MOst reuerend Sir, and Brother in Christ, It is almost fourtie yeeres since we did see one the other: But yet I haue neuer beene vn­mindfull of our ancient acquain­tance, neither haue I ceased, seeing I could doe you no other good, to commend your labouring most painefully in the Lordes vineyard, in my prayers to God. And I doubt not, but that I haue liued all this while in your memorie, and haue had some place in your prayers at the Lords Altar. So therefore euen vnto this time wee haue abidden, as S. Iohn speaketh, in the mutuall loue one of the other, not by worde or letter, but by labour and trueth. But a late message which [Page 37] was brought vnto vs within a few dayes, of your bonds and imprisonment, hath inforced mee to breake off this silence; which message, although it seemed heauie in regard of the losse of your pa­storall function which you haue exercised in that Church, yet withall it seemed ioyous, because you drew neere vnto the glory of Martyrdome, then the which thing there is no gift of God more hap­pie; That you, who haue fed your Flocke so many yeeres with the worde and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your pa­tience. But another heauy tidings did not a li­tle disquiet and almost take away this ioy, which immediatly followed, of the aduersaries assault, and peraduenture of the slip and fall of your Constancie, in refusing an vnlawfull Oath. Neither truely (most deare brother) could that oath therefore be lawfull, because it was offered in sort tempered and modified: for you knowe that those kinde of modifications are nothing els, but sleights and subtilties of Satan, that the Ca­tholique faith touching the Primacie of the Sea Apostolike, might either secretly or openly be shot at, for the which faith so many worthy Martyrs euen in that very England it selfe, haue resi [Page 38] sted vnto blood. For most certaine it is, that in whatsoeuer words the Oath is conceiued by the aduersaries of the faith in that Kingdome, it tends to this end, that the Authoritie of the head of the Church in England, may bee transferred from the successour of S. Peter, to the Successour of K. Henry the eight. For that which is preten­ded of the danger of the Kings life, if the high Priest should haue the same power in England, which he hath in all other Christian Kingdomes, it is altogether idle, as all that haue any vnder­standing, may easily perceiue. For it was neuer heard of from the Churches infancie vntill this day, that euer any Pope did command, that any Prince, though an Heretike, though an Ethnike, though a Persecuter, should be murdered, or did approue of the fact, when it was done by any o­ther. And why, I pray you, doeth onely the King of England feare that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendome either doeth feare, or euer did feare?

But, as I sayd, these vaine pretexts are but the Trappes and Stratagemes of Sathan: Of which kind, I could produce not a few out of an­cient Stories, if I went about to write a booke, and [Page 39] not an Epistle. One only for example sake, I will call to your memory. S. Gregorius Nazianze­nus in his first Oration against Iulian the Empe­rour, reporteth, That he, the more easily to be­guile the simple Christians, did insert the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperor, which the Romanes did vse to bow downe vn­to with a ciuill kind of reuerence; so that no man could doe reuerence to the Emperours picture, but withall he must adore the Images of the false gods: Whereupon it came to passe, that many were deceiued. And if there were any that found out the Emperours craft, and refused to worship his picture, those were most grieuously puni­shed, as men that had contemned the Emperour in his Image. Some such like thing, me thinkes, I see in the Oath that is offered to you, which is so craftily composed, that no man can detest Trea­son against the King, and make profession of his Ciuill subiection, but he must be constrayned per­fidiously to denie the Primacie of the Apostolike Sea. But the seruants of Christ, and especially the chiefe Priests of the Lord ought to be so farre from taking an vnlawfull Oath, where they may indamage their Faith, that they ought to beware that [...] [Page 42] ry the Great hath written, in his 42. Epistle of his 11. booke. Let not the Reuerence due to the Apostolique Sea, bee troubled by any mans presumption: for then the state of the members doeth remaine entire, when the head of the faith is not bruised by any iniu­rie. Therefore, by S. Gregories testimonie, when they are busie about disturbing or dimini­shing, or taking away of the Primacie of the A­postolique Sea, then are they busie about cutting off the very head of the faith, and dissoluing of the state of the whole body, and of all the mem­bers. Which selfe same thing S. Leo doeth con­firme in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Pope-dome, when he saith, Our Lord had a speciall care of Peter, and prayed properly for Peters faith, as though the state of others were more stable, when their Princes minde was not to be ouercome. Whereupon him­selfe in his Epistle to the Bishop of Vienna, doth not doubt to affirme, That he is not partaker of the Diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter: who also saith, That hee who thinketh the Primacie to bee denied to that Sea, hee can in no sort lessen [Page 43] the Authoritie of it, but by being puft vp with the spirit of pride, doeth cast himselfe headlong into hell. These and many other of this kinde, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many other bookes, haue dili­gently read ouer the visible Monarchie of your owne Saunders, a most diligent writer, and one who hath worthily deserued of the Church of Eng­land. Neither can you be ignorant, that most holy and learned men, Iohn Bishop of Roche­ster, and Thomas More within our memorie, for this one most weightie head of doctrine, ledde the way to Martyrdome to many others, to the exceeding glory of the English Nation. But I would put you in remembrance that you should take heart, and considering the weightinesse of the cause, not to trust too much to your owne iudgement, neither be wise aboue that is meete to bee wise: And if peraduenture your fall haue proceeded not vpon want of consideration, but through humane infirmitie, and for feare of pu­nishment, and imprisonment; yet doe not preferre a temporall libertie to the libertie of the glory of the Sonnes of God, neither for escaping a light and momentanie tribulation, loose an eternall waight [...] [Page 46] world to wonder with me, at the commit­ting of so grosse an Errour by so learned a man, as that hee should haue pained him­selfe to haue set downe so elaborate a Letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken Que­stion. For it appeareth, that our English Fugitiues, of whose inward societie with him he so greatly vaunteth, haue so fast hamme­red in his head the Oath of Supremacie, which hath euer bene so great a Scarre vnto them, as hee thinking by his Letter to haue refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof onely payd the Oath of Supremacie, which was most in his head; As a man that being earnestly caried in his thoughts vpon ano­ther matter then hee is presently in doing, will often name the matter, or person hee is thinking of, in place of the other thing hee hath at that time in hand.

For, as the Oath of Supremacy was de­uised for putting a difference betweene Pa­pists, and them of our profession: So was this Oath, which hee would seeme to im­pugne, The difference betweene the Oath of Supre­macie, and this of Allegiance. ordained for making a difference be­tweene the Ciuilly obedient Papists, and the [Page 47] peruerse Disciples of the Powder-Treason. Yet doth all his Letter runne vpon an Inue­ctiue against the compulsion of Catholikes to denie the authoritie of Saint Peters suc­cessors, and in place thereof to acknowledge the successors of King Henry the eight. For, in King Henry the eights time was the Oath of Supremacie first made: By him were Thomas Moore and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it. From his time till now haue all our Princes professing this Re­ligion, successiuely in effect mainteined the same: And in that Oath only is conteined the Kings absolute power to bee Iudge ouer all persons aswell Ciuill as Ecclesiasticall, ex­cluding all forreigne Powers and Poten­tates to be Iudges within his Dominions; Whereas this last made Oath containeth no such matter, onely medling with the Ciuill Obedience of Subiects to their Soueraigne, in meere Temporall causes.

And that it may the better appeare, that whereas by name hee seemeth to condemne the last Oath; yet indeede his whole letter runneth vpon nothing, but vpon the [...] [Page 50] some other authority of the Church and Sea of Rome, yet by other meanes with others helpe he may depose our King.

That the Pope may dispose of his Maie­sties 3 Kingdomes and Dominions.

That the Pope may giue authoritie to 4 some Forrein Prince to inuade his Maiesties Dominions.

That the Pope may discharge his Sub­iects 5 of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Maiestie.

That the Pope may giue Licence to one 6 or more of his Maiesties Subiects to beare Armes against his Maiestie.

That the Pope may giue leaue to the 7 King his Subiects to offer violence to his Maiesties sacred person, or to his Gouerne­ment, or to some of his Subiects.

That if the Pope shall by Sentence Ex­communicate 8 or depose our King, his Sub­iects are not to beare Faith and Allegiance to his Maiestie.

If the Pope shall by Sentence Excommu­nicate or depose his Maiesty, his Subiects are 9 not bound to defend with all their power [Page 51] his Maiesties Person and Crowne.

If the Pope shall giue out any Sentence 10 of Excommunication, or Depriuation a­gainst the King, the Subiects by reason of that Sentence, are not bound to reueile all Conspiracies & Treasons against the King, which shal come to their hearing and know­ledge.

That it is not Hereticall and detestable to 11 holde, that Princes being Excommunicated by the Pope, may be either deposed, or killed by their Subiects, or any other.

That the Pope hath power to absolue his 12 Maiesties Subiects from this oath, or from some part thereof.

That this oath is not administred to his 13 Maiesties Subiects, by a full and lawfull Au­thoritie.

That this oath is to be taken with Equi­uocation, 14 mentall euasion, or secret reserua­tion, and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the true faith of a Christian man.

These are the true and naturall branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmatiue of all which Negatiues doe neither concerne [Page 52] in any case the Popes Supremacie in spirituall causes, nor yet were euer concluded, and de­fined by any complete generall Councell to Touching the pretended coun­cell of Later: See Plat. In vita in­nocen. 3. belong to the Popes Authoritie: and their owne schoole Doctours are at irreconcilable oddes and iarres about them.

And that the world may yet farther see, his Maiesties and whole States setting downe of this oath, did not proceed from any new inuention of theirs, but as it is warranted by the word of God: so doth it take the example The oath of Al­legiance confir­med by the au­thoritie of Councels. from an oath of Allegiance decreed a thou­sand yeeres agone, which a famous Coun­cel then, together with diuers other Coun­cels, were so farre from condemning, (as the Pope now hath done this oath) as I haue thought good to set down their owne words here in that purpose, wherby it may appeare that his Maiestie craueth nothing now of his Subiects in this Oath, which was not expres­ly and carefully commanded then by the Councels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay not in the very particular poynt of Equiuocation, which his Maiestie in this oath is so carefull to haue eschewed: but [Page 53] you shall here see the said Councels in their The ancient Councels pro­uided for Equi­uocation. decrees, as careful to prouide for the eschew­ing of the same, so as almost euery poynt of that Action, and this of ours, shall be found to haue relation and agreeance one with the other, saue onely in this, that those olde Councels were carefull and strait in com­maunding The difference between the an­cient Councels and the Popes counselling of the Catholikes. the taking of the same: wher­as by the contrary, hee that now vaunteth himselfe to be head of all Councels, is as care­full and strait in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance.

The wordes of the Councell bee these. Heare our Sentence.

Whosoeuer of vs, or of all the people thorow­out Concil. Toletan. 4. can. 74. all Spaine, shall violate the Oath of his fide­litie, which he hath giuen for the preseruation of his Countrey, or of the Kings Person, or shall go about by any Conspiracy or endeuour to touch the life of the King, or shall vsurpe by any power or Tyrannicall presumption the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome, let him be accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels, and be hol­den an Alien from the Catholike Church, which he hath profaned by his periury; together with all [...] [Page 56] Fidelitie in their mouthes; when they holde an impious perfidiousnesse in their mindes. And Concil. Tolc. 4. Cap. 75. againe, They sweare to their Kings, that there­upon they may preuaricate in the fidelitie which they haue promised. Neither doe they feare the volume of Gods Iudgement, in the which the curse of God is threatned vpon them, which doe sweare in the Name of God deceitfully. To the like effect spake they in the Councell of Concil. Aquis­gran. sub Ludou. Pio & Greg. 4. can. 12. anno 836. A­quisgran, That whosoeuer, from the highest to the lowest of the Cleargie, shall make defection from the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke, or shall violate the Oath of Fidelitie made vnto him, or shall adhere to his Enemies; let him bee depriued of all Honour and Dignitie.

And now to come to a particular answere of his Letter. First as concerning the sweet memorie hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest; it may indeed be plea­sing for him to recount: But sure I am, his acquaintance with him, and the rest of his societie our Fugitiues, (whereof he also van­teth himselfe in his preface to the reader, in his booke of Controuersies) hath prooued sowre to vs and our State. For some of such [Page 57] Priests and Iesuites as were the greatest Trai­tours and Fomenters of the greatest Con­spiracies against her late Maiestie, gaue vp Father Robert Campion & Hart. See the conference in the Tower. Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles. And ther­fore, I doe not enuie the great honour hee can winne by his vaunt of his inward famili­aritie with an other Princes Traitours, and Fugitiues: whom vnto, if he teach no better maners, then hitherto he hath done, I thinke his Fellowship are little beholding vnto him.

And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the altar of the Lord: If the Arch priests prayers proue no more profita­ble to his soule, then Bellarmines counsell is like to proue profitable both to the soule and body of Blackwell (if he would followe it;) the authour of this letter might very well be without his prayers.

Now the first messenger that I can finde, which brought ioyfull newes of the Arch-priest to Bellarmine, was he that brought the newes of the Arch-priestes taking, and first appearance of Martyrdome. A great signe surely of the Cardinals mortification, that he [Page 58] was so reioyced to heare of the apprehensi­on, imprisonment, and appearance of put­ting to death, of so old and deare a friend of his. But yet apparantly he should first haue bene sure, that he was onely to be punished for cause of Religion, before hee had so tri­umphed vpon the expectation of his Martyr­dome. For first, by what rule of Charitie was The Cardinals charitie. it lawfull for him to iudge the King our So­ueraigne a Persecutour, before proofe had bene made of it, by the saide Arch-priestes condemnation and death? What could hee know, That the said Arch-priest was not ta­ken vpon suspition of his guiltinesse in the Powder-treason? What certaine information had he then receiued vpon the particulars, whereupon he was to be accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to be accused? For at that time there was yet nothing laide to his charge. And if Charitie should not be su­spitious, what warrant had hee absolutely to condemne our Soueraigne of vsing persecu­tion and tyrannie, which could not but bee implied vpon his Maiestie, if Blackwell was [Page 59] to be a Martyr? But surely it may iustly bee said of Bellarmine in this case, that our Sa­uiour CHRIST saith of all worldly and car­nall men, who thinke it enough to loue their Matth. 5. 43. friends, and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no farther, then to them of his owne profession. For what euer he added in superfluous charitie to Blackwell in reioycing in the speculation of his future Martyrdome, hee detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from his Maiestie our Soueraigne, in accounting of him thereby as of a bloody persecutour. And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the newes of the said Arch-priest his failing in his Constancie by taking of this Oath; hee needed neuer to haue bene troubled, either with his former ioy, or his second sorrowe, both being alike falsly grounded. For as it was neuer his Maiesties intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-priests charge, as he hath neuer done to any, for cause of Con­science; So was Blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this Oath; It being [Page 60] a thing, which hee euer thought lawfull be­fore his apprehension, and whereunto hee perswaded all Catholikes to giue obedience; like as after his apprehension, he neuer made doubt, nor stop in it, but at the first offering it vnto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawfull; Neither meanes of threatning, or flatterie, being euer vsed vnto him, as him­selfe can yet beare witnesse.

And as for the temperature and modifi­cation of this Oath, Except that a reasona­ble and lawfull matter is there set downe in reasonable and temperate wordes agreeing thereunto; I know not what he can meane, by quarrelling it for that fault. For no tem­peratnesse nor modifications in words there­in, can iustly be called the deuils craft, when the thing it selfe is so plaine, and so plainely interpreted to all them that take it, as the only troublesome thing in it all, be the words vsed in the ende thereof, for eschewing E­quiuocation and mentall reseruation; which newe Catholique doctrine may farre iustlier be called the deuils craft, then any plaine and temperate words, in so plaine and cleare [Page 61] a matter. But what shall wee say of these strange Agrestes, whome of with the Satyre we may iustly complaine, that they blowe both hote and cold out of one mouth? For Luther and all our bolde and free speaking writers, are mightily railed vpon by them, as hot brained fellowes, and speakers by the deuils instinct: And now if we speake mo­derately and temperately of them, it must be termed the deuils craft. And therefore wee may iustly complaine with CHRIST, that when wee Matt. 11. 17. mourne, they will not la­ment, and when we pipe, they wil not dance. But neither Iohn Baptist his seueritie, nor CHRIST his meekenesse and lenitie can please them, who builde but to their owne Monarchie, vpon the ground of their owne traditions, and not to CHRIST, vpon the ground of his Word and infallible Trueth.

But what can bee meant by alleadging, That the craft of the deuill herein is onely vsed for subuersion of the Catholike Faith, and euersion of S. Peters Primacy, had need be commented anew by Bellarmine himself. For in all this Letter of his, neuer one word [Page 62] is vsed to prooue, that by any part of this Oath the primacie of Saint Peter is any way medled with, except Master Bellarmine his bare alledging; which without prouing it by more cleare demonstration, can neuer satis­fie the conscience of any reasonable man. For, for ought that I knowe, Heauen and Earth are no farther asunder, then the pro­fession of a Temporall obedience to a Tem­porall King, is different from any thing be­longing to the Catholike Faith, or Suprema­cie of Saint Peter. For, as for the Catholike No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Alle­giance. Faith, can there bee one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doeth he that taketh it, promise there to beleeue, or not to beleeue any Arti­cle of Religion? Or doeth hee so much as name a true or a false Church there? And as for Saint Peters Primacy, I know no Apo­stles name that is therein named, but the name of our Soueraigne Iames, though it please him not to deigne to name him in all the Letter, albeit the contents thereof con­cerne him in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, ei­ther [Page 63] conceptis verbis, or by any other indi­rect meanes, either of the Hierarchy of the Church, of Saint Peters succession, of the Sea Apostolike, or of any such matter: But that the Author of our Letter doeth brauely make mention of Saint Peters succession, bringing it in comparison with the successi­on of Henry the eight. Of which vnapt and vnmannerly Similitude, I wonder he should not bee much ashamed. For, as our King Henries successour, whom by he meaneth, neuer did, nor will presume to create any Ar­ticle of Faith, or to be Iudge thereof, but to submit his exemplary obedience vnto them, in as great humilitie, as the meanest of the land; So if the Pope could bee as well able Farre more easie to proue his Maiesties suc­cession from his Aucestors, then the Pope from S. Peter. to prooue his, either Personall, or Doctrinall succession from S. Peter, as hee is able to proue his lineall descent from the Kings of England and Scotland, there had neuer bene so long adoe, nor so much sturre kept about this Question in Christendome; Nei­ther had Bella [...] de Rom Po [...]t. lib. 4 cap [...] B [...]llar de Rom Pontif. lib. 2 cap. 12. M. Bellarmine himselfe needed to haue bestowed so many sheetes of paper, De summo Pontifice in his great Bookes of [Page 64] Controuersies: And when all is done, to conclude with a morall certitude, and a pie credendum, bringing in the Bellar de Rom. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 14. Popes, that are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: And yet their Historicall Narration must be no Article of Faith. And sure we are, that his Maiestie our Soueraigne, doeth vertu­ously imitate the worthy Actions of his pre­decessors; In whom their Vertues doe more brightly shine, then can be well proued the Popes in our age to be similes Petro, especi­ally in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subiects from their Allegiance vnto them.

But now we come to his strongest Argu­ment; which is, That he would alledge vp­on our Soueraigne a Panick terrour, as if he were possessed with a needelesse feare. For, saith the Cardinall, from the beginning of the The Cardinals waightiest Ar­gument. Church his first Infancie, euen to this day, where was it euer heard, that euer a Pope either com­manded to be killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoeuer, whether he were an He­retike, an Ethnike, or Persecutor? But first, wherefore doth he here wilfully, and of pur­pose omit the rest of the points mentioned [Page 65] in that Oath, for deposing, degrading, stir­ring vp of Armes, or Rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned in that Oath, as the killing of them? As being all of one consequence against a King, no Subiect be­ing so scrupulous, as that he will attempt the one, and leaue the other vnperformed if he can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it ouer, since he could not otherwise haue eschewed the direct belying of him­selfe in tearmes, which he now doeth but in substance and effect. For Bellar. de Rom. Pontif lib. 5. cap. 8. & lib. 3 cap. 16. as for the Popes deposing and degrading of Kings, hee ma­keth so braue vaunts and bragges of it in his former Bookes, as he could neuer with ciuill honestie haue denyed it here.

But to returne to the Popes allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face he can set so stout a denyall vpon it against his owne knowledge. How many Empe­rors did the Pope raise warre against in their owne bowels? Who as they were ouercome in battayle, were subiect to haue bene killed therein; which I hope the Pope could not but haue allowed, when hee was so farre [Page 66] inraged at Platina & Cusp [...]nus in vi­ta Henrici 4. Henry the fifth for giuing buriall to his fathers dead corps, after the Pope had stirred him vp to rebell against his father, and procured his ruine. But leauing these olde Histories to Bellarmines owne bookes, that doe most authentically cite them, as I haue already said, let vs turne our eyes vp­on our owne time, and therein remember what a Panegyrik See the Ora­tion of Sixtus Quintus made in the Consisto­ry vpon the death of Henry the 3. oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Frier and his fact, that murthered King Henry the third of France, who was so farre from ei­ther being Heretike, Ethnike, or Persecutor in their account, that the said Popes owne wordes in that Oration are, That a true Frier had killed a counterfeit Frier. And besides that vehement Oration, and congratulation for that fact, how neere it scaped, that the said Frier was not Canonized for that glo­rious Acte, is better knowen to Bellarmine and his followers, then to vs here.

But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not beene more wise and circumspect in that er­rand, then the Pope himselfe was, the Popes owne Calender of his Saints would haue [Page 67] sufficiently proued Bellarmine a lyar in this case. And to drawe yet neerer vnto our selues; How many Practises and Attempts were made against the late Queene our So­ueraignes life, which were directly inioy­ned to those Traytors by their Confessors, and plainly authorized by the Popes allow­ance? For verification whereof, there needes no more proofe, then that neuer Pope either then or since, called any Church-man in question for medling in those Treasonable conspiracies; Nay, the Cardinals owne S. Sanderus mentioned in his Letter, coulde well verifie this trueth, if he were aliue; and who wil looke his books, wil find them filled with no other Doctrine then this. And what difference there is betweene the killing or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring vp and approbation of practises to kill them, I remit to Bellarmines owne iudge­ment. It may then very clearely appeare, how strangely this Authours passion hath made him forget himselfe, by implicating himselfe in so strong a Contradiction against his owne knowledge and conscience, against the [...] [Page 70] the end that theeues might afterward take it from him.

Ecllar. de Pont. lib. 4. cap. 3. Peter did not loose that righteousnesse that was in his heart.

Contrary, Bellar. de Iust lib 2 cap 14. Peters sinne was deadly.

Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. cap. 14. Antichrist shall be a Magitian, and after the maner of other Magitians shall secretly wor­ship the deuill.

Ibid ex senten. H [...]pol. & Cyrilli & cap. 12 eius­d [...]m libri. Contrary, He shal not admit of idolatrie: he shall hate idoles, and reedifie the Temple.

By the words of Bellar. lib. 1. de missa cap. 27. Consecration the true and solemne Oblation is made.

Contrary, The Bellar. de miss lib. 2 cap. 11. Oblation is not made by the wordes, but doeth consist in the offering of the thing it selfe.

Bellar de anim. Christ. lib. 4 cap 5 That the ende of the world cannot bee knowen.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3 cap. 17. Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall bee but fiue and fortie dayes till the end of the world.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3 cap. 14. That the tenne Kings shal burne the scarlet whore, that is, Rome.

Bellar. ibidem. Contrary, Antichrist shal hate Rome, and fight against it, and burne it.

Bellar de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. The name of vniuersall Bishop may bee [Page 71] vnderstood two wayes; One way, that he which is said to be vniuersall Bishop, may be thought to be the onely Bishop; so that all other Bishops are but onely his Vicars.

Contrary, All ordinarie Bellar. de Pon. lib. 4. cap. 24. Iurisdiction of Bishops doth descend immediatly from the Pope. Which few places I haue onely selected a­mongst many the like, that the discreete and iudicious Reader may discerne Ex vn­gue Leonem. For when euer hee is pressed with a weighty Obiection, he neuer careth, nor remembreth how his Solution and An­swere to that, may make him gainesay his owne Doctrine in some other places, so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall.

But now to returne to our matter againe. Since Popes, saith hee, haue neuer at any time medled against Kings, Wherefore, I pray you, should onely the King of England bee a­fraid of that, whereof neuer Christian King is, or was afraid? Was neuer Christian Em­perour or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperours tost and turmoiled, and in the end vtterly ruined [Page 72] by the Popes, for proofe whereof I haue already cited Bellarmines owne bookes? Was not the Abbas Vsper­gen. Lam. Scafen. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7. Emperour afraid, who waited barefooted in the frost & snow three dayes at the Popes gate, before he could get entrie? Was not the Alfons. Ciacou. in vit. Alex. 3. Geneb. Chronol. Emperor also afraid, who was driuen to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread vpon his necke? And was not another Ranulph. in Polychronicon. lib. 7. Emperour afraid, who was constrained in like maner to indure a third Pope to beate off from his head the Imperi­all Crowne with his foote? Was not Abbas Ʋsperg. Philip afraid, being made Emperour against Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he brake out into these words, Either the Pope shall take the Crowne from Philip, or Philip shall take the Miter from the Pope? Where­upon the Pope stirred vp Otho against him, who slew him, and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Emperour by the Pope, though afterward the Pope deposed him too. Was not the Emperour Petrus de vi­neis Epist. 2. lib. 2. & Cuspian in vit. Frederici. 2. Frederike asraid, when Innocentius the fourth excom­municated him, depriued him of his Crown, absolued Princes of their Oath of Fidelity to [Page 73] him, and in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poison? Whereof the Emperour re­couering, he hired one Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What did Paulus Ionius Hist. lib. 2. Alex­ander the third write to the Soldan, That if hee would liue quietly, hee should by some sleight murther the Emperour? And to that end sent him the Emperours picture. And not Cuspianus. Alexander the sixt take of the Turke Baiazetes two hundred thousand Crownes to kill his brother Gemen, or as some call him, Sisimus, whom hee helde Captiue at Rome? Did hee not accept of the conditi­ons to poison the man, and had his pay? Was not our Honenden pag. 539. Henry the second afraid af­ter the slaughter of S. Becket, That besides his going bare-footed in Pilgrimage, was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house like a schoole-boy, and glad to escape so too? Had not the King of France his father reason to be afraid, when the Gomecius de [...]ebus gestis Fran. Ximenij Arch [...]e­ [...]is. Tolet. lib. 5. Pope gaue away his Kingdome of Nauarre to the King of Spaine, whereof hee yet possesseth the best halfe? Had not the King his sonne reason to be a­fraid, when hee was forced to begge so sub­missiuely [Page 74] the relaxation of his Excommu­nication, as he was content likewise to suffer his Ambassadour to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not our late Soueraigne reason to looke to her selfe, when shee was Excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her Sub­iects loosed from their Fidelitie and Allegi­ance towards her, her Kingdome of Ireland giuen to the King of Spaine, and that famous fugitiue Diuine, honoured with the like de­gree of a red Hat as Bellarmine is, is not a­shamed to publish in print an Card. Allens answere to Stan. Let. Anno 1587 Apologie for Stanlies Treason, maintaining, That by rea­son of her Excommunication and Heresie, it was not onely lawfull for any of her Sub­iects, but euen they were bound in Consci­ence to depriue her of any Strength, which lay in their power to doe? And whether it were Armies, Townes, or Fortresses of hers which they had in their handes, they were obliged to put them in the King of Spaine her enemies hands, She no more being the right owner of any thing? But albeit it bee true, That wise men are moued by the examples of others dangers to vse Prouidence and [Page 75] caution, according to the olde prouerbe, Tum tua res agitur, paries cùm proximus ardet: yet his Maiestie our Soueraigne was neere­lier summoned to vse this caution, by the practise of it in his owne Person.

First, by the sending forth of these Buls, whereof I made mention already, for debar­ring him from Entrie vnto this Crowne, and Kingdome. And next after his Entrie and full possession thereof, by the horrible Pow­der-Treason, which should haue bereft both him and his, both of Crowne and Life. And howsoeuer the Pope will seeme to cleare himselfe of any allowance of the said Pow­der-Treason; yet can it not be denied, that his principall Ministers here, and his chiefe Mancipia the Iesuites, were the plaine practi­sers thereof: For which the principall of them hath died confessing it, and others haue fled the Countrey for the Crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: And yet nei­ther these that fled out of this Countrey for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then re­mained in the Low-countryes, was of coun­sell in it, were euer called to account for it by [...]

[Page 78] And whereas for illustration of this strong Argument of his, hee hath brought in for a similitude the historie of Nazianzenus in [...]uliar. inu [...]ct [...] ­ua prima. Iulian the Aposta­ta his dealing with the Christians, when as he straited them, either to commit idolatrie, or to come within the compasse of treason: I would wish the Author to remember, that although a similitude may bee permitted claudicare vno pede; yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of The dispropor­tion of the Car­dinals simili­tude. feete and handes, and euery member of the body. For I shall in few wordes proue, that it agreeth in no one point, saue one, with our purpose, which is, that Iulian was an Em­perour, and our Soueraigne is a King. First, Iulian was an Apostata, one that had renoun­ced the whole Christian faith, which he had once professed, and became an Ethnike a­gaine, or rather an Atheist: Our Soueraigne is a Christian, who neuer changed that Re­ligion, that he dranke in with his milke, nor euer was ashamed of his profession. Iulian dealt against Christians onely for the pro­fession of Christs cause: His Maiestie in this case dealeth with his Subiects, only to make [Page 79] a distinction betweene true Subiects and false hearted Traitours. Iulians ende was the ouerthrow of the Christians: His Maie­sties end is, to maintaine Christianitie in a peaceable gouernement. Iulians drift was to make them commit idolatrie: His Maiesties drift is, to make his Subiects to make open profession of their naturall Allegiance, and ciuill Obedience. Iulians meanes whereby he went about it, was by craft, and insnaring them before they were aware: His Maiesties course in this is plaine, cleare, and voide of all obscuritie, neuer refusing leaue to any that are required to take this Oath, to stu­die it at leisure, and giuing them all the in­terpretation of it they can craue. But the greatest dissimilitude of all is in this: That Iulian pressed them to commit idolatrie to i­doles and images: But his Maiestie and all his Subiects of his profession are so farre from guilt in this point, as wee are counted Here­tiques by you, because wee will not commit idolatrie. So as, in the maine point of all, is the greatest contrarietie: For, Iulian persecu­ted the Christians because they would not [Page 80] commit idolatrie; and yee count his Maie­stie a persecutour, because he will not admit idolatrie. So as to conclude this point, this old Poets sentence may well bee applied to Bellarmine, in vsing so vnapt a similitude, Perdere quos vult Iupiter, hos dementat.

And therefore his vncharitable conclu­sion doth not rightly follow, That it seemeth vnto him, that some such thing should be subtilly or fraudulently included in this Oath; As if no man can detest Treason against the King, or professe Ciuil subiection, except he renounce the Primacie of the Apostolike Sea. But how he hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I haue oft said, he neuer goeth about to proue it: And to answere an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be denied in deede, that many seruants of CHRIST, as well Priests as others, haue endured constantly all sortes of Torments, and Death for the profession of CHRIST: And therefore to all such his examples, as he bringeth in for verifying the same, I neede not to giue him any other an­swere, [Page 81] saue onely to remember him, that he playeth the part of a Sophister in all these his Examples of the constancie of Martyrs, euer taking Controuer sum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.

But yet that the Reader may the better discouer, not only how vnaptly his Simili­tudes are applied, but likewise how disho­nestly he vseth himselfe in all his citations; I haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by him, together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular Cases: whereby, how little these Examples can touch our Case; nay by the contrary, how rightly their true sense may bee vsed, as our owne weapons to be throwen backe vpon him that alleadgeth them, shall easily appeare. And first, for 2. Macchabees cap. 6. vers. 18. Eleazar. If the Arch-priest his ground of re­fusing his Maiesties Oath, were as good as Eleazars was, to forbeare to eate the Swines An answere to the Cardinals example of Elea­zar. flesh, it might not vnfitly be applied by the Cardinall to this purpose. For as Eleazar was a principall Scribe, so is he a principall Priest: As Eleazars example had a great force in it, [Page 82] to animate the yonger Scribes to keepe the Lawe, or in his colourable eating it, to haue taught them to dissemble; So hath the Arch-priests, either to make the inferiour Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground fayling, the building cannot stand. For what example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedience to the Oath of the King, or want of allegiance is allowed? If the Cardi­nall would remember, that when the Church maketh a law (suppose to forbid flesh on cer­taine daies) he that refuseth to obey it, in cur­reth the iust censure of the Church: If a man then ought to dye rather then to breake the least of Gods Ceremoniall Laws, and to pine and starue his body, rather then to violate the Church his positiue law: Will hee not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne, and to keepe his body from pu­nishment, by keeping the Kings politique lawe, and by giuing good example in his person, raise vp a good opinion in his Maie­stie of like Allegiance in the inferiours of his order? This application, as I take it, would haue better fitted this example.

[Page 83] But let mee remember the Cardinall of another 1. Sam. 14. 24. Oath inioyned by a King to his people, wherby he indangered his owne life, and hazarded the safety of the whole armie, when he made the people sweare in the mor­ning, not to taste of any meate vntill night: which oath hee exacted so strictly, That his eldest sonne and heire apparant Ionathan for breaking of it, by taking a litle honie, though he heard not when the King gaue it, had well nigh died for it. And shall an oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was, for the apparant safetie of the King and his posterity, forbidding his people to drinke so deepely in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keepe so much hony in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to their Soueraigne in the maine knot of true allegiance; Shal this law, I say, by him bee condemned to hell for a stratageme of Sathan? I say no more, but Gods lot in that oath of Sauls, and his ver­dict vpon this Oath of our Kings, seeme not to be cast out of one lap.

Now to his example of Theodoret lib. 4. cap. 19. Basill, which is [Page 84] (as hee saith) so fit for his purpose. First, I must obserue, that if the Cardinall would An answere to the Card. ex­ample of S. Basil. leaue a common and ordinarie tricke of his in all his citations, which is, to take what makes for him, and leaue out what makes a­gainst him; and cite the authours sense, as well as his sentence; wee should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he alleadgeth. To instance it in this very place. If he had continued his allegati­on one line further, hee should haue found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to haue mooued Blackwell to take the Oath, then to haue disswaded him from it. For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magni se pendere cum pietate; quâ remotâ, perniciosum esse dicere. But that it may appeare, whether of vs haue greatest right to this place, I will in few wordes shew the authors drift.

The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, when hee had depriued all the Churches of their Pastors, came to Caesarea, where Saint Theodoret lib. 4. cap. 19. Basill was then Bishop; who, as the Story reporteth, [Page 85] was accounted the Light of the world. Be­fore he came, he sent his Modestus, as Nazian. vpon the death of Ba­sill, cals him in his Orat. Deputie to worke it, that Saint Basill should hold fellowship with Eudoxius, (which Looke cap. 12. ciusdem libri. Eudoxius was Bi­shop of Constantinople, and the principall of the Arrian Faction) or if he would not, that hee should put him to banishment. Now when the Emperours Deputie came to Caesa­rea, he sent for Basill, intreated him honou­rably, spake pleasingly vnto him, desired he would giue way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many Chur­ches tenui exquisitione Dogmatis, promised him the Emperours fauour, and himselfe to be Mediator for his good. But Saint Basill answered, These intising speeches were fit to be vsed to children, that vse to gape after such things: But for them that were throughly in­structed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted. Nay, if neede required, they would for the maintenance thereof, refuse no kinde of death. Indeede the loue of the Emperour ought to be greatly estee­med with Pietie; But Pietie taken away, it was pernicious.

[Page 86] This is the trueth of the Story. Now compare the case of Basill with the Arch-priests. For otherwise so Orthodoxe a King ought not to be compared with so Arrian an Heretike. Basill was solicited to become an Arrian: The Arch-priest not once touched for any Article of Faith. Basill would haue obeyed the Emperour, but that the word of GOD forbade him: This man is willed to obey, because the word of GOD comman­deth him. Basill highly esteemed the Em­perours fauour, if it might haue stood with pietie: The Arch-priest is exhorted to re­iect it, though it stand with true godlinesse in deede to embrace it. But that hee may The Card. assimilating of the Archpr. case to S. Peters, and Marcellinus, con­sidered. lay load vpon the Arch-priest, it is not suffi­cient to exhort him to Courage and Con­stancie by Eleazars and Basils examples, but he must be vtterly cast downe with the com­paring his fall to S. Peters and Marcellinus: which two mens cases were the most feare­full, considering their persons and places, that are to bee found, or read of either in all the Bookes of Diuine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiasticall Stories; the [Page 87] one denying the onely true God, the other our Lord and Sauiour IESVS CHRIST; the one sacrificing to Idols with the profane Heathen, the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hard-hearted Iewes. Vnles the Cardinall would driue the Arch-priest to some horror of conscience, & pit of despaire, I know not what he can meane by this com­parison. For sure I am, all that are not intoxi­cated with their cup, cannot but wonder to heare of an oath of Allegiance to a naturall Soueraigne, to be likened to an Apostats de­nying of God, & forswearing of his Sauiour.

But to let passe the Disdiapason of the Ca­ses (as his ill fauored coupling Saint Peter the head of their Church, with an Apostate Pope.) I maruaile he would remember this example of Looke Platina in vita Marcel­lini. Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinall Baronius, and the late Edition of the Councels by Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Looke Baronius Anno 302 [...]m. 96. Binnius seeme to call the credit of the whole Story into question, say­ing, That it might plainely be refuted, and that it is probably to be shewed, that the story is but obreptitious, but that hee would not swarue from the common receiued opinion.

And [...] [Page 90] Subiects from their obedience to their natu­rall King, nor bee so cruell to their owne Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in iealousie of them, or them in hazard of their owne liues. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinall will haue him so called) I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reape this one fruite of it, to moue the Cardinall to deale faithfully with the Fathers, and neuer to alleadge their opinions against their owne purpose. For, this letter of Gregorius was written to Iohn Bishop of Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Palermo in Sicily, to whom hee granted vsum pallij to be worne in such times, and in such order, as the Priests in the Ile of Sicily, and his Predecessours were wont to vse: and withall giueth him a Caueat, that the reuerence to the Apostolique Sea be not disturbed by the presumption of any▪ For then the State of the members doeth re­maine sound, when the head of the faith is not broken by any iniury, and the authoritie of the Canons remaine safe and sound.

Now let vs examine the vvordes. The [Page 91] Epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to graunt him the vse of the Pall; a ceremonie and matter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop of Rome tooke it well at his hands, that hee would not presume to take it vpon him without leaue from the Apostolike Sea, and giuing him that admonition which fol­loweth in the wordes alleadged out of him: which doctrine wee are so farre from impug­ning, that we altogether approue and allow of the same, That whatsoeuer Ceremonie for order is thought meete by the Christian Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inuiolably to be kept: And where the Head and gouernours in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needes runne to Hellish confusion. But that Gregory by that terme, Caput fidei, held himselfe the head of our Faith, and the head of all Religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and vvritings. For first, vvhen an Iohan. Constan. Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. other vvould haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus, he said, Whosoeuer would giue himselfe that Title, was the Fore-runner of Antichrist: Which not­vvithstanding [Page 92] vvas a Stile farre inferiour to that of Caput fidei. And vvhen it vvas of­fered to himselfe, the vvords of Saint Gregory be these, refusing that Title, Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. & 36. That none of my Predecessors Bishops of Rome, euer consen­ted to vse this vngodly name of Vniuersall Bishop. None of the Bishops of Rome euer tooke upon vs this name of Singularitie. Wee the Bishops of Rome will not receiue this Ho­nour being offered vnto vs. And novv, I pray you, vvould he that refused to be cal­led Vniuersall Bishop, be stiled Caput fidei, vnlesse it vvere in that sense, as I haue expres­sed? Which sense if you vvill not admit, giue me leaue to say that once of one, which himselfe saith often of many of the Fathers, Bellar. de Rom. Pontif lib. 2. cap. [...]0. & lib. 2 de Christo cap. 2. Minùs cautè locutus est. To redeeme there­fore our Apostle out of his hands, and to let him remaine ours, and not his in this case; It is very true that he saith, in that sense hee spake it. When yee goe about to disturbe, diminish, or take away the Authority or Su­premacy of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King within his Maiesties Do­minions, ye cut off the head and chiefe Go­uernour [Page 93] thereof, and disturbe the State and members of the whole Body. And for a Conclusion of this point, I pray him to thinke, that wee are so well perswaded of the good mind of our Apostle Saint Gregory to vs, that wee desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, then our Apostle Saint Gregory desired the Deputy of the Emperour Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1. Sabinian to sug­gest vnto the Emperour and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is of which I would desire you would suggest it to your noble Lord and Master, That if I his ser­uant would haue had my hand in staying of the Lombards, at this day the Nation of the Lom­bards had neither had Kings, nor Dukes, nor Earles, and had bene diuided asunder in vtter confusion: but because I feare God, I dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man.

And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory, An answere to the authoritie out of Leo. I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that hee may see I haue not in the for­mer Citations quareled him like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the Truth; I do graunt, that the Authorities out [Page 94] of Leo primus in di [...] [...]s [...]ump. suae [...]d Pontificat. [...] mone 3. Leo epist. 89 ad [...]pisc. V. en. Idem ibid. cap. 2. Leo are rightly alleadged all three, the words truely set downe, together with his true intent and purpose. But withall, let me tell him, and I appeale vnto his owne consci­ence whether I speake not truely, that what Tully sayd to Cicero in Hort. Hortensius, when he did im­moderatly praise Eloquence, that he would haue lift her vp to heauen, that himselfe might haue gone vp with her; So his Saint Leo lift vp Saint Peter with praises to the Skie, that he being his For so he cal­leth himselfe in sermo. 1. in die [...]ssum. heire, might haue gone vp with him. For his Saint Leo was a great Orator, who by the power of his Elo­quence redeemed Rome from fire, when both Exbreniario Romano. Attilas and Gensericus would haue burnt it.

Some fruits of this Rhetorick he bestowed vpon Saint Peter, saying, The Lord Epist. 89. did take Peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vni­tie: which words being coupled to the sen­tence alleadged by the Cardinall (That hee hath no part in the diuine Mystery that dare de­part from the solidity of Peter) should haue giuen him, I thinke, such a Sare, as he should neuer haue dared to haue taken any aduan­tage [Page 95] by the words immediatly preceding, for the benefit of the church of Rome, and the head thereof, since those which immediatly follow, are so much derogatory to the diuine Maiestie. And againe, My Epist. 52. writings bee strengthned by the merit, and Authority of my Lord most blessed Saint Peter. We Epist. 89. beseech you to keepe the things decreed by vs thorough the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed Saint Peter. If In ser. 2. in die an [...]er. as [...]um. suae. any thing be well done, or de­creed of vs; If any thing be obtained of Gods mercy by dayly prayers, it is to be ascribed to Saint Peters works, and merits, whose power doth liue, and Authority excell in his owne Sea. He Ser. 3. in die ann [...]. assump su [...] was so plentifully watered of the fountaine of all Graces, that whereas hee receiued many things alone, yet nothing passeth ouer to any man but by him. And in a word, he was so desirous to extoll Saint Peter, That a message from him was an Epist. 24. Embassage from S. Peter: Any thing done in his presence, was in Saint Peters Epist. 4. pre­sence. Neither did he vse all this Rhetorick without purpose: for at that time the Patri­arke of Constantinople contended with him for Primacy. And in the Councell of Concil. Calc [...]d Act. 16. c. [...]. 28 Cal­cedon, [Page 96] the Bishops sixe hundred and more gaue equall Authority to the Patriark of that Sea, and would not admit any priuiledge to the Sea of Rome aboue him, but went a­gainst him. And yet hee that gaue so much to Peter, tooke nothing from Caesar, but gaue him both his Titles and due, giuing the po­wer of calling a Councell to the Emperour, as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many. If it may please your Epi. 9. Theodo sio. God­lines, to vouchsafe at our Supplication to condes­cend, that you will command a Councell to be holden within Italy. And writing vnto the Bi­shop of Constantinople: Because the most Clement Epist. 16. Fla­uiano. Emperour, carefull of the peace of the Church, will haue a Councell to be holden; Albeit it euidently appeare, the matter to be handled doth in no case stand in neede of a generall Coun­cell. Albeit Epist. 17. Theo­dosio. my occasions will not permit me to be present vpon the day of the Councell, which your Godlinesse hath appointed. So as by this it may well appeare, that he that gaue so much to Peter, gaue also to Caesar his due and pre­rogatiue. But yet he playeth not faire play in this, that euen in all these his wrong ap­plied [Page 97] Arguments, and Examples, he produ­ceth no other witnesses, but the parties them­selues, bringing euer the Popes Sentences for approbation of their owne Authority.

Now indeede for one word of his in the middest of his Examples, I cannot but great­ly commend him, that is, that Martyrs ought to indure all sorts of tortures, and death, be­fore they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God. Which lesson, if he and all the rest of his owne profession would ap­plie to themselues, then would not the Sa­crament be administred sub vnâ specie, di­rectly contrary to Christs Institution, the practise of the Apostles, and of the whole Primatiue Church for many hundred yeres: then would not the priuate Masses bee in place of the Lords Supper: then would not the words of the Bellar. de sacra. Eucharist. lib. 4. cap. 14. Canon of the Masse be opposed to the wordes of Saint Paul, and Saint Luke, as our Aduersary himselfe con­fesseth, and cannot reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreths other Tradi­tions of men be set vp in their Church, not only as equall, but euen preferred to the [Page 98] word of God. But sure in this point I feare I haue mistaken him: for I thinke he doth not meane by his Diuina dogmata, the word of the God of heauen, but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Dominus Deus Papa: o­therwise all his Primacy of the Apostolike Sea would not bee so much sticken vpon, hauing so slender ground in the word of God.

And for the great feare he hath, that the suddainty of the Apprehension, the bitter­nesse of the Persecution, the weakenesse of his Age, and other such infirmities might haue bene the cause of the Arch-priests fal; in this, I haue already sufficiently answered him, hauing declared, as the trueth is, and as the said Blackwell himselfe will yet testifie, That hee tooke this Oath freely of himselfe without any inducement thereunto, either Precibus or Minis.

But amongst all his citations, he must not Some of Sanders his worthy say­ings remem­bred. forget holy Sanderus, and his Visibilis Mo­narchia, whose person and actions I did al­ready a little touch. And surely, who will with vnpartiall eyes reade his Bookes, they [Page 99] may well thinke, that he hath deserued well of his English Roman-Church: But they can neuer thinke, but that he deserued very ill of his English Soueraigne and State. Wit­nesse his owne bookes: whereout I haue made choice to set downe heere these fewe Sentences following, as flowers pickt out of so worthy a Garland. Sand. de visib. monar. lib. 6. cap. 4. ELIZABETH Queene of England doeth exercise the Priestly acte of teaching and preaching the Gospell in England, with no lesse authority then CHRIST himselfe, or MOSES euer did. The Supre­macie of a Sand de cla. Dauid. lib. 6. cap. 1. woman in Church matters, is from no other, then from the Deuill. And of all Kings in generall, thus hee speaketh, The Sand. de visib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4. King that will not inthrall himselfe to the Popes authority, he ought not to be tollerated, but his Subiects ought to giue all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be. A King that is an Ibidem. Heretike, ought to be remoued from the Kingdome that he hol­deth amongst Christians, and the Bishops ought to endeuour to set vp another, assoone as possi­bly they can. We doe constantly Ibidem. affirme, that all Christian Kings are so farre vnder Bishops [Page 100] and Priests in all matters appertaining to Faith and Religion, that if they shall continue in a fault against Christian Religion after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may, and ought to bee deposed by the Bishops from all the Authority they hold amongst Chri­stians. Ibidem. Bishops are set ouer Imperiall King­domes, if those Kingdomes do submit themselues to the Faith of CHRIST. We doe constant­ly Sand. de clau. Dauid. lib. 5. cap. 2. affirme, That all Secular power, whether Regall, or any other, is of Men. The Ibidem. An­oynting which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priest, doeth declare that he is infe­riour to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of Sand. de clau Dauid lib. 5. cap. 4. CHRIST, that Christian Kings should haue Supremacy in the Church.

And whereas for the Crowne, and con­clusion of all his examples, he reckoneth his The Card. paire of Martyrs weighed. two English Martyrs, Moore and Roffensis, who died for that one most weightie head of Doctrine, as he alleadgeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacie; I must tell him, that he hath not bene well informed in some ma­teriall points, which doe very neerely con­cerne his two said Martyrs. For it is cleare, [Page 101] and apparantly to be proued by diuers Re­cords, That they were both of them com­mitted to the Tower about a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues for the Popes Supremacy; And that partly for their backwardnesse in the point of the establishment of the Kings Suc­cession, whereunto the whole Realme had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the mat­ter of the holy Called Anna Burton, See the Act of Parlia­ment. maid of Kent, he being for his concealement of that false Prophets a­buse, found guilty of Misprision of Treason. And as these were the principall causes of their Imprisonment, (the King resting secure of his Supremacy as the Realme stood then affected, but especially troubled for setling the Crowne vpon the Issue of his second Marriage) So was it easily to be conceiued, that being thereupon discontented, their humors were thereby made apt to drawe them by degrees to further opposition a­gainst the King and his Authority, as in­deed it fell out. For in the time of their be­ing in prison, the Kings lawfull Authoritie [Page 102] in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promulged, as well by a generall Decree of the Clergie in their Synode, as by an Acte of Parliament made thereupon; they beha­ued themselues so peeuishly therein; as the old coales of the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new, they were againe brought in question, as well for this one most weigh­tie head of Doctrine of the Pope his Supre­macie, as for the matter of the Kings marri­age and Succession, as by the confession of one of themselues, euen Thomas Moore, is euident. For being condemned, hee vsed these words at the Barre before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaueritis, vide­licet ob id, quod nunquam voluerim assentire in Hist. aliquot Martyrum nostri seculi, Anno 1550. negotio Matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged me to death: to wit, for that I would neuer consent in the bu­sinesse of the new marriage of the King. By which his owne confession it is plaine, that this great Martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death, to be onely for his being refractary to the King in this said matter of Marriage and Succession; which is but a ve­ry [Page 103] fleshly cause of Martyrdom, as I conceiue.

And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr, (who could haue bene content to haue ta­ken the oath of the Kings Supremacy, with a certaine modification, which Moore refu­sed) as his imprisonment was neither only, nor principally for the cause of Supremacy; so dyed he but a halting and a singular Mar­tyr, or witnes for that most waightie head of doctrine, the whole Church of England go­ing at that time in one current and streame as it were against him in that Argument, di­uers of them being of farre greater reputa­tion for learning and sound iudgement then euer he was. So as in this point we may well arme our selues with the Cardinals owne reason, where he giueth amongst other notes of the true Church, Vniuersality for one, we hauing the generall and Catholike conclu­sion of the whole Church of England on our side in this case, as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole Conuocation of Eng­land, called, The Institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learned­ly handled by diuers particular learned men [Page 104] of our Church, as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke De vera Obedientia, with a Preface of Bishop Boners adioyned to it, De summo & absoluto Regis imperio, published by Master Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potesta­tis & Ecclesiae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop Longlands Sermon, the letter of Ton­stall to Cardinall Poole, and diuers other both in English and Latine. And if the bit­ternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bin fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the Cardinals hat, which came so neere as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with, I haue great reason to doubt, if hee would haue constantly perseuered in induring his Martyrdome for that one most waightie head of doctrine.

And surely these two Captaines and ring­leaders to Martyrdome were but ill followed by the rest of their countrymen: for I can ne­uer reade of any after them, being of any great account, and that not many, that euer sealed that waightie head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the true causes of their first falling in trouble (whereof I haue [Page 105] already made mention) being rightly consi­dered vpon the one part; and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed; (a point so greatly accounted of by our Cardinall) there can but small glory redound thereby to our English Na­tion, these only two, Enoch, and Elias, ser­uing for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine.

And I am sure the Supremacy of Kings The supremacie of Kings suffici­ently warranted by the Scrip­tures. may and will euer be better maintained by the word of God (which must euer be the true rule to discerne all waightie heads of doctrine by) to be the true and proper of­fice of Christian Kings in their owne Domi­nions, then he will be euer able to maintaine his annihilating Kings, and their Authori­ties, together with his base and vnreuerend speeches of them, wherewith both his for­mer great Volumes, and his late Bookes a­gainst Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly 2. Chron. 19. 4. Gouernours ouer the Church within their Dominions, 2. Sam. 5. 6. purged their corruptions, reformed their abuses, brought the 1. Chron. 13. 12. Arke to her resting place: the [Page 106] King 2. Sam. 6. 16 dauncing before it, 1. Chro. 28. 6. built the Tem­ple, 2. Chron. 6. dedicated the same, assisting in their owne persons to the sanctification thereof, 2. King. 22 1 made the booke of the Lawe new-found, to be read to the people; Nehe. 9. 38 Dauid. Salomon. 2. Kings 8. 4. renued the coue­nant betweene God, and his people; brused the brasen Serpent in peeces, which was set vp by the expresse commandement of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed 1. Kings 15. 12. 2 kings 13. 4. all Idols, and false gods; made 2. Chron. 7. 8. a publike refor­mation, by a Commission of Priests and Se­cular men mixed for that purpose; deposed 1. Kings [...]. 27. the High Priest, and set vp another in his place: and generally, ordered euery thing belonging to the Church-gouernment, their Titles and Prerogatiues giuen them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the 2. Sam. 7 4 Sonnes of the Most High, nay Gods Psal. 82. 6 & Exod. 23. 8 themselues; The 1. Chron. 14. 8. Lords anoynted; Sit­ting 2. Sam. 3. 1 [...] 2. Chron. 6. 15 in Gods Throne; His ^r seruants: The Angels 2 Sam. 14 [...]0. of God: According to his 1. Sam. 13. 4 hearts de­sire; The light 2. Sam. 21 7 of Israel; The Isa. 49. 23 nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such stiles of honour, wherewith the old Testament is filled, whereof our Aduersary can pretend [Page 107] no ignorance. And as to the New Testa­ment, Euery soule is commanded to be subiect vnto them, euen for Rom. 13 5 conscience sake: All men 1. Tim. 2. 2 must be prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authority; that vnder them we may leade a godly, peaceable, and an honest life.

The Rom. 13. 4 Magistrate is the minister of God to doe vengeance on him that doth euill, and re­ward him that doth well. Ye must obey all higher Powers, but 1. Pet. 2. 13 especially Princes, and those that are Supereminent. Giue euery man his due, feare Rom. 13. 7 to whome feare belongeth, and loue to whome loue belongeth. Giue Matth. 22 [...]1. vnto Caesar what is Cae­sars, and to God what is Gods. Ioh. 18. 36 Regnum me­um non est huius mundi. Luk. 12. 14 Quis me constituit Iu­dicem super vos? Luke 22. 25. Reges gentium dominantur eorum; vos autem non sic. If these Sentences, Titles, and Prerogatiues, and innumerable other in the old and new Testament, do not warrant Christian Kings within their owne Dominions, to gouerne their Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custodes vtriusque tabulae, not by making new Ar­ticles of faith, which is the Popes office, as I [Page 108] said before, but by commanding obedience to be giuen to the word of God, by refor­ming the Religion according to his prescri­bed will, by assisting the Spirituall power with the Temporall Sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by iudging, and cutting off all friuolous Questions and Schismes, as Con­stantine did; And finally, by making Decorum to be obserued in euery thing, and establi­shing orders to be obserued in all indifferent things for that purpose, which is the only in­tent of our Oath of Supremacy: If this Of­fice of a King, I say, doe not agree with the power giuen him by Gods word, let any in­different man voyd of passion iudge. But how these honorable Offices, Stiles, and Pre­rogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the old and new Testament, as I haue now cited, can agree with the braue Stiles and Titles that Bellarmine giueth them, I can hardly con­ceiue. De laicis ca. 7. That Kings are rather slaues then Lords. De Pont. lib. 1. cap. 7. That they are not only Subiects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to Dea­cons. Ibidem. That an Emperor must content him­selfe [Page 109] to drinke, not onely after a Bishop, but after a Bishops Chaplen. Ibidem, & de cler. cap 26. That Kings haue not their Authoritie, nor Office from God, nor his Lawe, but onely from the Lawe of Nations. De Pont. lib. 3 cap. 16. That Popes haue degraded many Emperors, but neuer Emperour degraded a Pope; nay, euen Bishops, that are but the Popes vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their Lawes. De laicis cap. 18. That Church-men are as farre aboue Kings, as the Soule aboue the Body. De Pont. lib. 5. cap 8. That Kings may bee deposed by their people for diuerse re­spects. De Pout. lib. 2. cap. 26. But Popes cannot be deposed: for no flesh hath power to iudge of them. De Pont. lib. [...]. cap. 15. That obedience due to the Pope, is for Conscience sake. De clericis cap. [...]8. But the obedience due to Kings, is onely for certaine respects of Order & Policie. I [...]idem. That these very Church men that are borne and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes Coun­treyes, are notwithstanding not their Subiects, and cannot be iudged by them, although they may iudge them; Ibidem. And, that the obedience that Church men giue to Princes, euen in the meanest, and meere Temporall things, is not by way of necessary subiection, but onely out of dis­cretion for obseruation of good Order.

[Page 110] These contrarieties betweene the Booke of God, and Bellarmines bookes, haue I here set in opposition to other, Vt ex contrarijs iuxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus farre I dare boldly affirme, That whosoeuer will indifferently weigh these in­reconcileable Contradictions here set down, will easily confesse, that GOD is no more contrary to Belial, Light to Darkenesse, and Heauen to Hell, then Bellarmines estimati­on of Kings is to Gods.

Now as to the conclusion of his Letter, which is onely filled with strong and pithy Exhortations, to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and constant indu­ring of Martyrdome, I haue nothing to an­swere, saue by way of regrate; That so many good sentences drawen out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed vp toge­ther, should be so ill and vntruely applied. But an euill Cause is neuer the better for so good a Cloake; And an ill matter neuer a­mended by good wordes: And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the Deuill vpon himselfe, in vsing so Holy-like an ex­hortation [Page 111] to so euill a purpose. Onely I could haue wished him, that he had a litle better obserued his Decorum herein, in not letting slippe two or three prophane wordes amongst so many godly mortified Scripture sentences. For in all the Scripture, especially in the New Testament, I neuer read of Pon­tifex Maximus. And the Pope must be con­tent in that stile to succeede to Numa Pom­pilius, and not to Saint Peter, who neuer heard nor dreamed of such an office.

And for his Caput fidei, which I remem­bred before, the Apostles, I am sure, neuer gaue that stile to any but to CHRIST. So as these stiles, whereof some were neuer found in Scripture, and some were neuer ap­plied but to CHRIST in that sense, as hee applieth it, had bene better to haue bene left out of so holy and mortified a Letter.

To conclude then this present Discourse, I heartily wish all indifferent readers of the Breues and Letter, not to iudge by the spe­ciousnesse of the wordes, but by the weight of the matter; Not looking to that which is strongly alledged, but iudiciously to con­sider [Page 112] what is iustly proued; And for all our Soueraignes good Subiects, that their hearts may remaine established in the Trueth; That these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their naturall duety; And that all, aswell Strangers as Naturall Sub­iectes, to whose eyes this Discourse shall come, may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie, as it is nakedly here set downe, for clearing these mistes and cloudes of Ca­lumnies, which were iniustly heaped vpon our Soueraigne: For which ende onely I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be perswaded, that this discourse was published.