A Breefe Discourse, Concerning the force and effect of all manuall weapons of fire, and the disability of the Long Bowe or Archery, in respect of others of greater force now in vse.
With sundrye probable reasons for the verrifying therof: the which I haue doone of dutye towards my Soueraigne and Country, and for the better satisfaction of all such as are doubtfull of the same.
Written by Humfrey Barwick, Gentleman, Souldier, Captaine, Et Encor plus oultre.
AT LONDON. Printed for Richard Oliffe, and are to be solde in Paules Churchyard at the signe of the Crane.
To the right Honourable my very good Lord, Henry Carey, Baron of Hunsdon, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Lord Chamberlaine of her Maiesties housholde, Lord gouernour of Barwick, Lord warden of the marches for and anenst Scotland, Lord Leifetenant of Suffolke and Norfolke, Captaine of her Maiesties Gentlemen Pencioners, and one of her highnes most honourable priuie Counsell, Humfrey Barwick wisheth long continuance in health and honor.
RIght Honourable, hauing read ouer two little Bookes, set foorth by two seuerall Knights, the one dedicated to the maiestrates of England by Syr Iohn Smith Knight, the other by Syr Roger VVilliams Knight also, dedicated to the right honourable the Earle of Essex: the which two Bookes either dooth or ought [Page] to tende both to one purpose, and yet neuerthelesse in some speciall pointes therein, are such great diuersitie of opinions, that it would make men not perceiuing the intent and what thinges are: euen to wauer and doubt of the trueth of those causes, and considering that they are men both of good account and quality, loyall and faithfull to one Soueraigne, and also well trauelled, whereby they ought to haue the better knowledge in warlike weapons and Marshall Discipline: the varietye whereof seemeth to many verye strange. Where-vpon I haue at sundry times had conference with diuers persons of sundrye callings, touching some parte of the seuerall discourses of the said two Knights, wherein I haue found so very many addicted to the opinion of Syr Iohn Smith, as touching the commending of the Archerye of England with so many reasons and arguments by him alleadged in that behalfe, that many are thereby perswaded, that the long Bowe is the onelye weapon of the Worlde for the obtaining of [Page] Battailes and victories in these daies, with so manye allegations against Muskets, Harquebuzies and other weapons of fire, as in the same Booke appeereth.
Syr Roger VVilliams vpon the contrary dooth seeme to except of the Muskets speciallye, with the rest of the weapons of fire, and partely seeming to proue the long Bowe to be the woorst shot that are vsed in these dayes, as by diuers argumēts are set down in the 46. and 47. leafe of his discourse.
Wherfore may it please your good Lordship to accept of my intent, being one of the meanest of a great number that are and hath beene vnder your Lordships gouernement: to explaine the matter according to my simple knowledge and experience in this cause, and that it maye vnder your Lordships protection be published in the behalfe of your Honors duetifull and obedient Souldiour, so shall I thinke my trauell in dooing but [Page] my duetye towards her Maiesties Countrye and your Lordship, most happilye harboured, and in the mean time remain ready to serue and obey at your good Lordships commaundement.
To all skilfull Captaines and Souldiours, who hath had the vse and doo know the force and effect of weapons of war, and to all such as are willing to know or vnderstand the true effect thereof. Of whome H. B. craueth equall Iudgement.
¶ There are three principall causes that dooth giue vnto Conquestes great and happye successe. viz.
- Loyaltie in Subiects.
- Exercises in Armes.
- And perfect intelligence
I Doo not a little maruaile what the cause should be that men are so slowe in thinges to so good effect: is there any in doubt to do good in causes most requisite? dooth not euery Captaine repine and thinke much that dooth knowe the force and effect of all weapons of warre, to heare such arguments and so many reasons and deuices to fortefie a matter against all true knowledge and experience? what, shall we refuse the Cannon and fall to the Ram againe, or to knowne weapons more meeter for Sauadge people then for puissaunt Princes, that are able to maintaine those of the greatest force: or shall we be carried away with affection, threatnings, or eloquent and sweete woords? it is not our partes, we must abide the greatest blowes, or els what wilbe the issue of the matter? shall the blinde leade himselfe? or shall we runne into a mischeefe headlong that wee both see and know? considering how farre the same dooth differ from the matter alleadged, euen so farre that euery [Page] priuate Souldiour that knoweth himselfe, may iudge it were more then beastly: and so stands the case with vs, if we doo wilfully or ignorantly forsake that which wee haue so long time made iust triall to be of the greatest force, and doo returne to that againe the which we haue so often forsaken, for the disabilitie that by triall we haue found therin: then are we well woorthy to abide the smart thereof to our own reproche. And yet were it but the losse of the thing it selfe, the matter were the lesse. There are none that in person hath made iust triall of the Archers that euer will if he may choose be partaker with them againe: it is but the loue that manye doo beare vnto the same weapons, for that in times past they were the best shotte that were: and yet were they the cause of more bloodshed then in these daies is vsed: and my reason is this, that when battailes and great encounters chaunced to fall out, by reson that the shot were no more offenciue, then by the vse of the long Bowes and Crossebowes: the enemies did then commonlye ioyne both with long and shorte weapons, as by the dints of two handed Swoordes, Battell Axes and Billes, with Leade malles, whereby the fight continued vnto the last end of the one party, but in these daies where the weapons of fire hath beene rightlye vsed, it hath beene scarselye seene that either Pike or Halberd hath come to ioyne at any time before the one partie did turne their faces, by reason of the terrible force of the great and small shot the which by skilfull conductors of the same, haue been placed vpon their enemies by vauntage of grounds or otherwise, as time and place hath serued.
And for that I haue heard so many seuerall opinions as is aforesaide: I thought it my parte and duety to set downe my opinion and knowledge the which I haue learned by vsing of diuers seuerall weapons, in times of seruice as well on horseback as on foot, and the rather for the better satisfaction of those not vnderstanding how requisite it is to bee resolued in those pointes, not thinking in all my life to [Page] haue doone any such matter, but vpon this occasion the which I am driuen vnto for diuers causes, not altogither for want of experience in the thing it selfe, but for want of knowledge how to parfect the same in the setting down, being vnlearned, saue only to write a very simple stile: it may be thought in me a presumption, yet for that the thing is laudable and tendeth to no other end then for the triall of so good a cause as this is, the which all good Subiects are bound to fauour: wherein I doo with a cleere conscience protest not willinglye to offend any partie or parties vnder the Sunne, of what qualitie or calling soeuer he or they be. I am not to treat of any matter of auncient times, but as some occasion may cause me for proofe, but only within my owne knowledge or at the least recorded, or to be prooued: And for that I entred to be a Souldier at the age of 18. yeeres, which was the second yeere of tht good and godly King Edward the 6. at which time our English Archers were in force and greatly vsed, and Harquebuziers not as then common. For the first that euer had any whole band in England, was Syr Peeter Mewtas Knight, who had as I doo remember the charge of 500. halfe Hakes, the which were but mean stuffe in comparison of those that are now in vse, and at that time there were not in most bands of 100. men, aboue 10. or 15. and in many none at all: sauing Captain Hugh Smith, who had in Guymes 100. Harquebuziers, sauing 10. or 12. of other weapons, insomuch that the perfection of them were not as then in England knowen to any purpose, nor yet vnto this daye but with few, in respect that the sa [...] is in other countries neere vnto vs, which I would wish might be as well in England as elsewhere, for those weapons of fire are not to be vsed without exercising of the same to any good purpose for seruice vpon the suddaine: but being once throughlye practised, it is an excellent weapon and next vnto the Musket, as in place heerafter shalbe showne.
It may be thought by some Captaines of late experience, for that I haue not entred into these troublesome toyles in [Page] the Low Cuntries, or the ciuill warres in Fraunce, that I cannot haue that experience & knowledge as others haue: wherunto I answere that when I was young I did seeke to serue, both in England, Fraunce, and Scotland, to that end I might the better doo my Prince and Countrye seruice, and also to sustaine myselfe, who otherwaies was not able to liue as I did desire to doo: wheras I learned to know the vse of most weapons of warre both for Horsemen and footmen, that are or haue beene vsed in this age, with as good Schoolemaisters as any Italian, Spaniard or Wallon whatsoeuer, hath been or now is.
And further I hope I maye without offence set downe the seueral paies that in my own Princes seruice I haue receiued for my own person. The first pay that I had was 6. pence per diem, for 3 months: after that 8. pence per diem, 16. pence per diem, 20. pence per diem, 2. shillings per diem, 4. shillings per diem, charge after 4. shillings per diem, charge after 6. shillings per diem, charge after 8. shillings per diem, charge after 14. shillings per diem. In all which aduauncement of payes & credit I did neuer make sute nor require any of the same paies: sauing my first paye of 6. pence per diem: but they were all bestowed vpon mee either by the Prince, or by those who had the next place: without sute either of myselfe or of any other in my behalf: my entertainment in the French Kings seruice was such, as none of our nation for a footman euer had, only captain Lampton excepted: who after hee was discharged from his band of footmen, became a priuat Souldier in the foote bands of Fraunce, and had great allowance for his owne person and seruants. I haue been offered in Fraunce better pay and greater aduauncement then euer I had or desired.
I was promised by the King of Spaine to haue a pencion of 200. Crownes by yeere to be paide vnto me in England for my seruice doone vnto him at St. Quintins, but before I could come from whence I was prisoner, his Queen was dead, and hee againe married to the French Kinges Daughter, and at my return from my troubles in Fraunce, [Page] I was answered that the King was gone who did promise the said pencion, and the Queene was dead, wherefore the promise was not to be perfourmed, I required letters into Spaine to the King, I was answered that it was no time as then, but when time serued I should haue letters of Sertificate, and so the cause grue worse then before, and so as yet I had nothing. This haue I set down to th'end, that those who doo not knowe me may the better vnderstand, that I doo not write or speake by reading or heare-say but by experience only.
Wherfore I doo hartely wish that we may growe all to one perfect knowledge without contending in any point, so far differing from all true knowledge and experience: and let the times past, rest, with such weapons and engines, as in those daies were the best, and yet but trifles in respect of things now in vse: As for example, was not our olde Castles and Towers, sufficient to defend against all Rams and engins in those daies vsed: wheras in these times there is hardly any deuice of fortification will serue against the force of the Cannons? Was not that famous King, Edward the third, constrained to lye before▪ Callice 13. or 14. moneths, for that he wanted the vse of the Cannon, the which in foure or fiue daies was lost with the force of the same, and other fiery weapons? some may say it was lost by treason, but those that doo know any thing, doo perceiue how that was doon. And again, was not Iack and Sallet within our remembrance thought to be sufficient for arming of Souldiours? and further, concerning our simple arming in times past, notwithstanding that Syr Iohn Smith dooth affirme that men were as well armed in times past, as now present: which for example, looke into the Histories the 11. yeere of Edward the fourth: where it appeareth, that Robert Basset Alderman of London, and the Recorder there, was thought to be well armed, being both armed with Iacks to defend the Cittie, against that Rebell Bastard Neuell: a man would think, that being an Alderman, if Armours had beene as then in such store as now [Page] they are, that the Alderman would haue had one for himselfe, and another for the Recorder. Againe, did not the Duke of Bedford arme the most parte of his Souldiours with tanned leather for the cheefe partes of their bodies, at such time as he was commaunded by that prudent Prince Henry the 7. the 2. yeere of his raigne, to encounter with that Rebell the L. Louell: whereas now by reason of the force of weapons, neither horse nor man is able to beare armours sufficient to defend their bodies from death, wheras in the former times afore mentioned, woundes was the worst to haue been doubted, touching the force of all their Archers, as by that manner of arming it seemeth most certaine.
I wish without offence, that all the Spanish shot were archers, as good as euer were in England, to that end, our nation might once ioyne with them, for any harme that the arrowes could do, they would soon returne to gather grapes in Spaine.
Why should not Spaniards being owners of that pleasant wood the Yewe, become Bowmen and Archers? they are artificiallye sufficient, and they haue and doo seeke by all meanes possible, that their ambition may be made complete. There is no doubt, but mighty Princes would haue them, either of their own Subiects or of hierlings: if they were but halfe so good as in the opinion of sir Iohn Smith they are thought to be.
And thus by these simple reasons, the which cannot iustlye be denyed, it maye appeare how thinges in times past, and now in these our times doo differ, which may and will I hope in time be better considered off.
My intent is to no other effect, but only to explane the matter so far differing, by the discourses of the saide two Knights, in declaring my opinion touching the same: I might the rather be blamed heerin, as no doubt I shall be, of some halfe Latinists, for want of congruitie in my dooings: but neuerthelesse, I will not let for all those to proceed with this, seeing that in all this time none doth frame [Page] to set downe something touching the matter before rehearsed. I hope I may as a labourer, take vpon me to dig forth the stones from the Rockes, and to leaue the same in more readines for the woorkmen to hewe and pullish to a greater perfection.
It dooth cause me to remember one Cornelius a Gentleman and a Souldiour in the French Kings seruice, who could haue plaide of a Lute or a Gitterne excellent well: but his conditions was such, that if the best Lord or Lady in Fraunce had requested him to haue plaied, hee would not haue doon it, the reason was that he doubted, that he should haue been taken for some foolish Musition, and yet was he to be brought to haue plaied without intreatye, as thus: if any of his acquaintance had taken the Lute or Gittern in hand, the worse that he or they had played, the sooner would Cornelius haue taken the same foorth of his freends hands, and thereon would haue plaide right pleasantly. And so now I doubt not but euen at the firste blush we shall haue a Cornelius to set these instruments in better tune, in all their wants and imperfections by mee for want of learning and knowledge committed and left vnperfourmed: so shal I be glad to haue giuen an occasion to so good effect.
Certaine discourses written by Humfry Barwicke Gentleman, with his opinion concerning the seuerall discourses, written by S. Iohn Smith and S. Roger Williams Knightes, and of their contrarie opinions, touching Muskets and other fierie we apons, and the long-bowe: with diuers other pointes of war by some others afore time mistaken.
FFirst I will begin in this my sayd discourse, to remember one of the examples that S. Iohn Smith dooth set downe in his discourse, for proofe of Archers to bee weapons of force: And thus he saith at the time of King Henry the eight of famous memorie, lying in Campe before Turwin, there was a Conuoy to goe from Guynes to the saide Campe, of Munition and Uictualles: and all the Frenche Captaines of Picardie & Varmendois, hauing intelligence thereof, did assemble all their men at Armes and Launces of those Prouinces, with some number of shot, also of Harquebuzers & Cros-bowers, and attended the English Conuoy in an ambush, more then a league [Page 2] beyond the town of Ard towards Turwin, where encountering with the english light horsemen, y • vantcarreres then did ouerthrowe them: which beeing perceiued by the Captaines of the Conuoy, then presentlye indused their carriages into a conueniente fourme, and placing conuenient numbers of Archers vnto two open places before and behinde, and forcing all other places betwixt cariage and cariages where the Frenche Launces might haue anye entraunce, after a long fight and many charges by the men at armes of Fraunce, and their shot giuen: the terrible effecte of the volley of Arrowes was such, that a great number of their horses were wounded or slaine: and one of their chiefe Captaines called Monsieur de Plesse lifting vp his sworde to strike, was shot in at the arme-hole through his Gosset of Maile, and there slaine, with many other french gentlemen and others of good accounte, in suche sorte that the Frenche did farre excéede the Englishe in number, were that day repulsed and ouerthrowne by the excellencie of archers, &c.
If Sir Iohn Smith doo giue credite vnto olde maister Candwell, and thereupon set downe as abouesaid: he may in that pointe be deceiued, as for example: doo but reade Hollinsheades Cronicle the fifth yéere of H. 8. folio. 817. vpon B. how the same fell out contrarie. Againe at solemne masse, where the power of Scotlande to the number of 15000. minding to iuade the West borders of England, and so being in the English ground in a mistie morning about twelue miles distaunce from the Scottishe power: there was vpon the warning of the Beaken comming from the Baronrie of Kendall, about two hundreth Archers, and notwithstanding the Scots nor Archers did not méete by tenne miles: yet was [Page 2] it reported and yet is saide, that the Archers was the cause that y e Scots were that day ouerthrowne: wheras there was no such matter touching the said Archers: but true it is that the Scots was there ouerthrowne, their whole power in effect as Iedeon ouerthrew Gods enemies, y • Scots were 44. to one English man, I could rehearse more, but this maye suffise, being doon in H. 8. his daies.
And whereas Sir Iohn Smith doth rehearse manye and sundrye exsamples of victories and ouerthrowes, giuen by the force and effect of Archers, some aboue 2000. yéeres since, and some 200 yéeres since, and the most betwixt these times: but what hath béene doone since the perfect knowledge of fire weapons hath béen in vse? and wheras Manuell the Emperour of Constantinople, had in his armour or Target the number of 30. arrowes sticking: one Harquebuze or Musket shot would haue dispatched the matter, wherby men may sée that it is but our owne opinions and grounded affection, that our countrymen doo beare vnto the same weapon, in respect that the same was the best shotte in auntient time, when others of greater force were vnknowne: we haue the like estmation of the Long Bow, as the Irish haue of their Darts, the Dansker of their Hatchets, and as the Scotch men haue had of their Speares: all which are more méeter for Sauadge people or poore Potentates, who are not able to maintain others of greater force, then for puissant Princes. The Scots and Irish for the defence of their Countries doo vse their Bowes, and so doo the Burgonians and Wallons in the time of the warres, garde their Caues, Churches & small Pyles: the Cuntrymen for the safety of their goods, but the Souldiers in pay doo neuer vse them, neither [Page] in hold no rfield, who would not forbeare to vse thē, if they knew no better or other of greater force.
Notwithstanding, that Sir Iohn Smith dooth say that the arrowes of Archers wil kill th'enemies farther distance off then any Harquebuze can doo, I leaue that to the iudgement of all such Captaines and Souldiers as haue seene the true triall of both the weapons.
It is not possible that noble men should vnderstand or knowe the force and effect of weapons and abilliments of warre, as other meaner persons doo, who are brought vp with the vse therof: some with one, and some with other, and selve with all: neither is it the place for a noble man or worthy personage, to become a Musketter, Harquebuzere, Cannonere, miner, trench maister or fortefier, all which are for meaner persons and yong men to begin their seruice withall, and to procéed from one to another, as the body and the minde is addicted, and without these the warres cannot be conuaid to any good purpose: and as for footemen, a Pike, a Halberd, or a leading staffe: and for horsemen, a Launce, a punching staffe, Pistoll or mace, it is seemely for a personage of good account, either on foot or on horseback to vse them as in their kindes they ought to be: all which weapons are soone learned sauing the Pistoll the which must come by exercise. And now to veryfie my woords, I will heere set down and name such as by wrong instructions of them that haue informed some noble men in marshall causes not so néere the matter as the cause required to haue been doon, all thinges considered: and also of some that haue been accounted wise and expert Souldiers in England, and yet in their dooings haue not so well perfourmed the same: I would be loath to offend anye [Page 3] in this point, for I doo rather set it downe for example of those that doo liue, then in any sort to blemish those departed:
I will begin with the noble Earle of Penbrooke, The woorthy Earle of Pembrook. whose valour and wisdome is not forgotten: and yet was he not greatly trained in the knowledge of Martiall Discipline, as by these reasons shall appeare.
After that I had béene in the French Kings seruice from the 6. yéere of Edward the 6. vnto y e siege of Saint-quintans in Fraunce, at which time I did come to the said Camp, where the saide Earle was Lieftenant of the English army vnto the King: it pleased his Lordship to call mee to him and to talke with me of diuers French matters: and after many discourses what preparatiōs were made in Fraunce, it pleased his Lo. to aske me who was cheefe in the Towne of Saint-quintins, I tolde his Lo. the Admirall and his brother Andelot, he asked mine opinion Admirall Satylyon. of the Admirals courage and knowledge: I tolde his Lo. that he was both wise and valiant, as any that euer I had serued vnder. No, no, said the Earle, you are deceiued, he is wise but not valiant: I did not replye any further in that point, thinking that the Earle by his great wisdome, knewe more then my selfe, being then but young, but the Admirall did proue my opinion sufficiently: then the Earle did ask me what I thought of that armie, and if that I had euer seen the like: I said it was a goodly armye, and that I had seene the like at diuers times. Yea saide the Earle, but did you euer see y e like expedition that is made in battering the walles of the Town? I demaunded of his Lo. how long the same had beene placed, his Lo. answered 14. daies, I saide that I had seene as much doon in three daies, the which was [Page] of greater strength then that was off: he asked mee where, I tolde him, and after some other spéeches, his Lo. departed for that time. Now his Lo. had neuer séen the like before: wherfore it séemed to him a new thing: this is not any reproche to that noble and woorthy Earle, for how can any man whatsoeuer he be, know that he did neuer sée?
And shortly after it happened that the Castle of The Castle of Guynes besieged. Guines was besieged by y e French: and hauing drawn their Trenches neere vnto the walles of the saide Castle, euen at the point of the day, a volley of cannons went off at the Castle walles, and a gentleman of good account hearing the same, saide to his man, me thinkes said he, I doo heare the battery goe off, goe sée at what place the same is placed. The man went, and brought his M. woord that the batterie was placed against the Marie Bulwarke, that is well saide the Gentleman, God holde them there this moneth, supposing that the same would haue holden foorth the like time, but the same was made assaultable, before two of the clock the same daye. Thus in mistaking of things, men may see the wāt of experience: for that manye other fortifications was supposed to be of strength sufficient to defend the cannon, and therby haue been deceiued.
There was in those daies great difference betwixt the French and the Spaniards in battering, for I haue séene both, and haue considered of the strength of both, the forciue and the defenciue: and in troth the Spaniards are or were, farre inferiour vnto the French: For examples sake, firste at Turwin, where the Emperors campe laye at the least 3. moneths before it was wonne, being in effect drye round about, without any water in y • ditches, which is a great strength to any holde. Saint-quintins was [Page 4] the weakest Towne in all Pickardy, Taresse, or in Uarmendois, and yet it cost y • King 20. daies woork, whereas the French King did winne in one season Townes won in one summer by the french. K. H. 2. these townes, viz: the Towne of Seme in one day, the Town of Marianbrugh in one day, the town and castle of Ieuoye in one daye, the Towne of Bouaigne in one day the castle of Denant 3. daies, the towne of Binks in one daye, whereof the most parte were stronger then either Turwin or Saint-quintins.
Now to returne where I lefte touching wronge informations or wante of experience: It fell out The french Nacion expelled foorthe of Scotland. within two yeeres, that the Queenes Maiestie that nowe is, sent her army into Scotland for the expelling of the Frenche Nation from thence, at which time the Frenche did then retire themselues, with some fewe Scots, into the towne of Lieth, for theyr most safetie vppon the approching of her Maiesties armie: the L. W. Gray of Wilton then Generall of The L. W. Gray. the sayd armie, it pleased his L. to send the horsemen to the number of 500. to viewe the groundes, where the Campe might best be placed the nexte daie, and Sir William Pelham, beeing then Captaine of the Pyoners, and trench maister, went also to see, where he might best begin to intrench: I seeing him going about the same, and notwithstanding I had no acquaintaunce of him: and yet knowing that hee had neither serued in Fraunce, nor with the Emperour, M. Pelham intrencheth and is offended without cause. of good will that I bare vnto the seruice, I wente vnto him in courteous manner and saide, maister Pelham, it were verye good for you to beginne at the foote of this hill, and runne straight to yonder hillocke, whereat he seemed to be offended and saide that I stoode not charged with these matters▪ it was his charge and not mine: I was sorie of that I had spoken, considering how vncourteouslie he did accept [Page] of my good will. But how did the matter fall out? before tenne daies, by leauinge his trenche open: the French perceiuing that they might without any let come both on horsebacke and foote, and so did: wheras it cost the liues of 200. souldiers, and Captaine Bartlet taken prisoner, with diuers others, and at the reskew wherof the L. Gray of Wilton that now The L. Arthur Gray sore wounded. is, hauing not time to arme him selfe, was shotte through the body with a Bullet, so that many thousandes haue dyed of lesser woundes then that was.
And againe at the time, that the good Earle Frā cis of Bedford, was L. Gouernour of Barwicke, and Francis E. of Bedford. L. Warden of y • East Marches: it chanced amongst other warlike talke procéeding from his L. at dinner time, he demaunded of the Captaines there present, how many shot a harquebuzier might discharge in one hower: one Captaine Brode euen sodainelie did answer and sayd tenne, the rest of the Captaines Captaine Brode his answer vnaduisedly made. did not reprooue his answer, although that they did knowe, he was farre short of the matter: and I sitting at the table, though not to crosse the said Captaine Brode but rather to tell him thereof after dinner, the which I did and withall tolde him, that it was not so well done, as of right he ought to haue done, as all the Captaines there present did confesse. But the said Captaine Brode, to maintaine his said answer, sayd that he had said truely, and thereupon did offer to wager, whereto I did offer there, to shoot 40. Single Bullets to bee shotte forth of a Caliuer in one houre. fortie in the like time, single Bullettes foorth of one peece, but the Captaine would abide no triall, the which I did offer to make.
And thus may we see, that Noble men by wrong information, of such as they doo suppose shoulde knowe, may be abused.
The second discourse.
ANd for further example, the two Tresmains, they The two Tre [...]smaynes. were very proper Gentlemen, and had beene in Fraunce foure or fiue yeres, during the wars betwixt the Emperour Charles, and the French Kinge: and it was supposed at their returne into Englande that they had beene trayned in that seruice, during theyr abode there: but it was not so, they neuer did commaund in the feelde, neither were they of any other commaunded, in any Marticall cause: neuerthelesse at their home comminge, they were appointed to take charge, but what was the end of them both? euen death, without dooing theyr Prince or country any good, to theyr freendes or themselues any praise or reputation.
Wherefore I wishe all young Gentlemen, and others mindinge to doo theyr Prince and countrie To learne first to obay, the better shall you konwe howe to command. good seruice, to learne first to obaye, and the vse of warlike weapons, and not to thinke, by reading only to attaine to knowledge, without some further experience: and that done, they may the better proceede, according to their callinges, to commaund and leade others the better, with more commendation for their seruice and for the security of them selues, and followers.
There is no greater greefe can be offered to a Captaine, Knowledge and ignoraunce. that doth rightly, and truely vnderstand what seruice is: then to be commanded by his Chieftaine, to doo and execute to the contrarye, wherein there may be no deniall. It is euen so with the skilful souldier, vnto his vnskilfull Captaine, these thinges I doo perfectly knowe to be true of mine knowledge.
I will set downe a little further, touchinge a A reported matter. matter reported vnto me, by men of skil and knowledge [Page] concerning a Gentleman, who was accounted to be one of the most skilfullest Souldiers in England: and in troth he was a maruelous honest Gentleman, and offaire conditions: but a souldier is neuer iustly tried, vnto such time as cause and action hath made due proofe thereof. I did once heere S. Richard It is better to haue the name in the court, then to performe in the fielde. Lee the fortifier, say vnto a counseller in England, that it is better for a man to be counted a good souldier in the Court, then to be the best souldier in the feelde, and not knowen in Courte.
And nowe to the reported matter▪ It pleased her Maiestie and counsell, to sende M. Edward Randall Esquire, into Ireland about the tenth yeere of her Maiesties raigne, with diuers bandes of footemen, for the better garding of some parte of her highnesse countries and subiectes there, against such rebellious persons as then pretended to iniure the same, and so béeinge placed in Ireland, it fell out that either vpon some false report, or the ignoraunt aduertisement of such as was put in trust, for the discouering of the enemies numbers: but howe so euer it was, the Collonell commaunded that Captaine Cornewall, Captaine Gorlay, Captaine Skreuen, and Captaine Ward, should be ready with their seuerall bandes, to march forward as they should bee directed: and about two houres before day they did march foorth towardes the enemies. At the point of the day before the soune was vp: the fewe Englishe horsemen did discouer of the enemies to the number of 3000. horsemen and footemen, being very néere vnto our foote men, who were in number about 400. with 50. horsemen, leade by Captaine Haruy, wherevpon our Captaines, perceiuing that there was no hope to retire with any safetie, by reason the enemies [Page 6] were so many horsemen: tooke their groundes for their best aduantage, and aranged their men in good order, and incouraging their souldiers, to trye their vallures, in that parcell of ground of some aduantage, and to showe themselues to bee the men, that they professed to bée: wherupon they made readie their weapons to receiue the enemies Uiolence. Collonell Randall hauing not perfect sight. Now maister Randall the Collonell, hauing not perfect sight, demaunded how far the enemies were off, and what number they were: It was told him they were in horsemen and footmen to y • number of 3000. euen hard at hand, readie to charge the footemen: where withall, he without eyther taking time to incourage and accompanye his men, or to suffer the footmen to giue their volley of shot as reason did require, but euen presently put the spurs to his horse, Edward Randall wilfully slaine through his own ouersight. and ran into the thickst of the enemies, euen at the instant that the Harquebuziers did giue their volley of shot at the enemies: insomuch, that he was slaine with his owne men and fréends most wilfullye: to the great discouragement of the rest, had there not béen men both of courage and knowledge in their doinges, who in that action did right well trye themselues to be Souldiers, for the enemies were there by Gods help & their good seruice, ouerthrown and put to slaughter and flight, to their great The valiant Captaines not remem bred in the Cronicles. praise. Now if this be true as it is supposed, I doo think that it is against reason, that the same should be accompted a matter woorthy of the praise that by the Cronicles is set downe, and to leaue vnremembred the valiant Captaines that was the iust cause of the déed and victorie obtained.
I doo not set this downe for any mallice that euer I did beare vnto M. Randall, for I did euer for his curtesie, both loue him, and thought well of all [Page] his good spéech and dooings, vntill this fact was committed: and for that I haue heard some of good acount say that his dooinges in the same was valourous: I am not of that minde, but it is for the most parte holden for valour with such as doo not vnderstand what true valour is: when in troth it is but True prow es, and foolish hardines. very foolish hardines, without any discretion at all.
And thus much haue I said as touching ignorance as well in the greatest who haue receiued their Touching ignorance. knowledge by wrong informations: as the meaner who dooth not regarde what they doo take in hand, through the like offence. A man might make a long role, but this is some parte to shew, that it is necessary To haue regarde to whome great charges are giuen. to look, vnto whom such great charges are committed: to be men well able to discharge the same, not in woords but in action: so shall it the better fall out for our Princes seruice, and defence of the Realme.
The third Discourse.
AS for the disorders in the Low Cuntries, it is sufficientlye spoken off in the discourse of Sir Iohn Smith, and as concerning the battell at Tilburye The Battaile at Tilbury. in Anno. 1588. I haue heard diuers reportes therof, the which if they be true, there was some cause to finde faulte. But as touching the Archers they were placed in my opinion, in the place most fit for them: for the best was to be placed in the front, and the woorst in the rereward.
And as concerning great or small Bandes of footmen: my opinion is this, that it is necessarye for foote-bands or bands of horsemen, to be of diuers numbers, for sundrye causes: First, for that there are Captaines, who are better able to gouerne fiue hundred, then some othoers are to guern two hundred. [Page 7] Againe, if there happen some péece of seruice It is good that Bands of footmen and horse men be of diuers num bers for diuers causes. to be doone, which one hundred maye doo, it is more then néedeth to send two or thrée hundreds to do the same, or peraduenture there cannot be spared so manye: If therefore there should be sent one hundreth from another hundreth, if in both the places seruice should come in hand: the two hundreth so parted, shall be the weaker in both the partes, by deuiding the Officers. As for example.
I haue the charge of 200. footmen, my commaunder commaunds me to set foorth of my band of 200. Deuiding of bands dooth wea ken the same. one hundred, to keepe a straight or passage, or such like: it is reason that either my Lieftenaunt or my selfe doo goe with them: if in the mean time occasion of seruice be offered, both my two hundreds are by this means weakned.
And so dooth the matter fall out, if a parcell of seruice should be doon, where 500. should be imployed therunto: it were better that one sufficient Captaine tooke in hand to doo the same with his onlye band, then to send two Captains: for two may be of diuers opinions, and so may differ, whereby the seruice is oftentimes hindred. So is it in my opinion, not amisse, that there be in a great Army, 100. 200. 300. 400. 500. or 600.
The Frenchmen doo vse when a noble man hath 600. footmen in charge, to haue two Ensignes, and two Lieftenants, foure Sargeants, and 8. Corporalles, for commonlye, they doo vse 300. to one Ensigne in Campe time: but the Countie of Creance had in the seruice against Charles the 5. the charge of 600. footmen.
And for the numbers to be admitted vnder Collonels, it standeth in the same state, as dooth the [Page] Captains before mentioned: for a worthye personage that is able to gouern aright, would I wish to haue vnder his charge 3000. men, a mener 2000. and the least 1000: so should they the more properly serue vpon seuerall occasions, as the Captaines maye in their estates doo. But one thing I doo wish, that the Collonelles should take such order with their Captaines, that euery seuerall band be armed and weaponed alike, according to their proportion: so shal it be a great furtheraunce at the time that the Armye shall be reduced into battaile, and put in order to fight, without any confusion or trouble to the Corporalles of the fielde, or to the Sargeants maiors: but with great ease maye embattaile them vpon the sodaine, if they were in number 20000. footmen. Thus much after my mean skil and vnderstanding haue I set down, as concerning Collonels and Captaines, referring the same to my betters, and Captains of greater experience and knowledge, to allow or disalow at their pleasure.
And further concerning the proportion of weapons The proper showes of weapons for foot bands. afore mencioned: I wish to euery hundred 35. armed Pikes, 30. Muskets, 20, Calyuers, and 15. Billes, Halberds or Partesants: my reason is this, that I would haue so much to offend, as to defend: for as by common experience, that those Swissers and Almaines, whose hierlings soeuer they be, the chéefe cause wherefore they are retained, are but to fortefie the bodies of their battailes as defendants, and therfore are most sure and strong. But as for the offenciue, which be the shot next vnto the Horsemen: they must be of other nations, and men of more agillitie of bodye, then either Swisser or Launce-Knight. And now to the declaration of our weapons.
[Page 8]IT is supposed by many, that the weapon called commonly a Caliuer, is another thinge then a The Duke of Guise was the first that did inuent them Harquebuze, whereas in troath it is not, but onely a Harquebuze, sauing that it is of a greater circuite or Bullet, then the other is of: wherfore the French man dooth cal it a péece de Calibre, which is as much as to say, a péece of bigger circute.
The fourth discourse.
ANd nowe for that the Harquebuze, was the first weapon that I did vse, I will therefore say some thing touching the same: it is a weapon moste offenciue, that as yet euer was inuented, for all maner of seruice, as well on horsebacke as one foote, and in the handes of a skilfull souldier, well practised and trained with the vse thereof, a most terrible and Harquebuze in the hands of ignoraunt men are rather hurtfull then cōmodious deadly weapon. But this I muste néedes confesse, that in the handes of an ignoraunt person, neither apte nor willing to vse the same, as of right it ought to be, it is rather hurtfull then commodious: For whosoeuer shall take in hand to vse the same weapon, must take (as it were) a delighte in the well vsing thereof. First to kéepe the same cleane and cléere as well within as without, and to haue his molde, to cast his Bullets, as round as is possible, and the same well pared, to that ende it may fall close to the powder, without staying by the way, then his match well made and dry, his stéele and flinte to strike fire, his scrues and wormes to serue all for his skowring sticke, and for euery tenne souldiers to haue a casting panne. For flasks, it were better that the vse of them were lefte, and in liewe thereof the Spanishe vse, which is nowe had with vs for our muskets, for it is the best, the surest and the readiest, that yet hath [Page] béene vsed for diuers causes, which I omitte least I should bee tedious. This Harquebuzier muste yet haue a tuch boxe, a purse for his Bullets, steele and flint, and a priminge Iron for the clearinge of the tuch hole, when neede▪ shall require, a good Morion, with not to high a creast, a good shorte sworde of a yarde in blade, and dagger of twelue inches in blade, with a good girdle and stronge. This souldier thus furnished, being apt & willing, and dooth vnderstand A Harquebuzer neede not being perfect to incounter a man at armes. what him selfe is in force: needeth not to care who he dooth encounter withall béeing but one, although he were a man at armes: and in groundes of aduantage to be the death of many, the which aduantage of groundes, is the greatest helpe to all defendantes, the which I take to be our partes at this day in England, to thinke vpon.
For these Harquebuziers, is the onely weapon, that hath beene the greatest cause of the deathes of suche numbers, as haue béene of late dayes ouerthrowne, in great incounters, yea and in small skirmishes, & by the terrible shot of Pistoliers or Reisters, and specially at Saint-quintins: and at Graueling the English ships, were a great cause of that ouerthrowe.
But reade the booke of the Commentarie of the sciuile warres of Fraunce, and the incounters in the Lowe countries: and at the same time, that the Frenche Kinge Henrie the seconde incountered with the Emperour Charles at Rentie, what was the shot of Harquebuzers there? the very morning before the sunne was one hower highe, there 400. Harquebuzers slaine in one mor ning. was 400 Harquebuziers slaine of the French party, and drawne out of the shrubs or bushes by the héels: the which the French and Spaniardes did striue to obtaine, for the better aduantage of a greater matter [Page 9] which was done there that same daye: And it was well knowne that of the Spanish partie, there was slaine in the same skirmishe, almost double the number. And after the obtaining of the same bushes or shrubs, by the french, the Emperor came forward towards the Kings armie, being a Fawcon shot the one off the other: at which time the Duke of Sauoy hauing the leading of the Uant-garde, did descende towardes the saide bushes possessed by the Frenche footemen: and the encounter began with such terrible shot of the Spanish Uant-garde and the French The shot of Harquebuzers are most deadly weapons if they be in the handes of skilfull men. footemen, that who so euer did see the same; may wel say, that the shot of the Harquebuziers, are moste deadly weapons, being in the hands of skilfull men: For what with the terrour of the French shot, and the braue charge of the French light horse-men, the Uantgarde of the Emperor was there ouerthrown, and chéefely by the terror of the French shot, laid in the bushes as afore is said.
Againe before Cambraye, the armies aforesaide being néere together, where the King had staid foure dayes according to his promise for the Emperour: It fell out the laste daye, the Kinge remooued his Campe, at which instant there approched néere vnto the French Campe 2000. horsemen of the best in the Emperors armie, accompanied or backed with two thousand Harquebuziers one foote: the French being 5000▪ men at armes, & archers, within Pystol shot of their enemies for the space of foure houres, still beholding one another, who durst first breake: for if the Frenche, beeing the greater number, had charged the Sapniards, then would the two thousand shot, haue galled and destroyed the most parte of them, to their great detriment and losse: wherfore it may be thought that the French would not haue [Page] ouer shot themselues so farre, as to haue omitted such a daies worke: but only for the doubt that they had, of the same Harquebuzers so couched in a hollowe way, behind the horsemen, as aforesayd.
Againe at the siege of Bouaigne, where the French King being in person, y • Emperor at Namure, within eight miles, the Kings pleasure was to haue fiue hundred horse, to goe as neere to the Emperours Campe as they could, to discouer the enemies: but it fell so foorth, that there were 2000. horsemen enemies abrode, at the same time: and méeting the one with the other, they both pawsed to charge: for the most part of the way lay, betwixt the riuer of Moose and a great banke: so that the French supposed, that the whole Campe of the Emperour had beene comming, they retired a soft trote: their enemies pursued, and made after with more speed, and the French hauing but onely forty shot, horsemen, they caused them to light and to defend the straighte at the best aduantage: & by meanes of those forty shot, the 500 horse were saued, and came to their Campe without losse. Also the very first daye, that Bouaigne was besieged, the French shotte so freshlye followed the Spaniardes, that were sallyed foorth for the mainetenance of their skirmishe: that in conclusion, they A batterie plased with out trenche or gabyon. came close to the walles of the towne, and there stayed: and so without either trench, basket, or gabyons, continued there, from eight of the clock in the morning, vnto fower in the after-noone: in which time, there was not any, either souldier or townsman, that durst looke ouer the walles: in so much, that the Cannoniers and Pyoners, did place theyr ordinaunce, without anye more defences for theyr safety, then afore is saide: so that before fiue of the clocke, the frenche foote-men entered, and [Page 10] slewe man, woman and child, or threwe them into Man womā and childe slaine or drowned. Moose, which dooth runne close by the wall vpon the one side: so were these people all slaine or drowned sauing nine Spaniards, that fled into a little towre, the which they defended about two howers, to the losse of fiue or sixe frenche shot: But the nexte day they were all hanged vpon one paire of Gallous, that were set vp, right against the castle of Denant, being little more then halfe a mile, distant from Bouaigne: wherin was at that time, Iulian Romero with 200. of his countrie men, who by his and their vallours, and force of their shot, withstoode the Kinges power thrée dayes, to the death of a great nūber of the french, which were lost at two assaults, and then yéelded by composition.
The fifth discourse.
ANd touching the rest of our fierye weapons, I will set downe partlie my opinion, and when I doo speake of Harquebuzies, it is meant by all Calliuers & Curriers: & although the musket be a weapon of greater force then the Harquebuze is of, yet generally both on horseback and on foote, a Harquebuze dooth serue for both. But were the musket to be dealt withall on horsebacke, as one foote: I woulde then thinke it the best of all manuall weapons, that yet haue beene deuised and inuented: and not onely in defendinge of holdes and trenches, but also in the plaine feelde for Battels and great incounters: yea and to backe the smaller shot in skirmishe, to Peeces of more force to defende holdes then Muskets. great purpose. For within holdes or trenches, there may be vsed, as the maner is, péeces of better force, and more to offend the enemies then muskets: as [Page] Fauconits, Robinets, and Organpipes, all these bée but light peeces, & are mounted vpon carriages, and the greatest may bee remooued with two or thrée men (which is the Fauconit) al along the rampiers: and euer new and new, small lowpes made, that the enemies shall not discerne the same, before the shooting thereof, which may not be done, but vpon good occasion: and also there be other peeces, to be set vpon Blockes, and to be remooued in like manner: as Bases of diuers sorts, and Harquebuze with crooks, otherwise called Hagbuts a crooke, the name come of the hooke of the same, which is to be holden fast to a stocke or stone, for recoyling.
But to the musket againe: The musketes are No armors can defend against the Musket being neere hand. weapons of great force, and at this day, bothe with leaders and followers, much feared: for fewe or no Armours, will or can defend the force thereof, being néerehand, which is as well a terror to the best armed, as to the meanest: it will kill the armed of proofe at ten skore yardes, the common armours at twenty score, and the vnarmed at thirty skore, being well vsed in bullet and tried powder.
And where as it is alledged in S. Iohn Smithes booke, of many and sundry imperfections, incidente vnto the same weapons of muskets, and Haquebuzies, as in dankishnes of powder or matche, the smalnes of their bullets being not equal for the bore of the same peeces, with diuers other impediments, as there is to be seene, who so listes to looke: which No impedimentes where as skilful soldiers are. are no impedimentes, where skilfull souldiers hath the vsing of the same péeces. And for the cause of raynie weather (by him aleadged) if it bee such a great wet, that all things are wet: then is it as bad for y • one partie as for the other: Let the seruice rest, or fall to it with hand strokes. An other obiection is [Page 11] made in the same booke, against all knowledge and experience, and that is touching the taking leuell at their marke or marks, whereat they shoot, as being so far inferior vnto the Long-bow in that respect, as though there were no cōparison to be made therein. To the which I aunswer, both of my owne knowledge and by common experience, for that I my selfe did vse my bowe, vnto my ag of 17. yeeres, and could haue shot therewith right wel, and so from my bow to my Harquebuze, and after that I had vsed the same, but 4. or 5. monthes, I would haue shot at any marke, at buts short or long, or banke: with the best bow-man in England, for all that I had, and so shal I as yet doo, for a good wager, or at the leaste some scholler of mine.
And as it is there termed point and blancke, I neuer heard but that it is tearmed point blancke, Point blāke and not point and blancke. but I will not stand vpon tearmes, for either haue I and many moe such plaine fellowes, misued our tearmes in that point, or else I am in the [...]ight. But as touching the certaintie of shooting at markes or enemies, let it be with Harquebuze or musket, considered but with the archer himselfe: Whether a Cros-bowe, or a Long-bowe in a Tyller, shoot more certainely, either at marke or pricke, then dooth the Long-bowe that from the hand of the bow-man is deliuered: and then I thinke it will be allowed, that when the Harquebuze or Musket, doo take the leuel from the button of his sight, vnto the pin in the fore ende of his péece, that he may shoote with more and surer leuell, then can either loose Long-bowe, Tiller-bowe, or Cros-bowe: and specially the Musket, who hath his rest to stay his péece vpon, right stedfastly.
And whereas it is set down, also by S. Iohn Smith [Page] that it is not méete, that any Harquebuziers should discharge or shoot, but within 8. 10. or 12. yards at the most. I wonder what manner of souldier that shold bee, that within pointe blancke of his weapon, be it musket or Harquebuze, that should misse the bredth of a trencher: and these are my reasons which consisteth in two pointes. First as touchinge a good and skilfull Cannonier, notwithstandinge that his Touching a good and skilfull Canonere. Cannon dooth recoyle, sixe or eight foote: hee will not faile the compasse of a yarde of his marke, beeinge within pointe blancke: Secondly the fowler, who dooth shoote without a rest many times, and hath his péece charged with small haile shot, if he be perfecte, wil not faile to kil a Mallard, (yea sometimes halfe a dozen if they sit néere together, or right vpon his leuell) within fiftie yardes. Then much lesse will the skilfull Harquebuzier or Muskettier misse the hitting of a man: And againe, there is not so simple a souldier, that cannot make an estimation how farre his marke is without his leuell, that is without pointe blanck, and so giue his weapon that vantage, as the distaunce doothe require. And so I omitte to answer vnto the rest alleadged, for the slendernes of them: thinking this sufficient, to prooue my argumentes manifest enough vnto all that dooth knowe the vse of weapons of war: and for such as are ignorant, let them learne of them that dooth truely know them.
The sixt discourse, prouing the Long-bowe to be farre inferiour vnto the firie weapons.
ANd now to y • Long-bow so highly commended by S. Iohn Smith, by so many & sundrye recited [Page 12] arguments and proofes, by him alleadged in his saide booke, as therein is declared and set foorth in so It is not needfull to answere vn to so many recited reasons. many seuerall places, that I think it is not néedfull or requisite to answere vnto the most parte thereof. But as the olde prouerb is, that good things néede no praising: therefore as neere as God will giue me leaue, I shall set downe my opinion and knowledge, without either affection or hatred to y e same.
The time that I firste entred into the warres, was at Boleigne, where there were a thousand fiue hundreth, or thereabouts in the same Towne, and Fortes there néere adioyning: and although I serued there some fiue or sixe moneths, yet did I not at any time during my abode there, sée them altogether at any one instant, vnto such time as the same was deliuered vnto the French king: al which numbers came from thence to Callice in good order of march: and I seruing in Guines vnder sir Iohn Wallop Knight went to sée them, and beholding them well in diuers respects, I thought that in all England, there were not so many in any one shire to be found, of the like comelines and shape of bodye: and notwithstanding that the most parte of them were archers, I did neuer sée or heard, of any thing by them doon with their Long bowes, to any great effect. Nothing doon by the archers, but many haue been seene lye dead with Harqubuze and Pistoll. But many haue I séene lye dead in diuers skirmishes and incounters, betwéene the Englishe in those Fortes, and the French in Garrison, in the Fort called Mon pleasure and mon gardenet, right ouer against our Fortes and holds there. And where as I serued in Guynes as afore is said, in a band that were all Harquebuzieres sauing fourtéen persons, there was also another Band of▪ Souldiers, vnder one Captain Basset, who had no Harquebuzeres in his Band, hee was an Essex man toward the Earle [Page] of Oxford, and the two bands serued oftentimes together, in diuers skirmishes and ouerthrowes, betwixt y • Garrison of Guines and Arde, and amongst many other, both before y e towne of Arde and at other times, néere vnto the Castle of Guines, where triall was to haue béene made, twice or thrice in a wéeke of all manner of warlike weapons, and the sufficiencie therof to haue beene iustly proued, and amongst many other of greater force, in numbers I will heare set downe the manner of one incounter doon by the Garrison of Guynes.
The 7. Discourse.
IT fell out that Sir Iohn Wallop Knight of th'order of the Garter, who had gotten intelligence by his espialles that the Frenchmen would come into the English grounds vpon a night: wherevpon as soone as the gates was shut, he sent foorth his Gentleman Porter, to commaund the Captaines to put in readines their Bands, all sauing one that should continue within the towne, for watching and warding, vntill their returne back, which was doone accordingly: and according to the time appointed, they did march foorth of the Towne 400. footemen, and 25. horsemen: and being not halfe a myle from the Towne, there fell such a huge raine and tempest, that the Captaines consented together to returne home to the Towne againe, and so did. Sir Iohn Wallop was a lame man, and could neither ride nor go, but in a litter as he was carried, and yet in his directions most perfect.
The Frenchmen being abroad, and had laine in couert all the same morning: about ten of the clock [Page 13] in the foorenoone, the Cattle of the English inhabitants being all abroad, and suspecting no enemies, the French horsemen brake vpon the villages, from Mewnam Bridge, close by the marrishe side, and droue away great numbers of Cattle and Sheepe, not comming neere vnto Guines by two miles: and when they had gotten that they could, they returned towardes Hambletewe, and so after that they were foorth of the sight, of the day watche of Hams and Guynes, the Garrison of Hambletewe and them of Arde▪ there parted their bootie, and so returned towards their Garrisons. In the meane time Sir Iohn Wallop had vnderstanding that the Captains wēt not forth according to his direction wherfore he sent to commaund them to come before him to answer their cause: but before the Captains did come, the Larum was throughout the Countrye, and the day watch strooke the Larum, and off went a Cannon, to giue the rest of the Countrie warning, and foorth with the Captains and Souldiers issued foorth and with their weapons only without any armour at all, the Bell continued striking the Larum so hotlye that euery man thought the enemy had béen at the Towne gates, insomuch that the gouernour him selfe came foorth, and there meeting with some of the Captains, so be called them for not perfourming his directions, that he sware by Gods mother (which was his common oath) that they were all cowardly knaues, and durste not look a Frenchman in the face, wherwith the Captains were sore greeued: but in this meane space there came a Horseman from Sindercase Church, who had séene all the demeanor of the French, and declared that one part were going towards Hambletewe, and th'other towards Arde: the Captains and the Souldiers hearing [Page] this, neuer staide, but made towards a place called Buckhole or Buckhold, they ran by 20. and 10. and more and lesse, vntill they came néere to the open where the French were newlye come through the the woods, with the Cattle and bootie, and tooke their grounds of aduauntage, and put their footmen in their best order, and their horsemen vpon their left hand: and by that time the French were wel set in their orders, the English were about 280. footemen that were come together, and 9. horsemen: but before that the English could come into the ground, where those French had imbatled themselues, there was a hedge wherin was a gappe, that 3. in a rank could not passe through the same, whereof we stoode in doubt that the horsemen would haue charged vs, before we had past the said straight: but they suffered vs quietly to come through the same: there needed no Sargeant, for euery man as fast as hee could pace fell into his ranke, which was seauen, and then we had to ascend towards the enemy, who stood vpon a Linch of a banck 2. yards high: y e horsmen stood at y e end of the same Linch, vpon whom we straight directed our shot: the French shot off their peeces, in effect vpon our flanke, and ouershot vs in manner, but we let flye amongst their horsemen, so full in their faces, that they to goe, it was no néede to bid them spur, and so many as were not slain went cléer away: the footemen stayed vntill we came to ioyne Pyke to Pyke, and at the last they began to shrink, and thought to haue saued themselues, being so néer the wood: but we pursued them so fast, that few did scape by flight, and so they thrue away their Pikes, and fled towardes the wood, but we kild 117. of the footmen, and fiue horses, and took Mounsier de Outings Liefetenant to the Gouernor of Arde, and one [Page 14] other Horseman, and 69. Prisoners, with the armour and weapon of the rest that were slaine: the bootie went cleere away, for before we had done and put our selues in good order againe to march home, the bootie was neere Arde gates: and Sir Iohn aduertised by some that were in the day watche, that the French and our men were togeather, for the smoke of the shot might well bee seene, he wished that we had béene at home, for all his land said hée: But when newes was brought him by one Muse, one of the nine horsemen, that he shoulde cause his cooke to prouide his supper, for Monsieur de Outings would sup with him & a great sorte more of his partakers: then the gouernor was right glad, and was sorie that he had so be called the Captaines. This was done aboute Nouember in the 3. yéere of Edward the sixt, by my Captain Hugh Smith and Captaine Thomas Sibell, Captaine Matson and Captaine Basset with 268. footemen, and 9. horsemen. The french were 87. horsemen led by Captaine Pelowes, and 340 footemen led by the L. of Outings: in this incounter we lost but fiue men, yet diuers hurt but recouered all well againe, amongest these there was 35. Bow-men▪ whereof there was one slaine, but not one slaine by the archers, nor to my knowledge, I neuer sawe any slaine out right with an arrowe, and but with Quarels few, but with Harquebuze and Pistoll shot, I haue been at seuerall times, where 20000. hath béene slaiue outright, besides manie wounded and maimed.
I haue made a long rehearsal of this ouerthrow at Buckhole, & the rather for that I finde it not set down in any other place, by any of these our late Chroniclers, but many matters of smaller effect then that.
I haue béene at manye greater matters, but [Page] neuer at anie, done with more good will, or better courage either of Captaine or souldier. For albeit that we were cléerely vnarmed and the enemy well armed, yet we might haue chosen to haue set vpon them, or to haue left them where they were.
And now where I left touching archers with their Long-bowes.
The 8. discourse.
LEt vs consider iustlie of sir Iohn Smithes words, although he dooth giue the Long-bowe, manie great and excellent commendations: yet when hée commeth to account of the full force thereof, he saieth, that it dooth most wonderfully with the noyse thereof terrefie the enemy, and so foorth: and also dooth confesse that it dooth but sometime kill. I refer that point to all good souldiers iudgement, there is none worthy to be a soldier, that dooth not thinke to be a Captaine in time, by his valour, knowledge, and good behauiour: And what is he that is of that minde, or that dooth feare any woundes, so that life Archers are rather an incouragement, then hurtful vnto a resolute souldier. may be in little or no daunger? I doo firmely beleeue, that it is rather an encouragement to a resolute soldier, rather to approche towards them, then anie way to shunne them: For in troth when I was in the french Kings seruice amongst the olde bandes of footemen, I did greatly commende the force of the Long-bowe, but how was I answered: to be shorte euen thus, Non non Anglois, vostre cause est bien salle car dieu nous a donnes moyen de vous encountrer apres, vnautre sorte que en temps passe. No, no, English man saith he, your case is become fowle, for God hath giuen vs meanes to encounter with you after an other [Page 15] sorte then in times past, for nowe saith he the weakest of vs are able to giue greater wounds, then the greatest and strongest archer you haue: & when I replyed, as sir Iohn Smith often dooth that the number of arrowes dooth come so thicke, that it was lyke vnto haile: well saith he but it is not to be feared, as that weapon that dooth kill where it lightes: for saith he, when I doo marche directlye vpon them and seeing them comming, I doo stoupe a little with my head, to that ende my Burgonet shall saue my face, and seeing the same arrowes lighting vpon my heade peece or vpon my brest, pouldrons, or vambraces, and so séeing the same, to be of no more force nor hurtfull: then doo I with lesse feare then before, boldelye aduaunce forwardes to encounter with them. But these are but arguments of small effect, and rather to showe the opinion of the french souldiers then for any iust proofe of the matter, it is requesit that by our owne knowledge, it be truely cō sidered of, for as I haue saide before touchinge the English seruice at Bolloigne and Guisnes, with all the great Garrisons there of long time kept, which was to our Princes an infinite charge, and specially Bolloigne with the members and fortifications. And not withstanding there were, as many stronge and able archers, in the same Garrisons, as in all Christendome there were none better, for that number: Let it bee considered, what was by them done, at any time of seruice, within those fiue yéeres that it was English: or at Guisnes or Callice during the same time.
And nowe to a latter time, as in the seconde yéere of the Queenes Maiesties most happie raigne that nowe is, at the siedge of Lieth, where there was verie manie archers, as of Yorkeshire, Lancashire, [Page] Cheshire, Nottingham-shire, and Darbishire: There was many archers at Leeth and good place to haue tried them. there was as good place to haue tried them, as was in anie place of late dayes, but I knowe that there was no good proofe made to the commendations of archerie or of the Long-bowe. And I may the more certainlie speake it for this cause.
It was my chaunce at the conclusion of the peace, and the yeelding vp of the towne of Lieth, to méete with diuers of my acquaintaunce beeinge French-men: amongest the rest, I mette with a Gentleman and an olde souldier, who serued in the same company that I was off, amongest the footemen in Fraunce, whose name was Mounsieur de Sentan, whose vallour and honest conditions, I did perfectlie knowe, so much the better, for that we were both vnder one Corporall, and lodged together, and frequented at meate and tablinge long togeather: in so much that in respect of the great curtesie, that I found at his handes in Fraunce: I partlie considered of at Lieth, & after diuers speeches past betwixt him and me, I demaunded two questions of him.
The first was to know how many of our souldiers were slaine, at the Skale or Saltie by vs giuen: he answered that there were slaine 448. I demaunded 448. Slaine at Lieth at one assaulte howe he did knowe the same, hee aunswered that the Gouernour of Lieth dyd commaunde, that all the vppermost garmentes of the slaine men of the English partie, shoulde bée brought into the market place, and there to bée counted, which was done as he affirmed, and there were found sayd he so many as aforesayd.
Secondly remembring the wordes of the frenchmen before rehearsed, at the time of my béeing in Fraunce touchinge archers, I demaunded of this Sentan, howe manye were slaine with Arrowes, [Page 16] from the beginning of the siedge vnto that daye, he answered not one, sauing said he, that one who was shot betwixt the shoulder and the bodie, and that Not one slaine at Lecth with archers, but one hurt. with the heat of his body when the arrow was pulled foorth, the head stuck behinde, and came not forth together, wherfore the Surgion was constrained to cut the man to recouer the head of the arrow, and so the man still lay vpon y e amendement of his wound. It dooth appeare that feaw or none hath been slaine with arrowes, but great numbers by the fiery shot. Now by this and other before rehearsed, and héereafter to be rehearsed, it dooth and may appéere, that by Harquebuzes great numbers haue come to their deaths, and either fewe or none with arrowes, or archery.
And now touching the seruice doon at that time that New-hauen was kept, the 5. yéere of her Maiestie, by the Earle of Warwick: let the Cronicle, or those y • yet doo liue, make account who were there slaine, with the force or dent of arrowes. And albeit that it was so, that in the skirmish before the towne It is to be thought that the French would haue retyred, if the Archers had not come at al. of Newhauen, that Sir Iohn Smith speaketh of in the 37. leafe of his discourse: it may be supposed, that the French hauing continued long in Skirmishe, whereby their pouder and bullets were spent: and besides being néere vnto the Towne, and in danger of the great Ordinance, were of themselues willing to retire, if the fourescore Archers had not come at all. I sée no reporte in the histories made, touching The longer the archers be continued, the worse. the same, or any to any purpose of late time, and spe cially since y e Harquebuze hath been rightly known, and the longer that the archers be continued, the woorse they will be esteemed.
The 9. Discourse.
ANd now to answere vnto the first parte of Sir Iohn Smithes argumentes, which is in the 20▪ Page, the 15. line. I will now saith he procéede, to To answere vnto Si [...] 10. S. his 3. questions. the consideration and examination of three most important things, in the which all the effectes of Muskettiers, Harquebuziers, and Archers and their wepons doo consist.
And that is whether Musketiers and Harquebuziers be most readiest to giue vollies, &c.
The second is, whether the weapons of fire, or the bowe doo faile, in discharging and shooting, &c.
The third is, whether by reason and common experience, the Bullets or the arrowes doo annoy the enemies most, be they horsemen or footmen.
To the first I answer thus, I will not follow sir Sir I. S. his answere not followed but the true obseruation. Iohn Smith, in his answere vnto the same, but rather the true obseruation, which by all good Souldiers is not forgotten to be perfourmed vpon any occasion of seruice. The Harquebuzier dooth firste charge his péece in good order, as to a Souldier it néeds no rehearsall, and to other not knowing how to doo it, it is but folly without exercise: But thus, hauing charged his péece, he goeth towards his enemies, as dooth the Archer with his Bowe bent, and one arrow in his hand: the Harquebuzier hath also for his first shot, all thinges in more readines then any Archer can haue: for wheras the Harquebuzier against the time that his officer shall commaund him to shoote, his match of a yarde in length is fired at both the ends, & ready set in his serpentine: that doon, he hath nothing to doo, but lay his péece close to [Page 17] his shoulder, and marke his enemy iust. The Bowman though he haue his arrowe readye nocked, yet must he drawe the same to the head, the which I The archer dooth require more time then dooth the firy weapon to shoot the first shoot. haue seen oftentimes very slenderly perfourmed: and the drawing of that to the head, dooth require more time then the fiery weapon doth, being in the readines as is aforesaide.
But this is the effect of the matter. If it must be as Sir Iohn Smith dooth say, that a Harquebuze may not discharge but within 8. 10. or 12. yardes: I think that if that be allowed, that the Harquebuzier may discharge the first, before the Archer, being ready as afore is said. And if it be at horsemen and the horsemen be so néer as within 10. or 12. yards: then is it too late to charge again, or to shoot, for the horsmen being so néer as aforsaid, wil either enter or els immediatly retire, with y • they haue already receiued: for it is a thing most certain, that horsemen in their charge if they be Souldiers, when they are within danger of the shot, will either not charge at all, or else being neer, will with all possible speed perfourme their charge: for otherwaies, they should One of the Tresmaines slain in houering in his charging of footmen. be counted but simple Souldiers, for euen so was one of the Tresmains (in houering in the charging of footmen) slaine at Newhauen: and as for shooting 4. for one, there is no Archer that can shoote 2. for one, if the Harquebuzier be perfect and well trained.
The Harquebuzier that dooth perfectlye knowe A perfect Harquebuzere wil dis charge more Bul lets, be the time short or long, then any Bowman can doo arrowes. how to vse himselfe and his weapon: will discharge more Bullets, then any Archer can doo Arrowes: and by this way and meane. If it be a Musket, so much the better for my purpose, and this is to be doone in great incounters, whereas armies cannot marche but easilye, for that the numbers are great, and being a Musket, I would firste deliuer a single [Page] Bullet, at 24. score off or there abouts, by that time they had marched fourescore neerer, I would deliuer All this while the Bow dooth stand without dooing any hurt. another Bullet, and at 12▪ score two, and at eight score three, at forescore 6. Pistoll Bullets, with lesse pouder thē at the first by the third part, for alwaies the more lead the lesse pouder, and yet shall the force be neuer the lesse.
Now consider, that betwixt eight score and the ioyning of the battell, how many arrows can a bow well deliuer? for within that distance, both the battailes dooth come on with great speede, or else not at No man can tel how to fight be fore he see his ground and numbers. all. But no man can tell how to fight, but as the time, the ground, and the number shall either giue leaue or suffer.
Now euen as I haue declared for the Musket, so dooth it stand with the Harquebuze, but not to begin so farre off with the Harquebuze, as with the Musket: and take this for most certain, that a Musketiere or a good Harquebuzier, will deliuer more bullets, & of greater force thē any archer can do arrowes, be it in short time or long time: for as before A Musket shoots more Bullets then a Long bow doth ar rowes. is declared, if the enemy be so neere that the Archer can shoot but one, then maye the Harquebuzier let fall another Bullet into his péece, and shoot two for the archers one. And if th'enemy be far of, then may it be perfourmed as afore is said.
And touching the second point, that is, whether the Archers with their weapons, or the other Souldiers with their weapons of fire, doo faile least, to shoot, discharge and giue their vollies.
As touching this second point and question, I answer thus, that touching the certainty of neere shooting, or failing to hit th'enemies, the Bow cannot be able to come néer the Harquebuze or the musket, for the firie weapons dooth shoot with a certain Leuell, [Page 18] as it were by rule, and the Bowe but by gesse, The bowe cānot come neere the fiery weapō in neere shooting for the firy weapon shootes by rule and the bowe but by gesse as I haue sayde before sufficiently touchinge that pointe. And for fayling, as in respect of dankishnes of powder or matche: with a good souldier it is neuer to be founde but that he wyll bée as carefull thereof as of his lyfe, and for the rest that maye happen in fayling, it is nothing to bee compared to the fainte drawing that the archer dooth vse, in not drawinge his arrowe to the heade, when he is néere his enemies, as by many yet liuing, that can witnesse the same, as well as my selfe, and how lewdlie they will at the halfe Arrowe flirte them into the ayre and withall stoope, as though euerye shoote of Harquebuze that went off, were shot at them.
And where as it is set downe in the same place, that there can nothing hinder the archer, but y e breaking of his Bowe or bow-string, yet I take it that there are diuers other lettes, the which I haue séen dyuers archers complaine of.
Fyrst, for that he coulde get no warme meate, nor his thrée meales euery daie, as his custome was to haue at home, neyther his body to lye warme at night, whereby his ioyntes were not in temper, so that being sodainely called vpon, as the seruice doth often fal out: he is lyke a man that hath the Palsie, and so benommed, that before he get eyther to the fire, or to a warme bedde, he can drawe no bowe at all.
And it is further set downe in the saide booke, that neyther Raine, Hayle nor Snowe, can hinder the Archers from shootinge, but I am not of that minde, for that the archer lyinge in Campe, where as hee maye not lye foorth of his appointed place, and hauing not to couer his Bowe nor scantlie [Page] his heade, then, I thinke his bowe to be in danger to dissolue the Glewe in the hornes of the bowe, and something hinder his stringe and sheffe of arrowes, Raine doth hinder the bowe and string. whereof he dooth make his pillowe: but to conclude in this pointe, howe shall a man make a stronge argument or aunswer, vnto a matter of no substance? except he haue helpe by Logike the which for my part, these fewe lines may witnesse, that it is not my profession.
Nowe to aunswere the thyrd question, which is whether the Bullets of weapons of fyre, or the arrowes of archers, doo annoy the enemie most, which question is friuolous, for by the propounding of the question, and aunswered by the authour him selfe, it dooth carrie a showe in wordes, to be taken as a thinge most certaine, with such especallye, as dooth not vnderstand to the contrarie.
But with all souldiers, Captaines and skilfull Conductors of the warres, it is euidently and manifestlie knowen, that where as there hath béene one slaine with arrowes, there hath béen a hūdred slaine with manual wepons of fire, since the vse of the same A 100. for one slaine with fiery weapons. So that if death be any anoiance let that suffice. hath beene practised and rightlie knowen. Wherefore if death be annoyaunce to eyther Horse-man or foote-man, let this suffise: for it is not woundes or small hurtes, that daunteth the souldiers where as death is not greatly to be feared, as before is declared.
And where as Sir Iohn Smith dooth saye himselfe, that the archers doo hurte and wounde, as in the face and places vnarmed▪ yet dooth hee confesse, that the same dooth but sometimes kill, whereby it Bowes doo but [...] [...]. may well be vnderstoode to be a thing of small force, in respect of the weapons of fire.
[Page 19]Againe, whereas it is sette downe in the same place, that the arrowe heades beeinge rustie, is the cause that woundes giuen by the same will not heale, whereby some will imagine, that it is for the beif to haue their arrow heades rustie.
But truelie I neuer did see any archer in the warres, that had any other then such rustie arrowe heades: and besides I did not at any time see, anie of those archers goe about to mende them, and to make them cleane and smooth, that thereby the same might the better enter through the doubletes, or garmentes of theyr enemies: for by common reason and dailie proofe, any thinge that is rustie, be it Rust ye things will not enter in to any mean thing with great force. Bodkin or Dagger, or arrowe heade, it will not with great force enter through any meane thing if it were but a meanely bumbasted doblet.
And I am of that opinion, that the doubletes vsed in these dayes, are as good a defence against a rustie arrowe, as a Target of the best proofe: and as touching the heades of the archers arrowes beinge barbed, and broade before, by reason whereof, it can not enter as a smooth sharpe heade would doo therefore it must of necessitie bee that the same heades, was deuised for galling of naked horses. And doubtlesse the same being of so small force, and entring so little waie into the horse, should immediatelie fall foorth againe, whereas by reason of the barbe it was supposed to stay, & trouble the horses the more. All the announces that arrows can giue is but meane stu [...]e to wardes the defence of a kingdom. All which annoyaunces are but meane stuffe towardes the defence or inuadinge of a kingdome, as by some other argumentes hereafter shall by Gods helpe be showed and prooued.
But first to conclude with these our archers and of their disabillitie, in respect of the seruice of these dayes: true it is, that before the weapons of fire, [Page] were inuented, and vnknowen, as also vntryed, to be weapons of great force and effect, in all seruice on horse-backe as one foote, as before is declared: and yet but of late dayes that the same haue beene This natiō is brought vp with the long bowe as a parcell of our cheefest pastime made publicke in armes, and not as yet throughlie and generallie knowen vnto this our Nation, as vnto some of the greater calling, and to the most of the meaner sorte, as the Long-bowe or archer is, by reason that we are brought vp therewith, euen as a parcell of our chéefe pleasure. And yet good hope that the firy weapons shalbe better practised in time, for without practise they are not cōmodious but hurtful.
But yet there is good hope, that by reason of suche good prouisions as are made, within this realme, that in some conuenient time the same may be more vsed and practised then it is, and speciallye the Musket, the Harquebuze and the Pistoll: the which without exercise can not bee commodious or profitable in any good sorte to be answerable against the vsurping enemies the Spaniards, who are wholy and fully practised therewith, and specially with y • Musket and Harquebuze: And would it pleased God The Spaniards are fully practised in the fiery weapons. our Prince and Maiestrates, to haue our able men in England, to be vsed and trained in the same weapons of fire: it would not onely incourage them, but also be a great delight to theyr Captaines and leaders, the rather to incounter with those wicked enemies or any other.
And also it wold be a terror to al our enemies, that should chance to offer any iniurie to this realme of England or Ireland: for wee may assure our selues that it is our want of skill, that maketh these forreine enemies the more bolde to inuade vpon vs.
For if wee were practysed in our weapons as The Spaniards are but peeuishe weeds in respect of this nation, if we were trained as they be. they are, they would neuer séeke vs in England nor else where: For in respecte of this nation, the Spanyardes in deede are but péeuishe wéedes. [Page 20] For by experience I doo know, that in al the time of the wars, continued betwixt the Emperor Charles and Henry the 2. French king: the Spaniards were the least accounted off in the field, of any other nation whatsoeuer: they will doo wel in skirmishes with their shot, or in defending of a hold, or assaulting of any breach: but for any other great incounters, you shall heare little of their dooings to any great purpose. For the ouerthrowes that were at Saint-quintins and at Graueling, was not doon by them (though King Phillip bare the name) but by the Duke of Sauoy and the Countie Egmond, with his Wallons, and by the Duke of Brunswick and those Almaigns, We are not able to incounter with them without exercising of our weapons, but to our losse. all which was doone with horsemen, insomuch that without exercise of our weapons, we shalbe a great deale woorse able to encounter with them, but to our great gréefe and losse.
The 10. Discourse.
THus hauing spoken of the fierye weapons, and the Long bow, in which I haue partely shewed mine opinion: yet for the better proofe of my allegations heerin declared, for that the contrarye is so fixed and rooted in the mindes of many of these our fréends in England, that vnlesse it be tried, and with action in their sight proued, they will in no wise yet be perswaded from their former opinions in y e matter. Wherfore I haue thought it my part, in respect therof to set downe some course, whereby the same maye by action be made manifest vnto all that are doubtfull in that behalfe.
And thus, if it may please our Prince and state to allow some Gentleman who shall haue the best opinion [Page] in archerie, as in the Long bow for the better satisfying of all parties, to call by commission foorth of any one hundred or weapon take in all England, To make a h [...]rse as Sir 10. S. allow eth. so many Archers as shall suffise to make a hearse, according as Sir Iohn Smith hath said that archers should be, let them be twenty rankes or more, and euery rank to containe in flanke seauen or eight, as by him is set downe to be the best ordering of them, and let them be placed in the plaine fielde to the best aduauntage, so that there be no impediment to let horsemen to come close to them but thēselues, their Bowes and sheafes of arrowes, and so being set in their best order, I will be one if it may be permitted that shall take in hand to charge them, and to run through them, hauing no let but their Bowes and One horse man will charge 7. archers, and take noo harme, nor doo none to them but run throgh their ranks. arrowes, and we will be but for euerye ranke one horseman: for 20. rankes of 7. in a ranke, twentye horsemen: and we shall arme our selues and our Horses▪ with no armours of Proofe, further then the Pistoll proofe.
And wheras it is further set downe in the same Booke, that Harquebuziers may not giue their vollyes of shot, but within 8. 10. or 12. yardes, and not 8. 10. or 12. skores: & that archers will hurt, wound, Harquebuziers may not giue any volley of shot▪ saith si [...] I. S. but within 8. 10. or 12, yardes. gall and sometimes kill, at 9. 10. and 11. skore, as well as the fiery weapons can doo.
To this I say, that for triall thereof, I will stand at six score yardes distant from the best of these Archers aforesaid, and let him shoot 10. arrows one after another at me, and if I doo stir from the place, let me be punished, and I wil be armed as before is said of the Pistoll proofe, and if I be therwith wounded, I am contēted to take my mends in my own hands: and againe, let me be set in the same place where this lustie Archer stood to shoot his ten arrowes, and [Page 17] let there be a whole complete armour set right vp where I did stand, and let me haue but two shootes with a Musket or Harquebuze, and let it then appéere, what the one and the other is in force or cunning, this in my opinion were no harm: and it were Trials to be made touching Hatquebuziers and ar chers, without harme to any. not amisse that triall were made, for it is supposed by many that haue read Sir Iohn Smiths booke, that there néedeth no Pikes to garde the Archers, for saith he, they are Pykes good enough of themselues.
And again it seemeth, that Sir Iohn Smith dooth commend the Long bowes and the Crosbowes, to serue on horseback, to be better wepons then either the Petronelliers or the Pistolliers, as in the same booke is set downe, where also he affirmeth, that the same weapons doo far excéed and excell, all weapons of fire, on horsebacke. It dooth appéere in the same place, the manner how that he would haue them armed for the fielde, the which arming and weaponing in my slender opinion are very meane. For y • Crosbowes he alloweth to be of [...]. pounds and a halfe, and the Longbowes all men know them: And for armours, he wisheth the Crosbower to haue a murrian of the Spanish fashion, collers, light and short wasted cuirasses and backs, with sleeues of maile or cheined sléeues, or with Brigandines and broade Swoords, &c. And the Archers on horseback saith he would be armed with a deepe steele Scull, with a narrow brimbde hat, well stuffed for the easines of his head, and either Iacks of maile according to antient But meane arming to defend the fiery shot. manner, when they were called Loricati Sagittarii, or else light and easie Brigandines, or at the least I let holed dublets very easie, and so foorth.
The 11. Discourse.
NOw as concerning these Souldiers thus armed and weaponed as afore is saide, I thinke with men of experience and iudgemēt, both are but meane. As for both the weapons, euery man that hath seen a Deere killed or shot, dooth understand the full force of them.
And for the long bow, it standeth in the like estimation that other Archers on foote dooth: as for the armours, the best is the Brigandine, the which M. Ewry doth run against the Lord of Grange with a sharp Speare. is but equall with a coate of plate of the best making, which M. Euers or Ewry was armed with, when as the Lord of Grange called Kirkaudie a Scot, and the saide M. Ewry did runne the one at the other, in a challenge by them made with sharpe Speares: but how fell out the same? euen like to M. Ewry is run throgh the body for want of good ar mour. haue beene the death of that good and valiant Gentleman M. Ewrye, for Kirkaudy ranne him cleane through the armour, as in at the brest and forth at the back, through both: thē to what purpose is that arming in that māner? For shot, all men doth know 3. Seuerall noble men slain at one incounter with Pistoll shot at Saint quin tins in Fraunce. that the like armours will not defend y • force therof, no not the Pistoll being the least of all the rest. For example, was not the Duke of Anieu, the [...]icount of Tourain, the Lord of Chandeuoir, slaine with Pistoll shot, vpon S. Laurence day, néer vnto Saint quintins in Varmendoe, with manye thousands of mener persons? and likewise the Constable of Fraunce The Cun stable of Fraunce slaine with a Pistoll before Paris. Memorancie, was slaine with a Pistoll before Paris, who were better armed then any Brigandine can be of, as by the Duke Anieu his armour, yet readye to be shewed in England, it may be witnessed. [Page 22] Why then should such meane armors be allowed, with men▪ of vnderstanding and knowledge? it were most fit that our enemies were so armed: for if it would defend against any thing, it wold serue best against archers, whose force is like vnto that maner of arming.
And now wil I by Gods helpe shew my simple Here is the authors maner of arming opinion touching the arming of light horsemen, as Hargolets, Petronels, and Pistolliers: the Hargolets or as they terme them Hargoletters: which when I serued in Fraunce against Charles the 5. Hargolets & not Hargolettiers. were called Hargolets, or being but one, Hargolet. These were taken into pay in the time of the wars, for to be guides, for they were al those countrimen wheras they were in Garrison, & notwithstanding that the other bands had remooued, yet these Hargolets remained for that they knew the passages & streights, through all néere adioining to them, and yet good lustie soldiers, and would serue well. And in my opinion these soldiers last spoken of may be armed all after one sort: as a good strong burganet, a coller with a paire of good Cuirasses of the Pistoll proofe, and a paire of well arming Poldrands, one Gantlet for the Bridle hand and no Uambraces: & the horse with a good strong saddle, with strong furniture, with two rains to his Bridle wherof one should be with a prety strong chain of wier, and the head part also of the Bridle, for being not cut in sunder with the blowe of a sword: Then a good sword and a dagger: for weapons, either 3. Sorts of horsemen armed all after one sort. a Harquebuze with a snaphance, or a Speare and one Pistoll, or else thrée Pistols two in cases and one at his girdle, or at the hinder part of his saddle: I do account the Harquebuze and the Petronels all as one, and these should be for these [Page] kindes of Light horsemen.
And if that I were well and strongly mounted, and thought that I should at any seruice encounter with footmen: I would haue a placket to clap A Placket. vpon my brest of the like proofe as aforesaid.
And as touching men at armes and Launces, The launce being broken the pistol will giue a deadlie blowe. their manner of arming is common, except the Launce would haue as some will a Pistoll of a meane length, that when as the Launce is broken and he entred amongst his enimies, may yet therwith giue a deadly blowe: or hauing broken his Launce, and shall yet be put to retire, it is good to defend himselfe from being taken: as for example, the Reister who in retiring, wounded the late Duke of Guise in the face, in the chase, or else he had béen slaine or taken: or if a man should be in chase either following or retiring, for the better spéed of both, the Launce is a great hinderance to The launce a trouble in flying or following, the pistol is not so. the spéede of the horse, where the Pistoll is none: but either to the defendant a preseruer, or to the followers to mooue his aduersarie to yéeld, and so standeth the case in this respect.
The 12. discourse.
ANd now to the arming of footemen, I would wish within hir Maiesties store, in Corselets for footmen, ouer and besides all those common and priuate armors placed in shires, to be 5000. of such good proofe and shape, as no nation should haue better, with good and strong Burgonets, to arme close to a mans head, not ouer high crested, a good coller and an easie, wide enough with Cuirasse well brested, and not too flat, with good Taises broad aboue [Page 23] and narrow downward, according to the shape of a Armors fit for mens bodies and not for great hose as of late hath been vsed. mans bodie, and not for great hose as of late daies haue béen vsed, faire Poldrands with the turning ioint, and Uambrases with Gantlets: for all these 5000. a good strong sword of a yarde in blade, and no hilts but crosse onely, a dagger of ten or twelue inches in blade and the like crosse hilt: for weapons a faire Pike well armed with chéekes a yard déepe, of eightéene foote in length and a Pistolet at his girdle.
All these armed pikes should be allowed twelue Armed pikes to haue 12. pence by day. pence the day, who should be for the most part gentlemen, and those should neuer be called vpon, but vpon some great occasion. For Halbards or Billes For short weapons, meaner arming will serue. meaner arming will serue, as burgonets, cuirats with Taises and Poldrands, and no Uambrases, he shall the better haue his armes at liberty to lay about him: and to haue swords and daggers as the armed pykes. I wish no Halbards into the hands Halbards are not to be put in the hands of an ignorant person. of any that hath no skill to vse the same, for it is a weapon that can abide no blowes, as the Bill wil do, but yet in the hands of officers, & such as hath skill how to vse the same, it is a very good weapon, but the same must be handled delicately with the push onely, and quickly drawne backe: the cause that the French officers do vse them with such long staues and pykes, is to encounter with the Lance-knights, who do vse being Sargiants of foote-bandes, to carrie verie good long swordes or Slaugh swordes.
But for our common countrie men, not vsed to Strong black bils for our plain felowes to be well made. handle a halbard as aforesaid: I woulde wish him to haue a good strong black Bill wide in the socket, to receiue a strong Staffe, the heade thicke in the backe, with a strong pyke in the backe and point [Page] sharpe edged: and thus much touching these kinds of armed men, I thinke them in my opinion to be sufficiently armed and weaponed for the seruice if occasion be offered. And not withstanding that I haue spoken some thing touching the Harquebuziers, how that I wish them to be furnished: yet for that I am in hand with the same, I will set downe my opinion touching the fiery weapons.
The 13. Discourse.
THe Muskets are weapons of great force and effect, in all seruice on foote whatsoeuer: they will helpe to great purpose. And whatsoeuer numbers be furnished into the shires in Englande, I To haue in hir Maiesties store 5000. Muskets. would wish her Maiesties store to remaine still furnished with 5000. of the best Muskets that could be made, and rather of a little bigger bore then these common Musquets that be sold in the countrie: and so being well prooued and tried to be sure, and not ouer churlish in recoyling, the which consisteth much in making the vice in the bréech, for when that is short, whereby any of the powder doth lie behinde the tuch hole, then will they recoyle very much, but being well made and also furnished, they will not.
I would wish that from among al the Captains To haue the best trained for their muskets. in England, that there should be chosen foorth of their numbers, the most apte and able, both in strength and knowledge 5000. men, that by the said captains could be chosen, and those being well chosen should be trained fiue daies in euery month For training 54. daies in one yeere. in the yéere, sauing December, Ianuarie and Februarie, to that ende they should be perfect in that [Page 24] weapon: and those should also be in the same pay, and to the same effect, that the 5000. pykes should serue for.
And for Harquebuziers, I would wish 3000. of 3000. Harquebuziers to be trained as the muskets. those to be as wel chosen, trained and furnished, as the Muskets are in their kinde. Now do we yet want 1500. Pistolliers, to be well mounted and furnished, and as perfectly trained as the Harquebuziers or Muskettiers, both how to vse their horses, as also their weapons. For as there be many Few can vse both Pistoll and the horse wel at one instant. that can ride & vse a horse well, so is there manie that can shoote a Pistoll, and yet but few that can rightly vse both togither: for he that will bée a Pistollier, must vse his horse to know it, whereby he do not feare neither the cracke nor the fire: and that doone, he must learne to occupie his bridle hande, his Pistoll, and his spurs in due time and forme, all at one instant.
All these numbers do not yet amount vnto These are but bulwarks, flanks, & curteins to a battell. 15000. for these are but as it were Bulwarks, flanks, and curtains to an armie, and yet woulde these be to a better purpose than fortie thousande not trained, and the matter through this Realme Pikes, Halberds, Launces, & Spears are made perfect in sixe daies, better than fierie weapons are in 60. daies. were no great charge. And as for the armed pikes and halberds, launces and speares, are better to be made perfect in sixe daies, than the fiery weapons are in 60. daies.
The 14. Discourse.
ANd now hauing spoken of such things as haue come to my memory, the most part whereof I haue had the vse off: I will by Gods helpe and the Touching deuices against such an armie as Sir Iohn Smith doth speake of. fauor of authority, procéed a little further touching [Page] deuices, and giue my opinion, as concerning the defence of the landing of such an armie as sir Iohn Smith doth speake off in the 10. 11. 12. and 13. leafe of his saide discourse, where he doth saie in this maner. viz.
NOw saith he for answere vnto some of these vnsoldierlike opinions, I saie that if any such as do holde that woonderfull opinion of the effects of Muskettiers, how good Souldiers soeuer they thinke themselues, were at any hauen in England with fiue or sixe thousand of the best muskettiers that they euer sawe of our English nation, without an armie of horsemen and footemen of other weapons to backe them, I thinke they would worke verie small effect against the enimies landing, although they had insconced themselues, &c.
I will omit to rehearse the whole set downe by sir Iohn Smith, but the principall effects as thus, If they should see an armie of thirtie or fortie thousand men besides sea men, and such as should be left for the garding of the ships, vnder some notable and sufficient Generall, enter into any capable hauen in England, with winde and weather fit for the purpose, with intention to inuade as God forbid: they should finde themselues, &c.
For vpon the discharging of the third Cannon (saith he) all the longboates and vessels of oares for the landing of men, do rowe with all furie towards the land, A woonderful terrible noise of Drums & Trumpers. with a woonderfull terrible noise of trumpets & drums: Now if our such men of warre with their Muskettiers, would giue their vollies of Musket shot vpon these shipboates full of men, with intent to destroy great numbers of them, being so thicke and so many: they shall finde, that discharging their musket shot from the higher grounds downe into the sea, which by the Italians are called Botti di ficco, accounted of all other the most [Page 25] vncertaine, &c. That insomuch that in despite of this insconcing & musquetiers, the enemies will land and approch their indented Sconce, not with any crosse trench gabyons nor mounts, according to the order of approching and battering of places, in forme fortified: but with other inuentions gardable against musket shot, that peraduenture our such men of warre are ignorant of, as also with musket shot, &c. Insomuch that our such men of war (as he saith ) would not scarcely abide the landing of the first boate ful of soldiers, without abandoning both sconce and shore vnto the enemies.
Whereunto I say, that if any such forren enimies The authors answer to the obiection. should pretend to land héere in England, as of late the Spaniards would haue done as it was thought, the which by Gods prouidence, and the indeuour of our valiant Seamen were preuented, and dispersed to their losse and reproch. Wherefore I am fully perswaded that if the like occasion should be offered, although that they were more in number than is spoken of, with the most sufficient Generall being but a man: that by the same grace and helpe aforesaid, and with the supply of the fiue thousand Muskettiers and Harquebuziers, with 500. Pyoners, and twelue Fawcons and Fawconets, Pyoners. to assist our Seamen, with such Gentlemen as would accompany the same, there is no doubt but it would suffise to be such a barre against those enemies, that they should not be able to touch our A meane to barre the landing of the Spaniards. shoares in England, & chiefely if it should so come to passe, as sir Iohn Smith doth alledge, that the banks were high aboue the Sea, it were so much the woorse for the enemies to assaile the same fiue to one: as for example, the banks being high as aforesaid, y e enemies must either haue ladders to climb foorth of their tottering boates, or else som of their [Page] owne friends or fellowes, to drawe them vp with pykes, the which I would thinke by all reason, that our muskettiers, harquebuziers and laborers with the blacke bill, should right well serue their turne in that behalfe, to their destruction and repulse. For whereas the enemies must of necessity stand vpright in their vessels of oares at the full showe, to their great annoiance, and also shall not be able to giue their vollies of shot, with any such certainty as shall our muskettiers, who shall lie close vpon the shoares, with a small trench before them, and shall néede to shew nothing but their heads and weapons aboue the same, which trench may be made in halfe an houre, with the pioners aforesaid.
And againe, if the hauen be full, that the bankes and water be in maner equall, then may our field péeces with muskettiers cleanse the hauen, at the verie first vollie, being discréetly deliuered, and in due time: that is first the fielde péeces at 12. score yards, and the muskets at eight score, the harquebuziers at fower score, and so by these dooings, euery péece both great and small, should haue time to recharge before the enemies coulde touch the shores: and to be readie againe to giue them their welcome to their faces.
But I do not beléeue, that the enemies would abide the second welcome being thus vsed. And besides all this I doubt nothing lesse, but that her Maiesties armie by sea, wil be as readie to attend vpon them as aforetime they haue done, and with a greater desire to deale with them than at the first they had, by reason of some wants, &c. And so being still beating at the buttocks of the enimies, with the like aduantage as before they did. So [Page 26] that our Sea-men kéeping them occupied in their reregard, I doubt not but this number aforesaide may with small losse stay their landing.
Now I feare nothing of this to be performed, Nothing to be feared in all this but the vncertaintie of the enimies landing. but for the vncertainty of the place of their pretended landing: for otherwise I had rather be one of the defendants vpon the land, of the 5000. shot with the assistance aforesaide, than to be one of 50000. to approch the shores: for some must staie to defende their ships against our Nauie, againe some are so Sea-sicke, that they are for a space Some are sea sicke vnfit to fight. vnfit to fight: and for the vncertaine taking their leuell to shoot either their Base or Musquet, being vpon the swelling water, and our defendants vpon the firme land, where they may shoote with the best aduantage. There is great difference in diuers respects, &c.
And againe, whereas Sir Iohn Smith doth further alleadge, besides all which before is alleaged, saieng, That if a puisante and mightie Enemie, that in the time of Sommer, intendeth the inuasion of forraine Dominions by Sea, to the intent to giue battle and subdue, doth not alwaies bende himselfe to land his armie in a hauen, but sometime vpon an open coast and shoare, if the Sea without hidden rockes and flattes be deepe, and the winde and weather faire, hauing commoditie by the deepe of the sea to approch his Nauie, and to cast anker in open rode neere vnto a commodious shore, to land and march vpon, &c. The which armie saith he, cannot be repulsed neither with insconsing of sconces, nor yet with any well ordered fortification, but onely with a great and extraordinary wisedome, and with the valiant hands of a puisant armie and a campe formed.
Whereunto I saie as before, if the certaintie [Page] of their landing might be knowne, it were no matter: for in my opinion they should be as well letted vpon the open coast as in the hauen. And let it fall out that the same shoulde be at a dead lowe water, and a mile distant from the shore, I would wish then that the defendants shoulde bée aduertised where the most méetest place for their vessels were, for the landing of their men, and so soone as the first boats should direct their course towards the land, I would put foorth of my number two hundred shotte close to the lowe water marke, and there attende the approch as néere to offende them as could be, all as loose shot abroad vpon the sands, who with a little retiring in good 200. Shot put forth to skirmish whiles the laborers do make the trench for the rest. order should kéepe the enemies occupied, vntill such time as from the same 200. shot I would in one halfe hower, cast a trench in the Sands towards the lande, into which the rest of the shot should descende to backe the two hundred first, and with some of the labourers aforesaid, drawe downe the said féelde-péeces, as by this figure may be séene.
[Page] [Page] [Page 27] Thus before the enemies could land two thousand Al this would be don before that the enimies could land 2000. men. men, I would not doubt but all this would be performed, so that if I thought good to breake foorth, before the Boates should returne for moe men: I would do so, if not, I would plie the skirmish with some moe fresh shot, and lie close with the whole regiment, if the enemies were not aboue fower thousand, vnto that they were 6000. or 8000. and then would I take the vantage of Time to discharge the field peeces. the winde from before the féelde péeces, so that so soone as the defendants were so néere, that their vollie of shot were deliuered: euen foorthwith would I discharge the féeld péeces right vpon the enemies, and thereupon would I run vpon them with Halberds and Swords, and dispatch those against the rest should come, or at the least put them to swimming. And thus vsing the matter, it should mooue our Sea-men to buckle the better with them, vpon their great Bulworks the Galliasses, the which may not start from their course, and this being performed in this sort, I woulde not let if the enemies shoulde lande at the first If the enimies should land ten thousand, this would serue. ten thousand of their best men, (the which I thinke is as manie as can well lande at one vault, for as I saide before they will haue some impediment by sickenesse or other waies:) There is no doubt but these aforesaid defendants cannot bée without the companie of some Gentelmen well mounted, who woulde not forbeare to put forewarde themselues and the rest, séeing so great A cart lode of bils for the laborers. The enimies shall be terrified after an other maner than with drums or trumpets. opportunitie as that woulde bée: and the labourers hauing perfourmed their workes woulde serue with a Carte loade of Bils to some effect: in so much that wée should within two howers terrifie them after an other manner then they [Page] should do vnto vs with their Drums and Trumpets or their two Bases afore-ship in their vessels of Oares.
The 15. Discourse.
ANd now to the insconcing, as it is termed of late by the Lowe-countrie men, with manie other such like, it is a verie bad Sconce, that cannot The sconces would not be kept aboue one day. holde foorth a péece of a day, for longer I would not wish the same to be maintained, in this respect, but for the daie of landing, and in the night to leaue the same, and to drawe all to one force there to abide them vpon grounds of the best aduantage, if our first attempt should not preuaile, by not knowing the place of the enemies landing, or other waies, for those Sconces are but to defend Sconces are but for a time to be kept against the Cannon. some straightes, or passages, where enemies might other waies come vpon the sodaine, to doe some exploite and so retire againe: but against the Cannon or such a force as is able to abide the féelde they are to small purpose: there were the like betwixt vs and the French Pale, néere vnto Arde in Fraunce, when Callis was English, as Anderne bulwarcke, Iones bulwarcke, Boyts bulwarcke, Harrowe bulwarcke, and Henowayes bulwarcke, apperteining to the Flemings néere Anderwike and Graueling.
But as concerning Fortifications to be rightlie Fortification. made, vpon such situations as are by nature strong: is a thing most necessarie for the safetie or defence of any kingdome, that can be possible, as by proofe sufficient it may be séene in the Lowe countrie or Fraunce. Some may alledge that it is [Page 28] dangerous for sundrie causes: yet were it better to put it vpon that hazard than into the hands of a stranger.
And againe, this Realme is so little a thing A rebell can not stand against the prince in a little kingdome. that a rebell can not stande against the Prince: as by examples a great manie it may be prooued.
And for good Scituations, we haue diuers in England, vpon the coast most in danger, that are very strong by nature, whereof I will name those the which I do knowe. The first is Hartlepoole, Skarborough, Kingston vpon Hull, Boston, Linne, Portsmouth, and the Isle of Dogs néere vnto Greenwich, there is not within my knowledge, any such parcell of ground in this Realme all things considered, being well fortified, it were sufficient to snub the greedie desire of the ambitious Spaniards, To snub the greedie desire of the Spaniard, and to make them fight like sheepe. and to make them fight like shéepe, whereas at Antwerpe they fought like Lions: for no doubt a poore souldiers manner is to venter ten liues if it might be, for gold and iewels before all other things whatsoeuer.
Now hauing roughly run ouer some part of the discourse of Sir Iohn Smith Knight, as concerning my opinion touching armour and weapons specially, and with some other small matters, as the forme of the said discourse hath giuen me occasion: and for the rest I haue omitted, thinking this to be sufficient as concerning the vse of weapons, the which is the greatest and chiefe cause that hath mooued me héereunto, séeing such great difference of opinions in the beginning of this treatise is something touched, but not so The cause of sicknes hath hindred his discourse. largely as willingly I would haue done, if my health would haue permitted: wherefore againe I do right hartily wish, that al true English harts [Page] and mindes, may with perfect loue and curtesie ioine togither and confer of these causes of so great importance, friendly and as dutifull and naturall subiects best can deuise, and rather to instruct each other, than any way to contend, considering how much the same doth concerne the safetie of our déere Soueraigne, Country, Commonwealth and our owne estates: and let the end trie the troth of all parties, for howsoeuer we do flatter our selues or be supported by friends, the end will iustly trie what the behauiour hath béene, either in vertue and vallor, or in vice and vanities, &c.
The 16. discourse.
ANd now to remember some things touching Touching the discourse of sir Roger Williams Knight, who doth declare the manners of the Spanish wars. the discourse of Sir Roger Williams Knight, who doth for the most part of his said discourse, make relation of the manner and vse of the Spanish wars, as touching the long continuance of their armies, and how they do diuide the same, and how they do diuide their horsemen and footemen, the order of their marching and besieging of holds, the maner of their assaulting of breaches, and his opinion in the goodnes of diuers sorts of horsemen and footemen, and their armours and weapons: and the difference betwéene the goodnes of the one and the other, wherein I finde no new deuise, either in gouernment, or orders, but in times past and before that euer these troubles did begin in the Lowe Countries, the like hath béen vsed: sauing the great numbers of Musquets, and one other point of seruice, which is also set downe by Sir Roger Williams Knight, and that [Page 29] is whereas he saith in the 38. page of his booke in this manner.
That the captaine or captains, saith he, that charge either with troupe or troupes, do not care whether the soldiers do breake their lances or not, but to enter resolutely and keepe togither, and that halfe of them should carrie their swoords and Pistols in their bridle hands, and rather than faile to quit their launces, and vse their swords and Pistols.
I am fully perswaded, that there is no furtherance in acquiting of any weapon, but as I haue declared in my 11. discourse fol. 22. of this Treatise, but that euery weapon may be in as great readines in their accustomed places, as in both their hands at once being of conuenient length, for long swords are not to be vsed with horsemen and footemen.
But as touching the good orders of incamping, marching, or battering, with most excellent iustice both in Towne and Féeld: the Spaniards were neuer comparable vnto the French, at such time as the wars was continued betwixt Charles the fifth, and Henry the second French king, the which did continue from Anno 1551. vnto the first yéere There were greater matters accomplished in the wars between the Emperor Charles the 5. and Henrie the 2. French king, than in the wars between subiects and subiects, can be. of the Quéenes Maiesties most happie raigne that now is. In which time there were greater armies, greater matters accomplished than these broiles betwixt Subiects and Subiects, could bée by any waies or meanes: for as common reason may allow, Charles the 5. had as many fréends as king Phillip euer had: againe, the French King had his whole Realme of Fraunce in such quietnesse and replenished with such aboundaunce of wealth, as the like was not in any one kingdome in Christendome: besides, he had all Pidemount, [Page] and Sauoy, with the Dutchie of Lorayne and the Isle of Corceca, with so many Almaynes and Swissers, as he would require: I haue séene in one armie 35000. Strangers in the French Kings seruice, besides Frenchmen. And as touching Iustice, I will héere for proofe remember a matter committed by a Spaniard vnder the charge of Iulian Romero, done in the Towne of Macklin, as Sir Roger Williams hath set the same downe in his discourse in the 26. page, and thus he saith,
That the Alfere of the said Iulian Romero, being An euill example. in loue with a Gentlewoman, could not obtaine her loue: on a Maie day he and his companie armed, came vnto her Fathers house: vnder the coulour of Maying, tooke her awaie by force, her friends and kinsemen doing what they could to saue her: with the disorder of the Alfere and soldiers diuers were slaine: complaint being made, Iustice could not be had, but perswasions to the friends of the Gentlewoman, shewing them what an offence it was to stir against a flying Ensigne of the king their lord, &c.
And now to shewe the like offence committed A good example. and yet in my opinion not so hainons as that was, it fell out that at the time that Callis was yéelded to the Duke of Guize: one of the chéefe captaines would haue taken awaie a merchants Daughter of the Towne, but the Maiden being vnwilling, he sought meanes to force her: wherevpon, the Mayden did crie with a lowde voice, insomuch that one of her friends tolde the Duke of the matter, vpon which aduertisement, the duke straightwaies caused the said Captaine to bée hanged for th'example of others. This was Iustice. At manie other times I haue knowne the like Iustice [Page 30] done, touching manie other matters: and againe, there is vsed as Sir Roger Williams doth set downe in his discourse, in the 16. page, as touching a Secretary of greater trust then either Duke or Prince, who hath diuers Blankes signed with the Kings hand, it would make some Gouernors thinke much, hauing his large commission from the King, to be ouer awed with a Secretarie, &c. These two points are differing from my erperience, or else nothing that I finde set downe by Sir Roger Williams but as before is set down, though it bée supposed by Sir Roger otherwaies: for whereas he speaketh of some Fortifications, and to prooue a wette ditch stronger then a drie: it appéereth also in the 49. page, that the counter scarffe of a holde, should bée made of Lyme and Stone, which I do thinke not to be the best course to fortifie: for all men that haue séene the experience of the Cannon, will neuer fortifie with stone where the Cannon may batter. And againe, he wisheth mynes to be made in the same, for thus he saith: It were not amisse although it hath beene neuer seene before (saith he) to haue mynes like vauts ouerthwart to the midst of the counterscarffe, &c.
It is a common thing in the frontyre Townes These things are common in the front townes in France. in Fraunce, both in their Rampiers and counter scarffes to haue the like, the which are casemats, and not the Flankers, for as there be Flankers, so be there Casemats: and a Flanker is not a Casemat, nor a Casemat is not a Flanker, for a Casemat may be made of timber, as of Plankes: this I speake of experience for that I haue béene, and did serue in the most part of the Frontier Townes betwixt Callis and the Duchie of Lorain. And did sée diuers of the same amended, in fortifieng [Page] against the force of the Cannon and mynes. And also after the conclusion of peace, betwixt King Phillip and Henry the second of Fraunce, I by extraordinarie cause was prisoner in Fraunce, and being newly deliuered foorth of prison, and my horses and armour lost, of necessitie I went with one Captaine Sturton, Captaine of fiftie myners to rase Townes fortified, the which by composition of the peace was to bée rased and laide open, wherein I did sée the secrets of diuers thinges, Strange matters not to be written but first to be performed▪ which I had, nor coulde neuer haue knowen, but for the same rasing, the which were verie straunge, whereof I will omit to write for two causes, &c.
Notwithstanding that Nicholas Machiauel haue set foorth his whole knowledge, as touching fortification, and other sundry policies, the which if he had béen a soldier he would neuer haue done. As in his booke called the Art of war is to be séene.
It is a sport to heare how he doth by himselfe, fight a battell in words, and saith, that if he had béen a soldier in his youth, he would either haue woon the field with valor, or at the least haue lost it without shame. Who did let him to become a soldier in his youth?
And thus by alteration of times and the sundrie opinions of men, diuers matters do come in question, and especially with such as do least vnderstand the iust triall of the thing it selfe, whereof Reasoning without knowledge. they do reason: for as I haue heard at manie and sundrie times, that such Gentlemen and soldiers, the which haue gotten their knowledge and experience of seruice in the Low Countries and other places where ciuill wars haue béen, do hold that opinion that the like discipline hath not béen séene [Page 31] neither in this age, no nor at any time before, and thereupon do séeme to disgrace some of good calling, and more ancient than themselues and of greater experience in seruice, than any that hath béene: but in these Low Countries seruice, or ciuill The knowledge gotten in the wars betweene kings and emperors are more worthie than ciuill wars, and more to be learned. wars in France, can or may haue as before is said by reason of greater armies, of Princes whose subiects were both rich and loyall, vpon both the parties, as by many other examples I could prooue but for breuities sake. And for any newe matters or inuentions there is not any woorthy of remembrance but the musquets onely, the which euerie good harquebuzier may vse as well as his harquebuze, presently. And therefore the thirde time, I wish that contentions and comparisons to anie euill ende, may be left, and that loue and vnitie may be embraced. And with laudable and sounde arguments, matters may be decided to the best effect, that by age or youth can be deuised. And so I cease touching the discourse of Sir Roger Williams knight.
And now hauing set downe my opinion as concerning Armours and weapons, and partly the vse thereof, so far as I thinke is requisite, considering that the perfect knowledge thereof cannot be had but by exercising the same. And for the better proofe of my said opinions, I haue made rehearsall of diuers parcels of seruice, the which haue come to my memorie at this time, and yet for that I would not séeme tedious, I haue left diuers things vntouched both of my owne knowledge and of others, the which I do know to be true and to good effect. Neither haue I taken occasion héerein to shew wholy that I could in action performe, if opportunitie serued: neither do I euer intend to publish [Page] the same but by action.
And whereas some may peraduenture imagin that I haue written rather to set foorth my owne vaine glorie, than for any other iust cause héerein contained: for answere whereof I do héerein protest, that the onely cause which mooued mée to write, is as before in the proheme of this Treatise I haue declared, to giue my opinion as concerning the force and effect, difference and disabilitie of weapons, as well the one as other, and the vse thereof, whereof I could not shew my full intent, except I should make rehearsall partly of such matters as I haue in times of seruice had the experience of.
And notwithstanding that I haue not set down things done in France or Burgondie as they were performed one after another, wherein I haue rather regarded the effect of the matter, than obseruing of the time: yet can it not be denied, but all the same is most true.
The 17. Discourse.
ANd for that I haue read ouer the most part of the discourses of warre lately written by that famous Gentleman and woorthy souldier Mounsier de la Novv. Notwithstanding that I am not woorthy to carie his Halbard: yet I will shew my opinion touching his rare discourse, and of the setting his two Battelyons, To march three French leagues ouer plaine grounds with fower thousand footemen, maugre de 2000. Launces, it is of him excellently handled and especially in the garding of the flanks of the saide two battelyons, it is both new & [Page 32] good, the like I did neuer sée nor heare of before. And although a man may liue in warres thréescore yéeres, and not sée any such thing come to passe, yet the deuice is verie good, neuerthelesse my opinion is that in two points he hath not set downe the best course. The one is in the setting of his two Le Novv doth mistake two points in his discourse. Battelyons, and the other is in holding the souldiers pykes: but it is better and easier to amende then to make.
Now as touching the forme of his said Battelyons, I am of that minde, that there is yet a better way, to forme the said Battelyons with the same numbers by him set downe, and for example I haue héere set downe the manner of his: and how I would do the same, as by these figures may be séene.
The first is his, the second is mine, and let it be considered, which of our flanks shall be more noisome vnto these Launcers, when that they shall charge the footemen, considering vpon which side of the Horse the Launce doth giue his blowe, and withall remember the placing of his shot vnder the armed pykes and within them also, now to Mounsier de la Novv, his battalyons.
THE LORD DE LA NOVVE his Battalyons.
Behold if the front, B. may not be charged without the danger of any flanke or not, and to come foorth at C. and so make roome for the next troupe to enter.
And so standeth it with the front 1. and to come foorth at the figure of 4. in euerie point.
Some may say that being once entered, they may go through, but that is not the way: for if the first troupe can take away the corner betwixt 1. and 4. they haue done their full part, and the greatest, the next maye enter without any great danger.
And now ouerlooke the two Battels for some effect set downe by the Author, who is not to be adiudged by Scots, or our northern Spearmen, for then I should be condemned, but by men at arms, or Launcers such as the Lord la Novv doth meane.
MArk if the front B. can any way be charged, and come foorth at C. but to be in danger of the front marked 2. Some wil alledge that the flank marked D. may bée charged and to come foorth at B. whereunto I answer, that the flanke marked 4. doth succour the same, and so doth the second battell in euery point for the first, and the first for the second.
COnsider that in charging, men must come in by right line, wheras at their comming foorth they are to whéele about for their best aduantage, hauing performed their part.
The 18. Discourse.
ANd now to the second point, as concerning the Souldiers in holding their Pykes, the Lord de la Novve doth with that Souldiers should set their Pykes in the ground, and to holde the same about the middle thereof, to receiue the brunt of the charge of Launcers: whereunto I answere, that it is verie dangerous for the armed Pykes to giue the horseman that aduantage, for as the horsmans intent is to strike the footeman vpon the brest or faces, so is it for the footeman to direct his Pyke point, right vpon the brest of the horse: now if the Launce be longer before the brest of the horse then halfe the footmans Pyke, then doth the Pyke no seruice at all: for so soone as the Launce doth hit the footeman vpon the brest or face, and the footmans Pyke not entred into the horse, it must of necessitie come to passe, that the Souldier giuing backe, with the violence of the blow of the launce, must either let fall his Pyke, or other waies bée constrained to pull it vp: so that the point of his Pyke shall be aboue the horse, and thereby worke no effect, but become vnprofitable: I would wish that such armed Pykes should be taught to holde their pykes rather two parts of thrée before their hands, & to set them in the ground vnder his right foot, and to hold them low right against the brest of the horse, and not against the head of the horse, nor the brest of the man, for the horse hauing a chieffront, and also the man well armed, the pyke can do no harme at all.
Some may alledge and saie, that if the horse be armed vpon the front, he is also armed vpon the [Page 34] brest, but I saie that there is ten to one armed more vpon the head, then vpon the petron, and if it be that the horse were armed vpon the brest, it is nothing so strong as the chieffront is by halfe.
And notwithstanding that I haue spoken of diuers incounters and ouerthrowes, giuen betwéen the Emperour Charles the fift, and Henrie the second French King: yet haue I left vnremembred the most braue battaile offered by the French King vnto the Emperour néere vnto Valentian, where the saide King did cause all his footemen to bée deuided into thrée battailes, and so being aranged and reduced into the form of battails, the Uauntgarde being led by the Duke of Vandosme accompanied with the Counte of Ringraue with his Almaines for the bodie of his battaile.
The King himselfe in the maine, being all French, the Fronte whereof was a hundreth and fiftie, ninetie in flanke besides shot, the forme and manner whereof was in other sort, then in Machiauell or Stuard, or any other Printed battailes as yet hath béene set foorth and published.
Then was there in the Rearegard ten thousand Swisers, conducted by the constable Memorance: the footmen were in number 35000. in horsemen 12000. in pyoners 6000. with 30. péeces of great Ordinance: al which numbers being most perfectly imbattailed in a plaine field of thrée miles at the least in the narrowest place without either hedge or ditch, woode or bushes.
And being thus placed with the caualrie vpon their left hand, and vpon the right hand a strait or gill, and betwéene both the armies a faire plaine grounde: and thus being placed in the face of the enemies, the Canons enterchangeably did go and [Page] come through both the armies, and yet no great matters performed, by reason that the Emperors campe was intrenched with huge and high trenches.
And the King séeing that the Emperour would not come foorth of his inclosed campe, caused his numbers to turne their faces, and to march towards his campe againe, after diuers skirmishes doone by the light Horsemen, and after that the Kings battailes had marched a myle homewards, the Harquebuziers discharged their péeces, one battaile after another, in such sort, that with the gallant soundes of the Trumpets and Drums being such, and the voice of the armie calling Battailie, Battailie, that if I should héere make report what I heard and did sée, it would not with the most séeme credible, therefore I will omit.
Some will imagine that the plot that I haue herein made, wherein there is placed the figure of twelue féelde péeces, that it is some skonce or forte, but my meaning is, that the same might bée as a trench cast with pioners for the safetie of the fiue thousand shot, the better to defend them from the danger of the enemies artillerie, the which might otherwise annoy them from their great ships: and also to be néere their enemies if any should lande, as I trust neuer any shall do to offend vs.
I haue good will to set downe the manner of the kings battaile aboue spoken of in forme as it was, the which I wil omit for this time for some cause: it was the onely and most braue thing that euer I did sée, although at diuers times I haue séene as many togither and more, and whosoeuer did not sée the same, I dare auouch, that in this age within Europe, the like hath not béen séene of any.
Faults escaped.
Folio 2. line 6. read 40. fol. 5. line 32. read mine owne knowledge. in diuers places lieftenants, reade leutenants. fol. 16. pag. 2. line 9. read Harbebuziers or archers be most readiest.