MOst men doo say, that it is a pleasure to behold from the shore, the waues to swell, and to marke from the land howe the storme and the windes play with the Sea. I beleeue it well: and it is as much to say, as that it is better to see a daunger a farre off, then to be in it. But if from the toppe of a Cliffe I should perceiue a shippe wherein ei­ther I had a share, or my friends were enclosed, in daunger of being cast away, and without helpe, caried against the rocks by the currants and tempest; what a griefe were it vnto me, to finde my selfe at such a spectacle. If France were nothing vnto me, and I knew her state as exactly as I doo, it were no matter vnto me to discourse of it: when men shoulde bring me the newes, I would take them indifferently: yea I should receiue them without any passion, being otherwise glad to be out of her broiles, and heare talke of her stirrings with as little commotion and feare, as if one should rehearse vnto me things that happened at Rome vnder Tiberius or Nero. I can not being a Frenchman: no I cannot so do, seeing the onely barke of my hope, the vessel wherein I haue all that which is dearest vnto me, and which of it selfe is dearer vnto me than my selfe, now see runne to wreake my countrie, my first mo­ther, whom such sundrie diseases haue brought to extremity, hardly panting out her last gaspe. But there is no remedie: yet some parte of the griefe passeth away with crying: and such wordes as sorrow wresteth out of our hearts, are more violent then those which ioy bringeth forth. If at anie time in our affliction wee sigh out some extraordinarie speeches, witnesses of our griefe, they are more listened vnto, then if they came from a carelesse minde, quailed with continuall contentations: which also bringeth forth no other then vul­gar matter. These accordingly shall deserue commendati­on [Page 2] of their matter onely, and not for any order or methode. Others doo seruice vnto their countrey with their bodies & goods. They doo well, seeing they bee able: as for me, I can but lament mine owne, I bestow onely my teares on her, ha­uing nothing else left that might stande her in any steede: I commend those men, let them not blame mee: I will doo as they doo when I shal be able: and they as I do, when they are brought to this passe.

My Dicaeus, lying idle in the countrie whether other busi­nesses had lead mee, I heard the first reporte of the kinges driuing out of Paris by the Duke of Guize. As all matters are made greater, according as men esteeme of them, so was there this first report. Euerie one doth bring foorth his pas­sions in steed of comments, vpon such newes as are told him. I know not whether being infected with this common vice, I did presently glose vppon this reporte: well doo I remem­ber, that euen then I answered vnto some that were spea­king to me of it, that I could scarse beleeue that the matter was fallen out so rawly, although I did esteeme the one capa­ble enough of such a feare, yet woulde I neuer haue thought altogither such presumption to haue remained in the other. At that time or soone after, there were two sundry peeces of worke brought vnto mee: the one is a declaration of the King, vpon that which happened against himselfe at Paris, the 12, of May: but that so colde, so timorous as nothing more; much like vnto a man that complaineth, and yet dare not name him of whome hee hath beene beaten: like vnto a man that is afraid least that his enemy bee yet in his choller, and will not be content with that harme which he hath done him alreadie. Hee dare not say that hee hath beene constrai­ned to flie, neither that he hath been driuen out: he dareth not terme it an iniurie, much lesse declare, that hee will pu­nish it. Hee commandeth no more his people, but intrea­teth them. And to make vp the matter, (which is the most shamefullest of all) hee willeth praiers to bee made in the Churches, to the ende that this quarrell may bee appeased, euen as if hee should feare that Monsieur de Guize were of­fended that he had not suffered himselfe to haue been taken in the Louure, but fled away. The other cleane contrarie, [Page 3] were two letters of the Duke of Guize, the one vnto the King, the other publike, both letters of a souldiour, braue ones, couragious, whereby he gallantly commends himselfe of his dooing: saith that God did put that daie into his hands the meanes of a notable peece of seruice, rehearses it with few and stout wordes, without anie shew of feare, nei­ther thinking to haue done amisse. Last of all, hee conclu­deth with a resolute threatning, that in spight of all the world, he will maintaine the Catholikes side, and driue from the king such as doo fauour the Heretikes, meaning the Duke of Espernon. My Dicaeus, this hath mooued mee to send them vnto you, you are curious of such matters: and euen withall, the verie indignation hath drawen from me this discourse of the state of France, such as it is now a daies, whereby you may iudge the better of these two writinges. Publish it if you thinke it good, so that you keepe in your name and mine, for wee are called to other affaires. If not, keepe it in your studie.

France is diuided into three factions. The Duke of Guize and his kinsmen on the one side: as the dukes of Maine, of Aumall, of Elbeuf, of Merceur, his brethren or cousins germaine, to my iudgement holde that which seemeth the greatest, and that is it, which with their partakers, they call the holie League. The king holds the second, the most law­full, but the weakest. The king of Nauarre and some Catho­like Princes of the bloud, My Lordes of Mountmorency, chiefe Officer of the Crowne, of Turraine, of Chastillon, and many o­ther noble men, as well of the religion as Catholikes: the third, which may be termed the iustest in deede, and as yet the surest. I call the first, the greatest: be it, because there is likelihood that it is deriued, and as it were a member of the generall conspiracie of all the Catholike Princes of Chri­stendome, vnited and confederat together vnder the autho­ritie of the Pope, to make warre against those which make profession of the religion: be it, because this band is newe, and rare nouelties doo for a while carrie away all: an argu­ment whereof wee may gather in the shew that the Prote­stantes during the first troubles made in this Realme, where they had seised vppon all the good townes sauing one or [Page 4] two onelie, and yet within the space of one yeare they had neuer a one left: or finally, for that it was framed among the Catholikes, who doo in number farre exceede the Protes­tants, and who, albeit they be not wholly in all and through al of the League, do yet notwithstanding agree in this point, that they wish the preseruation of their religion, & so seeme to fauour those that vndertake the defence thereof: all which in deede do make this first faction to seeme the grea­test at this time, albeit that in troth it neither is, neither can so continue. I saide that the kinges was the lawfulest, No man dare denie it: So long as according to his owne will he ruled his people, he onely was obeyed, and so might still be if he list: but this list must come vpon him betimes, for if it lingereth but a little longer, and that euerie man perceiue that in his dominions any man may lawfullie not onely dis­obey him, but euen coope with him without danger, he shall neuer recouer his authoritie: God hath planted the meanes in his onely courage. I said likewise that his faction was the weakest. It is true: albeit it seemeth otherwise, yet it is so, as by sundrie reasons we may prooue. First, the king who ruleth, hath so behaued himselfe that euerie man knoweth that of the three heads of the three factions, he is the weak­est, he standeth in greatest feare, hee dareth enterprise least: and contrariwise, that he is the man against whome euerie man dare most safely and easely vndertake what they list. He I say hath taken such a course that now he hath nothing left wherewith to detaine the mindes of his subiects in his obe­dience, sauing onely the auncient regarde that they haue of their kings, together with the custome of the realme: which in truth are most mightie meanes in a peaceable estate, and yet such a ciuill warre of foure yeares continuance onely, is able as easely to subuert it, as heretofore it hath don in shor­ter space at Rome and all other places where it hath lighted: for it springeth onely of a contempt and disdaine of the Prince, which are contrarie both to duetie and maiestie. And then iudge you what one of thirtie yeares continuance, as ours is, may be able to doo. Secondlie, he is in his Realme the declining sunne, and so weake in his declination, that euen in his presence he seeth them dispute, both by writings [Page 5] and weapons, of him that shall rise after him, In the dayes of the Romaine Caesars, it was treason to speake of that, that should happen after the Emperours death: much lesse durst they name him that they thought should succeede. Tiberi­us were able to say somewhat hereof, who after a certaine sowne that he fell into, in his olde age lying sicke in his bed was stifled by his heire Caligula, a young & florishing Prince, for feare least the old man cōming againe to himselfe should put him to death, only for that he was saluted as Emperour, when all men tooke the other to be deceased. So great was their power to keepe their autoritie inuiolable euen to their graues. The Ottomans or Turkish Emperours will neuer suffer their children, whose possibilities they can not endure, to come neere them. But if we must needes finde a domesticall example among our owne kings: It is said, that the mightie king Francis, this mans grandfather, being weake & sicklie, was in the beginning of May in his last yeare, at his Castle of Fontainebleau, where his sicknes on a time so encreased, that he was thought to bee dead, or not like long to liue: So­dainely all the Court came running to the Dolphin Henrie, who for the like gelousie of succession durst not in sixe or seuen yeares come neere his father: euery one ranne to wor­ship this new sonne, so as almost no man of account tarried about the king. Well, the king for that time recouered, and vpon the Ascention day (a verie solemne festiuall daie in France) beeing somewhat eased of his sicknesse, this olde Prince ariseth, decketh vp himselfe, cōmeth out of his cham­ber, painteth his haire & his face, to hide his age & sicknesse, appeareth himselfe in youthfull attire, and in this arraie cō ­meth forth to procession, wherein himselfe carrieth the Cā ­nopie ouer their Corpus Domini, and at his returne vseth these speeches, I will scarre them once yet ere I die. It prooued true, the case was altered: for so soone as the kings recouerie was bruted abroade, all the courtiers came dropping in by one, and by one in great feare, and the Dolphin yet once againe, while his turne came, remained as solitarie as his father had done. This it was to be a king: yea, this it was to be feared. How manie landes be there yet in the worlde, wherein it is death to enquire who may pretend anie title to the Crowne [Page 6] after the Princes decease, sith that is the thing that Princes doo couet to leaue most doubtfull. Alas! It is not so with our king: his weakenesse hath giuen all the world leaue not onely in his presence to argue of his succession, but also to some to endeuour to force him to prouide for it and to make his will, as if there were no more for him to doo but euen to die. His faint heart and the libertie to offende, haue brought all to that passe, that at this day a Frenchman may as bouldlie as a Spaniard say, I am not on the kings side: where­as thirtie yeare agoe, such a word had beene blasphemie, yea euen parricide. Finally, his want of courage is so dishono­rable, that my selfe being in a forraine lande in the pre­sence of a mightie Prince confederate with the Crowne of France, where there was some speech of our estate, did heare one discoursing thereof, vse these words. That our King stoode but as an o in Ciphre, which of it selfe can doo nothing, but being added to anie other number, encreaseth the value thereof. I heard it, and with great griefe blushed thereat, euen for the shame of our Nation, albeit the diuisions of our Realme which force vs to extraordinarie remedies had carried me thither for an other purpose then the particular seruice thereof, neither was that speech any hinderance to the matter that I came about. Thirdly, he cannot assure him selfe of any of those whom he thinketh to be on his side: for they are daunted, because they see him quailed: They dare not fixe themselues about him, because they see him totter. They dare not earnestly oppose them selues against those that warre against him, because they see him suffer it, and yet scarse so bolde as to complaine. In this sort are all his Counsaile, all his townes, and all his subiectes growne into factions: And I do verelie beleeue that among all those that are about his person, hee perceiueth none, except some one or two that are his owne creatures, that hee dare assuredlie trust: as hauing some other particular meaning then he, or taking part with some one or other of his enemies. For so soone as a king seemeth to feare any one within his Realme, or to mistrust that an other may bee greater than himselfe, his Maiestie is gone, he is no bodie, euery man hath recourse to the other. Albeit we can not be free, yet will we haue but [Page 7] one master: and if that master hath another master aboue him, wee straight leaue the first to runne to the last: such is the nature of man.

As for the king of Nauarres side, the beginning of these warres do proue it to be the iustest: he defendeth himselfe, to defend it both lawfull and naturall, yea hee so defendeth himselfe, as forgetting all occasions of complaint, he alwaies made conscience to molest the king (albeit in the middest of the wars) whom he see otherwise busied against those of the league, notwithstanding he knew certainly that all those iars among them would light vpon himselfe. Neither hath hee so rested, but so oft as he might, hee hath offered him both his person and goods for the recouerie of his authoritie out of the others hands, with condition afterward to submit him­selfe to whatsoeuer forme of peace that his maiestie woulde prescribe: he hath offered it, yea euen since the last commo­tions, notwithstanding in all this warre he hath had a thou­sand & a thousand occasions to prooue that he is not to trust any but God and his sword. I haue also very great reasons to tearme this as yet the surest. First his person is a great helpe: for his enimies haue done him that fauour to teach him to bee a Captaine. And surely so hee is, yea such a one as may compare with the mightiest that euer was, and albeit it hath cost him somewhat, yet hath his apprentishippe cost them more: his partakers are more stedfast, they regard none but him, and are retained by the dutie of conscience, which hath vnited them togither, either for religion, or because they find themselues entred into a iust cause: hauing had a better proofe of his partakers, hee cannot feare any greater brunts then he hath already borne, neither can his enimies practise any nouelties against him: And if this thirde side had cou­ragiously assailed the other two, as they both haue done it, they had bin better shaken then this is. Moreouer he hath at­chieued right of naturall succession to this realme, which no particular person doth any way challeng against him: so that albeit all France were agreed to take from him the crowne when it should fal, yet could ther be none that ought to haue it in his stead: for it is a great aduantage to haue no certaine aduersarie. These vndoubted hopes do purchase him manie [Page 8] seruants, and retaine him manie more, where in the meane time many mens mindes, who are loath to see the alteration of the auncient forme of their common wealth: being assu­red that it cannot bee compassed without violence, are glad to rest vppon him, who comming in by the ordinarie gate needeth not to make any breach.

This is at this day the order that is in the disorders of the Realme of France. These are the principall factions alreadie ordered and framed. Others there be that haue no set facti­on, but so farre as may stande with the commoditie of their affaires, leaning to one of the three, they come in a crosse, ha­uing seuerall purposes agreeing with the others, as concer­ning the beginnings, though to other endes. Of these there are the Q. Mother, the K of Spaine, the dukes of Lorraine and Sauoy. These doo very well agree in setting forward the diui­sions of the Realme, to the end to dispossesse the King of Na­uarre, with the Princes of the blood, but not in the patiti­on. No. Each one coueteth the whole or at the least the grea­test part. Other Catholike Princes there bee of the house of Bourbon that remaine with the king & in deed take his parte, as being vnited in religion, which is the onely separation of the king of Nauarre, yet will neuer proceed so farre, as to consent to the aduauncing of the house of Lorraine or Guize, before their owne: and in that case will rather support their elder, the king of Nauarre, as the head of their house. These beare great sway in France: For were the K. of Nauarre away, the succession of the Crowne should light vppon some one of them: which is also a great hinderance to the D. of Guizes purposes.

Besides all these confused and yet seuerall diuisions, wher­to our mishaps do seeme (as I haue said) to haue already gi­uen some shape and rule, euerie of these partakers hath his particular intent and proceedings.

The Duke of Guize with those which truely acknowledge none of the league in France but him, haue this intent and principall scope, to seise vpon the estate, either wholly or in part: a councell which by inheritance his vncle the late Car­dinal of Lorraine hath engraffed in their familie. This Prince, the sole author of our broiles, had a father and an vncle both [Page 9] cunning fellowes. When our diuisions first beganne in the daies of the last king Charles betweene the Catholikes, and Protestants, and that they perceiued that the Prince of C [...] ­de then liuing embraced the other partie, themselues hauing bene the stirrers vp of the troubles, set themselues on the o­ther: and indeed the late Duke of Guize was already become captaine of his faction, hatching in his imagination, through his brother the Cardinals practises, a secret intent to vsurpe this crowne, either for himselfe or his posteritie, whereas in respect of the K. and his brothers minoritie, but especiallie by the ciuill warres he see the way open. He deceased leauing this in maner a child vnder tuition of the Cardinall his bro­ther: from whom, euen with his Milke he sucked the seedes of his domesticall ambition, which this yoong Eagles birde did so well disgest, that in short space all men might perceiue that the least part in him was greater then his fathers loines. To say the truth, there are manie good partes bred in him, fit for great purposes, and for my part I alwaies tooke this mans birth to be fatall, and as it were a certaine token that God purposed the alteration of somewhat in our countrie. He onelie is the whole league: the rest of his house are not equall with him: yea, they all togither are not able to per­forme the least part of that which hee enterpriseth. Full of dissimulation, verie warie and discreete, and greater then al the rest of his faction. This dooth all the world perceiue by the effectes. I haue founde it in his writings, and vnder his owne hand in a matter of great importance: where had it not beene for him, one of the greatest of his partakers, next him selfe had like to haue committed a grosse ouerfight. This is his intent and purpose. Now let vs see his proceedings, and how hee behaueth himselfe. His mischiefe was this, that entring into a world of affaires, there yet remained manie children in France, and those in a manner of his owne age, who all were capable of succession each after other, of ma­riage, and of children, which might haue beene enough to haue daunted him: howbeit all this notwithstanding, begin­ning to feele his owne courage he was nothing astonished: but for a time disguising his drifts, he was content onelie to lay anker hold, and in the meane time to insinuate himselfe [Page 10] into the Catholike faction, according to the instructions of his familie, wherein fortune was his friend: besides, he is of great valour, & some of his enterprises haue good successe, so that togither with the fame and memorie of his father, he by & by framed himselfe, through the ciuill warres which his vncle the Cardinal still kindled, by one meanes or other, to bee chiefe of the Catholike faction, carrying fauour to those townes especiallie, which the massacres had continued verie seditious and troublesome: and he stood stil in feare of a Protestant Prince, whose citizens hee entreated with great familiaritie, courtesie, and popular behauiors, (the chiefest and most assured tokens of a mind that aspireth to tirannie). The late king Charles deceased without issue, and this king married, but hath no children: moreouer, he seemeth that the Crowne wanteth heires in direct line, and that the Col­laterals are called, whereupon he draweth neere, and already sheweth tokens that hee craueth a part. It was giuen out in hugger mugger that he is the very stocke of Charles the great, those of Ʋalois are of the house of Capet, who vsurped the Crowne of France from his house, whereby there was some likelihood that he would scarce tarrie the death of the king now raigning, and his brother, the remnants of the children of France, before he pleaded his succession against the Colla­terals, but would euen preuent them.

Nowe was there nothing more against him then peace, for leaning onelie vppon the factious Catholikes, and sedi­tious townes faction: he should therby lose his credit, except the controuersie were renewed against the Protestants. For as it is a plaine case, that as ciuill warre nourisheth diuers factions in a state, euen as certaine it is that a long peace o­uerthroweth them all, except the kings: so as his onely re­medie consisted in stirring vp of coales, and returning vs vn­to our ciuill weapons, and then to enterprise according as occasion might serue. And in deede in the yeare 1578, hee made such a league as this last, but then was the king in his full authoritie▪ and Monsieur his brother aliue, who retained a number of french mindes, and so consequently kept him short of a manie: It was straightwaie quenched, and wee rid of it for a little warre against the Huguonets, which soone [Page 11] after was appeased. Thus was France quiet for two or three yeares: during the which, it was incredible how many mat­ters his troublesome, ambitious, & cōsequently, couragious stomack endured, suffering himselfe to be pulled downe, and eate and dronke in diuers maners, so to eschew all suspition of this practise, which during the time of the peace, and the kings ablolute authoritie, he so cunninglie dissembled, that many which knew not the last reasons of this obstinate pa­tience, the token of a long and prophane practise, did euen contemne him. In the ende Monsieur the kinges brother, who was a great blocke in his waie, died. He bare him some displeasure vppon other occasions: for as he practised some­what about the state of Flanders, so this man hauing priuate intelligence with the king of Spaine, plaied him some badde partes thereabout: so that if he had liued (I haue heard some saie) that he would haue beene on the duke of Guizes iacke: in whose time at the least, it had beene hard for him to haue enterprised anie thing in France. This death, whether it were by chance or through any practise, came well on his side: I saie through any practise, because the araigments & depositions of the lord of Salcede haue kept many in doubt of such a matter. Immediatly vpon Monsieurs buriall, when there was none but the king left, hee thought that hee had gotten fit occasion to atchieue the practise which his father and vncle began thirtie yeares agoe, which him selfe also with so great labour had nowe brought to this passe. Some were of opinion that about the same time hee had practised somewhat against the kings life: others that hee grounded him selfe only vpon some vaine hope and protestations sent him out of all quarters, which assured him of the kings spee­die death: But howsoeuer it was, he did not thinke it con­uenient, the state should be quiet at the Princes decease, as knowing verie well that in France a king neuer dieth, because that so soone as one is gone, there is an other straightway in his place, who at his entrie would ouerthrow whatsoeuer the purposes that any man could commence against him: and therefore that it was requisite he should beare weapons against the heire euen before the kings death, and so be ar­med with the late kinges name and authoritie. According [Page 12] therefore vnto these fatherly preceptes: and with his owne domesticall meanes he began to trouble this Realme againe in the yeare 1585. beginning first with the king: whom be­cause he could not by any persuasions induce to make warre vpon the king of Nauarre, he thought to cōstraine by force. His pretences are, that the king hath no children, so as the Crowne is like to fall vnto Heretiques, whereby hee and all other the Catholikes of France are put in a fright, especial­ly seeing the Protestant Captaines (so noting the king of Nauarre) are in fauour and haue their secrete intelligences with the chiefest and those that are neerest about the kings person. This hee spake of the Duke of Espernon, who was lately returned out of Guienne where he had seene the king of Nauarre. Finally, verie fitlie vsing the feare that he had put the king in: corrupting all his Councell, and al that were about his person, hee causeth warre to be denounced to the king of Nauarre and the Protestantes, which lasteth yet to this day: through the whole course whereof I imagine that he seeketh no more but some occasion once to attempt, (as his fact at Paris well testifieth:) for as he weeneth, he needeth no more but that. Well, the warres being thus open against the king of Nauarre euen by the kinges aduise, consent, and authoritie, yet will it not suffice, These are daylie labours. This Prince is stout: of great valour, he hath goods plentie, and manie friendes. There is nowe nothing to be gotten of him but stripes. As for his person it is safe enough, if they neither murder, nor poison him, as God forbid they should. And for his townes, twelue Realmes of France will neuer be able to take them all. Yea, had he lost all but his sword, when soeuer God should call him to this Realme, yet were that e­nough. How many kinges haue there beene fecht both out of prisons and Monasteries to their sacring. In our dayes wee haue seene Charles the seuenth, who was banished into the Mountaines of Auuergne, crowned. Lewes the twelfth was yet in manner prisoner in the great tower of Bourges when he was proclaimed king: neither is it credible by a­nie humaine apparance that the king of Nauarre should e­uer bee brought so lowe: and yet will not all this suffice. A lawfull right in succession is a marueilous point. These [Page 13] considerations doo breake the Dukes ambitious braine. He seeth that he must not onely make the place for the Crowne voide, but also he must make himselfe capable both to en­ter and vsurpe. The one consisteth chiefely in the king of Nauarres subuersion, the other in the encrease of his owne wealth and credit, which will grow on but slenderly, so long as he is content with gouerning the armies vnder the kings authoritie, and of himselfe to warre against the Protestants. A thousand other things there are that may fall out in such an enterprise, which would vtterly disgrace all his affaires: and as I haue saide, there is not much to bee wonne from those that knowe howe to defende themselues. Againe he mistrusted, that sith he had perforce brought the king into this warre, he would neuer furnish him of thinges necessarie for the performance thereof, but against his will, and yet that so long as himselfe had the leading of the armies (if he compassed not such effectes as might be woorthie the great hope and brags that he had giuen foorth) he were quite o­uerthrowen. These things cōsidered, he was content to send his brother into Guyenne against the king of Nauarre, while himselfe did here set vpon the kings person: at whose hande he first hoped by sinister meanes to gaine more, & with lesse losse. Hereupon at his brother the Duke of Maines returne out of Guienne, where he had done nothing but encreased the credit of the king of Nauar & his lieutenant general the lord of Turraine, with whom he had chieflie had to do, they both togither with their kinsmen and partakers doe openly set at iarre with the king: albeit still vnder their generall pretence, viz. of warring against the heretikes: whereupon the holines of their weapons did depende, and whereby they still retay­ned the catholike faction on their side. Nowe at the first blush, to set vpon the king it is a shame: they can haue no colour. There is neuer a prince of the bloud among them, neither is any of them so great an officer of the crowne, as that it may beseeme him to reforme the king & the realme: and yet without this, their generall pretence against him is to no purpose. The king is no catholike, he is superstitious: he hateth not the Huguonets▪ the Huguonets are poyson vnto him, he thinketh it a sinne to talke with any of them, [Page 14] and that day that he hath so done he must goe to shrift: hee hath brought more of them to their ends then the Duke of Guize hath seene: he hath done them more harme than the duke of Guize wisheth them, & of him haue they more cause to complaine than of any of the league, the heads whereof haue alwayes shewed more fauor and courtesie to them par­ticularly than he, a commendation which cannot be denied them. What is the remedy then? Immediatly vpon the duke of Maines returne out of Guienne he publisheth a libell against the Marshall of Matignon the kinges lieutenant in that pro­uince, whom the king had ioyned with him in office: wherin he accuseth him of treason and intelligence with the king of Nauarre & the protestāts: & that (saith he) was the cause that in all that iorney he could performe no great matter: yea he accuseth him so couertly that he also taxeth the king, of whō he complaineth, saying that he cut him short of coyne, vi­ctuals and munition, and so taketh from him all meanes to atchiue anie thing: yea he proceedeth so far, as to say that he is the best friend that the heretikes could haue. Hereupō the duke of Guize on the other side crieth out, that it is the D. of Espernon, who for malice toward him fauoreth his enimie the king of Nauar, and therefore restraineth the king & maketh him to haue no care of this warre: thus for that he dareth not beat the master he striketh the dog. That man, saith he, is the support of al the heretiks in France, & so he stirreth vp all the world against him: and presumptuouslie he protesteth that he will not suffer him to haue any part, towne or gouerne­ment in France. Yea albeit the kings garde be free of all sus­pition of heresie, yet because that lord had the rule of them, he causeth thē twise or thrise to be assaulted & ouerthrowen in Picardie: and vpon this pretence doth he as well in that gouernement as else where seise vpon as many townes as he may. Well, the king would peruert him, and retaine his townes in obedience, & to that end doth vse such power as he hath about him▪ which are (as I said) his gards & those re­giments wherof the duke of Espernon is coronell. Hereupon is the quarrell proclaimed against the king himself, & things brought to such passe that the duke of Aumale besiegeth Bul­loin, the duke of Guize taketh Paris, expelleth the king, slaieth, [Page 15] taketh and strippeth his guards, as himselfe boasteth. By his account euerie one that hath any townes or gouernements which he will not hold to his vse, is an heretike: whosoeuer endeuoureth to keep him from the kingdome is an heretike: These be new articles of faith. It is said that the D. of Esper­non hath since resigned his gouernements into the kings hands: namely that of Normandy, which was giuen to the D. of Monpensier, I know not whether it may make him an he­retike also: which were somwhat strange. Wel, to conclude this matter: the D. of Guizes intent is to be king if he can, his proceedings and meanes are the ciuill wars and diuision of the french catholikes against the protestants, whereby he be­commeth captaine of the first, with whome hee is in greater credite then the king himselfe, or any catholike Prince of the blood. Herein let them not mistake: for of these two things by his deuises hee hopeth for one: either so to satisfie him­selfe during the kings life, and so to settle his affaires that af­ter his decease he may ouerthrow the king of Nauar & keep him from the estate: or else, if he cannot keepe him from it, at the least to force him to parley with him, who wil stil be pro­tector of the catholike faction, & that now without example: for it hee once ouerthrow him, and with him the rest of his house, this must needs ensue (for the one dependeth vpō the other) that either he will possesse the kingdome alone, or else he will deuide it with his partakers, stil keeping the greatest and best part to himselfe. To this banquet doth he inuite the king of Spaine, the Pope, the Potentates of Italy, and al catho­like princes near hand, to whom the mightines of the realm is as preiudicial the kings prosperity and the king of Nauars hope is as greatly to be feared, as the ouerthrow of either of them is to them profitable. But the verie worst that I see in this practise is, that hee can in no sort beare with the kings long life, wherof he had need to take heed: & I beleeue that if hee had stayed but a while longer in Paris, the matter had beene dispatched. But howsoeuer it is, I suppose that that is the thing which at this time dooth most trouble the one and scarre the other.

He that shall now call to mind that he that is now king of France is the same person that wan the battails when he was [Page 16] but seuenteene or eighteene yeares old, who neuer came in place but hee had the victorie, whose valor and reputation euen in the spring of his youth purchased him forraine Crownes, yea crownes ouer the most warlike nation that wee knowe in the worlde, cannot but hee must acknow­ledge that the onelie slacknesse and mistrust of his owne power, which through the impression of others haue seised vpon this sometimes so valiant a heart, is the whip wherwith God at this day scourgeth our realme. Of this Prince wee must needs say, that had hee beene borne in a good worlde: had hee had seruants worthie himselfe, which had loued his mightinesse: had they not euen in his nonage caused him to take the affaires in hand with paine, and pleasures with ease, which maketh him now to hate the one and loue the other: had no man since ceased his gouernement, and molested his minde, God had vndoubtedly indewed him with great good partes, whereby he might haue compassed great matters: but his mothers passions, who sought to aduāce him, to the end he might stand her in stead, with her other sonne, thrust him forth to labour when he should haue giuen himselfe to plea­sure: glutted him with honour before he had any stomacke to euill, and brought him out of tast with ambition before he had any minde of it. Besides al this, if a man may lawfully note any imperfection in him, this is it, that he hath beene somewhat giuen to loue his ease and rest, which is a com­mon vice, not in Princes onely, but also in most men. In fine, comming to the crowne, he found the realme full of li­centiousnesse, which the long ciuil wars had brought in: and replenished with factions and disobedience: he found all his greatest lords infected with seuerall purposes, in lieu of one generall minde that they ought to haue beene off for his ser­uice: and hereto was his owne patience a great furtherance, as hauing this imperfection, that hee found no resistance, if he were not crossed, or if he liued in peace, hee would deale absolutely & with great maiesty: but if he met with neuer so little difficulty, he alwaies preferred a soft and feareful reme­die before boldnesse and seueritie, whereto also the mind of one of his chiefe counsailers of estate, who hath likewise had most gouernement ouer him [...] hath beene a great helpe to [Page 17] inure him. Hee is the first king that euer the captaines and gouernors of his holds compounded withall, or demanded money of to giue them vp: I meane not those onely, whom the ielousie of the ciuil wars had made partial, but the others also that haue alwaies takē his part. He is the first king whom men might boldly without feare offend. For, for my part that which another would peraduenture in a king terme clemen­cie and mercie, and which particularly he would commend in this man, because he neuer sought greatly to reuenge such iniuries as many had committed against him, I would some­times; especially when it doth exceed, call negligence: which is preiudiciall to his maiestie, and which if it be not to be re­proued, is not at the least greatly to be cōmended in a prince. Albeit this is to be granted, that when these miserable wars began againe, God had put sundrie good motions in his minde, and hee was entred into a way fully to reforme his realme, and relieue his people, so as those of the league had neuer committed other trespasse in France then this breaking of his good intents, yet haue they heaped a wonderfull bur­then of cursses vpon their owne heads. Wel, now to returne to the present estate wherein he now standeth, and his pur­poses: vndoubtedly he hath such as are most lawful, for they tend onely to the preseruation of his life, & maintenance of that authoritie which God hath giuen him, howbeit in the cōduct of them he hath a very bad cause, cruell to his people, noisome to his realme and dangerous to himselfe, as the ef­fect doth sufficiently shew. This mightie prince doth as well know whereat the D. of Guize shooteth as another: and hee hath reason, sith it is at himselfe that he chiefely aimeth, al­beit being miscounsailed he hath hitherto taken but a croo­ked way to withstand it. Indeed he is in some sort to be excu­sed, as hauing no one about him, whose counsaile is not pre­uented either by desire or feare, and hauing on his side al­most none but himselfe. When the D. of Guize had thus ar­med himselfe vnder the name of the holy league (a name but too well knowne alredy in France) they straightway propoun­ded vnto him a most false principle, viz. that in his realme there were but two factions, The Huguonets & the Catholikes: that vnlesse hee woulde take vppon him the gouernement of [Page 18] the one he should haue none to take his part, & so according to the prouerbe, betweene two stooles the taile goeth to the ground: That the Huguonets were the weakest and therefore that consequently it were best for him to ioine with the ca­tholiks, for in so doing he should win to himself all the credit which the house of Guize had alredie gotten, which would be their destruction and his preseruation: that for the atchiuing hereof he must shew himselfe most passionate & cruell to the heretikes, & make war vpon them in earnest, yea & exceed al men in wishing their harme: and that by that onely meanes reclaiming al the catholike faction to himself, & taking vpon him to be head thereof, he might with ease both ouerthrow the house of Guize which he both feared & hated, & by war rid himself of the Huguonets and their captaines, to whom he wished no great good. This was their counsaile, which is to the great preiudice both of his realme and himselfe, he hath hitherto beleeued: God grant he may now consider of it, & perceiue that the effects therof in lieu of making him, as hee was perswaded, captaine of the catholike faction, haue now brought him to be the onely minister of the D. of Guizes pas­sions: in such sort that so soon as the other did but stir against him, he beleeued, that to diminish his credite & meanes, he must needs shew himself very busie against Huguonets & ther­vpon with notable commissions, terrible edicts, & mighty ar­mies shew himself rigorous to those that feare & honor him, and which offer him no iniury, & fauorable to those that de­uour him at his owne gate. Thus so soone as he had receiued some cracke by those of the league, as soone as they began some mutinie against him, or that they seised vpon any town of his, so soone I say, might the king of Nauar be sure that he would be vpon his iacke, and with all send an armie against him. Oh blinde Prince, that thought that those men which willingly would haue seene him dead, grounded themselues but vpon one pretence, and in case that should faile him, hee would wrest from them by imagination that which by force he durst not proue! Curssed be you that giue him counsaile. Are yee not ashamed yee traiterous counsailers? must a king suffer factions in his estate? must he needs haue any other thē his owne? Is it not a goodly part to be a king? If you say that [Page 19] these two factions were there alredy, and past remedy: O ye wretches, who brought them in but your selues, that still do norish them? Is not ciuill warre the mother of these factions: cease that, and you shall see them flie. Let a king keepe him­selfe in his strength, and kinglike say, I will haue peace, and you shall see that the boldest of these partakers durst not gaine­say it: if he must needs make warre, let it be against him that would hinder the peace, and hee will soone ouercome him. Neuerthelesse, according to this principle, they made him to beleeue that there was no safetie for him vnlesse himselfe would vndertake the same pretence, as the fauourer of the league: also that it were requisite that he should in apparance shew himselfe more earnest against the protestants thē they: That the catholikes were alredie vnited with the D. of Guize against the others: That the onely meanes to disunite them, was to take the D. of Guizes place, and thunder against the Huguonets. This was his beliefe & his counsaile. In the meane time together with this perswasion, feare seised vpon him: yea such a feare as was chiefely grounded vpō a iust mistrust of those whom he had euen about him: so as so soone as he sawe the league armed, the gates of Paris were scarce sure enough for him, himselfe visited them, and wheras he might with his onely countenance haue sent all the authors of this mutinie an hundred foot vnder ground, so soone as he heard of it he was amased: he by & by sent his mother to thē to de­sire them to be content: to excuse him, for that in the time of peace he made not so great account of them as he ought: to promise that hereafter he would content them, yea that they should but aske & al should be granted them. To be short, he did in a maner humble himself before his subiects, to the end to keepe them from mutining against him; wheras it had bin his part to haue taught thē, that he both would & could pu­nish their rebellion. Al this notwithstanding he had no great mind to the war, as wisely considering that it was a dimini­shing of his authoritie, and if he feared it against the league, hee was not desirous of it against the protestantes: but at length being ouercome by his mother, who had other drifts in her braine then hee, and almost by all that were about him, he grew to a finall acco [...]de with the Duke of Guize, and [Page 20] perforce consented to the war against the K. of Nauar, vnto whom not one moneth before he had by thirty letters of his owne hande testified his owne iudgement of the intents of those of the league. This hath beene the counsaile that the king hath hitherto had. Now there is no doubt but he could haue wished the king of Nauarre to haue bene strong inough to haue forced both the others & himselfe to grow to peace: but of his owne motion to propound it he neuer durst: for had hee done it, he looked straight to haue beene stifeled by the mutinous faction of the league. Well, hee mindeth to liue, to reigne and to be obeyed as well of the protestants as of those of the league. A desire both iust and reasonable, and so he might, if he wold: but with these pernitious principles, sith himselfe calleth his power into question, and dare not doo the part of a king, let him not thinke it strange that o­thers should enterprise to counterfeit his person. God grant that at length he may earnestly desire to be that he is, that is, the master and greatest lord of his realme: but this can not be, vnlesse he be king, and that shall he neuer be, except hee resolue himselfe to wish the wealth and peace of his people.

As touching the king of Nauarre, his condition and in­tent, it is cleane contrarie or differing from both the others, of which I haue alreadie spoken. Euen as he agreeth with the kings purpose in the behalfe of preseruing of his life and authoritie, where against he neither could, neither would at­tempt any thing: so likewise hee differeth from him in that that concerneth the libertie of the churches of France, for the which the war is made against himselfe, whiles hee goeth about to release them from it. But he is euery way contrary & opposite vnto the enterprises of the duke of Guize and the league. First, whereas the other, to whom ambition giueth the same hope for the crowne of France, which right and na­ture hath giuen vnto this, cannot put it in practise but by warre, by the subuersion of lawes, and alteration of the state of the realme: for if he should make no inuasion, or if euerie thing kept their ordinary course, he hath no right to it, no he could not be called to it. This on the other side cānot looke for it but by the meanes of peace, by keeping euery thing in order, his desire is ordinarie, and in maintaining the lawes, [Page 21] his title is lawfull. And if he would take any other way by vi­olence or vsurping, he should find his riuall as much stron­ger and surely setled in this behalfe, ouer that he is, as hee hath an aduantage in the true succession. In the meane while besides the right of the realm which looketh on him, he car­rieth moreouer vppon his shoulders the burden of all the churches of France, he beareth all their hope vpon his head: his ouerthrow to mans likelihood is their ruine and oppres­sion: his greatnesse their libertie. And that is it which en­creaseth the power of his enimies, and which lincketh togi­ther against him al the catholikes of Europe. Of truth, whiles I thinke nowe vpon this one, as I did lately vpon the other, me thinketh that God vnder these two mightie men, will ex­ercise our state: the one hauing yet more strength of bodie and minde to preserue it, than the other hath to destroy it. But the other hauing as yet more meanes, by the reason of the opportunity which he had, to ioine with the greater side, and to haue had the means to vse euen the kings authority: this will cause me to make some small digression to compare them together: for such are they, as they well deserue to be inserted into Plutarkes paralels, I force my selfe as much as may be, to iudge of them without affectiō, although I should in respect of my religion, my side, and infinite other occasi­ons fauour the one more than the other: yet I wot not whe­ther this affection doth not robbe me of the libertie of my iudgement. But me thinketh that this man, how worthy so euer the other is, hath many good parts in him whereby he goeth beyond him. I speake not of their practises, I call them not in question. I do not so much as giue my iudgement of those of the duke of Guize, but condemne them: For I am a Frenchman: I speake onely of such qualities as God hath in­dued them withall, proper in the one to haue them such, and in the other to oppose himselfe against them: I will say then that this man hath all his life through, yea from the beginning of his youth fought against necessitie it selfe, all his businesse hath beene full of it, he neuer did any thing but with paine, the other contrariwise hath had all to his mind, had alwaies all opportunitie for the first. Item of his enter­prises, wanted alwaies rather workemanship than worke, ra­ther [Page 22] forme then matter, rather will then meanes. Nothing did assist this, neither did any thing resist the other. This maketh mee to conclude first, that seeing by these sundrie waies they haue found themselues one as great as the other: the one must needs haue learned more, haue more experiēce more courage, more force: the other more ambition, more hope, a thing bred in him by the greatnesse of his meanes, & by consequent of more enterprise, and more audacitie. That the one hath lesse shew, lesse vanitie, lesse pompe, & lesse bra­uerie in his affaires: the other lesse experience, lesse assurāce, and lesse stabilitie. Which maketh me to thinke that when­soeuer this man shall find himselfe in great abundance, hee shalbe better able to vse it, then the other could defend him­selfe against necessitie, if euer he were brought to it. I will make no mention of the former wars, wherin notwithstand­ing the duke of Guize had fortunes giftes alwaies at will: and this man contrariwise hath often tried what misery may, yea euen the extremest: (I speake of that whereof I wil now say:) that if I had seene this great enterpriser assailed two whole yeares, by eight French armies, which were sent to the refre­shing one of an other, & led on a row by the best Captains of France, amongst the which I account his brother the duke of Maine: and that at his departure from thence, not onely he had lost nothing, but besides that he had takē seuen or eight good townes, & wonne a great battaile, hauing in his hands no other meanes in the world to build his deedes vpon, but his courage alone, as I haue seene happen to the king of Na­uar, I would then thinke that I might cōpare them togither: but vntill then, there is no reason so to do. Some will say to me that the D. of Guize hath had many more enterprises and greater ones, & all that the king of Nauarre could do, it was to resist, I grant it. It was an easie matter for the one to en­terprise, euerie one fauouring him: difficult to the other to resist, euery one being against him. As the labour, so the glo­rie ought to be greater. They haue notwithstanding manie humours both like and different, but no small thinges, no slender ones. Both are of great courage, they had neede of it: both are gentle, courteous, friendly: both are actiue of bodie, vsed to toyle, and acceptable. But their mindes are [Page 23] much diuerse. The one is most honest, franke, openhearted, free minded, sometimes somewhat hastie, well resolued not­withstanding vpon present occasion, and dangers: so earnest about that which is saide before him, and so bestirring him­selfe about the vron that ought to bee beaten whiles it is hote, that he hath the lesse regard to that which is passed, as also to that which he must follow: he will conceiue few farre fetched practises, beeing content with his hope, and refer­ring all thereto. The other is diuerse and as bad as may be, secret, close, craftie, patient, euen so farre as to bee blamed for it, as I haue saide, dissembling, laying downe his plat­formes a farre off. For hee must forge his owne hope, loo­king a loofe off, taking nothing in hande but what hee is sure to bring to passe: but I wotte not, if he were vpon the verie point of daunger, whether he would vsually growe to so readie a resolution, sith hee hath not had so often triall thereof. Howsoeuer the matter goeth they are both woor­thie men, and of the woorthiest that euer France did beare, such as coulde haue performed notable actions, if a mightie king would haue vsed them, and his time haue suffered it. To come againe to the matter. As for the king of Nauar, he nei­ther hath, neither ought to haue any practise about the state, his possibilitie doth sufficiently furnish him, and besides, he hath enough to do to breake those of his enimies: his warre tendeth onely to peace, and the quietnes of the realme: but such a peace as to the which he will neuer agree, except the churches of France, & so consequently the strāgers if he can, may be at liberty. He nedeth not plead his right to the crown it is no time: moreouer, that which is sure, ought not to bee called into doubt or questiō: much les need he busie himselfe about the ouerthrow of those of Guize & Lorraine. He wisheth not their harm, except as they wish the realmes, to the which if they would bee profitable, hee acknowledgeth them most sufficient, as concerning their particular persons. Their de­gree is not equall with his, who vseth the name of a king. That name keepeth him from thinking vpon theirs. His only drift & purpose (if he hath any) tendeth to defend himself, & after such a sort, that he may constrain his enimies to render vnto France hir peace, to the king his authority, to him & his [Page 24] their libertie. After that, let them of Guize enrich and ad­uance themselues as much as they can, so it be not to the cost of one of these three, it skils him not. The proceeding and the way that he taketh about it, is not certaine, it dependeth vpon the same which the others do hold against him. If they let him alone, he stirreth not: if they come to weapons, hee runnes to them: if they laie them downe, he doth the like: that is the reason why the king knoweth in his heart, that when the rest of France shal be agreed, that there will be little or no difficultie at all with this man, who being ledde onely by reason, may be at all times easily brought to it againe.

I haue spoken of the three principall heads which vphold the three factions that are in France: wee are nowe to marke such as come in by bi-waies, what drift and scope they haue, whereat they aime, and what hope they haue to hit on it. A­mongst these, the first is the Queene mother vnto the king, who for her credits sake, and in shew, keepeth her selfe on her sonnes side, as she did alwaies, when shee had many sonnes, hold with him that was king: but who notwithstanding ha­teth nothing more than his absolute power, as beeing the worse for it. When France was in peace, she was faine to spin her rock at home, her son left her no charge, nor deling in a­ny matter. That she might recouer her authoritie, she was fain to shuffell the cardes, or haue intelligence with those that shuffeled them, otherwise she was of no vse: which her mind, that could not thinke on small matters, could neuer brooke. And of this Princesse whose race hath ruled, & ruleth at this day ouer the best parts of Europe, it may be saide as it was of Agrippa, V [...]ribus curis mu [...]ebria vitia exuisse, If that alreadie were not a vice in a woman: it hath beene alwaies her cu­stome, in France to stirre vp one against another, that in the meane while she might rule in these diuisions. The mightie against the mightie, Princes against Princes, yea her owne children against her children. For she know wel enough that our state standeth so, as that a woman, except it be by some extraordinarie waies, is of no credite therein.

In the time of the late king Charles, this that nowe is, was then her protector, whose power she did increase as much as she could, to the end she might vse him to make her selfe ne­cessarie [Page 25] vnto the other. The king at length perceiued it, but too late. Since that, this beeing come vnto the Crowne, wherein to speake the truth, hee was infinitely bound vnto her, whiles he was in Polande, being as well assured that ex­cept shee had wisely prouided for it, there had beene such stirringes in France as perchance at his comming home hee had beene kept from getting in. Shee kept her credite for three or foure yeares, whilest this yoong king dreamed of nothing but the pleasures of his age, and the deliciousnesse of his newe estate: but since, beginning to take vppon him the affirmatiue voice, and to seeke to rule alone, she was for­ced to haue recourse vnto Mounsieur her yoonger sonne, who for a while vphelde her, and made her to be esteemed necessarie. He being deade, shee chose other remedies: for howsoeuer it bee, shee hath euer wished two thinges. The one, to make him that was in possibilitie of the Crowne to bee beholding vnto her, for to keepe him in when hee were come to it: The other, to make him in the meane while so great, that he that were master of the State, should bee for­ced to vse her helpe in brideling the other, employing af­ter this manner verie quietly both their powers one against the other, that betwixt them shee might rule and be sought to: such a councell as particularlie for her selfe was as full of wisedome as often full of troubles and inconueniences for the commons. Nowe, if after Mounsieurs death, shee had founde the king of Nauarre fitte for these practises, she had made her buckler of him: but seeing that his religi­on, and many other considerations did hinder her, she hath cast both her eyes and her heart on the house of Lorraine, and her daughters children, whereunto the hatred that shee did beare vnto this Prince, euen from his infancie hath beene a great helpe: So that esteeming her selfe not able to bee reconciled with him, shee consequently dooth feare him, and is fully resolued to hinder him in all that shee can, from getting anie part in France. Shee can neuer doo it without the ouerthrowe of the order of the Realme. For (as I saide) after this hatred commeth in the loue shee beareth vnto the children of the D. of Lorraine, who are her daugh­ters children, towards whome she hath a secret inclination, [Page 26] neuer ceasing day nor night to reproch vnto the king, that he ought rather to loue as his heires, his Nephewes, his Si­sters children, then a stranger vnto his house: so dooth shee terme the king of Nauarre. The daughters of Spaine are also her daughters children, vpon whome she would likewise be glad to bestowe some part of the same: not being grieued in the meane while that her sons state is in trouble, to the ende that he should haue refuge vnto her, and that she may be im­ployed. Now in this manner she agreeth well with the Duke of Guize, to crosse her sonne, to stirre vp, and open the way to confusion, and about the meanes to alter the order of suc­cession in our realme: but to wish that hee shoulde waxe so great that he might ouerthrow the king himselfe, & dispos­sesse him, and himselfe afterward to inuade the whole state, it is not likely, I cannot beleeue that she desireth it. Now vn­der this the Queene mothers intent, I comprehend also that of the Marquise du Port, her little sonne, sonne vnto the Duke of Lorraine, who likewise hath no intelligence or hope in this our state, any further then she his grandmother doth procure him to conceiue.

Next, there is the king of Spaine, who from the beginning of these wars, seeing the Queene of England to knit a straite alliance with our king, seeing in the same time also the Com­missioners of the low countries at Paris to offer him the so­ueraigntie ouer their prouinces, it came in his head to cast three or foure thousand crownes into the hungrie hands of the league, so to set France in troubles, as being assured that by these meanes he should keepe the king from thinking vp­on Flanders, the which he did most feare: as indeed, there is but the onely king of France, so he be in peace, that can easi­ly take these Prouinces from the Spaniarde. This is that which brought him in, and consequently, that somewhat o­uerhastned the Duke of Guizes deuises. Besides that, hee fea­reth now extremely, least the king of Nauarre should attaine to the crowne of France: hee is his enimie by nature: he de­taineth a kingdome from him, which no doubt if the others [...]awes may growe on, will bee wholly pulled away, and more perchance withall. Hee knoweth well enough, that he being olde, his children yoong, his state deuided and [Page 27] scarse setled, small matters after his death will trouble it: much more a king of Nauarre, if he were king of Fraunce. Therfore he is glad to frame himselfe vnto those of Lorraine, to finde them meanes to stirre vp coales, that in the meane while he may more freely goe about his warres of the lowe countries, and of Englande: to molest the king of France, thereby to ouerthrowe the king of Nauarre: to the end that afterward the realm being left for a pray, he being the migh­tiest, might catch the greater part. This is his drift as cōcer­ning our state: but that he would proceede so farre as being burdened with many other particular expences, he wold yet draw his treasors drie, to make the Duke of Guize king: he I say, who is perswaded that if it were so that the maner of suc­cession must needs be altered, his daughters the kinges Nie­ces, ought to haue the better part: That which I say of the K. of Spaine may likewise be applied to the duke of Sauoy his son in law, who is of much lesse power, and hath no other deuises then his father in lawes. These are all that either doo good or euill vnto France. These are her good or bad humours: These are the prosperous or contrary windes which torment & trouble it. And of their discordes and passions as diuerse as themselues, as differing and contrarie as they are, de­pendeth her good or euill happe. Oh mightie Empire! the glorie of Europe: to the which the course of 1200. yeares could bring nothing but encrease, thy enemies nothing but glorie, there was some reason that after so manie victories, thou shouldest ende by thy owne handes, thou shouldest stoupe vnder thine owne force, seeing destinie had not crea­ted in the world any conquerour ouer thee.

But leauing of this maner of speech, which rather prouo­keth me to weepe than to write: seeing that the diuision of religion doth serue for a pretence in the alteration of our Realme, and so consequently in his destruction, if God suffer it so, this euill being almost cōmon to all the states of Europe. I will slippe a little a side to speake somewhat of the generall affaires of Christendome, in that which cōcerneth these two great factions, the one resting yet vnder the obedience of the Pope, the other hauing cast it off. I will not entreat hereof as a Diuine. I knowe verie well that God commonly try­eth [Page 28] his by affections, as the meanes to keepe men in their dueties, and immediatly to haue recourse vnto him whom they thinke but little vppon whiles their necke is swollen vp with prosperitie. Neither am I ignorant that the sonne of God pronounceth these wordes: My kingdome is not of this worlde: thereby teaching to the true Christians, that it is not here that they ought to seeke their ease, and although they finde themselues afflicted, yet must they not mistrust of their cause, as if God did detest them, and were purposed to roote them out from the face of the earth, al­beit contrariwise, they see the Turkes, the Heathen, the poore blinded ones in Popish superstitions, haue all at will: and conquer Realmes, furnish Prouinces, and them of veines of golde which neuer drie vp, and their armies pro­sper euerie where. That their good happe procureth them such men as to doo them seruice will attempt vppon those Princes liues that are their enimies, euen in the middest of their Gardes. Finally, they scarse haue yet wished, when God suffereth them to see their desire fulfilled. Where cleane con­trariwise hee hath laide this necessitie vppon his true ser­uantes, that they shall take his crosse vpon their shoulders if they will followe him, passe through the straight gate, and after his example passe away their whole life in griefe, affli­ction, & in necessitie. According to these rules and tokens, which cannot be applyed to any other, then those that make profession of the true reformed religion, it might suffice me to conclude, that they whom God afflicteth after this sort, are his true children, whom hee will afflict, but not vtterlie cast away: whom he will chastice, but not punish: whom he vseth as his children that offended him, in doing otherwise than he commanded them, and not as seruantes that haue robbed him. And after such a maner, that although at this day throughout all Christendome the greatest potentates of the worlde bee confederated, vnited, and ioyned togi­ther against them, it is all in vaine. God will neuer suffer that which is his to bee cast away: they are his, hee well may dippe them two or three fingers in the water: but presently hee will stretch foorth his arme of deliuerance to pull them out of the gulph: and that could I (besides the in­dubitable [Page 29] trueth of that promise which he made vnto his) prooue by the course of things that are passed in the church since the foundation of the world. But as I haue said, my pur­pose is not to reason like a diuine. It sufficeth me to prooue that we haue not only that great supernatural piller of Gods power for our defence, as an impenetrable shield, against the which, all the dartes of the worlde turne their points back­wards: but also euen in the worlde it selfe, and among all hu­maine meanes he hath giuen vs without comparison more then our enimies: so that if we suffer that they afflict vs, it is but our fault, because we cannot helpe our selues with that power that he hath giuen vs. All Christendome which is vn­der the Popes obedience, is at this day ioyned togither to roote out those of the religion. Who are those wicked ones? let vs iudge of their power, and see whether it be so great as that we need to feare it. It is the Pope, it is the Emperour it is the king of Spaine, there be certaine Potentates of Italie: In France are the duke of Guize and his kinsmen, who make the king and the realme to serue their turnes as they list. In Swit­zerland there are certaine Cantons: In Germanie, diuers prin­ces. I haue named all, and them by the most glorious names that I could deuise: there are Popes, Emperors, Kings, and numbers of Princes. It is saide that all these terrors of the worlde are gathered togither to this purpose onely, to make an end of those which professe the true religion, God grant it, so be it. The more enimies, the greater glorie. But let vs search them a little nearer, wee shall finde that all these men haue some particular intent which they keepe to themselues, and that to [...]intaine their vnitie they all agree onely in the generall. What intentes? let vs specially consider of them. The Popes is manifest: Luther, Zuinglius, and Caluin, haue abridged him of two partes of his reuenues: the thirde is in great danger, they labour about it. He would both recouer that which he hath lost, if it were possible, and assure against hereafter, that which he holdeth. The whole realme of Eng­land is slipped out of his handes: if the king of Spaine could plant there againe the catholike religion, it were so much recouered for him. France hath neuer shewed him anie great obedience, the church of France had alwaies her priuiled­ges [Page 30] by her selfe: yet it is nothing, thinketh hee, in respect of that it shoulde bee, if euer the king of Nauarre should come to bee king of it. He feareth least he should come o­uer the Alpes: he is of the race of Bourbon, fatall vnto Rome: besides that hee is alreadie egged on against the Popes, for his kingdome of Nauarre, which most vniustly they haue passed ouer vnto the Kinges of Castile. Moreouer, he fea­reth least that a mightie Prince like vnto this, doo one day bring a great reformation in religion, which can not bee doone without diminishing the authoritie of the sea: which notwithstanding will bee as easie for him to doo, as it was for Philippe the faire, and manie other kinges of Fraunce, enemies to the Popes vsurpations. Thus his chiefest in­terest is to cut this Prince short of his hope. For his part hee dooth what hee can, hee thundreth, hee stormeth, he curseth, hee declareth him an heretike, a rebell: finally, not capable of the Crowne of France, as though it lay in him to take it away, or to giue it. For the execution of this Bull, which in deede of it selfe could doo but little against the bulwarkes of Rochell, (if that were all) he armeth all Christendome, yea euen the Cardinall of Bourbon, to whome hee sendeth a hallowed sworde, of the race of Saint Paule: hee promiseth money vnto the Guizians: hee pro­miseth, but hee sendeth not, as hauing not yet paide that which his Popedome did cost him, according to the Ro­mish stile.

To conclude, as it belongeth to him, hee worketh myra­cles with his Crosier staffe, and his purpose and drift is, to animate all the worlde against the heretikes, among whom hee comprehendeth the Queene of Englande, and the king of Nauarre his principall enemie to his thinking, whose ouerthrowe hee looketh for, by the meanes of this vniuersall league. As much or more occasion hath hee to complaine of the high and lowe Germanie, as of Fraunce, and Englande: but hee thinketh that after that the king of Spaine and those of Guize shall haue chasticed, that is to saie, vsurped France, and Englande, in driuing out the heretikes, that is to say, the true princes and lawfull lordes: after that they shall haue tamed the lowe countries, they may without [Page 31] any gainesaying ioyne their forces with the Emperors, so to constraine either by friendship or force the Princes of Ger­manie which are Protestants, to come againe vnder the yoke of his obedience: that after that, being no great likelihood that the Suitzers woulde obstinate themselues against such great forces, seeing their Cantons are alreadie deuided, they altogither might easily assist the Duke of Sauoy, to recouer Geneua, and to sacke that towne which they call the spring and fountaine of all heretikes of Christendome. It is there that hee concludeth the ende of his desire, and of his holie leagues enterprise. Which I haue seene written by Pope Six­tus himselfe, in a letter intercepted about the beginning of these troubles in France, sent from Italie into Spaine. And as for him, this is his pretence, that is his intent grounded vp­on that generall hatred which hee beareth to the heretikes, but especially vnto the king of Nauarre, and the Queene of England, of whom he hath receiued harme enough alreadie, or is afraid to receiue more.

The king of Spaine hath three particular purposes, for the which he wisheth this generall league. The first to compasse the warres of the lowe countries which are helde by those whome hee calleth heretikes, and against the Queene of Englande, who is likewise of their number. The seconde his hereditarie desire to ioyne France vnto his dominions: which hee thinketh he may nowe the more easily doo, in re­spect of the right that belongeth vnto him through his wife, a daughter of France, and his daughters gotten betwixt them: for as for him, hee thinketh not that the Salike lawe, the honour of our kings, was made for him. The last, the ouerthrowe of the king of Nauarre, whome hee purpo­seth, whatsoeuer it costeth him, to remooue as much as hee can possiblie from the crowne, for manie reasons that hee hath to feare this great enimie, whome God keepeth for to be one day the destruction of his house. For the benefite of these three purposes, hee is come in, and hath much solici­ted this generall league, which strengtheneth to h im his ti­tle of war against England: of enmity against the king of Na­uar: ministreth to him opportunity to enterprise vnder hand against the state of France whilest he fauoureth the affaires of [Page 32] the Duke of Guize his partner, with whom, except it were for this, he could haue no intelligence that might yeeld him any profite: by his meanes in France he doth hope to ouerthrow the king of Nauarre, also he hopeth to vse the hauens of Pi­cardie, and Normandie against England, & the low countries: being sure enough afterward, that the king of France being dead, his lawfull successor dispossessed, and the realme left as a pray, he shal be able easily to deuide their part vnto those of Lorraine, being stronger then they: and thus may we see that he turneth the general pretence of this goodly league to his particular benefit and purpose, euen as though it had beene onely made for his domesticall affaires.

The Emperour would galdly, that all the other Princes of Christendome which are of the religion, were ouerthrowne, to the end the whole bodie of the league might come to set him free from the protestants which are his neighbours: but because it is yet a long peece of worke, and that it were not good for him to bestirre himselfe much, least he should wa­ken those mightie princes which are stronger then himselfe: he rusheth not far in amongst them, no more then the other princes of Germanie.

I haue discoursed enough of the duke of Guizes intent and purpose, which is to make himselfe alone king of France, if it be possible, or at least [...] the better part: such a purpose as willingly admitteth no fellow, & for the which a man wil not lightly labour for another. This I doo heere note onely to shewe that to helpe himselfe in Fraunce by the meanes of Spaine, to the furtherance of his enterprise, & in recompence thereof himselfe to helpe the Spaniard to recouer his lowe countries: to see the Queene of England, to whom he wisheth euen death it selfe, whom likewise he knoweth to be the on­ly support of his enimie, quite ouerthrowne, he wil haue no­table intelligence with the king of Spaine: but to yeelde him wholy the crowne of France, and to holde it of him by ho­mage, if he be able to vsurpe it, or to giue him ouer the bet­ter part, I beleeue he will not. In the meane while these pre­tences being grounded vpon nothing else then the diuision of religion, wee must confesse him to bee one of the chiefest pillers of this holy league.

[Page 33]The princes of Italie haue no other purpose at al then their owne preseruation, being enclosed on one side by the Pope, on the other by the Ʋenetians, on the thirde by the king of Spaine: besides deuided, and their States so small, that they haue smal leasure to think of any other matter thē to main­taine themselues: and for this reason only are they come in­to the league. But they are not so good catholikes, but that they feare more the encrease of the house of Spaine, then the decay of their religion. Such as haue beene in their coun­tries do know this

The Duke of Sauoy is also comprehended in this generall vnion: so long as his father in law shall liue, he will haue the same enterprises that he hath: if he dieth, he wil haue others, as I shall shewe anone, which altogither doo synpathise with those of the league. The duke of Lorraine likewise, when euery bodie shall come to reape the fruit of his labour, and the in­terest of his charges, his conclusion wil not agree with the D. of Guizes proposition. The Cantons of Zuitzerland are not in my opinion entred into the league, because of the alliance which they haue with our king, and the bonde that knitteth them togither in their countrie. Notwithstanding I doubt not, but that for mony they will finde forces, not generallie vnto the league, but particularly to the Duke of Guize, yet haue they after made some difficultie thereof.

Of purpose haue I shewed the intent of each partaker of the league, to prooue that which I haue said, that euerie one of them had some particular meaning disagreeing one from another: to the end that thereby I might shewe, that what­soeuer good intelligence they had one with another, it were verie easie for vs to haue a better. All with one course will I seeke out, what are their meanes and their forces: in the which I hope to finde so many wantes in respect of that which is in our handes, that we would bee ashamed to suffer our selues to bee beaten. I will beginne with the weakest. Of which number I take the Emperour and the Catholike princes of Germanie to bee. For although vndoubtedly they bee of great power, yet the Protestantes their neighbours are of such force, as euerie man dooth knowe: to witte, the king of Denmarke, the Electours Palatin, of Saxonie, and [Page 34] Brandenbourgh, the Landgraue of Hessia, and manie other great princes and lordes; so that if they woulde, the other durst not seeme to haue enterprised any thing at all. I haue shewed what the forces of the Cantons of Zuitzerland are, and howe the generall league may haue vse of them. As for the princes of Italie, the Duke of Sauoy, as our nearest neigh­bour, is the most to be feared of them all. But first, it is but a small matter of forces that may come from him: next, hee rather resteth vppon sure possibilities, then vppon vncer­teine ones. His father in lawe is olde, at his death hee ho­peth to get somewhat, and I doo thinke that hee will ra­ther cast his cies vpon the states of Millaine and Naples, if the succession of Spaine come to bee deuided, as there is great likelihood: for the daughters who are as ambitious as may bee, and alreadie by their father himselfe trained vp in the handling of affaires, and almost put in full possession of his kingdomes, will hardly bee content to bee married for a peece of money, and leaue such great riches vnto their yoong brother, sicklie, and as they say, an Idiot: so that, mee thin­keth this Duke hath worke enough cut out already, needing not to busie himselfe much about any enterprises on this side of the Mounts, which enclose him in. On the other side beyond them, he can doo so little though hee woulde, and hee findeth himselfe in a countrey so full of disaduantage, that beeing of one side kept by the Germaines, on an o­ther by the Zuitzers, on the other by the Frenchmen, and on all sides by the Alpes, such forces as hee coulde raise out of his countrie, which can bee but verie small, cannot bee transported to anie place, where they may performe anie thing without great losse and difficultie. As for his money, to make good cheere at home hee hath enough: but to make a great warre, not so. The other Princes of Italie, as the Dukes of Ferrara, of Mantoue, of Florence, and of Ʋr­bin, which are almost the chiefest, bee all added to, for to en­crease their rolle, and to say: Loe what a number here is, and not for any other matter: If there were anie warre in Italie betwixt two mightie Princes, such as were Charles of Spaine, and Francis of France, they might indeede much further his affaires, whome they would assist. If there must be an armie [Page 35] made vp by sea against the Turke, each one of them shall well be able to set foorth a Galley or [...]waine, and that is all: but that they may doo much in a great warre, either against vs in France, or in England, or in Germanie, or in Flanders, not so. Besides that, as I haue noted, they will neuer be so deepe in the league, but that they will feare more the encrease of Spaine, then the decreasing of Rome. The Duke of Parma, as he is Duke of Parma, may be of the number of them, but in respect that hee commandeth ouer the forces of the king of Spaine in the lowe countries, surely hee is a great captaine, without doubt he hath gotten great reputation and credite, bee it amongest the Armies which hee commandeth ouer, bee it amongst the countries where he maketh warre, yea, a credite by inheritance, the remembrance of his mothers gouernment, being most agreeable amongst them. But with­all, hee were but vnwise, as well as the Duke of Sauoy, if he had not certaine purposes to himselfe, or if hee would sticke more to vaine possibilities then to certainties. For my part I beleeue, that hee is not resolued to haue laboured all this while in Flanders for an other. But there is a farther point in this matter, which is, that as long as he shall make war there, as Lieutenant to the king of Spaine, he may do much harme: but if once hee take the way to make himselfe lorde of it, as he may easily in that which he holdeth, after the good mans death, seeing hee can onely perfourme it by gentle meanes, and the good will of the people, hee is not to be feared any more, but must needes withdraw himselfe out of the league. As for the Duke of Lorraine, hee is a great lorde, but a pettie Prince: take away from before his eies the hope of possibilities, which they made him conceiue in France, for his sonne, which only hath brought him in, with the league, hee will eftsoones take that side which may breede his owne quietnesse, and not seeke any quarrell. Hee is verie wise: and therefore I beleeue that our stirrings in France proceede not from him at this time. Notwithstāding there is no doubt but that hee employeth himselfe in this generall matter a­gainst vs: but I thinke that in this point there resteth this benefite, viz. as long as he shall hinder the growing vp of the Duke of Guize his cosin, as he must needes do, for his sonnes [Page 36] sake, he doth vs more good, then otherwise he could do vs harme: now he hindreth him in respect of the crowne, the which at length agreeing and hauing some intelligence with the Queene mother vnto the king, his mother in lawe, hee will rather demand for his sonne then for the other. And I holde it for a most true principle, that the duke of Guize our capitall aduersarie, is alreadie so farre in, that he must needs either be king, or be vndone altogither: there is no meane for him betweene these two extremities. Marius, Cinna, Pom­pey, Lepidus, and Anthonie may be examples hereof. As soone as a man hath aspired vnto tyranny, Aut Caesar aut nihil. I haue spoken heretofore of his meanes: they are indeede great enough in France, because the side of the catholikes is great, amongst whom he is of great credit, and his assurance being his chiefest strength, that the king wil put vp al his presump­teousnesse. But as for him, I doubt not, but that as his parti­cular purpose tendeth to our state, so, if he had in his chests the ducats of the Indies, he would make a breach in them, & afterward doo much harme vnto others. But he is extreme poore, and indetted, the seconde token of a man that com­monly aspireth vnto nouelties. Besides that, he hath too ma­nie that stand against his purposes, not only of his enimies, as the king of Nauarre, and the princes of the bloud: but of his owne friends, as the heires of Spaine, of Lorraine, and of Sauoy, and those of his owne house, which doo pretende as much right to the vsurping of our crowne as he doth: and to the which, seeing hee must needes vse them for his turne as he dooth, hee must needes likewise giue some part of his pray, if hee can praie vpon any thing: which will breede him infinite gelousies, so that all the power me thinketh, of this partner can stretch no farther than to the dissipation and dismembring of our realme: yet shall hee bee faine to haue helpe thereto. For, that he should make warre either a­gainst the Germaines, or Englishmen, he will hardly do it, or at least it will neuer be, before hee hath made an end of his matters in France, which is a long peece of worke. And vpon that I will obserue one most true qualitie of our nation: that is, that such is our nature, that we can be cōtent vnder a king that is already established to deuide our selues, we will make [Page 37] ciuill warres, and vproares: but if there were none, or that we were to prouide for the Crowne, wee would neuer suffer the renting a sunder of it. For if a prince should nor find him­selfe to set foot in the whole, he would hardly be suffered to diuide it, except he were a mightie Prince neere vnto it, as the king of Spaine, who by his strength, and by the meanes of his Countries, might hold the part that hee had ketched vp: yet were it hard for him. Finally, I will vse but two testi­monies to shewe that this mans power, is no such great mat­ter. The one, that in the beginning of the league, when his fire was most kindled, when men thought that at a word of his mouth, all France would set vp their crestes, hee neuer found himselfe accompanied with a thousand French horse­men, and foure thousand footmen at the most: yea all those vanished away in one moneth, notwithstanding, that he had prodigally spent all the money which hee receiued out of Spaine, and his owne in gathering them together. The other, that being since entred into the warre, a small armie of rei­sters, consisting of foure thousande fiue hundred horsemen, and of three or foure thousande Lansquenets, with a fewe Switzers, did passe in spight of him through his gouernment euen to the verie heart of France: did beate him, and beate him againe in their passage, as often as they saw him: albe­it that he had called about him all his friends, partakers, and power, and that he had besides all this, the best part of the kinges: albeit likewise that a yeare before, he had boasted, that he would fight with the Germaines euē vpō the Rhynes side, and that it stood him greatly vpon for his credite so to doo. But yet without doubt, if men should suffer this head of a saction, to growe on, and except God had bridled him, he is the greatest, the ablest, and the most daungerous eni­mie, that such states as make profession of the religion can haue.

There are yet behinde two of the worst: to wit, the Pope, and the king of Spaine. The first is the brawlingest, the most seditious of all, and yet neuertheles the weakest. It is a com­mon thing, Acutum reddere qui possit ferrum [...] ipse secandi. To speake the truth, he serueth for nothing else but to edge their kniues. The Popes they cannot tell an houre before [Page 38] they are, whether they shalbe Pope or not. Before they come to that, they are most commonly pettie Italian Cardinalles (for gelousie keepeth the greatest from it) who during the Cardinalship, had no farther practises then to catch some an­nate or benefice. Those that are able to stirre vp coales, are not lightly preferred: Italy hath fared the worse for it. Last of all, none can come by it without paying well for it: and they are all such good husbandes as that they leaue as lit­tle as they can to their successour: insomuch that the newe Pope hath enough to doo for the three or foure first yeares to pay those which haue solde him his See, and afterwarde to liue. And it is an extraordinarie thing when they passe nine or tenne yeares: else straightwaies they say: Exiit ser­mo interfratres, quod discipulus iste non moritur. For they are ve­rie olde when they are chosen: so that ere they can do any harme, they are carried to their graues. And as for this man if there were no more but he, we should not neede to feare anie thing else then Bulles and leade, which hurt none but those that are afraide of them. The king of Spaines gold were much more to bee feared: whome I haue kept for the last, as the greatest of all, and the first moouer, who maketh all the others to mooue. But hee for his part hath likewise manie discommodities which bind his handes: and of this one, because all Europe ringeth of his name, wee must say somewhat the more.

This Prince is sonne to Charles the fift, that great troubler of the worlde, who hath tossed all so much topsie turuie, so long as hee was in it: who was happier by the meanes of his Lieutenantes then by himselfe: who had eyther for his friendes or for his foes at sundrie times all the Princes of his time: a mightie Prince notwithstanding, vigilant, a war­riour, (if euer there were any) and painefull in the warres: besides full of courtesie and humanitie, and such a one as truely was woorthie of the name of Caesar, and woorthie of the Empire. This same was brought vp in affaires by his fa­thers, euen from his cradle: yet was he much more happie than he: and his good happe consisteth in this, that as long as his yeares could encourage him to great matters, hee ne­uer mette with any that crossed him. His father had at one [Page 39] time the great Francis of France, the great Henrie of England, Solyman in the East part, and the Princes of Germanie, which thoroughly exercised his witts: So that, on what side so euer he turned himselfe, hee founde businesse enough. Be­sides that, he found all the Countries rounde about him, as strong, and as like to set vppon him, as he vpon them. That was it, that made his fortune so diuerse. Contrariwise, Phi­lip at this day king of Spaine hath beene fauoured with such fortune as had neuer interruption. But that is more to bee attributed, to that which tell out about him, then to him­selfe. France in his time hath beene ruled by a woman, and by children, or so toyled by ciuill warres, that they haue al­waies founde woorke enough within themselues. England likewise ruled by a woman, who following the nature of her kinde, hath wisely contented her selfe with maintei­ning her subiectes in peace, and defending her state from her neighbours attempts, not enterprising any thing against them. Germanie by peaceable Princes. The East partes by Selim a great drunkard, who tooke pleasure in nothing but his drinke, and since by Amorat his sonne, halfe an Idiot, who stirreth not from the Mosquetta. So that wee must not say, that he had good lucke euerie where, but that hee founde no where any bodie that might breede him any euill lucke: all which notwithstanding, hee hath performed no great matters. The conquest of Portugall and of Jndia, hath beene more easie then luckie: there was no great labour. The conquest of Tercyera, and the victorie ouer the French­men shall not seeme so strange, if wee consider that it was a whole armie of Spaine, against a companie of ships gathe­red togither in France. As for the battailes of Graueline, and of Saint Quintin, they were yet remnantes of his fathers victories, they were the armies that from their youth had followed the olde mans fortune, there was but little of his, his person it selfe was not there. Nothing did stirre in Italie, in Burgundie, in the kingdome of Naples, in Sicilia nothing: where contrariwise in Affrica hee hath lost Goule­ta, the onely labour of Charles his father, and all that he had there. His victories haue not stretched so farre in Flanders, but that there is more behinde to doo. The reason why? [Page 40] because hee hath founde there some resistance. It is an easie matter for a man to winne, when no bodie plaieth against him. Nowe, euen now, hauing gotten enimies woorthie of his forces, wee shall see what he can doo in England with all his great preparations: wee shall see whether he shall keepe still that renowmed great fortune. Concerning the state that hee findeth himselfe in at this time, it is such. First he is ex­treme old, and yet more broken. Hee hath but two daugh­ters, and a yoong boy: they great ones, ambitious alreadie, and proud to the vttermost: the one Dutchesse of Sauoy, the other brought vp in her fathers armes, and in the affaires of his estate, the which she alone gouerneth: his sonne is lit­tle and sickly, as I haue saide: now are these occasions of di­uisions. For in Spaine the daughters may succeede. Besides that, his state is much diuided. The lowe Countries, which were his best mesle, are farre scattered from him. All that which is cut off from him, as the Prouinces which are vni­ted with the Queene of England, he can see no hope euer to recouer. That which the Prince of Parma holdeth vnder his authoritie, he scarse assureth himselfe, that after his death he will faithfully surrender it vnto his children. The other is a braue Prince, a great Captaine, beloued of those ouer whom he commandeth, esteemed of the others as I haue said, who hath vsed great moderation, and obserued his faith to his people, that are alreadie highly pleased with that manner of gouernment, which his mother had vsed before him: who hath purchased great credite amongest them, and that e­nough, to make him hereafter able to keepe this portion instead of Portugall, which to his iudgement the king of Spaine hath taken from him: and who howsoeuer it be, will be grie­ued that all his labours should be dedicated to a maid, or to a little boy. The Dutchie of Mylan is neare vnto the Duke of Sauoy: hee wil pretend right vnto it, in the behalfe of his wife, and according to his contract of marriage? The king­dome of Naples, and the townes of Italie will follow the for­tune of the Dutchie of Mylan. Portugall is hee as yet scarce assured of: the Portugalles greeued that Spaniards should rule ouer thē, as much the more their enimies as they are neerer vnto them, as it is an ordinarie thing to all people. The [Page 41] Indies a [...] well the Portiugalles as the Spanish ones, the onelie sinnew of this state, will belong vnto him that shall possesse either Portugall or Spaine. The case thus standing, this Prince hath hencefoorth more neede to thinke vpon the preserua­tion of his house, and his Lordships (which doubtlesse are like to be deuided after his death) then to trouble his neigh­bours. To speake the trueth, hee is rich: but hee is at in­finite charges, scarse hauing any countrie where hee is not forced to keepe a great garrison. That he standeth in neede, he maketh it knowne sufficiently to the troupes which hee keepeth in Flanders, where he is sometimes a yeare or eigh­teene monethes without giuing them a pennie. As hee is rich of money, so hee is poore of men: hee can get none but onely out of Germanie, out of Spaine, out of Italie, or out of Burgundie. Now therefore marke his weakenesse. As touching the Germaines, if wee were all vnited togither, wee would keep him either from raising vp any, or frō bringing through any, the Italians and Spaniards, of whome he can fur­nish no great number, (for they are no populous countries, as euerie man knoweth.) Before they can come to deale ei­ther with France, the low countries, or Germanie, the places where wee are, he must leade them either by sea, or through such hard waies, that if we were all of one minde, hee should loose halfe of them before they were able to doo him anie seruice. The Spaniards cannot come but either by sea, or ouer the mounts Pyrenees: The Italians ouer the Alpes, or tho­rough Germanie: such wayes, as if wee would we might stop them all. Last of all, there is nothing more wretched than himselfe in his owne countrie, nothing so easie to bee bea­ten. And it is most sure that hee might easily haue beene o­uerthrowne by Portugall, if he had beene liuely set vpon that way, since Don Antonio was driuen out of it. Thus haue you briefly the state which the migthiest of our enimies is in. Which to my iudgement, being well considered, ought not to seeme so mightie, as hee is esteemed. The effectes with all and example doo declare it: Seeing that in twentie yeares, that he hath imployed to conquere Flanders againe, the one­ly place where he hath employed all his power, he hath not profited much▪ yet can it not be saide that hee hath founde [Page 42] there any resistance woorthie of him: notwithstanding it is euident, that, had it not beene for the late Mounsieurs euill rule, and the Prince of Oranges death, most wretchedly by mur­thered, a manifest token of this enimies weakenes, hee was almost driuen to dispaire, and had lost all these Coun­tries, without anie remission, whatsoeuer hee could haue doone.

When our enimies state shall thus be considered one by one, it shall bee founde according to the common saying, That all is not golde that glistereth. But if they bee yet nearer obserued in grosse, it will stande well with that iudgement which I giue of them. They shall be all founde farre distant in places and Countries. The greatest and strongest part is in Spaine, and Italie: yet they bee distant foure hundreth Leagues by lande: the other is in France, but it is such a small thing, that if the power of Spaine and Italie shoulde not ioyne together to helpe it, it woulde bee soone smothered vp. Wee shall see that each of these partakers, which enter into this generall League, doo bring but the least part of their wishes vnto the generall intent, all the rest beeing for their owne particular, wee shall finde that the most of them tende in manner to one thing: the king of Spaine, the Duke of Lorraine, or Sauoy, and of Guize, to the Crowne of France. Wherein, it cannot be chosen but that there be some gelousies, and that the same thing which vniteth them, se­uereth them againe. We shall see also, that they haue contra­rie purposes one to another, as those which I haue obser­ued of the Duke of Parma, and the Duke of Sauoy. And in fine, wee shall marke that of the two last, viz. the King of Spaine & the Pope, who are as it were the pillers of this league: the one is extreme old and so sicke, that euen this yeare hee hath giuen ouer all manner of businesse: yea so farre foorth, that manie are of opinion that age hath bereaued him of his senses. The other, which is the Pope, can make no recko­ning of his power, but so long as hee shall liue: and consi­dering his age, hee cannot liue long, leauing perchaunce such a successour as will rather busie himselfe to builde vp his owne house, then to pull downe another mans: that wil rather deuise new practise [...], then follow his Predecessors. [Page 43] Thus haue you by whole and piece [...] seene all our eni­mies forces. Now if against their generall meanes we oppose ours generally: if wee gather together those of the Queene of England: of the king of Nauarre: of the king of Denmarke: of the Princes of Germanie: of the states of the lowe coun­tries and of the Cantons of Switzerlande, what a power shall we finde? If we vse ours against them, by reason of the com­moditie we haue, to ioyne our selues without any let, France, England, Germanie, both high and low, and Switzerlande, ioy­ning one to an other, shall we not sooner ouerthrow all their practises, than they can take them in hand? We I say whom our religion may knit surer togither then them, as beeing better than theirs: wee that haue no other purpose but to defend our selues and maintaine our rightes, which vnited vs togither: who haue no particular intent that might breed any gelousie amongst vs, or beeing contrarie might diuide vs. There is no doubt of it: let vs them see the proofe. It is three yeares agone, since the king of Spaine cut downe all the Forestes of Italy to builde his Carraqu [...] buyeth all the moores of Affrica, to make Galley slaues: turneth the In­dies vpside downe, with digging and seeking to finde out an the Goldmines, as though he had no more to do hereafter. It is three yeares agone since he had no other speech but of Ankers, of Cables, of ropes and sayles: since hee threat­neth the Ocean, if it doth not vse his shippes gently: since that hee chargeth the windes to fauour them, and all this to make vp a mightie and spanish (that is to say) proud ar­mie by sea, whose shadowe alone may cause not onely the masts of ships, but also all the toppes of the steeples of Eng­land to stoope. For these three yeres space he is with child of an armie. And to speake the truth, as these great peeces of worke are not soone brought foorth, nor with ease, so he be­stoweth much time & labour to be deliuered of it: but things commonly are lesser at their birth then men thinke of. Then in the end it shall be borne in Biscay, weaned at Conquet, and finding it selfe right against Englande, it shall haue strength and stature enough to receiue the order of knight­hood. Doth not this proue, that in one only place, viz. Eng­lande we are able to resist the most dangers of our enimies? [Page 44] It is three yeares since hee threatned it, hee hath not yet so much as made it afraid. Tush, when will he be able to hurt it? It is as long since the Duke of Guize (who in a maner plaieth with the king and the realme of France, his power being hol­pen with money out of Spaine, with the forces of the Prince of Parma, and all the Catholike states) maketh warre a­gainst the king of Nauarre: in which space there hath beene eight armies by land leuied to that purpose, and the ninth by seas. Of nine of them thankes be to God, eight are gone backe againe without doing any thing: the ninth hath been quite ouerthrowē in a battaile. Now, if it can not be said that this poore Prince was in the meane while assisted eyther with one pennie or one man, the money & helpes which his friends had sent him, being not yet come as far as vnto him, is it not a certaine proofe that this people hath more facing than doings. It is twenty yeares since that the low countries are set vpō by the same king of Spaine, with all the forces that he could make out of his countrie, out of Italy, and all those that he could get out of Germany. He hath bin alwaies fortu­nate in it. Almost all the battailes that haue bin fought there he hath wonne. What hath he done. They are yet at this day in such a case, as if they can once haue good correspondence one with an other, he is to begin of new, & in danger of loo­sing his labor, his paines, & his charges that he hath laid out in that country. Iudge you now, if so it were that the king of Denmark the Princes of Germany, & the Cantons of the Swit­zers, which they durst not meddle withall, had brought their helpes & forces to make these violent dealings of the king of Spaine in Flanders and England to cease, and those of Guize in France: how long to mans iudgmēt, were they able to stand before vs? I leaue more to conclude hereupon, that I speake not of. In the mean while, although we haue mo forces then they, that we haue better meanes of intelligence one with an other, yet doo they agree better one with an other then we do, & are stronger than we are. Let vs returne that reproch vnto our negligence: and not attribute it vnto their indu­strie: to our base minds, and not to their courage. God hath put into our handes the meanes both to liue at rest & to de­fend our selues frō their tyranny: yea & to bring them vnder [Page 45] the yoke, if wee would so doo. But to make an end of this speech diuine like, euen as I haue begun it, I beleeue that it is the same God, and the same Lorde, who will not haue vs to hold our deliuerance as from our selues, neither from our owne arme, but from him alone.

Mee thinketh that my minde is nowe much eased, when that after I haue runne ouer all Europe, which is altogether almost troubled and afflicted with dissentions in religion, I returne vnto France, which I thought onely to haue beene plagued with this euill. God visiteth not it onely, neither is it alone threatned: other places haue their part, I returne then to her againe better satisfied then I was, to conclude this discourse which I began for her sake. This visarde, this vaile, which had bleared vp first the kings eies, and after him all the Frenchmens, is at length pulled away. When the league began first, three yeares agone, there were men yet that were either so without shame, or without sense, as that they excused this rebelling, they shadowed it with a zeale of religion, with a care, least that after a good catholike king, there should succeede him a Huguonet. This serued the trai­tors pretence that were about the Prince, whom they knew so dedicated and passionate towards his owne religion, that euen with this worde they stopped his mouth, they tooke a­way from him all manner of replying together with all the meanes that he might vse to iudge what he had to do about this matter. But nowe, I do not thinke that there is any bo­die in all the realme, nay not the veriest Iesuite, that could ex­cuse the Duke of Guizes attempt at Paris, against his owne king. What a maner of one it was, I desire no other discourse then his owne, the very same which he hath published. Now if one should aske what, in my minde will ensue vpon it? hee should trouble me shrewdly. I haue saide elsewhere, that no­thing is more dangerous for a king, then the empairing of his Maiestie: that there is nothing which diminisheth it more, then if hee shewe, that hee feareth some bodie in his realme: it is a kinde of feare, to suffer presumpteousnes, and not punish it: Yet when it is but a common presumption which concerneth particular ones, the cloke of gentle cle­mencie sometimes doth excuse thnorousnesse: but if it bee [Page 46] towards the Prince himself, if it doth violate the holy respect which men owe to the sacred person of the king: whosoeuer suffreth them, is no longer king. If this vnexcusable treche­rie be pardoned, if the king letteth it slippe vnder silence, it may be well said, Sceleris finem putas? gradus est. And there is no doubt but that within these two yeares there will be such bold and villanous actions committed, as that this shall bee counted but for a light tricke of youth. I am of the reformed religion, thankes be to God, who hath vouchsafed to make me such an one: me, I say, who through the forgetfulnesse of his great benefites, had made my selfe altogether vnwor­thie of this latter one, which is not to be compared with any other: neuerthelesse, if so it were that the king should thinke that the king of Nauarre and wee with him had attempted such treacherous and detestable practises against his life, and estate, that with good conscience hee might not pardon vs. God forbid, that vnder pretence of this quarrell I shoulde counsell him to call vs to him, to forget our offences, and to vse our helpe to bring him out of those troubles, whereinto hee is put daylie by his owne folkes. But not as a French­man, not as a Christiā ▪ but as a man, I dare wel counsel him. What, counsaile him? nay prophecie, that if this argument of the wrath of God against him, doth not stirre him vp to wish his owne good, and with his owne good, the quietnesse of this realme: the way of peace: the meanes to become a king: to take away all part takings out of his realme, except his owne: and as the Scepter belongeth to none but him­selfe, not to suffer it to bee broken in peeces, and euerie one most vnwoorthilie to carrie away a morsell of it, himselfe being the first, and most true cause of his mischiefe, let him bee assured, that in steede of taking it away from him, God will encrease it double folde vnto him. I will not only speake of those of the league. I doo yet speake of our selues. That which others do through wickednes, we do it by necessitie: yet notwithstāding al is a like to him in regard of his crown: it is as well spoyled, and pulled a sunder by the one as by the other: his people as much troden downe by vs as by the league. And were it not that we defend our selues, wher they set vppon vs: that where wee are pursued, they pursue: that [Page 47] where wee submit alwaies our selues vnto him, the others would submit him vnto them: it might be well said, that the harme which we doo perforce vnto his realme, is as great as that which they doo for their pleasure, and to sati [...]ie their ambition. For this euill, alas, there is but one remedie: let him onely take vpon him to remedie it, hee may be a peace­able and absolute king, obeyed, feared, beloued, dreadfull, if he list. But what do we wish that God should put the power into his handes, except first hee hath the will in his heart? Mightie Prince, why doost thou not beleeue thy selfe? thou hast nor so faithfull a counsailour. I haue hearde thee heere­tofore blame the king of Portugals fault, who aduentured all his state vppon one battaile: as iudging wisely, that there is nothing more miserable then a disherited Prince. Oh! where hast thou laide vp thy wisedome? thou venturest thy selfe vppon lesse a hundreth times then a battaile. Who hath bin able to perswade thee, that these men who haue no other desire then thy death, no other scope then thy crowne, will lay downe their weapons which they haue vowed against thee onely, when they see thee bitterly bent, and verie cruel against those of the religion? No no, thou must giue ouer thy crowne, else thou shalt neuer haue peace with them: and I beleeue if thou couldest giue it ouer without danger of thy life withall, thou hast enough about thee that haue such bra­sen faces, as to counsell thee thereto. They haue driuen thee out of Paris which neuer the Englishmen, the Spaniards, nor the Germaines did thy great grandfathers: yet by thy let­ters patents thou shewest vnto thy people, that in stead of re­uenging thy selfe of it, it seeme th [...]thou thinkest it verie long, vntil they haue pardoned thee. Thou commādest thē to pray to God for this reconcilement: there is then belike no other dāger to lift vp any mans hand against his king. Beleeue thē, that he that durst to day make thee flie, wil dare to kil thee to morrow. But is not this, oh mightie king, an aduenturing of thy selfe, when thou lettest thy subiects perceiue that it is so easie a matter to attēpt against thee: whē in stead of reuēging thy selfe, thou praiest that those may be pacified, whom thou oughtest to haue punished? Who could so mischieuously per­swade thee that the remedy of my mischief was the ciuil war [...] [Page 48] that by that course thou shouldest recouer thine authoritie ouer thy subiects. Alas▪ how art thou deceiued? There is no­thing more dangerous in a building then fire: in a bodie, then a continuall feuer: and in a state, then a ciuill warre. If thou wilt remedie these euils, quench the fire which burneth thy house: asswage the continuall feuer of the bodie of thy estate, giue it peace. For that is the onely meane to pre­serue thy realme. Thou saist that if thou shouldest but pro­nounce this worde of peace to them of the religion, thou shouldest haue presently vppon it all the catholike armies of Christendome against thee, which wil spoile thee of thy state. Yea if thou pronouncest it as hee that latelie fled away from Paris, before the duke of Guize. But pronounce it as he that wanne the battailes of Iarnac and Moncontour, who alone wert more dreadfull then all the rest of thine armie: vtter it onely after that sort, that thou shalt finde all men to tremble.

If vpon this good and holie resolution, thou wilt arme thy selfe, England, Germanie, & Suitzerland will couer all thy plaines with horse and armed men, for thy seruice. They will send thee sufficient forces to beate Spaine and Italie, yea and thy France, if it were ioyned with them. Thinke thou that this will be first the benefit of thy realme, and it will be easie af­terward so to perswade thy people, when thy selfe shalt be­lieue it. And thy people, if thou bee willing of it, they will account all such as shall wish the contrarie to bee their enimies and thine. But thou fearest the league: Who then shall bee bolde for thee: whence shall wee take courage but from thine. Grant a reasonable peace and quietnesse vnto thy subiectes, begin with thine owne first: with the catho­likes, make them to bee content with reason, and feare not then but the rest wil be brought to it: they are too weake to stand against thee in an euill cause. Such a one will theirs be if they refuse an indifferent peace: but they will not doo so: they neuer did it. It is too common a prouerbe in thy court. Let them be pleased with a sermon. Thou art yet afraide: good Lord of whom? of the king of Spaine? Shew him the pictures of thy father, and thy grandfather, and he will tremble euen to the farthest of Castile. Of the Pope? Hast thou not yet a­bout thee some heires of Charles of Bourbon? these are but [Page 49] toies. How can it bee possible, that thou who hast seene so much, who hast handled so many matters, who hast so great experience, canst haue this apprehension engraued so deepe within thee, and vppon so small an occasion? Beleeue these two principles: the one, that thy enimies haue their best friende of thee: the other, that if it were not for that blacke cloud which thou seest about Rochell, which they feare more than thee, they would haue buried thee long agone: but yet adde this third also, and beleeue it, that whensoeuer thou shalt earnestly wish the good and rest of thine estate, it shall lie in thy power to be master, to bring as well the one as the other so farre vnder, in respect of thy obedience, and thy place, that they shall not be able to turne an Egge, without thy leaue. They perswade thee, that the strongest side is the catholikes, and that thou must needs ground thy selfe verie deepe therein, and become chiefe of it, to take away this ti­tle from the Duke of Guize. They perswade thee, but they de­ceiue thee. The parties ought not to receiue thee, neither thou to go vnto them. They ought to come to thee, & thou to receiue them. To be a king is thy part: thou hast no need of any other: let all the rest yeeld vnto this. What meaneth this? that a king of France shoulde enter into gelousie with a Duke of Guize, that he should be put in danger of loosing his credit by his meanes. Doest thou not know that this gelou­sie maketh thee equal? and presently being equal, inferiour? well may there be steps to clime vp to a crowne, but there is none to come downe: it is a downe right fal. If a king come neuer so little downeward, he falleth down right. They coun­sell thee to feigne thy selfe sore angred against vs: after thou hast feigned a while, thou becommest so in earnest. They yet deceiue thee more, and were it not for thy affection to thy religion, thou mightest iudge easily of it. Assure thy selfe that this D. which becommeth so mightie in thy realme, keepeth to no otherend the best part of that which he hath with him, but onely because it is to thy selfe that he hath a meaning to. Doost thou thinke that those which serue him haue no other scope then the destruction of the Huguonets? No, no. What is there to be gotten against them? If I had giuen my selfe ouer to follow him, for my part I would thinke to haue done it, in [Page 50] respect of his hope to be king one day. For that he should be thought well of in respect of his zeale towards his catholike religion, in putting manie Huguonets to death, it will serue to raise vp all the porters of Paris, and make them crie: Haue amongst the Huguonets. Those which are sufficient to helpe him to turne vp a realme, haue other considerations then that. Now these considerations are not put out of their heads, by thy fierce countenance against those of their religi­on, and thy quaking lookes towards the league. This is con­trariwise, the way to encrease them, their helpes, their ser­uants, and their authoritie. When men see, that thou shewest, that thou art thy selfe afraide of them: who then shall not feare them? What emboldeneth men, but impunitie? Of na­ture wee loue to be at libertie. There was neuer any realme but that it did striue to become, if it were possible, a popular estate. There is nothing that a prince ought to keepe more preciously then his respect, his maiestie, and his feare: which being once lost, can neuer bee recouered, but onely by such things as breed feare, that is to say, by violence and crueltie. Mightie king, thou shalt accept this speech as it shall please thee: it belongeth not to mee to limit thy purposes. But if thou readest it with as much passion for thine owne good, as I write it, thou shalt thinke, if any too violent a word dooth escape me, yea against thee, that it is the verie indignation and hart burning that forceth mee vnto it, when I see the wrong and iniuries that are done vnto thee: to the which it seemeth after a manner, thou doost consent by thy patience. Do not thinke that I did meane to accuse the courage which is in thy selfe: all Europe woulde giue me the lie: and if thou wouldest haue any witnesses of it, thou shouldest neede none but our selues (whome thou hast beaten so often) to speake of it. Verelie beleeue, that the griefe which I conceiue to see thee suffer through euill counsaile, those bolde partes which are onelie attempted vppon confidence that thou wilt suffer them, doo wrest this both out of my heart and my penne. I knowe that all those which are about thee, haue hi­ther to betraied thee: that that which thou hast done against thy selfe, thou hast done it by taking that counsell, where by contrariwise other princes do most commonly erre, that is, [Page 51] by beleeuing of counsaile. I was present when it was tolde thee, that all thy townes, all thy people, all thy prouinces were alreadie the duke of Guizes, all thy men were his. They told thee it, but none other then themselues that tolde thee it, were belonging vnto him: and tkey did tell thee it to no other end, but onely to sell thee, and betray thee vnto him. The strongest armies of the league which are against thee, haue beene in thy court, in thy counsell, in thy priuie cham­ber. So that it was verie hard but that thou shouldest be hin­dered by so many thinges contrarie to thy good purposes. But seeing that God in this last danger where into hee had brought thee, hath takē away al excuse, & occasion of doubt, let this at the least giue thee a mind to loue thine owne selfe more thē thou hast done: to will earnestly thy own good, thy rest, thy highnesse: and when thou shalt wish it, thou shalt by consequent, wish thy realmes withall.

I wil end in thee, thou firebrand of the war, which hast tur­ned to the destruction of thy king and countrie, those great graces which God had giuē thee, for to haue bin able to haue done worthie seruice as well to the one, as the other. Doost thou not thinke to bee punished one day for the parricide which thou cōmittest against thine own mother, for so many euils that thou art cause of, or which thou dost thy self to her, who hath done thee so much good? so many euils I say, the which thou mightest haue remedied, either by desiring lesse, or by desiring more wisely, or at least, by bringing in thy de­sires at length into some cōpasse? Nay, nay: thou needest no other punishment thē thine own practises. They are thy tor­ment. Poore soule, thou art almost forty yeres old, & yet da­rest thou not take vpō thee the name of a king: whē wilt thou bring it to passe? Thinkest thou to make easily an end of those which can barre thee from thy vaine hope? For these thirtie yeares, men haue lost their labor in making war against thē. I wil abate thee ten vpon the bargaine, thou hast yet twentie left. What a king art thou like to be at those yeres end, being 60. yeares old? Thou hast bin heard scoffing at the cardinall of Bourbon, whom thou hadst perswaded to haue been one at that age: scarce wilt thou come sooner to it, & yet must many things come well to passe for [...]hee. Thou wilt ouerthrow the [Page 52] king of Nauarre (a vaine labour, I am sure both for thee and thy children) dreame rather to saue thy selfe from him: his clawes are greater than thine: but I grant it, thou shalt ouer­throw him: and it were so, how wilt thou do to raigne? If after his ouerthrow France lyeth open to the spoyle, as it can hardly choose: art thou stronger then the king of Spaine? hast thou more right than he hath? More than the Duke of Sauoy, who is sonne vnto a daughter of France, and nearer of bloud than thou, & is married also vnto a daughters daugh­ter of France? More than the Duke of Lorraines sonne thine elder, the sonne likewise of a daughter of France, and the kings Nephew. If contrariwise the estate be kept whole and found, howe wilt thou lawfullie take away the right from the Catholike Princes of the bloud which shalbe remaining, who are yet in number enough, and young enough to liue as long as thou, except thou shortnest their liues? More­ouer, before all this commeth to passe, who can perswade thee, that the king who reigneth now, will not keepe thee from reigning? thou canst not so long as hee shall liue: thy first blowes must beginne with him (that canst thou do well enough) thou must make him awaie: for he hindreth thee tenne thousand times more than the king of Nauarre: and except this bee thy first intent, thou hast no iudgement in thy practises. For thou canst not possibly, whilest he is a­liue, bee a king, neither continue long so, in taking the course that thou dooest: but thou purposest to reigne. What then poore wretch, except this bee it that driueth thee on? except some great and mightie ambition dooth puffe vp thy minde, such a one as sometimes possessed either Marius, Sylla, or Caesar, thou shouldest be accursed enough heereafter, for hauing wrought so much mischiefe in the worlde to no ende. Ambition is the plague of humaine so­cietie: notwithstanding, it hath alwayes most gloriouslie set foorth by manie and woorthie deedes all such as haue beene possessed with all. Let vs blame ambitious men, yet doo wee admire them. If thou canst beare so woorthie a minde, as to looke for a kingdome, there will bee found heereafter some bodie that will saie, that thou wert woor­thie to haue beene borne a king, sith thou couldest vn­dertake [Page 53] to haue beene one. Such mischieues and calami­ties as thou must needes breede, to bring it to passe, shall not be paraduenture imputed vnto thee: but it shall be said, that fortune would by these meanes make thy comming notori­ous, that thou wert too great to come foorth by an ordina­rie gate, and that thou must needes haue ruines to receiue the and make thee roome. Nec aliam venturo fata Ner [...]ni in­uenere viam. Thou shalt also be found fault withall: but many that shall finde fault with thee will wish to be like vnto thee: otherwise thou wretch, if vpō a villainous mind thou hast no other end of the euill which thou doest, then to hinder the benefite and quietnesse of all the world; what will our poste­ritie say of thee? who amongest them will not call thee the scourge of our age? But seeing thou canst not be king, thou hast no minde to be it: it is enough for thee to trouble and diuide our estate, to the end thou maist keepe the better part for thy selfe. Thou shewest thy selfe yet more wretched. Had not God endued thee with sufficient vertue for to deserue an honorable portion at their handes, to whom all by right doth belong, who would haue beene alwaies so glad to haue thee about them as their kinsman, as thou art: and in steede of a good and profitable seruant as thou mightest haue bin? Hadst thou not rather haue beene beholding to thy Prince for thy good, in bestowing thy seruice vppon thy countrie, then to a forraine Prince in ouerthrowing it quite? Marke what thou doest: thy father, and thy grandfather haue al­lotted vnto the king of Spaine, his part in Italy: and thou wouldest allot him it in France: Sic ne patrissas? Yet is not this all? What then? The onely zeale vnto the catholike religion doth kindle thy heart? Thou saiest it (I beleeue) in the face of the world, not in thy Closet: nay I am afraid, except thou vsest shortly other maner of termes, least thou repentest to haue driuen thy king out of Paris. He is not an heretike, no [...] but he is a king. Whosoeuer shall be it, either in deede, or possibilitie, he is thine enimie. Thou wilt make it knowen at length, that it is onely for that that thou medlest with the king of Nauarre, and that thou art more gelous ouer his possibilitie then his conscience: I beleeue it well. And if so be it were that he would suffer thee to be king, thou wouldst [Page 54] easily grant him to be a Hugnonet. It is thy zeale vnto reli­gion: good Lorde! What, to encrease it? There are yet so manie Turkes and Sarrasins aliue which keepe from thee thy kingdome of Ierusalem, belonging by inheritance to thy house: why doest thou not rather bende thy practises that way, then vpon the realme of France? To defende it? Tush, who dealeth with it? who durst say any thing against the Catholikes? My opinion then is, that thou shouldest per­swade vs that the wolues ought to take heede least the sheepe might surprise them, that Lions were best to mistrust the Deere. Thou saiest the verye same. Where there is one of the religion in France, there are a hundred Catholikes. If the king of Nauarre should take that course, as to persecute them during the kings life, he should be euill handled: if af­ter he should be worse receiued. Nay, alledge not these ex­cuses: men laugh at them. Say onely that thou wouldest reigne, thou wouldest be king: it is the truest and the best colour of thy Ensigne.

I will conclude at length, and in two or three wordes aunswere those Letters which thou hast spred abroad. Thou publishest first that thou wert the onelie man that diddest set forwarde the voyage of Guyenne, (Id est, against the king of Nauarre) to the which thou hast such a minde. But what needest thou to stirre vp an other? Why goest not thou thy selfe? Seeke out there either a victorie or an hono­rable death, as the Duke of Ioy [...]use did. Make offer vnto the king to go in thine owne person. Hee will take thee at thy woorde: carrie thither all thy friendes, all thy forces, he will encrease them with his owne. Carrie thither the fire of war, seeing it is there that thou shouldest finde thine enimies, and thou shalt finde them in deede. Why doest thou kindle it in Pycardis? is there any heretikes also there? I would to God that Caliis and Bulloine were as well minded towardes the king of Nauarre, as thou chargest them to be: thou shoul­dest bee kept well enough from quarrelling at Paris. Thou shouldest haue leasure enough to enclose thy selfe within Challons, and thinke vpon nothing else but thine owne de­fence. This is the matter. Thou wouldest that the king should leaue in thy handes the protection of France, and [Page 55] that hee should goe and make warre in thy quarrell in G [...] ­enne, that hee shoulde ouerthrowe thine enimie the king of Nauarre, that hee shoulde giue order vnto thy affaires, to the ende, that whilest hee shoulde there busie himselfe a­bout the beating of some sconce, thou mightest heere take some good towne from him: and vppon condition, that whensoeuer hee would returne, he should giue thee roome, as often as it shoulde please thee. I grant thee it: it is well and wisely considered of thee: but yet is hee wiser than thou art, in that hee will not doo so. Thou saiest that the Duke of Espernon fauoureth the Heretikes: all those that barre thee from beeing king are Heretikes, according vnto thy rec­koning: or at least, they fauour them. There will be then enough in the worlde, if God will. Thinke this to bee most sure, that if that man woulde haue had but the least intelligence of the worlde with the King of Nauarre, if hee had put into his hands euen the least of those townes which hee had in his power, or holpen him neuer so little with that commoditie of money that hee might haue hadde, there had not beene roome enough in France to haue hid­den thee: thou shouldest haue beene vndoone alreadie, I saie quite vndoone. Giue him thankes for thy preserua­tion, which his fidelitie hath purchased thee, to his owne cost and his masters. He is come, saiest thou, to seeke quar­relles in Pycardi [...], and in Normandie. What part hast thou in these two Prouinces? Of the one, my late lorde the Prince of Conde was gouernour: in his absence, there were Lieu­tenants from the king: of the other, the Duke of Ioyeuse was the like. Neither thou, nor any of thy kindred haue anie right vnto it.

But soft, I must needes excuse thee: thou wouldest reigne: all is lawfull for thee. Thou dooest complaine moreouer, that there haue beene slanders spredde abroade against thee, and thine honour, the which (thankes bee to God) thou hast blotted out by this latter facte of thine. Thou art a maruellous Oratour: surely it is true, thou hast well cleared thy selfe. Thou wert accused to haue stirred vp the people of certaine townes of this Realme, against such gouernours as the king would haue appointed. Thou [Page 56] hast taken this slander away, in raising vp them of Paris a­gainst the king himselfe. Thou wert blamed to haue seised vpon his money at Challons, at Rheymes, at Soyssons, and eue­rie where that thou setst thy foote. Thou hast purged thy self in taking that of his owne store in his chiefe towne. Thou wert suspected to haue certaine enterprises against the state, and to aspire vnto the crowne, & that to that purpose thou hadst alreadie seised on some good townes, which either thou or thy parents did hold, to the which the king woulde not haue obeyed. Thou hast put away this false report by thy personall comming to make thy selfe master of Paris, and driuing out of the king, after thou hadst forced, killed, and vnarmed his guard, and caused the common people to rise in armes against him. So that after this sort thou gallant­ly wipest away a theft with a sacrilege: a murder with a parri­cide: a sinne with a crime. Thy subtletie is too grosse. Thou triumphest, that thou durst come with eight Gentlemen in­to Paris, a token of thy pure innocency. These be great news. Be thou in Rochell with all thy new court, all thy traine, and all thy guard: the king of Nauarre will come in with foure men, and if going away thou doest not flie, hee will trouble thee. This is easie to be said in Britaine: but those that know that all the kinges councell stand for thee, that his mother fauoureth thee, that all the pickquarrels, all the porters of Paris, and all the common people are at thy becke: they will say that thy simplicitie was verie craftie, thy innocencie much suspected. How wilt thou haue vs to beleeue that thou hast trusted so gently vnto the king, seeing that after the League was made, when you made your worthie agree­ment at S. Mor, thou wouldest neuer come to him before that thou wert as strong as hee, seeing that whilest hee hath beene in his armie against the Reyters, thou neuer hast set thy foote towards him, sauing once when thou diddest sur­prise him, and that but a quarter of an houre. Nay, beleeue mee: it is thy occupation to worke such feares, but not to excuse them: thou canst better doo the one then the other. It is plaine enough, seeing thou vauntest thy selfe, that thou mightest haue retained thy king, against his will. Ah, what saiest thou, thou stranger? retaine a king of France? It is all [Page 57] that Europe being confederated were able to doo: it is the enterprise of an Emperour, yet a verie dangerous one. If thy Grandfather had thought, that thou wouldest euer haue pronounced these words, he would haue smothered vp thy father, to let thee from comming into the world: in a peace­able estate, in a quiet realme, that worde onely would haue cost thee thy head. That is likewise the reason why thou trou­blest it.

As for the rest of thy publike letter, all the wordes of it are too plaine, too well set downe to be found fault withall. Whilest thou makest a discourse of thy valour, they shewe what is thine intent better than any man can do. I will onely note the end of it, where thou saiest, that thou hast seised vp­on the Bastille, the Arsenall, and other publike places, the kinges Coffers and Exchequor, to surrender all againe into his Maiesties handes well pacified, as thou hopest to bring to passe by the Popes intercession, and other the Princes of Christendome: if not, with the same helpes thou wilt trie to reskue the Catholikes out from the persecution of those that are about him, and fauour the heretikes. What a braue dilemma is this. I beleeue, thou meanest not by pacified, peaceable or appeased, but in such state as that he be not a­ble to make warre against thee: which thou hopest to pro­cure by the forces and helpes of Spaine, and Italie: that is the intercession which thou meanest. And in fine, thou meane and simple subiect denouncest war against thy king. Others endure it, thou beginnest it. If the late Emperor had but said so much to his father, all Christendome woulde haue beene vp in armes, both of one side, and other, vpon this worde. If God also stirre vp his heart, I hope it will be thy last.