Lavv, goeth aboute to disanull that that is [Page]most iust and most holy, & laboureth to bring in that, that is most vniust, most vnholy. For touchinge his owne person the question and debate standeth not, but for thinforcing of the subiects to the same.
VVHY then, there is no doubt but as it is confessed of all mē, both that neuer knew God, and of them that do professe God, that iustice is to be maintayned against iniustice, Godlines against vngodlines, & God against the deuill: els were the law no law, neither the subiect a subiect: being (as I sayd before) a person licenced to liue in liberty of law.
Thus by the nature of Gouernment & the subiection, it is euidente that the rightest Magistrate may be resisted, & this resistance is truly a maintenaunce of Law & equitie and so to be termed, and vntruly and vniustly called Rebellion. For these words of rebellion and suche like cannot iustlye bee vsed, but where the wyll of the Ruler and the law [Page]are concurrent and agree in one.
By this that hath bin saide of the Gouernment it selfe, ensueth a right aunswere to the cause of resistāce. Nothing may cause resistance to the Magistrate but the maintenaunce of righte and equitie: for there is no equitie in this, that the will of the subiect should stand for a lawe to the Prince, where the subiect thinketh it vnmeete that the wil of his Prince should stande for a law of his subiection. This is against Iustice distributiue, which the Heathen teach in their common wealth, & flatly against the rule of GOD: Thou shalte not do to thy Neighbour y t thou vvilt not haue don to thy selfe.
SO then he that hath law & maintaineth the law, is resisted on which part soeuer he be: & he that resisteth the law is a rebell and traitour whosoeuer he be: for the law is y e life of the cōmon weale. And the consideration of resistance stā deth not in the person, vnlesse hee haue the law with him: if he be not Lex loquēs, [Page]he is not resisted, but resisteth.
But euery man may not resist. They onely that are made keepers of the Lawes, to thē it belōgeth: otherwyse there would be a confusiō, and euery man encroche vpon an others office. The shedding of bloude is murther in euery priuate man: but if a Magistrate do it, he doth it lawfully, and is excused before man, and doth his dutie to God: For hee beareth not the sword in vaine.
IN sum, where the kind of Gouernment is tempered by Law, & the Prince hath aswell to liue by law as the subiect: if the Prince wil breake this Law which is iust, & enforce an obedience to a law vniust against the will of the Subiects: the law may be maintayned agaīst him, by such as are appointed from God & the law, to be Gardians & kepers of the law. But the case of the Prince of Orenge & his associats stādeth in y e same termes. The king with whom he hath to deale had auctoritie Temperatam Laegibus: hee [Page]was sworne aswel to the keeping of those lawes and bringing in of no new, as the subiects vvere, & if hee brake his othe, they vvere quit of all obedience. This appeareth in Forma iuramenti, vvhich hee toke at his Ioyous entraunce.
This othe & Lavv vvas broken by brīging in a nevv lavv of Inquisition, vvhich tended to the vtter supplāting of the Prince and states of the country, vvhich notvvythstanding they endured for a season, vsing al dutiful meanes by complaints made from the counsell & states at diuers & sōdry times, as are to be seene, but coulde haue no redresse in deede, though oftentimes they had faire promises. VVhen iustice could not be had by vvay of iust complaint from the Coūsell & States: the Prince & States toke the maintenaūce of the lavv into their ovvne hands, and so retaine it by Iustice, reseruing the auncient liberties & lavves to the benefite of all the subiects, so y t none cōplayneth of wrōg done [Page]vnto him, but the will of that Prince who woulde his will shoulde preuaile agaīst Law to the subuersion of the whole state, as appeareth in their Records.
Therfore this maintenaunce of law by the Prince of Orenge, is right, against the breaker of Lawe and bringer in of Tyrannie, the Spanish kinge. They say, brīger in of Tirāny & breaker of Law, for that contrary to his oth, wherby both he & all the Erles of Holland & Zelād haue bin receiued into y t gouernmēt, & no otherwyse but vpon those condicions limitted to them by their said oth, he altereth the whole state of gouernmente, leaueth no law but his own wil, & so vseth himself, as though he had neuer bin sworne, nor taken the countries vvith condicion, but had entred as an absolute conquerour: Farre inferiour therin to Heathē & barbarous Prīces. VVe read of Cyrus the greate Monarche of the Easte, that aboue all his singuler vertues, which purchased him so greate a [Page]Fame as euer any Prince had, hee had this in him, that he suffered all Natiōs vnder his Monarchie to enioye their owne Lawes, customes, liberties & religion, and made no alteration against their wills. The like we finde recorded of Alexander the Greate, who vsed himselfe after the same sort in all his cō quests, contenting him onely with the Soueraignties ouer y e Natiōs which he subdued, without any alteratiō of their Estate. And did not the auncient Romaynes walke after the same sorte, whē they subdued any Nation to their obediēce? Did they euer alter the state, of any coūtry which they conquered, & enforce their people to receiue their lawes and Religion? VVhat course vsed Iulius Caesar in his Conquests of Fraūce▪ Did he chaūg any one iote of the state of those Citties which he conquered?
Thus was the behauiour of those barbarous Princes, euen in their Conquests. such moderation and equitie vsed they [Page]euē in the middes of their fire & sword.
The kinge of Spaine came not in by force, he was receyued by curtesie, & receiued as a Patrone and Protectour of their liberties, and vpon this condition onely, had the Seigniories giuen him, as to his predecessours before him, that hee should keepe those Lawes and liberties safe & sound, by vertue of which, & for preseruation wherof they cast vpon him the Erledom, as they had don in former times vpon his auncesters. Vppon this condition he toke it, & to this conditi he swore, as all his aūcesters did, submitting & yelding himselfe to the like dishonour that other had incurred before him, & by whose fall his auncesters came into that preferment, if he committed the like trespasse against the states. To this, (I say) he was boūd by oth, let himself be demaunded, if he cā denie it, they are cōtent to stand to the condemnation of all the world, as falsaccusers of so mighty a Prince, in charging him wyth [Page]periurie, a most horrible crime both before God & man. But hee wil not, hee doth not denie it, it is confessed of himself and published by Print in his owne books, vnder his owne Priuiledge. How thē stādeth his case & theirs? was he not boūd by oth to obserue their lawes? And in case he or any of his officers & Ministers did not obserue but breake theim, did he not expresly charge & enioyne al his subiects by the same oth to make resistance against him & them, and in no wyse to yeld him any obedience, vntil he stoode and yelded to the fulfilling of his othe? The matter, as I sayde, is to euident, books imprīted vnder his owne Priuiledge vouch it to all the vvorlde. And shall they that stand for the maintenance of a law so iustly, being further charged thereto by the kings owne oth, be notvvithstandinge deemed for rebels? Surely if there be no more than so, wee haue no reasō so to esteme or iudge [Page]of thē. Mē might do no more, if either the kings auctority ouer thē vvere absolute, or they had contrary to all right of obediēce, made resistāce there, where they ought to haue shewed all obediēce. But as the vvorld is not able to charge them vvith the one, so the king I suppose will not chaleng vnto himself the other. VVe finde recorded by all that are learned as vvell heathen as Christians, as vvell in lavves of the Gētiles as in the lavves of God: that it is one thing to be Princeps supremus, a Superiour & highest gouernour: & an other thing to be Senior absolutus, an absolute lord. The one importeth a soueraintie & chieftie of all y t are within one list of lavv, as the highest minister of the lavv, but yet he himselfe vvithin the compasse of the same lavv: the other noteth a person vvithout the compasse of al iurisdiction, a cō troller of all men, & to be controlled of none. VVhoso vvould chaleng this latter point to be the right of the kings tititle [Page]in those coūtryes, (I meane, that he would make him an absolute Lord & not a Supreme and highest Gouernoure,) hee should greatly discredite his honour in taking his othe. For force any personne what soeuer he bee, to take an othe and not to mynde to keepe it, is in that degree of dishonoure, as carryeth wyth it an impietie against GOD himselfe, and ingendreth a iuste suspicion in all men that shall haue to deale with him: for who would contract with that mā in any sorte, that can & will make so small accompte of that, which hee hath called God himselfe to witnes of, & vowed to his Maiestie to keepe, in the presence of the Angels. I can not thinck so euill of the honour of a Prince, as that he would enter into so greate impietie: I iudge honourably of the Kinge of Spaine, and therefore I may not deeme, that he was of the Nature of that wicked Heathen, that sayd for excuse of himselfe, in a case of like quality. Lingua iuraui, mentem iniuiuratam [Page]gero: I svvore wyth my tongue, so that my tongue standeth bounde by othe, but I cary a minde and hart about me that hath not sworne, ne standeth so tyed. Be it farre from any Christian, to haue so euill an opinion of any Christiā, wee haue not so to thincke of any Heathen, vnlesse we heare him speake and protest so, as that wretched caitife did. VVe see euidently by his ovvne confession, & testimonie of all the world, that such an oth he toke, and the honourable opinion that we oughte to conceyue of the Maiestie of a Kinge muste needes persvvade vs, that hee meant them as he swore. As he swore (I say) when hee in the same article exempted them from all obedience, and armed them that should attempte ought to the contrary: If hee svvore this, and mente this, then are they no rebelles, in fulfillinge that, vvhich hee charged them vppon theyr othes.
But vvhat saye they, that vvil (notvvithstandinge) [Page]iustifie the Kings doinges and blame the subiectes with so greeuous a crime. For no one iote of that that is aforesayd can be denyed. They saye that the Pope, who hath from GOD Plenitudinē potestatis, Fulnes of povver, did dispense vvith him from this othe. Firste if that bee so, that the Pope hath freed him from his othe, then hath hee by the same facte freed them from their obedience: for they vvere in no wyse, nor by vertue of any title subiecte to him, but by vertue and title of his othe. Take the grounde of their subiection avvay, and they are not subiect but free.
But vvhether it he so or no, that the Pope hath throughe his absolute power, (which he calleth Plenitudinē, fulnes of povver) freed him from that othe, I knovv not: onely this I know, that the Bishop of Arras, aftervvard Cardinal of Granuile gaue him suche Counsell, & sayd the Pope should do so. And if it [Page]followed so in effect, as it may be wel cō iectured by the sequel, (for no doubte a king would not stād so stoutly to the defence & maintenaunce of such impietie against God & man, as periurie is, vnlesse he had some better ground & warrante) this wilbe a Caueat, and a lesson for all Princes & States to teach them to bevvare howe they deale anye more with the kinge of Spaine, or any other that giueth such credite to y e Pope. For what assurance cā they haue of all their Contracts and Leagues that passe and are made betwene them, if the othes taken, may be dispensed withall at the Popes pleasure? That were nothing els in deede and effecte, but to bring all true Christian Kinges and Princes, vvhich make conscience and put a Religion in the bretch of their othes, into bondage & slauery: to make them serue the pleasure and profite of the other Romishe kinge: vvho mindeth no further to obserue his, then shall stande vvith his benefite, [Page]or pleasure of that higher power of Rome. If the case stand so, what faults soeuer Princes haue committed in former time in this behalf, I doubt not but they wilbe wyser and more circumspect hereafter. I meane they will make no leagues nor take anye othes of the Pope ☜ or any Princes and States of his adherentes, seing they haue so plaine a presidēt in this case, that their othes may & shalbe dispensed wythall, when and how ofte soeuer they liste. I suppose there vvas such a clause in the Contract that vvas made vvith the kinge of Spayne for the mariage of Queene Mary, that he should not alter or chaunge any one iote of the Lawes and Customes aswel publike as priuate of the Realme of England, if he had broken this braunch, & vouched the equity of his dealing therin, vppon a licence & dispensation from the Pope, I doubt sore whether the people and States of England would haue taken that for good payment: I doubte [Page]I say, vvhether the Nobility and Commons of Englande, would haue suffered him vnder that cloake, to haue banished all the Lavves of Englande and brought in the gouernmēt of Millan or Naples? I doubt, vvhether the Nobles and people of England would haue bin accōpted rebels for vvithstanding such breatch of Contract. I doubt, vvhether they vvould haue suffred him so quietly to haue caryed awaye the Crowne from the Queenes Maiestie to haue set it vpon his Spaniards heads? And yet hee might as iustly haue done that, as this, if this rule be good. VVe may thanck God we are deliuered from him, wee cannot tell what he woulde haue done, thoughe wee may surmise by this president, what he might haue pretended. I tell you, this excuse of periurie may seeme reasonable to them that are of his Court, for such a God they haue: but it is a perillous president for vs, vnlesse wee bevvare of it. If it seeme a good plea for king Philip to [Page]say, he hath not broken his othe herein, because the Pope dispēsed with him, what maye all Princes that haue made Contracts with him loke for, but iuste quarrell againste themselues to be reuenged both with fire and svvord, when soeuer the Pope shall list to dispense? And I am afrayde the benefite of this dispensation wilbe vsed, if at any time they may haue oportunity (which God forbid) for y e Q. Ma. & the realm of Englād as they say, stand excōmunicat: if so thē all oth is dispēsed withall, you know that very well. How be it if Christiā Prīces, which professe God & conscience, shall iudge this dealing to be good, & if they can so easly perswade thēselues, that such maner of dalying with othes, is Christiā & Prīcelike, surely then wil I as they say & conclude y t the K. of Spaine hath right, and the Prince of Orenge & States of Holland & Zelande haue wronge, that his bretch of oth, law & custome, is lawful, & they in withstāding it, are rebels & traitours.
But if they shall iudge with the truth, as truth is in deede, that no mortall man can dispense with an othe that bindeth the conscience of man, for it is a matter within the iurisdictiō of God alone, & againe, if they shal cōsider this wyth thē selues, that all the righte and title that the King of Spaine hath to those countryes is onely by vertue of this othe and no otherwyse, so that his superioritie ouer them stādeth but by way of Stipulation, if hee performe those conditions, (for hee hath no better title then all his predecessours had) then will they easelie resolue, that there is great fault in that pretence, yea very preiudicious and an euill presidente to all Princes that haue to contract vvyth him: & on the other side, that the Prince and the States do in iustice and equitie both before God and man what they do: and are not to be charged with these greeuous termes of Rebels and Traytours.
NOVV for our owne case, (say they [Page]that like of that parte) it is good to remember for the necessitie, what neighbours we haue & what mīds our neighbours haue: vvhat affections haue bin vttered, in subscriptions to the Counsel or conspiracie of Trent, wherin the destruction of all Protestant Princes (& namely of y e Queene & Realme of England (haue bin determined: vvhat practises haue bin vsed & furthered to aduaūce y e pretēsed title of the cōpetitrice of her Maiesties crowne: what intelligē ces entred with the rebels of England: what ayds promised to them in their actuall rebellion: how the rebels haue bin receiued, succoured and releeued wyth pensions, & maintayned there, sithens their ouerthrowe here: what letters of Marck or disguised Pyracie against English subiectes graūted to Don Thomas Coppley, graund Lorde of the Maze, Gatten, Roughey, and of many othergaping sounds of petie titles, & such other little fellowes, besides Stories Cōmission: [Page]How in those dominions daily bookes haue bin published with open warrant, priuiledge, and allowaunce most slaunderous to the Queene, and seditious against her state: How the traiterous Papists are there vpholden in credite and dignitie, who doubte not continually to affirme, that he cannot erre that hath pronounced our Queene depriued: what deuises haue bin vsed by one Embassadour, a holy bishop, the Bishop of Aquila, against her Maiestie and her Counsell: How by an other Embassadour De Spese, lewde and vncomely letters haue bin written vnder saucy signes of the names of Oriane Amadis, and such vnprincely toyes, audaciously to reatch at the honour of such a moste vertuous, high & noble Queene: Howe the same rashe personage hath not bin misliked there for his so doing: How the Bull of her Maiesties depriuation, & of the assoyling of her subiects frō their alle giaūce, hath bin printed, spred abroade, [Page]set vpon posts, & magnificētly deliuered to knowledge in the low Countryes remayninge vnder that Princes rule: How in Spaine it self, her Ma subiects are daily takē & imprisoned, manacled tormented & exquisitely murdered in cōtēpte of her Maiesties honour, and y e safe freedō of mutual trafique: How y e holy Inquisitiō is permitted dayly to rage against Englishmē, for praying to God euen on Seabord, accordīg to the lawes of the Church of England: Howe the Prince excuseth thē, by saying he cānot disobey the Church. And must he obey the Church, in following their sentence that the Queene of Englād is depriued of her Crowne? The euident apparence that he lacketh onely opportunity to inuade England: a thing most apt for extending his conquest, and a thing most needefull for him, wherewith to reteyne the rest of his owne.
One most vrgent neede, not to haue him to strong. One most important pollicy, [Page]to hold warre farther of, rather thā to draw it home. Infinite are both the reasons & occasions that this cause deliuereth.
For the cōmoditie, behold (say they) the fruitful land: the dominiō of Sea by situaciō: the neerenes of the Continēt to hold our warres, or do displeasures farther of from England: the rule of trade both of the riuer of Rhene, and land of Germany: the commodities passing that vvay both for Marchandise and Nauigation: as Cables, Pitch, Tarre, Mastes & other matter for Shippes, to be plentifull to ourselues, & scarce to our enemyes at oure pleasures, the greater increase & safety of the trade of our marchants euery where. But of these profits there is no end. And among other this is the greatest, that they vvill not (like Ireland) be chargeable, but a most Noble encrease of reuenevves to the Crovvne, able at their ovvne charge to defende themselues vnder her Magisties [Page]name & protection, and to serue the Realme of Englād: a Nauie ioyned with her Maiesties Nauie, and mariners able to hold and driue from Sea all Princes in Christēdom. Finally Safety, Riches, Strēgth, and honour.
For right, their offers (say they) make it apparent both by discent in her Ma. (if the holder against his oth vvil stand vpon discent alone): electiō by the States vpō breach of othes & pacts: on thother parte rightfull conquest vppon iust causes, for so manifest iniuries & perils: a conquest I say, yet with a sweete and easye yoke to y e people willing to receiue it. For facility, is to be marked (saye they) their owne offer, the readinesse of the people to embrace, their owne strēgthe to haue stand thus long alone, the distracting of the aduersary, & all cōmodious opportunities, delyuered by God him self. And to all these good meanes, the moste glorious acte to releue the Church of God against Papists, the violators [Page]and enemyes of publike naturall and Christen fayth, the great meane to appease the controuersies of Christendome for Religion.
Adde also the noble pollicy & fitnes, to enter into vniuersal league of Christians against the Pope & Popish conspiracies: the aide of so noble a Prince, y e Prince of Orenge, so able, so worthy and so likely a man to serue Christendom against the Empire of the Turcke, & tyranny of Rome: the greedy ioye of her Maiesties people to follow her pleasure in pursuing of such a noble enterprise.
Thus you see what I haue heard say on all sides: I leaue to you the iudgment of all these conceits: I leaue to Counsellers the gouerning of vs all by the best aduises and directions: who (I doubt not in their wisedoms) do see the best: & in this Parliamēt cā lack no help of consent & sinewes, that this Realme cā giue. And I leaue to God the guidinge of harts & successes.
But beside all that I haue noted before as y e opiniōs of other, this you shall take as mine owne full beleuing: that it is not in our will to haue peace by lettīg them alone, when the aduersary tarieth but to subdue them, that he may aduaūce himself agaīst vs. But to hold warre further of, both in place and time is novv offered to her Maiesties Election. Peace she cannot haue sure, by peace.
And one notable matter I hear of: they be most desirous y t England will receiue them: but rather then they will returne to their old thraldome, they will creepe vnder the yoke, euen of the Muscouite or Turke himselfe. Much rather will they yeld them to Fraunce, that hath now so many armies ready to take hold of thē, if Englād reiect thē. That consequence may proue ill for vs: And I do not take it certaine that Fraunce shall for euer haue ciuill warres. It maye be that God after the bloud of so many Martirs, wil giue peace to his Church in Fraūce. You [Page]see ther is but one life betwene them & the successiue raigne of many tollerabl [...] Prīces. If God should bereaue the world of the present French king sodenly, or otherwyse blesse Fraunce wyth an other or that the Kinge of necessity yelde to a firme peace: How easly vpon our refusal vvill the alliaunce of the Prince of Orenge wyth the house of Fraunce, draw Holland and Zeland to Fraunce. O merueylous aduauncement of Fraunc [...] by sea and land! Shall they be lords o [...] Trafique, Lords of furniture, of Shippīg▪ Lords of great & many shippes & goo [...] harborowes, & (that most is) so greate [...] so neere vs? I pray God it neuer be, tha [...] may be so daungerous.
❧ To the Reader.
LIKE AS in time paste, oure aduersaries haue alwayes frō the beginning pickte quarrels against our cause, with intente to procure a greater mislike thereof in all mennes mindes, and to that effecte haue framed many fayned slaunders, in layinge to our charge, that wee are not onely fallen awaye from the fayth, but also become rebells against the Maiestie of the Kinge of Spaine oure soueraigne and naturall Prince, to thende that vnder the shadowe of such fine coulours, they mighte both blemishe the eyes of the simple sorte which are altogether ignorante of the cause, and also seeme closely to couer their owne disordinate greedines of gaine, euen to the face of the wysest, vnlesse they bee the better acquainted wyth those affayres: Euen so wee ascertaine oure selues, that they will not sticke (by all meanes they maye) hereafter likewyse to practise the drowninge and vtter suppressinge of all such true dealing, as doth nowe but begin by litle and litle to come to lighte. They publishe and proclaime, (althoughe moste vntrulye) that wee are the persōs that will giue no eare to any agreemente, be it neuer so reasonable: [Page 2]and that we endeuour our selues to seeke nothing els but how we may maintayn this ciuil dissention and dangerous warres within oure owne boosome, although it procure the vtter destruction of this our poore Country: and all for oure pleasure (they say,) because wee are minded to bend our wills & appetits to crosse his Maiestie. Thus do they still cauil. VVherfore to thend that none may hereafter by giuing to light credit to their false reports, so much abuse themselues, as to condēne those that are innocentes, and to iustifie such as bee most cruell enemies to iustice: VVee thought it most necessary (after many supplications at diuers & sōdry times exhibited vnto his maiestie) yet once againe to publish this our last request made vnto him, & therwithall to lay before your eyes, all such meanes as haue bin made on our parte for the appeasinge of this warre, as ye may most plainly perceiue by seing of such letters, as haue bin written on eyther part to that effect, without adding or deminishing any thing therin, to thēd that euery man may iudge without any suspicion, according to the truth of the matter. Meaning thereby most manifestly to show forth, both in whō lyeth the originall cause & beginning of [Page 3]this warre, & also who is most to be blamed, for that we attaine not vnto a perfecte peace and vnity. Moreouer, that we haue alwayes acknowledged the kinge of Spaine to be oure Soueraigne Prince and liege Lord, as one giuen vnto vs of God to rule and gouerne vs with all iustice and equity, according to such contractes as we weare both bound vnto, and according to such aunciente Rights, Vsages, Liberties, and Priuiledges, as hee hath bin most solemply sworne vnto: and that we haue alwayes had our recourse vnto him most hū ble and with al due reuerence. For albeit that some pretending a fayned desire of quietnes and vnity in our Country, haue priuately perswaded vs, that in oure treaty of peace, wee must looke especially to the obseruing of two points, that is to witte, that respect of the dignity and Maiesty of the King be kept moste inuiolable, and that in anye wyse no mention be made of the alteringe of Religion: and although we haue had most euident proofes to perswade vs, that this is not the way to mittigate the mortall hatred of oure enemies, but rather to encrease and sharpen it: Yet neuerthelesse wee haue in all pointes behaued oure selues so reasonably, and wyth so great humilitie, [Page 4]as euen our enemies them selues cannot accuse vs (and say truly) but that we haue in all pointes obserued a dutifull order, as moste plainly shall appeare by the discourse followīg. Considering that wee haue franckly remitted the whole iustice of our cause, vnto the Iudgmēt of his Maiestie, & the generall estates of our Countrie. Hoping that they, both beinge better acquainted with our estate, & also better affectioned, both to the King and countrye then Straungers can bee: mighte the rather haue both the meanes & the will, to giue such counsell vnto the king, as may be most expedient for the seruice of his Maiestie, for the establishīg of a perfect peace & vnitie amōgst vs, and last of all, for setting our coūtry in her auncient prosperitie. Hereuppon our aduersaries (contrary to our expectacion) haue behaued themselues with suche parcialitie, as they woulde not once so much as haue any regarde or respecte vnto our request made vnto his Maiestie, but vsurpīg the soueraigne dominiō of our Country, they haue cleane depriued his Maiestie from all libertie of Iudgmēt, and according to their owne appetite & will, cleane barred oure cause frō all knowledge of Iustice, of set purpose to hinder all concorde. [Page 5]And that haue they done principally (as they themselues confesse) for because we haue vrged the generall assembly of the Estates, which beyonde all memorie of man, hath alwayes ben vsed heretofore amongst our auncitours and Predecessours. Besides this, to make their malice more manifeste, they haue euer since committed greater cruelties in burning and scorchīg such as were of our Religiō, than euer they did before. Moreouer, they haue sought to brīg in all the rest of the Estates of our coūtry with threatnings & force, of purpose to make thē serue their turne towards thexecutiō of their tyrānical appetites. VVherby it appeareth most plainly, that they are not content with hauing once raised this great bloudy warre to the preiudice of his Maiestie, & vtter destructiō of his Country: but do shall endeuour themselues to procede with their tyrānous deuises, to thend they may subdue the Countrie at their owne pleasure, and bring it into perpetuall seruitude & bondage. Moreouer wheras they make shew at some times, of a desire to entre into some treaty with vs of agreement: they do not pretend that to any other end, but onely to deceaue vs, and by such a fayned dissimulatiō, to hold the other Townes [Page 6]and Villages in some good hope, that they may not ioyne themselues with vs to resiste their tirāny, hoping that by this meanes they may come to their purpose, Like as they haue already procured in Fraūce by their vndirect and priuie practises. But such is our trust in y e bountifull mercy of our good God, by whō we haue bin so myraculously defended hitherto frō their wicked enterprises, as wee not onely hope to escape frō the daunger of their diuelish deuises, but also that all people & nations of Christendome, all Kings & Potētates, and especially the Maiesty imperiall with the Electours & Princes of the Empire, seing here by most clerely our faithfull and sincere humlity, & our most sure and certaine equity, ioyned with our feruēt desire to attaine to peac [...] and vnity, & cōparing the same with the disdainful pride & cruell tirāny of our aduersaries: will yeld vnto vs their indifferēt fauour [...] and maintaine the iustice of oure cause by acōuenient meanes they may. And if peraduiture it fall out hereaster, that we be forced by the vniust & vnreasonable procedings of ou [...] aduersaries, euē against our willes to seeke & serch for som other relief more to our assurāce & safety, thā we haue don heretofore: we hope [Page 7]that euen then they will not impute the fault thereof vnto vs, but vnto oure enemies, who haue forced vs therunto. VVherof we require all and euery person by maner of protestacion, [...]o be aduertised herein, that we only haue recourse vnto the Iustice, equity, & wisedom of the most high, and renowmed Maiesty of the Emperour, & to all the most noble and excellent Electours and Princes of the Empyre of Almaigne, together with all the potentates of Christēdome, that they may take some care of our cause, & not giue credit or hearing vnto the slanderous reports of our aduersaries, but cōsider somwhat neerer the indifferēcy of our cause & mainteigne the same, so farre forth, as duty to God & the world doth require. Also wee do aduise all the Estates of these Lowe Coūtries, to cōsider herein as it were in a glass what estimaciō our enemies make of them, & withall to imagine how they determine to hā dle them, if their deuises take such effecte as they do desire. VVherefore let them beware that for wāt of courage or other occasiō they suffer not thēselues to be abused by their fayned and double dealinges, Altho they make shewe of a feruente affection for the perfecte peace & quietnes of oure Conutry. But rather hauinge regarde vnto their tyrannicall [Page 8]call euill meaninges, which they beare in generall vnto the Estates of our Country. Let them resolue thēselues, couragiously to resiste such insolencies, and call to minde both their othe and dutie that they owe to their Coūtry and by all industrie seeke the maintenance of the good and lawfull rights, contracts aend liberties of their foresaide country. In the doing wherof, they shall not only do a good deede in their life time, but also leaue vnto their posterity a good report to their immortal glory. Now then to thende you may the better vnderstād theffect of the letters folowing, and the ground of all the matter: You must be aduertised, that at suche time as Mounsieur Philip of Marnix, & Mounsieur of Mont Saīt Aldegōdy, being prisoners at Vtrecht, had (by the licence and commaundement of Mounsieur of Noircarmes) written diuers & sondry times vnto the Prince of Orenge as touchinge the meanes to enter into some communication for finishing of these present warres: the matter was brought to such perfection, as that after the death of the forenamed Seig. of Noircarmes, the persons were nominated, which were to be imployed in this matter. But in the meane time happened the [Page 9]ouerthrow of Mounsieur the Coūte Ludovvyk, and for that cause it seemed not good vnto the great Cōmaundador, to proceede any further herein: alledging that thereby, the aucthoritye of the King shoulde be somewhat dyminished. Neuertheles the said Cōmaundador wished and aduised all the townes of Holland and Zeland to addresse them selues vnto the King by maner of supplicatiō, to this end, that the effect of the agreement which mighte ensue thereof, mighte be attributed rather vnto the bountye, and liberalitye of the Kinge, than to any righte or equitye that we mighte looke for of dutye. This Kinde of dealing was cause sufficient, why this treaty ceassed, vntill suche tyme as Mounsieur de Champaign, sent a letter vnto Mounsieur Charles de Boisot Gouernour of Mydleburch, the tenure whereof follweth her-afterword forword, with an anuswere thereof made by his Brother Moūsieur Lois de Boisot, being marked with. A. and. B. But vnderstanding that he was absent by reason that he was sent of a message into England from his excellency, he thought best, him self to make a voyage vnto Vtrecht, whether it were to assist his brother in lawe Mounsieur the Coente de la Roche towardes the obteyning of a pardō then [Page 10]published as him self sayd, or for some other pryuate affayres of his owne, I know not. But this I am sure of, that when he cāme thither, he talked at landge of the matters aforesayd with Moūsieur de Sainct Aldegond who remayned then prisoner, as with one whome he fownd yet still so affected to the furtheraunce of our peace, as that he requested moste earnestly, that notwythstanding the difficulty before rehersed, yet the pursute of a thinge so necessary for our publique weal might not be left of vpō suche a soden. Herein, he made promise on the behalf of the Prince of Orēge and of the Estates of Holland and Zeland, that they would rather be cōtēt to leese sōme parte of their owne right, than seek to vsurpe any thing vpon the Kings Maiestie, for the which cause it was thought good to ymploy the forenamed prisoner, who presently was sent to Roterdā towards his excellency, to treat vpō exchaunge of prisoners, to thend that ther with all he might woorke somme good effect in the matters before rehersed. Prouided alwayes that he tooke great regard to the aucthority of the King, and that no poynts of religion weare in any wise mencioned It hapned also that Signeor Ian de Mattenes, Moū sire [Page 11]de la Rinicre and the Aduocat Treslōg cāme a litle befor this, by lycēce also vnto Rotterdā for certē particuler affaires, as thei said & had by & by cōmitted vnto them a specialchdarge to deale with his excellēcy, & with the foresaid Estates, touching sōme good meane of pacification. The aunswere that theis estates gaue vnto thē followeth hereafter, woord by woord, and is marked with the. C. But as it appeareth, this aunsuere pleased not Moū sire de Chāpagni. Wherefore during the abode of Moūsier de S. Aldegonde as yet in Rotterdā he wrote a letter vnto him to the same effect, declaring therein his minde more at large This letter likewise followeth in order, and is marked with D. hereupō yt followed that Moūsier de. S. Aldegōd treated yet sō what furtherwith the foresayd Estates in such ernest sorte, as that they weare cōtent to make their cōplaīt vnto the Kings Ma. in forme of supplicatiō with owt attributīg the name of the Estats there vnto, which of duti belōged vn to thē, and also with owt making any meciō of any point of religiō, but only requesting most hūbly that it wold please his Ma. to set order in al things by his owne anothoriti and by the general aduice of the estates, but first that it would please [Page 12]him to cause all the straūgers which troubled the conutrye to auoyde from thence: submitting thēselues in all things besids to any suche order as his Maitstie, and the Estates generall shoulde thinck moste meete for them (as appeareth by ther request) which is marked with the letter. E. the which request the forenamed Mounsieur de S. Aldegond caried him self vnto Mounsieur de Champagini to Moūtsort, yelding him self agayne in to his prison at Vtrecht. But with in a while after, Moū sieur de Chāpagni hauing bene at the court in Bruxels, sent backe the foresayd request vnto Mounsieur Iunius Gouernour of the Vere, who together with Moūsieur de Carnes, had remayned in hostage at Mountsort for Mounsiur de S. Aldegond during his absence, and by that meanes also were admytted by Moūsieur de Champagni to treat of this matter, as may well appeare by a letter he sent to Mounsire Iuniꝰ which followeth likewise marked with. F. wherupon the sayd Iunius made him an aunswere by writing agayne, as appeareth with the markes of G. and H. We leaue the rest vnto the good reader to cōsider of, desyring God te geue vs the grace that all may redoūd vnto his glorye, and the [Page 13]edifying of his Churche.
A. To Mounsire' M. Charles Boisort, my very freend.
Mounsire Boisot: the great league of amytie which hathe been betwene M. de Granuill and M. Thresorier our fathers (whome God pardon) the frendeship of the Cardynall my brother, and myne owne goodwil towardes you, which still I obserue inuiolable with my Ladies your sisters, and with all the rest of your freēdes here, haue caused me ostē tymes to be sorye for your absence, and greeued for your troubles. Now therefore sythence that his Maiestie at this present sheweth a great desier of the peace and tranquillitye of these lowe countries, and a great affection that all suche as haue absented them selues from his fauour, should returne agayne vnto his good grace (the which thing I assure you I haue both wished for long, and also procured to my power, in all tymes and places conuenient for that purpose:) and synce that I my self by the appoyntmēt of his excellency, am come vn [Page 14] Vtrecht of purpose to conferre with my Brother in lawe Mounsire' de la Roche, touching the bringing home againe of theis loste sheepe: All theis things, and our old frend ship considered, I thought good to write vnto you, to thēd that throwgh your furtheraunce aunswering to my well meaning, we might endeuour owrselues to deliuer this poore cūntre from those great miseries, which we se embra se it on euery side: promising vnto you by the faith of an honest man and tru freēd, to straine my self to the vttermoste of my power therein, and to procure for you (if you doe here any notable seruice towardes the bringing aganie of this people to the obedience of his Maiestie) not only a full restitucion of that which was yours, but also peraduēture a good reward, and this dothe he will me to offer vnto you vpon so good a grownde, as (in myne opinion) neither you ought to refuse, nor the Townes which are reuolted frō his seruice, to omytt. And if I had any meanes to conferre with you, I woulde not doubt, but wee two shoulde make so good an entrance into those matters, as that not only your self and those townes, but also agreat many of others, should finde better fruit thereof, then youe wolde [Page 15]thinck for. I haue fownde bothe better accesse and creditt then I can tell you by writing, and also a singuler bownty in the Gouernour that now is, at all tymes when any speache hapneth betwene him and me touching the appeasing of those callamities, vnto the which I pray you to geue eare, and to accompany nay zeale with yours: which if you doe, I doubt not but (by the grace of God) we shall worke agreat good turne vnto this cōmon weale. M. Boisott I recommend my self hartely vnto you and commyt you to God, whome I pray, to sende vnto you your harts desyre, and vnto vs alla good end of all our afflictions.
B. To Mounsire M. Perrenot my very frende.
Mounsire de Champagni your letters of the date of the. 14. of this mōneth which you sent to my brother, are hapned to my hādes, which in his absēce I haue opened and [Page 16]red, reioysing very muche to find therein the desier that his Maiestie: hathe now of the qu [...] etnes of his coūtry, and that he would haue his subiectes return againe into his good fauour▪ which you say, that bothe he hath wished fo [...] lōg synce, and your self haue procured to th'utmoste of your power. Whereas you desier to se [...] my brother applye him self (if it weare possible) to the ioyning with you in zeale towarde the helping of his poore countrye out of those myseries, that on euery syde compasse it about, promysing your aid and endeuour vnde [...] the othe of a syncere honeste man and trew frēde, and that his Maiestie dooth offer him no [...] only a restitution of his owne, but also a good rewarde, which courtesie, neyther he shall do [...] well in refusing, neyther the reuolted Townes in reiecting: And whereas, you wishe for hi [...] person to conferre withall, assuring him of the good hope you haue in the singuler bountye of this new gouernour: To all theis thinges my brother (if he were present) myght make aunsuere at large, with the consent of the Prince of Orenge. But forasmuche he is absent, I wil say no more, but that this zeale of his Maiestie, in desyring the peace and quyetnes of his subiectes, is a noble and worthie [Page 17]suche a Cristian prynce as he is, and that no man wolde be gladder nor better content therewith than the Prince him self, as at your comming to Vtrecht yowr self shal very well perceiue and vnderstand by yowr brother in law the Conte de la Roche, whoe knoweth very well what hath already passed frō him in communication hereof and also by letters written in that behalf. But this dare I say of myne owne hed, that in my simple iudgement there is no meanes to appease theis troubles, but only by drawing of theis straungers owt of owr countrye. For they are suche a kinde of people, as bothe by hearesay in tymes past, and by proofes in tymes present we finde to be no men of their worde, nor suche whose promises any man may trust. For alwaies they finde somme bypathes to escape by following therin the manner of the coūsell of Constans wherof they pratle daily. Wher vpon, I may conclude, that at their handes there can be no assuraunce looked for, so longe as they remayne in the countrye. I did send your letters vnto his Excel. to thēd he mighte bothe see and know the great desire you say you haue of the wellfare of owr countrie, requesting you M. Chāpagni to cōtinew that [Page 18]good zeale that you pretend to beare to owr quyet. Prayng God to geue, vnto you the cō tentmēt of your mynde, and vnto vs an easement of owr afflictions.
D. The aunswere of the Estates to the Questions propounded.
AS towching that which hathe ben propoū ded vnto the Estates of Holland & Zeland, concerning the troubles of this present warres, & how to bring the same to a good & sure passe, for the rest & quyetnes of the coū trie, & the saffety of his Maiesties subiectes: Theis Estates doe openly declare that they weare neuer of opinion, nor be at this present, of taking any weapons in hand, in any cause that mighte be preiudicial against his Maiestie, his countrye, or prouinces: but that they in acquitall of their bownden dutie and chardge, with intent to cōserue the reputaciō [Page 19]& highnes of their seignories & Lorde ships, together with their Priuileges, othes, rightes, worthy customes, and liberties of their countri, and subiectes, haue been constrayned to with stand by mayne force, the harde Gouernment, tyrannie, & violence of the duke of Alua, and of the straungers his adherentes, who by vnaccustomed exactions and oppressions of the poore subiectes, haue troubled owr comon welth, not seeking for any thing els, than by their Insolencie to make them selues Masters of his Maiesties country & subiectes: and by that meanes to bring them into perpetual bō dage, to the great preiudice bothe of his seruice & of their maintenaūce, as the fore said Estates haue heretofore declared and protested, in suche sorte that they wil not at this present make any articles of pacificatiō with his Maiestie, whome they haue allwaies heretofore sought to obay and serue in all humilitye as their liege Lorde and Prince: but like humble suters, they request that yt wil please his Maiestie, like a good father to haue regard vnto the pouerties & afflicions of theis his lowe coūtries, with a mercifull eye, to thēd that they may bee brought againe to vnitie, quiett, and libertye, to traffique as they were [Page 20]wont to doe. The which, will bothe aduaunce the dignitie of him self, & encrease the prosperitye of his subiectes. And certenly this cannot be brought to passe: so longe as theis straingers shalbe suffred to exercise their force, and tirannie, whose gaine and proffit dothe more consist vpon troubles and disordres, than in any good gouernment of the countrie. For they be suche persons, as naturally are moste sludious of their owne particuler proffit. Loe here the speciall cause and mocion of this warre. Wherfore it may please his Maiestie: to cause theis straungers to retyre them selues, and afterward by a franke communication together with the aduice of the generall estates of the countrie, dutifully assembled, to set so good order, pollecy, and gouernment amongst vs, as that the Subiectes of his Maiestie may from hencefoorth assure them selues from all perrils and inconueniences that may happen vnto them. And forasmuche as (of wee may speake franckly) noughte els can bee looked for, by the continewance of this warre, but only a dispeopling, a solitarynes, and an vtter Ruyne of all his Maiesties countries in theis partes, specially for [Page 21]because that the more thinhabitantes therof doe geue them selues daylie to thexercise of Armes, cleane forgettinge and laying aside their woonted traffique and trade of merchaundize: the lesse good is to bee looked for at their hande: For wee se ordina [...]l to what lycentious lyues and liberties, soldiers are commonlye inclyned). By meane whereof it is to be feared, least there will happen a moste domageable and daungerous diminishing of all kinde of traffique and merchaundize, bothe by sea and land, redownding to the vtter shaking of his Maiesties estates, or the slipping aside of his seruice:) The said Estates doe humbly request, that better regarde bee had here vnto, so as bothe Holland, and Zeland and also their prouinces and contries adioyning, being by aucthoritye of his Maiestie in all partes dischardged from the troublesome multitude of foldiars and straungers: all maner of preparacion and prouicion made for warres may presently surceasse, and haue end on all sides, in suche sort as the natural inhabitants of the countries may once againe be setled in some surety, & the one being recōciled, to thother, may with free libertye talke and traffique [Page 22]together. This suite being obteined, the said Estates doe promise on their partes to performe in all pointes the Dutyes of good and faithfull Subiectes, hoping that the letters, of the great Cōmaūdador, and all other faithful vassalles and seruauntes to his Maiestie, will herein put to their helping hand, the which we doe request and pray with all reuerence, and humility.
D. To Mounsire' M. de Sainct Aldegondi.
MOunsiere de Mont S. Aldegonde wee maruell not a litle, that all this while we haue not herd any thing from you. Yesterday there arriued here M. de la Rinicre, & the Aduocate Treslonge: whoe vnder the pretence of somme priuate affaires went to Rotterdam, where they did assay certein meanes touching the appeasing of theis present troubles, following therein no more thā I permitted them to doe. But vpon certain questions propownded of them of that side vnto M. de Rihicre, they grew into farther talke of the matter at their owne pleasure, being moued there [Page 23]vnto (as I ghesse) by a feruent zeale they had to doe their countrie good. But the retorne of their aunswere groweth nothing nere to any quyetnes. Wherefore you can not make me beleeue that you desier to haue peace, to the obteyning whereof you promised me faythfully to ymploy your self. For neither can the title that they take vpon them, as appeareth by that writing which was broughte vnto me, bee so vsurped by them: neither cā those reasons which they alledge for their reuolting, be admitted by any means, for that they touch to neere the reputaciō of his Maiestie, althoughe they say they woulde mainteigne the same, wherein I finde no reason. And as touching the meanes that they make, they are not accompanied with such respectes as I hoped for. It seemeth by their speaches and writing, that the townes reuolted from the obedience of his Maiestie, doe neuertheles behaue thē selues like good subiectes to their prynce and Soueraigne. Wherefore you muste bringe somme other newes to that affect, that you & I taulked of, or otherwise I feare, that we shall doe no good in this matter. I know very well your capacitye to bee sufficient to perswade any reasonable matter. I know likewise what [Page 25]youe are able too doe (if youe list to ymploy your self,) considering what credit you be of with all thē of that side. Remēber your promis: by following the which, you may chaūce to cō me to that which I assured you of. For my parte I will procure you all the meanes I may, to thend that all thinges may end well. Thus leauing for this tyme I pray vnto God, to geue vnto you a long and happy lief with helth frō
M. de Carmes and M. Iunius be in helthe
E. A Supplication to the Kinge
In most humble wyse doo all the Knightes and Townes of Holland and Zeland, protest that at all times and places they haue yelded bothe vnto your Maiestie, and to your Predecessours all humble obedience, [Page 26]reuerence and seruice, whensoeuer it hath bin required for the maintenaunce of the greatnes, glory and Maiesty of your highnes, as became good, and faithful vassals and subiects to doo: in respect whereof they nothing doubte but that your Maiesties affection is increased thereby, the rather to conserue & mayntaine thē in all their rights and liberties, with all quietnes and tranquillity, vnder sounde Iustice and good pollicy. Now whereas the Duke of Alua being then Gouernour for your Maiestie ought by good reason to haue shewed himselfe conformable to all things before sayd: Yet hath he cleane contrariwyse vnder the title of his gouernement, committed such iniuries and violences vppon your countries and subiectes, as well spirituall as temporall, as well noble as not noble; as that your poore subiectes for the preseruinge▪ and keepinge of their priuiledges, rightes, aunciente customes, and allowed liberties, haue bin forced againste theyr will to withstande with force and armes, the proude and violente kinde of gouernmente of the said Duke of Alua, and his adherentes and straungers. VVho haue soughte [Page 26]by all meanes to hinder the quietnes of your common weale, by raysinge vp pernicious newelties, vnwonted exactions, and generall oppression of your Maiesties subiectes. We see they shoote at noone other marke, but onely to subdue thinhabitants of your Coūtry to their appetits, and insolencies, onely to impouerishe them, and bring them to bondage to the great hinderaunce of your Maiesties seruice, dignitie, and dominion. Whereof your saide oratours haue already moste openly made suite and protestaciō, euen as other estates and prouīces haue oftē sued for the same respect. This notwithstāding, the said Duke of Alua persisteth and continueth still in his wicked determinacion, whereby not onely the forenamed Coūtries of your Maiesties, and thinhabitours therof are brought into great alteracions, calamities & troubles of warre: but also the kingdomes, countries and nacions adioyning, haue conceiued a maruelous hatred & horrour of the disdainefull pride of these straungers and ill willers, enemies to the cō mon quiet, for that by them they finde both losse, and laying a side of all trafique and handicrafts, of all marchauntes trade, and prosperitie.
Nowe therefore, seing that your poore Oratours haue not hitherto sought, neither do at this present seeke for any other thing, than to procure as much as they may, thaduauncemente of their Country cause, for the better seruice of your Maiestie, as becommeth loyall subiects to do: They most hūbly request with all reuerence, that it would please your Maiestie like a most gentle father, to behold & loke vppon the miserable and pitifull Estate presente of these Lowe Countryes, and to set them againe in some good vnity, trade, and tranquillity. Whereby both the greatnes of your Maiestie may maruelously encrease, and also the prosperity of oure countrymen grow and florish in your seruice. And surely this cānot be brought to passe, so long as these straungers shalbe suffred to vse, and exercise their tyrannical gouernment, in our country: Considering, that all their gaines, and cōmoditie, consisteth more in disquietnes & confusion, than in any good order or rule. And surely by daily experience wee finde, that they by nature are rather giuen to their owne gredie gaine and appetites, than to seeke for any good to these Countryes, where they be but mere straungers. And this is th'occasion of [Page 29]our troubles and presente warre. May it therefore please your Maiestie, to cause these straūgers to be drawen away from hence, and by fre communication and aduise of the natural Estates of this Country being generally and lawfully called together, to set and establish some such good order pollicie and rule, as the saide Countries and subiectes of your Maiesties, may from henceforth be the better mainteyned in one vnity and assured trā quility, and voyde of all troubles and incōueniences that are to come hereafter. Moreouer, consideringe that at the length by the cōtinuaunce of these present warres, nought els can be hoped for, than the pillinge, dissolution and vtter destruction of your Maiesties Countryes on euery side: and so much the rather, for that wee see thinhabitaunts therof to giue themselues euery day more and more vnto th'exercise and feates of armes, forgetting quite, and laying aside their wonted trafique and trade of Marchaundize: And sure it is, that men by nature are most commō ly enclined to all kinde of licentious libertie that warre bringeth with it, in such sort, that by longe vse, and practize of the broyles in warre, such rigour and hatred will encrease [Page 30]daily amōge your Maiest. subiects one agaīst another, as that it is to be feared, least all trades, trafiques, Marchaundizes and saylinges will be cleane left of to the great hinderance of your Maiesties seruice: The saide suitours do most humbly craue, that it will please your Maiestie to haue regard thereunto with all clemency: so much the rather, for that all other prouinces and Countries adioyning, & bordering, being by your Maiesties auctority discharged from the combensome multitude of all straung souldiars, may presently by your good prouision, lay aside all armes, & surcesse from all enmitie; so as the meeting and cōuersatiōs of this country may be restored againe with all surety: And that being reconciled th'one to thother, they may enioy with quietnes their auncient possessions, & patrimonies, by the obtayning whereof, the saide Oratours will not faile to performe on their partes all the duties of good and faithfull subiectes to your Maiestie &c.
To Mounsire M. Iunius Atauere.
M. Iunius I did not a whit miscaste my accompte, when as at oure laste beings [Page 30]together in the presence of your self, and M. de Carmes, I did declare vnto Monsire de Monte Saint Aldegonde, that I feared greatly lest the writing which he brought frō Rotterdam would find but litle fauour in the Court. For from the time that I first arriued there vntill this houre, hauing tried in euery corner how it might be taken, I finde that the opinions of all men here do so farre differ frō the desiers of all mē there, as I dare not deale any further therein: and therefore I thought it best, to sende you this letter together wyth the selfesame request, that M. de Mont S. Aldegond brought vnto me annexed thereunto, to whom I would not write, for that he may receiue no papers without perusing, neyther could I write into your quarters, but by the same cōdicions. As I haue declared vnto you before this time: so do I thincke at this present, that som other forme of writing had bin more fit for all parts. For albeit that that which he brought was in the maner of a supplication, (as in deede all subiects ought to do towards their Prīces:) Yet this which they of Holland & Zeland haue offred, is to farre besides the quallitie that should be loked for in that respect. For first & formost they would [Page 31]that the king should disarme himself, & that he should not be serued but with such as they like: not considering at all, that it lyeth in his power both to take or leaue armes, when hee himself listeth. Who knoweth what is conuenient for his subiects, and his affaires, better than himself? or who can tell better then he, what kinde of people will serue his turne best for the profit and commoditie of the same? Whereas in deede, it is not permitted to subiectes, no not in a good cause, to take armes but by the appointment of their Lord, neither to call in any straungers as those of Holland and Zelande haue done: therefore their faulte is so much the more greuous, & inexcusable, in taking theym vppe against their Prince, or against his officers which is al one, since that they be ordained by him to represēt his person, & to occupie his place, because he himselfe cannot be in all places at once.
But forasmuch as they haue offēded already by entering into armes of their owne priuate auctoritie, and by taking the kinges Townes, wherof, or of the restitutiō wherof they make no mention at all: in very deede, in steede of their demaunding of that thinge at his Maiesties hand, which they of your side oughte to [Page 32]performe if reason mighie take place: they should trust to the clemency of their Printe, and referre themselues wholly thereunto. On thother side, it seemeth also very straung, that subiects, wil seeme to inforce their Price to follow their appetite in assembling of Estates, yea and that generally amongst a sorte of Seignories, which in degrees, iurisdictions, & customes haue nothing in common, but onely neighbour hode th'one with thother. In deede they haue one Lord who oftētimes hath giuē them leaue to talk at their pleasure for their owne benefite, about their affaires, not meaning that this his bounty shoulde bee wrested vnto any preiudice against himselfe: for it seemeth certaine by the request of this assemblie, that they woulde make lawes, and keepe him as Warde. Of all other pointes which I passe vnder silence, (whereof neuerthelesse I haue oft giuen my verdite, that his Maiesty may not in any point yeld vnto) I will reherse no more at this present. Of all those matters, I talked at lardge with Mon. de Monte S. Aldegonde. Neuertheles the great desire that I had to do some good as touchinge the quietnes of this Countrie, if God woulde permitte, and his earnest requiringe that [Page 33]I woulde not lightly leaue of from this enterprise, haue made me to do the best that I can, althoughe I dispaired of any good issue before I began. Surely I am sory, besides the generall cause, euen in particuler, for such as I thought very well of. And for the frendship that I haue borne vnto the house of Mon. de Monte Saint Aldegond, I would haue wished that he had concluded somewhat more touching the affaires of Mons. le Count de Bossu. For after that report was made here, of the aunswere that was made touching that matter, by M the Prince of Orenge vnto M. de Monte S. Aldegonde: it was determined here, that vppon my comming it should proceede no further, since that the good Seignior de Bossu is neuer a whit the better. I haue thoughte it good to make this rehersall vnto you of all that is paste since I retourned from Mountforde, partly to let you vnderstande of my foreward good will, and partly to aduertise you to seeke other meanes that were more expediente for the pacification of these your calamities. And thus I leaue, prayinge to God M. Iunius that he graunte you that which is for your health.
¶ To Monsire my Lord the Barō of Renare of Aspremont, Seigniour of S. Loup, and of Champagny. Gouernour of the Citie of Anwerpe.
SIr I haue receiued not lōg since your Lordships letter, dated the xiiij. of August, iogether with the request of the Estates, and townes of Holland and Zeland, which Mō sire de Monte S. Aldegonde brought vnto you at Mountford, all the which I deliuered presently into their handes. I found that they marueyled greatelye, & were perswaded that the reasōs alledged within your letter were in no pointe sufficient, to reiect and send back their foresaid request after such a sort, the which peraduenture might very well haue serued to haue done some greate good. Wherefore, seinge themselues to be so handled, [Page 35]not like subiectes or vassals of the king, as they haue alwayes shewed themselues, especially where there hath bin any question of the honour, preheminence, and greatnes of his Maiestie, but rather like to the greatest Infidels, Turkes or Iewer that liue in the worlde: yea and like enemies sworne againste his Maiestie: they haue hereuppon cōcluded, that they are not hereafter to hope for any good at their hāds, who seeke by such meanes to abuse the name of the K. to their vtter ruine, and confusion. And therefore they haue agreed by Counsell, and determined amongest themselues, to imploye their whole power, to seeke oute other meanes, by which they maye better prouide for their surety hereafter, againste that so barbarous iniquitie and tyrannie of those, whoe couer their owne priuate passions, wyth the cloake and collour of the name of the Royall Maiestie: Protestinge, that since of themselues they haue no accesse to the eares of his Maiestie, and are likewyse forestalled from that meanes which both by God and mans lawes hath bin euer graunted to the vilest fellons, traytours, & disloyal rebels, [Page 36]that either are, or euer were in the worlde: surely they seele themselues to bee forced by such excessiue wickednes, and tirāny to seeke for such meanes as shall please their good God to put into their handes. Desiring you that you wilbe a witnes to all the worlde, how that they haue presented the foresaid request, and thereby haue satisfyed some part of their dutie: And so maye you moste truly excuse and iustifie them, if any question do arise hereof. And to thend that your Lordship may know the grounde and cause of their complainte, and wherefore they thincke themselues so extremely iniured by the sendinge backe of their foresaid request: I haue thought good to gather together in forme of discourse, the principall Articles of all their cōplaint vpon your last letters, the which I mēt to haue sent you before this time, but that I wayted for your mans comming to me for my aunsweare to yours, whoe beinge come receiued his dispatche without any long staying. Desiring you, wel to consider and thinck of the reasons and groundes alledged by them vppon your said letter. I haue annexed them hereunto: but so neuertheles, as that this my writinge maye in no pointe be preiudiciall to the saide [Page 37]Estates, and Townes, or to their resolution. For my zeale is good, for the quiet of the coū try, & my affecliō great to do your Lordship seruice. Well, I will remit my selfe vnto the discourse, wherof I pray you excuse the lēgth, and impute the fault therof either to my vnabillitie, or els to the difficulty of th'affayres that are treated of therein. Thus recommending my selfe most humbly &c.
H DISCOVRSE.
SIR, first men may thinck it straunge, that the opinions of your Court ingenerall haue bin so farre alienated from those agreements which our men did most desire, that (as your letter mencioneth) you durste not once open your mouth any further touching, that matter. For it is altogether vnlikely that you whō I haue accompted alwayes, and do accompte to be a noble gentleman, desirous both of the [Page 38]preseruatiō of his Maiestie, and of the quiet, and tranquillitie of the common weale: haue withdrawen your self from a busines so much importing the seruice of the king, and the generall quiet and safety of the whole country: vppon the opinion of certaine priuate men, and of small countenaunce in the Court. For therein you should not onely do wrong to that noble minde, and valiaunte courage which I haue alwayes seene in you: but also it mighte be a discredite to the greate duty, and truste you owe to his Maiestie. Wherefore, I saye that their opinions of whom you spake, haue proceeded from certaine of the priuie Councell in these estates, vpō whom the king hath reposed his chiefest confidence, touchinge the gouernment and rule of these Coūtryes. The which Councellours, are sworne to reueale & make knowen euery thing, which in their cō sciences may any way bee preiudiciall to the kinges highnes, or commoditye. They make vs thinck assuredly, that you haue not conferred at all with thē of any such matter: for if they had receiued any incklinge at all thereof, of necessity it muste haue come to the kinges eares, or at the least to their eares who had full power and auctoritie to deale therein. Wee [Page 39]cannot comprehend nor imagine what should so much coole your courage, and make you afearde to preferre openly our requeste, the which of necessitie (as you know) must come to their vnderstanding. And the rather because that with you they doe altogether condempne and mislike the doinges of certaine confederate gentlemen, who preferred the like suite vnto Madame de Parma, in the yeare 1566. especially, because that they did not rather vse a meane more ordinary, either by some of the Estates, or els by some one principall man in the Courte, who in their names might haue exhibited their supplication, and not to haue aduaunced themselues so boldly, and in such maner, as they did. Notwithstandinge, by this your example you seeme to allow, and iustifie them. For you say, that if the Courte cannot digeste a supplication or suite, it is great folly for any one man, thoughe of auctoritie (as your selfe is) to take vppon him, the preferringe vppe of anye suche matter, but rather by sendinge it backe againe to incurre all daungers, which maye happen for wante of exhibitinge the same in conuenient time. But whereas you saye, that you haue not broken the [Page 40]matter to any mā, but onely groped their mindes a farre of: surely it seemeth to be nothīg answerable to that professed zeale, and great affection you haue alwayes seemed to beare vnto the Mat. of the king, & good of his coū trie. The which in my iudgemente, seemeth most manifest, in that you were aserd to present a request so expedient both for the king and his countrie. Wherfore, if the euent of thinges hereafter shall happen to frustrate & deceiue their opinions whose minds you haue but groped a farre of: assure yourselfe it is impossible for you to eschew some excedinge greate blame, in that you reiected and sente backe without any occasion, a request of such importaunce. For thoughe you ment not to follow the matter your selfe, yet mought you haue vttered it openly, excepte by your owne auctoritie you woulde seeme to depriue both King and countrie of so necessary a meanes, as to haue consulted and determined, concerning the pointes of a generall pacificatiō. Moreouer, if those Courtiers in auctoritie and of the priuie counsell haue seene the foresaid requeste, and would not make the Kinge acquainted therewith: yet should they at the least either haue published that selfe same [Page 41]thing, which they wolde not communicate, or els haue geuen somme good aduice & counsaill vnto vs, withowt vsurping after that sorte their aucthoritie, in a matter that so particularly did touche the Kings owne person. For if you respect but the othe only (whereby his Maiestie was sollemly sworne (& there vpon admytted in to this countrie) neuer to refuse, or reiect any Bill, or supplicaciō whatsoeuer, of any of his Subiectes, howe meane soeuer, and muche lesse of corporacions and whole Prouinces: Surely you nyghte haue showed a singuler care and earnest desyer for the perfourmaunce of the same. Moreouer, yt is altogether disagreeing from the lawe of nature, (the which worketh effect in all people and nations) that a Prince (to whom the people haue committed their forces to thend they may be gouerned by iustice and equitye, and haue their causes harde) should reiect them withowt making any care or coū tenance to vnderstand them. This did Adrian the Emperour know very well, being a Pagan and one that knew not God: who hauing a supplicacion presented him in the streetes by a poore woman, aunswered that he had not conuenient time to looke vpon suche [Page 42]small matters: but she nothing dismayed, replyed, that if he had not leysure to peruse the particuler requestes of his poore subiectes, he shoud haue farre lesse leysuer to rule & commaunde: her reason was becaus yt was the duty of a King to dooe Iustice. With which aunswere he feeling himself touched to the quick, forth with acknowledged his fault, and afterwards perusing her request, gaue her presently her righte. By theis we are tolearne in how great faulte they ar, which make the King culpable bothe before God and the worlde, in taking away from him the meanes to heare and vnderstand the requestes of his subiectes, yea & of his townes and whole Prouinces. The which is not only disagreeing from the naturall care of Princes to their Subiectes: but also against the profession of a Christian, yea and cōtrary to the particuler othewhich he is sworne vnto. And sure in theis respects owr Prince is more heauely charged, and hathe more to aunswere for, than had that Emperour Adrian. But since you alledge some apparaunce of reasons, whereby it semeth we ought many wise to cōmit the Iudgmēt of this Present quarel to the arbitriment of the Prince: I beseeche you consider of what [Page 43]force your perswasions may bee with them of Holland and Zeland. Marke whether they cā be made to beleeue the contrarye, but that by theis meanes they haue been moste yniurioustye dealt withal, and the Maiestie of their Prince the King of Spaine and Coūte of Holland, moste extremely abused and set at nought.
You say, they vvould that the King shoudle disarme him self. Surely if it weare soe: Yet might they aunswere, that so long as the King did holde the sworde in his hand, redy to murther them at his pleasure, yt were great folly, (but more daunger) for them to humble them selues, and to shew that dutye which ought to be in subiectes to their Prince. For what could minister a greater likelyhod to haue all their throtes to be cutt by creditt, than this? For if he bee not armed against them, they will neuer wishe him to laye asyde his weapens. And contrarywise, if hee bee, it followeth that hee becommeth, not as their King (that is to say, as their father and pastour,) but (which is more proper for him) their vtter enemye and destroyer.
But God forbid, that those good Subiectes of Holland & Zeland which haue alwaies borne an especiall dutie and honour to their prince, & likewise haue fownde in him a singuler kinde of clemencie towardes them, shoulde bee constrained to thinck that their king is in armes against them, and so bent to their ruine and destruction, as that he will not giue eare or harken to their complaintes. Nay, they cōplayne rather that certen straū gers, suche as are not knowen to the King, neither allied by blood nor affinitie, nor that once can cary good meaning to theis low countries, are cōme in the Kings name, armed at all pointes to exercise barbarous and Turkish Tyrannies of their owne aucthorities: nothing esteming the solemne othe & firme composicion which the King had made, but haue brought in with thē a new world, aswell contrarye to the auncient pollecie & custome of lawes & priuileges, As also against the auctoritye of the Kings Maiestratie and officers, whom they pray with all humilitie, that yt woolde please him by his aucthoritye, to cause them to lay aside their weapons, and to retire thē selues, leauing the country to that gouernment which was vsed before tyme, of [Page 45]long cōtynewaunce, by the predicessours of the Kings Maiestie: of glorious memorye. The which if it were brought to passe, there should be no subiectes more dutifull▪ none more redy to acknowledge the aucthoritie of the Prince ouer them, nor none more ioifull to accōplishe what soeuer shoulde be commaunded them. And I pray you, how coulde you lay (I will not say any foundaciō of peace) but only some fained apparance of an agreement, except that theis as ringleaders doe first geue vp their weapens and get them packing owt of this coūtrie? vnlesse you thinck that the meanes to attaine to peace, dothe consist in setting straungers (yea & straungers of such cōditiō) in possessiō of the Subiectes goods (moueables, & ymmoueables,) & to let thē vyolate their wynes and children: and that for a full end of such their benifites and fauours, the subiects mighte doe well to interteme & cherish them to cut al their throtes, so as they might at once plead full possession, and the King be ryd of his trew subiects.
But you say, that they demaūde that the Kinge shoulde not be serued of any, but of suche as they themselues vvoulde appoint him. It shall neuer bee founde, that euer they did so muche as [Page 46]ymagine, that the Ki. might not make warre against his enemies, whosoeuer or of what cō dicion soeuer they weare, with suche and so many as he thought good, and that they be not so euill aduised as to prescribe any lawes to his Ma. especially in a thing sovnreasonable. But they hūbly beseeche his Ma. that Straū gers be not lycensed, (only vpō priuate quarrels) to make warre against the countrie, and townes of the King & his subiectes: And that Spaniardes▪ Italiās, Swissers, & an infinite nomber of others, miht not deuide amōge thē the booties, and spoiles gotten within his Ma. dominions, or at least that their goodes, their wyues, and children, be not made praies nor subiectes to the thraldomme of so barbarous, and vnknowen people in theis partes. The which suyte, can not be construed anywaies that the King shold altogether lay a side weapens. For if at any tyme his Ma. woulde make warres in theis partes or in any other, he might be hable to leauy as great an army of Hollād & Zeland & theis Countries on horse backe or on foote, by sea or by lande, as easely should be hable to resist, or rather ouercōme his greatest enemyes, as yt hathe been apparētly seene by the Predecessours of the Kings Matestie [Page 47]the dukes of Burgōdy, & Lordes of this coū trie. Whoe whē they had no straūgers neither Spāiardes, nor Italiās, yet weare neuer destitute of suche souldiars, as were sufficiēt for the defēce of their coūtrie. But on thother side Duke Charles the hardy, as long as he did put his trust & cōfidence in theis coūtriemen & thinhabitantes of theis partes, & gaue no entertainmēt to any but Burgoniōs & VVallons: he prospered allwayes & had the victores, in so muche as he was feared of all his neighbours. But after he begane to geue credit to straungers, & woulde be serued of Italiās, & such like which were vnder the charge of one called Campobasso, the case was altered anon after. For by the treason of this foresaid Cāpobasso (corrupted either by money, or by somother meanes) the Duke hauing receiued the woorse at two battailes, at the third being before Nancy lost bothe his lief, & al the honor which his faithful Subiectes of those coū tries had gottē before. Not with standing if it be not lawfull to intreat the King not too bee serued in theis warres of any but theis coū trymen his Subiectes: Why then haue the Estates generally desired the same of the Commandador at Bruxels? or why hathe their sute ben accepted, synce yt bare all [Page 48]one show of Rebelliō against the Kinge? For as concerning this, where you say, it is lawfull for the Kinge to be at warres or at peace with whome or when he listeth: Surely you accuse in this the Auncestours of his Maiestie, who haue alwayes vowed and sworn to the estates, not to make warre or to take any quarrell in hād, withowt their cōsentes. A thing which hath been obserued amongest Princes synce the worlde was a worlde, and by all suche as woulde not publikely be estemed as Tyrans. For seeing that not only the expences of the warre, but also all thinconueniences, damages, and mischaunces of the same do fal principally vppon the neckes of the people: surely both naturall reason, & equity requyres, that some in their behalfe (as the Maiestrate in some place, in other places the Estates, in other places the Coūsailes, assistēts & Parliamēts of Princes) should be admitted to speake & sit in coūsaile for their be hoofe. Except they had rather follow Xerxes: who after he had assembled his Counsaile of Estates, and all the Princes and Maiestrates of Persia concerning the warres he toke in hand against the Gretians: protested to them, that the chiefest and onely cause why he sent for them, was not [Page 49]to thend they should geue him any aduice, or counsell: but that they might heare and allow of his deuice and enterprise which he had already determyned and resolued on. Where vpon, he was not only accompted a Tyrant, but fell into moste opprobrious and detestable in famye, which continewed, to the losse all moste of all his dominion. But for all this, here is nothing spoken to appoint the King what warres, or with whome he shoulde wage thē. For let him but only say the woorde, when or with whome, and he shall fynde bothe Hollanders & Zelanders in suche redynes, as if the drū do but sounde, their bodies & their goodes shalbe sufficient pledges to shew their willing mindes, & trew hartes they beare to their Prince, the which their predicessours before them haue allwayes showed to the King, & his auncestors. But here is warre made against the Kings owne countries, to ouerrunne the prouinces of his owne demaynes, to pil, to sack to put to Ruin and destruction, his owne Subiectes. And to be shorte, he maketh warre against him self. A Prince withowt his Subiectes is no Pince. Wherefore I meruaile you doe so muche mislike that theis poor molested people shulde humbly beseache his Maiestie, [Page 50]that by his aucthoritye and commaundemēt, this warre so hurt full to them, so vnprofitable to the King, so detestable before God, and so to be lamēted and pitied of all honest mindes, might ceasse. You say the King knovves vvhat his subiectes haue neede of. Would youe by this maintayn that it is conueniente that the Kings Subiectes shoulde be robbed, vndoone, and murdred by straungers, their howses burnt, their townes spoilled, their feelds wasted, their inheritaūces decaied, their wyues & daughters deslowred, and their childrē led vnder the seruitude of Straūgers? The which if it bee conuenyent and necessarye for the Kings Subiectes: surely it were better for thē to be vnder the protection of the moste cruellest Tiraunt that euer reigned. Except (as in deed yt appeareth) the King hath not soe commaunded, synce he vnderstandes so well what is moste conuenyent for his Subiectes. Therefore haue they great reason, with all humillity to referre them selues to his moste gracious order, commaunding all forreigners too gett them packing owt of the countrie. But if you say the woorst you can, and think to cut all their throotes by a worde speaking, in saying theis men are rebels to the King, & [Page 51]therefore cannot be accōpted as his subiects: Leauing to debate this question presently, which woulde be bothe long and tedious, they wil only aunswere you thus. That if they bee rebels, you ought to leaue that to the Iudgemēt of his Maiestie, vnto whome they submitted them selues by their foresaid request, & that you ought not (by sending the same backe againe) to take away from his Ma. al his righte of equitie, & Iustice, & frō thē all the meanes they had for their iustification. And as touching that which you take for a Maxime That it is not lavvful for any subiecte to take armes in handes, vvithout thorder and appointment of their Lordes: It will appeare to al mē of Iudgement, that it is suche a kinde of speache, as can haue no good ground of truthe, because yt is so generall. For if the Lorde be owt of the countrie, and the said countrie be sodenly in vaded by enemyes, I doe not thinck that your meaning is in this case by this your lawe, that men shoulde make adoubt of taking weapens in hand, vntill their countrie weare clene ouerrunne & spoilled. For by that meanes you must condemne the Dukes of Burgōdy the Predicessore of his Maiestie, of fellony and treasō, for that they being then the vassals of [Page 52]the King of Fraunce, yea (and that more is) lincked very nere vnto him in bādes of blood, and hauing yelded vnto him their homage & fealtye, did take armes, not only withowt his appointment, but also against his owne person and estates in the feeld. Surely no mā cā make me beleue, but that the good Duke Phillip knew very well, what was the dutye of a subiect, whē as (to reuenge the deathe of Duke Ihon his father, who alitle before had slayne the Duke of Orleans brother to the King (he caused the King of England to comme into Fraunce, and made him Lorde of the Cittye of Paris, and of the best parte of the whole kingdome. If this lawe which nou set downe here, were so generall as you woulde make it surely he had neuer atteined vnto the name of so good a Prince as he was accompted, neither had he lefte behinde him to his posterity so good a reporte of immortall glory as wee know of. Likewise his sonne Charles the hardy, when he tooke armes against Lois the. 11. and defeated a parte of his armye at Monthelery: knew not hee very well that subiectes mighte make no sturre withowt appointment or aucthoritie from their Lorde? wil you say then that owr King doothe [Page 53]wrongfully enioy the countye of Burgondy, the which was graunted by the same Lois and Charles, vnder the title that the subiect did beare armes against his liege Lorde? But howe often hathe it been sene, and iudged to be right and reasonable, that the subiectes in particuler, and the Townes and Prouinces in generall haue taken Armes in such cases as this, not only withowt the appointment of their Lorde, but also euen against their soueraignes them selues, and yet hathe nether your lawe nor Maxime been of sufficient waight against the reasons, and argumentes that they alledged in defence of their equytie. Wherefore of force your conclusion cannot holde, when as you inferre by this your Maxime, that they of Holland and Zeland haue committed an offence vnexcusable, in hauing taken armes against their Prince. For first you shoulde haue declared that the groundes, and occasions that forste them therevnto were not reasonable, or at the least not sufficient to maynteyne the equitye of their cause: and then mighte you haue had somme better apparāce of reason. But surely it seemeth, that for becaus you wolde haue the equitye of [Page 54]their cause quyte suppressed from the eares of the worlde, and from the knowledg of his Maiestie, you haue cleane troden vnder foote and sent backe againe their request: grownding your self only vpon the opinions of suche of the courte, as you knewe before to bee aduersaries to their attemptes. And I pray you, what if theis of owr side shall say, that they not only haue not taken armes against his Maiestie, but also that they haue not stirred, but by his consent and aucthoritie? Dothe it not seeme vnto you reasonable, that the othe (which the King hath taken, and the expresse article wherin he cō maundeth that no man shall any longer yelde obedience vnto him self, than he obserueth the points of the artiles that he is sworne vnto) may iustifye their doinges, especially seeing that bothe his Maiestie is absent, & that straungers, vnder the title of his name, haue not only broken theis articles, but also soughte vtterli to disanull that sollemne cō tract, the which he made at his entrye into Brabant, which is the chiefest of all the Prouinces he possesseth in theis partes? for as touching that which you saie, That to beare armes against his Maiestie or his Ministers is all one: I cannot comprehend, where of that should be [Page 55]grounded, considering that the King him self at his foresaid entry and acceptacion, dothe promise, sweare, & declare, that presently & ipso facto all officers, Maiestrates ad Mynisters, shalbe taken but for sciphers, & of no validity, who either haue ben heere before, or shalbe hereafter placed in preiudice of those articles, which he is sworne vnto, or that shal cōmit any thing against the same. So that the King him self dothe by his othe disgrade all suche ministers, and dothe put weapens into owr hādes, to resist their iniquitye & violēce. And if that you graunte that all this is trew, in respect of thē of Brabant, but that Hollād and Zeland may be no partakers thereof: thē muste you needes Iustifie the Prince of Orēg, and all those that serue him, being bothe inhabitantes & naturally borne in Brabant, in that they wolde not acknowledge suche ministers, as haue violated and broken the othes and contractes of the King. And since that they wear not bounde to acknowledge or allow thē, but mighte take armes against thē it followeth that they might with good reaso occupie & enioy all those landes & Prouinces which did yelde any fauour, or deuocyon at any tyme to suche mynisters, being [Page 56]disanulled and disgraded. And as touching the rest of Holland and Zeland, their fault and offence can be none other, but that they bee not borne in Brabant. For I cannot thinck that you wil denie, but that the said ministers against whome they beare armes, haue brokē and violated in a maner all those articles which the King was sworne vnto at his firste entrye. And if thies things were not thus: what is he that seeth not plainly, how that in this point the Kings hands be fast tyed together, synce that your selues doe confesse, that in all matters Ecclesiasticall and touching faithe, he is bounde to be obedient vnto the Pope, his legates, and vicars. Dooe not we know how that, that Cōmission which was cō cluded vpon, and ordeined amongest your ecclesiastical persons, and Bishops, to roote owt this owr religion, which you call new, was inuented and forged by Pope Pius the fourthe, being sollicited therevnto by Docter Sōnius who for that cause remayned at Rome by the space of three or fower yeares, & afterwarde broughte amongest vs into theis quarters the pestilēt seed of theis troubles, & calamities, that we feele at this day? Do not we [Page 57]knowe that it was onely the Pope, which gaue cōmaundemēt to the king, that thordinaūces of the Councell of Trent should be published here, againste the which all the Estates both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall did set themselues to withstand, as a thing preiudiciall against the aunciente lawes, customes and priuiledges which the king hath sworn vnto vs? Briefly, haue not all the Instruments and Authours of this Tragedy bin created onely by the Pope? And who is ignorāt I pray you, that the Pope in his decres doth openly vaunte that all kinges and Princes are bound to hold all their Crownes and Scepters of him, and to obey him in euery point? Haue we no learned of our auncestours, how that the [...]opes of Rome haue cōmaunded at their plea [...]ure, the most noble Emperours and Prince▪ of Christendome, and sought to execute their wils by excommunicating and accursinge of them, as often as they would resist their pleasures? Frō whence proceeded those cruell and bloudy warres betweene the three Henries, Fredericke and Philip, and an insinite nomber of other Emperours agaīst the Popes of Rome: but for because that the same Emperours, woulde not obey their Commaundementes, [Page 58]sometimes when they willed them to make warre in all hast vppon the Sarrasins, sometimes when they woulde haue them leaue of that title which they had receiued by succession of their auncestours, sometimes when the Popes themselues would be put in possession of certaine townes and territories, which they said, they should inherite as the patrimony of S. Peter, and finally vppon any cause that it pleased them to picke, whereof all the Chronicles and Histories be filled. And what was the cause why Pope Alexander marched in publique place vppon the necke of the Emperour Fredericke Barbarossa, adding thereunto many wordes full of reproche and shame? And what is the cause againe, why euen at this day they make the Monarks and kinges to kisse their feete, but onely in signe and token of subiection which they claime as due? And presently if they be not obeyed, they thunder againste them: and pronounce absolution vnto all their subiectes, although they reuolt frō that fidelitie which they owe of duty. Wherfore seing that the kīg is so much subiect to the Pope of Rome (whō in no wise we cā acknowledge to be our superiour) & since y t he feareth so much his thū drings & excōmunications: How can you either [Page 59]say or beleue, that his Ma. doth cōmaūd absolutely amōgst vs what he listeth himself, specially in such a matter wherin y e Pope pretendeth to haue more interrest than any man aliue? I beseech you if the king woulde here our requests, & finding thē grounded vppon good reasons, were willing to graūt vs the exercise of our religiō: do you thīck that it were lawfull for him so to do? Your selfe haue tould me very plainly, y t if the king would cōdiscēd to any such matter, you would take armes agaīst him, & cause (to your power) the whole coūtrie to rebell. And this I am sure your self wil not denie to haue said, whē I was with you at Mountford. Wher thē remayneth the fre auctoritie of the king to cōmaund? where is y e greatnes of his Ma. yea rather what becommeth of his liberty & of your Maxime, that no subiecte may take armes in hād without y e appointmēt of his king & lord, seing that one only vassal wil to his power cause al his Estats to rebell, if that the aduice & opinion of his Maiesty, touching the cause of his Coūtry & subiects, shal not agre with his cōceite? But I am contente to pardon you herein, consideringe the zeale which you beare to the Romishe Religion, vppon condition that you [Page 60]will imagine that oure zeale which we beare vnto our Apostolicall Religiō of the Gospel, is not a whit lesse, althoughe peraduenture it is nether so plausible in mans capacitie, neyther so profitable to them that maintaine it. Yet haue we examples very freshe of the Emperour Charles of noble memorie, who escaped very hardly from beinge excommunicated by Pope Paulus 3. for that hee graunted vnto the Almaynes but onely the Interim, which was almost conformable in all poincts vnto the decrees of the Pope. And I pray you what ado was there when he willed that a generall Councell shoulde be called in Almaine, where the Almaynes might be harde in free disputacion? And finally was it not the Pope, that constrained him to make warre vpon the Christiās, and did oftentimes threaten him with thundringes, if he wente not to worke with speede, in such sort that the Emperour was constrayned to couer the pretence of his warre with the cloke of rebelliō, to thēd he might draw vnto him Mawrice and th'other Princes which were confederates of the Smalcaldiens? I speake nothing here of the holy Inquisition of Spaine, nor of the Prelates of the Counsayle, which be of the Popes creation, [Page 61]and haue made a solempne othe vnto him, neuer to agree to anye matter that they shall thinck to be preiudicial to the aduaūcement of the Sea of Rome, but that they shall reueale the same, and resist it with all their power. Who seeth not how that our king is so possessed with them, as hee is not able by anye meanes in the world, to iudge any thīg in this matter contrary to their opinions & aduice, vppon paine of being condempned for a rebel vnto the sea of Rome? Howe then can that be true where you say, that wee make warre vppon the king? Take away once the respect of the Pope and his Prelates, and bringe to passe that either the king himself be not subiecte vnto him or els that he be content that we may be free from his lawes: and then shall you see how soone and how soundlye, wee will yeld our selues vnto the perfect obedience of our king & naturall Prince, as to one annointed of God himself to do vs right & Iustice? And if you esteeme this to be vtterly vnreasonable, and that you meane to make the minde of oure Prince to be at the commaundemente of other mennes willes: do not maruaile I pray you, if we pretend to be no rebels in seeking that he maye gouerne vs by his absolute [Page 62]Auctoritie, withoute receyuing lawes from others. I come now to that other poinct where you say, That it is a very straung thing for subiectes to force their Prince to assemble Estats at their pleasure. Surely this seemeth very wonderfull, considering that you cannot be ignorant, how that the king himself by his owne pure will, hath tyed himselfe thereunto, as to the firmest ground and surest staffe whereuppon, his auctority & power Regall doth chiefly (yea I may say, onely) leane & rest. For seing the Estates in a fourme of politique gouernement, are none other thing but the chiefe and principall heads of the people representing the body of the multitude: What thing is there, that can bee so naturally vnited vnto a good king, who desireth to be both father and Pastour of his people, as are the Estates of his Country? Euē as for exāple, there is nothing that hath such affinity with the head of a mās bodye, as those members which are called vital, for that they be the chiefest Instrumēts by the which the vitall spirits proceding from the braynes to diuers sinewes, are communicated in generall to the whole body, and to euery member, and by the which likewyse, euery member retayneth his perfecte vnity, [Page 63]and naturall knitting to the body. Euen so a good king, being the head of his people, doth by the meanes of his Estates, communicate and imparte vnto the whole body of his cō mon wealth, not onely his fauoure, grace & priuiledges, whereby he keepeth them in vnitie: but also his bounty, Iustice and wisedome, from the which as out of a quicke fountaine, do springe good lawes & Ordinaunces, whereby the people are still gouerned in good discipline, as it were in the liuely being and naturall motion of the same. This is the cause why our auncestours excelling in wisedome and perfecte pollioy, haue very well ordeyned heretofore, that especially the king should very straightly be bounde and vnited with the Estates of the Country, not to do any thing of importaūce without communicating the matter vnto them firste, as they on the other side oughte to behaue themselues vnto theyr Prince, as to their heade giuen to theim of GOD. From hence is proceeded the great and vniforme loue and Fidelitie, which Princes in these partes haue borne to their people, and they likewise to them. And surely this principle appeared in the person of the good Duke PHILIP, who at the firste [Page 64]vnited all those low Countries into one body, and made many lawes, the assured vnitye which either is or oughte to bee betweene a Prince and his people. Esteeminge it better to be beloued & called father by them, than to be feared and redouted of thē. For he knew well ynoughe, that loue is the surest grounde and faithfullest garde of all gouernmēts and preheminēces, in such sort, that they be greatly to be detested, and to be accōpted publique pestilēces, who to bringe thēselues in credite by villanies and seruile flatteries, vnder the pretence of maintayning the auctoritie of our Prince, haue whispered in the eares of his councell, that whosoeuer talketh of the generall assemble of the Estates, doth catch at the Crowne from his Maiesties head. For surely these be the auctours of all tyrānies, troubles, and insolencies: these be the disturbers of our common quiet: these be the enemies both of God and the worlde, although they attribute neuer so much wisdome and experience vnto themselues: doing in this case not vnlike vnto him that would dismember the parts of the body from the head, and depriue them of their vertues and naturall actions, vnder the pretence of doing good to the head. True it [Page 65]is, that for a time they seeme to yelde as it were a staye and proppe vnto the power of Princes in causinge theym in generall to be more feared than loued: but in thende they shew themselues to seeke noughte els, but the fall of Princes, and the ouerthrow of all their people at one time: as wee see most clearely by th'example of the kingdome of Fraunce, the calamitie and ruine whereof, hath not proceded from any thing els, but by the breaking of thordinaunces of the Estates generall, and by sufferaunce that the kinge mighte gouerne at his owne appetite with absolute authoritie, without hauing regard either to the body politique, or to them that should represent the same. I would to GOD that this poore Country of ours would behold it selfe in this glasse, which is so cleare & so neare vnto it, without fallinge into the same inconueniences. But our sinnes being already growen to a certaine rypenes, haue hastened our vtter ouerthrowe, in blindinge the eyes of such gouernours, as haue perswaded our Princes to thinck, that their ruine consisteth in the Assemblie of the generall Estates of the country, whose order is a common consente to resolue vppon such pointes, as do concerne the [Page 66]tranquillitie of the same: whereas, if at the least this had bin lookt vnto in the begīning, before that those troubles did breake out into so great a flame according to those instructions which the Gentlemen of the confederates gaue vnto his Maiestie: surely then might all the incōueniences which haue happened since, haue very well bin auoyded. Yet at length let vs looke, although very late, first which be the grounds and occasions that hinder vs from hauinge recourse vnto that so ready and wholsome a remedie, which in times past hath alwayes bin the refuge, both of Prince & People, when any incōuenience did threatē them. You say That since y t these Countries do consist vppon diuers Seignories, vvhich in degree, iurisdictions and customes haue nothing to do the one vvith the other, but onely a neighbourhode vnder one Lord: therefore they are not to compell the king to assemble the estates generally. I beseech you then sirs, If wee shoulde demaunde of the kinge to assemble onely the Estates of Holland and Zeland, which Prouinces haue alwayes bin ioyned together, and that by their aduise hee woulde ordaine some conuenient remedies for these present troubles & calamities, euen as his Maiesties predecessours [Page 67]the Princes of Bauier were wont to do in the like cases, not adding any other to these Prouinces, except it were Hainault and Ostrenant: woulde you iudge then that wee had any reason on oure sides? At the leaste your argumente whereon you seeme to ground moste, would seeme to be of no force. And I surely do thincke that this particuler assembly (since that you cannot abyde the generall) were much fitter for the people of Holland and Zeland, than th'other weare which they demaunde. But I pray you consider what wrong they of Holland & Zeland haue committēd in submitting themselues in their foresayd request vnto thorder of their Prince, without presuming to prescribe any law vnto him, or in referringe themselues to the Iudgement of the generall Estates of all the low Countries, to whō they were content to submit thēselues, to thend that they might not seeme to seeke to be iudges in their owne cause? And if there be no reason at all to assē ble the generall estates of so many and diuers Prouīces, in a matter y t toucheth only one particuler Prouince: then I pray you, why should y t protestatiō which the Estats of Brabant & Flaūders presōted, wherin they would admit [Page 68]Religion but that of Rome: bee preiudiciall vnto them of Holland and Zeland? Howe be it surely (if all be well considered) this disease is growen so generall in all these prouinces, as it cannot be remedied but by a medecine generally taken. For who knoweth not howe that in this cause, there are ioyned to Holland and Zelande, in a maner all Gelderland, Phriseland, and Ouerijsel wyth many both of the townes and peoples of Brabant, Flaunders, Hainault and Arthois? who vnderstandeth not, that (when this request was presented by those gentlemen in the yeare 66. there were almost as many of oure Prouince, as of any other, yea and that the nomber of them of Hainaulte, Arthois and Nanin did farre exceede them of Holland and Zelande? Wherefore if some haue bin frighted by force and threatninges, some other oppressed by the tyranny of the Duke of Alua, and some againe haue not bin able to finde oute the oportunities and open wayes which they of Hollande and Zeland haue founde: is it therefore to be saide that they ought to be barred from giuinge ayde and remedie to quench this great fier, and generall cause of Ruine? No: for this is certaine, that [Page 69]the harme which proceedeth of these warres, doth touche the other Prouinces as neere as it doth Holland and Zeland. For if it happen that these Countryes bee either destroyed or alienated from the obedience of the Kinge. Consider I pray you whether Braband and Flaunders with many other Prouinces shalbe subiect to any inuasion that first will assaulte them or not, and how in such necessitie, hauinge loste the commoditie of the Sea, they may be releaued with vitaile, or succoured from Spaine or Italie? In so much that to barre alother Prouinces from this generalitie, is nought els than to seeke the meanes to depriue the Kinge and his successours from all possession of any estate or Prouince in these parts. But let vs see how these matters will hang together. You say, That it is but by speciall grace and fauour, that the auncestoure of our king haue suffered and permitted a generall Conuocation of the Estates in vrgente affayres. Admit that it were so: yet surely it were a great discurtesie to perswade the king to shew lesse fauour vnto these Countries than his predecessours haue done: and it were the waye to force him to seeke some other kinde of superioritie, and gouernemente, cleane cō trary [Page 70]to that which they followed, in such sort that thereof nought els can be hoped for, thā a contrary fruit to that which they gathered, that is to say, the hatred of subiects in steede of loue, and tyranny in place of good gouernment, and finally vtter destruction in steede of flourishing prosperitie. But sure I cannot imagine that you are so ignorant of the Chronicles, or such a straunger to the knowledge of the state of these Countries, as that you know not how that since the time of Charlemayne, these Countries and Prouinces haue euer bin vnited in one body together, with many other neighbours & borderers, vnder the title of beinge called Austrasia or Lorein, which toke that name, for that in diuision, that part fel to one of his nephews called Lhothayre: and how that afterward by diuersity of successours, beinge dismembred thone from the other, yet they did alwayes keepe a certaine vnitie of Amitie and alliaunce together, euen vntill the tyme of the good Duke Philip, who broughte them againe into one body, and tyed them fast and vnseperable by many good ordinaunces, lawes and priuiledges, which he gaue vnto them in generall, shewing him selfe therein to be both a father to [Page 71]his Country, & a pastour to his people, in such sort that it was offred vnto him by the Emperour and Pope for that tyme, to make therof a kingdome, the which he would neuer agree vnto, both because that he would not offer by such innouations any kinde of preiudice vnto the Priuiledges of the Prouīces and Townes particulerly, neither yet go against the othes that he had sworne vnto them. And if you liste to alledge, that oure Kinge doth at this present occupie certain prouinces which then had nothing a do with them: I will aunswere, that likewise the foresaid Duke did at that time enioy certaine others, almost of like importaunce, the which haue since that time bin seperated, and dismembred in such sort, that the said good Duke Philip being receiued into the possession of Hollande and Zelande almost in the ende of his raigne, did leaue this coniunction of these Prouinces vnto his sonne and onely heire CHARLES the hardy, who being of a more hauty minde went about openly to make these Countries a kingdome, had he not bin hindered partlye by the Estates of the saide Countries whoe withstoode the same, and partly by [Page 72]the disfauour of the Emperour Frederick 3. who raigned at that time. But let the cause be as be may: hee left vnto his daughter and heire, the succession of all the said countries, as one body vnited and knitte together with many faste and straighte bandes: after the which sorte Maximilian her husbande the Emperour, and his sonne the Archeduke Phillip, receiued the same, and in such sort lefte theim vnto the Emperour of noble memory Charles the fifte father to oure Kinge: who being not content with the foresaid coniunction and bandes, and as it were foreseing how that afterwards some would go about to sowe hatred amongst them, and to set th'one against thother, vnder this pretēce that they had nothinge common amonge themselues: tooke awaye and abolished from theim all the diuersitie of Questions that mighte encounter them, some from vnder the Crowne of Fraunce, some from the title of the Empyre, and some from other places. And at a generall diet of Almaigne, by the consente of all the Electours and Estates of the Empyre, hee vnited and broughte together all these prouinces into one compasse or Circle of the Empyre, ordayning and appointing that from [Page 73]that tyme forward, all they should ioyntly and vnseperably be acknowledged too be of the Empire, and that for that cause, they shoulde pay in thordinary contribucions of the Empire, as muche as twoe Electors did. And this hath been inuiolablye kept bothe of his Maiestie: of noble memory, And also by own king and Maistar that now is, so farre foorth as that his Maiestie did sende one S. of Hoochstrate into Almaigne in his name, to acknowledge the foresaid prouinces as one bodye politique ioyned to the Empire. And for such were they taken at that time: soe that I cannot sufficienly meruaile, howe you can saye that in degrees and Iurisdictions they be so dyuers, and that there is nothing common amongst them, but only neighborhod. And I pray you how hapneth yt then, that in all Cō tribucions and reliefs, they be euer assembled generally, and that the participaciōs of eache relif, is gathered according to the abillitye and facultie of euery prouince? Woulde you wishe that in the tyme of contributing, the prouinces shoul be but one bodye, and that whē they seeke to remedie the euident Ruine of the whole countrie in generall, eache should seeke for their remedye in particuler, with owt [Page 74]ioyning thone to thother? surely in my simple Iudgement this thing is not onlye withowt all reason, but also dothe simell of tooto tyrrannius wyckednes. But what shall we say? when his Maiestie propounded the necessitie of his warre with Fraūce in the yeare 1557: in what sorte did the Estates then chardg them selues with that great burden, but only in generall? the which warre in thend of nine yeres with a single fidelitye shewed towardes their King, & a woonderfull vnitye kept among thē selues, they brought to happy end by their nine yeres cōtribuciō, to the great glorye & honour of his roiall Maiestie. Is it reason then that in making warre vpon a straunge Prince, theys prouinces shalbe but one body, and the Estates vnited together: and that in turninge away from themselues an vtter overthrow procured by this ciuill warre, they shalbe counted diuers & dismembred, & not be suffred to assemble the estates general, to thende that by a generall remedye they may help and cure a common maladie? But is it not plaine howe that in all thinges wherein any prouinces bordering together, may by any meanes be ioyned and vnited: theis countries be and haue ben always in the same sorte vnitid more than [Page 75]any others? for from whence proceedeth that custome which they haue euer had to assemble the Townes and prouinces in the exercyse of the bowe, and other armes left vnto vs by our predicessours, but only by this vnitye? Howe cometh it to passe, that at feastes and publique places, the townes & prouinces haue bin alwayes called together by publique aucthority: but only to shewe the vnity of the poore countrie, euen as Grece did by the assemblye at their Olimpiades? Is not the name of the Base Almaignes or Flemings (as the Spaniardes do cal vs at this day) cō mon vnto vs all? The speache althoughe it be distinctly of diuers sortes, yet is so common amongst vs, that in the self same townes they be vsed equallye. The iurisdictions owt of owr soueraigne court, doe they not almoste generally proceed from Machlyne? and all spirituall processes, Doe not they of auncient custome proceed eyther from Coleigne or from Maians? What shoulde I say more, than that owr whole countre is but one Circuyte or Prouince of the Empire? Doe you then thinck yt so straūge, that an Imperial Circuyt shoulde assēble estates iointlie, cōsydering that [Page 76]shoulde otherwise seeme monstruous, if one Prouince should be assembled withowt the rest? But paraduenture you will say, that this warre in the respect of Brabant is no Ciuill warres: the which sayeng no man of Iudgement will affirme. And if there were none other thing to alledge, but that owr King and the Emperour Charles had made al their Edicts and Plackartes of Religion in generall to all the prouinces, weare not that a sufficient Argument to confute your saying, that they haue nought in cōmon the one with thother? yea rather is it not a full iustification of the request of those of Holland, and Zeland in that point, if you will be ruled by right and reason Quod omnes attingit, ab omnibus probari debet? for if the rigowr of those Placartes laid vpon all theis Prouinces in generall, hathe caused a generall alteracion of the people: Why shoulde not we assemble and call together the generall estates of theis prouinces, to remedye suche inconueniences as generally doe light vpon vs all? And sure this is the better cōfirmed by those two causes that you alleadged, for the which Princes in tymes past were wont to assemble generall estates, that is to witt, the benefit of their Coū trie [Page 77]and the vveale of their affaires. For they coulde neuer be better spoken, of than at this present, when we treat not of one simple benifitt, but of the whole saffetye of owr coū trie and especiall restitucion of his Maiesties dignitye. Wherefore if euer there weare cause to assemble estates in generallitye, surely now there is greater cause soe to doe than euer ther was. This notwithstanding (if I may speake of myne owne hed, witheowt thaduise of the Estates and Townes in theis partes) I doe thinck that if the King or his counsell be offended with this generallity, they will be content to haue agraunt from his Maiestie that they may lawfully assemble the states only of Holland and Zeland, and that it will please hym to ratifie that which they shall find by sounde coūsell and deliberaciō, to be fit for his Maiesties seruice, and for their coūtries saffetye. Considering that herin (as I haue said) they haue had agreater respect to the Auctorite of the King, than to any thing els. But it seemeth that there is some other hiddē cause which moueth you to be so suspitious of this assembling of estates in that you saye that this request seemeth to be made as it vvere to tye him to a lavv, and to kepe him as a vvarde I cannot [Page 78]beleue but that this proceedeth rather of some ill grounded conceytes, or sinister suspicions of suche in the court; as cannot disgest owr simple peticion, than of your owne good iudgement or aduise. I cannot be parswaded that you can digresse so farre from all reason. For surely you know well ynoughe, howe that the moste true and legittimate power and dignitie of all kinges, monarches, and Emperours, & the greatest vnitye & prosperitye of all people and prouinces, dothe especialie cō sist, and principally depende vpon the assemble of estates: euē as it appeareth in Almaigne & in al other Kingdomes & Prouinces which are wel & quietly gouerned. For those assembles which we call Edictes in the comon wealthe, are euen the same which in the churce of God were called counselles, the which owr aūcestors, holy fathers & doctors in the Primatiue churche helde in suche reuerence & estimacion, as that they ordeigned that frō half yere to half yeare, or at the furthest from yere to yere, generall Sinodes should bee called as often as any necessitye required. Whereunto they euer had a moste soueraigne recourse, vntill suche tyme as that the great power of the Popes did subdewe the Sinodes by their [Page 79]absolute aucthoritie, against the which owr forefathers at mani tymes, and especiallye in the coūcell of Basil, did moste openly resist. They ordeigned that from tenne yere to ten yeares a generall counsell and Synode should be called thorow owt all Christendome wherūto the Pope himself shoulde be subiect. Which thing was so odious vnto the ambicion of the successours of that Pope, as that to their power they haue hindred euer since the assē ble of the councelles, so farr foor thas that in the great necessitye of Christendome, and at the earnest solliciting of the Emperour Charles, the councell of Trent was at length called and prolonged almoste by the space of 30. yeres after with a 1000. Kindes of delayes & excuses to delay the same. After that likewise in the councell of Constaunce, Thoan the 32. one of the 3. Popes that were degraded at that tyme, being accused of 50. articles at the least, and all those cryminall, sighing sore, aunswered thus: that besides all those faultes, he had cōmitted a greater offence, & that was for because that he had suffered suche a free councell to be called as him self was bounde to be ruled by, & the reby he him self was with great infamye deposed. I doe [Page 80]alledge all this, to showe that it is the parte of Tyrantes only to mislike generall assemblies, and that all good Princes Kinges and Emperours haue alwaies desicred theis diettes and assemblies, as all good prelates haue (to their power) procured the assemble of Synodes and councels in the Churche of God. For this is certein, that whereas many doe assemble together and consult, (whether yt be for the affaires of the cōmon welthe, or of the churche of God,) there ordinarily is God him self president, & sendeth his goodspirit, lightninge moste commōly the eyes of a nomber in suche cases, as paraduenture one alone or a fewe cā not discerne awhit. Wherefore me thineketh that in this case they of Hollād & Zelād haue declared what great confidence they haue in the mercifull gouernment and clemency of the King, in hauing set be fore his face the true and only meane to pacifie the troubles of this countrie. For synce that in any wise they muste make no questions of Religiō what coulde they in this worlde offer with more humilite and better right, than to submit thē solues to the Iudgement of his Maiestie: in a generall assemble of all owr estates, shewing therin that they feared not at all to haue [Page 81]their cause brought to light before the face of the whole world and of his Maiestie, because they felte themselues cleare from all crimes which wrongfully were laide to their charge? And if their religion were so wicked as the Kinge is informed that it is: what can they do more sincerely than with humble sute to request that it might be iudged and tryed, euē by those who haue protested most plainly, that they will by no meanes admit or receiue the same? Cā there be any thing more conueniēc for the dignity and honour of his Maiestie, or for to expresse their owne faithfull seruice, than to submit themselues wholly to the iudgment of his Ma. and of those Estates which he shall lawfully call together? It seemeth certainly that you amongst you do feare and flye from the iudgement and aduice of the kinge, and that you take him to be so childishe, as that he cannot discerne white from blacke, or els that your selues must prescribe him what he shall do. For you hindered our request from cōminge to his cares. It falleth out now, that your selues are they y t make the king a Ward, in that you will not suffer him to here the cō plaints and sutes of his subiectes. This is to take the Crowne from his Maiestyes head, & [Page 82]to make your selues kinges: Considering that the dignity and prehemiēnce of Royalty, doth not so much consist vpon titles and ritches, as in the discerninge & iudging of the cōplaints and requests of his subiects & in administrīg Iustice vnto them. The pretēce then of these Hollāders & Zelāders is so farre frō makīg him a Warde, as that y e onely mark that they tēd vnto, is to set him at his ful liberty again, which is to iudge lawfully (accordinge to the custome of his Auncestours) vpon all the controuersies, & complaints of his people: which libertie you haue cleane berest him of, & yelded the same vnto the Italian Pope, & to the Prelats of the inquisiciō, & barred him clene both from hearing & iudging of his subiects causes. As touching the last point, wherin you say, That in your opinion his Maiestye ought not to yelde vnto our request, no not one iote: Surely I do most of all marueile, that you woulde wish the K. to iudge no otherwyse than as you list. If you be vassall to the K. leaue the choise to his Maiestie, whether he wil yelde or not, and do not you prescribe a law, before that he himself haue first herd our requests, & afterwards giuen his iudgement vppon the same. Otherwise you will giue the worlde to vnderstād, [Page 83]how that you take the king to be so ignoraunt, as that he cannot iudge of his owne affayres, or els that your opinion must be a law, whereby his Maiestie must of force be ruled. Well, if your opinion which you haue groūded vpon your owne conceite, be so fast settled in your stomacke as that you will not alter the same: Yet I woulde ye considered, that all the Estates and Cities in these quarters, be of an other minde. And peraduenture it may bee, that if the opinion of all the Estates in general may be vnderstood the greater part of thē wilbe of our minde. If you thinck otherwyse, why do yee not suffer the matter to come to proofe, by leauinge to his maiestie full liberty to iudge & discerne of all sutes & requests? except your meanīg be, that we must of force take your opinion for the kings determinaciō. But surely for mine owne parte, I cannot yet be so well perswaded of your great modestie & wisedome. Wherefore I am to request you, that (without suffering your selfe to be any longer blinded wyth these cauilling pretences) you indeuour your self in good faith & true meaninge, to further the tranquillity and quiet of these Countries, the which cannot by anye meanes be reestablished, but by this, that the [Page 84]king may haue his auctoritie kept to himselfe inuiolablie, in hearing and cōsidering the requestes and controuersies of all such his Subiectes, as crye and call for his helpe and mercye: that hee may see some remedie for the same, by the common aduice of the generall Estates of the Countrie, and that he suffer vs not to bee oppressed by the cruell tiranny of Strangers, who seeke nothing els but to satisfie their couetous mindes and greedines of gaine, with the price of our bloude and wyth the vtter ouerthrow & desolacion of his maiesties inheritaūce in these Prouinces, to the great diminishing of his Maiesties Royall Estate, not caringe a point though all this go to wracke, so that they may returne into their Countries againe, loden & charged with the spoile of vs, from the which I hope that Almighty God will defende vs with his puissant Arme, as he hath done heretofore.
❧IMPRINTED AT London in Fleetestreate by Thomas Marsh.
Anno. 1576.