1 IT was the saying of a Roman Senator, who thought him­selfe well seene in matters of State, Parvi sunt arma foris, nisi sit consilium domi; Armes are of little availe abroad, without a wise Councell at home, to give them instructi­ons: but the wise King, part of whose words these of my text are, saw a great way farther and layes his foundation much deeper, parvi sunt arma foris, [Page 2] parvi consilium domi, nisi sint preces in Templo; Councell of State or Councell of warre, armes at home, or armies sent abroad by their directions, with their best instructions, adde little to the securi­ty and safety of State and Kingdome, without prayers in the Church, or house of God. And for this reason although he had now erected a goodly Temple, with as Princely and cheerfull a heart as his Father David had built an Altar, unto the name and honour of the God of Israel, yet he thought it no Sacrilege, no robbery at all to intend a publique and perpetuall benifite to the State and Kingdome, from this glorious worke. So compatible are Royall intentions of Gods honour, with desires of Gods bles­sings temporall upon the people committed to their charge, that this wise King (even whilst he dedicates this great house unto his God, for a peculiar habita­tion wherein he would be pleased to place his name) yet consecrated withall as a Sanctuary, for every af­flicted soule, to be more then an Arsenall for warre as a Magazine of medicines and remedies for all manner of wounds, or diseases incident to the body publique.

2 God had given this young King a large ta­lent of Princely wisdome, and the spirit of government in an extraordinarie manner; and of this extraordi­narie wisdome and spirit one speciall part it was to know that it was not in the power of man, not with­in the compasse of any wisdome (though participa­ted from aboue) to direct his owne wayes, much lesse the wayes of others aright, least of all to give suc­cesse to their best directions. As the skill of Pylots is [Page 3] best knowne in a storme, or dangerous passage: so is the wisdome of Rulers best tried in perplexity, or distresse. The best proofe or triall which Solomon could give of his wisdome in this case, was the knowledge to frame his petitions aright to the God of wisdome and Lord of Hosts. This whole Chapter is no other then an Anatomy Lecture of the diseases and wounds of Kingdomes and Common-weales, publiquely read by Solomon for the instruction of Princes and Rulers that should come after him. It is the glory of a King, as this King elsewhere obserues, to finde out a secret, and to punish iniquity when it is found out, (though committed in secret:) and to render to every man according to the equity of his cause, being made knowne, is the duty of a Iudge: but in as much as many controversies of right and wrong, must be determined by oath, if men will be so destitute of the feare of God, as to sweare falsly; or to contrive their owne gaine and others harmes by perjury, what Iudge can help? what Prince can remedy men by this meanes distressed? Yet Solomon begins at this inward sore, or secret corruption, the remedy he seekes from the searcher of mens thoughts and hearts. So he prayes 2. Chron. 6. 22. 23. If a man Sinne against his Neighbour, and an oath be layed upon him to make him sweare, and the oath come before thine Altar in this house. Then heare thou from Heaven, and doe and Iudge thy servants by requiting the wicked, by recompensing his way upon his owne head and by iustifying the righteous, by giving him according to his righteousnes. To recompense the wayes of this wicked man upon his owne head is [Page 4] one of the mercies which in conclusion he besee­ches the Lord to shew unto his people, for crudele est hîc misericordem esse. Though mercy be al­waies good, yet the better it is, the worse it is placed upon such pestilent members. As great a cruelty to shew pitty upon the perjur'd, as to pamper or che­rish any joynt or member of the body, wherein the Gangrene or other deadly spreading sore hath got possession or roote. From this internall imbred cor­ruption he proceeds unto more publique and grie­vous wounds, or diseases usually made by causes ex­ternall, as when Israel shalbe overthrowne before their enemies. v. 25. When the heavens shall be shut up, and the earth be without raine. v. 26. When there shalbe Famine, Pestilence, mildew, Grashoppers or Caterpillers. When the enemy shall besiege thee in the Cities. When they shalbe afflicted by any Plague or sicknesse. v. 28. The soveraigne remedy for all and e­very one of these and the like is the very same, and it is this v. 20. 21. Then heare thou from heaven, from thy dwelling place their prayer and their supplications and maintaine their cause, and forgive thy people which haue sinned against thee. v. 29. But what if this people should be led captive into a foraigne land not per­mitted to repaire unto this house where the Lord had placed his name? This Solomon foresaw as a matter not impossible, how ample soever his promises unto his father David and his seed might in ordinary construction seeme to be: is there any possible salve for this possible fore? or can this house (which he had consecrated to be an house of prayer) afford them in this case any remedy, when they could not [Page 5] come to pray in it? yes, the remedy is prescrib'd, v. 38. 39. If they returne to thee with all their heart and with all their soule, in the land of their captivity, whi­ther they haue caryed them captives, and pray toward their land which thou gavest unto their fathers, and towards the city, which thou hast chosen, and towards the house, which I have built for thy name: Then heare thou from heaven &c. Soe then both Prince and peo­ple were to pray in this house, whilst they possest this land and city wherein it stood; to pray towards it when they soiourned in forraigne Coasts, or were detained in the land of their captivity; to pray to­wards the place wherein it had stood, in case it should be demolished. So did Daniel, after this house, which Solomon built, was burnt to the ground.

3▪ The prerogatives which he petitions might be bestowed upon this house of prayer, were, you see, ex­ceeding great. Was it then any part of his intention in the suite, or of Gods purpose in the grant, to have this house endowed with such ample priviledges, for the use or benefit of Israel only, or of Abrahams seede according to the flesh? surely Solomon did con­ceive his prayers out of a perfect and speciall faith, yet the specialty of his faith in Gods promises made unto Israell, or to Abrahams seede, did no way extin­guish his charity, or abate his good affectiō towards others, for he expressely consecrates his house to be an house of prayer, for the use & benefit of all the nations under heaven, though in the first place for Israel. Moreover as touching the stranger which is not of thy people Israel, but is come from a farre country, for thy great names sake, and thy mighty hand and thy [Page 6] streched out arme, if they come and pray in this house, then heare thou from heaven, even from thy dwelling place and doe according to all that the stranger cal­leth to thee for, that all people of the earth may know thy name and feare thee, as doth thy people Israell, and may know that this house which I haue built is called by thy name. 32. 33. He knew the gracious goodnesse of his God to be in it selfe so great, so truly infinite, that it could not be a whit lessoned towards Israell how farre soever it were extended towards others, as it is extended to all men without exception, insen­su divise, though not in sensu composito, it is thus far extended unto all, to the end that they might come to the knowledge of the truth, but not extended, not communicated to such as love darknesse better then light, and falshood then truth. It was then well with Israell, when their charity towards others was like their heavenly fathers love, without factious partia­lity or respect of persons. It was their seeking to in­grosse Gods promised blessings unto mankind which twice brought that greivous curse upon them, un­der which at this day they sigh and groane. Now if all the nations on earth had this interest in Solo­mons Temple, shall we deny any one of what Nation soever the like interest in Abrahams seed, concerning whom the Lord had sworne that in him should all the nations of the earth be blessed? Thus much of the generall scope or view of this Chap: to retire my selfe unto my text, which is as the center or fit­test Angle, for taking the exact survey of this long and fruitfull field.

4 To give you then a briefe comprehension of the [Page 7] principallest and most fundamentall truths, either directly incident into, or naturall emergent out of it,

First it is taken as granted, by Solomon and it is to us a point of faith, that as well the Calamities as the Prosperities of states and kingdomes are from the Lord; It is he that giveth life as well to bodyes poli­tique as to naturall. It is he that woundeth, and it is he that maketh whole.

Secondly, no Calamity or wounds of state are in their nature incurable, if this remedy be sought in time; they grow incurable only by neglect of the medicines in Gods word prescribed.

Thirdly, the only Soveraigne remedy for restoring states and kingdomes diseased and wounded by the hand of God unto their perfect health, is prayer and Supplications to the King of Kings.

The last must be the conditions of the prayers, or qualification of the Supplicants, by whom such prayers as may prevaile with God must be made. Vpon this point Solomon often toucheth in severall passages of this Chapter.

Such of the heathens as were alwayes ready to sacrifice unto their owne right armes for victory inbattle, and unto their owne wit in policy, for the sweet fruits of peace, did often observe certaine sur­plusses of successe, good, or bad, which they could not account to be the naturall issue, either of their industry, or contrivance; and whatsoever fell with­out the mould of their hopes or feares, was attribu­ted to fates, if it were disastrous: to fortune, or chance, if it were good; now whatsoever the heathens did ascribe to fortune, to chance or fate, or to any other [Page 8] supposed guide of nature or intermedling power in humane affaires all these the wise king ascribes who­ly unto his God, he is the God of peace, and yet the God that maketh warre, the Lord of hostes, the God of plenty, and yet the God that sendeth scarci­ty. The God of our health, and life, and yet it is he which punisheth with plague and sicknesses. Nor are we bound only to derive all extraordinary suc­cesse, (which the heathen gave to fortune and fate) but ever even the usuall successe of ordinary endea­vours, (be it good or bad) from his providence. That the heathens did ascribe ordinary successe, (if it were good) unto themselves, (if it were ill) unto their ad­versaries or opposites, this was their Atheisme or ir­religion. That they ascribed extraordinary calamity, unto fate or chance was their superstition. Vnto both these extreames true religion is alike opposite, and for this reason must ascribe all successe ordinary or extraordinary, good or bad, unto him, who is a God as well of wisdome as of power, as well of peace as of warre. The Egyptian Magitians were enforced to say of some miracles wrought by Mo­ses, Hic digitus Dei est, the finger of God is in this. But if we looke on Gods workes, or our owne with the eyes of faith, the point of his hand is more con­spicuous, or more full in matters of ordinary passe or in the usuall course of nature, then in some rare miracles. If the sunne should now stand still in its sphere, as in the dayes of Iosuah it did, the world would be ready to say this is the hand of God, yet it is more impossible that it should move without Gods power then stand still without it, whilest it [Page 9] stood still it was partaker only of his power sustenta­tiue, but deprived of his power motiue or cooperatiue, move it cannot without the cooperation of his mo­tiue power, nor could it continue moueable, though without motion, for a momēt of time, without con­tinuance of his creatiue, and preserving power; and thus in the continuance of ordinary successe or bles­sings upon mans endeavours, there is oftimes a grea­ter concurrence of divine communicatiue power, then is requir'd unto successe extraordinary. For the mere substraction of his vsuall cooperation or effi­ciency from us, or from such as oppose us, makes the successe of the one, or other to be extraordinary, and yet so blind and stupid are we for the most part, that we take small notice of his ordinary presence by his wisdome, power, and providence, without some interpositions of extraordinary successe, unex­pected occurrences, or interruption of the ordinary course of time, and nature,

Did the body of the sunne alway move beyond her Horizon, in such difference from it, as to leaue no evident distinction betweene light and darknesse, we should hardly know, how much our eyes are be­holding to it for the use of its light: many happly will be perswaded, that the light to their eyes were sufficient to see withall: God who is the light and life of the world, by whose participation the best faculties of men performe their proper functions, (as the eye doth its function by the bodily light of he Sunne) is in his nature invisible; and hence it is, that few conceive what intire dependance they have on him in all their actions, and consultations, un­lesse [Page 10] it please him sometimes to withdraw his gui­dance or assistance from him; nor need wee to deny, or question the proper efficacy of any visible or se­cond causes, albeit we ascribe all successe, as well ordinary as extraordinary, good or bad, unto the same God. The matter of most soueraigne bodily medicines is oftimes gathered from the patients gardens: the Phisition infuseth no new quality, or hidden virtue into the simples, or ingredients, yet, inasmuch as he tempers and compounds them, and appoints in what measure and season his receipt shoud be taken, the recovery of health (though wrought by the efficacy of the medicine) is wholy ascrib'd to the Phisitians skil, not shared betwixt it, and the naturall qualities of the medicine. Admit of a thousand fighting men, no one mans strength or courage were abated before the day of battle, yet if every one then might be permitted to fight (as we say) on his owne head, to come on, and off, at his owne likeing, the multiplication of their severall strength, without a guiding or directing power, might harme themselves, more then their enemies, so that we might truely say, that albeit our army consists of common souldiers, as well as of Com­manders, yet the strength of an Army consists not in the strength of limbes, but in the skill and mo­deration of their Commanders, and in the obser­vance of good orders and discipline. Now beside the especiall dependance which every particular creature hath on the Creators power, in all his mo­tions, attempts or actions, which is such, as no in­gredient in any medicine hath on the Physition; such [Page 11] as no souldier hath on his Commander; the whole host of creatures, whether sublunary or Celestiall, whether reasonable or reasonlesse, whether animate or without life, is more subordinate to the direction and guidance of the Divine wisdome and provi­dence, then any inferiour can be, to his lawfull, most powerfull, and most esteem'd superiour. Though God doth not alwayes worke alone, but every creature workes in him, and by him in its kind, yet he alone apoints the time, the place, and oportunity of their workings, he alone apoints the issue, which they finally bring forth, he alone doth limit the number of coworking causes or of agents conspiring for the effecting of the end designed by his provi­dence, whence, though in the greatest atchievements joyntly undertaken by man, every man might know his owne and every others strength, his owne and every others projects, which are confederats or coworkers with him, though every one could know all the preparation, which they severally, or joyntly make, what the determinate force, or efficacy of e­very instrumentall cause, whose help they use; yet is it never possible, for them to know what other cau­ses or agents the wisdome of God may designe ei­ther to hinder them, or to further their enemies in their counterplots. So that all prosperity or calami­ty of any nation, visibily inflicted by secondary in­struments, or agents, is justly ascribed unto the wis­dome, justice and providence of God. Can a bird fall in a snare (saith the Prophet Amos cap. 3. v. 5.) upon the earth where no ginne is for him? or shall there bee evill in the city, and the Lord hath not done it? Men [Page 12] he supposeth are as unwilling to be overtaken with the evill here meant, with malum poenae, with calami­ty or disaster, as birds are to be caught in a snare. Calamity then is the snare whereinto men by Gods appointment fall, and their owne proiects and devi­ces are the strings which draw this net upon them, when these are contrary to the Councell of the Lord, and if there be no evill of calamity, or disaster in any city, which is not the Lords doing, then cer­tainly, the good which is contrary to this evill, all the safty, welfaire, and prosperity of any nation, is from the Lord, is the worke of his hande.

Ignorance, or want of beleife of this point, was one speciall cause of the miseries which befell the Christian Nations, by the inundation of the Gothes and Vandalls, and other barbarous people, so a sweet and learned writer of those times complaines, Si quando enim nobis prosperi aliquid praeter spem no­strā & meritum, Deus tribuit, alius ascribit hoc fortu­nae, alius eventui, alius ordinationi ducum, alius consilio alius magistro, alius patrocinio, nullus Deo; & miramur si nobis coelestis manus non praestet, cui quicquid praesti­terit derogamus. If God at any time give prosperous successe to our proceedings beyond our hope and me­rit, on ascribes this to fortune, another to good hope or chance, none to God. We may conclude this point with the Psalmists testimony, Except the Lord build the house, they labour in vaine that build it. Except the Lord keepe the City the watchman waketh but in vaine, Psal. 127. 1. We shall no way pervert his words, if we thus invert or extend their sence. Except the Lord be purposed to ruinate the house, they labour [Page 13] in vaine that seeke to ruinate it, except the Lord de­livers up the city into their hands, they that beseige it, beseige it in vaine, and if all endeavours without his ratification of them be vaine, then it is he that doth all in all; it is he, not the aire, elements, or hoste of heaven, that bringeth scarcity, famine, or pesti­lence upon the land, it is he, not the enemy, which wounds, or weakens any state or kingdome.

But if all calamity be inflicted by his hand, who can take off what he hath laid on, who can heale where the great Physitian himselfe hath wounded? But the question is not, what man can doe when any calamity befals him, but rather what he which can doe all things, will have man to doe for himselfe. Now it is not his will that we should in this case sit downe and doe nothing. The ascribing of all the successe of our labours unto him, doth teach us only to abandon all reliance upon our owne endea­vours or consultations, not the consultations or en­deavours themselves; It should be the first and last of all our endeavours, carefully to consecrate all our consultations and enterprises unto him who a­lone is able to give a blessing unto them. It is most true, all our strength is but weaknesse in respect of him, yet true with this exception, unlesse we rely upon his strength; It is true, mans wisdome is but fol­ly, and yet true againe, that our wisdome becomes more then mans wisdome by relying upon his wis­dome, with the strength of our hearts and affections; Now for the strengthening of our reliance upon his wisdome, strength, and providence, and for conse­crating our endeavours aright, two things are re­quired; [Page 14] 1. the right information of our understanding in point of Doctrine, 2. sincerity of practise, answera­ble to the right information of our understanding. The first and generall part of Doctrine is the second point proposed, that noe calamity or wound in state, though inflicted by the immediate hand of God, is al­together incurable, if the remedy be sought in time. This point of Doctrine is grounded upon another speciall principle of faith, to wit, that our gracious God in his severest punishments is a most just judge, he doth not immediately delight in the exercises of punitive justice, as he doth in the exercises of ju­stice, mercies, and loving kindnesses. He bestowes his blessings of prosperity freely, and for his owne names sake, not for our sakes or deservings. He ne­ver plagueth any nation meerly for his owne names sake, or of his owne accord, but as provoked by their ill deservings. Deus non priui est ultor quam homo pec­cator. God never proceeds to revenge, before man hath done him manifest wrong. Poena semper se­quitur culpam. Punishment never hath precedency of offences, but alwayes followes them, and for the most part in great distance. This truth or principle of faith is expressly supposed by the wise King in this Chap. v. 24. and if thy people Israel be put to the worse before their enemy, because they have sinned a­gainst thee. This inferres that they should not be punished with so much as losse of victory; or de­feate unlesse they had first sinned against their God, and againe v. 26. when the heaven is shut up, and there is no raine, because they have sinned against thee. This teacheth us the truth of that which an ancient father [Page 15] hath, nos mutamus naturam rerum, we exchange the nature of the creature, and divert the sweet influence of heaven from our selves by changing from better to worse, and by our turning from God. Quid ergo? de poenarum acerbitate quaerimur, unusquis (que) nostrum ipse se punit. Lib. 4. num. 107. They are the expostulation of Salvian, with the Christians of his time, which had beene often overcome, and long prest by barbarous and hereticall nations. But why doe we complaine that our punishment is bitter and grievous, seeing every one of us doth punish himselfe? But here happly some will make that objection against the former point, which Salvian makes against himselfe by way of prevention, if all punishment or calamity be from God, how are we said to punish our selues? His answere is very satisfactory, Vtrum (que) verum est, a deo quippe punimur, sed ipsi facimus ut puniamur Lib. 8. Num. 264. Both are true, we are punished by God, but tis our owne doing, that we are punished. The manner and order by which mankind fall into extreamity of punishment, whether temporall or e­verlasting, that he collects out of that saying of the Prophet Esay. Chap. 50. v. 11.

This good father albeit he lived in the miserable times, wherein the visible feature of Christs Church and of Christendome was much defaced by the wounds and scars which had beene given by barbarous hands, yet was herein happy, that he might freely avouch the unspeakable mercies of God, and extend his unfeigned love to all, (even to those which perished in their sinnes) without cen­sure of heresie or persecution, by men of his owne [Page 16] profession; It was no scruple to his tender conscience to averre, nor was the often averring it any imputa­tion unto him for many generations, that God did punish us, invitus, against his will, but he was willing to heale the wounds which he had made, that men did constraine him to continue, or increase his plagues, when he was otherwise ready to take off his punishing hand.

But some in latter yeares question (and would to God they did but question) whether punitive iustice be as direct an effect of Gods primary will, or as pri­marily intended by him in respect of some men, as the exercise of bounty and mercy toward others. But if this Doctrine were positively determined, the ca­lamities which befall most states and kingdomes would be more incurable, and all endeavours of re­formation lesse available, then is behoofefull for them to beleeve they are. Howbeit some passages of sacred writ therebe, which either naturally run, or have beene drawne this way, as if punitive iustice were the marke or ayme of meanes offered by God, for so that place and the Apostle Rom. 1. 20. The in­visible things of him from the creation of the world are cleerly seene, to the intent that they should be with­out excuse. But this expression of the originall is worthily corrected by the latter English. God did manifest himselfe in his works so faire, that they are with­out excuse. And though the speech be for its forme indifferent, or aequipendent, yet the matter doth necessarily sway it from the former to this latter sense. For if God had manifested himselfe unto them them to no other intent that they might be without [Page 17] excuse, they had a better excuse in readinesse then any of the reprobate or damned shall finde, at the day of Iudgement. None of them shall be then able to deny either the receipt of a talent, or the receipt of it to some better intent or end, then to leave them without excuse. They are therefore without excuse because they have hid their talents, and doe not em­ploy them to the use or end intended by their ma­ster. But more particularly the calamities or plagues which befell the Iewish nation may seeme incura­ble from the words of our Saviour Mat. 23. 34. 35. Behold I send unto you Prophets and wise men and scribes, and some of them ye shall kill and crucify, and some of them ye shall scourgein the Synagogues, and persecute from City to City. That upon you may come all the righteous bloud shed upon the earth, from the bloud of righteous Abell, unto the bloud of Zacharias sonne of Barachias, whom yee slew betweene the Tem­ple and the Altar. Did the wisdome of God then send Prophets and wisemen unto their forefathers, or did he come to this generation in person himselfe, to this intent, or end, that all the righteous bloud which had beene shed upon the earth, might be re­quired of them? For thus interpreting this place the originall phrase affords a pretence, somewhat fayrer then can be brought for the former Interpre­tation of S. Paul, Vt super vos veniat: yet every no­vice in Grammar knowes that the preposition ut, or Greeke [...] doth not alwaies denote the Finall cause, it ofttimes imports the Course or issue, not the end or intent [...] not [...] so saith our Saviour Ioh. 17. 3. This is life eternall that they might know thee the [Page 18] only true God, and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent, Vt te cognoscant, this is no more then if he had said te cognoscere, to know thee to be the only God, and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent, is life eter­nall. Give these words of our Saviour in the 7 ^th of S. Iohn leave to interpret his forecited words Mat. 23. and their meaning will be in plaine Eng­lish thus much and no more, some of them you will crucify, and some of them you will scourge, and persecute so long, untill the bloud of all the righteous, shed upon the earth will come upon you. The true reason why the bloud of Gods Prophets was to be required of this generation was because God had continually sent them unto them from time to time, out of his mercy and compassion, that they might be healed: So saith the Scripture, 2. Chron. 36. 15. And the Lord God of their fathers sent to them by his messengers rising up betimes and sen­ding, because he had compassion on his people and on his dwelling place. But they mocked the messengers of God, and despised his word, and misused his Prophets, untill the wrath of the Lord rose against his people, untill there was no remedy. That which made their calamities remediles, or as the originall hath it incu­rable, was their continuall mocking or despising the messengers of their peace, which God from time to time had sent to heale them: So that all the calamity which ensued was not the end intended by God in sending his messengers unto them, but the issue of their mocking & despising both Physitions and Medi­cines. They are the cause of their incurable wounds, yet was it God that did inflict them; for so it fol­loweth [Page 19] v. 17. 18. Therefore he brought upon them the King of the Caldeans, who slew their young men in the house of their Sanctuary, and had no compassion upon young man, maiden, or old man, or him that stooped for age. He gave them all into his hand; and all the vessels of the house of God, great and small, and the treasures of the house of the Lord and the treasures of the King and his Princes. All these he brought to Babilon, and they burnt the house of the Lord and brake downe the wals of Ierusalem, and burnt all the pallaces thereof with fire, and destroyed all the goodly vessels thereof.

All this masse of misery fell upon the people of God, for whose prosperity Solomon here prayes; all the desolation here mentioned light on this house which he now consecrates to be the house of prayer. All this and more became inevitable in the issue, but so it was not from the time that Ieremy began to prophecy, to foretell, and forethreaten it by expresse revelation from the Lord of heaven. One speciall meanes by which this misery became inevitable, was that erroneous opinion or conceit wherewith most of this people were possessed, to wit that their calamity or prosperity was fatall; that all things were so predeterminated by God; that nothing could fall out otherwise then it did; that e­very thing was absolutely necessary, in respect of Gods decree. This was the symptome of their in­curable disease, for whose cure Ieremy was sent to the potters house there to receive that instruction from the Lord, of which we read Chap. 18. The ex­act point of time wherein their disease (whether in whole or part) became incurable, wee leave with all [Page 20] reverence unto him who hath reserv'd the know­ledge of times and seasons (as a speciall prerogative of his power) unto himselfe. Act. 1. 7. Yet thus much he hath revealed unto us, that every part of this calamity did not become inevitable at one and the same time: the state of prince and people became more dangerous then it had beene, (as it were a di­sease recovering strength from a relapse) by their shuffling with God, after they had made a covenant with him, for freeing their servants according to the tenour of his law in that case provided. This breach of covenant Ieremy foretels in thundring tearmes, would prove the cause of greater calamity then he before had threatned, And yee were now turned and had done right in my sight in proclaming liberty every one to his neighbour. But yee turned and pollu­ted my name, and caused every man his servant, and his handmaid whom yee had set at liberty at their plea­sures to returne, and brought them into subiection to be unto them for servants and handmaids. Therefore (saith the Lord) because yee have not hearkned unto me in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother and to neighbour, behold I proclaime a liberty to you, saith the Lord to the sword, pestilence and famine, and I will make you to be removed unto all the kingdomes of the earth. Ierem. 34. v. 15. 16. 17. and v. 21. 22. And Ze­dechiah King of Iudah and his princes will I give into the hand of their enemies, and into the hand of them that seeke their life; and into the hand of the King of Babilons armie, which are gone up from you. Behold I will command (saith the Lord) and cause them to re­turne to this city, and they shall fight against it and [Page 21] take it and burne it with fire, and I will make the city of Iudah a desolation without an inhabitant. Yet was not this sentence, though thus uttered with indigna­tion, as yet altogether unchangeable, much lesse was this peoples safety peremptorily decreed by God, as their false Prophets misperswaded them. This errour concerning the tenour of Gods decree or co­venant being planted in them, the Egiptians expe­dition against the Caldean armie for Ierusalems suc­cour might with faire applause be pretended, as a meane ordained by God for effecting their safety. To quell this their vaine confidence in the strength of Egipt the Prophet reavoucheth his former mes­sage with some additions, Ier. 37. 7. 8. 9. This saith the Lord God of Israel, thus shall ye say to the King of Iudah that sent you unto me to enquire of me. Be­hold Pharaohs army which is come forth to helpe you, shall returne to Egipt into their own land, and the Cal­deans shall come againe and fight against the city, and take it and burne it with fire; thus saith the Lord, de­ceive not your selves saying the Caldeans shall surely depart from us, for they shall not depart. For though yee had smitten the whole armie of Caldeans that fight against you, and there remained but wounded men among them, yet should they rise up every man in his tent and burne this city with fire.

Yet was not the event here foretold at this time altogether inevitable, but inevitable only upon their refusall to obey the Prophets counsell, for after this time the same Prophet shews King Zedechiah a way or meane ordained by God, which if he had follo­wed a great part of this calamity so peremptorily [Page 22] denounced might have beene avoided Ierem. 38. 17. Then said Ieremiah unto Zedechiah, thus saith the Lord God of Israel, if thou wilt assurely goe forth unto the King of Babilon, then thy soule shall live, and this city shall not be burnt with fire, and thou shalt live and thine house. But if thou wilt not goe forth to the King of Babilons Princes, then shall this city be given into the hands of the Caldeans and they shall burne it with fire, and thou shalt not escape out of their hands. This was the last warning which he was to expect from God, by his Prophet, for his peace. But not hearkning unto his voice, whilst it was called to day, but seeking to escape the Iudgements denoun­ced by flight, he inevitably brought them upon him­selfe, upon his Princes, upon the temple, in a greater measure, especially as they concerned himselfe and his house, then they had beene threatned. When the Caldean Princes entred the city, Zedechiah and the men of warre fled out of the city by night, but the Caldeans hoste pursued after them, and overtooke Zedechiah in the desert of Iericho and brought him to Nebuchadnezar King of Babell, unto Riblah where he slew the sons of Zedechiah before his eies, and all the nobles of Iudah, (a lamentable farewell to the sence of sight and liberty) for immediatly after he put out Zedechiahs eyes, and put him in chaines, to cary him to Babilon. v. 7. Thus have you heard how Ierusalē and Iudah came to a lamentable & tra­gicall end by diseases in their nature not incurable, but made such by their own wilfulnesse, in not heark­ning to the voice of Gods Prophets. Did then the wisdōe of God who out of compassion sent his Pro­phets [Page 23] unto them, whilst the first temple stood come in person himselfe to increase the misery of that ge­neration, with whom he converst here on earth, or to destroy the second temple with a more fearefull destruction then had befallen the first? That this generation became a prey in the issue to the Roman vultures, was not from want of good will in him to gather them, but from their unwillingnesse to be gathered under his wings; witnesse himselfe Mat. 23. 37. Ierusalem, Ierusalem &c. But did he speake this as God or as man? a captious question. What if I should say that it was vox humana and yet vox Dei, the voice of God uttered by man, the very perso­nall voice of the sonne of God, as S. Luke testifies, He spake as never man spake, and was so affected to­wards Ierusalem as never man was affected. The Prophet Ieremy after he had seene that tragedy re­ally acted which he had represented in words, did wish his head had beene a fountaine of teares that hee might weepe day and night, for the slain of his people. The wisdome and sonne of God became a more sorrowfull spectatour of a second tragedy of Ierusalem, not as yet within forty yeares probability to be acted: when he came neare saith S. Luke 19. 41. he beheld the city and wept for it, saying, Oh if thou had'st even knowne at the least in this day those things which belong unto thy peace, but now are they hid from thine eyes. These his teares though he wept as man, were a visible expression of his divine inexpressible love toward Ierusalem and her inha­bitants, after they had deserved this ill at his hands stifly bent to deserve much worse. As yet it was cal­led [Page 24] to day, but this was a criticall day, and full of dan­ger, howbeit Ierusalems sin was not sealed up untill the signe of the Prophet Ionas was expired. After his Resurection from the dead Ierusalem had yet forty dayes for repentance, as Nineveh had (for so long our Saviour remained here on earth) but Ierusalems Children not repenting within that time, as Nineveh did, their estate became as desperate as their mur­muring fore-Fathers had been in the wildernes, they were to wander forty yeares in the wildernesse be­fore any of them could enter into the land of pro­mise; and as many as were aboue twenty yeares be­ing cut off by oaths from all hopes or possibilities of entring in at all. This generation, whom our Sa­viour here forwarnes, were to continue in it forty yeares, which being expired, they and their Chil­dren haue beene exterminated and banished from it for almost forty times forty yeares. During the for­ty yeares wherein they were permitted to re­maine in it their estate was no lesse miserable then their fore-Fathers had beene in the wildernesse. There dyed in the wildernesse almost six hundred thousand men; of this latter generation well nigh twice as many within the same compasse of time did die more miserably, Ierusalem being first made their prison, afterwards their grave, first an heape of carkasses, and then a heape of stones. Now seeing, as our Apostle, saith these Iewes did not stumble to the end that they should fall, but rather that by their fall salvation might come unto the Gentiles, let us beseech our gratious God, that from Ierusalems ruine we may in time and whilst it is called to day, [Page 25] seeke the edification of his Church and King­dome, Roote out, good Lord we beseech thee, all Iewish affections and Iewish opinions out of the hearts of thy people, that so our prayers and supplications for the prosperity of thine inheritance and thine Anointed, may be ever acceptable in thy sight, O Lord our strength, and our Redeemer. AMEN.

THE SECOND SERMON VPON 2. CHRON. 6. 39. 40.

COncerning the second generall proposed, two points there be which require discussion or de­claration; The first, whether this petition which Solomon here preferreth to the King of Kings, were granted according to his desires.

The second, how farre the grant made to him, or how farre the practices or experiments answerable to his petition, during the time that this temple stood, may concerne us, or the times wherein we [Page 28] live. That Solomons petition was fully granted, first the equity of the matter contained in it may per­swade us; for hee requests nothing at Gods hands which is for substance altogether new; nothing but that, which out of his free mercy and bounty he had granted unto his people before, though not sup­plicated unto in such a solemne manner, as Solomon now useth and prescribes as a patterne for others to use. When Israel was in his infancy, not able to speake the language of Canaan, much lesse to frame his petitions according to the stile and forme of the Sanctuary, the God of his father did understand his cry, and was alwaies ready to give him a better an­swere then he could desire. The cry of the children of Israel (saith God) is come unto me, and I have also seene the oppression wherewith the Egyptians oppresse them. Exod. 3. 9. Might they have spoken for them­selves, the utmost of their request had beene only for some ease or mitigation of their present servi­tude and grievance; but God (so gracious is he) sends them full deliverance, and of slaves makes them a free state, a royall nation. Vpon the sight of Phara­ohs hoste pursuing them, after they had been set free, the extremity of feare makes them desirous rather to returne unto their wonted thraldome, then to hazard their lives for attaining that liberty, where­unto God by Moses had called them. Whilst thus affected, they cry unto the Lord, and he heares their cry, although it were mingled with murmurings a­gainst Moses. Exod. 14. v. 10. 11. True it is that Mo­ses prayed, whilst they murmured; but God was more ready to heare, then Moses to pray: and there­fore [Page 29] he saith v. 15. wherefore cryest thou unto me; speak unto the children of Israel that they goe forward. But for a master to redeeme his owne servants from fo­raigne oppression is not so strange, or out of course. Did God then at the prayer or instance of his ser­vants, heale his people whom he himselfe had wounded? When the people complained, it displeased the Lord, and the Lord heard it, and his anger was kindled and the fire of the Lord burnt amongst them, and consumed them that were in the utmost parts of the campe. Numb. 11. 1. The disease was acute and made quicke dispatch, the medicine was as swift and spee­dy; Then the people cried unto Moses, and when Mo­ses prayed unto the Lord, the fire was quenched. v. 2. One branch of Solomons petition is, that when Israel should goe forth to battaile against their enemies by the way which he should send them, that he would then heare their prayers and supplications, and iudge their cause. A lively pledge of Gods favour answerable to this branch of the petition, and of the immediate dependance which successe in battaile hath on faith­full prayers, we have in that story Exod. 17. v. 9. 10. when Iosuah was sent by Moses appointment to fight with Amalek, It came to passe when Moses held up his hand, that Israel prevailed, and when he let downe his hand Amalek prevailed. Another branch of Solomons petition in this place, is v. 24. That when Israel should be put to the worst before their enemies, that God would be mercifull unto their sinne, when they should turne againe and confesse his name and pray. This was Israels case in the siege of Ai, Iosuah 17. v. 7. 8. Iosuah upon the sight of this [Page 30] wound flies for succour to that medicine which So­lomon happly from his practice prescribes; For he rent his clothes, and fell on his face to the earth before the Arke of the Lord, and cried, alas! O Lord what shall I say when Israel turneth their backe before their e­nemies! God heares his prayer, before he was wil­ling to make an end of praying, Get thee up, where­fore liest thou thus upon thy face? and instructs him for restoring Israel to his wonted estate and condi­tion, by recompencing the way of the wicked upon his owne head. First he makes Achan confesse his sinne, and give glory unto God, and so removes the sinne from Israel by execution of iustice, which in like case is equivalent to prayer, at least a necessary condition of successefull prayers for the publique weale and safety of kingdomes.

2 If after Iosuahs death we were to give a generall title to the sacred history of ensuing times, for al­most foure hundred yeares, or make an Epitome of the booke of Iudges, it could not be more briefe then this, Israel sinnes and is given up into the hands of the oppressor; Israel cries unto the Lord, and he sends him a Iudge and a deliverer: And yet, as the sacred pen­man of that story observes, Israels repentance al­waies died with the Iudge which God did send them, and could not be revived againe but by re­newing of affliction. One and the same affliction was commonly the effect of Israels sinne, and the meanes of Israels repentance; his sinne was the efficient and repentance the finall cause of their oppression. And so gratious was God towards them, so ready alwaies to heare their prayers, that he seemed not [Page 31] to punish them so much for sins past, as to continue his punishment untill they repented. Among other calamities of estate whose cure or remedy Solomon here seekes, the plague of pestilence is one, v. 28. with this the land was grievously smitten, even from Dan to Beersheba, in his Father Davids daies, by the immediate hand of God, and in particular for his Fathers sinne in numbring the people. Yet when David confessed his sinne, and thus prayed, Behold I have sinned, yea I have done wickedly, but these sheepe what have they done? Let thine hand I pray thee be against mee and against my Fathers house, v. 17. the Lord was appeased towards the land, and the Plague ceased from Israel. So ready was God al­waies to heare the prayers of this people, when they turned unto him, before this Temple was built.

The sum [...] [...]hen of Solomons petition is, that rhe Lord would be pleased to give his people some particular or new assurance, for continuing his won­ted mercies or blessings unto them; & that this house which he had built, might be as a publique Court of audience, a place wherein it might be free for every man, and for all Israel, to exhibite the petitions of his heart to his God, and to receiue answere from him. And so we may obserue, that from this time forward the consecration of this house, and the so­lemnity which Solomon here used, did come into the style and forme of this peoples prayers, made as it were an additionall to the Covenant with Abra­ham, Isaac, and Iacob. But what expresse proofe have we, that Solomons owne prayers at this time, [Page 32] for these prerogatiues of this house were heard? This fully appeares from the subsequent miracle, where­with this petition was signed as with the immediate hand of God, 2. Ch. 7. 1. 2. Now when Solomon had made an end of praying, the fire came downe from hea­ven, and consumed the burnt offring, and the sacrifices, and the glory of the Lord filled the house: and the priests could not enter into the house of the Lord, because the glory of the Lord had filled the house. This kinde of answer by fire was alwayes most satisfactory to the busines or proceedings that were or might be in que­stion; by this answere God did determine the con­troversies betweene Elias & Baals Priests; by the like effect of fire from heaven (consuming the fat of the sacrifice) the calling of Aaron to the Priesthood, by Gods immediate appointment, not by man, was put out of question. And so was the consecration of the Sonne of God to his everlasting Priesthood, con­firmed by the visible apparition of the Holy Ghost in tongues of fire, which was the accomplishment of both the former miraculous apparitions from heaven, the one at the consecration of Aaron, the o­ther at the consecration of this materiall Temple.

3 But admitting every branch of Solomons peti­tion was on Gods part fully granted; yet will it be demanded, whether the practise did pursue the grant, or what remarkable successe or issue the pra­ctise found? To both parts of this demand, two or three instances, which are upon sacred record, will suffice. The first from the practise of good Iehosa­phat, in that strange exigēce or extremity of danger, whereunto the Kingdōe of Iudah was brought in his [Page 33] dayes, by the malitious confederacie of Moab, Ammō, and Mount Seir. As was the danger, so was this good Kings feare exceeding greate; and the greater it was, the better motiue he had to pray more hear­tily, according to that patterne which Solomon pre­scribes 2. Chron. 20. 5. &c. And Iehosaphat stood in the Congregation of Iudah and Ierusalem, in the house of the Lord, before the new Court, and said, O Lord God of our Fathers, art not thou God in heaven, and rulest not thou over all the Kingdomes of the heathen? And in thine hand is there not power and might, so that none is able to withstand thee? Art not thou our God who didst driue out the inhabitants of this land before thy people Israel, and gavest it the seed of Abra­ham thy friend for ever? And they dwelt therein, and have built thee a Sanctuary therein for thy name, say­ing, if when evill commeth upon us, as the sword, iudgement, or pestilence, or famine, we stand before this house and in thy presence, (for thy name is in this house) & cry unto thee in our affliction, that thou wilt heare and help &c. As the forme of his prayer was peculiar, such as was not used before this house was built, so the successe was extraordinary, and such as this people had never tasted before, unles it were in the destruction of Pharaoh, & his mighty army. The victory which Gedeon had over the Midianites was miraculous, in respect of their multitude which was vanquished, and of their paucity which vanquished them: yet in that miraculous deliverance, there was the sword of the Lord & the sword of Gedeon. They fought for victory, but in this mighty discomfiture of 3 nations more potent then Midian, which had [Page 34] combined for the overthrow of Iudah▪ here was on­ly the arme of the Lord; the use of mans sword, or arme of flesh, is utterly prohibited by the Prophet Ia­haziel v. 17. Ye shall not need to fight in this battell, set your selves, stand ye still & see the salvatiō of the Lord with you. All that Iehosophats royall presence or per­son did undertake or performe, for the accomplish­ment of this victory promised, was, to exhort his people, not to bee valiant in fight, but to put their confidence in the Lord of Hostes. v. 20. They rose early in the morning, and went forth into the wilder­nesse of Tekoah: And as they went forth, Iehosaphat stood and said, Heare me O Iudah, and the inhabitants of Hierusalem, believe the Lord your God, so shall you be established, believe his Prophets, so shall ye pros­per. And so they did. For this victory was more compleat and more beneficiall to the King, and peo­ple, then any victory which David had gotten over the enemies of God, though purchased with his peo­ples blood. For as it is v. 25. When Iehosaphat and his people came to take away the spoyle of them, they found amongst them in abundance, both riches with the dead bodies, and precious jewels (which they stript off for themselves) more then they could carry away, and they were three daies in gathering of the spoyle, it was so much. For the Lord mighty in battell had turned the strength and weapons of death and war, which these confederates had prepared against Iu­dah, upon themselves. The most remarkeable cir­cumstance, in this sacred story, was that the coales and fire of that fatall diffention which brought uni­versall destruction upon these three armies, did then [Page 35] begin to kindle, when the men of Iudah, and Hierusa­lem began to praise the Lord with sweet harmony, as well of heart and spirit, as of voice v. 23. When they began to sing, and praise, the Lord set ambush­ments against the children of Ammon, and Moab, and Mount Seir, which were come against Iudah, and they were smitten. For the children of Ammon, and Mo­ab stood up against the inhabitants of mount Seir, utter­ly to destroy, and slay them, and when they had made an end of the inhabitants of Mount Seir, every one helped to destroy another. Such power there is in the songs of the Sanctuary, when they are rightly set by the Priest, and taken up by unanimous consent of prince, and people, united in heart, with the feare of God, and with loving affection one towards ano­ther, and towards Gods Church. Here was more then an accomplishment of that branch of Solomons petition in this Chapter. v. 34. They went out in­deed unto their enemies, & by the way which God had appointed them, but the way which he had now appointed them was not to fight with them, but to believe in him, who can save us, as well with a few, as with many; & can maintaine the cause of his people, as well without the industry or endeavours of man, as with them. And for this cause Iehosaphat, and his people did praise him with like confidence, for the assurance which he had given them by his Prophet of future victory, as if it had beene already gotten.

A victory, or defeate of the enemy without the active endeavours of men, fully parallell to this we have in the 2. of Kings c. 19. v. 15. to wit, the great discomfiture of Senacheribs army, which had for a [Page 36] long time besieged Hierusalem. Such was the suc­cesse of Hezekiahs prayers, which were conceived in that forme which Solomon here prescribes, and ut­tered in this house, which he now consecrates. And Hezekiah prayed before the Lord, and said, O Lord God of Israel, which dwellest betweene the Cherubins, thou art the God, even thou alone, of all the kingdomes of the earth, thou hast made heaven and earth, Lord bow downe thine eare, and heare. Open Lord thine eyes, and see, and heare the words of Senacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living God. v. 15. 16 To this petition he receives this answere v. 32. Thus saith the Lord, concerning the King of Assyria, he shall not come into this city, nor shoot an Arrow there, nor come before it with shield, nor cast a banke against it. By the way that he came, the same shall he returne, and shall not come into this city, saith the Lord. For I will defend this city, to save it, for mine owne sake, and for my servant Davids sake. The like joyfull delive­rance was obtained by the prayers of Elisha in that streight siege of Samaria, and the famine, where­with the city was so grievously pinched, was sud­dainly turned into such plenty, that whereas an As­ses head had beene fold one day for 40 peeces of silver, the morrow after, two measures of Barley, and a measure of wheate flowre, was sold for a she­kell. 2. Kings 6. 25. & 7. 18. Heaven, we reade was shut up for three yeares in Elisas's time, the earth was chapped, and the land of Israel wounded with famine, for want of raine. Heaven is opened againe by Elias his prayer, and the land refreshed, 1. Kings 17. 1. 18. 45. So that there is not one branch of So­lomons [Page 37] petition, which the Lord did not really ac­complish, when this people prayed unto him, as So­lomon prescribes them.

Through want of such prayers as Solomon here makes, or, at least, for want of that faith, by which the prayers of Iehosaphat, Hezekias and the Prophets were conceived, Iehoiakim, Zedekiah &c. found no such successe; or deliverance in their distresse, as these two godly Princes had done.

But some men, the better they believe these sacred stories, concerning the infallible successe of the Kings of Iudah's godly prayers; The more prone they will be to question in what cases, how farre, or whether at all, the undoubted grant of Solomons petition may any way concerne us, or the times wherein we live.

The question may seeme more pertinent, or ra­ther, the second generall point proposed by us, may seeme more questionable, or, (more then questiona­ble) altogether impertinent; because, most of these victories, or deliverances, which Iudah, or Israel ob­tained by prayers, were miraculous; such as farre exceed the force of naturall causes, or meanes ordi­nary, and which are without the reach, or contri­vance of policy. And what assurance then can wee have, that our prayers shall bee answered with like successe, unlesse we may believe, or hope, that even our prayers or supplications may procure true mira­cles: but miracles have altogether, or for the most part, ceased for these later times; in which, for this reason, that song of the Psalmist might be more fit­ly taken up, than the practise of Solomon, or the [Page 38] Kings of Iudah; We have heard with our eares, & our fathers have declared unto us the noble workes, which thou didst in their daies, & in the old time before thē.

Thus to complaine of the times wherein wee live, in respect of former, all of us are by na­ture too prone; and this pronenesse is one speciall meanes, by which the fervency of better spirits de­votion is so much dampned: yet Solomon hath told us, that we are but foolish inquisitors; And if but foolish inquisitors, then certainly no competent judges in this case.

To say, that these times are not more corrupt then former, were to flatter them; enough to convince us of being time-servers; yet to complaine of them, or to lament them, as men doe which have no hope, or assurance in Gods promises, were to accuse God; a spice of infidelity. Certainly, there is no fault in the times, or in the places, wherein we live, but such as we our selves respectively infuse into them, some by wickednesse of life, others by impious or ungodly opinions.

Let us then so use our freedome in speaking the truth of the times wherein we live, that we doe not slander the eternall dispenser of times, and seasons; that we cast no aspersions upon his fatherly care and providence. God hath not forgotten to be as good, and gracious unto our times, as he hath beene unto former ages; but we have forgotten to bee thankfull unto him; we either are distrustfull of our selves, or, for the most part, teach others to distrust the extent of his goodnesse, whose certaine beliefe must bee the roote of prayers as well for blessings spirituall, [Page 39] as temporall.

There is no speedier way, or shorter cut unto Gods curse, or vengeance, then by distrusting his goodnesse towards our selves, or by denying the fruites of it unto others.

But to the Quaere proposed, How farre the grant of Solomons petition may concerne our selves, or the times wherein we live, the answere is ready; Our present interest in that grant, our assurance in Gods promises for blessings temporall to that people may be as great, our deliverance from dangers immi­nent, and unavoidable to the apprehension of man, may be as certaine and infallible as theirs was; albeit God doth not in particular promise succour, or worke our safety by the same, and like meanes as he did theirs.

Admit then it were an Article of our Creed (as it is not) that miracles in these later times haue cea­sed, may not upon any exigence be expected, that to seeke after such signes, and wonders, as were given then, were a tempting of God, as intruth it is no better; yet all this ought not to weaken our assu­rance, that the issue of our prayers (so they be as faithfull as theirs were) shalbe as ioyfull to our selves, as beneficiall to the state and kingdome, as Iehosaphats and Hezekiahs prayers were. Gods goodnesse towards us, his providence over us is still the same, and our beleife of this his goodnesse, if in us it be true, and sound, 'tis the same it was in them; so will the issue be the same, either in kinde, or by equivalency. Whether the like issue or successe be wrought by meanes ordinary, or extraordinary, [Page 40] is meerly accidentall to the certaine of it; Not to embrace the workes of his wisdome with as thank­full hearts, as Israel did the workes of his power, would be childish and pettish.

Hopes of successe, whether by meanes ordinary or miraculous, must in all ages be grounded upon the same article of faith, but not at all times upon the same branch of the same article. It is he that made us, which only can preserve us, and whiles we professe that it is hee that made us and not wee our selves, that he is the maker of all things visible, & in­visible, we include as much as the Apostle saith, & somewhat more then he expresseth in these words, In him we move, live, and have our being, which con­taine the three speciall branches of Gods power.

Miracles, properly so called, consist in some ex­traordinary manifestation of Gods power, either adding somewhat unto, or subtracting somewhat from the ordinary efficacy of instrumentall causes, or observable course of nature. All miracles may be reduced to such manifestation either of Gods creative, or his conservative, or cooperative power.

Sampsons strength, or archievements were truely miraculous, and did suppose an addition of force supernaturall to his native activity, or extraordina­ry measure of Gods coworking power.

The victory, which Iosuah got over the Amo­rites, was after this manner miraculous. There was a power more than naturall, as well in the motion as in the making of those great stones, wherewith the Amorites were beaten downe. The three Chil­dren [Page 41] againe were preserved untoucht, in the midst of the flaming furnace, by true miracle, or extraor­dinary manifestation of Gods power; But this con­sisted not in the addition of any supernaturall forces unto it, but in the meere subtraction of Gods co­working power, without subtraction of his creative, or conserving power; for so it had ceased not only to burne, but to be fire. The suddaine withering of Ieroboams hand was a true miracle, but did consist in the subtraction of Gods preserving power, that is, that branch of his power, in which, as the Apo­stle speakes, all things live that are endowed with life.

That God hath thus wrought the safety of his servants, and yet is able to worke by these, or the like more miraculous meanes, wee doe believe, in that we believe he is the Almighty maker of heaven, and earth. But besides that absolute dependance which every particular creature hath on these bran­ches of his power, by which their severall efficacies may be extraordinarily increased, or diminished, there is an essentiall subordination of all the seve­rall rankes of his creatures, with whatsoever strength or efficacy they be endowed, unto his providence; as in wisdome he made them all, so in wisdome he marshalleth, and ordereth them all.

Now the contrivance of meanes, or agents, for their nature, or kinde but ordinary, may be more admirable, than miracles properly so called, that is, than his particular workes of wonder.

Miracles are in their nature more apt to affect the sence, but the sweet contrivances of Gods wis­dome, [Page 42] and providence doe more affect the under­standing: The one workes astonishment, the other admiration. For this reason were miracles more fre­quent in the infancy of the Church, as an awfull kinde of discipline to inforce unbeleevers to give audience unto the word of life, and to take Gods promises (which would otherwise be sleighted) in­to serious consideration.

But the wayes of Gods wisdome, or sweet di­sposition of his providence, are more apt to cherish the seed of life being sowen in mens hearts. Miracles by continuall frequency would cease to be mira­cles, would not be wondred at; whereas the un­searchable wayes of Gods wisdome, or his indisso­luble contrivances of extraordinary successe by meanes ordinary will uncessantly breed in us mat­ter of admiration. His wayes and contrivances are still in one kinde or other most admirable, but we want eyes, or will, to contemplate, or observe them. Yet let us see whether the greatest deliuerances, which God wrought for his children of Israel, be­sides that one in bringing them out of the land of Egypt, were not wrought by meanes ordinary and usuall, if we respect their particular or severall a­gencies, and admirable and extraordinary only for their combination, and contrivance. When the Lord turned againe the captivity of Sion, we were like them that dreame. Then was our mouth fill'd with laughter, and our tongues with singing. Then said they among the heathen, the Lord hath done great things for them: yea the Lord hath done great things for us al­ready, whereof wee reioyce. Psal. 120. v. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. [Page 43] This was indeed a great deliverance, and so to be acknowledged by all posterity. For so the Prophet had foretold, Ier. 23. 7. Behold the day is come, saith the Lord, that they shall no more sya, the Lord liveth, which brought forth the children of Israel out of the land of Egypt; But, the Lord liveth, which brought up and which led the seed of the house of Israel out of the North country, and from all countryes, whether I had driven them, and they shall dwell in their owne land.

Not to make comparison betwixt the mighty workes of God, or not to question whether accor­ding to the literall meaning of this Prophecy, the fame or fresh memory of this second deliverance out of Chaldey, should eclipse the fame of the former out of Egypt; This is certaine aud unquestionable, that this latter deliverance was a most exact paral­lell to the former. And yet, if we could exactly cal­culate all the particular meanes, which did concurre to the surprisall of Babylon by Cyrus, or to Cyrus his setting this people free, we should not finde one miraculous effect among them; And yet if wee would but seriously compare all the circumstances and concurrences of second causes, which Herodo­tus and Xenophon relate, with the sacred predictions concerning Cyrus his good successe against Baby­lon, the intire contrivance of them is most admira­ble; and such as would, give us a more pleasant view, or modell of Gods infinite wisdome, then mi­racles can doe of his infinite power.

Againe, in that deliverance of the Iewes from Ha­mans conspiracy, there is no extraordinary manife­station of Gods power, no particular cause, or agent [Page 44] was in it's working advanced above the ordinary pitch of nature; and yet the contrivance, or suiting of these ordinary agents appointed by God, is more admirable, then if the same end had beene ef­fected by meanes truly miraculous. For a King not to take kindly rest by night, though in a bed of ease, is not unusuall. For a King, againe, to seeke to solace his waking thoughts, by hearing the Annalls of his kingdome, or the journalls of his owne reigne read unto him, is more commendable, then rare; But that King Assuerus should lye awake at that time speci­ally, when Haman did watch and plot the destructi­on of the Iewes, that causing the Chronicles of his Kingdome to be read, the reader should light on the place wherein Mordecai his unrewarded good ser­vice, in discovering the treason intended against the Kings person, was recorded; this was from the kee­per of Israel who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth, and who was marveilous in his peoples sight.

It was his doing likewise, that Hester, though by Mordecai's advice, should conceale her nation and parentage, untill she came in such high favour with the King. That Queene Vashti should be displaced, and she preferred, about the same time wherein Ha­man was advanced, and by his advancement enabled to doe a remedilesse mischiefe to the Iewish nation had not the Lord (as the wise man speakes) made one thing against another.

If we would rightly survey that rare deliverance of Iehosaphat and his people before mentioned, the particular meanes, by which it was wrought, were but ordinary, not miraculous: but the coincidence, [Page 45] or concurrence of such meanes was more then mi­raculous. Seeing the spirit of Godhath concealed the particular occasions of that unexpected hostility, betweene the children of Ammon, and Moab, and the Edomites; we have no reason to suspect them to have beene any other, then such as the Lord heretofore hath wrought, and yet may worke betweene the confederate enemies of this kingdomes peace, for our good, if we shall be thankfull; or betweene our freinds, or confederates for the advantage of the e­nemy, if we shall continue enemies unto our God. In a word, in that rare and admirable deliverance, there was no particular rare, or unusuall in re­spect of those times, unlesse it were Iehosaphats, and his Nobles firme reliance, not to the arme of flesh, or probable appearance of meanes ordinary, but upon the mercy, and loving kindnesse of the Lord; in whose wisdome they knew was treasured up va­riety of meanes ordinary, unknowne to them, as all sufficient to save, as if the whole armory of his power, by working miracles, had beene used for their defence.

If Christian states would throughly parallell Iehosaphat and Iudah in this; God in this age would parallell the successe by the like extraordinary dis­position of meanes ordinary. As his mercy endu­reth for ever, so the treasure of his wisdome, for effecting their good which love him, is inexhausti­ble. It is not necessary that he should interpose his creative power, or worke miracles for bringing forth successe extraordinary, and miraculous; For of meanes ordinary, whereof he hath infinite store [Page 46] already created; a small number, by his all-seeing disposition, may suffice for any purpose. He can without miracles save with a few, as well as with many.

The letters, or elements of all speech, or lan­guage are not many; few more in number than the yeares of our youth, or non-age; yet the possible compositions of these few are so various, and co­pious, as to afford severall words, sufficient not on­ly to signify the diversity of things that are by name, but to expresse their natures, and properties; enough to decipher all the actions or undertakings of men throughout all ages.

How unsearchable then are his wayes? how in­comprehensible the secret courses, by which he brings calamity or prosperity upon any nation; who can with greater facility compose the severall rankes of his creature, even all things that are, then the Printer can doe his few letters.

And albeit all the visible meanes which may bee thought to conspire for our woe, or for our weale, may be, to mans apprehension, apparently the same which have beene manifested in former times, yet his wisdome, by secret addition, or subtraction of some petty occurrences, may quite alter the suc­cesse, which from some former models wee feare, or hope, with lesse adoe, than a critique, permitted to correct a presse, can doe the sence and meaning of the exactest writer, by the dispunction or in­version of points or letters. How many devices soe­ver there be in man's heart, yet as Prov. 19. 21. So­lomon saith, there is a counsell of the Lord and that must stand.

[Page 47] It was a grave Christian-like advice, which the heathen Cambyses, from some broken apprehensi­ons of the great wisdome of his Gods or divine pow­ers, did give unto Cyrus his sonne, when he first un­dertooke that quarrell with the Armenians, which gave occasion to that great warre, which by the counsell of the Lord he happily accōplished against Babylon. The summe of his advise was this, That hee should run no hazard either of his owne person, or of his charge, without sacrificing to the Gods, and receiuing directions from them. For men (saith he) in the choise of their actions, or undertakings, doe but rove by guesse, not acquainted with the fountaines, whence true good­nesse must be derived, or the secret issues by which it runnes.

Many instances hee there brings of men which had wit, or power to compasse the particulars which they most affected, which yet have strangely mis­carried in the maine chance, and as it were ran coun­ter from that end, or marke at which all men by na­ture make ayme.

The resultance of his many instances, or his ex­periments to this purpose, is, That humane wisdome (at the best) hath no more skill to chuse what is best for it selfe, then as if a man should come to a lottery, where hee must bee content with the lot which he drawes; he hath a freedome of will, or power to chuse this before that, but none to make the prize of what hee chuseth; that was set before. But as for the immortall Gods they know all things as well past as to come, and will direct their friends, being consulted, to chuse that which is good, and decline evill. But as for such as are not their [Page 48] friends, there is no necessity that they should take the like care for them.

We may adde, though all men by nature be ene­mies unto the true and only God; yet is there is no necessity laid upon any so to continue. All the nati­ons of the earth have better meanes of reconciliati­on unto God then the Temple of Hierusalem, or the service of it was unto the nation of the Iewes, where­in it stood: God, saith the Apostle, was in Christ reconciling (not this or that man) but the world un­to himselfe. All the nations of the earth, as you heard before, had their interest in the Temple built by Solo­mon: The demolishing of it, or the 2 ^d Temple built by Zerubbabel, reedified and adorned by Herod, can be no prejudice to any particular nation of the earth, much lesse to any christian nation, least of all to this most orthodoxall nation.

But what? Is that way, or meanes of reconcilia­tion unto God, which we now have, more excellent then the Iewish nation had whilest Solomons Temple stood? Certainly the Sonne of God did use no So­phisme or aequivocation; He spake more then Me­taphors, even sacred mysteries, when he said unto the Iewes, Destroy this Temple, and in three daies I will raise it up. Iohn 2. 19. For albeit his words, as the Evangelist instructs us, were literally meant of the Temple of his body; and though the Iewes did pernitiously erre in not construing them so; yet the same words had a farther emblematicall, my­sticall, or spirituall sense, importing thus much, that the Iewes, by destroying the Temple of his body, should destroy that very Temple wherein they tru­sted, [Page 49] and that within three dayes it should be raised with him to a more excellent state, or manner of be­ing than it had.

The materiall Temple was signed, or marked un­to destruction, by the rending of the vaile at the houre of his death: and though the visible building, or so much of it as was the worke of mans hands did stand for forty yeares after; yet it stood but as a Carkasse, the soule and spirit of it was translated unto the Temple of his body. For as he said, Veios habitante Camillo Illic Romafuit. Rome was at Veii whilst Camillus, in whom the life and spirit of the Ancient Romans did then wholly reside, had his residence in that towne. Or as we say, the Kings royall presence makes the Court: So was it alwayes the im­mediate or peculiar presence of God by way of in­habitation, which made that goodly edifice, which Solomon now erected, to be the Temple or Sanctua­ry, the house of prayer.

Now from the time of our Saviours death, God withdrew his extraordinary presence from the Temple made with hands; all the priviledges, wherewith it was endowed, and the secret influence of his grace, are now wholy treasured up in the sunne of righteousnesse, or in the body of Christ, in whom, as the Apostle speakes, the God-head dwel­leth bodily. God is not so present in any other body or place, as he was in the Temple of Ierusalem, not present any where by way of inhabitation, save on­ly in the body of Christ, and in the members of it, that is, his Church.

But in as much as God is by such speciall man­ner [Page 50] present in Christs manhood, our accesse unto him, in all our troubles and distresse, is more im­mediate than Solomon, or his people had any. They were to pray in the materiall Temple, or towards it; their prayers had no other accesse to heaven, than as it were by way of Echo from the earthly Tem­ple, and though by this way they found a true ac­cesse unto heaven; yet had they not altogether the same acceptance there, as ours now have, or might have.

Solomon indeed beseeched God, here in my text, that his eyes might be open, and his eares attent unto the prayers, which were made in this place, to wit, in the house which hee had built. But this hee spake, [...], after the manner of men. For God had not then the eyes of men to looke upon men, nor the eares of man, as now he hath, to entertaine the prayers of men.

This is one speciall comfort, that the Sonne of God, that very Lord unto whom Solomon directs his prayer, is become our high Priest, not such an high Priest as cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities, but was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without sinne. He hath his Temple, or Sanctuary at the right hand of his Father, Act. 3. 26. where he sits to pray for us, as Solomon did for his people in his name.

Yea, but he is placed there, as the Apostle speaks, to blesse us with all spirituall blessings, and what are these to blessings of states and kingdomes, for which Solomon here prayes? Much every way; or rather, all in all. For if blessings spirituall include [Page 51] godlinesse in them, they have blessings temporall annexed unto them, as appurtenances, Godlinesse, saith the Apostle, is profitable unto all things, having the promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come. 1. Tim. 4. 8.

THe Text is part of an Apolo­gy for the Prophet Ieremiah, a­gainst whom the Priests, and Prophets, and all the people had pronounced this peremp­tory sentence, v. 28. Thou shalt surely dye; why hast thou prophe­sied in the name of the Lord, say­ing, this house shall be like Shilo, and this city shall bee desolate without an Inhabitant. But this sentence you shall finde reversed or contradicted by the Princes and all the people, v. 16. Then said the Princes and all the people unto the Priests and Prophets, this man is not worthy to dye, for he hath spoken unto us in the name of the Lord our God. The scales of Iustice be­ing thus farre turned the right way, the Elders and [Page 2] Sages of the land sought to keepe them at the point whereto they were drawne, (more through vehe­mency of present motion, then by permanent waight of reason) by alleaging a former rule beyond exception. All that the Priests and Prophets could pretend, why Ierusalem having made her selfe equall to Shiloh in sinne, might not bee made e­quall to her in punishment, was this; That albeit Shiloh had beene the place of Gods rest, the Towne or City where the Arke of his Covenant did reside, yet it never had the title or priviledge of the place which God had chosen to place his name in. This was Ierusalem's prerogative amongst all the Cities of Israel. But what prerogative soever Ierusalem did from this title enioy, these had beene the same in the dayes of Hezekiah, which now they were. And if in the Iudgement of Hezekiah, & the state of Iudah, it were lawfull for Micah to threaten, that Sion should be plowed as a field that Ierusalem should become heapes, & the mountaine of the house like the high places of the forrest; It could be no capital crime in Ieremiah to say, that the Lord would make the Temple like Shi­loh, and Ierusalem a curse to all the Nations of the earth. Now Hezekiah and the state of Iudah (as these Elders alledge) were so farre from putting Micah to death, that Hezekiah for his part, did feare the Lord and besought the Lord. And when it is said, he fea­red the Lord, it is included that he did not only pa­tiently heare the Prophet, but truely believe him. For the feare of the Lord in this place is neither to be extended further, nor contracted narrower than thus; He feared least the Lord should put the Iudg­ments [Page 3] denounced by Micah in speedy execution, and as is probable, by Sennacherib King of Assyria. By what meanes soever the likelyhood was that this Iudgement should be put in execution; the only meanes which Hezekiah resolveth upon for avoi­ding or preventing it, was hearty and unfained praiets. Did he not feare the Lord, and besought the Lord? &c. In this his resolution and successe, these foure particulars present themselves to your con­siderations;

First, his wisdome in making choice of prayer before and above all other meanes, which the op­portunity of those times might suggest.

Secondly, what advantagious successe did accrue from feare unto the efficacy of his praiers? or, how feare of God's Iudgements doth prepare mens hearts to pray?

Thirdly, of the iust occasion of his and his peo­ples feare; or of others feare in like case.

Fourthly, in what sense God is said to repent.

If I should say that Hezekiah in thus doing did shew himselfe a godly and religious King, none would deny it; but to say, he was in this a wise and politick King, this will not be granted. For what policy was therein fearing and praying? Every cow­ard is capable of the former; and he is a very foole that, when other meanes faile, cannot practice the later. Must we then decline all triall of his wisdome by the received rule of humane policy? This wee might doe, but this we need not doe. For the depth of his wisdome and policy will appeare if wee mea­sure it by that rule, or scale of that policy which the [Page 4] wisemen of this world hold in greatest admiration. For so a great master of the art of policy tels us, that when any state or kingdome is either weakened by meanes internall, as by the sloath, the negligence or carelesnesse of the Governours (as diseases grow in mens bodies by degrees insensible, for want of exercise or good dyet) or whether they be woun­ded by causes external; the only method for reco­vering their former strength and dignity is, ut om­nia ad sua principia revocentur, by giving life unto the fundamentall lawes and ancient customes. As for new inventions, what depth or subtilities soever they cary, unlesse they suite well with the fundamentall lawes or customes of the state wherein they practice, they proove in the issue but like empiricall Phy­sick, which agrees not with the naturall disposition or customary dyet of the party to whom it is mini­stred. Of the former aphorisme you have many probatum's in the ancient Roman state; So have yee of the later in the state of Italy, about the time wherein Machiavel wrote (if we may believe him) in his owne profession. Admit then the rule or me­thod were (as, for ought I have to say, it is) without exception, yet the successe of the practice (how con­formable soever to the rule) must still depend on that measure of goodnesse which is contained in the fundamentall lawes or primevall customes of every Nation. If these be but comparatively good, the successe of the practice cannot be absolute: If they be but seemingly good, or mixed with evill; the great Philosopher treating of this subiect hath foretold the successe, [...], [Page 5] whatsoever is either falsly or but seemingly good, will in revolution of time bring forth effects truly and really evill. If the fundamen­mentall lawes of any state be not firme or sound, whatsoever else is laid upon them, there lyes a ne­cessity of finking with their owne weight. Where the basis is but narrow, the fastigium or roofe can­not be high. Or where the foundation is both firme and spatious, yet if the structure be set awry, with every degree of height it gets, there growes a pa­rallell degree of inclination to its sudden downe­fall. Now if Hezekiah in making choice of prayer before any other meanes of policy, did practice ac­cording to the former rule, that is, as the ancient lawes of that kingdome, and rules of goverment prescribed by his Ancestors did direct him, he was more politickly, wise than any Prince of other Na­tions in these times could be: than any at this day can be, besides such as have the like fundamentall lawes, or take his practice in like exigence for their patterne. For the fundamentall lawes of his king­dome were absolutely good, as being immediately given by God himselfe. The best lawes of other Nations were but the inventions of men. Hence saith the Psalmist Psal. 147. v. 19. Hee sheweth his word unto Iacob, his statutes and ordinances unto Isra­el. Yet Moses presumed that other Nations, which had no knowledge of their lawes in particular, should from the happy successe which was to attend their due observance, acknowledge in generall that their lawes were more righteous, and able to make this people wiser than other Nations could be. For [Page 6] so Moses had said Deut. 4. 5. Behold I have taught you statutes, and Iudgements, even as the Lord my God commanded me, keepe therefore and doe them: For this is your wisdome and understanding in the sight of the Nations, which shall heare all these statutes, and say, surely this great Nation is a wise and understanding people: And what Nation is there so great that hath statutes and Iudgments so righteous, as all this law which I set before you this day.

Amongst other Nations some had lawes (in their kinde) good for warre, others for peace, few or none, good lawes for both; none, absolutely good for either. No such lawes as their strict observance might secure them from their enemies. They could not be so wise in projecting their owne future pro­sperity, but their enemies might bee as subtile in contriving their adversity. They could not bee so strong in battaile, but their enemies and their Allies might be as strong as they. They could not bee so industrious or vigilant for recovering the strength or dignity of their weakned estate, but their ene­mies might be as vigilant to defeate their intenti­ons. Or albeit one Nation had so farre overtopped another, as well in councell of peace, as strength of warre, as to be able to keepe them perpetually un­der: yet no lawes, no inventions of men could ever secure the most potent Nation on earth from such dangers as accrue from the host of inanimate or reasonlesse creatures, albeit all Neighbour: Nati­ons were at peace with them or sworne confede­rates for advancing their state and dignity. Against the hosts or armies of men, some preparations may [Page 7] alwaies be made, because they come not without notice or preparation; but the severall hosts of the reasonlesse creatures come upon men, for the most part, without observation or fore-sight. And one of them can execute anothers office or charge, or eve­ry one accomplish that worke which the Armies of men did intend, but could not execute.

That scarcity of bread, or other calamity, which sometime suddainly ariseth in some limbe or corner of a kingdome, by want of trade, or by shutting up too great a multitude of ships for a long time in one harbour, whilst the enemy or Pirats annoy the coasts; how easily might it be much increased, if he that keepes the windes as in a treasure house, should shut up a greater multitude of ships for a long time in the same harbour by a contrary winde, albeit their enemies in the meane while become their friends: albeit they were provided of an invincible navy at an houres warning. Or in case they did know whence the winde commeth or whither it is going, or could so covenant that it should blow where and when they listed; yet if the Lord of hosts be so plea­sed, he can bring a greater dearth and scarcity upon the most fertile provinces of the land, then either the enemy, or contrary windes can occasion; either by withdrawing the sweet influence of the heavens, or by corrupting the seed lately sowne, or corne rea­dy to be reaped with abundant moisture. Or, admit any people or Nation by miracle or divine dispen­sation might have authority, not over the windes only but over the clouds, the raine, and dew: or such a power of shutting and opening heaven, as [Page 8] husband-men have of letting in brookes upon their medowes, and taking them off againe at their plea­sures; so as they might have seed time, and harvest as seasonable, their fields as fruitfull, the Sea as open as their hearts could desire; yet the very freedome of commerce and traffique (whether with foraine Nations, or with other members of the same Nati­on) may bring in a greater inconvenience (which no plenty can hold out) then the enemy, then unsea­sonable winde or weather could threaten. Want of trade and want of victuals are plagues or punish­ments sent by God; but the plague of pestilence, which is oft times the companion of peace and plenty, the usuall effect of free trading or traffique, is more terrible then either of the former wants. And thus may every part of the reasonlesse host ac­complish what another had omitted. Now with tur­bulent spirits, or unruly men, good lawes duely exe­cuted may take some order; but against unseasona­ble weather, against unruly or incommodious windes, no law of man, no act of Parliament can provide. Against the plague or pestilence, no coun­cell of state or warre, no host or army can secure themselves, much lesse others. Though they that besiege and are besieged doe keepe watch and sen­tinell day and night, yet the arrowes of this dread­full messenger flye more certainly to the marke, whereto they are directed, though at mid-night, then their bullets doe at mid-day.

As there is no counsell against the Lord, so there is no policy that can prevent, the execution of Gods judgements upon mightiest kingdomes by the mea­nest [Page 9] of his creatures besides that policy which his lawes given to Israel did prescribe. One speciall branch of that wisdome which Moses ascribes unto these lawes was, they taught their observers not to trust in bow or shield, not to put any part of their confidence in the strength or wit of man, no not in their owne observation of these very lawes, or re­formation wrought by their rules (as it was theirs) but only in the Lord of hosts. Hee was their wis­dome, and he was their strength, whensoever any danger did approach whether from men, or from other creatures, their lawes did teach them that he was absolute Lord over all, that the hearts of Kings and Governours were under his governance, that he could dispose & turne them as it seemed best to his heavenly wisdome. And that alwaies seemes best to him, which is for the good of such as repose their whole trust and confidence in him. When Is­raels enemies displeased him, more then Israel did, he made them stronger then their enemies; and when their waies did please him, he made their ene­mies (as Solomon speakes) to be at peace with them. Whilst they faithfully served this Lord of hosts, they knew hee could command the whole host of the reasonlesse or livelesse creatures to doe them service.

From this knowledge of God and his lawes did Solomon gather these unerring rules of sacred po­licy, whose observation at this time did, and might for ever have preserved this kingdome. There is no inconvenience of peace, no mischeife of warre, no kind of calamity which can befall any state or king­dome, [Page 10] against which the fundamentall lawes of this Nation and the rules of policy gathered from them by Solomon did not sufficiently provide. The sove­raigne remedies for every particular disease or kind of calamity, are set downe at large. 2. Chron. 6. v. 22. to the 40. The remedy against the calamity of war v. 24. 25. against the calamity that may come by drought v. 26. 27. against famine, pestilence, and bla­sting of corne, or other inconvenience from the host of reasonlesse creatures, you have the remedy v. 29. 30. against captivity in a foraigne land v. 37. 38. The soveraigne remedy against all these and o­ther like inconveniences and calamities is for sub­stance one and the same with that which good King Hezekiah here used, to feare the Lord, and pray unto the Lord, either in the Temple when they had op­portunity to resort unto it, or towards the Temple or the place wherein it stood, when they soiourned [...] were detained Captives in a foraigne land. And who so would diligently peruse the sacred story, from Solomons time untill this peoples returne from captivity, and the building up of the second Tem­ple, shall finde a probatum of this Catholique and soveraigne medicine, in respect of every branch of calamity mentioned by Solomon at the consecration of the first Temple. I must hold to the instance of my Text. Another branch of that which was con­tained in the fundamentall lawes of this kingdome, and which goes a great deale deeper than the funda­mentall rules of any other policy, was this; that of all calamities which did or could befall them, their sinnes and transgressions were the prime causes; and [Page 11] whatsoever afflictions were laid upon them for their sinnes, could not bee taken off without the humble supplication of the sinners. Vnto a lower ebbe then King Ahaz did leave it at, the kingdome of Iudah had not beene brought by any of his Pre­decessors, or by any other in their dayes. Now of all the miseries which at any time befell it by the fa­mine, by the enemies sword, or by the pestilence, the only cause which the rule of faith assignes, was their forsaking of the Lord their God, and the transgres­sing of his lawes. But to prevent the perpetuity and continuance of such calamities as king Ahaz and his Adherents had by their foule transgressions in­volved this kingdome in, no attempt or practice of Prince or people, whether joyntly or severally, did ever finde successe, untill they put Solomons rules of sacred policy in practice, as good king Hezekiah did; Did hee not feare the Lord, and prayed before the Lord &c.? The fruits of his prayer, and the reforma­tion of those corrupt times, by giving life unto their fundamentall lawes, were two. First his prayers procured an healing of the wounds which by neg­ligence of his Predecessors had beene given to the State. Secondly, he prevented the execution of those terrible Iudgments which in his owne dayes did hang over this land and people, specially over their Heads and Rulers. The kingdome of David had sometimes exceeded the most flourishing neighbour kingdomes, as farre as the Cedars of Li­banus did the ordinary trees of the forrest; but was now brought low. That height, which was left her, but as a decayed tree markt to the fall; Hezekiah by [Page 12] zealous prayers removes the axe from the roote, after it had made such deepe incision that it was scarce able to beare its stemme, though dispoiled of his top or principall branches: it nearely concer­ned every one which hoped for shelter under its shade, to pray for gentle winds and comfortable weather, that shee might recover root and branch a­gaine. But so Hezekiah's and his peoples Successors did not. Manasses his sonne found a people not un­toward, as being in some tolerable sort reformed by Hezekiah; but he himselfe a most untoward King, a­ble (by his authority and bad example) to undoe what his good father had well done: to spoile and marre a greater people than he was Lord of, though better reformed in Iosiah grand-child to this Manas­ses, as good a King as could be wished for: a man that needed no reformation: a fit patterne for reforming others. But this heavenly starre was placed in an earthly sphere; hee had to deale with such a lewd court and naughty people, as choaked the influence of his goodnesse. And albeit his personall perfor­mances in his attempted reformation, were no way inferior to Hezekiah's practice in this place; yet nei­ther his performances nor prayers found the like successe. He could not plant the feare of the Lord either in his people or in his owne childrens hearts. And if we sequester Iosiah his attempt of reforma­tion from Hezekiah his time unto the destruction of the City and Temple; there was sometimes on the Princes part, sometimes on the peoples part, usually on all parts, Prince and people, if not a continuall increase of sinne, yet a continuance in usuall and [Page 13] wonted sinnes. And where Gods Iudgements have once seized upon a land or people, there is no re­movall of them without publique repentance: no true repentance without prayer, no prayers effectuall without feare of the Lord. Did hee not feare the Lord, and befought the Lord &c. His prayers were earnest and effectuall because his feare was hearty, and unfained, not affected. But how feare should performe the office either of mo­ther or mid-wife for the bringing forth of succes­full prayers is a Quaere not to be omitted, and was the second generall proposed.

Pray we may, but our prayers cannot bee successe­full, unlesse they be conceived in faith; And faith (as our Apostle tels us Heb. 11. 1.) is the ground or sub­stance of things hoped for. And what affinity is there, what agreement can there be, between feare, & hope or confidence, which is if not the nature, yet, the native issue of faith. From these words of the Apo­stle [faith is the ground of things hoped for] haply it was that some late writers have put fiducia or confi­dence in the very definition of faith. But wee are to consider that the former words of our Apostle, con­taine rather a character, then a iust description or definition of faith. Otherwise his words follow­ing had beene superfluous [faith is the evidence of things not seene] And under this more generall cha­racter, things feared may be as directly conteined as things hoped for. But have we any Scripture to warrant us, that faith in some cases may be as truely the ground of things feared, as of things hoped for? Yes. By faith (saith the Apotle Heb. 11. 7.) Noah be­ing [Page 14] warned of God of things not seene as yet, mooved with feare, prepared an Arke for the saving of his house. Or if we consider faith not in it's universality, as it equally respects the whole word of God, but as it hath a peculiar reference unto his covenant with this people, that (wee know) was not a cove­nant of life only, but a covenant of life and death. And all the writings of the Prophets which were to them, and are to us, the truest leaders and guides un­to faith, are as full of threatnings as of promises: their sweetest hymnes are composed as well of iudgement as of mercy. So that faith if it be not lame or defective, hath two hands; aswell a left hand to apprehend the truth of Gods iudgements threat­ned, whilst we swarve from the waies of life; as a right hand, to lay hold on the truth of his promi­ses, whilst we are not conscious of such deviation. Feare then, which is no other then an expectation or apprehension of evill, is the left hand of faith; and hope which is the expectation or apprehension of good, is the right. And they who place the nature of faith in fiducia, or cōfine it unto confidence do utter­ly maime it on the left side; & being maimed or dead on the left side, it cannot be sound or lively on the right. That which they terme fiducia or confidence in Gods promises, if it be not supported with an im­planted feare of his iudgements threatned, is in true language but presumption; It cannot bring forth the prayers of faith. For prayers made in faith presup­pose and include a sincere renouncing or relinquish­ing of those desires or practises which by nature, or course of Gods Iustice, are either incompatible [Page 15] with the blessings which we pray or hope for; or are the causes of the evils threatned or inflicted. He that will offer the sacrifice of prayer unto God for his health, must abandon all excesse and riot; other­wise he doth but mocke God. And he that suppli­cates for the forgivenes of his sinnes, must be prepa­red in heart to forgive such as have sinned or tres­passed against him. 'Tis our Saviours owne com­ment upon the prayer which hee hath taught us. And hence the heathen Cynick did justly deride such supplicants and sacrificers as continued in riot whilst they tendered their prayers and sacrifices to intreat Gods favour towards themselves for health. Whilst we retaine malitious or revengefull purpo­ses towards our neighbours, it is to put in a caveat against our owne suits or petitions in the court of heaven.

Now unto this qualification or preparative unto prayer, which consists in the abandoning of those practises or resolutions which stand as a barre or ca­veat against our petitions and supplications; there is no meanes so effectuall, no method so compendi­ous, as hearty and unfeined feare of Gods iudge­ments. It is the very arme or hand of faith, for re­mooving all such obstacles. For feare (as wee said before) is the expectation of evill approaching. And the apprehension of any remedilesse mischiefe, of any greater inconvenience or inestimable evill, will oversway the hope or expectation of any inferiour good, be it matter of pleasure or commodity by which two matters onely we are withdrawne from goodnesse it selfe. And if any man bee altogether [Page 16] wedded unto temporary delights or contentments, it is for want of feare. In the beginning of a storme the Merchant or passenger will be unwilling to cast any part, especially of his most pretious commodi­ties, over board; but in case, stormes increase, to his sight or observation, if then the Pilot or Mariner can perswade him, that the ship wherein he sailes, un­lesse it be speedily disburthened, will shortly sinke; the certaine feare of loosing all will moove him to part with one halfe, or instant dread of loosing his owne life, will make him willing (if need so require) to part with all. The griping Vsurer will be ready to release the unconscionable interest covenanted for, if the Lawyer in whom he trusts can perswade him, that by rigorous exaction of the use he may come to loose the principall, or to incurre a censure from which both use and principall will not free him. The case of Iudah in this extremity was the ve­ry same, if we compare the iudgements threatned by Micah with the nature and quality of the sinnes that had provoked them) as you may finde in the Prophet Micah 3. 9. They build up Sion with blood, and Ie­rusalem with iniquity. The heads thereof judge for re­ward, and the Priests therereof teach for hire, and the Prophets thereof divine for money. Now untill these greedy hopes of unlawfull gaine were abandoned, they could not pray in faith. The ministration of publique Iustice for private reward, the Priests teach­ing for hire, and the Prophets divination for money, would (respectively) turne their very prayers into sinne. Now what meanes could be more effectuall for abandoning these and the like sinnes then the [Page 17] iudgement which the Prophet there threatned from the Lord? Therefore shall Sion for your sake be plowed as a field, and Ierusalem shall become heapes, and the mountaine of the house as the high places of the for­rest, Micah 3. 12.

If the heads of the house of Iudah, and Princes of the house of Israel, to whom this message is dire­cted, did sincerely and truly beleive him that sent it, they could not but feare, least without their spee­dy repentance the Lord would quickly accomplish whatsoever the Prophet in his name had threatned. Now hearty and unfained feare that Sion should be plowed as a field, that Ierusalem should become a heape, would move all such as had not their habitation on­ly but the very roote of their livelyhood in them, to lay a better foundation of their owne, and of their posterities welfare, than bloud and violence. It would incline the hearts of their Rulers and Magi­strates to breake off their iniquity by sincere admi­nistration of Iustice: by almes-deeds and workes of mercy. Feare againe least the mountaine of the house, that is, the Temple (or whose flourishing e­state the livelyhood and welfare of Priests and Pro­phets did so depend, as the Passengers life doth on the safety of the ship wherein hee sailes) would worke their hearts to an observance of the proper­ties or qualifications, to the performance of all the conditions which are required to faithfull and effe­ctuall praiers. But of the conditions of successefull praiers, and of the qualification of good Suppliants, fitter occasion will offer it selfe hereafter. Thus much towards this purpose wee have gotten from [Page 18] these generals, that the hearts of men which have been long accustomed or hardened in perverse cour­ses of grosser sinnes, will hardly be new moulded or refashioned according or wrought unto the temper and modell of Hezekiah's heart, until they be made to melt with feare of such Iudgements as Micah here theatened against Iudah, Ierusalem, and Sion. For producing this melting or mollifying feare the considerations are specially three. First, the consci­ousnesse or apprehensions of such sinnes as specially provoke Gods anger, or sollicite his Iudgments. Secondly, a faithfull recounting of divine forewar­nings or monitions past, especially if they have been grossely neglected or usually sleighted. Thirdly, the Inspection of the instrumentall causes, or meanes in probability appointed for the execution of Iudg­ments threatened; or a diligent observance of the signes of the time.

As these be the speciall meanes for begetting un­fained feare: so the best method for nurturing up such feare begotten, that it neither grow slavish nor wilde, that it end not in desperation, is to know in what sence, the Lord is said to repent. For the sinnes which specially provoke Gods fearefull iudgement against any land or people, wee cannot have a more distinct view of them in breife, than from the Pro­phet Micah in the forecited place. Bribery and corruption in the seates of Iustice: oppressions and cruelty in the mighty and wealthy, mercenary tem­porizings in the sonnes of Levi; every one of these diseases is dangerous, though alone: but when they all meete in any state or kingdome, they grow dead­ly. [Page 19] Or if Micah may be no further allowed of, than of a single witnesse, we may adde unto him the like testimonies of the Prophet Isaiah, who lived in the same time with him. Corruption in the seate of Iu­stice, did in his time taint the service of the Temple, turned the prayers of the Rulers into sinne, and made their sacrifices become abominable. Esay 1. 14. The very aversnesse or unwillingnesse of such Rulers and oppressors as these were, to have the law laid unto them by the Prophets, was a progno­stick of suddaine Iudgements approaching, Isaiah 30. 13. Therefore this iniquity shall bee to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking comes at an instant. Now if the Priests and Prophets, whose office it is to discover and repaire such breaches, doe but dawbe them with untempered mortar, and so hide aud cover them from their sight, whom it concernes to be­ware of them; by this doing, they draw the multi­tude within the reach of that ruine and destruction, which like a trap or snare was ready to fall upon them. Or least any should suspect that these pro­gnosticks did serve only for Ierusalem and Iudah, the same Prophet instructs us, Isaiah 47. that it was op­pression and cruelty towards such as shee had con­quered, which did draw Gods Iudgements upon Babel. But that which made them to fall so sud­dainly and unexpectedly upon them, was the popu­lar and man-pleasing humors of her Soothsayers and Diviners.

Ierusalem and Iudah were at this time sicke of all those three diseases, and therefore had iust cause to [Page 20] feare the iudgements threatned;

Quid, quod & hos morbos gravius symptoma sequatur?

There is a symptome mentioned by the Prophet Micah, which was worse then the diseases them­selves; yet will they leane upon the Lord, and say, Is not the Lord among us? None ill can come upon us. v. 11. Elsewhere we reade this people taxed by Gods Prophets for trusting sometimes in lyes; sometimes in oppression or violence; oft times for putting confidence in their owne strength, or in the strength of their confederates. But of any branch of this fault they were not at this time guilty; yet taxed no lesse, as being no lesse taxe-worthy, shall I say, for trusting the Lord, or rather (as the Prophet saith) for leaning on the Lord? That is, for presu­ming on his favour in the consciousnesse of such sinnes as they now stood charged with. That to pre­sume on Gods wonted favours or ordinary prote­ction in the consciousnesse of extraordinary sinnes is a most grievous sinne against God, (best propor­tioned by his sinne against Gods Deputy, who being infected with some dangerous disease should pre­sume to rest himselfe upon the royall chaire,) is a truth unquestionable. But why this people, being thus dangerously infected, should at this time spe­cially leane upon the Lord, and avouch his warrant upon their protection, may well be questioned, & not unfitting to be inquired after. The reason (I take it) is this; These peoples fore-elders, or these very men themselves, in Ahaz time had usually beene indited of Idolatry, and found guilty, specially of worship­ping in high places, aud serving groves and Idols. [Page 21] But Hezekiah in the very beginning of his raigne, remooved the high places, brake the Images, cut downe the groves, brake in peeces the brasen Ser­pent that Moses had made. 2. Kings 18. v. 14. Nor was hee more zealous in repressing all worships of false Gods or Idolatry, then in restoring the service and worship of the true God. Albeit hee had found the Temple so strangely prophaned in the first moneth of the yeare & of his raigne, as might seeme to require many moneths labour for it's preparation & cleansing; yet in the second moneth by his zealous care, the feast of unleavened bread with the Passeo­ver and other parts of Gods service were celebra­ted with such publike ioy and solemnity, as the like had not beene seene in Ierusalem from the dayes of Solomon the sonne of David, who consecrated the Temple, as we read 2. Chron. 30. v. 26. In all this re­formation the Heads and Rulers, the Priests and Levites, with other parties principally taxed by the Prophet Micah, had gone along with their good King, and no doubt had entred the same Covenant with the Lord their God, which he resolved to do 2. Chron. 29. v. 10. and having thus returned unto the God of their Fathers, they presumed that he was now turned to them, and would be their Guar­dian and Protector against their enemies. Albeit they had seene their Brethren, the ten Tribes of Is­rael, about this time lead into captivity by the Affy­rian, yet this sad accident, through the deceitfulnesse of hypocrisy, would in all likely hood adde more to their presumption than to their feare. They were at all times prone to iudge others rashly and therefore [Page 22] at this time would in all likelyhood suspect, that this Iudgement had befalne Israel because they had this plausible pretence or motive, that Israel for the most part would not ioyne with Hezekiah in this reformation of religion, or restauration of Gods service, but scoffed at his messengers, when they were solemnely invited thereunto. But this refor­mation, alas, was on Iudah's part (the King excep­ted) but a lame or defective reformation. For whilst they pulled downe idols in the high places, suffe­ring the idols of covetousnesse, oppression, and cru­elty to bee enshrined in their hearts: whilst they cleanse the Temple from materiall filth or propha­nation, and in the meane time harboured propha­nesse and uncleanesse in their owne breasts; they did not turne to the Lord with their whole hearts, as the Lord in the Law required, and Solomon in the consecration of the Temple did on their part ca­pitulate and covenant.

However an halfe reformation was better then none. Lesse evill it was to have no Idols or Images in the high places, no prophanesse in the Temple: then to have Idols both in their breasts, and in the woods, then to have the Temple of God and their hearts alike prophaned. This is true; yet whilst they rest perswaded, that the Lord will graciously accept of their lame sacrifice, that is, of this superficiall, or halfe reformation, or that he was tied by promise to performe the mercies, which he promised to Da­vid and Solomon upon true repentance, unto them, as they were now affected, Laudē cum crimine pensant, this confidence or presumption was worse then the [Page 23] abuses which they had reformed. To rely or leane upon the Lord in the consciousnesse of those out­crying sinnes, was perfect hypocrisie; And that is, if not worse farre, altogether as bad, as downe-right open Idolatry. And the Prophet Micah would give posterity to understand, that these delinquents presumption upon Gods favour, before they repen­ted of their grosse sins or delinquences, did provoke Gods fierce wrath against them, more then the sins themselves did. They presumed God would be ex­traordinarily favourable unto them for Ierusalem and Sion's sake; at least for the Temples sake, seeing the Lord had chosen that place to put his name there. But the righteous Lord by his Prophet de­clares himselfe to be so farre from this partiality or respect of persons, that Ierusalem for their sakes should become an heape; that Sion for their sakes should bee plowed as a field; that the Temple, in which they trusted, should for their sakes be made like the high places of the forrest.

The summe or resultancy of all that hath beene said, is this; That as in every Nation he that feareth God and worketh righteousnesse is accepted of him: So in whatsoever place or Nation bribery and oppression in the laiety, mercenary temporizing in the clergy, and hypocrisie in most sorts abound, Gods fearefull iudgements still doe gather as they encrease; and without repentant prayers and suppli­cations, are suddainly powred out like a thunder­showre.

But this thesis or Maior proposition will have the faithfull assent of all good Christians. All the diffi­culty [Page 24] will bee in framing a Minor or assumption, which shall runne parallell with this Maior; That is to perswade the Magistracy, the Gentry, and Cler­gy of any state or kingdome, that they are respe­ctively as faulty, as deeply guilty of these sinnes, as men of their ranke and place were in the state of Iudah in Hezekiah's daies. All that I have to say in this point, for the present, is to beseech Almighty God, that every man amongst us whom it concerns (and it more or lesse concernes all) may enter into his owne heart, and may unpartially examine and iudge himselfe, that this land and peo­ple be never so iudged of the Lord, as Micah had threatned Ierusalem and Iudah should be, in the daies of good Hezekiah.

THE SECOND SERMON VPON IER. 26. 19.

AN hard taske it would bee to perswade the Magistracy, the Gentry and Cleargy of any state or kingdome throughout Christendome, that they are as deepely guilty of these sinnes, as men of their place and ranke in Iudah were, against whom Micah denounced that terrible judgement.

Against all that we can alleage to this purpose, there is one generall exception, alike common to all our hearers whom it concernes. They must believe [Page 26] that the state of Iudah was deepely tainted with bri­bery, corruption, and oppression, because the Pro­phet Micah hath said it. But moderne preachers are no Prophets, nor is all which they say to bee ac­counted any part either of Gods law or Gospell. The exception indeed is thus farre pertinent, that the same spirit of God, which taught the Prophets to foresee evills to come or judgements approach­ing, did likewise notifie unto them many matters of fact present or past, which did provoke Gods judge­ments. But of the like matters of their fact with their qualities, such as are no Prophets can have no just notice, can have no better knowledge of them then by here-say. Now faith commeth not by here-say, nor may the messenger of God so farre believe, all that he heares, though from many mouthes, as to make it matter for the pulpit. Yet one of these two we must believe, we may be certaine of; either that the Magistrates, Nobles and Cleargy of this Realm are as faulty, as men of their ranke and place in Iu­dah were in Micahs time: or that the people of this kingdome are more malitious and slanderous, at least more quarelous then the people of Iudah were. If Vox populi were alwaies Vox Dei, we might proceede with warrant of Gods word to make the same conclusion that Micah did, to thunder out present judgement against the Court, against the chiefe cities of his kingdome, and against the Church established in this kingdome.

2 But whether are more faulty, Magistrates and Superiours in giving just occasion to bee thus thought of, or inferiours in taking occasion where [Page 27] none is given, or greater then is justly given, this I leave to the searcher of all hearts, who hath reserved the judgements of times and seasons and of mens demerits in them unto himselfe alone by peculiar right of prerogative. The most usefull point that I can pitch upon, will be to discover the errours or fallacies by which we usually deceive our selves, e­ven whilst we endeavour to examine or judge our selves.

3 Now as into cities strongly fortified, well stored with men and victualls, the enemy oft times findes entrance, either by the negligence of the watch, or at some secret places for the time ill man­ned: So into Churches or common weales well grounded in points of faith and Orthodoxall do­ctrine, and abounding with all spirituall foode, de­struction and ruine (such judgement as Micah here threatned) finde easie passage by a twofold negli­gence or incogitancy, rather then grosse errour. The first incogitancy common to most is, that we hold it sufficient to repent us of our owne sinnes or of the sinnes of our owne times. The second, that even such as are willing to take an accurate view aswell of their fore-fathers or predecessors sinnes, as as of their owne sinnes, or of the sinnes of the time and place where they live, do often use a false or im­perfect scale. For preventing the first incogitance, we are to consider, that albeit God do never punish the children for their fathers sinnes, yet he usually visits the sinnes of the father upon the children, at least with temporall plagues or punishments, aswell publique as private. And this visitation is some­times [Page 28] drawne upon posterity, not so much by a pronenes to imitate their fore-elders in those actuall sinnes by which they did first provoke Gods wrath, as by a promptnesse to maintaine the Arts of their fore-elders (without addition unto them) especially if they have beene warranted by any kind of lega­lity. For children not to confesse the sinnes of their forefathers, not to repent of them, not to make satis­faction for them, (so farre as, they have beene iniuri­ous to men) is by the rule of divine Iustice sufficient to charge the inheritance, which descends unto po­sterity, with the punishments due to their actuall transgressions from whom it descends. Not to visit the sinnes immediately upon the first transgressions or transgressors, but to give them and their succes­sors a larger time for repentance, is a branch of Gods long suffring and mercy. But to visit the sins, not duely repented of by the first and second, upon the third and fourth generation, is a branch of Iu­stice, declared and avouched by God himselfe in the second commandement. But this point will meet us againe in the reformation attempted by the good Iosias. The second incogitance is more pertinent to this place, and in it selfe more dangerous. And it is this. Many which carefully endeavour to frame their lives and actions by the propheticall rule, are not so carefull and provident to measure theire transgressions by the propheticall scale, or by the ballance of the Sanctuary, but according to the rate of moderne corrupt language. Thus when we heare the Prophets compare the oppressors or corrupt Magistrates of their times to ravenous wolves, to [Page 29] brambles or thorny hedges most men instantly con­ceive that the parties whom Gods Prophets (which were no slanderers) did thus deepely censure, had taken away their neighbours lives or goods by strong hand, by some notorious disturbance of pub­lique peace, by such palpable facts, as with us are said to be contrary to the crowne and dignity of the Prince. And by this grosse calculation many Poten­tates, and Magistrates, many that take upon them to be reformers of others, runne further upon the score of Gods wrath then the Iewish Rulers in Mica's time did, before they bethinke themselves of any danger. Many againe of tender consciences in re­spect of divers duties whereof others make no scru­ple, when they heare or reade the woes denounced against hypocrites will with the Poet detest such lying lips, even as the gates of Hell, which speake well, and meane ill; which have God in theire mouths, and the Divell in their hearts. But he that measures this sinne of Hypocrisie by this Heathe­nish scale, may come to make up the full measure of it, before he hath charged it upon his accompts, or bethinke himselfe to be in such arrerrages for this sinne, as deserves to be called for.

4 By the same oversight many people which firmely believe the propheticall rules to be most in­fallibly true, make up the measure of their iniquity, before they have made up their intended accounts, or suspect themselves to be in any such arrerrages as may deserve the Prophets censure, or to be called upon by threatning Gods Iudgements. The error it selfe is much what the same, as if a factor which [Page 30] stands charged with a thousand pounds sterling ac­cording to the old hanse or esterling pay should make up his private reckonings according to the rate of pounds or coyne this day currant throughout this kingdome; he which thus accompts for any great summe, must needs fall into the error of the Church of the Laodiceans Rev. 3. to thinke himselfe rich or well before hand when hee is poore and wretched and lyable to a debt, unsatisfiable by him­selfe, unsupportable by his friends, yet our ac­compts unto God we make up for the most part af­this manner.

5. To make these different calculations agree, or to reforme or rectify our corrupt language by the rule of the Sanctuary, that which wee usually call warrines in dealing, or wit to use the benefit of the Law, or the advantage of times in making bar­gaines; This in the propheticall language is hunting our brother with a net, and whereas the Prophet saith of the Iudges and Magistrates of his times, that even the best of them was but a bramble and the most upright amongst them as a thorny hedge. This is the very Scantlings of the fayrest course of legall pro­ceedings which poore men in time shall finde. The least protection which the customary course of law affords unto them, is but like the shelter which silly sheepe in a storme, find under a hedge of thorne, or bush of brambles. However the law may protect them from the violence which other intend against them, yet shall they be sure to leave their fleece for this protection. It is a thing much to be wish'd that either the courts of temporall law were not so open, [Page 31] or the doores of the Sanctuary might be closer shut than they are, specially against such as are upon pet­ty occasions, farre more ready to spend a hundred pounds in legall vexation of his neighbour, or Chri­stian brother, than to give an hundred pence for Christ's sake, or his Church, be the cause never so urgent, or iust. That which in the language of great landlords is no more then to make the most or best of their owne, is in the Prophets dialect neither bet­ter, nor worse, then to play the ravenous wolves to eate the flesh, and gnaw the bones of their poore bre­thren.

It Micah or Ieremy or Zephany were now alive, and should see many poore hunger-starved wretches whose freinds and parents had beene undone by racking of rents, or hard bargaines, or by suites of law, they would take the boldnesse upon them to plucke our bravest gallants, our wealthiest Citizens our greatest landlords, our gravest lawyers by the sleeves in the open street and tell them to their faces, the limbs and bones of these poore wretches are in the beames and rafters of your stately houses, their flesh and bloud is in your dainty dishes you sucke their very marrow in your pleasant cups. The bread of the poor, saith the son of Sirach, is the life of the nee­dy, he that deprives him of it is a man of bloud, he that taketh away his neighbours living slayeth him, and he that defraudeth the labour of his heire is a bloud-shed­der. Ecclus. 34. 21. 22. This Character goes deeper then a murtherer with us. So doth the Prophet Ze­phany censure of the corrupt Rulers in his time, exceed the Notion which we have of Canibals, the [Page 32] Princes of the oppressing City are roaring Lions, her Iudges, are evening wolves, they gnaw not the bones untill tomorrow. Zephan. 3. 3. But are not the sonnes of Levi in our times as liable to these Prophets cen­sure concerning the Priests and Prophets of Iudah in their daies? Hath the Cleargy no portion in the measure of this lands iniquity? Surely if the sinnes of this land that at any time within these forty yeares past had beene divided into tenne parts, the transgressions of the pulpit and Print-houses would have largely made up a tenth part. And they have not in any point more offen­ded, then either in giving this people a false, or in not giving them a true Scale of that hypo­crisie which the spirit of God so much condemnes. A kinde of hypocrisie there is which consists in pre­tending one thing and meaning another: but this is so grosse that the very heathens detest it. The greatest cunning or proficiency that practitioners in this kinde attaine unto, is to deceive others not themselves. To applaude their owne wits, men of this guise may have some occasion, but no temp­tation to applaud themselves for extraordinary ho­nesty or sanctity of life, whereas to deceive them­selves, more then any others? To thinke themselves more righteous and religious then their neighbours, is the inseparable Symptome of hypocrisie truely pharisaicall, this is a disease of the soule which can­not be directly intended or caused? It hath it's be­ing only by resultance, and it alwaies results from an extraordinary measure of zeale, but of zeale ob­structed or not uniformely dispensed throughout [Page 33] the whole body of Christian religious duties. Now, wheresoever zeale is not uniforme or free from ob­structions, the greater zeale men beare unto some par­ticular duties, as to hearing of the word; or that which they conceive to be the forme of wholesome doctrine; or to observance of rules, for avoiding superstition or prophanesse; the more censorious they become of others, and more uncharitable towards all that will not comply with them in their rigid zeale or curiosity of reformation. It was not a pre­tended nicety, but an interanall zeale of strain­ing of gnats which did so blind and embolden the Pharisees to swallow Camels. They knew themselves to bee as free from grosse Idolatry, and were as zealous reformers of it and breach of Sabboth as any living men could be, yet these were the two speciall sinnes for which their fore­fathers were punished, and out of that deepe notice which they had in reforming these grosse abuses they said, as they were perswaded, if wee had lived in the daies of our forefathers wee would not have beene partakers with them in the bloud of the Prophets, and yet by thus judging their forefathers they did condemne themselves, and were even then making up the measure of their iniquity, as our Saviour foretels them. Mat. 23. v. 32. their meere overprising this reformation did bring forth worse effects in them than worshipping of I­dols, or breach of Saboth. Their fathers had killed the Prophets for diswading them from these two delightfull sinnes. These later Iewes put the Prince of Prophets to death because he would not comply [Page 34] with them in the rigid reformation of these two sinnes. This was the very roote of their extreame hatred against him. Were there any Evangelicall Prophets or men of Apostolicall spirits amongst us, they might and would make application of our Saviours speeches in particular to many which take the name of professor or of refor­med religion as their owne peculiar, woe unto you hypocrites, which say if we had lived in the daies of the Scribes & Pharisees we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the Sonne of God. There is scarce a Christian which is not apt to thinke thus charitably of himselfe, and your ordi­nary minister cannot in particular disprove them, only thus much wee know and forewarne in gene­rall, Corruptio optimi semper pessima, that kind of hypocrisie spleene or envy which ariseth from ob­structed zeale or partiall observance of Evangeli­call duties, is worse then that hypocrisie which sprung from partiall observance of the law. For men professing Christianity and great zeale unto truth, to make up the measure of Iewish enmity against Christ, to condemne themselves by judging the Scribes and Pharisees as greater hypocrites then themselves, is a matter as easie (God grant not as u­suall) as it was for the Iewes to make up the measure of their forefathers sinnes, and to condemne them­selves by judging their Ancestours as more bloody persecutors then they would have been in like case.

And if unto this branch of iniquity divination for money and teaching for hire, naturally afford nutriment, our sinnes have beene in these particulars [Page 35] more faulty then the times wherein Micah lived in a­ny likely-hood could be. The covetous Priests and Prophets of Iudah were not meere hirelings; Iudah I take it, had not many, few or none, whose mainte­nance did wholy depend upon the voluntary bene­volence of them they were to teach.

2 Whereas amongst us the greater number of such as take upon them to teach Gods people are meere stipendiaries, and yet contend for the pulpit in opposition to such as have their lively-hood from the altar by course of law established, as eagerly as the Iesuites, and Dominicans have done of late a­bout the chaire in the Vniversities of Spaine. Vpon these occasions the meanest corporation amongst us, though consisting for the most part of apron­men, have found opportunities to have their fancies humoured, and their eares tickled by their hireling shepheards, after a more delicate manner then any heathen Emperour, or Christian King could ever procure from their parasites; and the sheapheards reflattered by their flocks into an higher conceit of themselves, then any Pope pretends unto. For though the Roman consistory usurpe the Monopoly of the Holy Spirit, and of his gifts; yet neither doth the Pope take upon him to secure the Cardinals, nor the Cardinals to secure him, that whensoever either of them dye, they shall infalliby be saved, and bee as glorious Saints as Saint Peter to morrow, if they chance to dye this day. But why doth the Prophet Micah, when he assignes the causes of Gods iudge­ments threatned, mention only the sinnes of the ru­lers, Magistrates, and Clergy? Was not the people [Page 36] at that time infected with the popular diseases of all times, as with adultery, murther, luxury of all kinds and prophanenesse. No doubt they were: and doe not these sinnes deserve vengeance? They doe. Yet the iudgements due unto them are usually charged upon the transgressors themselves, not upon the land or state wherein they live; unlesse the princi­pall transgressors escape unpunished, by the conni­vence or corruption of rulers; in this case the sinnes of private men become the sinnes of the land, and solicite publique visitations. So doth oppression, specially when it is practised by men of authority upon the poore and helples men. Of others wrongs, or of wrong done unto others, that which Eli said unto his Sonnes 1. Sam. 2. 25. is most ture. If one man sinne against another, the judge shall judge him; but if a man sinne against the Lord, who shall intreat for him? Now when iudges and Magistrates suffer the poore and helplesse to suffer wrong, they sinne against the Lord: for though he be Lord of all, and the avenger of all wrongs, yet is he in speciall man­ner the protector of the fatherlesse, widow, and the helpelesse; and what can be more iust, then that they which oppresse their helplesse brethren, should be opprest by foraine enemies? And how ever men e­steeme of us the Sonnes of Levi, we are by Gods ordinance and appointment, as fathers to our flocke committed to our charge; and though wee haue not that coercive authority over them, which Eli had over his sonnes, yet we shall partake of his punish­ment, if wee prove not more faithfull remembran­cers of their negligences and transgressions, then E­li [Page 37] was to the Sonnes of his body. Finally, as the o­ther sinnes which Micah taxed, were their sinnes which did commit them, so their leaning upon the Lord in the consciousnesse of such sinnes were the sinnes of the Priests and Prophets, which should have forewarned them of the wrath to come, and have put them in mind of their strange neglect of warnings past. That the neglect of Gods forewar­nings or summons to repentance, whether these be meere monitions, or mixt with punishments, is a fearefull Symptome of a dangerous disease, and, without repentance, a presage of death, is a point so common and knowne, as it needs no proofe. The divers kindes of such fore-warnings, sometimes given by the hoste of reasonlesse creatures, some­times by the reasonable, and the danger increasing by their neglect, are pathetically recounted by the Prophet Amos. Chap. 4. with this item or cave­at still repeated at the neglect of every message, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord; And I also have given you cleannesse of teeth in all your cities, and want of bread in all your places; yet have ye not retur­ned unto me; saith the Lord. And also I have with­holden the raine from you, when there were yet three moneths to the harvest &c. v. 6. 7. I have smitten you with blasting and mildew: when your gardens and your vineyards, and your fig-trees, and your olive-trees increased, the palmer-worme devoured them, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord. I have sent among you the pestilence after the manner of Egypt, your yong men have I slaine with the sword, and have taken away your horses, and I have made the stioke of [Page 38] your camps to come up unto your nostrils, yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord. v. 10. The same burden is twice repeated in the verses following, for not returning unto the Lord after two calamities in­flicted upon them, distinct from the former, as well for time as quality. The space or distance of time betweene the first and last of these fore-warnings was so long, that many of them which had knowne the first, or could take notice of it, were dead before the last approached; & most of them, whom the last message did specially concerne, were unborne, when the first warning was given. And yet the neglect of it is laid to their charge; & of all these fore-warnings or chastisements (beside the desolation of some cities) there is scarce one which hath not beene paralleld by the like given to this kingdome long agoe.

9 To begin with that which most resembles this fore-warning given by the Prophet Micah un­to this people, Sion for your sakes shall be plowed as a field. This was to them a meere monition, for God repented of the plague denounced against them; such was the powder-plot unto us. It was a gentle monition of a fearefull iudgement. For however such as foretold it were lying Prophets, Sonnes of Belial, whom no sonne or child of God was bound to believe, when they threatned iudgement, yet the warning which God in mercy gave us by them was truly reall. The sepulchers of our Kings were neerer the point to have been more pittifully plow­ed, then Sennacherib intended to plow Sion, or the city of David, when in the daies of Hezekiah he did besiege it; Gods mercy towards us was that time [Page 39] no lesse, then at any time it had beene unto Sion; our deliverance, though not so miraculous, was yet no lesse wonderfull for valuation, then Ierusalems deli­verance from Sennacheribs army, shortly after this fore-warning by Micah. But did either warning or deliverance take the same effect with us, as the like had done with Hezekiah and his people? Herein we truly imitate Hezekiah, not so much in the use, which he made of this forewarning, as in his de­meanour after his recovery from his sicknesse, that we doe not render according to the reward bestow'd upon us. An anniversary thanksgiving was upon our delivery by publique authority presently en­joyned, and hath since by all sorts of men profes­sing true religion (to the eyes of men) beene duely observed. Vnto this day yong and old, whilst they blesse God for his mercies, accurse the malice of such as did project that fearefull plague against us: and his curse be upon him that shall thinke either their practise, or principles whence they inferred or sought to warrant it, can bee detested too much. Yet for all this we may detest their practise and re­ligion, yea we may magnifie Gods mercies towards us, though never too much, yet much amisse. If our acknowledgement of his mercies had been, or were yet sincere and intire; our feare of his judgements e­ver since that time, would hve held full equipoize with our hatred or detestation of our adversaries mischievous imaginations against us. For the un­erring eye of his all-seeing providence, and omnipo­tently stedfast hand, by which he wields the scales of justice, would not have suffered his consuming [Page 40] wrath to come any nearer to us, then we were come unto the full measure of our iniquity.

10 The first thing which then was, or now is to be enquired after, is what were the extraordina­ry, and speciall sinnes, which drew Gods iudge­ments so neare upon us. These were not the cruelty of lawes enacted against professors of that religion which these traitors professed, as they as foolishy as impiously alleadge; nor was the negligence or connivence of such as were put in trust with the ex­ecution of these lawes the cause of the iudgement then threatned, as some others out of misguided zeale suspect. Of such negligence or omission or of whatsoever else may give any advantage to the ad­versaries of our peace and religion, there were some positive causes in our selves, God only knowes how many; but of these we cannot but take notice which the Prophet Micah expresseth, or some like unto them, as sacriledge, oppression, and bribery in the layty; Simony and time-serving in the Clergy; luxury, prophanenesse, and hypocrisie in both. Now when the professors of true religion shall give un­doubted proofe of their constant and impartiall zeale against these foule enormities, or for enqui­ring after the most enormous delinquents in all these kindes; there will bee good hope that the lawes al­ready enacted or projected against idolatry, against superstition and false religion, shall have their wished successe. But suppose that upon the occasion or opportunity, which these idolatrous miscreants had in a manner thrust into the hands of our law­makers, the suppression of idolatry and super­stition [Page 41] throughout this land had been more exact and more compleat, then that which Hezekiah, in the be­ginning of his raigne, had wrought in Judah: Was there any probability that those other diseases, which Micah mentions, would have beene one jot abated? any likely-hood that the most amongst us would not have learned that song or ditty by heart, is not the Lord now amongst us; or the Antiphony unto it, would have been, no evill can come upon us. Other grosse exorbitancies usually come within the stroake of the civill sword, and lye open to the execution of wholesome lawes: but for snipping this secret hypo­crisie, or presumptuous leaning upon the Lord, though in the professors of true religion, the severest execution of wholesome lawes, or exercise of the civill sword, hath no force or dint, the cure of this disease properly belongs unto the Divine, and the method to cure it, is contrary to the ordinary course of law or physicke; wee must breake a generall cu­stome of this people, and teach them not to rare their affections unto truth by their opposition unto false-hood, not to measure their zeale and love to true religion by their hatred of false religion. These be the very rootes of that hypocrisie or presumpti­on, which Micah so deeply taxeth in the state of Iu­dah, the chiefe ingredient in the leaven of the Pha­risees.

But lest more of this people should slide into an errour too common unto many, as if such a refor­mation of religion, as they affect, would acquit or secure the state and kingdome from all danger of Gods threatned judgements; let us here behold the [Page 42] severity and mercy of our gratious God. Mercy, I say, towards us, and severity towards our brethren professors of reformed religion in neighbour nati­ons, whom he hath of late subiected to the enemies sword, and other calamities of warre; for what transgression in particular, hee only knowes; but surely not for those transgressions, which some out of discontented zeale conceive to be the only cause of his displeasure against this nation, whensoever any crosse or calamity befals themselves; for no man can suspect those foraine Churches, which he hath visited of late, were deepely guilty either of connivance to superstition, or to much favouring Ar­minianisme. However, the righteous Lord by cha­stising them doth fore-warne us to examine and judge our selves, and if we find no other causes or probable occasions to feare the approach of the like Iudgements upon our selves; yet even this alone will in the day of visitation make a great addition to our generall accompt, that we did not humble our selves with feare and trembling whilst the Lord did humble and correct them, whilst his hand was hea­vy upon such of our nation as were sent abroad for their succour. Our consciences will one day accuse us (when wee shall have occasion to seeke the Lord) that we have not for the yeares late past besought his goodnesse with greater feare and devotion, to remoove the rod of his wrath from them.

But did the Lord in this interim direct no mes­sengers of his wrath unto us within our own coasts? Did mortality and famine only follow the campe abroad, or townes besieged in other nations? The fa­mine, [Page 43] (Gods name be praised for it) hath not for many yeares beene either universally spread throughout this land, or extraordinary grievous up­on any greater portion of it, and yet hath left so deepe impression in some native members of this great body, as may evidently convince the rest of great stupidity in not sympathizing more deepely with them. And stupidity or dulnesse in any mem­ber, whilst other suffer, is an infallible Symptome of a dangerous disease, oft-times a certaine progno­sticke of death; and hee were but an indocile Chri­stian, that could not by those knowne calamities, which much people of this land have suffered from this messenger, instruct himselfe, how easie it is for the righteous Iudge to bring such calamity upon this kingdome by this messenger alone, as would move even the most malicious and cruell enemies that we have had, to bemoane our case, although we were fully assured of a constant peace with all o­ther neighbour-nations, that have any power or a­bility to annoy us by the sword, or any practice of hostility. Rome in her growth, in her height of great­nesse, and in her declining dayes had received ma­ny grievous wounds, was subiect in all estates to fearefull calamities and disasters; yet never in such a lamentable and ruefull plight as the famine had brought her to, if wee may iudge of her inward griefe either by her bitter outcries, Vid. plura a­pud Claudia­num initio bel­li Gildonici. or by the deie­cted and gastly dresse, in which one of her sonnes then living hath set her forth.

After a solemne resignation of all clayme, title, or interest to all former victories or wonted tri­umphes, shee takes upon her the beggers garbe, and becomes an humble suppliant for bread; and for that not in iust competency, but in such a measure as might asswage or prevent extremity of hunger; of which shee had suffered so much, as shee thought would have given full satisfaction either to her ancient and inveterate foes, or to the most ma­lignant of her moderne enemies: enough as shee thought to have drawne sighes from the barbarous Getes, or to have wrung teares from the mercilesse Swab, or to have cast Parthia her selfe into a swoon, so shee might have beene a spectatour of her rue­full and tragicall plight: yet all this evill came upon her not by observation; it was not preventible by any forecast or policy besides that which Ezekiah here uses; this would have sufficed so it had beene practised in time.

But it is not the representation of that which hath befallen others long since, or may hereafter befall our selves which will so much affect us, as the re­cognition [Page 45] of that which we our selves have former­ly suffered. It will not then, I hope, be unseasonable to put you in minde, how in these later times whilst neighbour nations addresse their Embassadors to to this court, either to condole the death of our So­veraignes, or to congratulate our ioy for the happy continuance of royall succession, there still hath come one unwelcome or unexpected Embassador either with them, or before them, to this people. And however he seeme to plead for the grave, yet his message is from heaven, and for our peace; though he find audience for the most part with nee­dy, sicke, or dying men, yet his instructions are prin­cipally directed to the living and potent amongst us, and the tenure of them is in effect thus, thinke you that those whom the Lord hath wounded with his poisonous arrowes were greater sinners then your selves, or that they have suffered more then they have deserved? I tell you nay, but ex­cept yee repent, yee shall all likewise perish; un­lesse you prepare your hearts to meet the Lord while hee is on the way, a greater plague then the plague of pestilence, is comming against you. Yet hath that plague beene twice in our memo­ry more fearefull, then in the daies of our fore­fathers. To omit that great mortality, which was almost universall throughout this land about twenty seaven yeares agoe; The calamities which followed upon the 2 ^d arrivall, or returne of this Embassadour about 5 yeares agoe did leave a live print or chara­cter of that feare, by which the Prophet Amos de­scribes the day of the Lord. Amos. 5. v. 18. 19. The day [Page 46] of the Lord, saith he, is darknesse, and not light, as if a man did flye from a Lion, and a Beare met him, and went into the house, and leane his hand on the wall, and a Serpent bit him. Many fled from the great city, as a man would flye from a Lion, and thought them­selves safe, if they could get into a ship for some other port, but sped no better then if they had met with a Beare, death being as ready, as they were, to imbarque it selfe as a passenger for every port, autho­rized to execute his commission, as well by sea, as by land; others comming to the shore were more har­bourlesse in the wished for haven, then if they had committed themselves to the mercilesse waves of the sea, which way soever they tooke, their case was like unto a stricken deare, haeret lateri letalis arundo. They could not shift aside from Gods arrow, which still tooke up some vitall part for his marke? Some after their arrivall in their native soyle wan­dred without companions to support them in their weaknesse, and lastly dyed in the fresh and open aire, without that comfort which the infected places, from which they fled, might have afforded them: without consorts in their sighes and grones, with­out such mutuall expressions of griefe as Sym­pathy of nature brings forth in the beastes of the field.

But amongst the wofull spectacles, which the calamity of those times presented, none me thinkes more apt to imprint the terrour of Gods iudgements deeper, then to have seen men, otherwise of undaun­ted spirits, men whom no enemies lookes or braggs could afright, afrayd to hold parley with their native [Page 47] countrey-men that came unto them with words of love and peace, more agast to embrace their dearest friends or nearest kinsfolks, then to graspe an adder, or a snake. The plague of pestilence is above all o­ther diseases catching, and such as have beene most observant of it's course, tell us, men of covetous mindes or unseasonably greedy of gaine are usually soonest caught by it, though exposed to no greater, or more apparent visible danger, then others are. The course which this messenger of death observes (if these mens observation of it be true) may leade our conjecture to one speciall cause why it was sent amongst us with such large commission, surely if in the daies of health and peace it had not beene usu­all for one neighbour to prey upon another, and to verifie the saying homo homini lupus; the neigh­bour-hood and presence of men of the same nation and profession would not have become more terri­ble unto others, then if their habitations had beene amongst Wolves, or Lions, or other ravenous crea­tures. But to what end soever this fearefull mes­senger was sent amongst us, the tenor of his message either was not well understood, or is not perfectly remembred. And for this reason his commission hath beene renewed of late in the times of our hopes and joy for the continuance of royall succes­sion in a straight line. But Gods name be ever blessed, who hath hitherto so tempered his judgements with mercy, that we have more just cause of joy and thanksgiving for the birth of one, then of sorrow for the death of many. Yet let not this, I beseech you, abate our feare of future judgements, or occasi­on [Page 48] us to thinke that the Lord either hath repented, or will repent of the evill which hee hath so often threatned, whereof he hath given this land and peo­ple so many warnings, untill wee bring forth better fruites of our repentance, then hitherto wee have done. That thus we may doe, let us pray continual­ly to the Lord, that hee would teach us to feare, as Hezekias did, that he would teach us to pray, as He­zekias did. As for him, hee is the same Lord still, the same loving Father to us, that he was to Iudah, and cannot forget to repent whensoever wee shall truly turne unto him. Con­vert us, O Lord, & we shall be converted.

THIS is the resolution of a controversie, deba­ted from the beginning of this chapter, vnto this place, between the Priests, & the Prophets, and the people, and the Princes of the land; whether the Prophet Ieremy were to be put to death, for saying the Lord would make his temple like Shiloh, and the city of Ierusalem a curse to all the earth.

The Priests and Prophets contend, that he was to be put to death, and the people at the first concurre with them in this bloudy sentence, but afterward [Page 50] comply with the Princes, whose verdict was, that he was not worthy to die, because he had spoken to them in the name of the Lord their God. And vpon this verdict, the elders of the land giue judgment from a ruled case in the Prophet Micah, who had spoken more terrible words against both citie and temple in more peremptory manner, then Ieremy now had done, and yet not therefore put to death, but reverenced by Hezekiah, as you haue it in the beginning of this 19. verse. Did Hezekiah king of Iu­dah, and all Iudah put Micah at all to death? Did he not feare the Lord, and besought the Lord?

Now if the solemne practise of so good a King as Hezekiah was could not moue them, yet the hap­py successe of his practise should in reason allure them, to deale more mildly with Ieremy, then was intended by them. For vpon Hezekia's prayers, and repentance, the Lord repented him of the euill which he had pronounced against Ierusalem, and Sion: and when they further adde, thus might we procure great euill against our soules, they imply thus much, that if this present assembly doe not repent of their ill in­tentions against Ieremy, the Lord would not repent of the euill, which by his mouth he had pronounced against them.

The points which offer themselues to be discussed are but two. The first, in what sense God is said to repent. The second, in what case it is said, that God will not repent, or that he is not as man, or the sonne of man, that he should repent.

Deus tunc poenitere dicitur, quando non facit aut quod minatur, aut quod permittit. God as some giue [Page 51] out, who take vpon them to resolue this point, is then said to repent when he doth not effect the evill which he threatneth, or the good which he promiseth.

All this is true; yet no true definition, no iust ex­pression of repentance; either as it is applyable in Scripture to God or man. Most true it is, that when­soeuer God is said to repent, it must be conceived, that he did not effect either the euill which he threatned, or the good which he promised: But it is not reciprocally true, that whensoeuer God doth not bring that euill of punishment to passe, which he threatneth, it is rightly said or conceiued that he did repent.

A loving father may sometimes threaten to cha­stise, sometimes promise to reward the sonne whom he loveth best; and yet not be truly thought to repent, albeit he neither chastise, nor reward him: For hee may thus mingle threatnings with incou­ragements, with purpose only to try his present di­sposition.

Thus we read that God, who is a most loving fa­ther to mankind; did command Abraham to sacrifice his only sonne Isaac, whom he loved. This was a threatning command, at least in respect of Isaac. Now albeit the Lord did withhold Abraham's hand from executing this command: yet doe we not read, nor is it to be conceived, that God did repent of that which he gave Abraham in charge. The rea­son is because he charged Abraham thus to doe, not with purpose to have Isaac then presently sacrifi­ced, but only to try the sincerity and strength of A­brahams' faith, and obedience; and by this triall to [Page 52] gaine his assent unto the offring up of the seed pro­mised from the beginning of the world, which was from this time irreversibly ordained to be the seed of Abraham. For seeing God from the beginning had determined to give his only sonne for the re­demption of man, it was his good pleasure to con­firme this promise by oath unto a man, that was rea­dy to offer up his only sonne in sacrifice unto God, and Abraham from this very intended worke as S. Iames tels us, was called the friend of God: the pro­mise made to our first parents was now accompli­shed by way of contract, or covenant betwixt God and Abraham that the sonne of God and seed of A­braham should bee offred up in sacrifice for a bles­sing unto all the nations of the earth. This being the end or purpose of God in commanding Abra­ham to sacrifice his only sonne Isaac in whom his seed was called, there is no semblance of repen­tance in God, although he did withhold Abraham's hand from doing that which he had commanded him to doe.

They therefore come neerer unto the meaning of the Holy Ghost in this particular expression, who tell us that Deus tunc poenitere dicitur, quando non fa­cit quod facturus erat. God is then said to repent when he doth not that which he was about to doe, or that which hee intended or purposed to have done. For without a revocation or reversing of somewhat se­riously purposed or intended, there can be no true notion of repentance whether in God, in man, or Angels.

And this notion, or expression of repentance as [Page 53] it is attributed unto God in scripture, we have ex­pressely delivered by the Prophet Ieremy. Chap, 18. from v. 7. to the 11. At what instant I shall speake con­cerning a nation, and concerning a Kingdome to plucke up, and to pull downe, and to destroy it; If that nation, a­gainst whom I have pronounced, turne from their evill, I will repent of the evill that I thought to doe unto them. And at what instant I shall speake concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdome, to build and to plant it: if it doe evill in my sight that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

This generall to my observation was first drawne into a rule or doctrinall forme by the Pro­phet Ieremiah; yet the truth of the former part of it was experienced long before in the men of Nine­veh, though contrary to the mind and expectation of the Prophet Ionas, not out of a nescience of this rule, or Gods usuall dealing with men, but out of a particular dislike, or discontent, that the sentence, which God had commanded him to pronounce, should not be put in execution.

The sentence was, yet 40 dayes and Nineveh shall be destroyed Ionas 3. v. 4.

This solemne proclamation the Lord did dictate unto him as it is. v. 2. Did the Lord thus speake to try the Ninevites disposition only, had he no inten­tion or thought, as the Prophet Ieremy speakes, to o­verthrow, or destroy the citie? Certainly the Ni­nevites did thinke he had; and yet this their thought or opinion is commended unto us by the Holy Ghost under the stile, or title of beliefe, for so it is [Page 54] said v. 5. The people of Nineveh believed God.

Wherein did they believe in him, or what did they believe of him?

Surely they believed, in the first place, that hee meant as he spake, that he had a purpose or intention to destroy them. They knew their sinnes had deser­ved no lesse, and they believed that God was a iust God, to inflict upon them what they deserved; but they believed withall, that he was a God of mercy, and forgivenesse; and out of this feare thus tempered with hope, they addresse themselves to become as capable of his mercy, as they had beene of his iu­stice. For so it followes, that the people of Nineveh be­lieved God, and proclaimed a fast, and put on sack­cloath from the greatest of them even unto the least of them; and thus they did both by the Kings royall command, and example: an admirable resolution in a heathen King, a practise more Orthodoxall then was the doctrine of the Priests or Prophets, which questioned Ieremiah, for saying the Lord would make his Temple like Shilo, unlesse they did speedily repent. But what was the issue of the Nine­vites repentance? God, saith the text, saw their workes, that they turned from their evill way, and God repented of the evill that he had said that he would doe unto them, and he did it not. v. 10.

Did he then but say that he would doe this evill unto them, without any thought or purpose to doe it? if hee had but only said it, and not meant it, hee could not be truely said to repent him of it; his say­ing supposeth his intent or thought, for he said it so­lemnely, and publiquely, not tentatively, or by way [Page 55] of triall only.

But if God had a serious will or purpose to de­stroy Nineveh at this time, and destroyed it not, how is it true which the Psalmist saith, that hee doth whatsoever he will in heaven and in earth? So that if it be true what we have before delivered, wee shall be thought by some, to admit either some defect in his power, or some alteration in his will. Thus litle children, by turning long round, imagine that the Globe of heauen and earth runnes round with them, untill their braines be setled: And men of riper yeares (unlesse their vnderstandings correct their fancy) conceipt that towers and steeples, with the shoares, whereon these or other edifices stand, doe move from vs, whil'st we swiftly passe by them, or from them.

But to thinke there should be any change in Gods will, because many things which he seriously wil­leth are not effected, is an errour a great deale more grosse, then either of the former: For all the change is in the object of his will, that is, in the things wil­led or nilled by him.

The answere to this obiection, or discovery of this fallacies originall, was most acutely made, and punctually delivered by the schoole-men long agoe, aliud est mutare voluntatem, aliud est velle mutatio­nem; It is not all one for God to change his will, and to will a change in things created by him.

God never changeth his will, it alwaies is as his nature is, absolutely immutable, or, as our Apostle speakes, without shadow of change: yet by one and the same unchangeable will, hee may, and doth will va­riety [Page 56] of changes, diversity of alterations, in the things willed by him, or in the sentences denounced by his Prophets in his name. He worketh all things by the councell of his will, and as Saint Gregory saith, nunquam mutat consilium, his counsell doth ne­ver change or alter; saepius tamen mutat sententiam, his unchangeable unalterable counsell may worke a change in all things besides it selfe.

It was his iust will seriously at this time to de­stroy the Ninevites, and this his will or purpose we will conceive to be more unchangeable, more im­moveable then a rocke of Adamant: and Nineveh, whilst she continued her wonted course in sinne, was like a ship before a full winde, which had outsailed her watch, whilst the Marriners slept; & by this error ready to dash against the immoveable rock of Di­vine iustice; had not her Pilots, & governors (awaked out of their sleep upon the Prophet Ionas summons) tackt about, and directed their course another way.

If whilst we acknowledge Gods will to be most unchangeable, we consider it withall to bee a most compleat and most constant rule of equity and goodnesse, qua talis; it will most necessarily fol­low, that even in this respect it is a rule most com­pleat, and most unchangeable, it must have one a­ward for Nineveh raging with cruelty and oppres­sion, another for Nineveh turning from the violence that was in their hands; one doome for Nineveh wal­lowing in drunkennesse, riotousnesse, and uncleane­nesse, another for Nineveh watching, washing her selfe with teares, fasting, and sitting in ashes covered with sack-cloath. One sentence for Nineveh pollu­ting [Page 57] her selfe with pride of heart, with periury and blasphemy; another for Nineveh humbling her selfe under the mighty hand of God with fasting, devoutly calling upon his name with teares and sup­plications.

For albeit God knoweth all things, as well things to come as present, and doth nothing other­wise than from eternity it was determined to be done; yet even this wee know was determined from eternity, that every man in every nation should be rewarded, not according to the identity of their persons or place, but according to the diversity of their wayes, to the variety of their workes.

Though Rockes in the sea be immoveable, yet we easily conceive how the distance, or aspect betwixt them and ships, which saile to and fro, doth vary every moment, whilst the ships are in motion. Con­ceive then Christ Iesus to bee, as hee truly is, the immovable Rocke of our salvation, but with­all a living Rocke, and an allseing rule, and it will be easier to conceive how the doome or sentence from eternity awarded to every mans actions doth hourely change either for quality or degree, as men doe change their course of life, whether from good to evill, or from evill to good, from good to better, or from evill to worse.

So then Repentance in these Ninevites did im­port not only a will of change, but a true change in their wils and affections. They turned their delight in sinne, into sorrow for sinnes past, and good reso­lutions not to transgresse so againe.

Repentance in God importeth only a will of [Page 58] change, nor is it the will of every change, but a change of the doome or sentence denounced, which the Scripture calls repentance in God. And here I should have set a period to the first point proposed, did not some men question, whether that beliefe wherewith the Ninevites are said to have beleeved God, were a true beliefe, or an act of saving faith? however, such it was, as did save them from present destruction, but so it might be in some mens judge­ments and yet be but a temporary historicall faith. For how could they pray in faith according to the Apostles rule, seeing they doubted whether God would shew mercy upon them, or noe; For so much seemes to be included in the resolution. v. 9. Who can tell if God will returne and repent, and turne away from his fierce anger, and we perish not.

Now thus to doubt, may seeme to argue that their prayers were not of true faith.

But these two sacred maximes (whatsoever is not of faith is sinne) (whatsoever is done with doubt or scruple is not of faith) are oftner wrested, sometimes to abette presumption in respect of God, some­times disobedience towards his vice-gerents, than any other maximes in sacred writ besides. For this present, the limitation of them is briefly this.

Whensoever the doubt, or controversy stands betwixt a mans belly, or purse, and his soule, or conscience, the Apostles rule (whatsoever is not of faith is sinne) is universally true, whosoever doth a­ny thing for his belly, or purse, or matters of such temporall consequence, which he probably doubts, may wound his soule or conscience, his action or [Page 59] choice is not of faith, is truly sinfull; In other cases he that intends to doe much good, must resolve to doe many things whereof hee cannot but doubt, whereof hee cannot bee resolved but by the event or successe, yet not sinne.

Thus these Ninevites were uncertaine or doubt­full, whether the Lord would repent or no, of the evill threatned against them, and yet notwithstan­ding this doubt, they did well, exceeding well, to fast and pray that hee might repent; and in thus doubting and thus doing, they declare not their workes only but their divinity to have beene much better than theirs who condemne the like actions of heathen men for sinfull, because their persons were not sanctified by saving faith. As for these Ninevites they had a true notion of that truth which the scri­pture teacheth, to wit, that as God is often said to repent, so some speciall cases there be in which hee doth not, in which hee wil not upon any termes re­pent, and of which the Prophets saying is most true, He is not as man, or the sonne of man, that hee should repent.

And such, for instance, was the case of Saul, the first King of Israel, in the issue, though not from the beginning of his raigne, or from that point of time wherein God revealed that branch of his will to Sa­muel 1. Sam. 15. It repenteth me that I have set Saul up to be King, for he is turned backward from follow­ing me, and hath not performed my commandements. And he that turnes his backe from Gods comman­dements, shall be sure to meet his judgements in the face.

[Page 60] But this heavy sentence against Saul (as it there followeth) grieved Samuel, and hee cryed unto the Lord all night, but his cryes were not heard, for so it followes v. 35. that Samuel came no more to see Saul untill the day of his death, neverthelesse he mourned for Saul, and in the 1. v. of the 19. chap. Samuel is expressely forbidden to mourne for Saul: and if hee might not mourne for him, hee might not pray for him.

A lamentable case that so great a Prophet, so good a man as Samuel was, might not pray, might not mourne for his soveraigne Lord, whom by Gods speciall command, he had anointed, but the cause is intimated v. 28. 29. For when Saul by seek­ing to hold the Prophet from departing from him, had rent his coate, he returnes this heavy message unto him, The Lord hath rent the kingdome of Israel from thee this day, and hath given it to a neighbour of thine, that is better then thou: and also the strength of Israel will not repent for he is not as man that he should repent. And Samuel had no reason to mourne for him, or to pray to God for reversing this sentence, after he knew the Lord would not bee intreated to recall it.

But here the Aliens from the common weale of Israel, or men of Iultans disposition would object, is the God of Israel no otherwise affected towards his people, towards Kings of his own making, then the Gods of the heathen (whom ye despise) were towards kingdomes or Monarchies which served them? Doth hee give his people iust cause to com­plaine of him as the heathen Poet did of his Gods, [Page 61] when he saw Rome so rent and torne with civill warres, that it could not long stand. Heu faciles da­re summa Deos, eadem (que) tueri—Difficiles! Will the strength of Israel advance a man to a kingdome which never sought it, but had it put upon him whilst hee was seeking his fathers Asses? And will he not be intreated to keepe him in it after long pos­session, after many adventures of his body, and effu­sion of his blood for supporting it? Will he repent of the good which he had purposed to doe for Saul, and will he not repent of the evill which he had de­nounced against him? Thus uncatechised flesh and blood, or men not instructed in the waies of God would repine. Now it were an easie answer to say, that God did thus peremptorily deale with Saul be­cause it was his absolute will to depose him and to chuse David in his place. But this or the like an­swere would make a foolish heathen starke mad, and move a man that hovered betwixt heathenisme and Christianity to fall quite from us: whereas we are bound by the Apostles rule to give no offence not only to the Church of God, but neither to the Iew nor to the Gentile; whereas this answer gives just oc­casion of offence to them all. For sure the scripture is plaine, and I thinke no Christian will (in the ge­nerall) deny, that Saul did at this time much better deserve to be deposed, than either hee or David did to bee elected King; his sinnes were the meritorious cause of his rejection, but what sinnes in particular is not so apparent.

Saul, as some ancient interpreters observe, was once little in his owne eyes, and then he was a great [Page 62] man in Gods sight, but hee grew great, exceeding great in his owne eyes, and the greater he thus grew, the more hee waned in Gods favour, whose eternall will, and pleasure is to give grace unto the meeke and humble, and to resist and bring downe the proud.

All this is true, but too generall to give satisfaction to the doubt proposed: For God doth never so pe­remptorily reject any lawfull Prince as hee did Saul without hope of repentance, or reversing the sen­tence denounced against him, unlesse it be for some excessive multitude or full measure of sinne, or for some ominous, or prodigious sinnes.

We read only of two remarkeable sinnes committed by Saul before his rejection, the one was for offering a burnt offring, and for his intendment to offer a peace offring before Samuel came unto him. 1 Sam. 13. 19. & 20. And for this transgression Samuel saith unto him v. 30. Thou hast done foolishly, thou hast not kept the commandement of the Lord thy God which he commanded thee: For now would the Lord have esta­blished the kingdome upon Israel for ever. Saul then had Gods promise before for the continuance of his kingdome. But of this good truely intended to him the Lord from this time repents, as it followes verse 14. But now the kingdome shall not continue. Yet up­on this fact it is not said, that the Lord would not repent of the sentence denounced against him.

But what was Sauls folly in all this; or was it any? for as it is said v. 8. he tarryed there seaven daies, ac­cording to the set time that Samuel had appointed. It was not so great a folly for Saul being a king to stay no longer, as disrespect in Samuel not to come [Page 63] within the time appointed: was it not more fit that the Prophet should stay for the King, then the King for the Prophet? The text is plaine that Saul staid seauen dayes according to the set time that Samuel had appointed, but it is not so plaine out of the text, nor is it any way probable, that these seauen dayes were obserued by Saul in that season, or to that end which Samuel had appointed.

Two good interpreters, Rupertus & Angelomus and ancient in respect of our times, have observed an amphibology in Sa­muels words, and it was Saul's folly to make choise of the sinister or wrong sense.

The words you have now written, yet not writ­ten but spoken then by Samuel chap. 10. v. 8. And however the Hebrew text, as it is now pointed, but especially the Latine and the English, doe cast the sense of Samuels words that way which the objecti­on supposeth, yet the matter it selfe, and other cir­cumstances sway the other way, in excuse of Sa­muel, and aggravation of Sauls folly. Thou shalt goe downe before me to Gilgal, and behold I will come downe unto thee to offer burnt offrings, to sacri­fice sacrifices of peace offrings. And here they make a pause or full sense, and begin another at these words, seven daies shalt thon tarry till I come to thee.

But the originall will beare another sense, retai­ning the selfe same words, only altering the pause or point, as thus, Thou shalt goe downe before me to Gilgal, and behold I will come unto thee to offer burnt offrings, and to sacrifice the sacrifice of peace offrings for seaven daies: and then begin the second clause [Page 64] thus, thou shalt tarry till I come to thee, as if hee had said, see in any case thou tarry till I come to thee, and shew thee what thou shalt doe. Samuel it seemes went in the meane time to aske counsell of the Lord as being not himselfe fully instructed in this great businesse which he was towards.

If Saul did usurpe the Priests office in offring sa­crifices upon pretence of Samuels stay, this was pro­digious. If he tooke upon him only to appoint the time for the sacrifice or supplication, designing some Priests for exercising the sacred function, this was a great deale too much, more then meere folly; for all this was by God himselfe reserved for Samuel who was the interpreter or spokes-man betwixt God and Saul. The sacrifice, no question, was a pub­lique and solemne sacrifice, such as Solomon made at the consecration of the Temple, whose solemnity lasted full seaven daies: and it is probable that this present solemnity which Samuel had appointed, was the consecration of Saul, or establishing him in his kingdome, had hee not foolishly wronged himselfe by trenching upon the Priests, or the Prophets fun­ction, or upon both.

But whether these mentioned, or some others, or these with others were the principall branches of Sauls folly, certaine it is, that neither any of these, nor all of these did make his doome to be inevitable, or his deposition irreversible. For though Samuel upon notice of this his folly did foretell that God would give his kingdome unto another, yet he did not expressely adde that the Lord would not repent him of this evill denounced against him: and this [Page 65] addition being not made, the sentence was lyable to the ordinary rule of interpreting Gods threatnings Ier. 18.

Saul by repenting of this folly might have beene capable of that pardon, whereof he made himselfe altogether uncapable, by his second more grosse and more stupid transgression of Gods commande­ment. What was that? His indulgence towards A­gag and his people. Is it then an unpardonable sinne in Christian Princes to shew pity unto heathenish or idolatrous Princes, whom God hath given into their hands by victory and battaile? No. To gather such generall doctrines or uses, from particular instances in scripture, as some have done from Ezekiah's de­molishing the brasen Serpent, or from Ahabs suf­fering Benhadad to escape with life, is but the Sym­ptome of distempered zeale, misled by ignorance. Nor will it follow, because Ahab was more remark­ably and more severely punished for suffering Ben­hadad to escape with life, than hee was for putting poore Naboth to death; that therefore this slaughter was a lesse sinne in it selfe than the other. For we read that Ahab repented him of his unjust and cruell dealing with Naboth: but so he did not of his other folly in suffering Benhadad to escape with life: and for this reason God repented him of the sentence denounced against Ahab by Elias: So did hee not repent of that other sentence denounced by another Prophet, because thou hast &c.

However, this was not all wherein Saul was faul­ty; though foulely faulty in all this, more faulty in sparing Agag, than Ahab was in sparing Benhadad; [Page 66] For God had expressely commanded him utterly to destroy Amalek not sparing man or beast. But so the the same God commanded the Israelites to destroy the Cananites, yet their sinne in entring league with the Gibeonites was not equivalent to Sauls transgression; for the condition of Amalek and the Kings was much worse then the condition of o­ther heathens, more uncapable of pity from the Is­raelites, then the Amorites or the Hittites were. For God had denounced hostility against this people by solemne oath Exod. 17. v. 15. 16. And Moses built an altar and called the name of it Iehovah Nissi, for he said, because the Lord hath sworne that the Lord will have warre with Amalek from generation to genera­tion. Now the Amalekites being thus solemnly de­clared to be Gods enemies in so high a degree, the Israelites were bound to wreake his foe-hood a­gainst that Nation. Nunc, olim, quocun (que) darent se tempore vires.

When Saul was made king of Israel, to fight the battles of the Lord, and at this time expresly enioy­ned to destroy Amalek, his sinne in sparing Agag and the cattel, was a sinne of like nature, as if a Iudge or sworne magistrate, being put in trust to doe iustice in a particular, unto which his soveraigne Lord had peremptorily and determinately sworne, should upon bribe or other sinister respects neglect his du­ty, and make his master (as much as in him lay) for-sworne. And for any inferiour judge thus to doe, deserves more bodily deaths then one. It would be disloyalty for his dearest friend to sue for his pardon. It is a most Catholike rule in Divinity, [Page 67] of which the Heathens had an ingrafted notion, the ancient Iewes an vndoubted tradition, and the vse and doctrine of it unanimously received by primi­tive Christians, that wheresoever we find either matter of blessing or matter of cursing denounced by oath; there the sentence is irreversible, God will not repent. We see the rule first experienced in those murmuring Israe­lites to whom God had sworne, that they should not enter into his rest. For though they repented of their folly, and besought God with teares that hee would revoke his sentence, offering their service (which before they had neglected) for conquering the land of promise, yet the Lord would not heare them, and, which is more remarkeable, he would not heare Moses in this particular for himselfe, because he was involved as an accessary in that sentence, for he spake unadvisedly on their behalfe. So Moses him­selfe doth testifie Deut. 3. v. 23. &c. And I besought the Lord at that time saying, O Lord God thou hast be­gun to shew thy servant thy greatnesse, I pray thee let me goe over and see this good land which is beyond Iordan and that goodly mountaine Lebanon. But the Lord was wroth with mee for your sakes, and would not heare me; and the Lord said unto me, let it suffice thee, speak no more unto me of this matter, get thee un­to the top of Pisgah and behold it with thine eyes: for o­ver this Iordan thou shalt not goe.

So then God repented him that hee had made Saul King over Israel, because he had the Kingdome only by meere promise, not by promise confirmed by oath. But God would not repent of his deposi­tion, nor reverse his sentence, because Saul by his [Page 68] preposterous indulgence unto Amalek (Gods sworne enemy) did by this fact incurre the sentence of deposition by oath; and more deepely partici­pate with the Amalekites, than Moses had done with the Israelites, whom God had cut off by oath from entring into the land of Canaan.

I hope I shall not bee thought to flatter men, whilst I blesse the name of our glorious Lord, for setting a King over us, as farre from Saul's or Ahab's disposition as they were from the disposition of king Hezekiah, & for giving him a people nothing so un­toward, either towards God, or him as the murmu­ring Israelites were towards God & his servant Moses.

But whatsoever hath been said, or is written concerning the Kings of Israel or Iudah, were written for our instruction, whether Prince, or people.

The most immediate use of the point last discust concernes great Princes, and their followers: their followers thus farre, that they never sollicite or im­portune their soveraigne Lords, or in case they doe, it deeply concernes Princes, not to suffer them­selves to be wrought by any sollicitation, or impor­tunity, to favour any cause which stands accursed by Gods eternall law, not to take the persons of any men into their protection whom the supreame Iudge hath exempted from his; not to patronage any, whom the law of God and man, have de­signed unto utter destruction. For by doing such bo­dily good to prodigious malefactors, they shall pro­cure, as my Prophet speakes, great evill unto their owne soules. Evils at least temporall unto themselves and to their people, of which the Lord will not re­pent. [Page 69] For where such favour is shewne unto men, or rather where favour and pity is shewed unto such men as God is thus highly displeased with, there can be no true feare of the Lord. In whomsoever that feare is, it is praedominant and will command all o­ther affections, whether of hope or feare, whether of hatred, love, or favour to men. Vnlesse such feare of the Lord bee first planted in their hearts, no Prince, nor Potentates, no state or Kingdome can iu­stly pretend to this blessing which Hezekia's pray­ers obtained. For he first feared, and then besought the Lord before the Lord repented of the evill which hee had pronounced against him, and his people.

Now it is our hope & assurance that God will re­pent of the evill denounced, which makes our feare of him or of his iudgements, to be a filiall, not a slavish feare. For no man can feare God with a true filiall feare, but hee that apprehends him as a loving father, and one as is sorry for our aflictions, one that delighteth not in the punishment of his sons or servants but in their repentance, that they may be­come capable of his fatherly mercy, or loving kind­nesse.

With thee there is mercy, (saith the Psalmist) there­fore shalt thou be feared. Why? doth any man feare Gods mercies more than his iustice? No. This was no part of the Psalmists meaning: We feare his iudgements in and for themselves and as they bring evil upon us. We feare God himselfe for his mercy, we are afraid to offend him if we bee his children because hee is mercifull, and because the greatest e­vill [Page 70] which any man can procure unto his own soule, is to deprive himselfe of his mercy, who is good­nesse it selfe, the sole fountaine of all the good which can be derived unto us. Or it may be a fur­ther part of the Psalmists meaning, that it was our apprehension or beliefe of his mercy, which keepseth our feare, whether of him or of his judgements, within his proper sphere, or limits, as if he had said, with thee o Lord there is mercy, therefore shalt thou bee feared, hated thou canst not bee by such as appre­hend or believe thy mercies; whereas feare of iudge­ments or perpetuall punishments, unlesse it be tem­pered with hope of mercy, runs out of his wits, and running beyond its bounds alwayes ends in hatred.

It is not possible either for that man not to love God, which truly beleeves that hee hath mercy in store for all; or for that man not to hate him, or at least not to occasion others to hate him, which is perswaded that he hath reserved iudgement with­out mercy to some men, as they are men; or that hee hath destinated them to inevitable destruction be­fore he gave them life or preservation.

To bee thus perswaded argues an uncharitable disposition, as well towards God, as towards men: and from both roote and branch of this error, from all such heresies, hatred, malice, and uncha­ritablenesse good Lord deliver us, that are thine heritage, thy whole Church, especially this land and people.

THIS day being the second Sun­day in Advent drawes mee, as yee see, unto a new text, being part of the Gospell for this so­lemnity. But my text doth not draw mee to a new argument. My former argument, as yee may remember, was concerning the signes of the time. And here yee may behold signes of the time in the frontispice of my text; There shall bee signes in the sunne, and in the moone &c. Vpon the earth and in the waters, that is, in every part of this great, and vi­sible booke of the creature. But of what, or of what times were these signes here foretold? To the former part of this question our Evangelist hath made a full [Page 74] answer. v. 27, These were signes of the sonne of man's comming to judgement with power, and great glory. By the sonne of man, yee know, is meant our Lord and Saviour Christ, and his comming was expected by this people, one, and other. Iohn Baptist knew this to be the title of the Messias, and out of this Notion or description of his person, and office hee being in prison sent two of his disciples unto him with this Embassage, Luk, 7. v. 19. Art thou hee that should come, or are wee to looke for another; And from this Embassage of Iohn the next Dominicall, or Lords day takes its denomination, or right to be en­rolled amongst the Dominicalls consecrated to the memory of his comming. The Pharisees likewise knew this title of him that was to come to belong unto Christ, or unto the great Prophet, which God had promised to raise up unto them like to Moses. And out of this notion they propound this interrogatory unto Iohn, Iohn 1. 21. Art thou Elias, art thou that Prophet, and againe, v. 25. Why baptizest thou then if thou be not that Christ, nor Elias neither that Prophet. And from Iohn's answer to these interrogatories v. 26. 27. I baptize with water, but there standeth one among you, whom yee know not, hee it is who comming after mee is preferred before me, The fourth, and last Dominicall takes its denomination, or right to bee enrolled amongst the dayes consecrated to the me­mory of his comming. The Dominicall, or Lords day last past takes its denomination from the Gos­pell appointed for that day. Behold o Sion thy King commeth. &c. So doth this present day, or second sunday in Advent take this title from that clause of [Page 75] the Gospell, v. 27. And then they shall see the sonne of man comming in a cloud.

Now the comming of Christ, the sonne of man, and the sonne of God, admits in the generall two degrees. The first, his comming in humility to visit and redeeme the world. The second, his comming in power, and glory, to judge the world. The Gos­pells appointed by the Church for the three other Dominicalls, or Lords dayes in Advent referre to the first manner of his comming, to wit, in humility to visit and redeeme his people. The Gospell ap­pointed for this present day points at his comming in power, and glory to judge the world. The que­stion then is, whether this prophecy hath beene in any sort already fulfil'd, or in what sort it shall bee hereafter fulfil'd, or accomplished? or if this prophe­cy were twice to be fulfil'd, the question is, whether these signes here mentioned in my text, doe con­cerne as well the last fulfilling of it as the first? That this prophecy hath been already litterally fulfil'd is cleere from the 21. and 32. verses of this Chapter. Verily I say unto you this generation shall not passe till all be fulfil'd. All what? All that he had said concer­ning the signes of the time, so S. Matthew expresseth our Saviour's meaning more fully then S. Luke doth Math. 24. v. 34. Verily I say unto you this generati­on shall not passe till all these things be fulfilled, that is, till the terrors of those times wherof he speakes, untill the signes of these times in the sunne, in the moone, and in the starres, should bee exhibited. For by this generation hee comprehends that present age, or compasse of an hundred yeares taking their [Page 76] beginning either from the time wherein hee uttered this prophecy, or from the birth of these his Audi­tors, the greater part whereof were betwixt twenty and fifty yeares, and but a few of them to live above fifty yeares after this forewarning; so that this age or generation whereof hee speakes was to determine with the lifes of these Auditors: though many of them did not, yet some of them did, and more might have outliv'd these signes here foretold. For these signes were to bee exhibited unto the Nations not long after the desolation of Ierusalem as S. Marke tels us, Chap. 15. v. 24. But in those dayes after that tribulation the sunne shall bee darkned and the moone shall not give her light, and the starres of hea­ven shall fall, and the powers that are in heaven shall be shaken. Or least any man should except that the sun might bee darkned after the dayes of Ierusalem's tri­bulation, and sorrow, and yet not bee so darkned till the last day, S. Matthew hath put in a caveat against this exception, Mat. 24. 29. Immediatly after the tri­bulation of those dayes shall the sunne be darkned, & the moone shall not give her light. So that if we can point out the time, wherein all that our Saviour said con­cerning the tribulation of Ierusalem, and Iury were fulfilled, wee may easily finde out the appointed time, wherein the signes in my text were to bee ex­hibited.

That which must direct us in the right search of the tribulations precedent to his comming here lit­terally meant, is our Saviour's censure upon his Di­sciples admiration at the goodly buildings of the Temple. As he went out, saith S. Matthew 24. 1. and [Page 77] departed from the Temple, his Disciples came to him to shew him the buildings of the Temple, S. Marke tels us Chap. 13. 1. that one of his Disciples saith unto him, master see what manner of stones, and what buildings are here. And because this one Disciple is not named S. Matthew indefinitely saith, his Disciples came unto him. A strange humour in them (were they one or more) for how could they imagine that hee had not observed the goodlinesse of these buildings be­fore. But upon what occasion soever (they or he, one or more of them) did move him to view the buil­dings, his reply unto this motion was unexpected, For hee saith unto them, see you not all these things? Verily I say unto you there shall not be left here one stone upon another, that shall not bee throwne downe. Mat. 24. 2. Mark. 13. 2. Luk. 21. 6. And thus much he had told them with weeping eyes before, Luk. 19. 44. But it seemes they were at better leasure to hearken unto this second prediction of the Temples destruction, than they were before when their eares were filled with the joyfull shouts of Hosanna, bles­sed bee hee that cometh in the name of the Lord. And hence as he sate upon the mount of Olives, over a­gainst the Temple, Peter, and Iames, and Iohn, and Andrew, asked him privately, tell us when shall these things bee? and what shall bee the signes, when these things shall bee fulfilled? Marke 13. v. 34. All of his Disciples at least all of them which moved this que­stion did agree in this prenotion, that all these things should bee fulfilled at his comming and that at his comming to judgement the world should have an end. Hence S. Mat. 24. 3. relates the question thus. [Page 78] Tell us when shall these things bee, and what shall bee the signe of thy comming, and of the end of the world? But this question, though not so intended by them, was fallacia ad plures interrogationes, a question con­sisting of two parts, one so different from the other that one and the same answer could not befit both; and therefore hee makes answer distinguendo, or re­spectively to both parts. Concerning the signes of his first comming to declare himselfe to be the judge of the world, or the signes precedent to the destru­ction of the Temple, he gives them a plaine perem­ptory answer. Mat. 24. from v. 4. to the 36. And so againe Mark. 13. from v. the 5. to v. 32. And in this Chapter from v. 10. to v. 32. But concerning the o­ther part of the question when the world should end, or the signes that should preceede, that he con­ceales, or rather exhorts them not to enquire after it; But of that day and houre, that is, the day of finall judgement, or the end of the world, knoweth no man, no not the Angels of heaven, but my father only. Mat. 24. 36. And Mark. 13. 32. But of that day and houre knoweth no man, no not the Angels which are in hea­ven, neither the Son, but the Father.

That this answere concernes only the second part of the former question, to wit, the time where­in the world shall end, is hence evident for that the Angels, yea and such as understood the Prophets, at least our Saviour Christ, as man, did know the time appointed, for the destruction of the Temple, and the desolation of the holy Citie and land, for thus much was punctually and litterally foretold by Daniel Chap. 9. 24. Seaventy weekes are determined [Page 79] upon thy people, and upon thy holy city, to finish the trans­gression, and to make an end of sinnes, and to make re­conciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousnesse, &c. No question but Daniel him­selfe, and the Angel which instructed him, did know the precise point of time when these seaventy weekes did commence; although Chronologers at this day varie a little upon this point, & he that knew the time when they begun, might easily collect at what time they were to end. For these seaventy weekes, or sea­venty seavens of yeares, make vp the iust summe of foure hundred and ninetie yeares, and so long did Ierusalem continue after it was restored againe by Cyrus, and his successors in the Persian Empire. And albeit our Saviours Desciples did not at that time, perhaps clearely vnderstand the Prophecie of Da­niel; yet they might cleerly forsee the time of Ieru­salem's destruction by the signes which our Saviour gives them in this Chap. and in the 24. of S. Mat­thew. The signes were specially three, first earthquaks and strange commotion of warres in severall nations, as specially betweene the Iewes, and other Nations subject to the Roman empire: Secondly, the generall hatred wherewith all Nations did persecute Christ's Disciples, which were then no Nation, but the fewest of any sect or profession: For unto the time be­tweene our Saviours death, and the death of the Em­perour Nero, that saying of our Saviour, yee shall bee hated of all men for my name's sake, hath speciall re­ference. And it was most remarkably fulfilled whilst the Iewish Nation did flourish, or was in strength. For that Nation did beare more deadly ha­tred [Page 80] to such as professed themselves to bee Christs Disciples, then they did unto the Heathen. And the Heathens againe, specially the Romans did hate and persecute the Christians as the worst sort amongst the Iewes, of whom they tooke Christ's little flocke to be a stemme, or branch, because the governours of it, Christs Apostles, were Iewes by progeny. So that the Lawes which were ennacted in Rome against the Iewes were most severely executed upon the Christians, besides many lawlesse and barbarous cruelties, which were practised upon many of them in the time of Nero without any check, or impeach­ment. This was a second signe precedent to the de­solation of Ierusalem. The third was the abomina­tion of desolation foretold by Daniel, and expoun­ded by our Saviour. Mat. 24. 15. For the oversprea­ding of abominations, saith Daniel. Chap. 9. v. 27. Hee shall make it desolate, even unto the consummation, and that determined shall be powred upon the desolate. It is termed by our Saviour the abomination of de­solation because it was an abomination which did portend the utter desolation of the city, and of the Temple, wherein this abomination was practised by the seditious, or that faction which was called the zealous. And this abomination became most remar­kable from that time that the seditious begun, first to depose the high Priests, and afterwards to mur­her them in the Temple. For then they turned the house of God, not into a denne of theeves, but into a den of murtherers, even a slaughter house. The fulfilling of this part of our Saviours prophecy, you may read at your leasure in Iosephus in his sixth [Page 81] booke of the Iewish warre. Chap. 1. O miserable ci­ty, saith he, what didst thou suffer at the Romans hands, to bee compared unto this, although they entred with fire to purge thee from thy iniquity? For now thou wast no longer the house of God, neither could'st thou endure being made a Sepulcher of thine inhabitants, and having by thy civill warres made the Temple a grave of dead bodyes.

It was the abomination which this desperate, and gracelessely Iewish people did commit in the holy place; (that is in the Temple and in the courts of it) which brought that miserable desolation upon the Temple, upon the city & Nation. The Romans were but executioners of Gods wrath & vengeance against them. And those interpreters of the Gospell who by the abomination of desolation understand the Roman forces though many theybe, yet the more they be, or shall be, the more they multiply a strange errour, or grosse incogitancy. But after the practice of such abominations, as Iosephus relates, in the holy place, the doome pronounced by our Saviour against the Temple, against the city, and Nation, became so in­evitable, and was to bee executed with so much speed, as every one that in those times feared God might see the just occasion, and necessity of our Sa­viours admonition, Mat. 24. 16. &c. Then let them which are in Iudea flee unto the mountaines, let him which is on the house top not come downe to take any thing out of his house, neither let him which is in the field returne backe to fetch his clothes &c. Then shall be great tribulation, such as was not from the begin­ning of the world to this time, nor ever shall bee. The [Page 82] same admonitions of our Saviour are related totidem dem verbis Marke, 13. v. 14. to the 20. and by S. Luk. 21. 21. to the 26. with some additions. Then let them which are in Iudea fly unto the mountaines, and let them which are in the midst of it depart out, and let not them which are in the countrey enter thereinto. For these bee the dayes of vengeance, that all things which are written may be fulfilled, and they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and shall bee led away captive into all Nations. And Ierusalem shall bee trodden downe of the Gentiles, untill the times of the Gentiles bee fulfilled. After Gods wrath had once seyzed upon them, the execution of it was so nimble & quicke, that if it had continued but some few weeks, or many dayes, as it had begun, all Isaacks seed according to the flesh had utterly perished. But for the elect's sake, or such as God had chosen out of that Nation to propa­gate the Kingdome of his sonne, these dayes of tri­bulation were shortned; And however the persecution of both Iewes and Christians, did not determine with the destruction of Ierusalem: yet the number of Christians did multiply faster then the seed of Abra­ham according to the flesh had done in Egypt. Now all these signes, which our Saviour had given of Ie­rusalem's destruction, were fulfilled within forty yeares after his resurrection, and ascension; and the dissolution of the Temple & of the city which these signes, or abominations did portend, was accompli­shed in the Autumne following.

Now after the exhibition of these signes, and the tribulation of those dayes, the fearefull signes here mentioned in my text were immediatly to follow. [Page 83] But how immediatly? without any delay, or inter position of time, of dayes, of monthes, or yeares? this wee may not say, this wee cannot safely collect from our Saviour's words. These signes were to fol­low immediatly, non immediatione tēporis, sed imme­diatione signorum; that is, they were to follow imme­diatly not with reference to the next times ensuing, but with reference to the next remarkable signes of the times, of which the world (as well the Christians then encreased as the reliques of the Iewish Nation as the Gentiles (who were the greatest part of the world) after the destruction of Ierusalem were to take warning. In this sense wee say that one King is ano­ther's immediat successor, if there be no King be­tweene them, albeit their bee an interregnum either of weekes, or moneths betwixt them. The vacancy of an Episcopall see for one or two yeares, or more doth not make the next succeeding Bishop not to be the others immediat successor, albeit there bee an intermediat time betwixt the ones death, or remo­vall, and the others election, or consecration. Thus albeit the signes in my text did immediatly succeed the former signes of Ierusalem's destruction; yet the world, as well the Iewes, and Christians, as the Ro­mans had a convenient time allotted to pause, or me­ditate upon the strange desolation of Ierusalem, and Iudea, before the second ranke of signes here in my text, were to bee exhibited, for they were not exhi­bited untill the second yeare of Titus his raigne. For seeing the Nations would take no notice of Christ's Kingdome, or of Gods judgements by the prodigious destruction of Ierusalem, it was, shall I [Page 84] say his will, yea an act of his mercy to give them a second, a more solemne publique warning of that great and terrible day, wherein that Iesus whom the Iewes had crucified, whom the Romans had strangely sleighted, and grievously persecuted in his members, will come with glory and power to exe­cute judgement upon all ungodly men, upon all un­believers, or rebels against his Kingdome.

But before I come to shew you the particular manner how this phophecy was fulfilled within that age current, wherein it was uttered, it will be ex­pedient to acquaint you with the strange manner how the Iewes first, and the Romans after them did misconstrue, or pervert the signes of the time, which God had given them for their good. The Heathen writers themselves acknowledge there was a con­stant fame, or received opinion throughout the East, that the land of Iury in this age should bring forth one who was to be Lord, and King over the whole world. This generall fame and opinion tooke its o­riginall from the prophecies of the old testament concerning our Saviour's birth and resurrection. And unto these propheticall predictions all the signes of the time did fully accord; yet seeing our Saviour's Kingdome was not of this world, though more universall, seeing the authority which hee ex­cercised was meerely spirituall not temporall, see­ing he would not take upon him to imprison, to put to death, or to divide inheritances, or to manage warres against the enemies of this people, they slei­ted him then as most part of the world have done his true Embassadors since. For who is there almost [Page 85] that feares the edge of the spirituall sword, unlesse it be backed with the temporall. But did the Iewish Nation then take notice of the former constant fame throughout the East, concerning the great Lord of Lords which was then to arise out of Iury? or had they no apprehension of the signes of the time which did confirme, or seale the truth of the pro­phecies, which occasioned this fame? Yes, the signes of those times did worke very strange, though very bad effects, even in the very worst of this people. Their hearts were so overgrowne with pride, vaine-glory, and hypocrisy, that the abundance of these and the like bad humours did turne good Physicke, even the foode of life it selfe into deadly poyson.

For out of this undoubted prenotion, that this was the very time wherein the Lord had promised to deliver this people from the hands of their ene­mies, they became so prone (as the event proves they were) to take armes, and rebell against the Ro­mans, partly about the time of our Saviour's birth, but especially after his resurrection, when his King­dome began to bee propagated through the world. There was no man of greater might, or potency a­mongst them which did not take upon him to pro­mise this peoples deliverance from the Roman yoke, with which the more they strugled, the sorer it cru­shed them; and the multitude were as prone to be­lieve every one that would take upon him the name or title of a Saviour, or deliverer. The fore-sight of this pronenesse in great ones to promise salvation to this people, and the peoples promptnesse to believe them, did occasion our Saviour to give these admo­nitions [Page 86] to his Disciples, Beware of false Christs, Mat. 24. v. 4. Mark. 13. v. 6. Luk. 21. v. 6. which would a­rise in Iury before the destruction of Ierusalem, with such faire inticeing promises, and pretences of de­liverance, that if it had beene possible the very elect should have beene deceived by them, And no question but many of our Saviour's Disciples had followed these false Christs, unlesse their master the true Christ had expressely forewarned them to beware of them; or unlesse hee had instructed them that the victory which God had promised to give his peo­ple at this time over their enemies was not to bee purchased by strength of sword, but by patient pos­sessing of their owne soules in time of warres and persecutions. And of these times wherein false Pro­phets, or false Christs did so prevaile with this peo­ple was that saying of our Saviour Iohn 5. 43. re­markably fulfilled. I am come in my fathers name, and yee receive me not, If another shall come in his owne name, him you will receiue.

The wisest amongst the Romans, and amongst the rest Tacitus, that great states-man, or polititian, ob­serving the Iewes to have failed so fouly in their hopes of becoming Lords over the Nations by their expected King, or Messias turn'd greater fooles than the Iewes had beene; for having acknowledged the truth of the former prophecy which was so famous and so constantly received throughout the East, He would have it fufilled in Vespatian, in that hee was called out of Iudea unto the empire of Rome, that is (as they interpretit) to be Lord of the whole world. And which is most strange, Iosephus himselfe, a Iew [Page 87] by birth and education, and therefore acquainted with the prophecies, or prenotions concerning their Messias, was either the Author of this foolish in­terpretation, or the first Author now extant that did publish it. Tacitus addes some credit to Iosephus his report of the constant fame throughout the East, that Iudea should at that time bring forth the Lord of the whole world, but hee makes no addition to Iose­phus his folly in misapplying that which the Pro­phets had said, and the esterne Nation had received concerning the King that was to arise out of Iudea unto Vespatian, making him and his sonnes of true and lawfull Emperours, false Christs. Now to a­awake the Romans out of this proud fantastique dreame; the true Christ, the Lord of heaven and earth, and judge of quicke and dead, did exhibit these signes here mentioned in my text before the Ro­mans had fully digested their triumphant feast, and joy for the victory which they had gotten over the Iewish Nation, Italy and Rome it selfe became the stage whereon these fearefull spectacles were acted, and the whole Roman Empire were more then spe­ctators, if no Actors, yet patients in this dolefull tragedy. Besides the destruction of the old world by water and of Sodome, and other foure cities by fire and brimstone, no history of the world doth mention any such strange calamities as issued from the burning of the mount Vesuevius in Campania which first hapened in the first, or second yeare of Titus although it hath oftentimes since procured great annoyance to neighbour provinces. But that it begun first to burne in the dayes of Titus is cleere [Page 88] from the untimely death of Plyny the elder that great Naturalist, Who out of curiosity going to search the cause of it, was choaked to death with the smoake.

I have often put you in mind heretofore that ma­ny historians which either never read the sacred pro­phecies, or did not minde them when they wrotte their histories are usually the best interpreters as well of the prophecies in the old as new testament. Nor is the fulfilling of any prophecy in the old te­stament more litterally, or more punctually related either in the old, or new testament, then the fulfilling of this prophecy in my text is by Dio Cassius, a most judicious, and ingenious heathen writer, in the raigne of Titus. The suddaine earthquakes were so grievous that all that valley was sultring hot, and the tops of the mountaines sunke downe, under the grouud were noy­ses like thunder, answered with like bellowings above; the searoared, and the heavens resounded like noyse; huge and great crashings were heard, as if the moun­taines had fallen together; great stones leaped out of their places, as high as tops of hils, and after them issued abundance of fire and smoake, in so much that it dark­ned the ayre, and obscured the sunne, as if it had beene ecclipsed; so that night was turned into day, and day into night; many were perswaded that the Gyants had raised some civill broyles amongst themselves, because they did see their shapes in smoak, and heard a noyse of trumpets; others thought the world should bee resolved into old Caos, or consumed with fire; some ranne out of their houses into the streets, others from the streets, or high-wayes into their houses; otherer from sea to land [Page 89] some againe from the land to the sea, Dio Cassius inhi­storia Titi.

Besides the large extent of this calamity through Aegypt, Syria, and Greece, and great part of Africa related by this Author and toucht upon in the first booke of Comments upon the Creed. page 49. &c. The latine reader may finde many other circum­stances in other good writers, as in Procopius, Zona­ras &c. faithfully collected by Maiolus tractatu de montibus. pag. 520. & 521.

Though Cedrenus were a Christian, yet I thinke when he wrote the history of Phocas he had as little minde, or thought of the fulfilling of S. Iohn's pro­phecy Revelation the 8. Chap. v. 8. &c. As Dio Cassius had of the accomplishment of our Savi­our in my text; [...] And the second Angell sounded, and as it were a great mountaine burning with fire, was cast into the sea, and the third part of the sea be­came bloud. And the third part of the creatures which were in the sea, and had life, died, and the third part of the ships were destroyed. Cednenus, after a breife character of Phocas his ill favoured body and con­ditions, in which latter his consort did too well agree with him, tels us that in his time there was an inun­dation of all manner of mischiefes upon mankind, an infinite number of men, and beasts died, and the earth denying her increase, the famine and grievous pesti­lences arose, and the winters were so sharpe and cruell that the sea freez'd, and the fishes in it perished. These were strange signes of the time, and did portend the greatest alteration that ever befell Christian Chur­ches by the erection of the two grand antichristian [Page 90] tyrannies, Lib. 1. com­ment. in Sym­bolum Apo­stolicum. the one in the East, the other in the west. Cedrenus in compendio historiae pag. 332.

All that I have for this present to adde unto my former observations, concerning the burning of Vesuvius is the admirable disposition of Gods provi­dence in that he would not have the fulfilling of this prophecy in my text to be recorded by any Evange­list, or other sacred writers, but by this heathen hi­storian; A bright ray, or beame of divine provi­dence you may observe in so disposing the testimo­nies of these times, as that the Evangelist, S. Iohn, who usually relates our Saviour's speeches more di­stinctly, and more at large then the other three E­vangelists doth not so much as mention our Savi­our's prophecies, either concerning the signes pre­ceeding the destruction of Ierusalem, or these signes in my text, which were signes of his comming to judge the Nations. The reason I take it was, because S. Iohn of all the foure Evangelists did out-live both sorts of the signes, for hee was alive in the dayes of Trajan the emperour, betwixt whose raigne and the raigne of Titus, in whose dayes these signes in my text were exhibited, Domitian, and Cocceius Nerva did successively raigne over the Romans. And it may be S. Iohn did purposely omit the Relation of our Saviours prophecies concerning these signes, or prognosticks, whether of Ierusalem's destruction, or of Christ's comming to judge the Nations, because he knew, when hee wrote his Ghospell, hee was to out-live them, and for this reason his relation of them would have beene more lyable to suspition, or to the exceptions of the Iewes or heathen, than [Page 91] the relations of S. Matthew, Marke, or Luke were, seeing they all dyed before the destruction of Ierusalem. But did S. John know, or what presump­tions have we to thinke he did know, that hee was to continue his pilgrimage here on earth untill this prophecy of my text were fulfilled, that is, untill Christ's comming to give all the Nations of the world, as well as Ierusalem, a solemne warning of of his power, and purpose to judge the world? This S. Iohn might know, or this he could not but know, from our Saviour's speeches to him and S. Peter, re­lated by him Iohn. 21. v. 18. to the 23. Our Saviour had signified, or intimated to S. Peter, by what manner of death hee should glorifie God, and bid him follow him; the meaning is that he should be cru­cified, as our Saviour had beene. But Peter not con­tent to know the manner of his own death, turned a­bout, and seeing S. Iohn, saith to Iesus Lord, what shall this man doe? And Iesus said unto him, if I will that he tarry till I come, what is that unto thee? The rest of the brethren, that is, of Christ's disciples made a false descant upon this sure ground; for they hence collected, that S. Iohn should not dye at all; but this misconstruction of our Saviour's words S. Iohn himselfe v. 23. of that Chap. plainly refuses. Iesus said not unto him, he shall not dye, but if I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee? Yet this his annotati­on, or comment upon our Saviour's words did better refute errors past, then prevent the errors, or mis­constructions of times ensuing. For surely they erre which interpret our Saviours words as a meere put-off to Peters curious question, or as if they contai­ned [Page 92] no such prediction, or prophecy concerning Iohn, as the former did concerning Peter. And there is a medium betweene the construction which the Disciples then made of our Saviours words, and that construction which others have made since. The Disciples hence collected that Iohn should not dye at all, others collect that our Saviours speech was meerely hypotheticall, or conditionall; yet being proposed by way of interrogation, it is equivalent to this assertory, or affirmative, It is my will that hee should tarry till I come, doe not thou grudge at this but follow me: Now, as you have heard before, there is a two fold comming of Christ, the one ty­picall, or representative, which is the comming here mentioned in my text, and meant by our Saviour in his answer to Peter, Iohn 21 v. 22. the other reall, or consummative, to wit, his last comming to Iudge­ment. The Disciples did erre only in this, that they understood our Saviours words unto S. Peter of his last comming to judgement. And if Iohn had beene to tarry on earth till that time, the consequence had beene true, hee should not have dyed but as S. Paul speakes, he should have beene changed. But our Savi­our speakes of his comming here mentioned in my text, of which comming S. Iohn, and others then li­ving, were to bee witnesses, and spectators; And of this comming the destruction of Ierusalem was a signe, by which his Disciples then alive might pro­gnosticate, or expect it before they dyed. But of his last comming to judgement, at least of the time of the worlds end, our Saviour in my text gave no signe, but rather inhibited his Disciples to enquire [Page 93] after it, seeing it was then reserved to his father on­ly. And if any bee disposed to seeke after the signes of that day, these he must learne of S. Iohn in his re­velation, who saw his first comming to judgement in such a sence and manner, as he had seene the King­dome of heaven come with power, and glory, at his transfiguration upon the mount.

But though the time of Christs comming to judgement bee uncertaine, though wee may not ex­pect that hee should come unto us in such visible manner, as hee did to this generation; yet hee dayly comes to us in a more reall manner, if wee will pre­pare our hearts to entertaine him. For so hee comes to us in his word, and in the sacraments, and this his comming shall bee unto judgement, unlesse wee exa­mine and judge our selves. But if wee will judge our selves, we shall not bee judged of the Lord; yea hee comes unto us in mercy and loving kindnesse. One way or other hee comes to all. Behold (saith hee) I stand at the doore and knocke, if any man heare my voice, and open the doore, I will come in to him, and will sup with him, and he with me. Revel. 3. 20. Yet he which thus knocketh, that we may open, hath com­manded us to knocke that it may be opened to us. And indeed the only way by which wee can open the doore to him is by continuall knocking at the gate of mercy, that he would open that unto us, that hee would come unto us by his grace, by the sweet influ­ence of his owne everlasting sacrifice, Lord heare us when we call upon thee, and open unto us, and so come unto us, yea so come quickly.